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I
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DowcdDyGoOgIC
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
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THE
STANDARD EDITION OF THE HISTOMANS.
ROBERTSON'S WORKS :
IN NINE VOLUMES. VOL. II.
SCOTLAND.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
WORKS
WILLIAM ROBERTSON, D.D.
WITH AN AaX)UNT OF
HIS LIFE AND WRITINGS.
IN NINE VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
PUXTED ro& WHITMOKX AUD FEITM, CHARIMG CKOSS ; J. HEARHE, STBAHD ;
SKTTH AND ZLBER. roNCIIUSCH STREETi H. MOZIXT, DERBTi
AND K. KEENE, SUfiUIT.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
BOOK VI.
j^^^ The \meacpected blow, by wticb tiw regent
fKcuiMK was cat off, struck the king's party with the
Mg^Vt utmost oonstematlou. Elizabeth bewailed his
^^- death as the most fatal disaster which could
have befallen her kingdom ; and was iiusonsolable to a
degree that little suited her dignity. Mary!s adherents
exulted, as if now her restoration were not only certaiUj
but near at hand. The infamy of the crime naturally
fell on those who expressed such indecent joy at the
conunission of it ; and as the assaswi made his escape
on a horse which belonged to lord Claud Hamilton, and
fled directly to Hamilton, where he was received in .tri-
iunpb« it wasconcluded that the regent had Mien a sacri-
fice t» the resentment of the queen's par^, rather than
to the revenge of a private man. On the day after the
mttrder,.Scott of BuccleughandKer ofFemiherst,both
zealous abettors of the queen's cause, entered ^England
ina hostile mannei;. asdplmidered .and burnt the coun-
tiy, the inhabitants of which expected no such outrage.
If the regent had been alive, they would scarce have
veotured on such an irreguUr incursion, nor could it
well J}ave happened so soon after his death, unless they
had been privy to the crime.
This was not the only irregularity to which the an-
archy that tcdlowed the regent's death gave occasion.
During such general confusion, men hoped for univer-
sal impuni^, and broke out into excesses of every kind.
VOL. II. B
Google
2 SCOTLAND. [1570.
siepi -A^ ■'* ^^ impossible to restrain these without
™rT *^ * settled form of government, a convention of
eifcUDg the nobles was held, in order to deliberate con-
npni! ceming the election of a regent. The queen's
Feb. u. adherents refused to be present at the meeting,
and protested against its proceedings. The king's own
party was irresolute and divided in opinion. Maitland,
whom Kirkaldy had set at liberty, and who obtained
from the nobles then assembled a declaration acquitting
him of the crime which had been laid to his charge, en-
deavoured to bring about a coalition of the two parties,
by proposing to admit the queen to the joint adminis-""
tration of government with her son, Elizabeth, adher-
ing to her ancient system with regard to Scottish affairs,
la:boured, notwithstanding the solicitations of Mary's
friends,' to multiply, and to perpetuate the factions,
which tore in pieces the kingdom. Randolph, whom she
dispatched into Scotland on the first news of tiie regent's
death, and who was her usual agent for such services,
found all parties so exasperated by mutual injuries, and
so full of irreconcilable rancour, that it cost him littie
trouble to inflame their animosity. The convention
broke up without coming to any agreement; and anew
meeting, to which the nobles of all parties were in-
vited, was appointed on the 1st of May.''
A eraiiiion Meantime, Maitland and Kirkaldy, who still
of PBriiM continued to acknowledgce the kind's authority,
atteiDpted ■ . * ° - r •"
id laiD. were at the utmost pains to restore som6 degree
of harmony among their countrymen. They procured
for this purpose an amicable conference among the lead-
ers of the two factions. But while the one demanded
the restoration of the queen, as the only thing which
could re-establish the public tranquillity; while the.
other esteemed the king's authority to be so sacred,
that it was, on no account, to be called in question or
impaired ; and neither of them would recede in the least
> Sre Appendii, No. XXXIV- >> Crawr.Mem. 131. CaM. ii. 157.
Google
1570.1 BOOK VI, 3
point from their opinions, they separated without any
prospect of concord. Both' were rendered more averse
from reconcilement, by the hop&of foreign aid. "An
envoy arrived from France with promises of powerful
succour to the queen's adherents; and as the civil wars
in that kingdom seemed to be on the point of terminat-
ing in peace, it was expected that Charles would soon
be at liberty to fulfil what he promised. On the other
hand, the earl of Sussex was assembling a powerful
army on the borders, and its operations could not fail
of adding spirit and strength to the king's party.'
QtLttu't Though the attempt towards a coalitibn of
™™i(in *^® factions proved ineffectual, it contributed
ofEdin- somewhat to moderate or suspend their rage;
but they soon began to act with their usual vio-
lence. Morton, the most vigilant and able leader on
the king's side, solicited Elizabeth to interpose, widi-
out delay, for the safety of a party so devoted to her
interest, and which stood so much in need of her assist-
ance. The chiefs of the queen's faction, assembling at
Linlithgow, marched thence to Edinburgh ; and
^ Kirkaldy, who was both governor of the casde
and provost of the town, prevailed on the citizens,'
though with some difficulty, to admit them within the
gates. Together with Kirkaldy, the earl of Athol and
Maitland acceded almost openly to their party.;' and
the duke and lordHerries, having recovered their liberty
by Kirkaldy's favour, resumed the places which they
bad formerly held in their councils . Encouraged by the
acquisition of persons so illustrious ,by their birfli, or
so eminent for their abilities, they.' published a procla-
mation, declaring their intention to support the queen's
authority, and seemed resolved not to leave the city be-
fore the meeting of the approaching convention, in which,
by their numbers and influence, they did not doubt of
s^niring a majority^ of voices on their side.'
'Cnwf. Mem. 134. ' Ibid. 137. Ctld. i
B 2
Google
4 SCOTLAND. [1570.
EadeaniDT At the Same time they had formed a design
iheTwioQ of kindling war between the two kingdoms.
wiihT' ^^ *^®y could engine them in hoatilities, and
lud. revive their ancient emulation and antipathy*
they hoped, not only to dissolve a confederacy of great
advantage to the king's cause, but to reconcile their
countrymen to the queen, Elizabeth's natural and most
dangerous rival. With diis view they had, imnsedi-
ately after the murder of the regent, prompted Scott and
Ker to commence hostilities, asd had since instigiUed
them to continue and extend their depredations. As
Elizabeth foresaw, on the one hand, the dangerous con-
sequences of rendering this a national quarrel; and
resoWed, on liie other, not to sufier such an insult on
her govemment to pass with im^Hinity ; she issued a
proclamation, declaring that she imputed the outrages
which had been committed on the b<»ders not to the
Scottish nation, but a few desperate and ill-designing
persons; that, with the fonner, she was resolved to
maintain an invioli^le friendi^ip, whereas the duty
whichshe owed to her own subjects obliged her to chas-
tise the licentiousness of ike latter.* Sussex and Scrope
accordingly entered Scotland, the one on the east, the
other on the west bcffders, and laid waste the adjacent
countries with fire and sword.^ Fame magnified the
number and progress of their troops, and Mary's adhe-
rents, not thinking themselves safe in Edinburgh, the
inhabitants whereof were ill-a£Gected to their cause,
retired to Linlithgow. Tho'e, by a public pro-
clamation, they asserted the queen's authori^,
and forbade giving obedience to any but the duke, ot
l^e earls of Argyle and HuBidy, whom she had consti-
tuted her lieutoifmts in the kingdota.
^^* The nobles who continued iaithiiil to the
wrEdm- king, tiiough coauderably weakened by the de-
if^i. fectionof somany of Iheir friends, assee&bledat
Google
15700 BOOK VI. &
Edinbargfa on the day appointed. They issued a
connter-proclamation, declaring such as appeared for
the- queen enemies of their country; and charging
them irith the mcrder both of the late king and of the
regent. They could not, however, presume so much
on their own strength as to venture either to elect a re-
gent, or to take the field gainst the queen's party ; but
the assistance which they received from Elizabeth,
enabled them to do both. By her order Sir William
Drury marched into Scotland, witti a thousand foot and
three hundred horse; the king's adherents joined him
with a considerable body of troops, and advancing
towards Glasgow, where the adverse party had already
begunhostilitiesbyattackingthe castle, they forced them
to retire, plundered the neighbouring country, which be-
longed to lieHamiltons,and, after seizing some of their
castles, and rasing others, returned to Edinbui^h.
Hotiin Under Drury's protection, the earl of Lennox
b£^"on. returned into Scotiand. It was natural to com-
^^^^^ mit the government of the kingdom to him
(hem. during the minority of his grandson. Hie illus-
trious birth, and alliance with the royal family of Eng-
land, as well as of Scotland, rendered him worthy of
that honour. His resentment against Mary being im-
placable, and his estate lying in England, and his fa-
mily residing there, Elizabeth considered him as a man,
who, both from inclination and from interest, would act
in concert with her, and ardently wished that he might
succeed Murray in the office of regent. But on many
accounts, she did not think it prudent to discover her -
own sentiments, or to favour his pretensions too openly.
The civil wars in France, which had been excited
partly by real and partly by pretended zeal forreligion,
and carried on with a fierceness that did it real dis-
honour, appeared now to be on the point of coming to
an issue ; and after shedding the best blood, and wast-
ing the richest provinces in the kingdom, both parties
SCOTLAND. [1570.
desired peace with an ardour that facilitated the nego-
tiations which were carryingon for thatpurpose. Charles
IX. was known to be a passionate admirer of Mary's
beauty. Nor could he, in honour, suffer a queen of
France, and the most ancient ally of his crown, to lan-
guish in her present cruel situation, without attenapting
to procure her relief. He had hitherto been obliged to
satisfy, himself with remonstrating, by his ambassadors,
against the indignity with which she had been treated.
But if he were once at full liberty to pursue his inclina-
tions, Elizabeth would have every thing to dread from
the impetuosity of his temper and the power of his arms.
It therefore became necessary for her to act with some
reserve, and not to appear avowedly to countenance the
choice of a regent, in contempt of Mary's authority.
The jealousy and prejudices of the Scots required no
less management. Had she openly supported Lennox's
claim ; had she recommended him to tiie convention, as
the candidate of whom she approved ; this might have
roused the independent spirit of the nobles, and by too
plain a discovery of her intention, she might have de-
feated its success. For these reasons she hesitated long
and returned ambiguous answers to all the messages
which she received from the king's party. A more ex-
plicit declaration of her sentiments was at last obtain-
ed, and an event of an extraordinary nature seems to
have been the occasion of it. Pope Pius V. having
issued a bull, whereby he excommunicated Elizabeth,
deprived her of her kingdom, and absolved her subjects
from their oath of allegiance, Felton, an Englishman^
bad the boldness to affix it on the gates of the bishop
of London's palace. In former ages, a pope, moved by
his own ambition, or pride, or bigotry, denounced this
fatal sentence against the most'powerful monarchs ; but
as the authority of the court of Rome was now less re-
garded, its proceedings were more cautious ; and it was
only when they were roused by some powerful prince',
r,on7<-i.i Google
1570.] BOOK VI. 7
that the thunders of the'church were ever heard. EUza-
betii, therefore, imputed this ste[)> which the pope had
taken, to a corabination of the Roman Catholic princes
against her, and suspected that some plot was formed in
favour of the Scottish queen. In that event, she knew
that the safety of her own kingdom depended on pre-
serving her influence in Scotland ; and in order to
strengthen this, she renewed her promises of protecting
the king's adherents, encouraged them to proceed to
the election "of a regent, and even ventured to point out
the earl of Lennoi'as the person who had the best title.
That honour was accordingly conferred upon him, in a
convention of the whole party, held on the 12th of Jiily.'
ijf„j^ax '^^ regent's first care was, to prevent the
elected meeting of the parliament, which the queen's
party had summoned to convene at Linlithgow.
Having effected that, be marched against the earl of
Huntly; Mary's lieutenant in the north, and forced the
garrison which he had placed in Brechin to surrender at
discretion. Soon after; he made himself master of some
of the castles. Imboldened by this successful beginning
of his administration, as well as by "the appearance
of a considerable army, with which the earl of Sussex
hovered on the borders, he deprived Maitland of his
office of secretary, and proclaimed him, the duke,
Huntly, and other leaders of the queen's party, traitors
and enemies of their country*; , ,
M«ry's«(i- In this desperate situation of their affairs, the
^'^ulie queen's adherents- had recourse to the king of
with Spain, gpajn^' with whom Mary had held a close cor-
respondence ever since her confinement in England.
They prevailed on the duke of Alva to send two of
his officers to take, a view of the country, and to ex-
amine its coasts and harboiirs; and obtained from them
a small supply of money and arms, whi<^ were sent to
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
SCOTLAND. [1570,
ibe eari of Huntly.'' But tbis aid, so dUpropor-
^^"f ' tionate to their exigeftcies^ would have availed
MMmno- them little. They were indebted for their safety
betwecb to a treaty which Elizabeth was carrying on,
berTn^ undet colour of restoring &c captive queen to
^°^' her throne. The first steps in Hda negotiation
hftd been taken in the month of May ; but hitherto lit*
tie progress was made in it. The peace concluded be-
tween the RomaD CatholicB and Hugonots in France,
tmd her apprehen^ons that Charl«r would interpose
with vigour in bc^lf of his sister-in-law, quifiened
Elizabeth's motions^ She affected to treat her pridon^
with more indulgence, she listened more graciously to
the solicitations of foreign ambassadors in her favour,
and seemed tully determined to replace her on the
throne of her ancestors. As a proof of her sincerity,
she laboured to procure a cessation of arms between
the two contending Actions in Scotland. Lennox,
elated with the good fortune which had hitherto attend-
ed his administration, and flattering himself with an easy
triumph over enemies whose estates were wasted, and
their forces dispirited, refused for some time to come into
this measure. It Was not safe for him, however, to dis-
pute the will of his protectress. A cessation of hostili-
ties during two months, to commence onthe3d of Sep-
tember, was agreed upon ; and, being renewed from time
to time, itcontinued^till thcilst of April next year.'
Soon after, Elizabeth dispatched Cecil and Sir Wal-
ter Mildmay to the queen of Scots. The dignity of
these ambassadors, the former her prime minister, the
latter chancellor of the exchequer, and one of her ablest
counsellors, convinced all parties that the negotiation
was serious, and the hour (rf Mary's liberty was now
approaching. The propositions which they made to
her were advantageous to Elizabeth* but such as a
prince in Mary's situation had reason to expect. The
^ Anden. Ul itt. Cnwf. Mem. 153. ■ apouw. t43.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
le/ro.} BOOK VI. g
ratification of the treaty of Edmlnirgb; the renoundimr
sny pretensions to the English crown, during Eliza-
beth's own life, or that of her poaf erity ; the adhering
to ^e alliance between the two kingdoms ; the pardon-
ing her subjects who had taken arms against herj and
her promising to hold no correspondence, and to coun-
tenance no enterprise, that might disturb Elizabeth's
government; were among the chief articles. By way
of security for Ihe accomplishment of these, they de-
manded that some persons of rank should be given as
hostage, that the prince, her son, should reside in Eng-
land, and that a few castles on the border should be put
into Elizabeth's hands. To some of these propositicms
Mary consented; some she endeavoured to mitigate;
and others she attempted to evade. In the mean time,
she transmitted copies oi them to the pope, to the kings
<^ France and Spain, and to the duke of Alva. She in-
sinuated, that without some timely and vigorous inter-
position in her behalf, she would be obliged to accept
of these hard conditions, and to purchase liberty at any
price. But the pope was a distant and feeble cdly, and
by his great efforts at this time against tiie Turks, his
freasury was entirely exhausted. Charles had already
begun to meditate that conspiracy against the Hugo-
uots, which marks his reign with such infamy; and it
required much leisure, and perfect tranquillity, to bring
that execrable plan to maturity. Philip was employed
in fitting out that fleet which acquired so much renown
to the Christian arms, by the victory over the infidels
at Lepanto; the Moors in Spain threatened an insur-
tection; and his subjects in the Netherlands, provoked
by much oppression and many indignities, were break-
ing out into open rebellion. All of them, for these dif-
ferent reasons, advised Mary, without depending on
their aid, to conclude the trea^ on the best terins she
could procure."
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
10 SCOTLAND. [1570.
Eii^ Mary accordin^y consented to many of Eli-
beth'aar- xabeth's demands, and discovered a facility of
the con- disposition, which promised still farther conces-
sions. But no concession she could have made,
would have satisfied Elizabeth, who, in spite of her re-
peated professions of sincerity to foreign ambassadors,
and, notwithstanding the solemnity with which she car-
ried on the treaty, had no other object in it, than to
amuse Mary's allies, and to gain time." After having
so long treated a queen, who fled to her for refuge, in so
ungenerous a manner, she could not now dismiss her
with safety. Under all the disadvant^es of a rigorous
confinement, Mary had found means to excite commo-
tions in England, which were extremely formidable.
"What desperate efFectsof her just resentment might be
expected, if she were set at liberty, and recovered her
former power? What engagements could bind her
not to revenge the wrongs which she had suffered, nor
to take advantage of the favourable conjunctures that
might present themselves? Was it possible for her to
give such security for her behaviour, in times to come,
as might remove all suspicions and fears? And was
there not good cause to conclude, that no future bene-
fits could ever obliterate the memory of past injuries?
It was thus Elizabeth reasoned; though she continued
to act as if her views had been entirely different. She
appointed seven of her privy-counsellors to be com-
missioners for settling the articles of the treaty; and, as
Mary had already named the bishops of Ross and Gal-
loway, and lord Livingston, for her ambassadors, she
required the regent to empower proper persons to ap-
.pear in behalf of the king. The earl of Mortonli
Pitcairn abbot- of Dunfermline, and Sir James
Macgill, were the persons chosen by the regent. They
prepared for their journey as slowly as Elizabeth herself
could have wished. At length they arrived at Lon-
" Digget, Compl. Amb. 78.
DowcdDyGoOgIC
1571.] BOOK VI. Jl
don, and met the commissioDeTS of the two
queens. , Mary's ambassadors . discovered the
strongest inclination to comply with every thing that
would, remove the obstacles which stood in the way of
their mistress's liberty. But when Morton and his as-
sociates were called upon to vindicate their conduct,
and to explain the sentiments of (heir party, they be-
gan, in justification of their treatment of the queen,
to advance such maxims concerning the limited pow-
ers of princes, and the natural right of subjects to
resist and to control them, as were extremely shocking
to Elizabeth, whose notions of regal prerogative, as has
been formerly observed, were very exalted. With re-
gard to the authority which the king now possessed,
they declared they neither had, nor could possibly re-
ceive instructions, to consent to any treaty that tended
to subvert, or even to impair it in the least degree."
Nothing could be more trifling and ridiculous, than
such a reply from the commissioners of the king of
Scots to the queen of England. His party depended ab-
solutely on her protection ; it was by persons devoted
to her he had been seated on the throne, and to her
power he owed the continuance of his reign. With the
utmost ease she could have brought them to hold very
different language; and whatever conditions she might
have thought fit to subscribe, they would have had no
itpioves other choice but to submit. This declaration, how-
fraiifew. gyg].j she affected to consider as an insuperable
difficulty ; and finding that there was no reason to dread
any danger from the French king, who had not disco-
vered that eagerness in support of Mary which was es-
oected, the reply made by Morton furnished her
Mafth Si *^ .^i . '^ '' c ^J \ X 4,1.
with a pretence tor putting a stop to the nego-
tiation, Until the regent should send ambassadors with
more ample powers. .Thus, after being amused for ten
months with the hopes of liberty, the unhappy queen
•>Cdd. 0.934- DlggM, 51. H«;aei, 523, 5!4.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
18 SCOTLAND. [1571.
of Scots remained under stricter custody than ever,
and without any prospect of escaping irpm it; while
those subjects who still adhered to her were exposed,
without ally or protector, to the rage of enemies, whom
their success in this negotiation rendered still more in-
solent ''
On the d^y after the expiration c^ the truce^
'ri^e'd^ which had been observed with litde exactnesB
tha regenL QD either side, captain Crawford of Jordan-
hill, a gallant and enterprising officer, performed a
service of great importance to the regent, by surprising
the castle of Dambarttm.' This was the only fortified
place in the kingdom, of which the queen had kept
possession ever since the commencement of the civil
wars. Its situation, on the top of a high and almost
inaccessible rock, which rises in the middle of a plain,
rendered it extremely strong, and, in the opinion of
that age, impregnable ; as it commanded the river
Clyde, it was of great consequence, and was deemed
the most proper place in the kingdom for landing any
foreign troops that might come to Mary's aid. The
strength of the place rendered lord Fleming, the go-
vernor, more secure than be ought to have been, con-
sidering its importance. A soldier who had served in
the garrison, and had been disgusted by some ill-usage,
proposed the scheme to the regent, endeavoured to
demonstrate that it was practicable, and offered him-
self to go the foremost man on the enterprise. It was
thought prudent to risk any danger for so great a prize.
Scaling-ladders, and whatever else might be necessary,
were prepared with the utmost secrecy and dispatch.
All the avenues to the castle were seized, that no in-
telligence of the design might reach the governor.
Towards evening Crawford marched from Glasffow
with a small but determined band. By midnight they
arrived at the bottom of the rock. The moon was set,
' Anden. Hi. 91, &c.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc.
1571.] BOOK VI. 13
and the sky, vhich had hitherto been extremely clear,
was covered with a thick fog. It was where the rock
was hig^hest that the assailants made their attempt, be-
cause in that place there were few sentinels, and they
hoped to find them least alert The first ladder was
scarcely fixed, when the weight and eagerness of those
who mounted brought it to the ground. None of the
assailants were hurt by the fall, and none of the garri-
son alarmed at the noise. Their guide and Crawford
scrambled up the rock, and fastened the ladder to the
roots of a tree which grew in a cleft. This place they
all reached widi the utmost difficulty, but were still at
a great distance from the foot of the wall. Their lad-
der was made fiast a second time; but in tiie middle of
the ascent, they met with an unforeseen difficulty.
One of iheir companions was seized with some sadden
fit, and dimg, seemingly without life, to ite ladder.
All were at a stand. It was impossible to pass hhn.
To tumble hi m headlong was cruel; and might occa^
BIOS a diacoTery. But Crawford's presence of mind
did not forsake him. He ordered the soldier to be
bound fast to the ladder, that he might not &il when
tiie fit was over; and turning the other side of tbe
ladder, they mounted with ease over his belly. Day
DOW began to break, and th^re still remained a high wall
to scale; but after snnoounting so many great difficul-
ties, this was soon accomplished. A sentry observed
the first m^ who appeared on the parapet, and had
juat time to give the alarm, before be was knocked on
the head. The officers and soldiers of the g^orison
ran out naked, unarmed, and more solicitous about
their own safety, than capable of making resistance.
The assailants rushed forward, with repeated shoots,
and widi the utmost fury; took possession of the
nnigsziae ; seized the cacmon, and turned them against
their enemies. Lord Fleming got into a small boat,
and fled all alone into Argyleshire. Crawford, in re-
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
14 SCOTLAND. [1571.
ward of. his valour and good conduct, remained master
of the castle ; and as he did not lose a single man in
the enterprise, he enjoyed his success with unmixed
pleasure. Lady Fleming, Verac the French envoy, and
Hamilton archbishop of St Andrew's, were the pri-
soners of greatest distinction.''
Archbi»bop Verac's character protected him from the
rf St An- usage which he merited by his activity in
to deethb; Stirring up enemies against the king. The re-
gent treated the lady with great politeness and
humanity. But a very different fate awaited the
archbishop ; he was carried under a strong guard to
Stifling; and as he had formerly been attainted by act
of parliament, he was, without any formal trial, con-
demned to be hanged; and, on the fourth day after be
was taken, the sentence was executed. An attempt
■WBS made to convict him of being accessary to the
murder both of the king and regent, but these accusa-
tions were supported by no proof. Our historians
observe, that he was the first bishop in Scotland, who
died by the hands of the executioner. The high of-
fices he had enjoyed, both in church and state, ought to
have exempted him from a punishment inflicted only
on the lowest criminals. But his zeal for the queen,
his abilities, and his profession, rendered him odious
and formidable to the king's adherents. Lennox hated
him as' the person by whose counsels the reputation
and power of the house of Hamilton were supported;
Party-rage and personal enmity dictated that indecent
sentence, for which some colour was sought, by im-
puting to him such odious crimes."'
Kirkaidj The loss of Dumbarton, and the severe
cwuS'lrf*''* treatment of the archbishop, perplexed no les^
Edinbuigh than they enraged the queen's party ; and bos-
qneen'i tiUties Were renewed with all the fierceness'
"""*' which disappointment and indignation can in-
1 Bucb. 394. ' Spotiwood, !H.
r,on7<-i.i Google.
1571.] BOOK VI. 15
spire. •Kirkaldy, whg, during the truce, had taken care
to increase the number of his garrison, and to provide
every thing necessary for his defence, issued a procla-
mation declaring Lennox's authority to be unlawfiil
and usurped ; commanded all who favoured his canse
.to leave the town within six hours; seized the arms
belonging to the citizens; planted a battery on the
steeple of St. Giles's, repaired the walls, and fortified
the gates of the cily ; and, though the afTections of the
inhabitants leaned a different way, held out the metro-
polis against the regent. The duke, Huntly, Home,
Herries, and other chiefs of that faction, repaired to
Edinburgh with their followers ; and having received
a small sum of money and some ammunition from
France, formed no contemptible army within the walls.
On the other side, Morton seized Leith and fortified it;
and the regent joined him with a considerable body of .
men. While the armies lay so near each other, daily
skirmishes happened, and with various success. The
queen's party was not strong enough to take the field
against' ^e regent, nor was his superiority so great as
to undertake the siege of the castle or of the town.'
Bothpst- Some time before Edinburgh fell into the
^'i^}^ hands'ofhis enemies, the regent had summoned
"=""■■ a parliament to meet in that place. In order
to prevent any objection against the lawfulness of the
meeting, the members obeyed the proclamation as ex-
„ actly as possible, and assembled in a house at
the head of the Cannongate, which, though
without the walls, lies within the liberties of the city.
Kirkaldy exerted himself to' the utmost to interrupt their
meeting; but they were so strongly guarded, that all
efforts were vain. They passed an act attainting
Maitland and a few others, and then adjourned to the
28th of August' ■ *
The other party, in order that their proceedings might
■ Cald. ii. 333, &«. " • Ci«wf. Mera. 177.
Google
16 SCOTLAND. 11571.
be countenanced by the same show of leg:^ au£bc»i^,
held a meeting of parliament soon afiter. Th»% vfa$
produced in this assembly a dedaratton by the queen
oftheinvalidity of that deed whereby she had resigittd
the crown, and consented to the coronation of her son.
Conformable to this declaration, an act was passed pro-
nonncing the resignation to have been extorted by fear;
to be null in itself, and in all its consequences ; asd
enjoining all good subjects to acknowledge the quei»i
alone to be their lawful sovereign, and to support those
who acted in her name. The present establishment
of the Protestant religion was confirmed by another
sliaitute; and, in imitation of the adverse party, a new
meeting w^ appointed on the 26th of August."
lOenbie Meanwhile all the mif^ries of civil war de-
"f°^f " solated the kingdom. Fellow-citizens, firiends,
Ungdou. i^oAers, took different sides, and ranged tbem-
selves under the standards of the contending factions.
In every county, and almost in eveiy town and village,
kite's men and queen's men wia« names erf distmetion.
Political hatred dissolved all natural ti^ and extin-
guished the reciprocal good-will and confidence which
holds mankind together in society. Religious zeal
mingled itsdif with these civil distincticau, and con-
tributed not a little to heighten and to inflaane them.
State of I'lic factions which divided the lui^tHn were,
fscaoiw. jjj appeanuMe, only two; but in both these
there were persons with views and principles so dif-
ferent from each other, that they oaght to be dis-
tinguished. With some, considerationsiif'rdigiDn were
predominant, and they either adhered io -&e queen,
because they hoped by her meanslo re-establish Popery,
or they defended the king's authority, as the best sup-
port of lite Protestant faath. Among these the oppo-
sition was violent and irreconcilable. Others were
influenced by political motives only, or allured by views
■ Cnwf. Mem. 177.
r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google
1S71.] BOOK VI. 17
of mt^*e8t; the regent aimed at uniting these, and did
not despair of gaining, by gentle arts, many of Mary's
adherents to acknowledge the ting's authority. Mait-
land and Kirkaldy had formed the same design of a
coalition, bnt on such terms that, the queen might be
restored to some share in the government, and the king-
dom shake off its dependence upon England. Morton,
the ablest, the most ambitious, and the most powerful
man of the king's party, held a particular course; and
moving only as he was prompted by the court of
England, thwarted every measure that tended towards a
reconcilement of the factions; and as he served Eliza-
beth with much fidelity, he derived both power and
credit from her avowed protection.
The time appointed by both parties for the meeting
of their parliaments now approaiched. Only three
peers and two bishops appeared in that which was held
in the queen's name at Edinburgh, But, contemptible
as their numbers were, they passed an act for attainting
upwards of two hundred of the adverse faction. The
meeting at Stirling was numerous and splendid. The
regent had prevailed on the earls of Argyle, Eglinton,
Cassils, and lord Boyd, to acknowledge the king's au-
thority. The three earls were among the most power-
ful noblemen in the kingdom, and had hitherto been
zealous in the queen's cause. Lord Boyd had been one
of Mary's ccanmissioners at York and Westminster,- and
since that time had been admitted into all her most se-
cret counsels. But, during that turbulent period, the
conduct of individuals, as well as the principles of fac-
tions, varied so often, that the sense of honour, a chief
preservative of consistence in character, was entirely
lost ; and, without any regard to decorum^ men sud-
denly abandoned one party," and adopted all the violent
passions of the other. The defection, however, of so
many persons of distinction, not only weakened the
queen's par^, but added reputation to her adversaries.
VOL. II. C
18 SCOTLAND. [1571.
The king's After the example of the parliament at Edin-
^^'(J," burgh, that at Stirling began with frami:^ acts
sdrUng. agaiHst the opposite faction. But in the midst
of all the security, whidl confidence' in their own num-
bers or distance from danger could inspire, they
were awakened early in the morning of Septem-
ber the third, by the shouts of the eneAy in the heart
of the town. In a mcMnent the houses of every prison
of distinction were surrounded, and before they knew
what to think of so strange an event, the regent, the
carls of Argyle, Morton, Glencaim, Cassils, Eglinton,
Montrose, Buchan, the lords Sempil, Cathcart, Ogilvie^
were all made prisoners, and mounted behind troopers,
who were ready to carry them to Edinburgh. Kirkaldy
was the author of this daring aiterprise ; and if he had
not been induced, by the ill-timed solicitude of his
friends about his safety, not to hazard his own person
in conducting it, that day might have terminated the
contest between- the two Actions, and have restored
peace to his country. By his direction four hundred
men, under the command of Huntly, lord Claud Hamil-
ton, and Scott of Buccleugh, set out from Edinbure;h,
and, the better to conceal their design, marched to-
wards the south. But they^'soon wheeled to the right,
and, horses having been provided for the infantry, rode
straight to Stirling. By four in the mwning they ar-
rived there; not one sentry was posted on the walls,
not a single man was awake about the place. They
met with no resistance from any person whom they at-
tempted to seize, except Morton. He defended his
house with obstinate valour; they were obliged to set
it on fire, and he did not surrender till forced out of it
by the flames. In perfonning this, some time was con-
sumed; and the private men, unaccustomed to regular
discipline, left their colours, and began to rifle the
houses and shops of the citizens. The noise and. up-
roar in the town reached the castle. The earl {^ Mar
1571.] BOOK VI. 19
sallied ont with thir^ soldiers; fired briskly upon the
enemy, of whom almost none bnt the officers kept to-
gether in a body. The townsmen took arms to assist
their governor ; a sudden panic struck the assailants ;
some fled, some surrendered themselves to their own
prisoners; and had not the borderers, who followed
Scott, prevented a pursuit, by carrying off all the horses
widtin the place, not a man would have escaped. If
Theregeni ^^ regent had not unfortunately' been killed,
^^"^ the loss on the king's side would have been as
inconsiderable as the alarm was great. ITiink on the
archbishop of St. Andrew's^ was the word among the
queen's soldiers; and Lennox fell a sacrifice to his
memory. The officer to whom he surrendered, en-
deavourir^ to protect him, lost his own life in his
<l^ence. He was siain, according to the general
opinion, by command of lord Claud Hamilton. Kirk-
aldy had die glory of concerting this plan with great
secrecy and prudence ; but Morton's fortunate obsti-
nacy, and the want of discipline among his troops,
deprived him of success, the only thing wanting to
render diis equal to the most applauded military enter-
prises of the kind.'
Hareho- ^^ ^*^ laway o( the nobles were assembled,
■«» regent, they proceeded without delay to the election of
a regent. Argyle, Morton, and Mar, were can-
didates for the office. Mar was chosen by a majority
of voices. Amidst all the fierce dissensions which had
prevailed so long in Scotland, he had distinguished
himself by his moderation, his humanity, and his dis-
interestedness. As his power was far inferior, to Ar-
gyle's, and his abilities not so great as Morton's, he
was, for these reasons, less formidable to the other
nobles. His merit, too, in having so lately rescued the
leaders of the party from imminent destruction, contri-
buted not a litde to his prefennent.
■ Mel*, tie. Crawf. Mem. iD4.
c2
.1 Google
20 SCOTLAND. [1671.
Proceed- While these things were carrying on in Scot-
b^'l". land, the transactions in England were no less
KtiMt interesting to Mary, and still more fatal to her
'^' cause. The parliament of that kingdom, which
met in April, passed an act, by which it was declared
to be high-treason to claim any right to the crown
during the life of the queen ; to affirm that the title
of any other peraon was better than' hers, or to main-
tain Aat the parliament had not power to settle and to
limit the order of succession. This remarkable statute
was intended not only for the security of their own so-
yereign, but to curb the restless and intriguing spirit of
the Scottish queen and her adherents.''
NmUge ^^ ^^ ^^^ ^ treaty of marriage between
^^'^ Elizabeth and the duke of Anjou, the French
Eiinbeth feiog's brother, was well advanced. Both courts
duke of seemed to desire it with equal ardour, and gave
■*"■'*'"■ out, with the utmost confidence, that it could not
£ail of taking place. Neither of them, however, wished
it success ; and they encouraged it for no other end,
but because it served to cover or to promote their par-
ticular designs. The whole policy of Catherine of Me-
dicis was bent towards the accomplishment of her de-
tes'table project for the destruction of the Hugonot
chiefs; and by carrying on a negotiation for the mar-
riage of. her son with a princess who was justly es-
teemed the protectress of that party, by yielding some
things in point of religion, and by discovering an in-
.difference with regard to others, she hoped to amuse
all the Protestants in Europe, and to lull asleep the jea-
lousy even of the Hugonots themselves. Elizabeth
flattered herself with reaping advantages of another
kind. During the dependence of the negotiation, the
French could not with decency give any open assistance
to the Scottish queen ; if they conceived any hopes of
success in the treaty of marriage, they would of course
> Ckind. 436.
r,on7<-i.iGoOglc
1571.] BOOK VI. 21
interest themselTes but coldly in her concenis ; Mary
herself must be dejected at losing an ally, whom she
had hitherto reckoned her most powerful protector ;
and, by interrupting her correspondence wi& France,
one source, at least, of the cabals and intrigues which
disturbed the kingdom would be stopt. Both queens
succeeded in their schemes. Catherine's artifices im-
posed upon Elizabeth, and blinded the Hugonots. The
French discovered the utmost indifference about the in-
terest of the Scottish queen ; and Mary, considering
that court as already united with her rival, turned for
protection with more eagerness than ever towards the
king of Spain.' Philip, whose dark and thoughtful
mind delighted in the mystery of iQtrigue, had held a
secret correspondence with Mary for some time, by
means of the bishop of Ross, and had supplied both
herself and her adherents in Scotland with small sums
of money. Ridolphi, a Florentine gentleman, who re-
sided at London under the character of a banker, and
who acted privately, as an agent for the pope, was the
person whom the bishop intrusted with this negotiation,
Norfoik'i Mary thought it necessaiy lik&wise to commu-
ta"£' nicate the secret to the duke of Norfolk, whom
of Marj, Elizabeth had - lately restored to liberty, upon
his solemn promise to have no &rther intercourse with
the queen of Scots. This promise, however, he regarded
Bo little, that he continued to keep a constant corre-
spondence with the captive qiieen ; while she laboured
to nourish his ambitious hopes, and to strengthen his
iunorous attachment by letters written in the fondest
caressing strain. Some of these he must have received
at the very time when he made that solemn promise of
holding no farther intercourse with her, in ctmsequence
of which Elizabeth restored him to liberty. Mary, still
considering him as her future husband, took no step in
any matter of moment without his advice. She early
* Viggts, 144. 148. Ctrnid. 434.
r,on7<-i.i Google
23 SCOTLAND. [1571.
commanicated to him her negotiations with Ridolphi ;
and, in a long letter, which she wrote to him in ci-
phers,* after complaining of the baseness with which the
French court had abandoned her interest, she declared
her intention of imploring the assistance of the Spanish
monarch, which was now her only resource ; and re-
commended Ridolphi to his confidence, as a person
capable both of explaining and advancing the scheme.
The duke commanded Hickford, his secretary, to deci-
pher, and then to bum this letter; but, whether he had
been already gained by the court, or resolved at that
time to betray bis master, he disobeyed the latter part
of the order, and hid the letter, together with other
treasonable papers, under the duke's own bed.
Ridolphi, in a conference with Norfolk, omitted none
of those arguments, and spared none of those promises,
which are the usual incentives to rebellion. The pope,
he told him, had a great sum in readiness to bestow io
so good a cause. The duke of Alva had undertaken
to land ten thousand men not far from London. The
Catholics, to a man, would rise in arms. Many of the
nobles were ripe for a revolt, and wanted only a leader.
Half the nation had turned their eyes towards him,
and called on him to revenge the unmerited injuries
which he bimfietf had suffered ; and to rescue an imfor-
tunate queen, who offered him her hand and her crown,
as the reward of his success. Norfolk approved of the
design, and though he refused to give Ridolphi any let-
ter of credit, allowed him to use his name in negotiat-
ing with the pope and Alva." The bishop of Ross,
who, from the violence of his temper, and impatience
to procure relief for his mistress, was apt to run into
rash and desperate designs, advised the duke to assem-
ble secretly a few of his followers, and at once to seize
Elizabeth's person. But this the duke rejected as a
> Hajnei, 597, 598. Hudir. Stale Papen, i. 190, &c. Digm's Compleal
Anbai. 147. * Asdcn. iii. 161.
Google
iWlJ BOOK VI. 23
Diuarend sckei&e equally wild and hazardous. Mean-
^'"^ while, the English court had received some im-
Angoit perfect information of tlie plot, by intercepting
one of Ridolphi's agents ; and an accident happened,
which brought to light all the circumstances of it. The
duke had employed Hickford to transmit to lord Ber-
ries some money, which was to be distributed among
Mary's friends in Scotland. A person not in the secret
was intrusted with conveying it to the borders, and he,
suspecting it from the weight to be .gold, whereas he
had beeai told that it was silver, carried it directly to
the privy-councO. The duke, his domestics, and all
who were privy, or could be suspected of being privy,
to the design, were taken into custody. Never did the
accomplices in a conspiracy discover less firmness, or
servantsbetrayanindulgent master with greater
baseness. Every one confessed the whole of
what he knew. Hickford gave directions how to find
the papers which he had hidden. The duke himself
relying at first on the fidelity of his associates, and be-
lieving all dangerous papers to have been destroyed,
confidently asserted his own innocence ; but when their
depositions and the papers themselves were produced,
astonished at their treachery, he acknowledged his
guilt, and implored the queen's mercy. His ofience
was too heinous, and too often repeated, to obtain par-
don ; and Elizabeth thought it necessary to deter her
subjects, by his punishment, from holding correspond-
ence with the queen of Scots, or her emissaries. Being
tried by his peers, he was found guilty of high-treason,
and, ailer several delays, suffered death for the crime."
The discovery of this conspiracy produced many
effects extremely detrimental to Mary's interest. The
bishop of Ross, who appeared, by the confession of all
concerned, to be the prime mover in every cabal against
Elizabeth, was taken into custody, bis papers searched,
' Anden. iii. 119. Stale Trials, 165.
r,on7<-i.iGoOglc
24 SCOTLAND. [1671.
himself committed to the Tower, treated with the utmost
rigour, threatened with capital punishment, and, after
a long conJinement, set at liber^, on condition that he
should leave the kingdom. Mary was not only de-
prived of a servant, equally eminent for his zeal and
his abilities, but was denied from that time the privi-
lege of having an ambassador at the English court
The Spanish ambassador, whom the power and dignity
of the prince he represented, exempted irom such in-
sults as Ross had suffered, was commanded to leave
England.*" As there was now the clearest evidence
that Mary, from resentment of the wrongs she had suf-
fered, and impatience of the captivity in which she was
held, would not scruple to engage in the most hostile
and desperate enterprises against the established go-
vernment and religion, she began to be r^arded as a
public enemy, and was kept untJer a stricter guard than
formerly ; the number of her domestics was abridged,
and no person permitted to see her, but in presence of
her keepers.'
Eiinbetb At the Same time, Elizabeth, foreseeing the
openly* stofm which was gathering on the continent
SS^°n'i''" against her kingdom, began to wish that tran-
v»j- quillity were restored in Scotland ; and irritated
by Mary's late attempt against heir government, she de-
termined to act without disguise or ambiguity, in favour
of the king's party. This resolution she intimated to
the leaders of both factions. Mary, she told
them, had held such a criminal correspondence
with her avowed enemies, and had excited such dan- .
gerous conspiracies both against her crown and her
life, that she would henceforth consider her as unworthy
of protection, and would never consent to restore her
to liberty, iar less to replace her on her throne. ' She
exhorted them, therefore, to unite in acknowledging
the king's authority. She promised to procure, by her
' Oiggu, 163. * Sirjpa, Ann. ii. 50.
Google
1571.] BOOK VI. 25
mediation, equitable terms for those who had hitherto
opposed it. But if they still continued refractory, she
threatened to employ her utmost power to compel them
to submit.^ Though this declaration did not produce
an immediate effect; though hostilities continued in the
neighbourhood of Edinburgh ; though Huntly's bro-
ther, Sir Adam Gordon, by his bravery and good con-
duct, had routed the king's adherents in the north in
many encounters ; yet, such an explicit discovery of
Elizabeth's sentiments contributed not a little to animate
one party, and to depress the spirit and hopes of the
other.*
137-^ As Morton, who commanded the regent's
' ^i^dl^ forces, lay at Leith, and Kirkaldy still held out
betveea the towu and castle of Edinburgh, scarce a day
passed without a skirmish ; and while bo^
avoided any decisive action, they harassed each other
by attacking small parties, beating up quarters, and ih-
tercepting convoys. These operations, though little
memorable in themselves, kept the passtoiLS of both fac-
tions in perpetual exercise and agitation, and wrought
them up, at last, to a degree of fiiry, which rendered
them regardless, not only of the laws of war, but of the
principles of humanity. Nor was it in the field alone,
and during the heat of combat, that this implacable rage
appeared ; both parties hanged the prisoners which they
topk, of whatever rank or quality, without mercy, and
without trial. Great numbers suffered in this shocking
manner; the unhappy victims were led, by fifties at a
time, to execution ; and it was not till both'sides had
smarted severely, that they discontinued this barbarous
practice, so reproachful to the character of the nation,''
Meanwhile, those in the town and castle, ' though they
had receivedasupply of money Irom the duke of Alva,*
began to suffer for want of provisions. As Morton had
Google
26 SCOTLAND. ' [1572.
destroyed all die miUs in the neighbourhood of the city,
and had planted small garrisons in all the houses of
strength around it, scarcity daily increased. At last
all the miseries of famine were felt, and they must have
been soon reduced to such extremities, as would have
forced them to capitulate, if the English and French
ambassadors had not procured a suspension of hostili-
ties between the two parties.*
i^gno Though the negotiation for a marriage be-
aJg^ tween Elizabeth and the duke of Anjou had
™ been fruitless, both Charles and she were desir-
ous of concluding a defensive alliance between
the two crowns. He considered such a treaty not only
as the best device for blinding the Protestants, against
whom the conspiracy was now almost ripe for execu-
tion ; but as a good precaution, likewise, against the
dangerous consequences to which that atrocious mea-
sure might expose him. Elizabedi, who had hitherto
reigned wiUiout a single ally, now saw her kingdom
so threatened with intestine commotions, or exposed to
invasions from abroad, that she was extremely solicitous
to secure the assistance of so powerful a neighbour.
The difficulties arising from the situation of the Scottish
queen were the chief occasions of any delay. Charles
demanded some terms of advantage for Mary and her
party. Elizabeth refused to listen to any proposition
of that kmd. Her obstinacy overcame the faint efforts
of the French monarch. Mary's name was not so much
as mentioned in the treaty; and with regard to Scottish
afiftirs, a short article was inserted, in general and am-
biguous terms, to this purpose : " That the par-
ties contracting shall make no innovations in
Scotland, nor suffer any stranger to enter, and to fo-
ment the factions there ; but it shall be lawful for the
queen of England to chastise, by force of arms, those
Scots who shall continue to harbour the English rebels
r,on7<-i.i Google
1572.] BOOK VI. 37
now in Scotland."' In consequence of this treaty,
France and England affected to act in concert with
regard to Scotland, and Le Croc and Sir Willi am Drury
appeared there, in the name of their respective sov^
reigns. By their mediation, a truce for two months
was ^;reed upon,and during that time conferences were
to be held between the leaders of the opposite factions,
in order to accommodate their differences and restore
peace to the kingdom. This truce afforded a seasonable
interval of tranquiility to the queen's adherents in the
south ; but in the north it proved fatal to her interest.
Sir Adam Gordon had still maintained his reputation
and superiority there. Several parties, under different
officers, were sent against him. Some of them he at-
tacked in the field ; against others he employed stra-
tagem ; and as his courage and conduct were equal,
none of his enterprises failed of success. He made war
too with the humanity which became so gallant a man,
and gained ground by that, no less than by the terror
of his arms. If he had not been obliged by the truce
to suspend his operations, he would in all probability
have brought that part of the kingdom to submit en-
tirely to the queen's authority."
frecetA- Notwithstanding Gordon's bravery and suc-
jS^^ cess, Mary's interest was on the decline, not
•jp"^ only in her own kingdom, but among the Eng-
lish. Nothing could be more offensive to that
nation, jealous of foreigners, and terrified at the prospect
of the Spanish yoke, than her negotiations with the duke
of Alva. The parliament, which met in May, proceeded
ag^nst her as the most dangerous enemy of the king-
dom ; and, after a solemn conference between the lords
and commons, both houses t^eed in bringing in a bill
to declare her guilty of high-treason, and to deprive
her of all right of succession to the crown. This great
cause, as it was then called, occupied them during the
I Diggei, 170. 191. Csmden, 444. = Ctswf. M«iii.
Google
28 SCOTLAND. [1672.
whole session, and was carried on with much unani-
mity. Elizabeth, though she applauded their zeal, and
approved greatly of the course they were taking, was
satisfied with shewing Mary what she might expect
from the resentment of the nation ; but as she did not
yet think it time to proceed to the most violent estre-
mitf i^ainst her, she prorogued the parliament."
The French These severe proceedings of theEngUsh par-
negtectbn Hameut Were not more mortifying to Mary,
than the coldness and neglect of her allies the
French. The duke of Montmorency, indeed, who
came over to ratify the league with Elizabeth, made a
show of interesting himself in favour of the Scottish
queen ; but, instead of soliciting for her liberty, or her
restoration to her throne, all that he demanded was a
slight mitigation of the rigour of her imprisonment.
Even this small request he u^^d with so little warmth
or importunity, that no regard was paid to it."
The alliance with France afforded Elizabeth
ncn of much satisfaction, and she expected from it a
great increase of security. She now turned her
whole attention towards Scotland, where the animosi-
ties of the two factions were still so high, and so many
interfering interests to be adjusted, that a general pa-
cification seemed to be at a great distance. But while
she laboured to bring them to some agreement, an
event happened which filled a great part of Europe
with astonishment and with' horror. This was the mas-
sacre at Paris ; an attempt, to which there is no paral-
lel in the history of mankind, either for the long train
of craft and dissimulation with which it was contrived,
or for the cruelty and barbarity with which it was car-
ried into execution. By the most solenm promises of
safety and of favour, the leaders of the Protestants were
drawn to court ; and though doomed to destruction,
they were received with caresses, loaded with honours,
■ DXwea, Joum. f06, Sec. ' Jebb, u. 5lt.
Google
1673.] BOOK VI. 29
and treated, for seven months, with every possible
mark of &mitiarity and of confidence. In the
midst of their security, the warrant for their
destmction was issued by their sovereign, on whose
word they had relied ; and, in obedience to it, their
countrymen, their fellow-citizens, and companions, im-
brued their hands in their blood. Ten thousand Pro-
testants, without distinction of age, or sex, or condi-
'tion, were murdered in Paris alone. The same bar-
barous orders were sent to other parts of the kingdoin,
and a like carnage ensued. This deed, which no Po-
pish writer, in the present age, mentions without de-
testation, was at that time applauded in Spain; and at
Rome'solemn thanksgivings were ofiered to God for its
success. But among the Protestants, it excited incre-
dible horror ; a striking picture of which is drawn by
the French ambassador at the court of England, in bis
account of his first audience after the massacre. " A
gloomy sorrow," says he, " sat on every face ; silence,
as in the dead of night, reigned through all the cham-
bers of the royal apartment ; the ladies and courtiers
were ranged on each side, air clad in deep mourning,
and, as' I passed through them, not one bestowed
on me a civil look, or made the least return to my
salutes.*^
DMrimen- But horFor was not the only passion with
uiioM»- frhich this event inspired the Protestants; it
lett filled them with fear. They considered it as
the prelude to some greater blow, and believed, not
without much probability, that all the Popish princes
had conspired the destruction of their sect. This opi-
nion was of no small disservice to Mary's affairs in .
ScotlaAd. Many of her adherents were Protestants ;
and, though' they wished her restoration, were not will-
ing, on that account, to sacrifice the faith which thfey
pr^essed. They dreaded her attachment to a religion
r Cortt, iii. SM.
r,on7<-i.i Google
30 SCOTLAND. [1572.
whtch allowed its votaries to violate the most solemn
engagements, and prompted them to perpetrate the
most barbarous crimes. A general confederacy of the
Protestants seemed to them the only thing that could
uphold the Reformation against the league which was
formed to overturn it Nor could the present esta-
blishment of religion be long maintained in Britain,
but by a strict union with Elizabeth, and by the con-
currence of both nations, in espousing the defence of
it as a common cause.''
Encouraged by this general disposition to place con-
£dence in her, Elizabeth xcsumed a scheme which she
had formed during the r^ency of the earl of Murray,
of sending Mary as a prisoner into Scotland. But her
sentiments and situation were now very different from
what they had been during her negotiation with Mur-
ray. Her animosity against the queen of Scots was
greatly augm«ited by recent experience, which taught
her that she had inclination as well as power, not only
to disturb the tranquillity of her reign, but to wrest
from her the crown ; the party in Scotland favourable
to Mary was almost entirdy broken ; and there was no
reason to dread any danger from France, which still
continued to court her friendship. She aimed, accord-
ingly, at something very different from that which «he
had in view three years before. Then she discovered
a laudable solicitude, not only for the safety of Mary's
life, but for securing to her treatment suited to her rank.
Now she required, as an express condition, that imme-
diately after Mary's arrival in Scotland, she should be
brought to public trial ; and, having no doubt that sen-
tence would be passed according to her deserts, she
insisted that, for the good of both kingdoms, it should
be executed without delay.' No transaction, perhaps,
in Elizabeth's reign, merits more severe censure. Eager
to cut short the days of a rival, the object both of her
4 Dlg^, SM. 167. ' Mardin, 3S4.
Google
t£72,] BOOK VI. 31
hatred and dread, end no less anxious to avoid the
blame to which such a deed of violence might ex-
pose her, she laboured, with timid and ungenerous ar-
tifice, to transfer the odium of it from herself to Mary's
own subjects. The earl of Mar, happily for the ho-
nour of his country, had more virtue than to listen to
such an ignominious proposal ;' and Elizabeth did not
venture to renew it.
The n- WhUe shc was engaged in pursuing this in-
d^^^ sidious measure, the regent was more honour-
J^^J^^. ably employed in endeavouring to n^;otiate a
*«>• general peace among his countrymen. As he
laboured for this purpose with the utmost zeal, and the
adverse taction placed entire confidence in his inte-
grity, his endeavours could hardly have failed of being
successful. Maitland and Kiiialdy came so near to
an agreement with him, that scarce any thing ranain-
ed, except the formality of signing tbe treaty. But
Morton bad not foi^tten the disappointment he met
with in his pretensions to the regency ; his abilities^
his wealth, and die patront^ of the court of England,
gave him greater sway with the party, than even the
regent himself; and he took pleasure in thwarting
every measure pursued by him. He was afraid that^
if Maitland and his associates recovered any share in
the administration, his own influence would be consi-
derably diminished ; and the regent, by dieir means,
would acquire that ascendant which belonged to his
station. With him concurred all those who were in
possession of the lands which bel<Higed to tmy of tfa«
queen's party. Hia ambition, and their avarice, fms*
trated the regent's pious intentions, and retarded a
blessing so necessary to the kingdom, as the establish-
ment of peace,*
Such a discovery of the selfishness and am-
bition which reigned among his party, made
■ MelT. S33. Cnwf. Mno. 337.
r,on7<-i.i Google
32 SCOTLAND. [1572.
a deep impression on the regent, who loved his coun-
try, and wished for peace with much ardour. This in-
ward grief broke his spirit, and by degrees brought on
a settled melancholy, that ended in a distemper, of
which he died on , the 29th of October. He was, per-
haps, the only person in the kingdom who could have
enjoyed the oflBce of regent without envy, and have
left it without loss of reputation. Notwithstanding
their mutual animosities, both factions acknowledged
his views to be honourable, and his integrity to be
uncorrupted.'
HoiioD No competitor now appeared against Mor-
re^S", **'°- The queen of England powerfully sup-
Nov. 14. ported his claim, and notwithstanding the fears
of the people, and the jealousy of the nobles, he was
elected regent; the fourth who, in the space of five
years, had held that dangerous office.
As the truce had been prolonged to the 1st of Ja-
nuary, this gave him an opportunity of continuing the
negotiations with the opposite party, which had been ■
set on foot by his predecessor. They produced no ef-
■fects, however, till the beginning of the next year. ■
Before we proceed to these, some events, hitherto
untouched, deserve our notice.
. The earl of Northumberland, who had been kept
prisoner in Lochlevin ever since his flight into Scot-
land, in the year 1569, *as given up to lord Hunsdon,
governor of Berwick ; and being carried to York, suf-
fered there the punishment of his rebellion. The king's
party were so sensible of their dependence on Eliza-
beth's protection, that it was scarcely possible for them
to refuse putting into her hands a person who had
taken up arms against her ; but, as a sum of money
was paid on that account, and shared between Morton
and Douglas of Lochlevin, the former of whom, during
,his exile in Elngland, had been much indebted to Nor-
■Cra»(;Mem.Ul.
r,on7<-i.i Google
1572.] BOOK yi. 33
&umbetlaDd'8 friendship, the abandooiag this unhappy
□oblem&n, in such a maoner, to certain destruction,
was universally condemned as a most ungrateful and
mercenary action."
AXutt ot This year was remarkable for a considerable
the church, innovation in the government of the church.
Soon after the Reformation, the Popish bishops had
been confirmed by law in possession of part of their
benefices; but the spiritual jurisdiction, which belonged
to their order, was exercised by superintendents, though
with more moderate authority. On the death of the
archbishop of St. Andrew's, Morton obtained from the
crown a grant of the temporalities of that see. But as
it was thought indecent for a layman to hold a benefice
to which the cure of souls was annexed, he procured
Douglas, rector of the university of St. Andrew's, to be
chosen archbishop ; and, allottdng him a small pension,
out of the revenues of the see, retained the remainder in
his own hands. The nobles, who saw the advanti^s
.which they might reap from such a practice, supported
him in the execution of his plan. It gave great offence,
however, to the clergy, who, instead of perpetuating an
order whose name and power were odious to them,
wished that the revenues which had belonged to it
might be employed in supplying such parishes as were
still unprovided with settled pastors. But, on the one
hand, it would have been rash in the clergy to have
irritated too much noblemen, on whom the very exist-
ence of the Protestant church in Scotland depended ;
and Morton, on the other, conducted his scheme with
such dexterity, and managed them with so much art,
that it was at last agreed, in a convention composed of
the leading men among the clergy, together with a
committee of privy-council, " That the name and ofSce
of archbishop and bishop should be continued during
the king's minority, and these dignities be conferred
• Cn«f. yem. 55. «a. Camd.MS.
VOL. II. D
r,on7<-i.i Google
34 SCOTLAND. [1572.
upon the best qualified among the Protestant ministers ;
but that, with regard to their spiritual jurisdictionSj
they should be subject to the general assembly of the
church." The rules to be observed in their election,
dnd the persons who were to supply the place, and
enjoy the privileges which belonged to the dean and
chapter in times of Popery, were likewise particularly
specified/ The whole being laid before the general
assembly, after some exceptions to the name of arch-
Uihopfdean, chapter, &c. and a protestation that it should
be considered only as a temporary constitution, until
6ne more perfect Could be introduced, it obtained the
approbation of that court/ Even Knox, who was pre-
vented from attending the assembly by the ill state of
his health, though he declaimed loudly against the
simoniacal paction to which Douglas owed his prefer-
ment, and blamed the nomination of a person worn out
tvith age and infirmities, to an office which required
unimpaired vigour both of body and mind, seems not
to have condemned the proceedings of the convention;
and, in a letter to the assembly, approved of some of
the regulations with respect to the election of bishops,
as worthy of being carefully observed." In consequence
of the assembly's consent to the plan agreed upon in
the convention, Douglas was installed in his office, and
iit the same time an archbishop of Glasgow and a bi-
shop of Dunkeld Were chosen from among the Protes-
tant clei^. They were all admitted to the place in
parliament which belonged to the ecclesiastical order.
But in imitation of the example set by Morton, such
bargains were made with them by different noblemen,
as gave them possession only of a very small part of
the revenues which belonged to their sees.'
Nov. 87. Soon after the dissolution of this assembly,
c^ractT' Knox, the prime instrument of spreading and
of Knox, establishing the reformed religion in Scotland,
» Cld. iu 309. r Id. SS4. ■ See App. N», XXXVllI. • Spciltw. «61.
1572.] BOOK VI. 36
ended his life, in the sixty-seventh year of his age.
Zeal, intrepidity, disinterestednesa, were virtues which
he possessed in an eminent degree. He was acqusunted
too with the learning; cultivated among divines in that
age ; and excelled in that species of eloquence which
is calculated to rouse and to inflame." His maxims,
however, were often too severe, and the impetuosity of
his temper excessive. Rigid and- uncomplying himself
he shewed no indulgence to the infirmities of others.
Regardless of the distinctions of rank and character, h?
uttered his admonitions witli an acrimony and vehe-
mence, more apt to irritate than to reclaim. This often
betrayed him into indecent and undutiful expressions
with respect to the queen's person and conduct. Those
very qualities, however, which now render his charac^
ter less amiable, fitted him to be the instrument of Pro*
vidence for advancing the Reformation among a fierce
people, and enabling him to face dangers, and to sur-
mount opposition, from which a person of a more gen-
tle spirit would have been apt to shrink back. By an
unwearied application to study and to business, as well
as by die frequency and fervour of his public discourses,
he had worn out a constitution naturally nbust. During
a lingering illness he discovered the utmost fortitude ;
and met the approaches of death vtiih a magnanimity
^ A ilrikxig deicriplioii of (hif apcciei of aloijiicnce for xhlch Knox wa> dittin-
goiilied, is giTOa hy one of his contcmporariei, Mr. James Mel*ille, mmister of
iumOwr. " Bnl ef bU tbe benefiu I bid tlui yen [1571], wu tba aining
of that Diinl notable prophet aod spaitla of out nalioa, Mr. Jobn Knoi, to St.
Andirw'a, who, hj Ait faction of the qaeefl occopTing the outle ud town ^ Ediik-
horgh, iras comlieJIed to lemon tberefra vitb i cumber of the best, aitd chsied lo
come to St. Andrew's. I beitd him teach there the piopbedes of Daniel tlwt hUd-
mer and the iTwter following. I bad ny pen and little buke, and took away sic
thing] a> I could comprehend. In tije opening of his text, he wag moderate the
apace of half aa faonr ; but «h«li he eaterod to (pplJtalioB, he made ne if ta ff'Ul
rtbrili] and tremble that I coald not bald the pen to write. He was very weak.
I law him everyday of bh doetrinego hiJi< [alowlj] indbli, with a (nolDg itf tiat-
ticki a.hoat bit neck, a atafi' in the cue hind, and g»ad ic>dlie BichaiC Ballendea
holding bim op by the oiUr [under the arm], from the abbey lo the parish kirk ;
nd be the aaad Riehin and another serranl lifted him up to (he pulpit, wbare be
behoved to lean at bis Grtt enlrie ; bnt e're he wai done with his sermon, he was so
active and Tiitmiua. that be waa like to ding thi pulpit Inbladt {hat the palpil tq
pieces], and By oot of it." MS. Life of Mr. James Melville, commnnicaled to m«
by Mr. Patm of the Cuitom-booie, Edinbuigb, p, 14, 31.
d2
r,o,:,7H:,yL.OOglC
'36 SCOTLAND. [1672.
inseparable irom bis cbaracter. He was constantly em-
ployed in acts of devotion, and comforted himself with
those prospects of immortality which not only preserve
good men from desponding, but fill them with exulta-
tion in their last moments. The earl of Morton, who
was present at his fiineral, pronounced his enlogium in
a few words, the more honourable for Knox, as they
came from one whom he had often censured with pecu-
liar severity ; " There lies He, who never feared the
-face of man."*
■ isrs. Though Morton did not desire peace from
Tbereient gudi generous motives^ as the former regent, he
tieBUwitli , , ° , , . , , i. 1
ibe qneen'i laboured, however, in good earnest, to establish
^"^* it. The public confusions and calamities, to
which be owed his power and importance when he was
only the second person in the nation, were extremely
detrimental to him now that he was raised to be the
first. While so many of the nobles continued in arms
against him, his authority as regent was partial, feeble,
and precarious. Elizabeth was no less desirous of ex-
tinguishing the flame which she had kindled and kept
so long alive in Scotland.'^ She had discovered the
alliance with France, from which she had expected such
advantages, to be no foundation of security. Though
appeiarances of friendship still subsisted between her
and that court, and Charles daily renewed his protesta-
tions of inviolable adherence to the treaty, she was con-
vinced, by a fatal example, how little she ought to rely
on the promises or oaths of that perfidious monarch.
Her ambassador warned her that the French held secret
correspondence with Mary's adherents in Scotland, and
encouraged them in their obstinacy.* The duke of
-Alva carried on his intrigues in that kii^dom with less
disguise. She was persuaded that they would embrace
the first serene interval, which the commotions in France
and in the-Netherlands would allow them, and openly
' Spotiw. 866. Cald. ii. STS. « Diggei, 499. ' Id. S96. 31J.
Do,:,7.dDyGoOglc
1573.] BOOK VI. 37
attempttolandabodyofmeninScotland. She resolved,
therefore, to prevent their getting any footing in the
island, and to cut off all their hopes of finding any as-
sistance there, by uniting the two parties.
Hb o*er- The situation of Mary's adherents enabled the
jeetcd^v regent to carry on his negotiations with them to
Md KTrk- ^^t advantage. They were now divided into
ildj. two factions. At the head of the one were Cha-
telherault and Huntly, Maitland and Kirkaldy were
the leaders of the otHer. Their high rank, their ext^-^
sive property, and the numbers of their followers, ren-
dered the former considerable. The latter were in-
debted for their importance to their personal abilities,
and to the strength of the castle of Edinburgh, which
was in their possession. The regent had no intention
to comprehend both in the same treaty; but as he
dreaded that the queen's party, if it remained entire,
would be able to thwart and embarrass his administra-
tion, he resolved to divide and weaken it, by a separate
negotiation. He made the- first overture to Kirkaldy
and his associates, and endeavoured to renew the ne-
gotiation with them, which, during the life of his pre-
decessorj had been broken off by his own artifices. But
Kirkaldy knew Morton's views, and system of govern-
ment, to be very different from those of the former
regent. Maitland considered him as a personal and
impleu;able enemy. Theyreceived repeated assurances
of protection Irom France ; and though the siege of
Rochelle employed the French arms at that time, the
same hopes, which had so often deceived the party,
still amused them, and they expected that the obstinacy
of the Hugonots would soon be subdued, and that
Charles would then be' at liberty to act with vigour in
Scotland. Meanwhile a supply of money was sentj
and if the castle could be held out till Whitsunday,
eflEectual tud was promised." Maitland'a genius de-
*Digges, 314.
' r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google
38 SCOTLAND. [Ifi73.
lighted in forming schemes that were dangerous ; and
Ktrkaldy possessed the intrepidity necessary for put-
ting them in- execution. The castle, they knew, waa
so situated, that it might defy all the regent's power.
Elizabeth, they hoped, would not violate the treaty with
France, by saiding forces to his assistance ; and if the
French should be able to land any considerable body
of men, it might be possible to deliver the queen from
captivity, or, at least, to balance the influence of France
and England in such a manner, as to rescue Scotland
from the dishonourable dependence upon the latter,
under which it had fallen. This splendid but chime-
rical project they preferred to the friendship of Morton.
They encouraged the negotiation, however, because it
served to gain time ; they proposed, for the same pur-
pose, that the whole of the queen's party should be
comprehended in it, and that Kirkaldy should retain the
command of the castie six months after the trea^ was
signed. His interest prompted the regent to reject the
former ; his penetration discovered the danger of com-
plying with the latter; and all hopes of accommodation
vanished.^
As soon as the truce expired, Kirkaldy began to fire
on the city of Edinburgh, which, by the return of the
inhabitfmts whom he had expelled, was devoted as
zealously as ever to the king's cause. But, as the regent
had now set on foot a treaty with Chatelherault and
Himtiy, the cessation of arms still continued with them.
Accepted They were less scrupulous than the other
hmnit m'd P^^rty, and listened eagerly to his overtures.
Huniiy. fjjg Jute ^ag naturally unsteady, and the
approach of old age increased his irresolntion, and
aversion to action. The miseries of civil discord had
afflicted Scotiand almost five years, a length of time Sai
.beyond the duration of any former contest. The war,
instead of doing service, had been detrimoital to ih»
r,on7<-i.i Google
J573.] BOOK VI. 39
queen; and more ruinouE than any foreign invasiwi
to the kmgdom. In prosecuting it, neither party had
-gained much honour ; both had suffered great losses,
and had exhausted their own estates in wasting those
-of their adversaries. The commons were in the utmost
misery, and longed ardently for a peace, which might
terminate this fruiriess but destraetiye quarrel.
Articiei oi ^ great step was taken towards this desirable
rVss'^' ^*®^*' ^y ^^ treaty concluded at Perth, be-
tween the regent on one hand, and Chatel-
herault and Huntly on the other, under the mediation
of Killegrew, Elizabeth's ambassador.* The chief ar-
ticles in it were these : That all the parties comprehend-
ed in the treaty should declare their approbation of the
refonned religion now established in the kingdom ;
that they should submit to the king's government, and
own Morton's authority as regent; that they should ac-
knowledge every thing done in oppoiition to the king,
since his coronation, to be illegal ; lliat on both sides
ike prisoners who had been taken should be set at li-
berty, and the estates which had be^i forfeited should
be restored to their proper owners ; that the act of at-
tainder passed against ^e queen's adherents should be
repealed, and indemni^ granted for all the crimes of
which they had been guilty since the 15th of June,
1567; and that the treaty should he ratiSed' by the
common consent of both parties in parliament''
8leg«or Kirkaldy, though abandoned by his asso-
S°^^ ciatea, who neither discovered solicitude nor
''^- made provision for his safety, did not lose cou-
Tage, nor entertain any liiixights of accommodation.^
( S«c Appendk. No. XXXIX. * Cmwl. Mem. 151.
* MelTJI, kIiom brolhet, Sir Robert, w«i oneofthoie who joined mlh Kirkaldfia
die defeoee of the mile, and nbo wu bjnuelf strongly atUched to tbei, part]',
jiuriti thil Kirkilily o^ied to accepl of (nj reuaoKble (ermi of compaaitiDii, bat
that all hli oSen were rejected bj tbe regenl. MeW. 340. Bui, ■> Elizabelb wat,
•t that time, eitreniely deiirDiii of restoimg peace in Scotland, aud her ambauador
Kitlegiew, R9 well aa the eail of Hothei, nsed their titmoiE endeamnrs to pennade
£iikaidj to secede to the treat; of Pei|h, it teemi more credible tn impute the
'coafinoance of hoatlHtiea to Kir\ald;'t obstinafy, his diitrusl of Moctoa, oc hk
*" *- - s - ■' - - othercanae.
U evideot from the postUve teslimDn; of SpoUir.
. Co Ogle
hope of fordgD aid, Ihso to an; other canae.
That tUj waa lealiy Ihe cs ' ■ ' ■ -
40 SCOTLAND. [1573.
Though all Scotland had now submitted to the king,
he stiH resolved to defend the castle in the queen's
name, and to wait the arrival of the promised suceours.
The regent was in want of every thing necessary for
carrying on a siege. But Elizabeth, who, determined
at any rate to bring the dissensions in Scotland to a
period before the French could find leisure to take part
in the quarrel, soon afforded him sufficient supplies.
Sir William Drury marched into Scotland with fifteen
hundred foot, and a considerable train of artillery. The
regent joined him with all his forces ; and trenches
were opened and approaches regularly carried on
aframst the castle. Kirkaldy, though discou-
raged by the loss oi a great sum oi money re-
mitted to him from France, and which fell into the
regent's hands through the treachery of Sir' James Bal-
four, the most corrupt man of that age, defended him-
self with bravery augmented by despair. Three-and-
thirly days he resisted all the efforts of the Scotch and
English, who pushed on their attacks with courage,
and with emulation. Nor did he demand a pariey, till
the fortifications were battered down, and one of the
wells in the castle dried up, and the other choked with
rubbish. Even then, his spirit was unsubdued, and
he determiBed rather to fall gloriously behind the last
intrenchment, than to yield to his inveterate enemies.
But his garrison was not animated with the same heroic
or desperate resolution,' and rising in a mutiny, forced
him to capitulate. He surrendered himself to
Drury, who promised, in the name of his mis-
tress, that he should be favourably treated. Together
with him, James Kirkaldy his brother, lordHome, Mait-
land. Sir Robert Melvil, a few citizens of Edinbui^h,
and about one hundred and sixty soldiers, were made
prisoners.^
969, sro. Camd. 44B. Johmt. Hut 3, 4. Digges, S34. Ciawford'i iccoaat
(gnea, in the main, vitli Ihein, Mem. S63.
k Gald. iu 408. M«It. 240. Crawf. Hen, 265,
Google
1673.] BOOK VI. 41
Several of the officers, who had been kept in pay
during the war, prevailed on their men to accompany
them into the Low Countries, and entering into the
service of the States, added, by their gallant behaviour,
to the reputation for military virtue which has always
been the characteristic of the Scottish nation,
Keiiew of Thus by the treaty with Chatelherault and
letofboib Huntly, and the surrender of the castle, the
P"*"' civil wars in Scotland were brought to a period.
Wben we review the state of the nation, and compare
the strength of the two factions, Mary's partisans among
the nobles appear, manifestly, to have been superior
both in numbers and in power. But these advan-
tages were more than counterbalanced by others, which
their antagonists enjoyed. Political abilities, military
skill, and all the talents which times of action form, or
call forth, appeared chiefly on the king's side. Nor
could their enemies boast of any man, who equalled
the intrepidity of Murray, tempered with wisdom ; the
profound sagacity of Morton ; the subtle genius, and
insinuating address, of Maitland ; or the successful va-
lour of Kirkaldy ; all of which were, at first, employed
in laying the foundations of the kmg's authority. On
the one side, measures were concerted with prudence,
and executed with vigour ; on the other, their resolu-
tions were rash, and their conduct feeble. The people,
animated with zeal for religion, and prompted by indig-
nation against the queen, warmly supported the king's
cause. The clergy threw the whole weight of their ■
popularity into the same scale. By means of thes@, as
well as by the powerful interposition of England, the.
king's government was finally established. Mary lost
even that shadow of sovereignty, which, amidst all her
sufferings she had hitherto retained among part of her
own subjects. As she was no longer pennitted.to have
an ambassador at the court of England, the only mark
of dignity which she had, for some time, enjoyed there,
,C.ooglc
42 SCOTLAND. [1573.
she must henceforth be considered as an exile stripped
of all the ensigns of royalty ; guarded with anxiety iu
the one kingdom, and totally deserted or forgotten in
the other.
KnkKid Kirkaldy and his associates remained in
put to Driiry's custody, and were treated by him with
. great humanity, until the queen of England,
whoae prisoners they were, should determine their fate.
Morton inaisted that they should suffer the punishment
due to their rebellion and obstinacy; and declared
that, so long as they were allowed to live, he did not
reckon bis own person or authority secure ; and Eliza-
beth, without regarding Drury's honour, or his pro-
mises in her name, gave them up to the regent's dis-
posal. He first confined them to separate prisons;
and soon after, with Elisabeth's consent, con-
' demned Kirkaldy, and his brother, to be hanged
at the cross of Edinburgh. Maitland, who did not
expect to be treated more favourably, prevented the
ignominy of a public execution by a voluntary death,
and " ended his days," says Melvil, " after the old Ro^
man fashion.'"
While the regent was wreaking his vengeance on the
, remains of her party in Scotland, Mary, incapable of
affording them any relief, bewailed their misfortunes in
the solitude of her prison. At the same time her health
began to be much impaired by confinement and want
of exercise. At the entreaty of the French ambassador,
lord Shrewsbury, her keeper, was permitted to conduct
her to Buxton-wells, not far from Tuthbury, the place
of her imprisonment. Cecil, who had lately been
created baron of Burleigh, and lord high treasurer of
England, happened to be there at the same time.
Though no minister ever entered more warmly into the
views of a sovereign, or gave stronger proofs of his
fidelity and attachment, than this great man, yet such
r,on7<-i.;, Google
1S73.] BOOK VI. 43
was Elizabeth's distrust of every person who approached
the quecE of Scots, that her suspicions, in consequence
of this interview, seem to have extended even to him ;
&nd while Mary justly reckoned him her most dan-
gerous enemy, he found some difficult in persuading
his oiTn mistress that he was not partial to that un-
liappy queen."
Tlie duke of Alva was this year recalled from the
government of the Netherlands, where his haughty and
oppressive administration roused a spirit, in attempting
to subdue which, Spain exhausted its treasures, ruined
its armies, and lost its glory. Requesens, who suc-
ceeded him, was of a milder temper, and of a less euT
terprising genius. This event delivered Elizabeth from
the perpetual disquietude occasioned by Alva's nego-
tiations with the Scottish queen, and his zeal for her
interest.
j5,4_ Though Scotland was now settled in profound
^f^,''- peace, many of the evils which accompany civil
minutra- war wcre still felt. The restraints of law, which,
^^^ in times of public confusion, are little regarded
odioui. eyeu ]jy civilized nations, were totally despised
by a fierce people, unaccustomed to a regular admi-
nistration of justice. The disorders in every comer of
the kingdom were become intolerable ; and, under the
protection of the one or the other faction, crimes of
every kind were committed with impunity. The regent
set himself to redress these, and by his industry and
vigour, order and security were re-established in the
kingdom. But he lost the reputation due to this im-
portant service, by the avarice which he discovered ia
performing it; and his own exactions became more
pernicious to the nation than all the irregularities
which he restrained." Spies and informers were every
where employed; the remembrance of old offences
was revived ; imaginary crimes were invented ; petty
».SI>ypc, ii. Z4S. 368. ° See Append. No. XL.
Google
44 SCOTLAND. [1574.
trespasaes were aggravated ; and delioqueats were
forced to compound for their lives by the payment of
exorbitant fines. At the same time the current coin
was debased ;" licences were sold for carrying on pro-
hibited branches of commerce ; unusual taxes were im-
posed on commodities ; and all the refinements in op-
pression, from which nations so imperfectly polished
as the Scots are usually exempted, were put in practice.
None of these were complained of more loudly, or with
greater reason, than his injustice towards the church.
The thirds of benefices, out of which the clergy received
their subsistence, had always been slowly and irregu-
larly paid to collectors, appointed by the general as-
sembly ; and during tbe civil wars, no payment could
be obtained in several parts of the kingdom. Under
colour of redressing this grievance, and upon a promise
of assigning every minister a stipend within his own,
parish, the regent extorted from the church the thirds
to which they bad right by law. But the clergy, in-
stead of reaping any advantage from this alteration,
found that payments became more irregular and dila--
tory than ever. One minister was commonly bur-
dened with the care of four or five parishes, a pitiful
salary was allotted him, and the regent's insatiable
avarice seized on the rest of the fund."" ■
The death of Charles IX. which happened this year,
was a new misfortune to the Scottish queen. Henry
III,, who succeeded him, had not the same attachment
to her person; and his jealousy of the house of Guise,
and obsequiousness to thequeen-mother, greatly ^alien-.
ated him from her interest.
" The comiplioQ of (he coin, during Morton's admiaiitraliDD, naa very peat. Al-
dough the qaanti^ of catrent money coined ont of * pound of bullion, wu na-
dnilly incTHBaed b? tbnner pnnce>, the standard or fineneii tuffered little alteratiOD,
and the miituie of alloj wu nearl; the same with what ii now used. But Mortoa
miied a fonitb part of iJloy with ever; pound of uItct, aod aunk, b; comequeucei
the Talue of coin in propoition. Inthe veai 1581, all the money coined by bimwaa
called in, and appointed to be recoined. Hie standard'Has reitond to the aame
parity ai formeily. Buddim. Fratf. to Anden. Diplam. p. 74.
p Cniwf. Mem, 27S. Spotsir. 373. Cald. ii. 420. ^tT.
Google
1675.] BOOK VI. 45
ig75_ The death of the duke of Chatelherault must
j«n. tt. likewise be -considered as some loss to Mary^
As the parliament had frequently declared him next
heir to the crown, this entitled him to great respect
among his cojintrymen, and enabled him, more than
any other person in the kingdom, to counterbalance the
regent's power.
Soon after, at one of the usual interviews between
the wardens of the Scottish and English marches, a
scuffle happened, in which the English were worsted ;■
a few killed on the spot ; and Sir James Forrester, the
warden, with several gentlemen who attended him,
taken prisoners. But both Elizabeth and the regent
were too sensible of the advantage which resulted from
the good understanding that subsisted between the two
kingdoms, to allow this slight accident to interrupt it.
Attempt) The domestic tranquillity of the kingdom was
Oagj in some danger of being disturbed by another
S^mIiiw- cause. Though the persons raised to the dig-
pd order, njty of bishops possessed very small revenues,
and a very moderate degree of power, the clergy, to
whom the regent and all his measures were become
extremely odious, began to be jealous of that order.
Knowing that corruptions steal into the church gra-
dually, under honourable names and upon decent pre-
tences, they were afraid that, irom such small begin-
nings, the hierarchy might grow in time to be as
powerful and oppressive as ever. The chief author of
these suspicions was Mr. Andrew Melvil, a man dis-
tinguished by his uncommon erudition, by the severity
ofhis manners, and theintrepidityofhismind. But, bred
up in the retirement of a college, he was unacquainted
with the arts of life ; and being more attentive to the
ends which he pursued, than to the means which he em-
ployed for promoting them, be often defeated laudable
designs by the impetuosity and imprudence with which
he carried them on. A question was moved by him in
Google
46 SCOTLAND. [1575.
the assembly, " whether the office of bishop, as now
exercised in the kingdom, were agreeable to the word
of God ?" In the ecclesiastical judicatories, continual
complaints were made of the bishops for neglect of du^,
many of which their known remissness too.well justified.
The bishop of Dunkeld, being accused of dilapidating
his benefice, was found guilty by the assembly. The
regent, instead of checking, connived at these disputes
about ecclesiastical government, as they diverted the
zeal of the clergy from attending to his daily encroach-
ments on the patrimony of the church.^
i57g_ The weight of the regent's oppressive admi-
Bo im- nistration had, hitherto, fallen chiefly on those
offl» in the lower and middle rank; but he began
now to take such steps as convinced the nobles,
thid: their digni^ would not long exempt them from feel-
ing the effects of his power. An accident, which was a
frequent cause of dissension among the Scottish nobles,
occasioned a difference between the earls of Argyle and
Athol. A vassal of the former had made some d^re-
dations on the lands of the latter. Athol took arms to
punish the offender; Argyle to protect him; and this
ignoble quarrel they were ready to decide in the field,
when the regent, by interposing his authority, obliged
them to disband their forces. Both of them had been
guilty of irregularities, which, though common, were
contrary to the letter of the law. Of these the regent
took advantage, and resolved to found on them a chai^
of treason. This design was revealed to the two earls
by one of Morton's retainers. The common danger to
which they were exposed, compelled them to forget old
quarrels, and to unite in a close confederacy for their
mutual defence. Their junction rendered them for-
midable ; they despised the summons which the regent
gave them to appear before a court of justice ; and he
was obliged to desist from any farther prosecution.
1 CM. Aisembliei, 1574, &c. Johnst. Hist 15.
Google
1576.] BOOK VL 47
Butthe injury he intended made a deep impression on
their minds, and drew upon him .severe vengeeiace.'
Nop was he more successful in an attempt which he
made, to load lord Claud Hamilton with the guilt of
having formed a conspiracy against his life. Though
those who were supposed to be his accomplices were
seized and tortured, no evidence of any thing criminal
appeared ; but, on the contrary, many circumstances
discovered his innocence, as well as the regent's secret
views in imputing to him such an odious design.*
- jj^^ . The Scottish nobles, who were almost equal
Ttay (DID to their monarchs in power, and treated by them
to-wd) with much distinction, observed these arbitrary
°^' proceedings of a regent with the utmost indig-
nation. The people, who, under a form of government
extremely simple, had been little accustomed to the
burden of taxes, complained loudly of the regent's
rapacity. And all began to turn their eyes towards
the young ting, from whom they expected the redress
of all their grievances, and the return of a more gentle
and more equal administration,
Utati'a James Was now in the twelfth year of his
Md'dh^ ^C- The queen, soon after his birtii, hadcom-
P«"''°"- mitted him to the care of the earl of Mar, and
during the civil wars he had resided securely in the .
castle of Stirling. Alexander Erskine, that nobleman's
brother, had the chief direction of his education. Un-
der him, the famous Buchanan acted as preceptor,
together with three other masters, the most eminent the
nation afforded for skill in those sciences which were
deemed necessary for a prince. As the young king
shewed an uncommon passion for learUing, and made
great progress in it, the Scots fancied that they al-
ready discovered in him all those virtues which the
fondness or credulity of subjectB usually ascribes to
princes during their minority. But, as James was still
' Crawf. Mem. 285. > Ibid. tB7.
Google
48 SCOTLAND. [1577.
far irom that age at which die law permitted him to
assume the reins of government, (he regent did not
sufficiently attend to the sentiments of the people, nor
reflect how naturally these prejudices in his favour
might encourage the king to anticipate that period. He
not only neglected to secure the friendship of those who
were about the king's person, and who possessed his
ear, but had even exasperated some of them by personal
Heisnii- injuries. Their resentment concurred with the
th^ "^ ambition of others, in infusing into the king
goif' early suspicions of Morton's power and designs.
A king, they told him, had often reason to fear,
seldom to love, a regent Prompted by ambition, and
by interest, he would endeavour to keep the prince in
perpetual infancy, at a distance from his subjects, and
unacquainted with business. A small degree of vigour,
however, was sufficient to break the yoke. Subjects
naturally reverence their sovereign, and become impa-
tient of the temporary and delegated jurisdiction of a
regent. Morton had governed with rigour unknown
to the ancient monarchs of Scotland. The nation
groaned under his oppressions, and would welcome
the prospect of a milder administration. At present
the king's name was barely mentioned in Scotland, his
friends were without influence, and his favourites with-
out honour. But one effort would discover Morton's
power to be as feeble as it was arbitrary. The same
attempt would put himself in possession of his just au-
thority, and rescue the nation ftora intolerable tyranny.
If he did not r^;aTd his own rights as a king, let him '
listen, at least, to the cries of his people.'
A plot These suggestions made a deep impression
^!^ rtia °™ *^^ young king, who was trained up in an
regent, opinion that he was bom to command. His
approbation of the design, however, was of small con-
sequence, without the concurrence of the nobles. The
< Melvil, }49.
r,on7<-i.iGoOglc
1577-3 BOOK VI. 49
earls of Argyle and Atho], two of the most powerful of
that body, were animated with implacable resentment
against tiie regent. To them the cabal in Stirling-casUe
communicated the plot which was on foot ; and they
entering warmly into it, Alexander Erskine, who, since
the death of his brother, and during the minority of
his nephew, had the command of that fort, and the
custody of the king's person, admitted them secretly
into the king's presence. They gave- him the same
account ofthe misery of his subjects, under the regent's
arbitrary administration ; they complained loudly of
the injustice with which themselves had been treated,
and besought the king, as the only means for redressing
the grievances of the nation, to call a council of all the
nobles. James consented, and letters were issued in
his name for that purpose ; but the two earls took care
that they should be sent only to such as were known to
bear no good-will to Morton,"
The number of these was, however, so considerable,
that on the day appointed, far the greater part of the
nobles assembled at Stirling ; and so highly were they
incensed against Morton, that although, on receiving
intelligence of Argyle and Athol's interview with the
i57g. king, he had made a feint as if he would resign
March 4. {jjg regency, they advised the king, without re-
garding this offer, to deprive him of his office, and to
take the administration of government into his own
hands. Lord Glamis the chancellor, and Herries, wera
appointed to signify this resolution to Morton, who
was at that time' in Dalkeith, his usual place of resi-
Hfrerigns dcncB. Nothing could equal the joy with
big office, which this unexpected resolution filled the na-
tion, but the surprise occasioned by the seem-
ing alacrity with which the regent descended from' so
high a station. He neither wanted sagacity to foresee
the danger of resigning, nor inclination to keep posses-
" Spotaw. *78.
VOL. 11. E
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
so SCOTLAND. [1578.
sion of an ofKce, for the CKpiration of which the law
had fixed so distant a term. But all 4he sources
whence the faction of which he was head derived their
streoglii, had either failed, or now supplied hia adver-
saries with the means of bumbling him. The com-
mons, the city of Edinburgh, the clergy, were all totally
alienated from him, by hia multiplied oppressions. Eli-
zabeth, having lately bound herself by treaty, to send
a considerable body of troops to the assistance of the
inhabitants of the Netherlands, who were struggling for
liberty, had little leisure to attend to the affairs of Scot-
land ; and as she had nothing to dread from France,
in whose councils the princes of Lorrain had not at that
time much influence, she was not displeased, perhaps,
at the birth of new factions in the kingdom. Even
those nobles, who had long been joined with Morton
in faction, or whom he had attached to his person by
benefits, Glamis, Lindsay, Ruthyen, Pitcaim the secre-
tary, Murray of Tullibardin, comptroUar, all deserted
his falling fortunes, and appeared in the council at
Stirling. So many concurring circumstances convinced
Morton of his own weakness, and determined him to
give way to a torrent, wbich was too impetuous to be
resisted. He attended the chancellor and Her*
Much H. . r. , . 1 1 .1 1 , . ,
nee to Edinburgh ; was present when the king s
acceptance of the government was proclaimed j and,
in. the presence of the people, surrendered to the king
all the authority to which he had any claiin in virtue
of his office. This ceremony was accoippanied with
such excessive joy and acclamations of the myltitude,
as added, no doubt, to the anguish which an ambitious
spirit must feel, when compelled to renounce supreme
power ; and convinced Morton how entirely he had
lost the afiections of his countrymen. He obtained^
however, from the king an act containing the appro-
bation of every thing done by him in the exercise ofhis
office, and a pardon, in the most ample form that his
Do,:,7.dDyGOOglc
1678.] BOOK VI. 51
fear or caution could devise, of all past offences, crimes,
and treason^. The nobles, who adhered to the king,
hound themselves under a great penalty, to procure the
ratification of this act in the first parliament.'
CoDtiniiea A couucil of twelvc peers was appointed to
tite'mo' assist the king in the administration of afiairs. •
tiie''Lwer8e ^orton, dcsertcd by his own party, and unable
P«rty. to struggle with the faction which governed
absolutely at court, retired to one of his seats, and
seemed to enjoy the tranquillity, and to be occupied
only in the amusements, of a country life. His mind,
however, was deeply disquieted with all the uneasy
reflections which accompany disappointed ambition,
and intent on schemes for recovering his former gran-
deur. Even in this retreat, which people called the
Lion's Den, his wealth and abilities rendered him formi-
dable ; and the new counsellors were so imprudent as
to rouse him, by the precipitancy with which they
hastened to s(Hp him of all the remains of power.
They required him to surrender the castle of Edinburgh,
which was stUI in his possession. He refused at first
to do 80, and began to prepare for its defence ; but the
citizens of Edinburgh having taken anas, and repulsed
part. of the garrison, which was s«it out to guard a
convoy of provisions, he was obliged to giveup that
important fortress without resistance. This encouraged
his adversaries to call a parliament to meet at Edin-
bui^h, and to multiply their demands upon him, in such
a manuer, as convinced him that nothing less than his
utter ruin would satisfy their inveterate hatred.
Their power and popularity, however, began already
to dedine. The chancellor, the ablest and most mo-
derate man in the party, having been killed' at Stiriii^,
in an accidental rencounter between his followers and
those of the. earl of Crawford ; Athol, who was ap-
pointed his successor in that high office, the earls of
■ Spotm. 378. CrBwf. Mem. !S9. CM. ii. 5il.
■ e2 . ■
Google
52 SCOTLAND. [1678.
Eglinton, Caitfanessj and lore) Ogilvle, all the prime
favourites at court, were either avowed Papists, or sus-
pected of leaning to the opinions of that sect. In an
^e when the return of Popery was so much and so
justly dreaded, this gave universal alarm. As Morton
■ had always treated the Papists with rigour, this unsea-
sonable &vour to persons of that religion made all
zealous Protestants remember that circumstance in his
administration with great praise/
BeiQiuei Morton, to whom none of these particulars
■''" fofp" were unknown, thought this the proper juncture
for setting to work the instruments which he had
been preparing. Having gained the confidence of the
earl of Mar, and of the countess his mother, he insinu-
ated to them, that Alexander Erskine had formed aplot
to deprive his nephew of the government of Stirling-
castle, and the custody of the king's person ; and easily
induced an ambitious woman, and a youth of twenty,
to employ force to prevent this supposed injury. The
earl repairing suddenly to Stirling, and being
admitted as usual into the castle with his at-
tendants, seized the gates early in the morning, and
turned out his uncle, who dreaded no danger from his
hands. The soldiers of the garrison submitted to him
as their governor, and, with little danger and no effusion
of blood, he became master both of the king's person,
and of the fortress."
An event so unexpected occasioned great consterna-
tion. Though Morton's band did not appear in the exe-
cution, he was universally believed to be the author of
the attempt. The new counsellors saw it to be neces-
sary, for their own safety, to change their measures,
and, instead of pursuing him with such implacable re-
sentment, to enter into terms of accommodation with an
adversary, still so capable of creating them trouble.
Four were named, on each side, to adjust their differ-
r SpoUw. 1B3. ' Cald. it. 533.
Do,:,7.dDyGoOglc
1578.] BOOK VI. 53
ences. They met not far from Dalkeith - and when
they had brought matters near a conclusioD, MortODr
who was too sagacious Dot to improve the advantage
which their securi^ and their attention to the treaty
afforded him, set out in the night-time for Stirling, ai^
having gained Murray of Tullibardin, Mar's
uncle, was admitted by him into the castle ; and
managing matters there with his usual dexterity, he soon
had more entirely the command of the fort, than the earl
himself. He was likewise admitted to a seat in the privy-
council, and acquired as complete an ascendant in it'
As the time appointed for the meeting of parliament
at Edinburgh- now approached, this gave him some
anxiety. He was afraid of conducting the young king
to a city whose inhabitants were so much at the devo-
tion of the adverse faction. He was no less unwilling
to leave James behind at Stirling. In order to avoid
this dilemma, he issued a proclamation in the king's
name, chan^ng the place of meeting from Edinburgh .
to Stirling-castle. This Athol and his party represented
as- a step altogether unconstitutional. The king, said
they, is Morton's prisoner ; the pretended counsellors
are his slaves ; a parliament, to which all the nobles
may repair without fear, and where they may deliberate
with freedom, is absolutely necessary for settling the
nation, after disorders of such long continuance. But
in an assembly, called contrary to all form, held within
the walls of a garrison, and overawed by armed men,
what safety could members expect 1 what liberty could
prevail in debate? or what benefit result to the public ?
The parliament met, however, on the day ap-
pointed, and, notwithstanding the protestaHoa
of the earl of Montrose and lord Lindsay, in the name
of their party, proceeded to business. The king's ac-
ceptance of the government was confirmed ; the act
granted to Morton, for his security, ratified ; some re-
• Cald. ii. 536.
r,on7<-i.i Google
£4 SCOTLAND. [1578.
gulations with regard to the numbers and authori^ of
the privy-council, were agreed upon ; and a pension for
life granted to the countess of Mar, who had been so
instrumental in bringing about the late revolution.''
Aigjie Meanwhile Argyle, Athol;and their foUow-
take anni CTS, took atms, upou the specious pretence of
igaiutum. rescuing theking from captivity, and the king-
dom fixim oppression. James himself, impatient ofthe
servitude in which he was held, by a man whom he had
long been taught to hate, secretly encouraged their en-
terprise ; though, at the same time, he was obliged not
only to disavow them in public, but to levy forces against
them, and evea to declare, by proclamation, that he was
perfectly free from any constraint, either upon
his person or his will. Both sides quickly took
the field. Argyle and Athol were at the head of seven
thousand men ; the earl of Angus, Morton's nephew, met
them with an army five thousand strong ; neither party,
however, was eager to engage. Morton distrusted the
fidelity of his own troops. The two earls were swisi-
ble that a single victory, however complete, would not
be decisive ; and as they were in no condition to under-
take the siege of Stirling-castle, where the king was
kept, their strength would soon be exhausted, while
Morton's own wealth, and the patron^;e of the queen
of England, might tumisb him with endless resources.
EiiMbeth By the mediation of Bowes, whoita EliEabeth
m'»«™^ had sent into Scotland to negotiate an acccnn-
CwMn" i^f^odatioo between the two factitms, a treaty was
diem. concluded, in consequence of which, Argyle
and Athol were admitted into the king's presence ; some
of their party were added to the privy-council; and a
convention of nobles called, in order to bring all re-
mainir^ differences to an amicable isaue,'^
As soon as James assumed the goveniment into his
own hands, he dispatched the abbot of Dunfermline to
<• Cald. ii. 517. P.rl. 5. Jk. 6. ' Crawf. Mem. SOT.
Grtogic
1578.] BOOK VI. ■ &&
inform Elizabeth of that event ; to offer to renew the
ailiance between the two kingdoms; and to demand
possession of the estate which had lately fallen to him
by the death of his grandmother the countess of Lennox.
That lady's second son had left one daughter, Arabella
Stewart, who was bom in England. And as the chief
objection against the pretensions of the Scottish line to
the crown of England, was that maxim of English law,
which excludes aliens from any right of inheritance
within the kingdom, Elizabeth, by granting this de-
mand, would have established a precedent in James's
favour, that might have been deemed decisive with re*
gard to a point which it had been her constant care to
keep undecided. Without suffering this delicate ques-
tion to be tried, or allowing any new light to be thrown
oA that which she considered as the great mystery of
her reign, she commanded lord Burleigh, master of the
wards, to sequester the rents of the estate ; and by this
method of proceeding, gave the Scottish king early
warning how necessary it would be to court her favour,
if ever he hoped for success in claims of greater im-
portance, but equally liable to be controverted.'*
After many delays, and with much difficulty,
the contending- nobles were at last brought to
some agreement. But it was followed by a tragical
event. Morton, in tcJten of reconcilement, having in-
vited the leaders of the opposite party to a great enter-
tainment, Athol the chancellor was soon dier '
taken ill, and died within a few days. The
symptoms and violence of the disease gave rise to strong
suspicions of his being poisoned ; and though the phy-
sicians, who opened his body, differed in opinion as to
the cause of the distemper, the chancellor's relations'
publicly accused Morton of that odious crime. The
advantage which visibly accrued to him by the removal
of a man of great abilities, and averse from all his mea-
.;, Google
«6 SCOTLAND. [1679.
sures, was deemed a sufficient proof of his guilt by the
peo[de, who are ever fond of imputing the death of
eminent persons to extraordinary causes.*
The office of chancellor was bestowed upon Argyle,
whom fljia preferment reconciled, in fc great measure,
Umtan't to Mortoo's administration. He had now reco-
etSiB^ vered all the authority which he possessed dur-
fSiiy'^^'^S his regency, and had entirely broken, or
HMiiifain. baffled, the power and cabals of his enemies.
None of the great families remained to be the objects
of his jealousy or to obstruct his designs, but that of
Hamilton. The earl of Arran, the eldest brother, had
never recovered the s.hock which he received from the
ill success of his passion for the queen, and had now
altogether lost his reason. Lord John, the second bro-
ther, was in possession of the family estate. Lord Claud
was Gonmiendator of Paisley ; both of them young
men, ambitious and enterprising. Morton dreaded their
influence in the kingdom ; the courtiers hoped to share
their spoils among them ; and as all princes naturally
view their successors with jealousy and hatred, it was
easy to infuse these passions into the mind of the young
king. A pretence was at hand to justify the most vio-
lent proceedings. The pardon, stipulated in the treaty
of Perth, did not extend to such as were accessary to
the murder of the regents Murray or Lennox. Lord
John and his brother were suspected of being the au-
thors of both these crimes, and had been included in a
general act of attainder on that account. Without sum-
moning them to trial, or examining a single witness to
prove the charge, this attainder was now thought suffi-
cient to subject them to all the penalties which they
would have incurred by being formally convicted. The
earls of Morton, Mar, and Eglinton, together with the
lords Ruthven, Boyd, and Cathcart, received a com-
mission to seize their persons and estates. On a few
r, 31-17.-1 ^v.G^O^
I67&.] BOOK VI. 57
hours' warning, a considerable body of troops was ready,
and marched towards Hamilton in hostile array. Hap-
pily the two brothers made their escape, though with
great difficulty. But their lands were confiscated ; the
castles of Hamilton and Draffan besieged ; those who
defended them punished. The earl of Arrauj though
incapable, from his situation, of committing any crime,
was, involved, by a shameful abuse of law, in the com-
mon ruin of his family ; and as if he, too, could have
been guilty of rebellion, he was confined a close pri-
soner. These proceedings, so contrary to the funda-
mental principles of justice, were all ratified in the
subsequent parliament.^
About this time Mary sent, by Nau^ her secretary,
a letter to her son, together with some jewels of value,
and a vest embroidered with hef own hands. But, as
she gave hiiu only the title of prince of Scotland, the
messenger was dismissed without being admitted into
his presence.*
Though Elizabeth had, at this time, no particular
reason to fear any attempt of the Popish princes in
Mary's favour, she still continued to guard her with
the same anxious care. The acquisition of Portugal,
OQ the one hand, and the defence of the Netherlands,
on the other, fully employed the councils and arms of
Spain, France, torn in pieces by intestine commotions,
and under a weak and capricious prince, despised and
distrusted by his own subjects, was in no condition to
disturb its neighbours. Elizabeth had long
lions for ■ amused that court by carrying on a treaty of
^^^ marriage with the duke of Alen^on, the king's
^dttl'^ brother. But whether, at the E^e of forty-five,
dukeof shereally intended to .marry a prince oftwenty;
whether the pleasure of being flattered and
courted made her listen to the addresses of so young a
lover, whom she allowed to visit her at two diflerent
' Ciawt. Mem. 311. Sputiw. 306. f Cnwt. Mem. 314.
« . Google
58 SCOTLAND. [1579.
times, and treated with the most distinguishing re-
spect ; or whether consideratioas of interest predoini-
nated in this as well as in erery other traosaGtion of
her'teign, are problems in history which we are not
concerned to resolve. During the progress of this ne-
gotiation, which was drawn out to an extraordinary
length, Mary could expect bo assistance from the
French court, and seems to have held little correspond-
ence with it ; and there was no period in her teign,
wherein Elizabeth enjoyed more perfect security.
Two fa. Morton seems at this time to have been
vouritei equally secure ; but his security was not so well
cendint fouuded. He had weathered out one storm,
"'""'had crushed his adversaries, and was again in
possession of the sole direction of affairs. But as the
king -was now of an age when the character and dispo-
sitions of the mind begin to unfold themselves, and to
become visible, the smallest attentioa to these might
have convinced him, that there was reason to expect new
and more dai^rous attacks on his power. James eao-ly
discovered that excessive attachraent to favourites, which
accompanied him througU his whole life. Th» passion,
which naturally arises from inexpetieuM, and youthftil
warmth of heart, was, at his age, far from being cura-
ble ; nor could it be well expected that the choice of
the objects, on whom he ^aeed his affections, should
be^ made with great skill. The most considerable of
them was Esme Stewart, a native of France, and son
ofa second brother of the earl of Lennox. He was dis-
tinguished by the title of lord d'Aubign^, an estate in
France, whit^ descended to him from his ancestors, cm
whom it had been conferred, in reward of their valour
and services to the French cn>wn. He arrived
in Scotland about this time, on purpose to de-
mand the estate and title of Leimox, to which, he pre-
tended a legal right. He- was received at first by the
king with the respect due to so near a relation. The
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
1579.] BOOK VI. 59
gracefulness of his person, the el^;aDce of his dress,
ai^ his courtly behaviour, made a great impression on
James, who, even in his more mature years, was little
afalfe to resist these frivolous charms ; and his affection
flawed with its usual rapidity and prolusion. Within .
' a few days after Stewart's appearance at court, he was
created lord Aberbrothock. soon after earl, and then
duke of Lennox, governor of Dumbarton-castle, captain
of the guard, £r&t lord of the bedchamber, and lord
high chamberlain. At the same time, and without any
of the envy or emulation which is usual among candi-
dates for favour, captain James Stewart, the second son
of lord Ochiltree, grew into great confidence. But,
notwithstanding this union, Lennox and captain Stew*
art were persons of very opposite characters. The
former was naturally gentle, humane, candid; but, un-
acquainted with the state of the country, and misled
or misinformed by those whom he trusted ; not un-
worthy to be the companion of the young king in his
amusements, but utterly disqualified for acting as a
miaister in directing his a&irs. The latter was re^
maxkable for all the vices which render a man formi-
dable to his country, and a pernicious counsellor to hjs
prince ; nor did he possess any one virtue to counter-
balance these vices, unless dexterily in conducting his
own designs, and an enterprising courage, superior to
the eense of danger, may pass by that name. Unre-
strained by religion, regardless of decMicy, and undis-
mayed by opposition, he aimed at ol^ects seemingly
unattainable ; but, under a prince void of experience,
and blind to all the defects of those who had gained
his favour, his andacily was successful ; and honours,
wealth, and pow^, were the reward of his crimes.
They 1^ Both the fevourrtes concurred in employing
*""' ". their whole address to undermine Mort<H»*s cre-
Morton'i dit, which alone obstructed their full possession
nij. ^^ pQ^Qf, ^s James had been bred up with an
Google
eO SCOTLAND [1579,
aversion for that nobleman, who endeavoured rather
to maintain the authority of a tutor, than to act with
the obsequiousness of a minister, they found it no diffi-
cult matter to accomplish their design. Morton,
who could no longer keep the king shut up
within the walls of Stirling-castle, having called a par-
liament to meet at Edinbu^h, brought him thither.
James made his entry into the capital with great solem-
nity ; the citizens received him with the loudest accla-
mations of joy, and with many expensive pageants,
according to the mode of that age. After a long period
of thirty-seven years, during which Scotland had been
subjected to the delegated power of regents, or to the
' feeble government of a woman ; after having suffered
all the miseries of civil war, and felt the insolence of
foreign armies, the nation rejoiced to see the sceptre
once more in the hands of a king. Fond even of that
shadow of authority, which a prince of fifteen could
possess, the Scots flattered themselves, that union,
order, and tranquillity, would now be restored to the
kingdom. James opened the parliament with extra-
ordinary pomp, but nothing remarkable passed in it.
These demonstrations, however, of the peo^
pie's love and attachment to their sovereign, en-
couraged the favourites to continue their insinuations
against Morton ; and as the king now resided in the
palace of Holyrood-house, to which all his subjects had
access, the cabal against the earl grew daily stronger,
and the intrigue, which occasioned his ftdt, ripened
gradually.
Horton Morton began to be sensible of his danger,
totre*™" ^^^ endeavoured to put a st»p to tlie career of
tbem. Lennox's preferment, by representing him as a
formidable enemy to the reformed religion, a secret
agent in favour of Popery, and a known emissary of
the house of Guise. The clergy, apt to believe every
rumour of this kind, spread the alarm among the peo-
Googlc
1580.] BOOK VI. 61
pie. But Lennox, either out of complaisance to his
master, or convinced by the arguments of some learned
divines whom the king appointed to instruct him in the
principles of the Protestant religion, publicly renounced
the errors of Popery, in the church of St. Giles, and
declared himself a member of the church of Scotland,
by signing her confession of faith. This, though it
did not remove all suspicions, nor silence some zealous
preachers, abated, in a great degree, the force of the
accusation.''
On the other hand, a rumour prevailed that Morton
was preparing to seize tie king's person, and to carry
him into England. Whether despair of maintaining
his power by any other means, had driven htm to make
any overture of that kind to the English court, or whe-
ther it was a calumny invented by his adversaries to
render him odious, cannot now be determined with
certainty. As he declared at his death that such a
design had never entered into his thoughts, the latter
seems to be most probable. It afforded a pretence,
however, for reviving the office of lord-chamberlain,
which had been for some time disused. That honour
■ was conferred on Lennox. Alexander Erskine, Mor-
ton's capital enemy, was his deputy ; they had under
them a band of gentlemen, who were appointed con-
stantly to attend the king, and to guard his person.'
Eiuabeth Mortou was uot ignorant of what his enemies
■"'hi'*b^ intended to insinuate by such unusual precau-
baif. tions for the king's safety ; and, as his last
resource, applied to Elizabeth, whose protection had
often stood him in stead in his greatest difficulties. In
consequence of this application, Bowes, her envoy,
accused Lennox of practices against the peace of the
two kingdoms, and insisted, in her name, that he should
be removed from the privy-council. Such an unpre-
cedented demand was considered by the counsellors as
k Crswr. Mem. 319. Spaliw. 303. ' Crawf. Mem. 310.
Google
62 SCOTLAND. [1580.
an affront to the king, and an encroachment on the in-
dependence of the kingdom. They affected to call in
question the envoy's powers, and upon that pretence
recused him farther audience ; and he retiring in dis-
gust, and without taking leave, Sir Alexander Home
was Bent to expostulate with Elizabeth on the subject.
After the treatment which her envoy had received,
Elizabeth thought it below her dignity to admit Home
into her presence. Burleigh, to whom he was com-
manded to impart his commission, reproached him
with his master's ingratitude towards a benefactress
who had placed the crown on his head, and required
him to advise the king to beware of sacrificing the
friendship of so necessary an ally to the giddy humours
of a young man, without experience, and strongly sus-
pected of principles and attachments incompatible with
the happiness of the Scottish nation.
Morion This accusatiou of Lennox hastened, in all
iiocHKd of probability, Morton's fall. The act of indem-
the ranrder ^ , i-iiii.- .i i i
df the uie nity, which he had obtained when he resigned
""*' the regency, was worded with such scrupulous
exactness, as almost screened him from any legal pro-
secntipn. The murder of the late king was ibe only
crime which could not, with decency, be inserted in a
pardon granted by his son. Here Morton still lay
open to the penalties of the law ; and captain Stewart,
who shunned no action, however desperate, if it led to
power or to favour, entered the council-chamber whUe
the king and nobles were assembled, and falling
on his knees, accused Morton of being accessary,
or, according to the language of the Scottish law, art
and part, in the conspiracy against the life of his ma-
jesty's father, and offered, under the usoal penalties,
to verify this charge by legal evidence. Morton, who
was present, heard this accusation with firmness ; and
replied with a disdainful smile, proceeding either from
contempt of the infamous character of his accuser, or
DowcdDyGoOgIC
1580.] BOOK VI. ,63
from consciousness of his own innocence, " that his
known zeal in punishing those who were suspected of
that detestable crime, might well exempt himself from
any suspicion of being accessary to it ; nevertheless, he
would cheerfully submit to a trial, either in that place
or in any other court ; and doubted not but his own
innocence, and the malice of his enemies, would then
appear in the clearest light." Stewart, who was still on
his knees, began to inquire how he would reconcile
his bestowing so many honours on Archibald Douglas,
whom he certainly knew to be one of the murderers,
with his pretended zeal against that crime. Morton
was ready to answer. But the king commanded both
to be removed. The earl was confined, first of all to
,5gi, his own house, and then committed to the cas-
j>n. a. tig Qf Edinburgh, of which Alexander Erakine
was governor ; ahd, as if it had not been a sufficient
indignity to subject him to the power of one of his ene-
mies, he was soon after carried to Dumbarton, of which
Lennox had the command. A warrant was
likewise issued for apprehending Archibald
Douglas ; but he, having received timely intelligence
of the approaching danger, fled into England.^
The earl of Angus, who imputed these violent pro-
ceedings, not to hatred against Morton alone, but to
the ancient enmity between the houses of Stewart and
of Douglas, and who believed that a conspiracy was
now formed for the destruction of all who bore that
name, was ready to take arms in order to resbue his
kinsman. But Morton absolutely forbade any such at-
tempt, and declared that he would rather suffer ten
thousand deaths, than bring an imputation upon his
own character by seeming to decline a trial.'
Eiiubeth'i Elizabeth did not fail to interpose, with
^^Tto warmth, in behalf of a man who had contri-
latehim. butcd SO much to preserve her influence over
k Cmf. Hem. SIS. * Johut 64. Spots. 311.
Google
«4 SCOTLAND. [1581.
Scotland. The late transactions in tliat kingdom had
given her great uneasiness. The power which Lennox
had acquired independent of her was dangerous ; the
treatment her ambassadors had met with differed greatly
^m the respect with which the Scots were in use to
receive her ministers ; and the attack now made on
Morton, fully convinced her that there was an intention
to sow the seeds of discord between the two nations,
Euid to seduce James into a new alliance with France,
or into a marriage with some Popish princess. Full
ofthese apprehensions, she ordered a considerable body *
of troops to be assembled on the borders of Scotland,
and dispatched Randolph as her ambassador into that
kingdom. He addressed himself not only to James,
and to his council, but to a convention of estates, met
at that time. He began with enumerating the extra-
ordinary benefits which Elizabeth had conferred on the
Scottish nation : that without demanding a single foot
of land for herself, without encroaching on the liberties
of the kingdom in the smallest article, she had, at the
expense of the blood of her subjects and the treasures
of her crown, rescued the Scots from the dominion of
France, established among them true religion, and put
them in possession of their ancient rights : that frotn the
beginning of civil dissensions in the kingdom, she had
protected those who espoused the king's cause, and by
her assistance alone, the crown had been preserved on
bis head, and all the attempts of the adverse faction
baffled : that a union, unknown to their ancestors, but
equally beneficial to both kingdoms, had subsisted for
a long period of years, and though so many Popish
princes had combined to disturb this happy state of
things, her care and her constancy had hitherto de-
feated all these efforts : that she had observed of late
an unusual coolness, distrust, and estrangement in the
Scottish council, which she could impute to none but
to Lennox, a subject of France, a retainerto the house
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
1581.1 BOOK VI. 65
of Guise, bred up in the errors of Popery, and still sus-
pected of- favouring that superstition. Not satisfied
with having mounted Jo fast to an uncommon height
of power, which he exercised with all the rashness of
youth, and all the ignorance of a strang'er ; nor thinking
it enough to have deprived the earl of Morton of the
authority due to his abilities and experience, he had
conspired the ruin of that nobleman, who had ottsa
exposed bis life in the king's cause, who had contri-
buted more than any other subject to place him on the
• dironcy to resist the encroachments of Popery, and to
preserve the union between the two kingdoms. If any
zeal for Religion remained among the nobles in Scot-
land, if they wished for the continuance of amity with
England, if they valued the privileges of their own order,
he called upon them, in the name of his mistress, td
remove such a pernicious counsellor as Lennox firom
the presence of the young king, to rescue Morton out
of the hands of his avowed enemy, and secure to him
the benefit of a fair and impartial trial : and if force
was necessary towards accomplishing a desigb so salu-
tary to the king and kingdom, he promised them the
protection of his mistress in the enterprise^ and what-
ever assistance tbey should demand, either of men or
money.''
But these extraordinary remoiistranCes, accompanied
with such an unusual appeal from the king to his sub-
jects, were not the cmly means employed by Elizabeth
in favour of Morton, stnd against Lennox. She per-
suaded the prince of Orange to send an agent into
Scotland, and, under colour of complimenting James
on account of the valour which many of his subjects
had displayed in the service of the States, to enter into
a long detail of the restless enterprises of the Popish
princes against the Protestant religion ; to beseech him
to adhere inviolably to the alliance with England, the
" CM. iiL 6. Sbjpe. u. 621.
VOL. II. F
r,on7<-i.i Google
66 SCOTLAND. . [1581,
only barrier which secured his kingdom against their
dangerous cabals ; and, above all things, to distrust the
insinuatioiis of those who endeavoured to weaken or
to dissolve that union between the British nations,
which all the Protestants in Europe beheld with so
much pleasure."
jsmei de- Jamcs's counscllors were too intent upon the
terminw to destruction of their enemy to listen to these re-
■^ii monstrances. The officious interposition of the
""■ prince of Orange, the haughty tone of Eliza-
foeth's naessage, and her avowed attempt to excite sub-'
jects to rebel against their sovereign, were considered
as unexampled insults on the majesty and indepen-
dence of a crowned head. A general and evasive an-
swer was given to Randolph. James prepared to assert
his own dignity with spirit. All those suspected of
favouring Morton were turned out of office, some of
them were required to surrender themselves prisoners ;
the men capable of bearing arms throughout the king-
dom were commanded to be in readiness to take the
field ; and broops were levied and posted on the borders.
The English ambassador, finding tiiat neither the public
manifesto which he had delivered to the convention,
nor his private cabals with the nobles, could excite
them to arms, fled in the night-time out of Scotland,
where libels against him had been daily published, and
even attempts mjide upon his life. In both kingdoms
every thing wore a hostile aspect But Elizabeth,
though she wished to have intimidated the Scottish
king by her preparations, had no inclination to enter
into a war with him, and the troops on the borders,
which had given such umbrage, were soon dispersed."
The greater solicitude Elizabeth discovered for Mor-
ton's safety, the more eagerly did his enemies drive
on their schemes for his destruction. Captain Stewart,
Google
ISSl.] BOOK VI. 67
his accuser, was first appointed tutor to the ear! of
ArraD, and soon after both the tide and estate of his
unhappy ward, to which he advanced some frivolous
claim, were conferred upon him. The new-made peer
was commanded to conduct Morton from Dumbarton
to Edinburgh ; and by that choice the earl was not only
warned what fate he might expect, but had the crdel
-mortiiication of seeing his deadly enemy already loaded
with honours, in reward of the malice with which he
had contributed to his ruin.
* He i. tried '^^ Tccords of the court oijitsticiary at this
and COD- period are lost. The account which our histo-
demned. . . p ttn j ■ i ■ .
nans give oi Morton s tnal is inaccurate and
unsatisfactory. The proceedings ^;aiiist him seem
to have been carried on with violence. During the
trial, great bodies of armed men were drawn up in
different parts of the city. The jury was composed
of the earl's known enemies; and though he chal-
lenged several of them, his objections were overruled.
After a short consulta:tion, his peers found him guilty
of concealing, and of being art and part in the con-
piracy against the life of the late king. The first part
of the verdict did not surprise him ; but he twice re-
peated the words art and part with some vehemeace,
and added, " God knows it is not so." The doom
which the law decrees against a traitor was pronounced.
The king, however, remitted the cruel and ignominious
part of ^e sentence, and appointed that he should suf-
fer death next day, by being beheaded.''
During that awful interval, Morton possessed
the utmost composure ot mind. He supped
cheerfully ; slept a part of the night in his usual man-
ner, and employed this rest of his time in religious con-
ferences, and in acts of devotion with some ministers-of
the city. The clergymeQ who attended him, dealt freely
» Spouw.' 314. JaliDit.65. Cnvf. Mem. 3St. C*ld^iiu45. Araal'i Crimin.
TiUi, 9S8.
f2
r,on7<-i.i Google
6ff SCOTLAND. [1581.
with his conscteHce^ asd pressed his crimes home upe«
ItiEQ. What he coniessed with regard to the crime for
which .he suffered, is remarkable, and supi^ies, in some
measure, the imperfection of our reotuds. He acknow-
ledged,! ^^^ onhis return frora England, aft» the dea&
of Rizio, Bothwell had informed bimoftheeonspiraoy
against theking, which the querai, ashettddhim, knew
of .an4 approved ; that he solicited him to coiu^r in the
exe,cution of it, which at that tioie he absolutely de-
clined ; that soon after Bothwell himself, and Arehib^d
Douglas, id his name, renewing their solicitations to
the same .purpose, he had required a warrant under die
queen's hand, authorizang the attempt, and as that had
never been produced, iie had refused to be any farther
concerned in the matter. " But," continued he, " a*
I. nether consented to this treasonable act, nor assisted
in the ocHnmitting of it, so it was impossible for me to
reveal, or to prevent it. To whom could I make the
discovery? The queen was the author of the enteiprise.
Darnley was such a changeling, that no secret could be
safely communicated to him. Huntly and Bothwell>
who bore tite chief sway ia the kii^om, wea% th^n-
selves the perpetratoi^ of the crime." These circum-
stances^, it must be c(»ifessed, go some length towards
^tenuating Morton's guilt; and though his apology for
the favour he b»d shewn to Arohibdd Douglas, whom
he knev? to be one of the conspirators, be far less satis-
factory, OP uneasy reflections e«em^ to have disquieted
his own mind on thataceoupt.^ When Ms keepers told
hvn that the guards w^s att^ndiI^, and all things in
re^iliess, " I pffuse my God," said he, " I am ready
likewise." Arran commanded these guards; and even
in those moments, when the most implacable hati%d is
apt to relent, the malice of bis enemies could not for-
bear this insult On the scalFold, his behaviour was
calm ; his countenance and voice unaltered ; and, after
t Crewf. Blem. App. iil.
DowcdDyGoOgIC
I58h] BOOK VI, C&
some time spent in devotion, he suffered deadi wiA the
intrepidi^ which becaroe the name of Douglas. His
head Was placed on thepublic jail of Edinbuigh; aod
his body, after lying till sunset on the scaffold, covered
with a beggarly cloidc, was carried by common porters
to Ae usual burial-pkee of criminals. None of his
iriends durst accompany it to tiie grave, or discover
titeir-gratitude and respect by any sympttrtns of sorrow/
~j.|ij^ Arr-an, no less profligate in private life, than
owdoaior widaoious in his public conduct^ soon after drew
the Intention of his coimttymeB, by his infamous
marriage With- the ooimt^s of-Mareh. Bfefore he grew
into &,vouc at court, he had been often enterfoined in
her husband's house, and, without rt^rding the laws
of hospitality or of g^titude, carried on a criminal in-
trigue with' the wife of his benefactor, a woman young
and beautiiul, but, according to the de^riptibn of a
coatemporwy historian, " intolertJsle in all the imper-
fections-incident to her sex." Impatient of anyrestraint
iqion their mutufd desires, they^ with equal ardourj
wished to avow tihieir tmion publicly, and to legitimate*
t^ a> mamage, Uie offspring of their unlawful passion.
The coHntess petitioned to be divorced from her hus-
band, foB a reason which no modest woman will ever
plead. The judges, overawed by Arran, passed sen-
t^ice without d^ay. This in&mous scene was con-
eluded by a' marriage, solemnised with great
" ^ ' pomp, and beheld by all ranks of men with the
utmost hoiTor.'
A parliament washeld this year, at the open-
mg of which some disputes arose between Arran
and the new' created duke of Lennox. Arran, haughty
by nature, and pushed on by his wife's ambition segan
to affect an equality with the duke, under whds^ pro-
tection he had hitherto been contented to place himself.
Aftu' -various attempts to form a party in the council
' Cnlwf. Men. 334. Siio[>«. 314. 'Sputiw.Sie.
DowcdDyGoOgIC
70 SCOTLAND. [1581.
against Lennox, he found him fixed so fimdy in -die
king's affections, that it was impossible to shake him ;
and, rather than lose all interest at court, from whidi
he was banished, he made the most humble submissions
to the favourite, and again recovered his former credit.
This rupture contributed, however, to render, the duke
still more odious to the nation. During the continu-
ance of it, Arran affected to court the clergy, .pretended
an extraordinary zeal for the Protestant religion, and
laboured to confirm the suspicions which were enter-
tained of.his rival, as an emissary of the bouse of Guise,
and a favourer of Popery. As he was supposed to be-
acquainted with the duke's most secret designs, his ca-
lumnies were listened to with greater credit than was
due to his character. To this rivalship between Lennox
and Arran, duripg the continuance of which each en-
deavoured to conciliate the good-will of the clei^, we ,
must ascribe several acts of this parliament uncommonly
favourable to the church, particularly one which abo-,
lished the practice introduced by Morton, of appoint-
ing but one minister to several parishes.
EcciMiuU- No notice hath been taken for several years
ciiaffiiira. of ecclesiastical affairs. While the civil govern-
ment underwent so many extraordinary revolutions, the .
church was not free from convulsions. Two objects
chiefly engrossed the attention of the clergy. The one
was, the forming a system of discipline, or ecclesiastical
polity. After long labour, and many difficulties, this
system was at last brought to some degree of perfection.
The assembly solemnly approved of it, and appointed it
to be laid before the privy-council in order to obtain
the ratification of it in parliament But Morton, during
his administration, and those who, after his fall, go-
vemedthe king, were equally unwilling to see it car-,
ried into execution; and by starting difficulties and
throwing in objections, prevented it from receiving a
legal sanction. The other point in view was, the abo-
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
1S8I.] BOOK VI. 71
lition of the episcopal order. The bishops were so de-
voted to the king, to whom they owed their promotion,
that ihe function itself was by some reckoned danger-
ous to civil liberty. Being allowed a seat in parliament,-
and distinguished by titles of honour, these not only
occasioned many avocations from their spiritual func-
tions, but soon rendered their character and manners
extremely different firom those of the clergy in that age.
The nobles viewed their power with jealousy ; the popu-
lace considered their lives as profane ; and both wished
their downfal with equal ardour. The personal emu-
lation between Melvil and Adamson, a man of learning
and eminent for. bis popular eloquence, who was pro-
moted, oil the death of Douglas, to be archbishop of
St. Andrew's, mingled itself with thep^sioDS on each
side, and heightened them. Attacks were made in every
assembly on the order of bishops ; their privileges were
gradually circumscribed ; .$iid at last an act was passed,
declaring the office of bishop, as it was then exercised
within the realm, to have neither foundation nor .war-
rant in the word of God ; and requiring, under pain of
excommunication, all who now possessed that office,
in^andy to resign it, and to abstain from preaching or
administering the sacraments, until tbey should receive
permission from the general assembly. The court did
not acquiesce in this decree. A vacancy happened soon
atter in the see of Glasgow, Monlgomery, minister at
Stirling, a man vain, fickle, presumptuous, and more
apt, by the blemishes in his character, to have alienated
the people from an order already beloved, than to
reconcile them to one which was the object of their
hatred, made an infamous simoniacal .bargain with
Lennox, and on;his recommendation was chosen arch-
bishop. The presbytery of Stirling, of which he was a
.member, the presbytery of Glasgow, whither he was to
be translated, the general assembly, vied with each
other in prosecuting him on that account. In order to
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
72 SCOTLAND. [1582.
screen Moii%omeiy, James made trial both of gentle
and of rigorous measores, and both were equally
ineffectual. The general assembly was just
ready to prtmounce against him the sentence of excom-
munication, when a herald entered, and commanded
them in the king's name, and under pain of rebellion,
to stop farther proceedings. Even this injunction they
demised ; and though Mon^omery, by his tears and
seeming penitence^ procured a short respite, the sen-
tence was at last issued by their appointment, jmd pub-
lished in all the churches throughout the kingdom.
The firmness of the clergy in a collective body was
not greater than the boldness c^ some individuals, par-
ticularly of the ministers of Edinburgh. They inveighed
daily against the corruptions inthe administration ; and,
with the freedom of speech admitted into the pulpit in
that age, named Lennox and Arran as the chief authors
of Ihe grievances under which the church and kingdom
groaned. The courtiers, in their turn, complained to
the king of the iosol^it and seditious spirit of the
clergy. In ordec to check the boldness of their dis-
courses, James islued a proclamation, commanding
Dury, one of the most pt^Hilar ministers, not only to
leave the town, but to abstain from preaching in any
other place. Dury complained to the judicatories of
this encroachment upon the immunities of his office.
They approved of the doctrine which>he had delivered ;
and he determined to disregard the royal proclama-
tion. But the magisti-ates being determined to compel
■bim to leave the city, according to the king's orders,
he was obliged to abandon his charge, after protesting
publicly, at the cross of Edinburgh, against the vio-
lence which was put upon him. The people accom-
panied him to the gates with tears and lamentations ;
and the clergy denounced the vengeance of Heaven
against the authors of this outrage.*
> C«ld. Aucm. 157e— IMS. Sp<X>w.t77,&c.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
1582.] BOOK VI. 73
In this perilous situation stood the churchy the au-
thority of its judicators called in question, and the
liberty of the pulpit restrained, when a sudden revolu-
tion of the civil government procured them unexpected
relief
Hii favour- '^^ ^'^^ fevouritcs, by &ea ascendant over
ijM engage the king, possessed uncontrolled power in the
BDpoputu' kingdom, and exercised it with die utmost
"*"■"*** wantonness. James usually resided at Dal^
keith, or Kinneil, the seats of Lennox and of Airan, and
was attended by such company, and employed in siich
amusements, as did not suit his dignity. The services
of those who had oootribnted most to place the crown
on his head 'were but little remembered. Many who
had opposed him with the greatest virulence;, enjoyed
the rewards and honours to which the others were en-
titled. Exalted aotioos of regd prerogilive, utteriy
inconsistent with the constitution of Scotland, being
instilled by his favourites into the toind of the young '
monarch, unfortunately made, at that early age, a deep
impression there, and became the source of almost all-
his subsequent envrs in the government of both king-
doms." Courts of justice were held in almost every
county, the proprietors of land were called before Ihem,
and upon the slightest neglect of any of the numerous
forms which ore peculiar to the feudal holdings, Aey
were fined with unusual and intolerable rigour. The
lord chamberlain revived the obsolete jurisdiction of
his office over the boroughs, and they were subjected
to actions no less grievous. A'design seemed likewise
to have been formed to exasperate Elizabeth, and to
dissolve the alliance with her, which all good Pro-
testants esteemed the chief security of their religion in
Scotland. A close correspondence was carried on be-
tween the king and his mother, and considerable pro-
gress made towards uniting their titles to die crown,
,y Google
74 SCOTLAND. [1582.
by such a treaty of association as MaiUand had pro-
jected; which could not fail of endangeriog or dimi-
nishing his authority, and must have proved fatal to
those who had acted against her with the greatest vi-
gour/
The mUei AH these circumstances irritated the impa-
^^J' tient spirit of the Scottish nobles, who resolved
them. ,(0 tolerate no longer the iDSolence of the two
minions, or to stand by, while their presumption and
inexperience ruined both the king and the kingdom.
Elizabeth, who, during the administration of the four
regents, had the entire direction of the affairs of Scot-
land, felt herself deprived of all iniluence in that king-
dom ever since the death of Morton, and was ready to
countenance any attempt to rescue the king out of the
bands of favourites who were leading him into measures
so repugnant to all her views. The earls of Mar and
Glencaim, lord Ruthven, lately created earl of Gowrie,
lord Lindsay, lord Boyd, the tutor of Glamis, the eldest
son of lord Oliphant, with several barons and gentle-
men of distinction, entered into a combination for that
purpose; and as changes in administration, which,
among polished nations, are brought about slowly and
silently, by artifice and intrigue, were in that rude age
effected suddenly and by violence, the king's situation,
, and the security of the favourites, encouraged the con-
spirators to have immediate recourse to force.
Seize the Jamcs, after having resided for some time in
Ln^t^'* Athol; where he enjoyed his favourite amuse-
Ruihren. ment of hunting, was now returning towards
Edinburgh with a small train. He was invited to
Ruthven-casUe, which lay in his way ; and as he sus-
pected no danger, he went thither in hopes of farther
sport. The multitude of strangers whom he
found there gave him some uneasiness ; and as
those who were in the secret arrived every moment from
« CM. iu. $yT.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
1582.] BOOK VI. 75
different parts, tbe t^pearance of so many new faces
increased his fears. He concealed his uneasiness, how-
erer, with the utmost care ; and next morning pre-
pared for the field, expecting to find there some oppor-
tunity of making his escape. But just as he was ready ■
to depart, the nobles entered his bed-chamber in a body,
and presented a memorial against the illegal and op-
pressive actions of his two favourites, whom they repre-
sented as most dangerous enemies to the religion and
liberties of the nation. James, though he received this
remonstrance with the complaisance which was neces-
sary in his present situation, was extremely impatient
to be gone ; but as he approached the door of his
^artment, the tutor of Glamis rudely stopped him.
The king complained, exjpostulated, threatenedj and
finding all these without eifect, burst into tears : " No
matter," said Glamis fiercely, " better children weep
than bearded men." These words made a deep im-
pression on the king's mind, and were never forgotten.
The conspirators, without regarding his tears or indig-
nation, dismissed such of his followers as they suspect-
ed ; allowed none but persons of their own party to
have access to him ; and, though they treated him with
great respect, guarded his person with the utmost care.
This enterprise is usually called, by our historians, The
Raid of Ruthven.'
Lennox and Arran were astonished to the last
CoDunit
Anan to degree at an event so unexpected, and so fatal
'"^°' to their power. The former endeavoured, but
without success, to excite the inhabitants of Edinburgh
to take arms in order to rescue their sovereign from
captivity. The latter, with bis usual impetuosity,-
mounted on horseback the moment he heard what had
befallen the king, and with a few followers rode to-
wards Ruthven-castle ; and as a considerable body of
the conspirators, under the command of the earl of Mar,
» C«kl. iii. 1S4. Si«l!i». 380. McU. 357.
DowcdDyGoOgIC
76 Scotland. [issa.
lay in hia way ready to oppose him, lie separated him-
self from his compfuiions, and with two attendants ar-
rived at the gate of the casde. At the sight of a man
so odious to his country, the indi^iation of the con-
apirators rc»e, and instant death must kave been the
punishment of hia raahnesis, if tlw friendship of Gowrie,
or some other cwse not explained by our historians,
had not saTed a life so pernicious to the kingdom. He
was confined, however, to the castle of Stirling, with-
out being admitted into the king's presence.
ComiMnd The king, though really the prisoner of hi&
fc^'the" *"™ subjects, with whose conduct he could not
^y>^<»^- help discovering many symptoms of disgust,
was obliged to pirijlish a proclamation, signifying his
approbation of their enterprise, declaring that he was
at full Hber^, without any restraint or Violence offered
to his person ; and forbidding any attempt ^;ainst
diose <K>ncemed in the Raid of Ruthven, under pre-
tence of rescuing him out of their hands. At
. ^' ' the same time, he commanded Lennox to leave
Scotland before the 20th of September.*
The con- Soou aftcF, Sir George Carey and Robert
>[Hi»tqn Bowes arrived as ambassadors from Elizabeth.
iMQced h; Hie pretext of th^iir embassy was to mquire
"" ' after the king's safety ; to encour^e and coun-
tenance the conspirators was the real motive of it. By
their iuteiCessioh, the earl of Angus, who, evw sincethe
death of his uncle Morton, had lived in exile, obtained
leave to return. And the accession of a nobleman so
powerfiil and so pc^ular strengthened the faction.'
I^nnox, whose amiable and gentle qualities had pro-
cured faim many friends, and who received private as-
surances that the king's favour towards him was in no
degree abated, seemed resolved, at-first, to- pay no regard
to a command extorted by violence, and no less disagree-
able to James, than it was rigorous with regard to bim-
< Odd. m. 135. 13B. ' Ilnd. iu. 151.
DowcdDyGoOgIC
158J.1 BOOK VI. 77
self. Bat the power of hia enemies, who were masters
of the king's person, who were secretly supported by
Elizabeth, and openly applauded by the clergy, deter-
red him from any enterprise, the success of which was
dubious, and the danger certain, both to himSelf and his
soTereigD. He put otF the time of his departure, how-
ever, by various artifices, in expectation either that James
might make his escape from the conspirators, or that for-
tune might present some more favourable opportunity
of taking arms for his relief,
Thsir COB- On the other hand, the conspirators were .ex-
p^.^^ tremely solicitous not only to secure the E^pro-
K^\r'' hation of their countrymen, but to obtain some
xod ■ con- l^al sanction of their enterprise. For this pur-
eititcs. pose they published a long declaration, contain-
ing the motives which had induced them to venture on
such an irregular step, and endeavoured to heighten
the public indignation against the favourites, by repre-
senting, in the strongest colours, their inexperience and
insolence, their contempt of the nobles, their violation
of the privileges of the church, and their oppression of
the people. They obliged the king, who could not with
safety refuse any of their demands^ to grant thein a
remission in the most. ample form;- and not satisfied
with that, they applied to the ass^bly of the chorch,
and easily procured an act, declaring, " that they had
done good and acceptable service to God, td
their sovereign, and to their native country ;**
and requiring aU sincere Protestants to concur with
them in carrying forward such a laudable enterprise. In
order to add the greater weight to this act, every mi-
nister was enjoined to read it in his own pulpit, and to
inflict the censures of the church on those who set them-
selves in opposition to so good a cause. A convention
of estates assembled a few days after, passed an act to
the same effect, and granted fuU indemnity to the con-
spirators for every thing they had done."
»Ca)d.Jii. 17T.lSr. 900. Spobw. SSt.
Google
78 SCOTLAND. [1582.
Lg„no^., James was conducted by them, first to Stir-
dep«rture jjpg^ j^^ afterward to tfee palace of Holyrood-
Jand. bouse ; and thougb be was received every where
with the external marks of respect due to bis dignity,
bis motions were carefully observed, and he was under
a restraint no less strict than at the first moment when
be was seized by the conspirators. Lennox, after elud-
ing many comm^ids to depart out of the kingdom,
was at last obliged to begin his journey. He lingered
however for some time in the neighbourhood of Edin-
burgh, as if he had still intended to make some effort
towards restoring the king to liberty. But either from
the gentleness of bis own disposition, averse to blood-
shed and the disorders of civil war, or from some other
cause unknown to us, be abandoned the design, and
■ set out forFrance, by the way of England. The
king issued the order for his departure with no
less reluctance than the duke obeyed it ; and both
mourned a separation, which neither of them bad power
to prevent. Soon after his arrival in France, the fa-
tigue of the journey, or the anguish of his mind, threw ■
him into a fever. In bis last moments he discovered
such a firm adherence to the Protestont faith, as fully
vindicates bis memory from the imputation of an attach-
ment to Popery, with whiqh be bad been uncharitably
loaded in Scotland." As he was the earliest, and best
beloved, he was, perhaps, the most deserving, though
not the most able of all James's favourites. The warmth
and tenderness of bis master's EifiFection for him were
not abated by death itself. By many acts of kindness
and generosity towards his posterity, the king not only
did great honour to the memory of Lennox, but set bis
own character in one of its most favourable points of
view.
Muj'i The success of the conspiracy which de-
^'L prived James of liberty made great noise over
•on. ^ Europe, and at last reached the ears of Mary
' Spotiw. 324. C«ld. iii. 171.
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
1582.] BOOK VI. 79
in the prison to which she was confined. As her own ex-
perience had taught her what injuries a captive prince
is exposed to suffer; and as many of those who were
now concerned in the enterprise against her son, were
the same persons whom slie considered as the chief au-
thors of her own misfortunes, it was natural for the ten-
derness of a mother to apprehend that the same calami-
ties were ready to fall on his head ; and such a prospect
did not fiiil of adding to the distress and horror of her
own situation. In the anguish of her heart, she wrote
to Elizabeth, complaining in the bitterest terms of the
unprecedented rigour with which she herself had been
treated, and beaeechingher not to abandon her son to the
mercy of his rebellious subjects; nor permit him to be
involved in the same misfortunes under which she had
so long groaned. The peculiar vigour and acrimony
of s^le, for which this letter is remarkable, discover both
the high spirit of the Scottish queen, unsubdued by her
sufieriogs, and the violence of her indignation at Eliza-
beth's artifices and severity. But it was ill adapted, to
gain the end which she had in view, and accordingly it
neither procured any mitigation of the rigour of her own
confinement, nor any interposition in favourof the king.**
,583. Henry III. who, though he feared and hated
Aral**- the princes of Guise, was often obliged to court
rive fnxD their favour, interposed with warmth, in order
•^'e^k- to extricate James out of the hands . of a party
'"''■ so entirely devoted to the English interest. He
commanded M. de la Motte Fenelon, .his ambassaijor
at the court of England, to repair to Edinburgh, and to
contribute hisutmost endeavours towards placing James
in a situation more suitable to his dignity. As Eliza-
beth could not, with decency, refuse him liberty to exe-
cute his commission, she appointed Davison to attend
him into Scotland as her envoy, under colour of concur-
ring with him in the negotiation, but in reality to be aspy
.. 'Cinid.489..
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
8» SCOTLAND. (1683.
upon his motions, and to obstruct his success. James,
whose title to the crown had not hitherto been recog-
nised by any o£ the princes on the continent, was ex-
tremely fond of such an honourable embassy from the
French monarch ; and, on that account, as well as for the
sake of the errand on which Jie came, received Fenelon
with ffreat respect. The nobles, in whose power
Jan. 7. I , . .. 1 1- 1 1 ■ ■ - ■
the king was, did not rehsh tois interposition of
the Freiich court, which had long lost its ancient in-
fluence over the aflfairs of Scotland. The clergy were
alarmed at the danger to which rdigion would be ex-
posed, if the princes of Guise should recover tmy ascen-
dant over the public counsels. Though the king tried
every method for restraining them within &.e bounds of
decency, they declaimed against the court of France,
against the princes of Guise, G^ainst the ambassador,
against entering into any alliance with such notorious
perf^cutors of the church of God, with a vehemence
which no regular government would now tolerate, but
which was then extremely common The ambassador,
watched by Davison, distrusted by the nobles, and eic-
posed. to the insults of the clergy and of the people, re-
turned into England without procuring, any change in
the king's situation, or receivii^. any answer to a pro-
posal which he made, th^t the goTeroment should be
carried on in the joint uamAs of James.and the queen
his mother.'
jMOf . Meanwhile James, though he dissembled with
ont'^ie 8T^^t ^''^ became every day more uneasy under
handiof his confinement.; his uneasiness rendered him
tphabin. continually attentive to find out a proper oppor-
tunity for making his escape; and to this attention he
at last owed his liberty, which the king of France was
not able, nor the queon of ^gland willing to procure
for him. As the conspirators had forced Lemiox out
of the kingdom, and kept Arrah at a distanceirom court,
' Cald. iii. f07. Spotsw. 314. Ifaidis, 373, Sic. See Appendii, No. XLII.
r,on7<-i.i Google
1583.] SCOTLAND. 81
they grew secure; and imagining that time had recon-
ciled the king to them, and to his situation, they watch-
ed him with little care. Some occasions of discord had
arisen among themselves ; and the French ambassador,
by fomenting these during the time of his residence in
Scotland, Had weakened the union, in which alone their
safety consisted/ Colonel William Stewart, the com-
mander of the band of gentlemen who guarded the king's
person, being gained by James, had the principal
merit in the scheme for restoring his master to liberty.
Under pretence of pavine a visit to the earl of
5unee7. ,, , '^, . , , T . ■.
March, his grand-uncle, James was permitted
to go from Falkland to St. Andrew's. That he might
not create any suspicion, he lodged at first in an open
defenceless house in the town, but pretending a curio-
sity, to see the castle, no sooner was he entered with
some of his attendants whom he could trust, than co-
lonel Stewart commanded the gates to be shut, and ex-
cluded all the rest of his train. Nextmomingthe earls
of Argyle, Huntly, Crawford, Montrose, Rothes, with
others to whom the secret had been communicated, en-
tered the town with their followers ; and though Mar,
with several of the leaders of the faction, appeared in
arms, they found themselves so far outnumbered, that
it was in vain to think of recovering possession of the
king's person, which had been in their power somewhat
longer than ten months. James was naturally of so sofl
and ductile a temper, that those who were near his per-
son comnjonly made a deep impression on his heart,
which was. formed to be under the sway of favourites.
As he remained implacable and unreconciled to. the
conspirators dufing so long a time, and at a period of
.life when resentments are rather violent than lasting,
they must either have improved the opportunities of in-
.sinuating themselves into favour with little dexterity,
or the indignation, with which this first insult to hid
' Cimd. 4B3.
VOL. II, e
r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google
83 SCOTLAND. [t£83.
person and authority Bited him, must have been very
great.
Rttoha. His joy at his escape was youthful and ex-
to b^r* cessive. He resolved, however, by the advice
!i^m "" ^^ ®^ James Melvil, and his wisest counsellors,
Hod. to act With the utmost moderation. Having
called into his presence the leaders of both factions,
the neighbouring gentry, the deputies of the adja-
cent boroughs, the ministers, and the heads of col-
leges, he declared, that although he had be^i held
under restraint for some time by violence, he would not
impute that as a crime to any man, but, without remem-
bering the irregularities which had been so frequent
durmg his minority, would pass a general act of
oblivion, and govern all his subjects with undistin-
guishing and equal affection. As an evidence of his
sincerity, he visited the earl of Gowrie, at Ruthven-
casde, and granted him a full pardon of any guilt he had
contracted, by the crime committed in that very place.'
Bat Anui But Jamcs did not adhere long to this pru-
i^"da?" dent and moderate plan. His former favour-
o»ef tim; jte, the earl of Arran, had been permitted for
some time to reside at Kinneil, one of his country-seats.
As soon as the king felt himself at liberty, his love for
him began to revive, and he expressed a strong desire
-to see him. The eourtiers violently opposed the return
of a minion, whose insolent and overbearing temper they
dreaded, as much as the nation detested his crimes.
James, however, continued his importunity, and pro-
mising that he should continue with him no longer
than one day, they were obliged to yield. This inter-
view rekindled ancient afi'ection ; the. king forgot his
.promise ; Arran regained his ascendant over him ; and,
within a few days, resumed the exercise of power, with
all the arrogance of an undeserving ^vourite,- and> all
the rashness peculiar to hin^lf.*'
Google
1588.] BOOK VI. 83
And lbs The first eSect of his influence was a procla-
^^ mation with regard to those concerned in the
Om ptan. Raid of Ruthven. They were required to ac-
knowledge their crime in the humblest manner ; and
the king promised to grant them a fall pardon, pro-
vided their future conduct were such as did not oblige
him to remember past mi8cajri^;e3. The tenor of this
proclamation was extremely different from the act of
oblivion which the conspirators had been encouraged
to expect. Nor did any of them reckon it safe to rely
on a promise clogged with such an equivocal condi-
tion, and granted by a young prince under the domi-
nion of a minister void of faith, regardless of decency,
and transported by the desire of revenge even beyond
the usual ferocity of his temper. Many of the leaders,
who had at first appeared openly at court, retired to
their own houses ; and, foreseeing the dangerous storm
which was gathering, began to look out for a retreat
in foreign coantries.*
£i;^ Elizabeth, who had all along protected the
betb^iJKiu- conspirators, was extremely disgusted with
bebaHot measures which tended so visibly to their de-
imto^^' struction, and wrote to the king a harsh and
A^-T. haughty letter, reproaching him, in a style
very uncommon among princes, with breach of faith
in recalling Arran to court, and with imprudence in
proceeding so rigorously i^inst his best and most
feithfal subjects. Jsunes, with a becoming dignity, re-
plied, that promises extorted by violence, and condl-
tioiis yielded out of fear, were no longer binding, when
these were removed; that it belonged to him alone to
choose what ministers he would employ in his service ;
and that though he resolved to treat the conspirators
at Ru^ven with the utmost clemency, it was necessary,
for the support c^ his authority, that such an insult on
his person should not pass altogether uncensured.^
< HtlT. 378. Spobv. 316. Cald. iii. SSQ. ^ Melv. t79.
g2
Google
84 SCOTLAND. [1583.
g^^j^ J Elizabeth's letter was quickly followed by
w»iui>g- Waisingham her secretary, whom she appoint-
btu>; into ed her ambassador to James, and who appeared
®°*'''^'^- at the Scottish court with a splendour and mag-
nificence well calculated to please and dazzle a young
prince. Waisingham was admitted to several confe-
rences with James himself, in'which he insisted on the
same topics contained in the letter, and the king re-
peated his former uiswers.
After suffering several indignities from the arro-
gance of Arran and his creatures, he returned to Eng-
land, without concluding any new treaty with the king.
Waisingham was, next to Burleigh, the minister on
whom the chief weight of the English administration
rested; and whenapersoa ofhis rank steptsofaroutof
the ordinary road of business, as to undertake a long
journey in his old age, and under a declining state of
health, some affair of consequence was supposed to be
the cause, or some important event was expected to be
the effect, of this measure. But as nothing conspi-
cuous either occasioned or followed this embassy, it is
probable that Elizabeth had no other intention in em-
ploying this sagacious minister, than to discover, with
exactness, the capacity and disposition of the Scottish
king, who was now arrived at a time of life when, with
some degree of certainty, conjectures might be formed
concerning his character and future conduct. As James
possessed talents of that kind, which make a better
figure in conversation than in action, he gained a great
deal by this interview with the English secretary, who,
notwithstanding the cold reception which he met with,
gave such an advantageous repfesentation of his abili-
ties, as determined Elizabeth to treat him, hencefor-
ward, with greater decency and respect."
Elizabeth's eagerness to protect the conspirators,
rendered James more violent in his proceedings againist
IMelT.wa. Ciild. iu. 258. Jebh, U. 536.
Google
1683.] BOOK- VI. 85
them. As they had all refiised to accept of pardon
upon the terms which he had offered, they were re-
quired, by a new proclamation, to surrender themselves
prisoners. The . earl of Angus alone complied ; the
rest either fled into England, or obtained the king's
licence to retire into foreign parts. A con-
vention of estates was held, the members of
which, deceived by an unworthy artifice of Arran's,
declared those concerned in the Raid of Rutkven to
have been, guilty of high-treason ; appointed the act .
passed last year approving of their conduct to be ex-
punged out of the records ; and engaged to support
the. king in prosecuting the fugitives with the utmost
rigour of law.
The conspirators, though far from having done any
thing that was uucommon in that age, among mutinous
nobles, and under an unsettled state of government,
must be acknowledged to have been guilty of an act
of treason against their sovereign ; and James, who
considered their conduct in this light, had good rea-
son. to boast of his clemency, when he offered to par-
don them upon. their confessing their crime. But, on
the other hand, it must be allowed that, after the king's
voluntary promise of a general oblivion, they had some
reason to complun of breach of iaith, and, without the
most impardonable imprudence, could not have put
their lives in Arran's power.
1584. '^^ interest of the church was considerably
ft^ "^"^ affected by these contrary revolutions. While
compii*- the conspirators kept possession. of power,' the
iiriute the clcrgy not only recovered, but extended, their
^"8- privileges. As they had formerly declared the
hierarchy to be unlawful, they took some bold mea-
sures towards exterminating the episcopal order out of
the church ; and it was owing more to Adamson's' dex-
terity in perplexing and lengthening out. the process
for tiiat purpose, than to their own want of zeal, that
86 SCOTLAND. [1584.
they did not deprive, and perhaps excommunicate, aJl
the bishops in Scotland. When the king recovered
his liberty, things put on a very different aspect. The
favour bestowed upon Arran, the enemy of every thing
decent and sacred, and the rigorous prosecution of
those nobles who had been the most zealous defenders
of die Protestant cause, were considered as sure pre-
sages of the approaching ruin of the church. The
clergy could not conceal their apprehensions, nor view
. this impending danger in silence. Dury, who had
been restored to his office as one of the ministers of
Edinburgh, openly applauded the Raid of Ruthven in
the pulpit, at which the king was so enn^d, that, not*
withstanding some symptoms of his submission, he
commanded him to resign his charge in the ci^. Mr.
Andrew Melvil, being summoned before the privy-
council, to answer for the doctrine which he had ut-
tered in a sermon at St. Andrew's, and accused of com-
paring the present grievances of the nation with those
under James III., and of intimating obliquely that they
ought to be redressed in the same manner, diought it
incumbent on him to behave wiA great firmness. He
declined the jurisdiction of a civil court, in a cause
which he maintained to be purely ecclesiastical ; the
presbytery, of which he was a member, had, as he con-
tended, the sole right to call him to account for words
spioken in the pulpit; and neither the king nor council
eould judge, in the Brst instance, of the doctrine deli-
vered by pi«achers, without violating the immunities
of the church. This exemption ik>m civil jurisdiction
was a privilege which the Popish ecclesiastics, admira-
ble judges of whatever contributed to increase the lustre
or power of Iheir body, had long struggled for, and
had at last obtained. If the same pleahad now been
admitted, &e Protestant clergy would have become in-
dependent of the civil mt^istrate ; and an order of
men extremely useful to aociely, while they inculcate
L^.oogle
1484.] BOOK VI. 8T
diose duties which tend to promote its happiness' and
tranquilli^, might have become no less pernicious, by
teaching, without fear or control, the moat dangerous
principles, or by exciting their hearers to the most des-
perate and lawless actions. The king, jealous to ex-
cess of his prerogative, was alarmed at this daring en-
croachment on it ; and as Melvil, by his learning and
zeal, had acquired the reputation and authority of head
of the party, he resolved to punish him with the rigour
which that pre-eminence rendered necessary, and to
discourage, by a timely severity, the revival of such a
dangerous claim. Melvil, however, avoided his rage, by
flying into England ; and the pulpits resounded with
complaints that the king had extinguished the light of
learning in the kingdom, and deprived the church of
the ablest and most faithful guardian of it liberties and
discipline."'
These violent declamations of the clei^ against the
measures of the court were extremely acceptable to the
people. The conspirators, though driven out of the
kingdom, still possessed great influence there ; and as
they had every thing to fear from the resentment of a
young prince, irritated by the fiirious counsels of Arran,
they never ceased soliciting their adherents to take
arms in their defence. Gowrie, the only person among
them who had submitted to the king, and accepted of
a pardon, soon repented of a step which lost him the
esteem of one party, without gaining the confidence of
the other ; and, after suffering many mortifications from
the king's neglect and the haughtiness of Arran, he was
at last coDunanded to leave Scotland, and to reside in
France. While he waited at Dundee for an opportu-
ni^ to embark, he was informed that the earls of Angus,
Mar, and the tutor of Glamis, had concerted a scheme
for surprising the castle of Stirling. In his situation,
little persuasion was necessary to draw him to engage
"> Spoil*. 930. Cdd. iiu 301.
r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google
88 SCOTLAND. [1584,
iait. Under various pretexts he put off his voyage,
and lay ready to take arms on the day fixed by the con-
spirators for the execution of their enterprise. His lin-
gering 80 loi^ at Dundee, without any apparent reason,
awakened the suspicion of the court, proved fatal to
himself, and disappointed the success of the conspi-
racy. Colonel William Stewart surrounded the house
where he lodged with a body of soldiers, and, in spite
of bis resistance, took him prisoner. Two days aAerj
Angus, Mar, and Glamis seized the castle of Stirling,
and erecting their standard there, published a mani-
festo, declaring that they took arms for no other reason
but to remove from the king's presence a minion who
had acquired power by the most unworthy actions, and
who exercised it with the most intolerable insolence.
The account of Gowrie's imprisonment struck a damp
upon their spirits. They imputed it to treachery on
his part, and suspected, that as he had formerly desert-
ed, he had now betrayed them. At the same time Eli-
zabeth having neglected to supply them in good time
with a sum of money, which she had promised to them,
and their friends and vassals cojning in sJowly, they
appeared irresolute and disheartened ; and as the king,
who acted with great vigour, advanced towards them
at the head of twenty thousand men, they fled preci-
pitately towards England, and with difficulty made their
escape." This rash and feeble attempt produced such
effects as usually follow disappointed conspiracies.. It
not only hurt the cause for which it was undertaken,
but added strength and reputation to the king; con-
finned Arran's pqwer ; and enabled them to pursue
their measures with more boldness and greater suc-
cess. Gowrie was the first victim of their resentment.
After a very informal trial, a jury of peers found him
guilty of treason, and he was publicly beheaded at
Stirling.
• Home'a Hiil. ot Home of Dou^ai, 376. Spotsw. 330. Cald. iif. Sti, &c
Google
M«v8a '^^ humble the church was the king's next-
A puiis- step. . But as it became necessary, for this pur-
' pose, to call in the aid. of the legislative autho-r
rity, a parliament was hastily- summoned : and while
so many of the nobles were banished out of the king-
dom, or forbidden to appear in the king's presence;
while Arran's haughtiness kept some at a distance, and
intimidated others ; the meeting consisted only of such
Sereio as were absolutely, at the devotion of the court.,
^lui iha In order to conceal the laws which were framing
cKuroh. from the knowledge of the clergy, the lords oif
the articles were sworn to secrecy ;■ and when some of
the ministers, who either suspected or were informed
of the danger, deputed one of their number to declare
their apprehensions to the king, he was seized at the
palace-gate, and carried to a distant prison. Others, .
attempting to enter the parliament-house, were refused
admittance ;" and such laws were passed, as totally
overturned the constitution and discipline of the church.
The refusing to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the
privy-council ; the pretending an exemption from the
authority of the civil courts ; the attempting to dimi-
nish the rights and privileges of any of the three estates
in parliament, were declared to be high-treason. The
holding assemblies, whether civil or ecclesiastical, with-
out the king's permission or appointment; the uttering,
either privately or publicly, in sermons, or in declama-
tions, any false and scandalous reports against the king,
■his ancestors, or ministers, were pronounced capital
crimes.''
When these laws were published at the cross of Edin-
burgh, according to the ancient custom, Mr. Robert
Pont, minister of St. Cuthbert's and one of the lords of
session, solemnly protested against them, in the name
of his brethren, because they had been passed wilhout
the knowledge or consent of the church. Ever since
" Cald. ill 365. p Pari. 8. Jae. VI.
Google
90 SCOTLAND. [1684.
die Reformation, the pulpits and ecclesiastical judica-
tories Had both been esteemed sacred. In the former,
the clergy had been accustomed to censure and admo-
nish with unbounded liberty. In the latter, they exer-
cised an uncontrolled and independent jurisdiction.
The blow was now aimed at both these privileges.
These new statutes were calculated to render chiuch-
men as inconsiderable as they were indigent ; and as
the avarice of the nobles had stripped them of the
wealth, the king's ambition was about to deprive them
of the power, which once belonged to their order. No
wonder the alarm was universal, and the complaints
loud. All the ministers of Edinburgh forsook their
charge, and fled into England. The most eminent
clergymen throughout the kingdom imitated their ex-
.ample. Desolation and astonishment appeared in every
part of the Scottish church ; the people bewailed the
loss of pastors whom they esteemed ; and, full of con-
sternation at an event so unexpected, openly expressed
their rage against Arran, and began to suspect the king
himself to be an enemy to the reformed religion.'^
4 SpoUw. S33.
,y Google
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
BOOK VII.
1S84. ** HiLE Scotland was torn by intestine factions,
ten*, c^" Elizabeth was alarmed with the rumour of a
J^^y project in agitation for setting Mary at liberty.
««»ke»i- Francis Throkmorton, a Cheshire gentleman,
was suspected of being deeply concerned in the design,
and <»i ^at suspicion he was taken into custody. Among
his papers were found two lists; one, of the principal
harbours in the kingdom, with an account of their situ-
ation, and of the depth of water in each ; the other, of
all the eminent Roman Catholics in England. This
clrcumstanoe confirmed the suspicion against him, and
some dark and desperate conspiracy was supposed just
ready to break out. At first he boldly avowed his in-
nocence, and declared that the two papers were forged
by the queen's ministers, in order to intimidate or in-
snare him; and he even endured the rack with the
utmost fortitude. But being brought a second time to
the place of torture, his resolution failed him, and he
not only acknowledged that he had held a secret cor-
respondence with the queen of Scots, but discovered a
design that was formed to invade England. The duke
of Guise, he said, undertook to furnish troops, and to
conduct the enterprise. The pope and king of Spain
were to supply the money necessary for carrying it on ;
all the English exiles were ready to take arms ; many
of the Caliolics at home would be ready to join them
at their landing ; Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador.
92 SCOTLAND. [15B4.
who was the life of the conspiracy, spared no pains in
fomenting the spirit of disaffection among the English,
or in hastening the preparations on the continent ; and
by his command, he made the two lists, the copies
whereof had been found in his possession. This con-
fession he retracted at his trial ; returned to it again
after sentence was passed on him ; and retracted it once
more at the place of execution.*
To us in the present ^e who are assisted in forming
our opinion of this matter by the light which time and
history have thrown upon the designs and characters
of the princes of Guise, many circumstances of Throk-
morton's confession appear to be extremely remote
from truth, or even from probability. The duke of
Guise was, at that juncture, far from being in a situa-
tion to undertake foreign conquests. Without either
power or o£Bce at court ; hated by the king, and per-
secuted by the favourites; he had no leisure for any
thoughts of disturbing the quiet of neighbouring states ;
his vast and ambitious mind was wholly occupied in
laying the foundation of that famous league which
shook the throne of France. But at the time when
Elizabeth detected this conspiracy, the close union
between the house of Guise and Philip was remarkable
to all Europe ; and as their great enterprise against
Henry III. was not yet disclosed, as they endeavoured
to conceal that under their threatenings to, invade
England, Throkmorton's discovery appeared to be
extremely probable ; and Elizabeth, who knew how
ardently all the parties mentioned by him wished her
downfall, thought that she could not guard her kingdom
Deiign. ^'^ *^'^ much carc. The indiscreet zeal of the.
ofMsry'. English exiles increased her fears. Not satis-
■dheren(s „ r , , . . ,
B^nit tied With incessant outcries against her seventy
' to the Scottish queen, and her cruel persecution
of her Catholic subjects, not thinking it enough that
• Uollingshed, 1370.
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
J5840 BOOK Vn. 93
one pope had thrcEttened her with the sentence of ex-
communication, and another had. actually pronounced
it, they now began to disperse books and writings, in
which they endeavoured to persuade their disciples,
that it would be a meritorious action to take away her
life ; they openly exhorted the maids of honour to treat
her as Judith did Holofemes, and, by such an illus-
trious deed^ to render their own names honourable and
sacred in the church throughout all future ages.'' For
all these reasons, Elizabeth not only inflicted the punish-
ment of a traitor on Throkmorton, but commanded the
Spafiish ambassador instantly to leave England ; and
that she might be in no danger of being attacked within
the island, she determined to use her utmost efibrts, in
order to recover that influence over the Scottish coun-
cils, which she had for some time entirely lost.
sh« endea- Thcrc wcrc three difierent methods by which
le-eatabiiih Elizabeth might hope to accomplish this ; either
^"^''' by furnishing such effectual aid to the banished
s<=°''^? nobles, as would enable them to resume the
by gaining i p \ ^ n>
Arna. chief direction of aflairs ; or by entering into
such A. treaty with Mary, as might intimidate her son,
who, being now accustomed to govern, would not be
averse from agreeing to any terms rather than resign
the sceptJe, or admit an associate in the throne ; or
by gaining the earl of Arran, to secure the ' direction
of the king his roaster. The last was not only the
easiest and speediest, but most likely to be successful.
This Elizabeth resolved to pursue ; but without laying
the other two altogether aside. With this view she
sent Davison, one of her principal secretaries, a man
of abilities and address, into Scotland. A minister so
venal as Arran, hated by his own countrymen, and
holding his power by the most precarious of all tenures,
the favour of a young prince, accepted Elizabeth's
ofiers without hesitation, and deemed the acquisition of
!• Ctrnd. 497,
r,on7<-i.i Google
04 SCOTLAND. [1584-
her protection to be the most solid foundation of his
own greatness. Soon after he consented to an
interview with lord Uunsdon, the governor of
Berwick, and being honoured with the pompous title
of lieutenant-general for the king, he appeared at the
place appointed with a splendid train. In Hunsdon's
presence he renewed his promises of an inviolable and
feithfiil attachment to the English interest, and assured
him that James should enter into no negotiation which
might tend to interrupt the peace between the two
kingdoms; and as Elizabeth began to entertain the
aame fears and je^ousies concerning the king's mo-
rtage, which had formerly disquieted her with regard
to his mother's, he undertook to prevent James from
listening to any overture of that kind, until he had
previously obtained the queen of England's consent.'
Severe "^^ bamshcd lords and their adherents soon
proceed- fglt the cffccts of Arran's friendship with Eng-
tbe buiiib- land. As Elizabeth had permitted them to take
' refuge in her dominions, and several of her
ministers were of opinion that she ought to employ her
arms in the defence of their cause, the fear of this was
the only thing which restrained James and his favourite
from proceeding to such extremities against them, a&
might have excited the pily or indignation of the Eng-
lish, and have prompted them to exert themselves with
vigour in their behalf. But every apprehension
of this kind being now removed, they ventured
to call a parliament, in which an act was passed, at-
tainting Angus, Mar, Glamis, and a great number of
their followers. Their estates devolved to the crown,
and according to the practice of the Scottish monarchs,
who were obliged to reward the faction which adhered
to them, by dividing with it the spoils of the vanquished,
James dectlt out the greater part of these to Arran and
his associates.**
< Csld. UL 491. Melr. 315. See Append. No. XLIII. ' Cdd. iE StT.
IT'. i-uCooglc
Ifi84.] BOOK ril. 9fi
Agtiiuttba Nor was the freataieat of the clergy less
'^'SJ- rigorous. Ail ministers, readers, and professors
in colleges, were enjoined to subscribe, within forty-
days, a paper testifying their approbation of the laws
concerning the church enacted in last parliament.
Many, overawed or corrupted by the court, jrielded
obedience ; others stood out. The stipends of the latter
were sequestered, some of the more active committed
to prison, and numbers compelled to fly the kingdom.
Such as complied, fell under the suspicion of acting
from mercenary or ambitious motives. Such as ad-
hered to their principles, and suffered- ia consequence
of it, acquired a high reputation, by giving this con-
vincing evidence of their firmness and sincerity. The
judicatories of the church were almost entirely sup-
pressed. In some places scarce as many ministers
remained, as to perform the duties of religious worship;
they soon sunk in reputation among the people, and
being prohibited not only (torn discoursing of public
afiairs, i)ut obliged, by the jealousy of the adminis-
tration, to frame every sentiment and expression in such
a manner as to give the court no offence, their sermons
were deemed languid, insipid, and contemptible ; and
it became the general opinion, that, together with the
most virtuous of the nobles and the most faithful of the
<Aetgy, the power and vigour of religion were now
banished out of the kingdom.'
Meanwhile, Elizabeth was carrying on one of those
fruitless negotiations with the queen of Scots, which it
had become almost matter of form to renew every year.
They served not only to amuse that unhappy princess
with some prospect of liberty ; but furnished an apo-
logy for eluding the solicitations of foreign powers
on her behalf; and were of use to overawe James,
hy shewing him that she could at any time set free
a dangerous rival to dispute his authority. These
r,on7<-i.i Google
96 SCOTLAND. [1584.
treaties she suffered to proceed to what length she
pleased, and never wanted a pretence for breaking
them off, when they became no longer necessary. The
treaty now on foot was not, perhaps, more sincere
than many which preceded it ; the reasons, however,
which rendered it ineffectual were far from being
frivolous, .
New ci»- As Crichton, a Jesuit, was sailing from Flan-
■SSS ^^^ towards Scodand, the ship on board of
Kiwbeih. which he was a passenger happened to . be
chased by pirates, who, in that age, often infested the
narrow seas. Crichton, in great confusion, tore in
pieces some papers in his custody, and threw them
away; but, by a very extraordinary accident, the wind
blew them back into the ship, and they were immedi-
ately taken up by some of the passengers, who carried
them to Wade, the clerk of the privy-council. He, wiUi
great industry and patience, joined them together, and
they were found to contain the account of a plot, said
to have been formed by the king of Spain and the duke
of Guise, for invading England. The people were not
yet recovered from the fear and anxiety occasioned by
the conspiracy in which Throkmorton had been engaged,
■and as his discoveries appeared now to be confirmed
by additional evidence, not only all their former appre-
hensions recurred, but the consternation became general
and excessive. As all the dangers with which ^gland
had been threatened for some years, flowed either im-
mediately from Mary herself, or from such as made use
.of her name to justify their insurrections and con-
spiracies, this gradually diminished the compassion due
to her situation, and the English, instead of pitying,
began to fear and to hate her. Elizabeth^ under whose
wise and pacific reign the English enjoyed tranquillity,
and had opened sources of wealth unknown to their
ancestors, was extremely beloved by all her people j and
regard to her safety, not less than to their own interest
1584.] BOOK VII. fyj
animated them against die Scottish queen. In
' order to discourage' her adherents, it was
opptHiODQ thought necessary to convince them,' by some
•»M«^i public deed, of the attachment of the English
to dieir own sovereign, and that any attempt against
Oei. 19 ^^^ ^^^ would prove fatal to her rival. With this
view an association was framed, the subscribers
of which bound themselves by the most solemn oaths,
" to defead the queen ^jainst all her enemies, foreign"
and domestic ; and if violence should be offered to her
life, in order to favour the title of any pretender to the
cro'wn, they not only engaged never to allow or ac-
knowledge the person or persons by whom, or for
whom, such a detestable act should be committed, but
vowed, in the presence of the eternal God, to prosecute
such person or persons to the death, and to pursue them,
with their utmost vengeance, to their utter overthrow
and extirpation."^ Persons of all ranks subscribed this
combination with the greatest eagerness and unanimity.^
ohicb Mary considered this association, not only
grutij as an avowed design to exclude her from all
right of succession, but as the certain and im-
mediate forerunner of her destruction. In order to avert
this, she made such feeble efforts as were still in her
power, and sent Nau^, her secretary, to court, with offers
of more entire resignation to the will of Elizabeth, in
every point, which had been the occasion of their long
enmity, than all her sufferings hitherto had been able
to extort.'' But whether Mary adhered inflexibly to her
privileges as an independent sovereign, or, yielding to
the necessity of her situation, endeavoured, by conces-
sions, to soothe her Ti\'al, she was equally unsuccessful.
Her firmness was imputed to obstinacy, or to the secret
hope of foreign assistance ; her concessions w;ere either
believed to be insincere, or to flow from the fear of some
imminent danger. Her present willingness, however,
'SuteTri^, lift. ( Cund. 499. <> Id. ib. .
VOL.11. H
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
98 SCOTLAND. [1584.
to comply with any terms was so great, that Walsing-
ham warmly urged his mistress to come to a final agree-
ment with her.' But Elizabeth was persuaded, that it
was the spirit raised by the association which had ren-
dered her so passive and compliant, ^e always ima-
gined that there Was something mysterious and deceit-
ful in all Mary's actions, and suspected her of carrying
on a dangerous correspondence with the English Catho^
lies, both within and without the kingdom. Nor were
her suspicions altogether void of foundation, Mary had,
about this time, written a letter to Sir Francis Inglefield,
urging him to hasten the execution of what she calls the
Grecit Plot or Designment, without hesitating on ac-
count of any danger in which it might involve her life,
which she would most willingly part with, if by that
sacrifice she could procure relief for so great a number
g^^ .^ of the oppressed children of the church.'' In-
tMRted stead, therefore, of hearkening to die overtures
^•t« which the Scottish queen made, or granting any
^^^" mitigation of the hardships of which she com-
plained, Elizabeth resolved to take her out of the hands
of the earl of Shrewsbury, and to appoint Sir Amias
Paulet and Sir Drue Drury to be her keepers. Shrews-
bury had discha^d his trust with great fidelity, during
fifteen years, but, at the same time, had treated Mary
with gentleness and respect, and had always sweetened
harsh commands by the humanity with which he put
them in execution. The same politeness was not to be
expected from men of an inferior rank, whose severe
tigUance perhaps was their chief recommendation to
that employment, and the only merit by which they
could pretend to gain favour or preferment.'
Graj, a As James was no less eager than ever to de-
""riw'of P"^^ *^*= banished nobles of Elizabeth's protec-
Oe king's, tion, hc appointed the master of Gray his am-
bassador to the court of England, and intrusted him
' See App. No. XUV. * Sirjrpe, iir. 84fi. ' CMd. 500.
r,o,:,7.d,yGoOglc
1584.] BOOK Vn. &9
widi die condact of a negotiation for that purpose. For
&is honour he was indebted to the envy and jealousy
of the earl of Arran. Gray possessed all the talents of
a courtier ; a graceful person, an insinuating address,
boundless ambition, and a restless and intriguing spirit
During his residence in France, he had been admitted
into die most intimate familiarity with the duke of Guise,
' and, in order to gain his favour, had renounced the Pro-
testant religion, and professed the utmost zeal for the
caplare queen, who carried on a secret correspondence
with him» from which she expected great advantages.
On his return into Scodand, he paid court to James
with extraordinary assiduity, and his accomplishments
did not fail to make their usual impression on the king's
heart. Arran, who had introduced him, began quickly
to dread his growing favour ; and flattering himself,
that absence would efktx any sentiments of tenderness,
which were forming in the mind of a young prince,
pointed him out by his malicious praises, as dte most
proper person in die kingdom for an embassy of such
importance ; and contributed to raise him to that high
digni^, in order to hasten his fall. Elizabeth, who had
an admir^a dexterity in discovering the proper in-
struments for carrying on her designs, endeavoured, by
caresses and by {Hresents, to secure Gray to her interest.
The former flattered his vanity, which was great ; the
latter st^plied his proftiseness, which was still greater.
He abandoned himself without reserve to Elitabeth's
directioQ, and not only undertook to retain the king
under the influence of England, but acted as a spy upon
die ScottUh queen, and betrayed to her rival every
secret that he could draw from her by his high preten-
sions of leal in her service °
HU kierwi Gray 's credit widi the Ekiglish court was ex-
J^*f tremely galling to the banished nobles. Eliza-
^■^^ beth no longer thought of employing her power
'Sbjft,m-30a. H«lr.SI6.
H 2
r,on7<-i.iL.OOglC
1,00 SCOTLAND. [16S4.
to restore them; she found it easier to govern Scotland
by corrupting the king's favourites ; and, in compliance
with Gray's solicitations, she commanded the
exiles to leave the north of England, and to re-
move into the heart of the kingdom. This rendered it
difScult for them to hold any correspondence with their
partisans in Scotland,, and almost impossible to return
thither without her permission. Gray, by gaining a
point which James had so much at- heart, riveted him-
self, more firmly than ever, in his favour ; and, by ac-
quiring greater reputation, became capable of serving
Elizabeth with greater success."
i5Qif, Arran.had now possessed for some time all
■*™"'». the power, the riches, and the honours, that his
Mi inn- immoderate ambition could desire, or the fond-
ness of a prince, who set no limits to his liberality
towards his favourites, could bestow. The office of lord-
chancellor, the highest and most important in the king-
dom, was conferred upon him, even during the life of the
earl of Aigyle, who succeeded Athol in that dignity ;*
and the public beheld, with astonishment and indigna-
tion, a man educated as a soldier of fortune, ignorant of
law, and a contemner of justice, appointed to preside in
parlisiment, in the privy-council, in the court of session,-
and intrusted with the supreme disposal of the property
of his feJlow-subjects. He was, at the same time, go-
vernor of the castles of Stirling and Edinburgh, the two
principal forts in Scotland ; provost of the city of Edin-
burgh ; and as if by all these accumulated dignities his
merits were not sufficiently recompensed, he had been
created lieutenant-general over the whole kingdom. No
person was admitted into the king's presence without
his permission ; no favour could be obtained but by his
mediation. James, occupied with youthiiil amusements,
devolved upon him the whole regal authority. Such
unnJerited elevation increased his natural arrogance,
■ CM. ili. 643. " Crawf. Offic. of Sute, App. VO".
Google
1585.] BOOK Vir. 101
and rendered it intolerable. He was no longer content
with the coDdition of a subject, but pretended to derive
his pedigree from Murdo duke of Albany ; and boasted
openly, that his title to the crown was preferable to that
of the king himself. But, together with these thoughts
of royalty, he retained the meanness suitable to his pri-
mitive indigence. His venality as a judge was scan-
dalous, and was exceeded only by that of his wife, who,
in defiance of decency, made herself a party in almost
every suit which came to be decided, employed her in-
fluence to corrupt or overawe the judges, and almost
openly dictated their decisions.^ His rapaciousness as
a minister was insatiable. Not satisfied with the re-
venues of so many offices ; with the estate and honours
which belonged to the family of Hamilton ; or with the .
greater part of Gowrie's lands, which had fallen to his
share ; he grasped at the possessions of several of the
hobles. He required lord Maxwell to exchange part of
his estate for the forfeited lands of Kinneil ; and be-
cause he was unwilling to quit an ancient inheritance
for a possession so precarious, he stirred up gainst him
his hereditaryrival, the laird of Johnston, and involved
that comer of the kingdom in a civil war. He com-
mitted to prison the earl of Athol, lord Home, and the
master of Cassils ; the first, because he would not di-
vorce his wife, the daughter of the earl of Gowrie, and
entail his estate on him ; the second, because he Was
\mwilUng to part with some lands adjacent to one of
Arran's estates ; and the third, for refusing to lend him
money. His spies and informers filled the whole coun-
try^ and intruded themselves into every company. The
nearest neighboiirs distrusted and feared each othet.
All familiar society was at aa end. Even the common
intercourses of humanity were interrupted, no nlan know-
ing in whom to confide or where to utter his complaints.
There is not perhaps in history an example of a ini-
V Cdd. ill. 331. Scotitenet'i Staggering State, 7.
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lOa SCOTLAND. [158$.
nister so universally detaatable to a nation^ or who more
ju£tly deseived its detestation.*!
Arraji, notwithstanding, regardless of the sentiments
and despising the murmurs of the p^ple, gave a loose
to his natural temper, and proceeded to acts still more
violent. David Home of Argaty, and Patrick bis bro-
ther, having received letters from one of the banished
lords about private business, were condemned and put
to death, for holding correspondence with rebels. Cun-
nlnghame of Drumwhasel, and Douglas of Mains, two
gentlemen of honour and reputation, were accused of
having conspired with the exiled nobles to seize the
king's person; a single witness only appeared; the
evidence they produced of their innocence was unan-
swerable; their accuser himself not long after acknow*
ledged that he had been suborned by Arran ; and all
men believed the charge against them to be groundless;
they were found guilty, notwithstanding, and
suffered the death of traitors/
Vmy'i About the same time that these genUemen
^b!I["'were punished for a pretended conspiracy,
i:tiubeth. Elizabeth's life was endangered by a real one.
Parry, a doctor of laws, and a member of the house of
commons, a man vain and fantastic, but of a resolute
spirit, had lately been reconciled to the church of Rome;
and fraught with the zeal of a new convert, he offered
to demonstrate the sinc^ty o£ his attachment to the
religion which he had embraced, by killing Elizabeth:
Cardinal Allen had published a book, to prove the nmr^
der of an excommunicated prince to be not only lawful,
but a meritorious action. The pope's nuncio at Venice,
iSm Jesuits both there and at Paris, the ^i^ish exiles,
all approved of the design. The pope himself exhorted
him to persevere ; and granted him for his encour^e-
ment a plenary indulgence, and remission of his sins.
Cardinal di Como wrote to him a letter to the same
1 Spoww. 357, 338. 'IbW. SSB. Caid. iii. 79*.
Google
1585.] BOOK Vlf. 103
purpose; but though he often got access to the queen,
fear, or som'e remBiDiDg sense of duty, restrained him
from perpetrating the enme. Happily his inteittioa
was at last discovered by Nevil, the only person in l^ag-
land to whom he had communicated it ; and
having himself Tt^untarily confessed his guilt,
he suffered the punishment which it deserved.'
A KTtn These repeated conspiracies i^inst their so-
th*kb°' vereign awakened the indignation of the Eng-
FatoTw ^*^^ parliament, and produced a very extraor-
Uvy. dinary statute, which, in the end, proved fatal
to the queen of Scots. By this law the association in
defence of Elizabeth's life was ratified, and it was far*
ther enacted, " That if any rebellion shall be excited
in the kingdom, or any thing attempted to the hurt of
her majesty's person, by or for any person pretending
a title to the crown, the queen shall empower twenty-
four persons, by a commission under the great seal, to
examine into, and pass sentence upon such offences ;
and after judgment given, a proclamation shall be issued,
declaring the persons whom they find guilty excluded
from any right to the crown ; and her majesty's subr
jects may lawfully pursue every one of them to the
death, with all their aiders and abettors;, and if any
design against the life of the queen take effect, the per-
sons bif or for whom such a detestable act is executed,
and their issues, being in any wise assenting or privy
to the same, shall be disabled for. evw from pretending
to the crown, and be pursued to death in the like man-
ner.'" This act was plainly leirelled at the queen of
Scots ; and, whether we consider it as a vcduntary ex
pression of the zeal and concern of the nation for Eli
zabeth's stie^, or whether we impute it to the influence
which diat' artful princess preserved over her parlia*-
ments, it is no easy matter to reconcile it with the
general principles of justice or humanity. . Mary wa^
• SUIe Trials, i. 103. > VavA. %. 123.
L..j--.-i-.;G00glc
104 , SCOTLAND. [1586,
thereby rendered accountable not only for her own
actions, but for those of others ; in consequence of
which she might forfeit her right of succession, and
even her life itself.
The lieoot Mary justly considered this act as a warning
^^'' to prepare for the worst extremities. Eliza-
trrated in- bcth's ministers, it is probable, had resolved by
this time to take away her life ; and suffered
books to be published, in order to persuade the nation
that this cruel and unprecedented measure was not
only necessary but just." Even that short period of her
days which remEiinedj they rendered uncomfortable, by
every hardship and indignity which it was in their
power to inflict Almost all her servants were dis-
missed, "she was treated no longer with the respect'due
to a queen ; and, though the rigour of seventeen years'
imprisonment had broken her constitution, she was
Confined to two ruinous chambers, scarcely habitable,
even in the middle of summer, by reason of cold. Notr
withstanding the scantiness of her revenue, she had
been accustomed to distribute regularly some alms
among the poor in the village adjoining to the castle.
Paulet now refused her liber^ to perfonn tim pious
and humane office, which had EJTorded her great consor
lation amidst her own sufferings. The castle in which
she resided was converted into a common prison ; and
a young man, suspected of Popery, was confined there,
and treated under her eye withsuch rigour, that he died
of the ill usage. She often complained to Elizabeth of
these multiplied injuries, and expostulated as became
a woman and a. queen ; but as no political reason now
obliged that princess to amuse her any longer with
fallacious hopes, far from granting her any redress, she
did not even deigpn to give her any answer. The king
of France, closely allied to Elizabeth, on whom he de-
pended for assistance against his rebellious subjects,
■ Stripe, iii. 199.
r,on7<-i.i Google
.1585.] BOOK Vn. 105
was afraid of espousing Mary's cause with any warmth ;
and all his solicitations in her behalf were feeble, foF-
mal, and inefficacious. But Castelnau, the French ain-<.
bassador, whose compassion and zeal for the.imhappy
queen supplied the defects in his instnictionB, remon-^
strated with such vigour against the indignities to which
she was exposed, that by his importunity, he prevailed
at length to have her removed to Tuthbury ; though
she was confined the greater part of another winter in
her present wretched habitation."
A bieich Neither the insults of her enemies, aor the
ulT/^ neglect of her friends, made such an impression
her sop. qu Mary as the ingratitude of her son. James
had hitherto treated his mother with filial respect, and
had even entered into negotiations with her, which
gave umbrf^ to Elizabeth. But as it wa.s not the inte-
rest of the English queen that his'good correspondency
should continue. Gray, who, on his return to Scotland,
found his favour with the king greatly increased by the
success of his embassy, persuaded him to write a harsh
and undutifiil letter to his mother, in which he ex-
pressly refused to acknowledge her to be queen of Scot.!-
knd, or to consider his affairs as connected, in any
wise, with hers. This cruel requital of her maternal
tenderness overwhelmed Mary with sorrow and de-
spair. " Was it for this," said she, in a letter
to the French ambassador, " that I have en-
dured 80 much, in order to preserve for him the inhe-
ritance to which I have a just right ? I am far from
envying his authority in Scotland. I desire no power
there ; nor wish to set my foot in that kingdom, if it
were not for the pleasure of once embracing a son,
whom I have hithertp loved with too tender affection.
Whatever he either enjoys or expects, he derived it
from me. From him I never received assistance, sup-
ply, or benefit of any kind. Let not my allies treat hini
" Jebb, ToL ii. 5T6— 598.
r,on7<-i.i Google
100 SCOTLAND. [1585.
any longer as a king : he holds that digni^ by my
consent ; and if a speedy repentance do not appease
my just resentment, I will load him with a parent's
curse, and surrender my crown, with all my preten-
sions, to one who will receive them with gratitude, and
defend them with vigour."' The love which James
bore to his mother, whom he had never known, and
whom he had been early taught to consider as one (^
the most abandoned persons of her sex, cannot be sup-
posed ever to have been ardent ; and he did not now take .
any pains to regain her favour. But whether her in-
dignation at his undutiful behaviour, added to her
bigotted attachment to Popery, prompted Mary at any
time to think seriously of disinheriting, her son; or
whether these threatenings were uttered in a sudden
sally of disappointed affection, it is now no easy mat-
ter to determine. Some papers which are still extant
seem to render the former not improbable.*
Dangeniai Carcs of anothet kind, and no less disquiet-
"fEJ^ ing, occupied Elizabeth's thoughts. The calm
^"^i which she had long enjoyed, seemed now to
be at an end ; and such storms were gathering in every
quarter, as filled her wi& just alarm. All the neigh-
bouring nations had undei^ne revolutions extremely
to her disadvantage. The great qualities which Henry
III. had displayed in his youth, and which raised the
expectations of his subjects so high, vanished on his
ascending the throne ; and his acquiring supreme
power seems not only to have corrupted his heart, but
to have impaired his understanding. He soon lost the
esteem and affection of the nation ; and a life ^ivided
between the austerities of a superstitious devotion, and
the extravagancies of the most dissolute debauchery,
rendered him as contemptible as he wag odious on ac-
count of his rapaciousness, his profusion, and the fond-
ness with which he doated on many unworthy mmions.
>Manlin,56e. Jebb, ii. 5T1. See App. No. XLV. - ' See App. No. XLVI.
Google
1585.) BOOK VH. 107
On the death of his only brother, those sentiments of
the people burst out with violence. Heiuy had no
chUdreu, and though but thirty-two years of age, the
Buoceasion of the crown was already considered as open.
The king of NavaTFe, a distant descendant of the royal
femjly, but the undoubted heir to the crown, was a
Fnatbe ceilous Protestaot. The prospect of an event
^"^ so &tal to their religion, as his ascending the
i«*i>o; throne of France, alarmed all the Catholics of
Europe; and induced the duke of Guise, countenanced
by the pope, and aided by the king of Spain, to appear
as the defender of ike Romish faith, and the asserter
of the cardinal of Bourbon's right to the crown. In
order to unite the party, a bond of confederacy was
formed, distinguished by the name of the Hob/ League,
All ranks of men joined in it with emulation. The
spirit spread with the irresistible rapidity which was
natural to religious passions in that age. The destruc-
tion of the Reformation, not only in France, but all over
Europe, seemed to be the object and wish of the whole
party ; and the duke of Guise, the head of this mighty
and zealous body, acquired authority in the kingdom,
far superior to that which the king himself possessed.
Philip IL, by the conquest of Portugal, had
gower of greatly increased the naval power of Spain, and
'' ' had at last reduced under his dominion all that
portion of the continent which lies beyond the Pyre-
nean mountains, and which nature seems to have des-
tined to form one great monarchy. William prince of
Orange, who first encouraged the inhabitants of the
Netherlands to assert their liberties, and whose wisdom
and valour formed and protected the rising common-
wealth, had fallen by the hands of an assassin. The
superior genius of the prince of Parma had given an
entire turn to the fate of war in the Low Countries ; all
his enterprises, concerted with consummate skill, and
executed with equal bravery, had been attended with
success ; and the Dutch, reduced to the last extremity,
108 SCOTLAND. [1585.
-were on the point of falling under the dominion of their
ancient master.
Her Kiu None of those circumstances, to which Eli-
om ^'" zabeth had hitherto owed her security, existed
duel. any longer. She could derive no advantage
from the jealousy which had subsisted between France
and Spain ; Philip, by means of his confederacy with
■ the duke of Guise, had an equal sway in the councils
of both kingdoms. The Hugonots were unable to con-
tend with the power of the league ; and little could be
expected from any diversion which they might create.
Nor was it probable that the Netherlands could long
employ the arms, or divide the strength of Spain. In
this situation of the affairs of Europe, it became neces-
sary for Elizabeth to form a new plan of conduct ; and
her wisdom in forming it was not greater than the vi-
gour with which she carried it on. The measures most
suitable to . her natural temper, and which she had
hitherto pursued, were cautious and safe ; those which
she now adopted were enterprising and hazardous.
She preferred peace, but was not afraid of war ; and
was capable, when compelled by necessity, not only
of defending herself with spirit, but of attacking her
enemies with a boldness which averted danger from her
own dominions. She immediately furnished the Hu-
gonots with a considerable supply in money. She car-
ried on a private negotiation with Henry HI., who,
though compelled to join the le^;ue, hated the leaders
of it, and wished for their destruction. She openly
undertook the protection of the Dutch commonwealth,
and sent a powerful army to its assistance. She en-
deavoured to form a general confederacy of the Protes- .
j(^,^^j tant princes, in Opposition to the Popish league.
to punish She determined to proceed with the utmost ri-
lo gwi"" gour ^fainst the queen of Scots, whose suffer-
the king. ^^^ ^^^ rights afforded her enemies a specious
pretence for invading her dominions. She resolved to
redouble her endeavours, in order to effect a closer
1585.] BOOK^Ii; 109
union with Scotland,, and to extend and perpetuate^ her'
influence over the counsels of that nation.
She' found it no difficult matter to induce most of the'
Scottish courtiers to promote all her designs. Gray,
Sir. John JVfaitland, who had been advanced to the office
of secretary, which his brother formerly held. Sir Lewis"
Belleuden the justice clerk, who had succeeded Gray
as the king's resident at London, were the persons in
whom she chiefly confided. In order to direct
and quicken their motions, she di^atched Sir
Edward Wotton along with Bellenden into Scodand.
This man was gay, well-bred, and entertaining; he
excelled in all. the exercises for which James had a
passion, and amtised the young king by relating the
adventures which he had met with, and the observa-
tions he had made, during a long residence in foreign
coimtries ; but, under the veil of these superficial qua-
lities, he concealed a dangerous and intriguing spirit.
He soon grew into high favour with James,. and while
he was seemingly attentive only to pleasure and diver-
sions, he acquired influence over the public counsels,
to a degp-ee which was indecent for a stranger to
PropoMi Nothing, however, could be more acceptable
ii*^^ to the nation, than the proposal which he made
luid. of a strict alliance between the two kingdoms,
in defence of the reformed religion. The rapid and
alarming progress of the Popish league seemed to call
on all Protestant princes to unite for the preservation of :
their common faith. James embraced the overture wltli
warmth, and a convention of estates empowered
him to conclude such a treaty, and engaged to
ratify it in parliament.'' The alacrity with which James
concurred in this measure must not be wholly ascribed
either to his own zeal, or to Wotton's address ; it waS'
owing in part to Elizabeth's liberality. As a mark of
• MelT. sir. " Spotsw. 339.
Google
110 SCOTLAND. [1686.
her motherly a%ctid» for the yoang kin^, she settled
on him an annual pension of five thousand pounds ;
the Same «um which her father had allotted her before
she dJceoded the throne. This oircumstance, which
she took care to mention, rendered a sum, wluch in that
ag;e Was fer from being inconsiderable, a very accept^
able pnesent to the king, whose revenues, during a long
minority, had been almost totally dissipated."
iJBdef- But the chief object of Wotton's intrigues was
2^., to ruin Arran. While a minion so odious to the
p"*"*- nation continued to govern the king, his assist-
ance could be of little advanb^ to Eluabeth. And
though Arran, ever since his interview with Httnkton,
had afipeared extremely for her interest, she could place
no great confidence in a man whose conduct was so
o^riciouB and irr^;ulaT, and who, notwithstanding his
^ote^ations to the contrary, still continued a secret
correspondence both with Mary and with the duke of
Guise. The banished lords were attached to England
from affection as well as principle, and were the only
persons among tiie Scots whom, in any dangerous exi-
gency, she could thorougUy trust. Before Bellenden
left London, they had been summoned thither, under
colour of vindicating themselves from his accusations,
but, in reality, to Concert trith him the most proper
measures for restoring them to their country. Wotton
piiTsued this i^an, and endeavoured to ripen it for exe-
cution ; and it was greatly focilitated by an event nei-
ther uncommon nor coiuiderable. Sir John Forster^
tmd Ker of Femiherst, the English and Scottish war-
dens of the middle marches, having met, according to
the custom of &e borders, about midsummer, a fray
arose, and lord Rnssel, the earl of Bedford's eldest son,
happened to be killed. This scuffie was purely acci-
dental, but Elizabeth chose to consider it as a design
fonned by Ker, at the instigatioa of Arran, to involve
r,on7<-i.i Google
1685.] BOOK Vri. Ill
the two kingdoms in war. She insisted that both ahoold
be delivered up to her; and, thoagh James eluded that
demand, he was obliged to confine Arran in St An-
drew's, and Ker in Aberdeen. During his absence
from court, Wotton and bis associates carried on their
. intrigues withoQt interruption. By their advice,
bniubed the banished nobles endeavoured to accommo-
*""*** date their differences with lord John and lord
Claud, the duke of Chatelherault's two sons, whom
Morton's violence had driven out of Ae king-
dom. Their common sufferings, and common
interest, induced both parties to bury in oblivion the
ancient discord which had subsisted between the houses
of Hamilton and Douglas. By Elizabeth's permission,
they returned in a body to the borders of Scotland.
Arran, who had again recovered favour, insisted on
putting the kingdom in a posture of defence ; but Gray,
Bellenden, and Maitland, secretly ^warted all his
measures. Some necessary orders they prevented irom
being issued ; others they rendered ineffectual by &e
manner of execution; and all of them were obeyed
slowly, and wiA reluctance.''
"Wotton's fertile brain was, at the same time, big with
another and more dangerous plot He had contrived
to seize the king, and to carry him by force into Eng-
land. But the design was hapjuly discovered ; and,
in order to avoid the punishment which his treachery
merited, he departed without taking leave.*
TVjre- Meanwhile the bamshed lords hastened tiie
s<?tt!^<i, execution oftheirenterprise;and,astheirfrienda
^^riiHi'M ^^^ vassals were now ready to join them, they
the king, entered Scotland. Wherever ihey came, they
were welcomed as the deliverers of their country, and
the most fervent prayers were addressed to Heaven
for the success of their arms. They advtmced, without
losing a moment, towards Stirling, at the head <^ ten
Google
il2 SCOTLAND. [1585.
thousand men. Tlie king, though he bad assembled
tm' army superior in number, could not venture to
meet them in the field, with troops whose loyalty was
extremely dubious, and who at best were far from being
hearty in the cause ; nor was either the town or castle
provided for a siege. The gates, however, of both were
shut, and the nobles encamped at St. Ninian's.
That same night they surprised the town, or,
more probably, it was betrayed into their hands ; .and
Arran, who had undertaken to defend it, was obliged
to save himself by a precipitate flight. Next morning
they invested the castle, in which there were not pro-
visions for twenty-four hours.; and James was necessi-
tated immediately to hearken to terms of accommoda-
tion. They were not so elated with success as to urge
extravagant demands, nor was the king unwilling to
make every reasonable concession. They obtiuned a
pardon in the most ample form, of all the offences which
they had committed ; the principal forts in the kingdom
were, by way of security, put into their hands ; Craw-
ford, Montrose, and colonel Stewart, were removed from
the king's presence ; and a parliament was called, in
order to establish tranquilli^ in the nation.'
j^ ^_ Though a great majority in this parliament
DMot. cdnsisted of the confederate nobles and their
adherents, they were far from discovering a vin-
dictive spirit. Satisfied with procuring an act, restor-
ing them to their ancient honours and estates, and rati-
fying the pardon granted by the king, they seemed will-
ing to forget all past errors in the administration, and
spared James the mortification of seeing his ministers
branded with any public note of in&my. Arran alone,
deprived of all his honours, stripped of his borrowed
spoils, and declared an enemy to his country by public
proclamation, sunk back into obscurity, and must hence-
forth be mentioned by his primitive title of captain
r,on7<-i.i Google
1585.] BOOK VII. 113
James Stewart. As he had been, dunag his unmerited
prosperity, the object of the hatred and indignation of
his countrymen, they beheld his fell without pity, nor
did all his sufferings mitigate their resentment in the
least degree.
Church "^6 clergy were the only body of men who
■**'^ obtained' no. redress of their grievances by this
revolutiop. The confederate nobles had all along af-
fecjed to be considered as guardians of the privileges
and discipline of the church. In- all their manifestos
they had declared their resolution to restore these, and
by that popular pretencehad gained many friends. . It
was now natural to expect some fruit of these promises,-
and some returns of gratitude towards many of the most
eminent preachers who had suffered in their cause,* and
who demanded the repeal of the laws passed the pre-
ceding year. The king, however, was resolute to main-
tain' these laws in fiill authori^ ; and as the nobles
were extremely solicitous not to disgust him, by in-
sisting on any disagreeable request, the claims of the
church in this, as wdl as in many other instances, were
sacrificed to the interest of the laity. The ministers
gave vent to their indignation in the pulpit, and their
impatience under the disappointment broke out in some
expressions extreinely disrespectful even towards the
king himself."
The archbishop of St Andrew's, too, felt the
effects of their anger. The provincicd synod ot
Fife summoned him to appear, and to answer for his
contempt of the decrees of former assemblies, in pre-
soming to exercise the functions of a bishop. Though
be reused to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the court,
and appealed from it to the king, a sentence of excom-
munication, equally indecent and irregular, was pro-
nounced against him. Adamson, with no less iode-
( Spcbw. 343,
VOL. II. I
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
114 SCOTtAMD. [1S86.
cency, thundered his archiepiscopal flxcommunication
against MelTi],«nd some otlLeT of his opponents.
Soon after, a general assembly weis held, ia
which the king, with some difficulty, obtained
an act, permitting the name and office of bishop still to
continue in the church. The power of the order, how-
ever, was considerably retrenched. The exercise of
discipline, and the inspection of the life and doctrine
of the clei^, were committed to presbyteries, in whjch
uishops should be allowed no other pre-eminence but
that of presiding as perpetual moderators. <They them-
selves were declared to be subject, in the same manner
as other pastors, to ilie jurisdiction of &e. general as-
sembly. As die discussion of the archbishop's appeal
might have kindled mnisual heats in the assembly, that
aflair was tenninated by a compromise. He renounced
any claim of supremacy over the church, and promised
to demean himself suitably to the character of a bishop^
as described by St. Paul. The assembly, without exa*-
mining the foundations of the sentence of excommimi>-
CBCtion, declared that it should be held of no effect, and
restored him to all &e privileges which he enjoyed be-
fore' it was' pronounced. Notwithstanding die extraor-
dinary tenderness shewn for the honour of the synod,
and the delicacyand respectwith which its jurisdiction
was treated, several members were so zealous as to
protest against this; decision.*^
A tMjrao
uritb&g-
The court of Scotland was now filled with
Uai a^ persons so warmly attached to Elizabedi, ihat
'^"^^^ the league between the two kingdoms, which
had' been proposed last year, met witti no interruption,
but from D'Esneval, the French envoy. James himself
first offered to renew the negotiations. Elizabeth did
not suffer such a favourable opportunity to slip, and
instantly di^atched Randolph to conclude a treaty,
k Catd. Hi. 894. Spotn>. 346.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
ifiee.] BOOK VII. 115
which she so much desired. The danger to
which the Protestant religion was exposed, by
the late combination of the Popish powers for its de-
struction, and the necesaily c^astrict confederacy among
those who had embraced the Reformation, in order to
obstruct their pernicious designs, were mentioned as
the foundation of the league. The chief articles in it
were, that both parties should bind themselves to de-
fenfl the eTangelical religion ; that'the lea^e should
be offensiTe and defensive against all who sl^dl endea-
vour to disturb the exercise cfrc^gidn- in either kii^
dom ; that if' one of the two [Parties be. ijivaded,' the
other, notwithstanding any former alliance, should not,
directly or iridirfectly, assist the invader ; that if Er^-
IsBid be invaded in aby part remote from Scotland,
Jsdnes should assist the- queen With Wo iJiousand horse
and five thouSadud foot ; that if the enemy- landed or ap*
proached within sixty miles of Scotland, the king ^ould
take the-fiddwith'his whole forces, in the same manner
as he would do in defence df hisown kingdom. Eli-
z&be^ in ' retiifn, undertook to act in 'defence of Scot-
land, if it' should be iAraded... Atthe sftme'time she
assured the^kingtimtiiO step should h* taken,, which
JDMght derbgate in any degree izom his .'pretensions to
the English crown.' Elizabeth'expressed great satis-
faction with a treaty, which rendered Scotland a useful
ally instead of a dangeroiia neighbour, and horded
her a degree of security on that side, which all her ah--
cestors had aitfted af; but irone of' them had been able
to obtain^ Zeal for religion, together with the bless-
ings of peace which both kingdoms had enjoyed during
a considerable period, had so far abated the violence
ofnational antipathy, that the king's conduct was uni-
■ versally acceptable to his own people.*^
■ The-Elcqmttal'of 'Archibald Douglas, at this time, ex-
posed James to much and deserved censure. This man
Google
lie SCOTLAND. [4586.
was deeply engaged in the conspiracy f^aittst the life
of the king hir father. Both Morton, and Binny one
of his own servants, who suffered for that crime, had
accused him of being present at the murder.' He had
escaped panishment by flying into England, and James
had often required Elizabeth to deliver up a person so
unworthy of her protection. He now obtained a li-
cence, from theking himself, to return into Scotland ;
and, after undergoing a moclc trial, calculated to cpn-
ceal, rather than to detect his guilt, he wus not only
taken into iavour by the king, but sent back to the court
of England, wifli tiie honourable character of his am-
bassador. James was now of such an age, that his
youth and inexperience cannot be pleaded in excuse
for this indecent transaction. It must be imputed to
the excessive facility of his temper, which often led him
to gratify his- courtiers at the expense of his own dig-
nity and reputation."
Kilo of Not long after, the inconsiderate affection of
toii'i"(i^. the English Catholics towards Mary, and their
'^d^t implacable resentment against Elizabeth, gave
Eiinbeth. rise to a conspiracy which proved fatal to the
one queen, left an indelible stain on the reputation of
die other, and presented a spectacle to Europe, of
which there had been hitherto no example in the his-
tory of niankind.
Doctor Gifford, Gilbert Gifford, and Hodgson, priests .
educated in the seminary at Rheims, had adopted an
extravagant and enthusiastic notion, that the bull of
Pius V. against Elizabeth was dictated immediately by
the Holy Ghost This wild opinion they instilled into
Savi^, an officer in the Spanish army, noted for his
furious zeal and daring courage ; and persuaded him'
that no service could be so acceptable to heaven, as to
take away the life of an excommunicated heretic. Sa-
r,on7<-i.i Google
1586^ BOOK VH. 117
rage, eager to obtain the cft}wn of martyrdoin, bound
^ .i himself by a aolemn tow to iill Elizabeth.
Ballard, a pragmatical priest of that seminary,
had at that time come over to Paris, and solicited Men-
doza, the Spanish ambassador there, to procure an in-
vasion of England, while the aflairs of the league were
so prosperous, and the kingdom left naked by sending
so maiiy of the queen's best troops into the Netherlands.
Paget and the English exiles demonstrated the fruit-
lessness of such an attempt, unless Elizabeth were first
cut off, or the invaders secured of a powerftil concur-
rence on their landing. If it could be hoped that either
of these events would happen, effectual aid was pro-
mised; and in the mean time Ballard was sent back to
renew his intrigues.
. He ' communicated his designs to Anthony
Babington, a young gentleman in Derbyshire,
of a large fortune and many amiable qualities, who
heaving contracted, during his residence in France, a
familiarity with the archbishop of Glasgow, had been
recommended by him to the queen of Scots. He con-
curred with Paget, in considering the death of Eliza-
beth as ft necessary preliminary to any invasion. Bal-
lard gave him hopes that an end would' soon be put
to her days, and imparted to bim Savage's vow, who
was now in London waiting for an opportunity to strike
the blow. But Babington tbought the attempt of too
much importance, to rely on a single hand for the ex^
cution of it, and proposed that five resolute gentlemen
should be joined with Savage in an enterprise, the suc-
cess of which was the foundation of all their hopes.
He offered to find out persons willing to undertake the
service; whose honour, secrecy, and courage, they might
safely trust. He accordingly Opened the matter to Ed-
ward Windsor, Thomas Salisbury, Charles Tinley^ Chi-
dioc Tichboume, Robert Gage, John Travers, Robert
Barnwell, John Chamock, Henry Dun^ John Jooes^
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
lie BCOttAND. [1M«.
and Robert PoHy ; all of them, excsept Polly, whose
bilstling forward zeal introdtieeiJ Him .into thrir society,
gentlemen of good families, united togfetl»*T in the bonds
of private fnendahip, strengthened by the more power-
ful tie of religious zeal. Many constiltations were hel« ;
their plan of operations' was at last settled ; afld their
■ June. diffa-ent parts assigned. Babington hinJself
Jtih^on-' was appointed to^ rescue the queen of Scots ;
^jiMSn. Salisbury, with some others, undertook to^x-
cite several counties to take arms ; the murder of the
queen, the most dangerous and important service of
Bi\, fell to Tichboume and Savage, with four associates.
So totally had their bigotted prejudices extinguished
the principies of honour, and the sentiments of huma-
nity suitable to their rank, that, without scruple or com-
punction, they undertook an action which is viewed
.with horror, even when Committed by the meanest and
most profligate of mankind. This attempt, On the con-
trary, speared to them no less honourable than it was
desperate ; and, in order to perpetuate the memory of
it, they had a picture drawn, containing the portraits
of the six assassins, with that ci Babington in the
middle, and a motto" iotimating that they were jointly
embarked ih some hazardous design.
Ditcoter- '^^ coHspirators, as appears by this wanton
ed by Wat- and imprudent instance of vanity, seem to have
■ thought adiscovery hardly possible, and neither
distrusted the fidelity of their companions, nor' doubts
thfe success of their undertaking. But while diey be-
lieved ihat their machinations were carried on witfi the
most profound and impenietraWe secrecy, every Step -
they took wais folly known to WiJsingham. Polly was
one of his spies, and had entered ittto the conspiracy,
with no other design than to betray his cissociates.
Gilbert Gifford too, having been sent over to England
to quicket) the motions of the conspirators, had been
gained by Walaingham, and gave him sure intelligence
Co Ogle
1586.] BOOK VII. IIP
of all their projects. That vigUant minister imme-
diately imparted the discoveries wbich he had made
to Elizabeth ; and, without communicating the matter
to any other of the counsellora, they agreed, in order
to understand the plot more perfectly, to wait until it
was ripened into some form, .and brought near the
point of execution.
The; wo At last, Elizabeth thought it dangerous and
pn^sti'd. criminal to expose her own life, and to tempt
August*. Providence any farther. Ballard, the prime
mover in the whole ^conspiracy, was arrested. His as-
sociates, disconcerted and struck with astonishment,
endeavoured to save themselves by flight. But within
a few days, all of them, except Windsor, were seirad
in different places of the kingdom, and committed to
the Tower. Though they had undertaken the part, they
wanted the firm and determined spirit of assassins ;
and, influenced by fear or by bope, at once confessed all
that they knew> The indignation of the people,and their
impatience to revenge such -an execrable combination
against the life of their sovereign, hastened their
' irial,andallofthemsufi'eredfthedeathoftraitor8-
Mujuae- Thus far EHizabeth's conduct may be.pro-
beiog ID nounced both prudent and laudable, nor can
^■JS^^ she be aocused of violating any law of hu-
'P*™=T- manity, or of taking any precautions beyond
what were necessaay for her own safety. But a tr^-
cal scene followed, with regard to which postaity will
pass a very different judgment.
The frantic zeal of a few rash young men accounts
sufficiently for all the wild and wicked designs which
they bad formed. But this was not the light in which
Elizabeth and her ministers chose to place the con-
spiracy. They wished to persuade the nation, that
Babington and his associates should be considered
merely as instilments employed by the queen of Scots,
••Caind.515. Sttte Truls, voL i. 110.
r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google
IHD SCOTLAND. [1586.
the real though secret author of so many attempts
against the life of Elizabeth, and the peace of her
kingdoms. They produced letters, which they ascribed
to her, in support of this charge. These, aa they gave
out, had come into their hands by the following singular
and mysterious method of conveyance. Gifford, on his
return into England, had been trusted by some of the
exiles with letters to Mary; but, in order to make a
trial of his fidelity and address, they were only blank
papers made up in that form. These being safely de-
livered by him, he was afterward employed without
farther scruple. Walsingham having found means to
gain this man, he, by the permission of that minister,
and the connivance of Paulet, bribed a tradesman in
the neighbourhood of Chartley, whither Mary had been
conveyed, who deposited the letters in a hole in the
wall of the castle, covered with a loose stone. Thence
they were taken by the queen, and in the same manner
her answers returned. All these were carried to Wal-
singham, opened by him, deciphered, sealed again sq
dexterously that the fraud could not be perceived, and
then transmitted to the persons to whom they were
directed. Two letters to Babington, with several to
Mendoza, Paget, Englefield, and the English fugitives,
were.procured .by this artifice. It was given out, that
in these letters Mary approved of the conspiracy, and
even of the assassination; that she directed them to
proceed with the utmost circumspection, and not to
take arms until foreign auxiliaries were ready to join
them; thatshe recommended the earl of Arundel, his
brothers, and the young earl of Northumberland, as
proper persons to conduct and to add reputation to
their enterprise ; that she advised them, if possible, to
excite at the same time some commotion in Ireland ;
and, above all, besought them to concert with care the
means of her own escape, suggesting to them sever^
expedients for that purpose.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
1586.] BOOK VII. 121
Tbeindig- All these circumstfoices were opehedat the
the English trial of the conspirators; and while the nation
o^at '^ ^^ under the influence of those terrors which
«»'"•■ the association had raised, and the late danger
had augmented, they were believed without hesitation
or inquiry, and spread a general alarm. Mary's zeal
for her religion was well known ; and in that age, ex-
amples of the violent and sanguinary spirit which it
inspired were numerous. All the cabals against the
peace of the kingdom for many years had been carried
on in her name; and it now appears evidently, said the
English, that the safety of the one queen is incompati-
ble with that of the other. Why then, added they,
should the tranquillity of England be sacrificed for the
sake of a stranger? Why is a life so dear to the nation,
exposed to the repeated assaults of an exasperated
rival? The case supposed in the association has now
happened, the sacred person of our sovereign has been
threatened, and why should not an injured people ex-
ecute that just vengeance which they had vowed?
Eiinbeth No sentiments could be more agreeable than
Jl^^to these to Elizabeth and her ministers. They
M^emmes *hemselves had at first propagated them among
■gninither. the people, and they now served both as an
apology and a motive for their proceeding to such ex-
tremities against the Scottish queen as they had long
meditated. The more numerous the injuries were which
Elizabeth had heaped on Mary, the more she feared
and hated that unhappy queen, and came at last to be
persuaded that there could be no other security for her
own life, but the death of her rival; Burleigh and
Walsingham had promoted so zealously all Elizabeth's
measures with regard to Scottish affairs, and had acted
with so little reserve in opposition to Mary, that they
had reason to dread the most violent effects of her
resentment, if ever she should mount the throne of
England. From this additional consideration they eu-
Googlc
128 SCOTLAND. [1586.
deavoured, yrith the' utmost earnestness, to hinder an
event so fatal to themselves, hy coiiiirming their mis-
tress's fear and hatred of the Scottish queen.
Het do- Meanwhile, Maty was guarded with unusual
p^e'"'&c. vigilance, and great care was tsikea to keep her
■eiied. ignorant of the discovery of the conspiracy.
Sir Thomas Gorges was at last sent from court to ac-
quaint her both of it, and of the imputation with which
she was loaded as accessary to that crime, and he sur-
prised her with the account just as she had got on horse-
back to ride out along with her keepers. She was
struck with astonishment, and would have returned to
her apartment, ba,t she was not p^mitted ; and, in her
absence, her private closet was broke open, her cabinet
and papers were seized, sealed, and sent up to court.
Her prinoipal domestics too were arrested, and com-
mitted to diffet«it keepers. Nau^and Curie, her two
secretaries, the one a native of France, the other of
Scotland, were carried prisoners to London. All t^e
money in her custody, amounting to little more, than
two thousand pounds, was secured." And, after lead-
ing her about for some days, from one gentleman's
house to another, she wa^ conveyed to Fotheringay, a
strong castle in Northamptonshire.''
Deiiberaiei ^'^ ferther cvideuce could now be expected
concerning agaiust MaTy, and nothing remained but to
ot F«w£d- decide what should be her firfe. With reg«rd
"'^' to this, Elizabeth, and those ministers in whom
she chiefly confided, seem to have taken their, jresolu-
tion; but there was atilt great variety of seatiments
among her other c<mnaellors. Some thought it siwffi-
cient to dismiss all Mary's attendants, and to keep her
under such close restraint, as would cut off all pos-
sibility of corresponding with the enemies of the king-
dom ; and as her constitution, broken by long confine-
ment, and her spirit, dejiected with so many sorrows,
"See ApptDdix, So, XLVIIL ' C*Bid. 517.
r,on7<-i.i Google
I5S6.] BOOK VII. IfiS
could not long support such an additional load, ^the
queen and nation Trould soon be ddivered from all
dieir fears. But thougK it imight be easy to secure
Mary's own person, it wds impossible lo diminish the
rerei-ence which theitomeai'Catholics had for her name,
or>to extinguish the compassion with which they viewed
h» 8ufi«ings; while such sentiments continued, insur-
rections and invasions would never be wanting for her
relief, and tbeonly effect of any new rigour would be
to reader- these attempts more frequent and more dan-
gerous. For this reason the expedient was rejected.
Q . A public and' legal trial, though' the most
towjhet unexampled, was judged themostunexception-
pnwjc J. ^y^ method of proceeding ; and it had at the
same time, a semblance of justice, accompanied with
an air of dignity. It was in vain to search the andent
records for any statute or precedent to justify such an
uncommon step, as the trial of a foreign prince, wfao
had not entered the kingdom in arms, but had fled
thither for refage. The proceedings i^inst her were
founded on the act of last paiiiam^it, and by applying
it in this manner, the intention of those who had fnuned
that severe statute became more apparent.''
Elizabedi resolved that no circumstance of pomp or
sol^nnity should be wanting, which could render this
transaction such as became the dignity of the person
to be tried. She appointed, by a commission under
the great seal, forty persons, the most illustrious in the
kingdom by their birth or offices, together with five of
the judges, to hear and decide this great cause. Many
difficulties were started by the lawyers about the nam©
and title by which Mary should be arraigned; and,
while the essentids of justice were so grossly violated>
the empty forms of it were the objects of their care.
They at length agreed that she should be styled " Mary,
daughter and heir of Jan^s V. late king of Scots,
4 CuDd. 519. Johnat. Uiat. %1S.
r,on7<-i.i Google
134 SCOTLAND, [1686.
commonly -called queen of Scots and dow^;er of
France.*"
After the many indignities which she had lately suf-
fered, Mary could no longer doobt but that her destnic-
tion was determined. She expected every moment to
end her days by poison, or by some of those secret
meanis usually employed against captive princes. Lest
the malice of her enemies, at the same time that it de-
prived her of life, should endeavour likewise to blast
her reputation, she wrote to the duke of Ciuise, and
vindicated herself, in the strongest terms, from the im-
putation of encouraging or of being accessary to the
conspiracy for assassinating Elizabeth.' In the solitude
of her prison, the strange resolution of bringing het to
a public trial had not reached her ears, nor did the idea
of any thing so unprecedented, and so repugnant to
regal majesty, once enter into her thoughts.
Yhe^^i On the Uth of October, the commissioners-
it Foiber- appointed by Elizabeth arrived at Fotheringay.
''^''^' Next morning they delivered a letter from their
sovereign to Mary, in which, after the bitterest re-
proaches and accusations, she informed her, that regard
for the happiness of the, nation had at last rendered it
necessary to make a public inquiry into h^r conduct,
and therefore required her, as she had lived so long
under the protection of the laws of England, to submit
now to thie trial which they ordained to be taken of her
Mar; re- crimes. Mary, though Surprised at this mcssage,
fi"^ to' ■"ss neither appalled at the danger, nor unmind-
pieid. fjji of her own dignity. She protested, in the
most soJemnmanner, that she was innocent of the crime
laid to her charge, and had never countenanced any
attempt against the life of the queen of England ; but
at the same time, refused to acknowledge the jurisdiction
of her commissioners. " I came into the kingdom,"
said she, " an independent sovereign, to implore the
' Sta^pe, iii. set. ' Jebb, ii. KS.
DowcdDyGoOgIC
1S86.3 BOOK VII. 125
queen's assistance, not to subject myself to her authority.
Nor is my spirit so broken by its past misfortunes, orso
intimidated by present dangers, as to stoop to any thing
unbecoming the majesty of a crowned head, or that
will disgrace the ancestors from whom I am descended,
and the son to whom I shall leave my throne. If I must
be tried, princes alone' can be my peers. The queen
of England's subjects, however noble their birth may
be, are of a rank inferior to mine. Ever since my
arrival in this kingdom I have been confined as a pri-
soner. Its laws never afforded me any protection.
Let them not now be perverted in order to take away
my life."
The commissioners employed arguments and entrea-
ties to overcome Mary's resolution. They even threat^
ened to proceed according to the forms of law, and to
pass sentence against her on account of her contumacy
in refusing to plead ; she persisted, however, for two -
day?, todecline their jurisdiction. An ai^;ument, used
by Hatton, Ihe vice-chamberlaiu, at last prevailed. He
told her, that by avoiding a trial, she injured Her own
reputation, and deprived herself of the only opportunity
of setting her innocence in. a clear light ; and that no-
thing would be more agreeable to tbem^ or more accept-
able to the queen their mistress, than to be convinced,
by undoubted evidence, that she had been unjustly load-
ed with foul aspersions.
jj^j^j^j^ No wonder pretexts so plausible shouldimpose
howma OD the unwary .queen, or that she, unassisted
at that time by any friend or counsellor, should
not be able to detect and elude air the artifices ofEliza-
beth's ablest ministers. In a situation equally melan-
choly, and under circumstances nearly similar, her grand-
son, Charles I. refused, with the utmost firmness, to
acknowledge the usurped jurisdiction of the high court
of justice ; and posterity has approved his conduct, as
suitable to the dignity of a king. IfMaiywasiesacom
r,on7<-i.iGoOglc
lae SCOTLAND. [1686.
staht in lier resolution, it must be imputed solely to her
tmxious desire of vindicating her own honour,
■ AtherappearancebeforethejudgeSjWhowere
'. ' seated in the great hall of the castle, where they
received her with much ceremony, die took care to
protest, that by condescending to hear and to give an
answer to the accusations which should be brought
against her, she neither acknowledged the jurisdiction
of the court, nor admitted the validi^ and jus tice of -those
acts by which they pretended to try her.
The chancellor, by a counter-protestation, endeavour-
ed to vindicate the authority of the court.
Hw mcd- Then Elizabeth's attorney and solicitor opened
tgttott flw charge .against ber, with all the circum-
*"■ stances of the late conepwacy. Gc^ies of Mary's
letters to Mendoze, Babington, Englefield, and Pagetj
were produced. Babingtwi's confession, those of BbI*
lard. Savage, and the other conspirators, together with
the declarations of Nau^ and Curlcj her secretaries, were
read, and the whole: ranged in the moist specious order
which the art of the lawyers coiild devise,i-aDd heigbt*
enedjjy every colour thar eloqutoce could add.
Mary listened to their. harangues attentively, and
without emotion. But at the mentiCTi of the earl of
Arundel's name, who was then confined in- ihe Tower,
she broke out into this tender and got^rous exclamation ;
" Alas, how much has the noble rboose of Howard strf*
fered fot my sake !"
When the queen's counsel had finished, Mary stood
up( and with great magnanimityi and equal presence of
niiiid> began ber defence. She bewailed the unhappt-i
nesB of her own situation^' that after b captivity of nine-
ttgaxyeoxa, dimng which she had-sul^^d freatment ifo
lesf^ cruel thao unmeritfid, she was at 'last loaded with
am aecusaticm, which tended not only toTob herofhet
right of sucecflsioB, and to deprive her of iifeitse!f,'tut
to Irananit her name with infiuny io- firture ages : tln^
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
1586.] BOOK VII. 137
without regarding the sacred rights of sovereignty, she
was now subjected to laws framed against private pei^
sons ; though an ajiointed queen, commanded to appeiu:
before the tribunal of subjects ; and, like a common cri-
minal, her honour exposed to the petulant tongues of
lawyers, capable of wresting her words, aad of misre-
presenting her actions: that, even in this dishonourable
situation, she was denied the privileges usually granted
to criminals, and obliged to undertake her own defence,
without the presence of any friend with whonl to advise,
without the aid of counsel, and without the use of her
own papers. • .
She then proceeded to the particular articles in the
accusation. She absolutely denied any correspondence
Widi Babington or Ballard : copies only of her pretend-
ed' letters to them were produced; though nothing less
than her handwriting or subscription was sufficient to
convict her of such an odious crime; no proof could be
brought that their letters were delivered into her hands,
or that any answer was returned by her direction ; the
confessions of wretches condemned and executed, for
such a detestable action^ were of little weight ; fear or
hope n^ght extort from them many things inconsistent
with tPUthj nor ought the honour of a queen to be stain*
ed-by such vile testimony. The declaration of her s&-
tiretaries was not more conclusive : promises andlhreatE
might' easily overcome the resolution of two strangers;
in order to screen themselves, they might throw thp
blame oh'her; but they could discoyer nothing to her
prejudice, without violating, in the Gret p]sK;e, the oatb
of fidelity which they had sworn to. her ; ^d their per-
jury, in one instance, rendered them unworthy of credit
in another : the lettei^ to the Spanish ambassador were
either nothing more than copies, or contained only whiyt
was perfectly innocent': "I have often," continued she,
*'made such eiforts for the recovery of ifl^lHierty, as
are natural to a human creature. Convinced, by the
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
128 SCOTLAND. [1588.
sad experience of so many years, that tt was vain to
expect it from the justice or generosity of the queen of
England, I have frequently solicited foreign princes,
and called upon all ray friends to employ their whole'
interest for my relief. I have likewise endeavoured to
procure for the English Catholics some mitigation of
the rigour with which they are now treated ; and if I
could hope, by my death, to deliver them from oppres-
sion, I am willing to die for their sake. I wish, however,
to imitate the example of Esther, not of Judith, and-
would rather make intercession for my people, than shed
the blood of the meanest creature, in order to save them,
I have often checked the intemperate zeal of my adhe-
rents, when eitherjthe severity of their own persecutions,
or indignation at the unheard-of injuries which I have
endured, were apt to precipitate them into violent coun-
sels. I have even warned the queen of dangers to which
these harsh proceedings exposed herself. And worn
out,. as I now am, with cares and sufferings, the pros-
pect of a crown is not so inviting, that I should ruin my
soul in order to obtain it. I am no stranger to the feel-
ings of humanity, nor unacquainted with the duties of
religion, and abhor the detestable crime of assassination,
as. equally repugnant to both. And, if ever I have given
consent by my words, or even by my thoughts, to any
attempt against the life of the queen of England, far
from declining the judgment of men, I shall not evien
pray for the mercy of God.'"
Two differentdays did Mary appear before the judges,
and in. every part of her behaviour maintained the
magnanimity of a queen, tempered with the gentleness
and modesty of a woman.
Sentence The commissioncrs, by Elizabeth's express
^™ command, adjourned, without pronouncing any
Oct-ss- sentence, to the star-chamber in Westminster.
When assembled in that place, Nau^ and Curie were
'C«nid.5!»,8M:.
r,o,:,..i.i.i Google
brought into court, and conBnned their fonner decla-
ration upon oath ; and after reviewing all their proceed-
ings, the coiamissioners unanimously declared Mary
" to be accessary to Babington's conspiracy, and to
have imagined divsra matters tending to the hurt, death,
and destruction of Elizabeth, contrary to the express
words of the statute made for the security of the queen's
life."-
It is no easymatterto determine whetherthein-
Irregulan- ... .. i--i i.
tin in the justicc ID appointing this trial, or the irregula-
*"* ' rity in conducting it, were greatest and most fla-
grant. By whatright did Elizabeth claim authority over
an independent queen ? Was Mary bound to comply with
thelaws of a foreign kingdom? How could the subjects of
another prince become her judges ? or, if such an insult
on royalty were allowed, ought not the common forms
of justice to have been observed? If the testimony of
-Babington and his associates were so explicit, why did
-not Elizabeth spare them for a few weeks, and by con-
fronting them with Mary, overwhelm her with the full
conviction of her crimes? Nau^ and Curie were both
alive ; wherefore did not tliey appear at Fotheringay, and
for what reason were they produced in the star-chamber,
where Mary was not present tp hear what they deposed ?
Was this suspicious evidence enough to condemn a
queen ? Ought the meanest criminal to have been found
guilty upon such feeble and inconclusive proofs?
It was not, however, on the evidence produced at
her trial, that the sentence against Mary was founded.
That served as a pretence to justify, but was not the
cause of the violent steps taken by Elizabeth and her
ministers towards her destruction ; and was employed
to give some appearance of justice to what was the oflF-
spring of jealousy and fear. The nation, blinded with
resentment against Mary, and solicitous to secure the
life of its own sovereign from every danger, observed
• Camd. Stb.
VOL. II. K
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
130 SCOTLAND. [1586.
no irregularities in the proceedings, and attended to no
defects in the proof, but grasped at the suspicions and
probabilities, as if they had been irrefragable demon-
strations.
The pirtia- The parliament met a few^days ^^r sentence
fora'th^"^ was pronounced against Mary. In that illus-
jentence, trious assembly more temper and discernment
than are to be found among the people might have
been expected. Both lords and commons, however,
were equ^y under the dominion of popular preju^
dices and passions, and the same excess of zeal, or
of fear, which prevailed in the nation, are apparrait in
all their proceedipgs. They entered with impatience
upon Ein inquiry into the conspiracy, and the danger
which threatened the queen's life, as well as the peace
of the kingdom. All the papers which had been pro-
duced at Fotheringay were laid before them ; and,
after many violent invectives against the queen of Scots,
both houses unanimously ratified the proceedings of the
commissioners by whom she had been tried, and de-
clared the sentence against her to be just and well-
andde- foundcd. Not satisfied with this, they pre-
"i^tion rented a joint address to the queen, beseeching
"^i*- her, as she regarded her own safety, the preser-
vation of the Protestant religion, the welfare and wishes
of her peoi^e, to publish the sentence ; and, without
farther delay, to inflict on a rival, no less irreclaimable
than dangerous, the punishment which she had merited
by so many crimes. This request, dictated by fears
unworthy of that great assembly, was enforced by rea-
sons still more unworthy. They were drawn, not from
justice, but from conveniency. The most rigorous
confinwnent, it was pretended, could not curb Mary's
intriguing spirit ; her address was found, by long exr
perience, to be an overmatch for the vigilance and
jealousy of all her keepers ; the severest penal lami
could not restrain her adherents, who> while they be-
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
1596.] BOOK VII. 131
lieved her person to be sacred, would despise any danger
to which themselves alone were exposed : several fo-
reign princes were ready to second their attempts, and
waited only a proper opportuni^ for invading the
kingdom, and asserting the Scottislk queen's title to the
crown. Her life, they contended, was, for these rea-
sons, incompatible with Elizabeth's safety ; and if she
were spared out of a false clemency, the queen's per-
son, the religion and liberties of the kingdom, could not
be one moment secure. Necessity required that she
should be sacrificed io order to preserve these ; and to
prove this sacrifice to be no less just than necessary,
several examples in history were produced, and many
texts of Scripture quoted ; but both the one and the
other were misapplied, and distorted from their true
meaning.
Eiuabeih'i Nothing, however, could be more acceptable
disumoia- to Elizabeth, than an address in this strain. It
extricated her out of a situation extremely em-
barrassing ; and, without depriving her of the power
of sparing, it enabled her to punish her rival witii less
appearance of blame. If she chose the former, the
whole honour would redound to her own clemency. If
she determined on the latter, whatever was rigorous
might now seem to be extorted by the solicitations of
her people, rather than to flow from her own inclina-
tion. Her answer, however, was in a style which she
often used, ambiguous and evasive, under the appear-
ance of openness and candour ; fiill of such professions
of regard for her people, as served to heighten their
loyal^ ; of such complaints of Mary's ingratitude, as
were calculated to excite their indignation ; and of such
insinuations that her own life was in danger, as could
not &il to keep alive their fears. In the end, she be-
sought them to save her the infamy and the pain of
delivering up a queen, her nearest kinswoman, to pu-
nishment ; and to consider whether it might not still be
K 2
DowcdDyGoOgIC
132 SCOTLAND. [1586.
possible to provide for the public security, without
forcing her to imbrue her hands in royal blood.
The true meaning of this reply was easily understood.
The lords and commons renewed their former request
with additional importunity, which was far from being
either unexpected or offensive. Elizabeth did not re-
turn any answer more explicit ; and having obtained
such a public sanction of her proceedings, there was no
longer any reason for protracting this scene of dissimu-
lation ; there was even some danger that her feigned
difficulties might at last be treated as real ones ; she
therefore prorogued the parliament, and reserved in her
own hands the sole disposal of her rival's fate."
France ip- ^^^ *^® pHnces iu Europe observed the pro-
Ksrpoies ccedings against Mary with astonishment and
i^LilJir horror; and even Henry III., notwithstanding'
'^' his known aversion to the house of Guise, was
obliged to interpose on her behalf, and to appear in de-
fence of the common rights of royalty. Aubespine, his
resident ambassador, and Bellievre, who was sent with
an extraordinary commission to the same purpose, in-
terceded for Mary with great appearance of warmth.
They employed all the arguments which the cause na-
turally suggested ; they pleaded from justice, from gene-
rosity, and humanity; they intermingled reproaches and
threats : but to all these Elizabeth continued deaf and
inexorable; and having received some intimation of
Henry's real unconcern about the fate of the Scottish
queen, and knowing his antipathy to all the race of
Guise, she trusted that litese loud remonstrances would
be followed by no violent resentment.'
j«incii en- ^he paid no greater regard to the solicita-
dtiroDTita tions of the Scottish king, which, as they
ibeibet'i were urged with greater sincerity, merited
more attention. Though her commissioners
bad been extremely careful to soothe James, by publish-
■ Camd, 5186. p'Ewes, 3T5, J CiokU flSl.
Google
1S86.] BOOK VII. 133
iag a declaration that their senteace against Mary did^.
in no degree, derogate from his honour, or invalidate
any title which he formerly possessed ; he beheld the
indignities to which his motiier had been exposed with
filial concern, and with the sentiments which became a
king. The pride of the Scottish nation was roused by
the insult offered to the blood of their monarchs, and
called upon him to employ the most vigorous efforts, in
order to prevent or to revenge the queen's death.
At first, he could hardly believe that Elizabeth would
venture upon an action so unprecedented, which tended
so. visibly to. reader the persons of princes less sacred
in the eyes of the people, and which degraded the regal
dignity, of*which, at other times, she was so remark-
ably jealous. But as soon as the extraordinary steps
which she took discovered her intention, he dispatch-
ed Sir William Keith to London, who, together with
Douglas, his ambassador in ordinary, remonstrated,
in the strongest terms, against the injury done to an
independent queen, in subjecting her to be tried like a
private person, and by laws to which she owed no obe-
dience; and besought Elizabeth not to add to this
injury by suffering a sentence unjust in itself, as well
as dishonourable to the king of Scots, to be put into
execution.'
Elizabeth returning no answer to these remonstrances
of his ambassador, James wrote to her with his own
hand, complaining in the bitterest terms of her conduct,
not without threats that both his duty and his honour
would oblige him to renounce her friendship, and to
act as became a son when called to revenge his mother's
wrongs.* At the same time he assembled the nobles,
who promised to stand by him in so good a cause. He
appointed ambassadors to France, Spain, and Denmark,
in order to implore the aid of these courts ; and took
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
134 SCOTI.AND. {1586.
other steps towards execating hia threats with vigour.
The high strain of his letter enraged EUrabeth to such
a degree, that she was readjr to dismiss his ambassadors
without any reply. But his preparations alarmed and
embarrassed her ministers, and at their entrea^ she
returned a soft sind evasive answer, promising to listen
to any overture from the king, that tended to his mother's
safety; and to suspend the execution of the sentence,
until the arrival of new ambassadors from Scotland.''
Dec. 6. Meanwhile, she commanded the sentence
lei^e"*^ against Mary to be pablished, and forgot not
X?"'ub- *° inform the people, that this was extorted
lobed. trom her by die repeatedentreatyof both houses
of parliament. At the same time, she disftatched lord
Buckhurst and Beale to acquaint Mary with the sen-
tence, and how importunately the nation demanded the
execution of it; and though she had not hitherto yielded
to these solicitations, she advised her to prepare for an
event which might become necessary for securing the
Protestant religion, as well as quieting the minds of the
people. Mary received the message not only without
symptoms of fear, but with expressions of triumph.
" No wonder," said she, " the English should now
thirst for the blood of a foreign prince, they have often
offered violence to their own monarchs. But after so
many sufferings, death comes to me as a welcome deli-
verer. I am proud to think that my life is deemed of
importance to the Cathc^ic religion, and as a martyr
for it I am now willing to die."*
g,^ ,, After the publication of the sentence, Mary
•fMied fras stripped of every remaining mark of roy^-
uim«t ty. The canopy of state in her apartment was
"""' pulled dovra ; Paulet entered her chamber, and
approached her person without any ceremony ; and
even appeared covered in her presence. Shodted
with these indignities, and offended at this gross
K Spulsn. 551. did, iv. 5. ' C«nid.ai8. Jebb, «9I.
Google
1586.] BOOK VII. 13&
fiuniliarify, to which she had never been accustomed,
Mary once more complained to Elizabeth; add,
'at the same time, as her last request, entreated
thatshcwould permit her servants to carry her dead body
into France, to be laid among her ancestors in hallowed
ground ; that some of her domestics might be present at
her death, to bear witness of her innocence, and firm
adherence to the Catholic faith ; that all her servants
might be suffered to leave the kingdom, and to enjoy
those smdl legacies which she should bestow on them,
as testimonies of her affection; and that, in the mean
time, her almoner, or some other Catholic priest, might
be allowed to attend her, and to assist her in preparing
for an eternal world. She besought her, in the name
of Jesus, by the soul and memory of Henry VII., their
common progenitor, by their consanguinity, and the
royal dignity with which they were both invested, to
gratify her in these particulars, and to indulge her so
far as to signify her compliance by a letter under her
Own hand. Whether Mary's letter was ever delivered
to Elizabeth, is uncertain. No answer was returned,
and no regard paid to her requests. She was offered
a Protestant bishop or dean to attend her. Them she
rejected, and without any clergyman to direct her de-
votions, she prepared, in great tranquillity, for the ap-
proach of death, which she now believed to be at no
great distance.^
1597, James, without losing a moment, sent new
^T^'h" ambassadors to London. These were the mas-
Miieiu- ter of Gray, and Sir Robert Melvil. In order
iier°bih»K. to remove Elizabeth's fears, they offered that
''^'- their master would become bound that no con-
spiracy should be undertaken against her person, or the
peace of the kingdom, with Mary's consent; and for
the feithfiil performance of this, would deliver some
of the most considerable of the Scottish nobles as hos-
<> Cimd. 5<S. Jebb, U. (95.
r,on7<-i.iGoOglc
135 SCOTX-ANB. [1587;
t3.ges. If this were not thought' sufficient, they pro-
posed that Mary should resign all her rights- and pre-
tensions to her son, from whom nothing injurious to
the Protestant religion, or inconsistent with Elizabeth's
safety, could be feared. The former proposal Elizabeth
rejected as insecure; the latter, as dangerous. The
ambassadors were then instructed to talk in a higher
tone; and Melvil executed the commission with 6delity
and with zeal. But Gray, with bis usual perfidy, de-
ceived his master, who trusted him with a negotiation
of so much importance, and betrayed the queen whom
he was employed to save. He encouraged and urged
Elizabeth to execute the sentence against her rival. He
often repeated the old proverbial sentence, "The dead
cannot bite.'* And whatever should happen, he under-
took to pacify the king's rage, or at least to prevent
any violent effects of his resentoieut.*
£ji£abeth'9 Elizabeth, meanwhile, discovered all the
di!^mui^ symptoms of the most violent agitation and
**""■ disquietudeof mind. She shunned society, she
was often found in a melancholy and musing posture,
and repeating with much emphasis these sentences^ ■
which she borrowed from some of the devices then in
vogue; Autfer autferi; ne feriare, feri. Much, no
doubt, of this apparent uneasiness must be imputed
to dissimulation ; it was impossible, however, that a
princess, naturally so cautious as Elizabeth, should
venture on an action, which might expose her memory
to infaioy, and her life and kingdom to danger, with-
out reflecting deeply, and hesitating long. The people
waited her determination in suspense and anxiety ; and
lest their fear or their zeal should subside, rumours of
danger were artfully invented and propagated with the
utmost industry. Aubespine, the French ambassador,
was accused of having suborned an assassin to murder
the queen. The Spanish fleet was said by some to be
' Spolsw, Sde. Muidin, 568. See App. No. L.
Google
1587.] BOOK VII. 137
already arrived at Milford-haven. Others affirmed that
the duke of Guise had landed with a strong army in
Sussex. Now, it was reported that the northern coun-
ties were up in arms ; next day, that the Scots had
entered England with all their forces; and a conspi-
racy, it was whispered, was on foot, for seizing the
queen and burning the city. The panic grew every day
more violent ; and the people, astonished and enraged,
called for the execution of the sentence against Mary,
as the only thing which could restore tranquillity to the
kingdom.*
While these sentiments prevailed among her sub-
jects, Elizabeth thought she might safely venture to
strike the blow which she had so long medifated.
w»n«Dt_ She commanded Davison, one of the secretaries
^otilra' of state, to bring to her the fatal warrant ; and
v^'f her behaviour on that occasion plainly shewed',
that it is not to humanity that we must ascribe
her forbearance hitherto. At the very moment she was
signing the writ which gave up a woman, a queen, and
her own nearest relation, into the hands of the execu-
tioner, she was capable of jesting. " Go," says she to
Davison, '* and tellWalsingham what I have now done,
though I am afraid he will die for grief when he hears
it." Her chief anxiety was how to secure the advan-
tages which would arise from Mary's death, without
appearing to have given her consent to a deed so
odious. She often hinted to Paulet and Drury, as well
as to some other courtiers, that now was the time to
discover the sincerity of their concern for her safety,
and that she expected their zeal would extricate her out
of her present perplexity. But they were wise enough
-to seem not to understand her meaning. Even after
the warrant was signed, she commanded a letter to be
written to Paulet in less ambiguous terms, complaining
of his remissness in sparing so long the life of her ca-
' Cunb. 533, 5S4.
r,on7<-i.i Google
138 SCOTLAND. [1587.
pital enemy, and begging bim to remember at last what
was incumbent on bim as an affectionate subject, as
well as wbat be was bound to do by the oath of asso-
ciation, and to deliver his soverei^ from continual
fear and danger, by shortening the days of his prisoner.
Paulet, though rigorous and harsh, and often brutal ta
the discharge of what he thought his duty, as Mary's
keeper, was nevertheless a man of honour and inte-
grity. He rejected the proposal with disdaii^ ; and la-
menting that be should ever have been deemed capa-
ble of acting the part of an assassin, he declared that
the queen might dispose of his life at her pleasure, but
that he would never stain his owri honour, nor leave
an eVferlasting mark, of infamy on his posterity, by lend-
ing his hand to perpetrate so foul a crime. On the
receipt of diis letter, Elizabeth became extremely pee-
vish; and calling him a dainty 2Ji& precise fellow, who
would promise much but perform nothing, she pro-
posed to employ one Wingfield, who had both courage
and inclination to strike the blow.* But Davison re-
monstrating against this, as a deed dishonourable in
itself, and of dangerous example, she again declared
her intention that the sentence pronounced by the
commissioners should be executed according to law ;
and as she had already signed the warrant, she begged
that no farther application itiight be made to her on
Ijiat head. By this, the privy-counsellors thought them-
selves sufficiently authorized to proceed ; and prompt-
ed, as they pretended, by zeal for the queen's safety, or
instigated, as is more probable, by the apprehension of
the danger to which they would themselves be exposed,
if the life of the queen of Scots were spared, they as-
sembled in the council-chamber; and by a letter under
all their hands, empowwed the earla of Shrewsbury" and
Kent, together wiUi the high sheriff of the coua^, to
see the sentence put in execution.''
f Biug. Britan. arlide DmiKn, * Omd. 534. Slrjpc, Ui, Sfil. 3fi4.
Google
1587.] BOOR VII. 139
, On Tuesday the 7th of FebniMry, the two
ittTiourat earls arriTed at Fotheringay, and demanded
access to the queen, read in her presence the
warrant for execution, and required her to prepare to
die next morning. Mary heard them to the end with-
out emotion, and crossing herself in the name of the
Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, " That
soul," said she, " is not worthy the joys of heaven,
which repines because the body must endure the stroke
of the executioner ; and though I did not expect that
the queen of England would set the first example of
violating the sacred person of a sovereign prince, I
■willingly submit to that which Providence hag decreed
to be my lot ; " and laying her hand on a Bible, which
happened to be near her, she solemnly protested tiiat
she was innocent of that conspiracy which Babington
had carried on against Elizabeth's life.' She then men-
tioned the requests contained in hel* letter to Elizabeth,
but obt^ned no satisfactory answer. She entreated,
with particular earnestness, that now in her iast mo-
ments her almoner might be suffered to attend her, and
that she might enjoy the consolation of those pious in-
stitutions presmbed by her religion. Even this favour,
which is usually granted to the vilest criminal, was ab^
solutely denied.
Her attendants, during this conversation, were bathed
in tears, suad though overawed by the presence of the
two earls, with difficulty suppressed their uiguish ; but
no sooner did Kent and Shrewsbury withdraw, than
they ran to their mistress, and burst out into the most
passionate expressions of tenderness and sorrow. Mary,
however, not wily retained perfect composure of mind
herself, but Mideavoured to moderate their excessive
grief; and falling on her knees with all her domestics
round her, she thanked Heaven that her sufferings were
now so near an otd, and prayed that she might be en-
>Jebb,ii. 301.
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
140 SCOTLAND. {1587.
abled to endure what still remained with decency and
with fortitude. The greater part of the evening she
employed in settling her worldly affairs. She wrote
her testament with her own hand. Her money, her
jewels, and her clothes^ she distributed among her ser-
vants, according to their rank or merit. She wrote a
short letter to the king of France, and another to the
duke of Guise^ full of tender but magnanimous senti-
ments, and recommended her soul to their prayers, and
her a£Bicted servants to their protection. At supper
she ate temperately, as usual, and conversed not only
with ease, but with cheerfulness ; she drank to every
one of her servants, and asked their forgiveness, if ever
she had failed in any part of her duty towards them.
At her wonted time she went to bed, and slept calmly
a few hours. Early in the morning she retired into her
closet, and employed a considerable time in devotion.
At eight o'clock the high sheriff and his officers entered
her chamber, and found h^ still kneeUng at the altar.
She immediately started up, and, with a majestic mien^
and a countenance undismayed, and even cheerful,
advanced towards the place of execution, leaning on
two of Paulet's attendants. She was dressed in a
mourning habit, but with an elegance and splendour
which she bad long laid aside, except on a few festival
days. An Agnus Dei hung by a pomander chain at
her neck ; her beads at her girdle; and in her hand she
carried a crucifix of ivory. At the bottom of the stairs
the two earls, attended by several gentlemen from the
neighbouring counties, received her ; and there Sir An-
drew Melvil, the master of her household, who had been
secluded, for some weeks from her presence, was per-
mitted to take his last farewell. At the sight of a mis-
tress whom he tenderly loved, in such a situation, he
melted into tears ; and as he was bevrailing her condi-
tion, and complaining of his own hard fate, in being
appointed to carry the account of such a mournful event
Google
15870 ' BOOK VII. 141
into Scotland, Maiy replied, " Weep not, good Melvil,
there.isatpresentgreatcauseforrejoicing. Thou shalt
this day see Mary Stewart delivered from all her cares,
and such an end put to her tedious sufferings, as she
has long expected. Bear -witness that I die constant
in my religion ; firm in my fidelity towards Scotland ;
and unchanged in my affection to France. Commend
roe to my son. Tell him I have done nothing injurious
to his kingdom, to his honour, or to his rights; and
God forgive all those who have thirsted, without cause,
for my blood."
With much difficulty, and after many entreaties, she
prevailed on the two earls to allow Melvil, together
with three of her men servants and two -of her maids,
to attend her to the scaffold. It was erected in the
same hall where she had been tried, raised a little above
the fioor, and covered, as well as a chair, the cushion,
and block, with black cloth. Mary mounted the steps
with alacrity, beheld all this apparatus of death with
an unaltered countenance, and signing herself with the
cross, she sat down in the chair. Beale read the war-
rant for execution with a loud voice, to which she lis-
teoed with a careless air, and like one occupied in other
thoughts. Then the dean of Peterborough began a
devout discourse, suitable to her present condition, and
offered up prayers to Heaven in her behalf; but she
declared that she could not in conscience hearken to
the one, nor join with the other; and kneeling down,
repeated a Latin prayer. When the dean had finished
his devotions, she, with an audible voice, and in the
English tongue, recommended unto God the afflicted
state of the church, and prayed for prosperity to her
son, and for a long life and peaceable reign to Eliza-
beth. She declared that she hoped for mercy only
through the death of Christ, at the foot of whose image
she now willingly shed her blood ; and lifting up and
kissing the crucifix, she thus addressed it : " As thy
Co Ogle
142 SCOTLAND. [1687;
arms, O Jesus, were extended on the cross ; so with
the outstretched arms of thy mercy receive me, and
forgive my sins."
She then prepared for the block, by taking off her
veil and upper garments ; and one of the executioners
rudely endeavounng to assist, she gently checked him,
and said with a smile, that she had not been accustomed
to undress before so many spectators, nor to be served
by such valets. With calm but undaunted fortitude,
she laid her neck on the block ; and while one execu-
tioner held her hands, the other, at the second stroke,
cut off her head, which falling out of its attire, disco-
vered her hair already grown quite gray with cares and
sorrows. The executioner held it up still streaming
with blood, and the dean crying out, " So perish all
queen Elizabeth's enemies," ^e earl of Kent alone an-
swered " Amen." The rest of the spectators continued
silent, and drowned in tears ; being incapable, at that
moment, of any other sentiments but those of pity or
admiration.^
SeoUiiKnii Such was the tragical death of Mary, queen
^^'^ng' of Scots, after a life of forty-four years and two
'^' months, almost nineteen years of which she
passed in captivity. The political parties which were
formed in the kingdom, during her reign, have subsisted
under various denominations ever since that time. The
rancour with, which they were at first animated, hath
descended to succeeding ages, and their prejudices, as
well as their rage, have been perpetuated, and even
augmented. Among historians, who were under the
dominion of all these passions, and who have either
ascribed to her every virtuous and amiable quality, or
have imputed to her all the vices of which the human
heart is susceptible, we search in vain for Mary's real
character. She neither merited the exaggerated praises
StTTpe, iii. 3S3. See Append.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
ise?.] BOOK VII. 148
of the one, nor the undistinguished censure of the
other.
Uir cbm- '^^ ^^ ^^ charms of beauty, and the utmost
"e'er- elegance of external form, she added those ac-
complishments which render their impression irresisti-
ble. Polite, a&ble, insinuating, sprightly, and capa-
ble of speaking and of writing with equal ease and
dignity. Sudden, however, and violent in all her at-
tachments ; because her heart was warm and unsuspi-
cious. Impatient of contradiction ; because she had
been accustomed from her infancy to be treated as a
queen. No stranger, on some occasions, to dissimula-
tion ; which, in that perfidious court where she received
her education, was reckoned among the necessary arts
of government. Not insensible of flattery, or uncon-
scious of that pleasure with which almost every woman
beholds the influence of her own beauty. Formed with
the qualities which we lovo, not with the talents that
we admire ; she was an agreeable woman, rather than
an illustrious queen. The vivacity of her spirit, not
mfficiently tempered with sound judgment, and the
warmth of her heart, which was not at all times under
the restraint of discretion, betrayed her both into errors
and into crimes. To say that she was always unfortu-
nate, will not account for that long and almost uninter-
rupted succession of calamities which befel her ; we
nuist likewise add, that she was often imprudent. Her
passion for Damley was rash, youthful, and excessive ;
and though the sudden transition to the opposite ex-
treme, was the natural effect of her ill-requited love,
and of his ingratitude, insolence, and brutality ; yet
neither these, nor Bothwell'a artful address and impor-
tant services, can justify her attachment to that noble-
man. Even the manners of the ^e, licentious as they
were, are no apology for this unhappy passion ; nor can
they induce us to look on that tragical and infamous
scene which followed upon it with less abhorrence.
r,on7<-i.i Google
144 SCOTLAND. [1587.
Humanity will draw a veil over this part of Her character
which it caQnot approve, and may, perhaps, promptsome
to impute some of her actions to her situation, more than
to her dispositions ; and to lament the unhappiness of
the former, rather than accuse the perverseness of the
latter. Mary's sufferings exceed, both in degree and
in duration, those tragical distresses which fancy has
feigned to excite sorrow and commiseration; and while
we survey them, we are apt altogether to forget her
frailties, we think of her faults with less indignation,
and approve of our tears, as if they were ahed for a
person who had attained much nearer to pure virtue.
With regard to the queen s person, a circumstance
not to be omitted in writing the history of a female
reign, all contemporary authors agree in ascribing to
Mary the utmost beauty of countenance, and elegance
of shape, of which the human form is capable. Her
hair was black, though, according to the fashion of that
age, she frequently wore borrowed locks, and of dif-
ferent colours. Her eyes were a dark gray ; her com-
plexion was exquisitely fine ; and her hands and arms
remarkably delicate, both as to shape and colour. Her
stature was of an height that rose to the majestic. She
danced, she walked, and rode with equal grace. Her
taste for music was just, and she both sung and played
upon the lute with uncommon skill. Towards the end
of her life, long confinement, and the coldness of the
houses in which she had been imprisoned, brought on
a rheumatism, which often deprived her of the use of
her limbs. No man, says Brantome, ever beheld her
f>erson without admiration and love, or will read her
history without sorrow.
None of her women were suffered to come near her
dead body, which was carried into a room adjoining to
the place of execution, where it lay for some days,
covered with a coarse cloth torn from a billiard-table.
The block, the scaffold, the aprons of the executioners,
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
1587.] BOOK VII. 145
and every thing stained with her blood, Trere reduced
to ashes. Not long after, Elizabeth appointed her body
to be buried in the cathedral of Peterborough wiUi
royal m^;iiificence. But this vulgar artifice was em-
ployed in vain; the pageantry of a pompous funera!
did not efface the memory of those injuries which laid
Mary in her grave. James, soon after his accession to
the English throne, ordered her body to be removed to
Westminster-abbey, and to be deposited among the
monarchs of England.
Eiiubeih Elizabeth affected to receive the accounts of
mffecb to Mary's death with the most violent emotions of
Haiy's surprise and concern. Sighs, tears, lamenta-
tions, and mourning, were all employed to dis-
play the reality and greatness of her sorrow. Evident
marks of dissimulation and artifice may be traced through '
every period of Elizabeth's proceedings against the life
of the Scottish queen. The commission for bringing
Mary to a public trial was seemingly extorted from her
by the entreaties of her privy-counsellors. She delayed
puUishing the sentence against her till she was twice
solicited by both houses of parliament. Nor did she
sign the wjurant for execution without the utmost ap-
parent reluctance. One scene more of the boldest and
most solemn deceit remained to be exhibited. She un-
dertook to make the world believe that Mary had been
put. to death without her knowledge, and against her
will. Davison, who neither suspected her intention nor
Lis own danger,- was her instrument in carrying on this
artifice, and fell a victim to it.
It was his duty, as secretary of state, to lay before
her the warrant for execution, in order to be signed ;
uid, by her command, he carried it to the great seal.
She pretended, however, that she had charged hiin not
to communicate what she had done to any person, nor
to suffer the warrant to go out of hU hands, without
her express permission ; that, in contempt of this order,
VOL. ir. I.
140 SCOTLAND. [1687.
he had not only revealed the matter to several of her
ministers, but had, in concert with them, assembled her
privy-counsellors, by whom, without her consent or
knowledge, the warrant was issued, and ihe earls of
Shrewsbury and Kent empowered to put it in execu-
tion. Though Davison denied all this, and with cir-
cumstances which bear the stroi^est marks of truth
and cpedihili^ ; though it can scarcely be conceived
that her privy-council, composed of the persons in
whom she most confided, of her ministers and favour-
ites, would assemble within the walls of her palace, and
Venture to transact a matter of so much importance
without her privity, and contrary to her inclination ;
yet so far did she cany her dissimulation, that with all
the signs of displeasure and of rage, she banished most
' of her counsellors out of her presence ; and treated
Burleigh, in particular, so harshly, and with such marks
of disgust, that he gave himself up for lost, and in the
deepest affliction wrote to the queen, begging leave to
resign all his places, that he might retire to his own
estate. Davison she instantly deprived of his office, and
„ ^ committed him a close prisoner to the Tower.
Marcn. __ i> i i i ■ i .
He was soon atter brought to a solemn trial m
the star-chamber, condemned to pay a fine of ten thou-
sand pounds, and to be imprisoned during the queen's
pleasure. He languished several years in confinem^t,
and never recovered any de^i-ee of favoiur or of power.
As her jealousy and fear had bereaved the queen of
Scots of life, in order to paUiate this pEUt of her con-
duct, Elizabeth made no scruple of sacrificing the re-
putation and happiness of one of the most virtuous and
able men in her kingdtHU.'
EUubeth Thls solemu farce, for it deserves no better
u*!^^'* name» furnished Elizabeth, however, with an
jaaei. apolt^ to the king of Scots. As the prospect
of his mother's danger had excited the king's filial care
■C>Bd.5S6. fttype,M,SIO. Sm Append, No. UL CUiImU, t», &e.
L'iooglc
1587.] BOOK VII. M7
and concern, the. account of her death filled him vitb
grief and resentment His subjects felt the diahonom
done to him and to the nation. In order to soothe both,
Elizabeth instantly dispatched Robert Gary, one of lord
Hunsdon's sons, with a letter expressing her ei^treoiQ
affliction on account of that miserable accident, which,
as she pretended, had happened far oonteary to her ap*
pomtment or intention. James would not permit her
messengN to enter Scotland, and with some difhculty
received a memorial which he aent fironj Berwick. It
contained the tale concerning DaviBon, dressed up with
all the circumstances which tended to eiculpate Eliga-*
beth, and to throw the whole blame on hi« rashness or
treachery. Such a de&nce gave little satisfaction, and
was considered as mockery added to insult; sad many
of the nobles, as well as Ihe king, l»e^bed nothing but
revenge. BlizabetiL was extremely soltcitous to pacify
Uiem, and she wanted neither able injitnuneati not
plausible reasons, in order to accomplish this. l4eice8->
ter wrote to the king, and Walsingham to secretary
Majtland. They represented tiie certiiia destrnction to
which Jam^s would expose himself, if, wi^ the forces
of Scotland alone, he should yenlure to atta^ ft king-
dom so far superior in power ; that the history of pwt
agea« as well as his master's sad experiertcc, might con^
vince him, &at nothing £Ould be more dangierous, or
deceitful, than dependenceonforeign aid; thai the kii^
of France would never wi^ to see the British kingdoqu
united und«r' one monarch nor contribute to invest %
prince so nearly allied to the house of Guise with such
jonnidaUe power ; that Philq» might be a more active
ally, but would certfunly prove a. more .dang»x>u$ oba;
and, undi^ preteQce of assisting him, would .aaaert his
own right to the E^i^ish. jsrown, -wimih be akefldy be^
gan openly to claim ; Ihat the samt statute, on which
the sentence of death against his ipo&er had he«l
founded, wc^d justifyth^ ^cludjn^ him firom the suc-
'..OO'^IC
14* SCOTLAND. [1687:
cession to the crown ; that the English, naturally averse
irom the dominion of strangers, would not fail, if ex-
asperated 1]^ his hostilities, to apply it in that maimer ;
that Elizabeth was disposed to repair ihe wrongs which
the mother had suffered, by her tenderness and affection
towards the son ; and that, by engaging in a fruitless
war, he would deprive himself of a noble inheritance,
which, by cultivating her frieDdship,.he must infallibly
obtain. These representations, added to the conscious*
ness of his own weakness, to the smallness of his reve-
nues,'to the mutinous spirit of some of thenoblesj to
the dubious fidelity of others, and to. the influence of
that faction which was entirely at Elizabeth's devotion,
convinced James that a war with England, however
just, would in the present juncture be altogether impo-
litical. All these considerations -induced him to stifle
his resentment; to appear satisfied with die punishment
inflicted on Davison ; and to preserve all the semblances
of friendship iwith the English court."", In this manner
did the cloud which threat^ed such a storm 'paaa away;
Mary's death, like that of a common criminal, remained
unavenged by any prince ; and, whatever infemy Eliza-
beth might incur, she was exposed to no new danger on
that account.
DiigracB Mary's death, however, proved fatal to the
^iwrof ™*ster of Gray, and lost him Ae king's favour,
O'ay- which he had for some time possessed. He was
become as odious to the nation, as &vourites, who
acquire power without merit, and exercise it Without
discretion, usually are. The treacherous part which
he had acted during his late embassy was no secret^
and filled James, who at length came to the knowledge
of it, with astonishment. The courtiers observed the
symptoms of disgust arising in the king's mind, his eoe-
mies seized this opportunity, and Sir William Stewart,
in revenge of the perfidy with which Gray had betrayed
" Spotsw. 36S. OJd. iv. 13, 14, Strjpe,3TT.
Google
1587.3 BODX VrL (149
.' his brother captain James, ' publicly accused hi^
before a convention of nobles, not only-ofrhav-
iag contributed, by his advice and suggestions, to take
away. the life of the queen, but of holding correspon^dv
ence with Popish princes, in order to subvert the reli-
gion established in the kingdom. Gray, unsupported
by the king, deserted by all, and conscious of his own
■guilt, made a feeble defence. ,He was condemned to
perpetual banishment, a punishment very unequal to
his crimes. But the king was; unwilling* to abandon
■one whom he had once favoured so highly, to the rigour
of justice, and lord Hamilton, his near relation, and the
other nobles, who had lately returned from exile, in
gratitude for the zeal with which he had served then),
interceded warmly in his behalf.
Having thus caccomplished th.e destruction of one of
■his enemies, captain James Stewart thought .the junc>
ture favourable for prosecuting his revenge onth^emall.
■He singled out secretary Maitland, the most eminent
both for abilities and enmity to him; and offered to
prove that he was no less accessary tban. Gray to the
queen's death, and. had-even formed a design of deli-
•vering up the king himself into the hands of the Engr
lish. But time and absence had, in a great measure,
extinguished the king's affection for a minion who so
little deserved it All the courtiers combined aga-nst
him as a common enemy; and, instead of gaining his
point, he hadthe morti6cation to see the office of chan-
cellor conferred upon Maidand, who, together with
that dignity, enjoyed all the power' and -infiuenee of a
■prime (minister.
■ ^In the assembly of the church, which met this year,
.the same hatred to the order of bishops, and the sam^
jealousyandfearbftheir encroachments, appeared. But
^as the king wais now of full ^e, and a parliament was
summoned on that occasiOUjthe clergy remained satis^
fied with appointing some of their number to represent
160 SCOTLAND. [1587.
tketr gilevistc^ to that oonirt, from wfaieh great things
were eitpMted,
Tbe KiDK PwnottS to tfais mectiiig of parliament, James
to^C Attempted a work worthy of a king. The deadly
"'•■»'** fduds which tnibsiBted between many of the
great ftmilies, and which were transmitted from one
generation t» aaother, weakened the afrei^;th of die
kingdom ; ctmthbuted, more than any other drcum-
stattce, to preserve a fierce and barbarouB spirit among
the nobles ; and proved the occasion of many disasters
to themeelTes and to their country. After many pre-
paratory negotiations, he invited tiie contending parties
to e. roy^ entertMnment in the palace of Holyrood'
hoasi ; and partly by his authority, pattiy by his en*
treaties, obtained their prortiise to bury their dissensions
in p«rpetaal oblivion. From thence he conducted
them, in lioluitn processicm, throQgh tiic streets of Edin-
burgh, marching by pairs, each hand in hand with his
enemy. A collation of wine and sweetmeats was pre-
pared at the public Cross, and there they drank to «tch
oth» with aU the sigm of reciprocal forgiveness and
of fiiture friendBhip. The people, who were presait
ftt b spectacle so unusual, conceited the most sanguine
hopes of seeing concord and tranquillity eirtablished in
ev^ pattof the kingd<H», and testified their satis&cticm
by repeated acclamations." Unhappily, the e£fects of
this reconciliation were not correspondent either to the
pious 'endeavours of the king, or to the fond wishes of
the people.
The fiMt core of the parliament was the «ecuriQr of
the Protestant religion. All the laws passed in its fit-
Vour* smce the Reformati'Trii, were ratified ; and a new
end severe one was enadted against seminary priests
and Jesuits, whose restless industry in making prose-
lytes, brought mtmy of them into Scotiand about this
time. Two acts of this parli«mient deserve more par-
• Spois*. IM. CUd.U.lS.
r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google
1S87.1 BOOK VII. 151
ticular notice on aooount of the consequenoes with
which they were followed.
Qfoeni '^^ 0^^ respected the lands of the church.
S™^ As the public revenues were not sufficient for
ofamch- defraying the king's ordinary charges ; as the
administration of the government became more
complicated and more expensive ; as Janie§ was natu-
rally profuse, and a strai^r to economy ; it was ne-
C9Bsa7y, on all these accounts, to provide some fund
proportioned to his exigencies. But no considerable
sum could be levied on the coaunons, who did not
enjoy the benefit of an extensive commerce. The no-
bles were unaccustomed to bear the burden of heavy
taxes. The revenues of the church were the only source
whence a proper supply could be drawn. Notwith-
standing all the depredations of the laity since the
Heformation, and the various devices which they had
^nployed to seize the church-lands, some considerable
portion of them remained still unalienated, and were
held either by the bishops who possessed the benefices,
or were gninted to laymen during pleasure. All these
lands were, in this parliament, annexed, by one general
law," to the crown, and the king was empowered to
apply the rents of them to his own use. The tithes
alone were reserved for the maintenance of the persons
who served the cure, and the principal mansion-house,
with afew acres of land, byway of glebe, allotted for
their residence. By this great accession of property,
it is natural to conclude that the king must have acquired
a vast increase of power, and the influence of the nobles
have su&red a proportional diminution. The very
reverse of this seems, however, to have been the case.
Almost all grants of church-lands, prior to this aot, were
thereby confirmed ; and titles, which were formerly
reckemed precarious, derived thence the sanction of
parUamentary authority. James was likewise autho-
• P«I.1I. Jm.VI.c29.
r,on7<-i.i Google
152 SCOTLAND. [1687.
rized, during a limited time, to make new alienations ;
and such was tlie facility of .his temper, ever ready to
yield to ihe solicitations of his servants, and to gratify
their most extravagant demands, :that not only during
the time limited, but throughout his whole reign, he
was continually employed in bestowing, and. his par-
liament iu ratifying, ,grants of this kind to his nobles;
hence little advantage accrued to the crovni from that
which might have been so valuable an addition to its
revenues. The bishops, however, were great sufferere
by the law. But at this juncture neither the king nor
his ministers were solicitous about the interests of iin
order of men, odious to the people, and persecuted by
the clei^. Their enemies promoted the law wit^ the
utmost zeal. The prospect of sharing in their spoils
induced all parties td consentto it ; and after a Step'sb
fatal to the wealth and. power of. the 'dignified clergy,
it was no difficult matter to introduce that change in
the government of the church which soon after took
place-p
Zeaetbi- The chaogc which the other statute produced
".^V*." in the civil constitution was no less remarkable,
piriiament Under the feudal system, every freeholder, or
r/pres^- immediate vassal' of the crown, had a right to
taiiTei. jjg present in parliament. These freeholders
were originally few in number, but possessed of great
and extensive property. By degrees these vast pos-
sessions were divided by the proprietors themselves, or
parcelled out by the prince, or split by other accidents.
The number of freeholders became greater, and their
condition more unequal ; besides the ancient barons,
who preserved their estates and their power- unim-
paired, there arose another order, whose rights were
the same, though their wealth and influence were far
inferior. But, in rude ages, when the art of govern-
ment was extremely imperfect, when parliaments were
f Spotjw. SM.
r,on7<-i.i Google
1587.] BOOK VII. 153
seldom assembled, and deliberated od matters- little
interesting to a martial people, few of the lesser barons
took their seats, and tbe whole parliamentary juris-
diction was exercised by the greater barons, in con-
junction with the ecclesiastical order, James I., fond
«f imitating the forms of the English constitution, to
wlneb he had been long accustomed, and desirous of
providbig a counterpoise to the power of the great
nobles, procured an. act in the year 1427, dispensing
with tbejiersonal attendance of the lesser barons, and
empowering those in each county to choose two com-
missioners to represent them in parliament. This law,
like many other regulations of that wise prince, pro-
duced little effect. All the king's vassals continued,
as formerly, possessed of a right to be present in par-
liament ; but, unless in some extraordinary conjunc-
tures, the greater barons alone attended. But, by
means of the Reformation, the constitution had under-
gone a great change. The aristocratical.power of the
nobles had been much increased, and the influence of the
ecclesiastical order, which the crown usually employed
to check their usurpation, and to balance their au-
thority, had diminished in proportion. Many of the
abbeys and priories had been erected into temporal
peerages; arid the Protestant bishops, an indigent race
of men, and odious to the nation, were far from pos-
sessing the weight and credit which their predecessors
lierived ^from their own exorbitant wealth and the su-
perstitious reverence of the people. In this situation,
the king had recourse, to the expedient employed ,by
James. I.,-and obtained a law reviving the statute of
1427 ; and from that time the commons of Scotland
have. sent their representatives to parliament. An act,
Vhich tended so visibly to.abridge.their authority, did
not pass without opposition from many of the nobles.
^But as the king had a right to summon thelesser barons
to attend in person, others-were apprehensive of seeing
1S4 SCOTLAND. [1S88.
the House filled with a multitude of his dependants,
. and consented the more willingly to a law which laid
them under the restriction of appearing only hy their
representatives.
1586. The year 1588 began with a universal ex-
proadrof pectation throughout all Europe, that it was to
thha^-' ^^ distinguished by wonderful events and revo'
™«d». lutions. Several astrologers, according to the
accounts of contemporary historians, had predicted
this ; and the situation of affairs in the two principal
kingdoms of Europe was such, that a sagacious ob-
server, without any supernatural intelligence, might
have hazarded the prediction, and have foreseen the
approach of some grand crisis. In France, it was
evident, from the astonishing progress of the league,
conducted by a leader whose ambition was restrained
by no scruples, and whose genius had hitherto sur-
mounted all difficulties; as well as from the timid,
variable, and impolitic counsels of Henry IIL, that
either that monarch must submit to abandon the throne,
of which he was unworthy, or by some sudden and
daring blow cut off his formidable rival. Accordii^ly,
in the banning of the year, the duke of Guise drove
his master out of his capital city, and forced him to
conclude a peace, which left bim only the shadow of
royalty ; and before the year expired, he himself fell a
victim to the resentment and fear of Henry, and to his
own security. In Spain the operations were such as
promised something still more uncommon. During
three years Philip had employed all the power of his
European dominions, and exhausted the treasures of
the Indies, m.vast pr^arations for war. A fleet, the
greatest that had ever appeared in the ocean, was ready
to sail from Lid>on, and a numerous land army was
assembled to embark on bojurd of it. Its destination
was still unknown, though many circumstances made
it probable that the Mow was aimed, in the first place,
1S88.] ^ b;ook vir, 165
against Eng^d. Elizabeth had long given secret aid
to the revolted provinces in the Low Countries, and
now openly afforded them her protection. A numerous
body of her troops was in their service ; the earl of
Leicester commanded their armies ; she had great sway
in the civil government of the republic ; and some of
its most considerable towns were in her possession.
Her fleets had insulted lie coasts of Spain, intercepted
the galleons from the West Indies, and threatened the
colonies there. Roused by so many injuries, allured
by views of ambition, and animated by a superstitious
zeal for propagating the Romish religion, Philip re-
solved not only to invade, but to conquer England, to
which his descent from the house of Lancaster, and the
donation of pope SixtusV. gave him in his own opinion
a double title.
Condoet of Elizabeth saw the danger approach, and pre-
J^k"^- P^^^ *** encounter it. The measures for the
»<«>• defence of her kingdom were concerted and car-
ried on with the wisdom and vigour which distinguished
her reign. Her chief care was to secure the friendship
of the king of Scots. She had treated the queen his
mother with a rigour unknown among princes; she
had often used himself harshly, and widi contempt ;
and though he had hitherto prudently suppressed his
resentment of these injuries, she did not believe it to
be altogether extinguished, and was a&aid that, in her
present situation, it might burst out with fatal violence.
Philip, sensible bow much an alliance with Scotland
would Militate his enterprise, courted James with the
utmost assiduity. He excited him to revenge his mo-
ther's wrong ; he flattered him with the hope of sharing
his conquests ; ^id offered him in marriage his daugh-
ter the Infenta Isabella. At the same time Scotland
swarmed with priests, his emissaries, who seduced some
Tip the nobles to Popery, and corrupted others with
brihes and promises. Hundy, Errol, Crawford, were
156 SCOTLAND. [1689,
the heads of a faction which openiy.espoused.the in-
terest of Spain. Lord Maxwell, arriving from that
court, began ,to assemble his followers, and to take
arms that he might be ready to join the Spaniards. In
order to counterbalance all these, Elizabeth made the
warmest professions of friendship to the king ; and
Ashby, her ambassador, entertained him with magni-
ficent hopes and promises. He assured him, that his
right of succession to the crown should be publicly
acknowledged in England ; that he should be created
a duke in ihaX kingdom; and he shtjidd be admitted
to some share in the government ; and receive a con-
siderable pension annually. James, it is probable, was
too well acquainted with Elizabeth's arts, to rely en-
tirely on these promises. But he understood his own
interest in the present juncture, and pursued it with
much steadiness. He rejected an alliance with Spain,
as dangerous. He refused to admit into his presence
an ambassador from the pope. He seized colonel Sem-
ple, an agent of the prince of Parma. He drove many
of the seminary priests out of the kingdom. He marched
suddenly to Dumfries, dispersed. Maxwell's followers,
end took him prisoner. In a convention of the nobles,
he declared his resolution to adhere inviolably to:the
-league with England ; and without listening to the
suggestions of . revenge, deterijiined to act in concert
with Elizabeth, against the common enemy of the
Protestant fsiitb. He put the kingdom in a posture of
defence, and levied troops to obstruct lie landing of
:the .Spaniards. He offered to send an army to Eliza-
beth's assistance, and told her ambassador that he ex-
pected no other favour from the king of Spain; but
that -which Polyphemus had promised to Ulysses, that
when he had devoured all his companions, he ■ would
.make him his -last morsel.''
The zeal "of the people, on this occasion, was not in-
1 C»qid. 544. JohilsM39. Spolsw. 369.
Google
1588.] BOOK Vir. 157
A nation*! ferio' to diat of the king ; and the extraordir
kd^L "^'y danger with which they were threatened,
of religion, suggested to them an extraordinary expedient for
their security. A bond was framed for the maintenance
of true religion, as well as the defence of the king's
person and government, in opposition to all enemiesj
foreign and domestic. This contained a confession-of
the -Protestant faith, a particular renunciation of the
errors of Popery, and the most solemn promises, in the
name, and through the strength of God, of adhering to
each other in supporting the former, and contending
against the latter, to the utmost of their power.' The
king, the nobles, the clergy, and the people, subscribed
with equal alacrity. Strange or uncommon as such a
combination may now appear, many ciicumstances con-
tributed at that time to recommend it, and to render
the idea familiar to the Scots. When roused by an ex-
traordinary event, or alarmed by any public danger, the
people of Israel were accustomed to bind themselves>
by a solemn covenant, to adhere to that religion which
tiie Almighty had established- among them; this the
Scots considered as a sacred precedent, which it be-
came them to imitate. In that age, no considerable
enterprise was undertaken in Scotiand, without a bond
of mutual defence, which all concerned reckoned ne-
cessary for their security. The form of this reli^ous
confederacy is plainly borrowed from those political
ones, of which so many instances have occurred ; the
articles, stipulations, and peculiar modes of expression,
are exactly the same in both. Almost all the consi-
derable Popish princes were then joined in a league for
extirpating the reformed religion, and nothing could
be more natural, or seemed more etHcacious, than to
enter into a counter-association, in order to oppose
the progress of that formidable conspiracy. To these
causes did ^e covenant, which is become. so famous in
<^ Duntop'i Collect, of Confess, vol. ii. 108.
Google
168 SCOTLAND. [WM-
history, owe its origm. It was renewed at different
times during the reign of James.* It was revived wiA
great solemnity, though with considerable alterations,
in the year 1638. It was adopted by the English in
the year 1643, and enforced by the civil and ecclesi-
astical authority of both kingdoms. The political pur-
poses to which it was then made subservient, and the
violent and unconstitutional measures which it was then
employed to promote, it is not our province to explain.
But at the juncture in which it was first introduced, we
may pronounce it to have been a prudent analaudable
device for the defence of the religion and liberties of
the nation ; nor were the terms in which it was cob-
ceived, other than might have been expected from men
alarmed with the impending danger of Popery, and
threatened with an invasion by the most bigotted and
most powerful prince in Europe.
Philip's eageniess to conquer England did not in-
spire him either with the vigour or dispatch necessary
to ensure the success of so migh^ an enterprise. His
fleet, which ought to have sailed in April, did not enter
the English channel till the middle of July. It hovered
many days on the coast, in expectation of being joined
by the prince of Parma, who was blocked up in the
ports of Flanders by a Dutch squadron. Coa-
madide- tiuual disasters pursued the Sp»ijard6 dnriog
^^''^ that time ; successive storms and battles, which
are well known, conspired with their own iU-conduct
to disappoint their enterprise. And, by the blessing of
Providence, which watched with remarkaWe care over
the Protestant religion and the liberties of Britain, the
English valour scattered and destroyed the armada, on
which Philip had arrogantly bestowed die name of in-
vincible. After being driven out of the £ng^h seas,
their shattered ships were forced to steer their covrse
towards Spain, round Scotland and Irefaud. Mkny of
r,on7<-i.i Google
1^80 BOOK VII. 159
them sulTered shipwreck on these dangerous and un-
known coasts. Though James kept his subjects tinder
arms, to watch the motions of the Spaniards, and to
prevent their landing in a hostile manner, he received
with great humanity seven hundred who were forced
ashore by a tempest, and, after supplying them with
necessaries, permitted them to return into their own
country.
On the retreat of the Spaniards, Elizabeth sent an
ambassador to con^atulate with James, and to compli-
ment him on the firmness and generosity he had disco-
vered during a conjuncture so dangerous. But none of
Ashby's promises were any longer remembered ; that
minister was even accused of having exceeded his
powers, by his too liberal offers ; and conscious of his
own falsehood, or ashamed of being disowned by his
court, he withdrew secretly out of Scotland.'
1589. Philip, convinced by fatal experience of his
PhiUp'.in-o^pn rashness in attempting the conquest of
ScDtJuid, England, by a naval armament, equipped at so
great a distance, and subjected, in all its operations, to
the delays, and dangers, and uncertainties, arising from
seas and wind, resolved to make his attack in another
form, and to adopt the plan which the princes of Lor-
rain had long meditated, of invading England through
Scotland. A body of his troops, he imagined, might
be easily wafted over from the Low Countries to that
kingdom, and if they could once obtain footing, or
procure assistance there, the frontier of England was
open, and defenceless, and the northern counties lull of
Roman Catholics, who would receive them with open
arms. Meanwhile a descent might be threatened on
the southern coast, which would divide the English
army, distract their counsels, and throw the whole king-
dom into terrible convulsions. In order to prepare the
way for the execution of this design, he remitted- a
• JohDit lU. Ctund. 548. Mivdin, 635. 788.
Google
160 SCOTLAND. [1589.
considerable sum of money to Bruce, a seminary priest
in Scotland, and. employed him, toother with' Hay,
Crichton, and Tyrie, Scottish Jesuits, to gain over as
many persons of distinction as possible to his interest,
p -ii^Zeal for Popery, and the artful insinuations of
Wes con- these emissaries, induced several noblemen to
gunstthe favour a mcasurc which tended so manifestly to
"'^' the destruction of their country. Huntly, though
the king had lately given him in .marriage the daughter
of his favourite the dilke of Lennox, continued warmly
attached to the Romish church. Crawford and Errol
were animated with the zeal of new converts. They all
engaged in a correspondence with the prince of Parma,
and, in their letters to him, offered their service to the
king of Spain, and undertook, with the aid of six thou-
sand men, to render him master of Scotland, and to
bring so many of their vassals into the field, that he
should he able to enter England with a numerous
army. Francis. Stewart, grandson of James V.,''whom
the king had created earl of Bothwell, though in-
fluenced by no motive of religion, for he still adhered to
the Protestant faith, was prompted merely by caprice,
and the restlessness of his nature, to join in this treason-
able correspondence.
_ All these letters were intercepted in England,
Elizabeth, alarmed at the danger which threat-
ened her own kingdom, sent them immediately to the
king, and, reproaching him with his former lenity to-
wards the Popish party, called upon him to check this
Theking'. formidable Conspiracy by aproper sevcrity. But
™h regard J^'OiGS, though firmly attached to the Protestant
lo juperjr. religion, though profoundly versed in the theo-
logical controversies between the reformers and the
church of Rome, though he had employed. himself,. at
that early period of life, in writing a commentary on the
Revelations, in which he laboured to prove the pope to
" He was tlie s»n of John, prior of Coldingliam, one ot Jamei's natural cUldien. .
, Co Ogle
16890 flOOK VII, 161
be antichrist, had nevertheless adopted already those
piaxims concerning the treatment of the Roman Catho-
lics, to which he adhered through the rest of his life.
The Roman Catholics were at tl^t time a powerful anij
active party in England ; they were far from being an
inconsiderable Action in his own kingdgm. The pope
and the king of Spain were ready to take part in all their
machinations, and to second every effort of their bigotry.
The opposition of su^h a body to his succession to the
crown of England, added to the averseness of the Eng-
lish from the government of strangers, might create him
many difficulties. In order to avoid these, he thought
it necessary to soothe rather than to irritate the Roman
Catholics, and to reconcile tiiem to his succession, by
the hopes of gentler treatment, and some mitigation of
the rigour of those laws, which were now in force against
them- This attempt to gain one party by promises of
indulgenpe and acts of clemency, while he adhered widi
all the obstinacy pf a disputant to the doctrines and
tenets of the other, has given an air of mystery, and even
<>f coptradiction, to this part of the king's character.
The Papists, with the credulity of a sect struggling
to obtain power, believed his heart to be wholly
theirs ; and the Protestants, with the jealousy, insepa-
Fable from those who are already in possession of
power, viewed every act of lenity as a mark of iqdif-
feren<c^) or a symptom of apostacy. In order to please
both, James often aimed at an excessive refinement,
mingled with dissimulation, in which he imagined
tha perfipc^O ^f government and of king-craft to
crasifit.
jfw tufpi- Etis behaviour on this occasion was agreeable
taTul^'n- ^ these general maxims. Notwithstanding the
•j»«v»>. solicitations of the queen of England, enforced
by the zealous remonstrances of his own clergy, a short
imprisonment was th^ only punishment he inflicted upon
VOL. II. - u
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
I^ SCOTLAND. [1689.
HuDtly and his associates. But lie soon had reason to
repent an act of clemency so inconsistent with the dig-
nity of government. The first use which the conspira-
tors made of their liberty was to assemble their follow-
ers, and under pretence of removing chancellor Mait-
land, an able minister, but warmly devoted to the Eng-
lish interest, from the king's council and presence, they
attempted to seize James himself. This attempt being
defeated, partly by Maitland's vigilance, and partly by
their own ill conduct, they were forced to retire to the
north, where they openly erected the standard of rebel-
lion. But as the king's government was not generally
unpopular, or his ministers odious, their own vassals
joined them slowly, and discovered no zeal in the cause.
The king, in person, advancing against them with such
forces as he could suddenly levy, they durst not rely so
much on the fidelity of the troops, which, though supe-
rior in number, followed them with reluctance, as to
hazard a batde ; but suffering them to disperse, they
surrendered to the king, and threw themselves on his
mercy. Huntly, Errol, Crawford, and Bothwell, were
all brought to a public trial. Repeated acts of treason
were easily proved against them. The king, however,
did not permit aqy sentence to be pronounced; and
after keeping them a few- months in confinement,
he took occasion, amidst the public festivity and re-
joicings at the approach of his marriage, to set them at
liberty."
The king'. ^^ James was the only descendant of the an-
oarnAgp cient monarchs of Scotland in the direct line:
with Aiuie ,, , -..» «T
otDen- as all hopes of unitmg the crowns of the two
""'* kingdoms would have expired with him ; as the
earl of Arran, the presumptive heir to the throne, was
lunatic ; the king's marriage was, on all these accounts,
an event which the nation wished for with the utmost
' Sp«U«. 973. Gald. it. lOS— ISO.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
1389.] BOOK VII. 168
ardour. He himself was no less desirous of accomplish- .
ing it ; and had made overtures for that purpose to the
eldest daughterofFrederickll.kingof Denmark. But
Elizabeth, jealous of every thing that would render the
Bccessionof the house of Stewart more acceptable to the
English, endeavoured to perplex James, in the same
manner 'she had done Mary ; find employed as many
artifices to defeat or to retard his marriage. His minis-
ters, gained by bribes and promises, seconded her in-
tention ; and though several different ambassadors were .
sent from Scotland to Denmark, they produced powers
so limited, or insisted on conditions so extravagant, that
Frederick could not believe the king to be in earnest ;
and suspecting that there was some. design to deceive
or amuse him, gave his daughter in marriage to the duke
of BranswicL Not discouraged by this disappointment,
which he imputed entirely to the conduct of his own
ministers, James made addresses to the princess Anne,
Frederick's second daughter. Though Elizabeth en-
deavoured to divert him from this by recommending
Catherine, the king of Navarre's sister, as a more ad-
vantageous match ; though she prevailed on the privy-
council of Scotland to declare against the alliance with
Denmark, he persisted in his choice ; and despairing of
overcoming the obstinacy of bis own ministers in any
other manner, he secretly encouraged the citizens of
Edinburgh to take arms. They threatened to tear in
pieces the chancellor, whom they accused as the person
whose artifices had hitherto disappointed the wishes of
the king and the expectations of his people. In conse- .
quence of this, the earl Marischal was sent into Den-
mark at the head of a splendid embassy. He received
ample powers and instructions, drawn with the king's
own hand. The marriage articles were quickly agreed
upon, and the young queen set sail towards Scotland:
James made great preparations for her reception, and
u2
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
1(J4 SCOTLAND. [l«9.
waited her landuig witb all the impatience of a lov«>,
when the unwelcome account arrived, that a violent
tempest had arisen, which drove back her fleet to Nor-
way, in a condition so shattered, that there was little
hope of its putting again to sea before the spring. This
unexpected disappointment he felt with the utmost sen-
sibility. He instantly fitted out some ships, and, with-
out communicating his intention to any of his council,
sailed in person, attended by the chanoellor, several
nobleoien, and a train of three hundred persons, in quest
of his bride. He arrived safely in a small hai^
bout neviUpslo, where the queen then resided.
Not. S4. There the nmrriage was solemnized ; and as it
would have been rash to trust those boisterous seas in
the winter season, James accepted the invitation of the
court of Denmark, and repairing to Copenhagen, passed
several moniba there, amidst continual feasting and
amujiements, in which both the queen and himself had
^at delight.'
No event in the king's life appears to be a wider de-
viation from his general character than this sudden sally.
His son Charles I. was capable of that excessive admira-
tion of the other sex, which arises from great sensibility
of heart, heightened by el^ance of taste ; and the ro-
m<mtic air of his journey to Spain suited siich a dif^o-
^ition. But James was not susceptible of any refined
gallantry, and always expressed that contempt for the
female character which a pedantic erudition, unac-
quainted with politeness, is apt to inspire. He was
exasperated, however, and rendered impatient by the
many obstacles which had been laid in his way. He was
anxious to secure the political advantages which he ex.
pected from marrif^ ; and fearing that a delay might
afford Elizabeth and his own ministers an opportunity
of thwarting him by new intrigues, he suddenly took
TMelTil,3». 8[wtair.a?r. Uni<fia,6ST.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
1589.] BOOK VII. 165
the resolution of preventing them, by a voyage from
which he expected to return ui a few weeks. The nation
seemed to applaud his conduct, and to be pleased with
this appearance of amorous ardour in a young prince.
Notwi^tanding his absence so long beyond the time
he expected, the nobles, the clergy, and the people, vied
with one another in loyalty and obedience ; and no
period of the king's reign was more remarkable for
tranquilli^, or more free from any eruption of those
fitctions which so often disturbed the kingdom.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
THE
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
BOOK VIH.
1590. On the 1st of May tbe king and queen arrived
^ Jnlfn ^* Leith,and were received by their subjects with
smjein evciy posslblc cxpressiou "oif joy. The solem-
nity of the queen's coronation was conducted
with great magnificence ; but so low had the order of
bishops fallen in the opinion of the public, that none of
them were present on that occasion ; and Mr. Robert
Bruce, a presbyterian minister of great reputation, set
the crown on her head, administered the sacred unction,
and performed the other customary ceremonies.
The zeal and success with which many of the clo^
had contributed towards preserving peace and order in
the kingdom, during his absence, reconciled James, in
a great degree, to their persons, and even to the pres-
byterian form of government. In presence of
an assembly which met this year, he made high
encomiums on the discipline as well as the doctrine of
the church, promised to adhere inviolably to both, and
permitted the assembly to frame such acts as gradually
abolished all the remains of episcopal jurisdiction, and
paved the way for a fiill and legal estsjblishment of the
presbyterian model.'
An event happened soon after, which afforded
the clergy no small triumph. Archbishop Adam-
son, their ancient opponent, having fallen under the
king's displeasure, havingbeendeprived of the revenues
■ Clld. IT. tot.
Do,1,7cd.yGoOglc
1591.] BOOK. Vlir. 167
of his see in consequence of the act of annexation, and
being oppressed wtth age, with povertjr, and diseases,
made the meanest submission to the clergy, and deH-
vered to the assembly a formal recantation of all his
opinions concerning church government, which had
been matter of offence to the presbyterians. Such a
confession,. from the most learned person of the epis-
copal order, was considered as a testimony which the
force of truth had extorted from an adversary.''
Diioiden Meanwhile, the king's excessive clemency to-
il?''? wards offenders multiplied crimes of all kinds,
and encouraged such acts of violence, as brought
his government under contempt, and proved fatal to
many of his subjects. The history of several years,
about this time, is Blled with accounts of the deadly
quarrels between the great families, and of murders
and assassinations perpetrated in the most audacious
manner, and with circumstances of the utmost barba-
rify. All the defects in the feudal aristocracy were
now felt more sensibly, perhaps, than at any other pe-
riod in the history of Scotland, and universal licence
aqd anarchy prevailed to a degree scarce consistent
with the preservation of socie^ : while the king, too
gentle to punish, or too feeble to act with vigour, suf-
fered all Ihese enormities to pass with impunity.
An attempt B"* though James connived at real crimes,
weH^"'" witchcraft, which is commonly an imaginary
■fjunitiiis one, engrossed his attention, and those sus-
pected of it felt the whole weight of his autho-
rity. Many persons, neither extremely old nor wretch-
edly poor, which were \isually held to be certain indi-
cations of this crime, but masters of families, and ma-
trons of a decent rank, and in the middle Sige of life,
were seized and tortured. Though their confessions
ccmtained the most absurd and incredible circumstances,
the kill's prejudices, those, of the clergy and of the
»Spotow.3B5. Cdd.iv.su.
r,on7<-i.i Google
166 SCOTLAKD. [1591.
ped[Je, Conspired in belierii^ their eztran^ances
without hesitation, and in pnnishiag Adr pers(»is with-
out mercy. Some of diese unhaf^y au^rera accused
BothweU of having consulted them, in order to knoyt
the time of the king's death, end of having employed
tiieir art to raise ihe storms which had endangered the
queen's life, and had detained James so long in Den-
maril. UpcHi this evidence that nobleman was com^
mitted to prison. His turbulent and haughty spirit
could ueittier submit to die restraint, nor brook such
an indi^iify. Haviiig gained his keepers, he made his
escape, and imputing the accusation to the artifices of
his enemy the chancellor, he assembled his followers,
under pretence of driving him from the king's councils.
Being favoured by some of the king's attendants, he
*as admitted by a secret passage, under cloud of night,
into the court of the palace of Holyrood-house. He
advanced directly towards the royal apartment, but
happily before he entered, the alann v^as taken, and
the doors shut Wbile he attempted to burst
open some of them, and set fire to others, the
citizens of Edinburgh had time to run to tiieir arms,
and he escaped With the utmost difficult ; Owing his
safety to the darkness of the night, and the precipi-
tancy with which he fied.^
He retired towards the north, and the king
having unadvisedly given a commissicoi to die
earl of Huntiy to pursue htm and his followers vrith
fire and sword, he, under colour of executing that com-
mission, gratified his private revenge, and surrounded
the house of tiie earl of Murray, bnmt it to the ground,
and slew Murray himself. The murder of a
young nobleman of such promising virtues, and
the heir of the regent Murray, the darling of the people,
excited universal indignation. The citizens of Edin-^
burgh rose in a tumultuous manner ; and, Ihou^ they
'KdT.SSB. Spotiw. 386.
r,on7<-i.i Google
1599.1 BOOK Vlit, 16^
were resb^ned by tke cate e^ the AiagiSti^tes Irom any
act of Tiolenee, tl^y tlu%it' aside all rSspei:^ f^ &e kltig
emd his liimisters, and openly instilted and threatened
both. While this mutinous ajHtit continued, Jairfes
thought it prudeut to withdraw from the city, and fixed
his residence fof some time at Glasgow. There Huiitly
surrendered himself to justice j and, Notwithstanding
Ijie atrociousness of his cnme^ and the clamours of the
people, the power of the chwicdlor, with whom he Was
now closely confederated, and the king's reg&rd for the
memory of the dukedf Lenuoxj whose daughter he had
muried, not only protected him froin the sentenice which
such an odious action merited, but exempted him even
from the fonuEility of a public trial*"*
ptMbj- A step of tnuch importance was taken soon
S^hgo- after with regard to the government of Ae
^"J^^ (Aureh. The clergy had long coinplained of
Viair. the encroachmenta made upon their privileges
and jurisdiction by the acts of the parliament 1584,
and though these laws bad now lost mueh of their
force, they resolved to petition the parliamfentj which
wtis approaching, to repeal them in fonn. The junc-
ture for pushing such a measure was well chosen* The
king had lost much of the public favour by his lenity
towards the Popish faction, and stUl more by his re- ■
missness in pursuing the murderers of the e^l of Mur-
ray. The chancellor had hot only a powerful party of
&e courtiers combined against him, but was become
odious to the people, who itnputed to him every false
step in the king's conduct. Bothwell still lurked in
the kingdom, and being secretly supported by all the
enemies of Maidand's administration, was ready every
moment to renew his audacious enterprises. James,
for all these reasons, was extremely willing to indulge
the clergy in their request, and not only consented to
a law, whereby the acts of 1684 were rescinded or ex-
* SpMjw. SVT.
r,o,:,..i.i.i Google
170 SCOTLAND. [I5&3.
plained, but he carried his complaisance: still farther,
and permitted the parliament to establish the presby-
terian goTemment, in its general assemblies, provincial
synods, presbyteries, and kirk sessions, with all the dif-
ferent branches of their discipline and jurisdiction, in
the most ample manner. All the zeal and authority of
the clergy, even under the administration of regents,
from whom they might have expected the most parti^
favour, could not obtain the sanction of law, in con-
firmation of their mode of ecclesiastical government
No prince was ever less disposed than James to ap-
prove a system, the republican genius of which inspired
a passion for liberty extremely repugnant to his exalted
notions of royal prerogative. Nor could any aversion
be more inveterate than his, to the austere and uncom-
plying character of the presbyterian clergy in that age ;
who, more eminent for zeal than for policy, often con-
tradicted his opinions, and censured his conduct, with
a freedom equally offensive to his dogmatism as a theo-
logian, and to his pride as a king. His situation, how-
ever, obliged him frequently to conceal, or to dissem-
ble, his sentiments ; and, as he ofren disgusted his sub-
jects, by indulging the Popish faction more than they
approved, he endeavoured to atone for this by conces-
sions to the presbyterian clergy, more liberal than he
himself would otherwise have chosen to grant.'
In this parliament, Bothwell and all his adherents
were attainted. But he soon made a new attempt to
seize the king at Falkland ; and James, betrayed by some
of his courtiers, and feebly defended by others, who
wished well to Bothwell, as the chancellor's avowed
enemy, owed his safety to the fidelity and vigilance of
Sir Robert Melvil, and to the irresolution of Bothwell's
associates.'
A new con- Scarcely was this danger over, when the na-
apuMj of tJQnwas alarmed with the discovery of aoewand
• CJd. i*. t4«. tSi. SpoUw. 3S8. ' Melv. 40Z.
DowcdDyGoOgIC
1592.] BOOK Vin. 171
the PopSA more fpnnidable conspiraey. George Ker, the
*' lord Newbottle's brother, being seized as he was
ready to set sail for Spain, many suspicioiis papers were
found in his custody, and among these several blanks
signed by the earls of Angus, Huntly,.and Errol. By
this extraordinary precaution they hoped* tO escape . any
danger .of discovery. But Ker's resolution shrinking
wh^i torture was threatened, he confessed that he was
employed b^ these noblemen to carry on a negotiation
with the king of Spain ; &at the blaiJis subscribed with
their names were to be filled up by Crichton and Tyrie;
that they were instructed to offer the faithful service of
the three earls to that monareh ; and to solicit liim to
land a body of his troops, either in Galloway, or at the
mouth of Clyde, with which they undertook, in the first
place, to establish the Roman Catholic religion in Scot-
land, and then to invade Elngland with the wholeforces
.of the kingdom. David Graham of Fintry, and Barclay
of Ladyland, whom he accused of being privy to the
conspiracy, were taken into custody, arid confirmed all
the circumstances of his confession.'
jjgj^ The nation having been kept for some time
z«ii of iiie in continual terror and agitation by so many
successive conspiracies, the discovery ot this
new danger completed the panic. All ranks of. men,
as if the enemy had already been at their gates, thought
themselves called upon to stand forth in defence of their
country. The nainisters of Edinburgh, without waiting
for any warrant from the king, who happened at that
time to be absent from the Capital, and without having
received any legal commission, assembled a consider-
able number of peers and barons, in order to provide
an instant security against the impending danger. They
seized the earl of Angus, and committed him to the
castle; they examined Ker; and prepared a remon-
strance to be laid before the king, concerning the stale
» Rymer, ivi. 190.
r,on7<-i.iGoOglc
173 SCOTLAND. 116931
of the Batioii, md tlie netiegait^ of frosecutiag the cen-
ii^™^ Bpiratorswitib becoming vigour. JjHiies, though
■T"^^'"' jedous of every encroachment on his preroga-
•gdHit tive, and offended with his subjects, Who, in-
*'"^' stead of petitioning, seined to [H-eseribe to
him, found it necessary, during the viol^ice of the fer-
weat, not only to adopt their plan, but even to declare
tiiat no consideration should ever induce him to pardon
such as had been guilty of so odious a tjreason; He
suinrntHied the earls of Huntly knd Errol to surrend^t-
- themselves to justice. Graham of Fintry, whc«n
his peers pronounced to be guilty of treason, he
commanded to be publicly beheaded ; ahd muching
into the aorth at the head of an army, the two euls,
together with Atigus, Who had escaped out of prison,
retired to the mountains. He placed garrisons in the
oastles Whieh belo&ged to tkem ; compelled their vas-
sals, and tiie bkrons in the adjacent countries, to sub-
scribe & bobd, ccmtaining professions of their loyalty
towards him, tmd of dieir firm adherence to ibe Protes-
tant faith ; and the better to seture the tranquillity c^
that part of the kingdom, constituted &e earls of Athol
and Marischal bis lieutenants Aere.''
Hhich le. Having Bnished this expeditioti, James re-
Kflicito bib tumcd to Edinbu^b, where he found lord Bor-
ihen^ith ""ough, an extraordinary ambassador from the
^DT. court of England. Elizabeth, alarmed at the
discovery of a conspiracy which she considered as no
less formidable to her own kingdom than to Scot^d,
r^roached JameS with his former remissnesSj and
urged himy as he regarded the preservation of the Pro-
testant religion, or the digni^ of his own crown, to
punish this repeated treason with rigour ; and if he
could not apprehend the persons, at least to confiscate
the estates, of such audacious rebels. She weakened,
however, the force of these requests, by interceding at
* Spotiw. 3dl. CM. IT. S91.
r,on7<-i.i Google
1593-1 90QR Vni. 175
the same tiise ia b«1ialf of Bothwell, whom, apooniMig
to h^ UMta] poUej', ia aourishmg a factiova ^Ht
among the Soofetish nob}«s, she had taken under her
protection. Jamea absolutely refused to listen to any
lotereession in favour of one who had sq ot^ten, and with
lo much outrage, insul^d both hia goremment and his
person. With regard to the Popish conapirators, he
(bclared his resolution to prosecute ^em with vigour ;
but that he might be the better able to do so, he de-
manded a small sum of money from Elii^abeth, which
she, distrustful perhaps of the manner in which he might
apply it, shewed no inclination to grtmt. The zeal,
however, and importunity of his own subjects, obliged
him to call a parliament, in order to pass an act of
attainder against the three earls. But before it me^
Ker made his escape out of prison ; apd, on pretence
that legal evidence of &eir guilt could not be produced*
nothing was concluded against them. The king him^
self was Tmiveraally suspected of luiving ooBtrived thk
artifice, on purpose to elude the requests of the queen
of England, and to disappoint the wishes of his own
people; and therefore, in order to soothe the clergy,
who exclaimed loudly gainst his conduct, he gare way
to the passing of an act, which ordained such as obsti-
nately contemned the censures of the church, to be
declared outiaws.'
Boihweu While the terror excited by the Popish con-
«av^\ spiracy possessed the nation, the court had be^
divided by two rival factions, which contended
for the chief direction of affairs. At the head of one
was the ehancellor, in whom the king reposed entire
confidence. For that very reason, perhaps, he had
ihllen early under the queen's displeasure. The duke
of Lennox, the earl of Athol, lord Ochiltree, and aU the
name of Stewart, espoused her quarrel, and widened
' Cild. IT. 543. Spotsw. 3?3. Pari. 13 Ju. VI. c. 164.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
m SCOTLAND. [1593.
the breach. James, fond no less of domestic tranquil-
lity ihaxL of public peace, advised his favourite to retire,
for some time, in hopes that the queen's resentment
would subside. But as he stood in need, in the present
juncture, of the assistance of an able minister, he had
recalled him to court. In order to prevent him from
recovering his former power, the Stewarts had recourse
to an expedient no less illegal than desperate. .
Having combined with Bofliwell, who was of
the same name, they brought him back secretly into .
Scotland ; and seizing the gates of the palace, intro-
duced him into the royal apartment with a numerous
train of armed followers. James, though deserted by
all his courtiers, and incapable of resistance, discovered
more indignation than fear, and reproaching ^hem for
their treachery, called on the earl to finish his treasons,
by piercing his sovereign to the heart. . But Bothwell
fell on his knees, and implored pardon. The king was
not in a condition to refuse his demands. A few days
^er.he signed a capitulation with this successful trai-
tor, to whom he was really a prisoner,' whereby he bound
himself to grant him a remission for all past ofiences,
and to procure the ratification of it in parliament ; and
in the mean time to dismiss the chancellor, the master
of Glamis, lord Home, and Sir George Home, from his
councils and presence. Bothwell, on his part, con-
sented to remove from court, though he left there as
many of his associates as he thought sufficient to pre- .
vent the return of the adverse faction.
Ositeo- But it was now no easy matter to keep the
J^J^ "' king under the same kind of bondage to which
Sept 7. he had been often subject during his minority.
He discovered so much impatience to shake off his fet-
ters, that those who had imposed, durst not continue
the restraint They permitted him to call a convention
of the nobles at Stirling, and to repair thither himself.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
1593] BOOK Vni. 175
All Bothwell's enemies, and all who were desirous of
gaining the king's favour by appearing to be so, obeyed
ihe summons. They pronounced the insult offered to
the king's person and authority to be high-treason, and
declared him absolved from any obligation to observe
conditions extofted by force, and which violated so es- ■
sentially his royal prerogative. James, however, still
proffered him a pardon, provided he would sue for it as
an act of mercy, and promise to retire out of the king-
dom. These conditions Bothwell rejected with disdain,
iand, betaking himself once more to arms, attempted to
surprise the Ung; but finding him on his guard, fled to
the borders.''
suntecied The king'sardouTagaiostBothwell, compsjed
ing ^Pa. 'with his slow and evasive proceedings against
piihiordi. the Popish lords, occasioned a general disgust
among his subjects : and was imputed either to an ex-
cessive attachment to the persons of those conspirators,
or to a secret partiality towards their opinions; botii
which gave rise to no unreasonable fears. The cleigy;
as the immediate guardians of the Protestant religion,
thought themselves bound, in such a juncture, to take ex-
traordinary steps for its preservation. The pro-
vincial synod of Fife happening to meet at that
time, a motion was made to excommunicate all con-
cerned in the late conspiracy, as obstinate and irre-
claimable Papists; and, though none of the conspira-
tors resided within the bounds of the synod, or were
subject to its jurisdiction, such was the zeal of the mem-
bers, that, overlooking this irregularity, they pronoun-
'ced against them the sentence of excommunication, to
which the act of last parliament added new terrors.
Lest this should be imputed to a few men, and account-
ed the act of a small part of the church, deputies were
^pointed to attend the adjacent synods, and to desire
fteir ^probation and concurrence.
k CM. JT. 316. SpoUw. 393.
r,on7<-i.i Google
IT0 SCQTI,A?(I). [1593.
Hu hdtr Aa event happened a few weeks after, which
^^' inereased the people's suipicions of the king.
Oct. 17. As he was marching ob an expedition agaijost
the borderers, the three Popish eails coming suddenly
into his presencej offered to submit themselves to a
- legal trial ; and Jaraes, without cominitting them to cus-
tody, appointed a day for that purpose. They prepared
tQ appea): with a formidable train of their friends and
vassals. But in the o^ean time the clergy, together with
many peerEi and barons, assembled at Edinbui^h, re-
monstrated against the king's extreme indulgence, with
great boldness, aqd demanded of him, according to the
regular course of justice, to commit to sure custody per-
sons charged with the highest acts of treason, who could
not be brought to a legal trial, until they were absolved
from the censures of the church; and to call a oonven-
tion of estates, to deliberate concerning the method of
proceeding against them. At the same tiine they offered
to accompany him in anns to the place of trial, lest such
audacious and powerful criminals should overawe jus-
tice, and dictate to thejudgea,to whom they pretended
to submit James, though extremely oSended, both
with the irregul^ity of their proceedings, and the pre-
sumption of their demands, &un(} it expedient to put
ofTthe day of trial, and to call a convention of estate^,
in order to quiet the fears and jealousies of the people.
By being humoiu'ed in thi^ point, their sQspipions be-
gf^ gradually to abate, aad the chancellor managed
tt^e convention so artfully, that he himself, together with
a few other members, were empowered to pronounce a
final sentence upon the conspiratpra> After
much deliberation they ordained, that the three
earls and theip associates should be exempted from all
farther inquiry or prosecution, on account of their cor-
respondence with Spain; that, before the first day of
February, they should either submit to the church, and
publicly renounce the errors of Popery, or remove out
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
1693.] BOOK VIII. 177
of the kingdom; that, before the 1st of January, Aey
should declare which of these alternatives they would
embrace; that they should find surety for their peace-
able demeanour for the future ; and that if they failed to
signify their choice in due time, they should lose the
benefit of this act oiabolUiont and femain exposed to all
the pains of law.'
By this lenity towards the conspirators, James
incurred much reproach, and gained no advan-
tage. Devoted to the Popish superstition, submissive
to all the dictates of their priests, and buoyed up with
hopes and promises of foreign aid, the three earls re-
fused to accept of the conditions, and continued their
treasonable correspondence with the court of
Spain. A convention of estates pronounced
them to have forfeited the benefit of the articles which
were offered ; and the king required them, by proclama-
tion, to surrender themselves to justice. The presence
of the English ambassador contributed, perhaps, to the
vigour of these proceedings. Elizabeth, ever attentive
to James's motions, and imputing his reluctance to.
punish the Popish jords to a secret approbation of
their designs, had sent lord Zouche to represent, once
more, the danger 'to which he exposed himself, by
this false moderation; and to require hi(n to exercise
that rigour which, their crimes, as well as the posture
of affairs, rendered necessary. Though the steps now
taken by the king silenced all complaints on that head,
yet Zouche, forgetful of his character as an ambassa-
dor, entered into private negotiations with such of the
Scottish nobles as disapproved of the king's measures,
and held almost an open correspondence with Both-
well, who,. according to the usutd artifice of malecon-
tents, pretended much solicitude for reforming the dis-
orders of the commonweal^; and covered his own amr
bition with the specious veil of zeal against those coutt>
•CaM.iT.S30. 8potiw.39r.
VOL. II. N
, r,o,:,7H:,yGoO<^lc
178 SCOTLAND. [1594.
sellers who restrained &e king from pursuing the
avowed enemies of the Protestant ^th. Zouche en-
court^d him, in the name of his mistress, to take arms
against his sovereign.
^ ^ Meanwhile, the king and the clergy were
tempt of _ filled with mutual distrust of each other. They
were jealous, perhaps, to excess, that James's
aifections leaned too much towards the Popish faction ;
he suspected them, without good reason, of prompting
Bothwell to rebellion, and even of supplying him with
money for that purpose. Litde instigation, indeed, was
wanting to rouse such a turbulent spirit as Bothweirs
to any daring enterprise. He appeared suddenly within
a mile of Edinburgh, at the head of four hundred horse.
The pretences, by which he endeavoured to justify this
insurrection, were extremely popular; zeal for religion,
enmity to Popery, concern for the king's honour, and
for the liberties of the nation. James was totally un-
provided for his own defence ; he had no infantry, and
was accompanied only with a few horsemen of lord
Home's train. In this extremity, he inxplored the aid
of the citizens of Edinburgh, and, in order to encou-
rage them to act with zeal, he promised to proceed
against the Popish lords with the utmost rigour of 1 aw.
Animated by their ministers, the citizens ran cheer-
fully td their arms, and advanced, with the king at their
head, against Bothwell;- but he, notwithstanding his
success in putting to flight lord Home, who had rashly
charged him with a far inferior number of cavalry, re-
tired to Dalkeith without daring to attack the king.
His followers abandoned him soon after, and discou-
raged by so many svceessive disappointments, could
never afterward be brought to venture into the field.
He betook himself to his usual lurking places in the
librth of England ; butElizabeth, in compliance with the
king's remonstrances, obliged him to quit his retreat."
■ Spotiw. 403. CM. iT. 339.
r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google
Ifi94;] BOOK VIIL 179
Frnh No soQDer was the.kin^ delivered from one
fi^iE'e danger, .than he was cdled to attend to another.
bX"* '^^^ Popish lords, in consequence of their ne-
Aprii 3. gotiations with Spain, received,- in the spring,
a supply of money firom Philip. What bold designs
this might inspire, it was no easy matter to conjecture.
From men under the dominion of bigotry, and whom
indulgence could not reclaim^ the most desperate .ac-
tions were to be dreaded. The ass^nbly of the church
immediately took the alarm ; reuMnstrated ^;ain8t them
with more bitterness than ever; and' unanimously rati-
fied the sentence of excommunication pronounced by
the synod of Fife. James himself, provoked by their
obstinacy and ingratitude, and afraid that his long for-
bearaiice would not only be generally displeasing to
his own subjects, hut give rise to unfavourable suspi-'
cioDS among the English, exerted himself with unusual
vigour. He called a parliament; laid before it
alt liie circumstances and aggravations of the
conspiracy; and though there were but few membeis
present, and several of these connected with the con*
apirators, by blood or friendship, he prevailed on them,
by his influence and impdrtiinity, to pronounce the
most rigorous sentence which the law can iuilict They
were declared to be guilty of high-treason, and their
estates and honours forfeited. At the same time, sta-
tutes, more severe than evu, were enacted against the
professors of the Popish reUgion.
B,i,io of How to put this sentence in execution, was
GteDiiMt. ^ matter of great difftculty. Three powerfiil
barons, cantoned in a part oC.'the country of difficult
access, surromided wi& numerous vassals, aiid sup-
ported by aid from a foreign prince, were more than
an overmatch for a Scottish monarch. No entreaty
could' prevail on Elizabeth to advance* the mooey, ne-
cessary for defraying the expenses of oa ^cpedition
against them. To attack them in person, with his own
N 2
'..oo'^le
180 SCOTLAND. [1694.
forces alone, might have exposed Jamea both to dis-
grace and to danger. He had recourse to the only
expedient which remained in such a situation, for aid-
ing the impotence of sovereign authority ; he delegated
his authority to .the earl of Argyle and lord Forbes,
the leaders of two clans at enmity with the conspira-
tors; and gave them a commission to invade their
lands, and to seize the castles which belonged to them.
Bothwell, notwithstanding all his high pretensions of
zeal . for the Protestant religion, having now entered
into a close confederacy with them, the danger be-
came every day more urging. Argyle, solicited by
the king, and roused- by the clergy, took the field at
the head of seven thousand men. Huntly and Errol
met him at Gleolivat, with an army far inferior in
number, but composed chiefly of gentlemen of the low
countries, mounted on horseback, and who brought
along with them a train of fieldipieces; They
encountered each other with all the fiiry which
hereditary enmity and ancient rivalship add to undis-
ciplined courage. But the Highlanders, dis-
concerted by the first discharge of the camion,
to which they were little accustomed, and unable to
resist the impression of cavalry, were soon put to
flight; and Argyle, a gallant young man of eighteen,
was carried by his friends out of the field, weeping
with indignation at their disgrace, and calling on them
to stEUid, and to vindicate the honour of their name."
. On the first intelligence of this defeat, James, though
obliged to pawn his jewels in order to raise money,"
assehibled a small body of troops, and marched to-
wards the Qorth. He was joined by the Irvines, Keiths,
Leslys, Forbeses, and other cltms at enmity with Huntly
and Errol,'who having lost several of their principal
followers at Glenlivat, and others refusiug to bear arms
against the king in p^son, were obliged to retire to
• Cild. W. 408. » Birch, Mem. i, 1B6.'
Chogic
1696.] BOOK Vin. 181
the mountains. James wasted dieir lands ; put gar-
risons in some of their castles ; burnt othera ; and left
the duke of Lennox as his lieutenant in that part of
the kingdom, frith a body of men sufficient to restrain
them from gathering to any head there, or from infest-
Popiih i°S ^c ^ow country. Reduced at last to ex-
^o'^frf ^^^ distress by the rigour of the season, and
Uw king- the desertion of their followers, they obtained
the king's permission to go beyond seas, and
gave securi^ that they should neither return without
his licence, nor engage in any new intrigues against
the 'Protestant religion, or the peace of the kingdom.''
By their exile, tranquillity was re-established in the
north of Scotland ; and the firmness and vigour which
James had displayed in bis last proceedings against
them, regained him, in a great degree, the confidence
of his Protestant subjects. But he sunk in the same
proportion.andforthe same reason, in the esteem of the
The Ro- Roman Catholics. They had asserted his mo-
tbo^cibi- ther's right to the crown of England with so
^™j^j much warmth, that they could not, with any
j»diei. decency, reject his ; and the indulgence, with
which he afiected to treat the professors of the Popish
religion, inspired them with such hopes, that they
viewed his accession to the throne as no undesirable
event. But the rigour with which the king had lately
pursued the conspirators, and the serere statutes against
Popery to which he had given his consent, convinced
them now that these hopes were visionary; and they
began to look about in quest of some new successor,
whose rights they might oppose to his. The Papists
who resided in England, turned their eyes towards the
earl of Essex, whose generous mindj though firmly
established in the Protestant faith, abhorred the seve-
rities inflicted in that age on account of religious opi-
nions. ThoM of the same sect, who were in exile»
r Spotnr. 404. Cald. 373, &c
r,on7<-i.iGoOglc
^82 SCOTLAND. [1595.
fohned a bolder scheme, and one more suitable to their
situation. They advanced the claim of the infanta of
Spain ; and Parsons the Jesuit published a book, in
which, by false quotations from history, by fabulous
genealogies, ' and .absurd arguments, intermingled with
bitter invectives against the king of Scots, he endea-
vouted to prove the infanta's title to the English crown
to be preferable to his. Philip, though involved al-
ready in a war both with France and England, and
scarce able to defend the remains of the Burgundiaa
provinces against the Dutch commonwealth, eagerly
grasped at this airy project. The dread of a Spanish
pretender to the crown," aiid the opposition which the
Papists began to form against the king's succession,
contributed not a little to remove the prejudices of the
Protestants, a^d to prepare the way for that event.
Bflthweu Bothwell, whose name has been so often
fl^nto*" mentioned as the disturber of the king's tran-
Sp»iD. quillity, and of the peace of the kingdom, was
now in a wretched condition. Abandoned by the
queen of England, on account of his confederacy with
the Popish lords ; excommunicated by the church for
the same reason ; and deserted, in his distress, by his
own followers ; he was obliged to fly for safety to
France, and thence to Spain and Italy, where, after
renouncing the Protestant faith, he led many years
an obscure and indigent life, remarkable only for a
low and infamous debauchery. The king, though ex-
tremely ready to sacrifice the strongest resentment to
the slightest acknowledgments, could never be softened
by his submission, nor be induced to listen to any in-
tercession in his behalf.^
This year the kitig lost chancellor Maittand, an able
minister, on whom he had long devolved the whole
"weight of public affairs. As James loved him while
•alive, he wrote in honour of his memory, a copy of
1 Wlnw, Meni. i. SpuUw. 410.
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
1596] BOOK VIII. 183
veraes, which, when compared with the compositions
of dtat age, are far from being in^legaDt.^
A change SooD after his deadi, a considerable change
Jfainiim- was made in the administration. At that time,
**^' the annual charges of government far exceed-
ed the king's revenues. The queen was fond of expen-
sive amusements. James himself was a stranger to
economy. It became necessary, for all these reasons,
to levy the public revenues with greater order and ri-
gour, and to husband them with more care. This im-
portant trust was committed to eight gentlemen of the
law,* who, from their number, were called Octavians.
The powers vested in them were ample, and almost
unlimited. The king bound himself neither to add to
their number, nor to supply any vacancy that might
happen, without their consent : and, knowing the fa-
cility of his own temper, agreed that no alienation of
his revenue, no grant of a pension, or order on the
treasury, should be held valid, unless it were ratified
by the subscription of five of the commissioners ; all
their acts and decisions were- declared to be of equ.al
force with the sentence of judges iti civil courts ; and
in consequence of them, and without any other warnrnt,
any person might be arrested, or their goods seized.
Such extensive jurisdiction, together with the absolute
disposal of the public money, drew the whole execu-
tive part of government into their hands. United
among themselves they gradually undermined the rest
of the king's ministers, and seized- on every lucrative
or honourable office. The ancient servants of the
crown repined at being obliged to quit their stations
to new men. The favourites and young cour-
tiers murmured at seeing the kings liberality
stinted by their prescriptions. And the clergy ex-
' Spotiw, 411.
Aleundei Seston piCNdent of tbe aeuioD, Walter StewBit CQBHncndator of
ElaDtjie, lord privj seal, David Coniegy, John IJndiaj, James ElpUngitaite,
Thrauaa HamUtoD, John Skene cleck icgislcr, lad pEtei YouDgelemMyiiar.
Cooglc
184 SCOTLAND. [1596.
- claimed against some . of them as : known {^>ostates to
Popery, and suspected others of secretly farouring it
They retained their power, howerer, uotwithstandi^
this general combination against them ; and they owed
it entirely to the order and economy which they in-
troduced into the administration of the finances, by
which the necessary expenses of government were
more easUy defrayed than in any other period of the
king's r«gn.'
viofeneB of Th^ rumour of vast preparations which Phi-
^'iMtto ''P ^^ ^^^ *° ^^ carrying on at this time,
PopUb filled both England and Scotland with the
dread of a new invasion. James took proper
measures for the defence of his kingdom. But these
did not satisfy the zeal of the clergy, whose suspicions
of the king's sincerity began to revive ; and as he had
permitted the wives of the banished peers to levy the
rents of their estates, and to live in their houses, they
charged him with rendering the act of forfeiture ia-
' effectual, by supporting the avowed enemies of the
.... Protestant faith. The assembly of the church
March M. .■ •' ~ ■ , -
took under consideration the state oi the king-
dom^ and having appointed a day of public fasting,
they solemnly renewed the covenant by which the na-
tion was bound to adhere to the Protestant faith, and
to defend it against all ag^;ressors. A committee, con-
sisting of the most eminent clergymen, and of many
barons and ~ gentlemen of distinction, waited on the
king, and laid before him a plan for the security of the
kingdom, and the preservation of religion. They ui^ed
him to appropriate the estates of the banished lords
as a fund for the maintenance of soldiers ; to take the
strictest precautions for preventing the return of such
turbulent subjects into the country ; and to pursue all
who were suspected of being their adherents with the
utmost rigour.
> Spotiw. 41S. 435.
Dgr 7.-1 -.;. Google
.1596.] BOOK Vni. 185
Theking-i Nothing, could be more repugDant to the
reini.ane» kjng'j schcmes, ot morc disagreeable to his
Ruato inclination, than these propositioDS. Averse,
through his whole life, to any course where he
expected opposition or danger ; and fond of attaining
his ends wi& the character of moderation, and by the
arts of policy, he observed with concern the prejudices
8^;ainst him which were growing among fhe Roman
Catholics^ and resolved to make some atonement for
that part of his conduct which had drawn upon him
their indignation. Elizabeth was now well advanced
in years; her life had lately been . in danger; if any
Popish ;competitor should arise to dispute his right of
succession, a faction so power&l as that of the banished
lords might be extremely formidable ; and any division
among his own subjects might prove fatal at a juncture
.which would require their united and most vigorous
. .efforts. Instead, therefore, of the additional severities
which the assembly proposed, James had thoughts of
mitigating the punishment which they already suffered.
And as they were surrounded, during their residence
in.foreign parts, by Philip's emissaries; as resentment
might dispose them to listen more favourably than ever
to their suggestions ; as despair might drive them to
still more atrocious actions ; he resolved to recall them,
under certain conditions, into their native country.
Encouraged by these sentiments of the king in their
. fe,vour, of which they did not want intelligence, and
wearied already of. the dependent and anxious life of
exiles, they ventured to return secretly into Scotland.
Soon after, they presented a petition to the king, beg-
ging his perttiission to reside at their own houses, and
offering to g^ve security for their peaceable and dutiful
behaviour. James called a convention of estates to
deliberate on a matter of such importance, and by their
advice he granted the petition.
The members of a committee appointed by the last
Google
186 SCOTLAND. [1596.
general assembly, as soon as tbey were informed
proceed- of this, tHet at EdlDburgh, and wtth all the pre-
d«uaiid cipitancy of fear and of 2eal, took such reso-
peopk. lutions as they thought necessary for the safety
of the kingdom. They wrote circuit letters to all the
presbyteries in Scotland; they warned them of the ap-
proaching danger ; they exhorted them to stir up their
people to the defence of their just rights ; they com-
manded them to publish, in all their pulpits, the act
excommunicatiDg the Popish lords ; and enjoined them
to lay all those who were suspected of favouring Popery
under the same censure by a summary sentence, and
without observing the usual formalities of trial. As
the danger seemed too pressing to wait for the stated
meetings of the judicatories of the church, they made
choice of the most eminent clergymen in different cor-
ners of the kingdom, appointed them to reside con-
stantly at Edinburgh, and to meet every day with the
ministers of that city, under the name of the standing
council of the church, and vested in this body the su-
preme authority, by enjoining it,' in imitation of the
ancient Roman form, to take care that the church should
receive no detriment.
These proceedings, no less unconstitutional than un-
precedented, were manifest encroachments on the royal
prerogative, and bold steps towards open rebellion.
The king's conduct, however, justified in some degree
such excesses. His lenity towards the Papists, so re-
pugnant to the principles of that age ; his pardoning
the conspirators, notwithstanding repeated promises to
the contrary ; the respect he paid to lady Huntly, who
was attached to the Romish religion no less than her
husband-; hia committing the care of his daughter, the
princess Elizabeth, to lady Levingston, who was infected
with the same superstition ; the contempt with which
be talked on all occasions, both of the chaFacter of mi-
nistersj and of their fimction, were circumstatfces which
Google
1596.] BOOK VIII. 187
migbt have filled minds, not prone by natare to jealousy,
with some suspicions; and might have precipitated
into rash counsels those who were far removed from
intemperate zeal. But, howfever powerful the motives
might be which inflaenced the clergy, or however
laudable the end they had in view, tbey conducted
their measures with no address, and even with litde
prudence. James discovered a strong inclination to
avoid a rupture with the church, and, jealous as he was
of his prerogative, would willingly have made many
concessions for die sake of peace. By his command,
some of the privy'-couflsellors -had an interview with the
more moderate among the clergy, and inquired whe-
ther Htitttly and his associates might not, upon making
proper acknowledgments, be again received into the
bosom of the church, and be exempted from any farther
punishment on account of their past apostacy and trea- .
sons. They replied, that though the gate of mercy
stood always open for those who repented and returned,
yet as these noblemen had been guilty of idolatry, a
crime deserving death both by the law of God and of
man, the civil magistrate could not legally grant them
a pardon ; and even though the church should absolve
them, it was his duly to inilict punishment upon ihem. '
This in6exibility in those who were reckoiied the most
compliant of the order, filled the king with indignation,
which the imprudence and obstinacy of a private cler-
gyman heightened into rage.
Seditiaiu Mr. David Black, minister of St Andrew's,
JwJity discoursing in one of his sermons, according to
Biack. custom, concerning the state of the nation, af--
firmed that the king had permitted the Popish lords to
return into Scotland, and by that action had discovered
the treachery of his own heart ; that all kings were the
devil's children ; that Satan had now the guidance of
the court; that the queen of England was an atheist;
that the judges were miscreants and bribers ; the nobi-
188 SCOTLAND. 11696.
lity godless and degenerate ; the privy-^ounsellors cor-
morants and men of no religion ; and in his prayer
for the queen he used these words, We must pray for
her for fashion-sake, but we. have no cause, she will
never do us good. James commanded him'to
The ciei^ be summoncd before the privy-council, to answer
Sfd^ for such seditious expressions ; aind the clei^,
^"^' instead of abandoning him to the punishmeht
which such a petulant and criminal attack on his su-
periors deserved, were so imprudent as to espouse his
cause, as if it had been the common one of the whole
' order. Tlje controversy concerning the immunities of
the pulpit, and the rights of the clergy to testify against
vices of every kind, which had been agitated in 1584,
was now revived. It was pretended that, with regard
to their sacred function, ministers were subject to the
church alone ; that it belonged only to their ecclesias-
tical superiors to judge of the truth or falsehood of doc-
trines delivered in the pulpit ; that if, upcai any pre-
tence whatever, the king Usurped this jurisdiction, the
church would from that moment, sink under servitude
to the civil magistrate ; that, insteaid of reproving vice
with that honest boldness which had often been of ad-
vantage to individuals, and salutary to the kingdom, the
clergy would leam to flatter the passions of the prince,
. and to connive at the vices of others ; that the king's
eagerness to punish the indiscretion of a Protestant
minister, while he vras so ready to pardon the crimes
of Popish ponspirators, called on them to stand upon
their guard, and that now was the time to contend for
their privileges, and to prevent any encroachment on
those rights, of which the church had been in posses-
sion ever since the Reformation. Influenced by these
considerations, the council of the church enjoined Black
to decline the jurisdiction of the privy-council. Proud
of such an opportunity to display his zeal, he presented
a paper to that purpose, and with the utmost firmness
Google
1696.] BOOK VIII. 189
refiised to plead, or to answer the questions which were
put to him. In order to add greater weight to these
proceedings, the council of the church transmitted the
declinature to all the presbyteries throughout the king-
dom, and enjoined every minister to subscribe it in tes-
timony of his approbation.
James defended his rights with no less vigour than
they were attacked. Sensible of the contempt under
which his authori^' must fall, if the clergy should be
permitted publicly, and with impuni^, to calunmiate
his ministers, and even to censure himself; and know-
, ing, by former examples, what unequal reparation for
such offences he might expect from the judicatories of
the church, he urged on the inquiry into Black's con-
duct, and issued a proclamatioD, commanding the mem-
bers of the council of the church to leave Edinbui^h,
and to return to their own parishes. Black, instead of
submitting, renewed his declinature; and the members
of the council, in defiance of the proclamation, declared,
that' as they met by the authority of the church, obe-
dience to it was a duty still more sacred than that which
they owed to the king himself. The privy-council, not-
withstanding Black's .reiusing to plead, proceeded in
die trial'; and, after a solemn inquiry, pronounced him
guilty of the crimes of which he had been accused;
but referred it to the kinig to appoint what punishment
he should suffer.
Meanwhile, many endeavours were used to bring
matters to accommodation. Almost every day pro-
duced some new scheme of reconcilement; but, through
the king's fickleness, the obstinacy of the clergy, or the
intrigues of the courtiers, they all proved ineffectud.
Both parties appealed to the people, and by reciprocal
and ex^^rated accusations endeavoured to render
each other odious. Insolence, sedition, treason, were
the crimes with which James charged the clergy; while
they made the pulpits resound with complaints of his
19Q SCOTLAND. [159&
excegsivelenify'towards Papists, and of the no less exf
cessive rigour with which he oppressed the established
church. Exasperated by their bold invectives, he^ at
last, sentenced Black to retire beyond the river Spey,
and to reside there during his pleasure ; and once more
commanding the members of the standing council to
depart frc«Q Edinburgh, he required all the ministers
of the kingdom to subscribe a bond, obliging themr
selves to submit, in the same manner as other subjects^
to the jurisdiction, of the civil courts in" matters of a
civil nature.
A tnnniiiii This decisive measure excited all the violent
Edinburgh. pgggjQtjg ^hich possess disappointed factions ;
and deeds no less violent immediately followed. These
must be imputed in part to the artifices of some courtiers
who expected to reap advantage from the cal^nities of
their country, or who hoped to lessen the authority of
the Oetavians, by ei^ging them'io hostilities with the
church. " On one hand, they informed the king that the
citizens of Edinburgh were under arms' every night,
tmd.bad planteda strcHig guard round the houses of
their ministers. James, in order to put a stop to this
imaginary' insult on his gcrveriiment, issued a procla-
mafi6n, commanding twenty-four of the principal do-
zens to leave, the town within six hours. On the other
hand, they wrote to the ministers, advising them t6
look to their own safety, as Huntly had been secretly
admitted to an interview with the king, and had been
the author. of the severe proclamation against the Citi-
zens of Edinburgh." They doubted no more of the
truth of this intelligence, than the king' had done of
that which he received, and fell as blindly into' the
saare. The letter came to their hands just as oner of
• Thoagh mttllen were indoitrlooilj sggnivftted by persons who wiihed both
partlm (□ panne Tiolent measures, neitbet of Uiese.reporli was altogcllier deitinu
of foundation. As thcit miniBten were supposed to be in danger, some of the more
Iraloui dtizeos bad deCeriniaed fa defend them bj force of aims. Birch, Mem. ii.
350. Hunt]; had been priTatel; in Edinburgh, wbere he had an inteniew, i[ not
with the king, at If ait whh some of Ins mipiBlen. Birch. Ibid. tSO.
Google
1596;] BOOK VIII. Ifll
their number Tras going- to mount the pulpit. They
resolved that he should acquaint the people of their
danger; and he painted it with all the strong
colours which men naturally employ in describ-
ing any dreadful and- instant calamity. When the ser-
mon was over, he desired the nobles and gentlemen to
assemble in the LUtte Church. The whole multitude,
terrified at what they had heard, crowded thither; they
promised and vowed to "stand by the clergy ; they drew
up a petition to the king, craving the redress of tiiosie
grievances, of which the church complained, and be-
seeching him to deliver them from all future apprehen-
sions of danger, by removing such of his counsellors as
were known to be enemies of the Protestant religion;
Two peers, two genliemen, two burgesses, and two
The king ministers, were appointed to present it. The
in dwger. ^uig happened to be. in the great hall of the
Tolbooth, where the court of session was sitting. The
manner in which the petition was delivered, as well, as
its contents, offended him. He gave a haughty reply;
the petitioners insisted with warmth; and a promis-
cuous multitude pressing into the room, James retired
abnlpdy into anotheip apartment,- and oominanded tiie
gates to be shut behind him. The deputies returned
to the miUtitude, who were still affiembled, and to whom
a minister had been reading, in their absence, the story
of Haiflan. When they reported that the king had re-
fused to listen to their petitions, the church was filled
in a moment with noise, threatening^, execrations, and
all the outrage and confusion of a popular tumult.
Bome called for their arms, some- to bring out Ihe
wicked Haman; others cried, the sword of the Lord
and of Gideon'; and rushing out with the most furious
impetuosity, surrounded the Tolbooth, threatening the
king himself, and demanding some of his counsellors,
whom they named, that they might tear them in pieces.
The magistrates of the city, partly by authority, partly
IM SCOTLAND. [1596.
by force, endeavbured to qiiell the tumult ; the king
attempted to soothe the malecontents, by promising to
receive their petitioos, when presented in a regular
mamier; the ministers, sensible of their own rashness
in kindling such a flame, seconded both; and the rage
of the populace subsiding as suddenly as it had risen,
they ail dispersed, and the king returned to the palace;
happy in having escaped lirom an insurrection, which,
through the instantaneous and unconcerted effect of
popular fury, had exposed his life to imminent danger,
and was considered by him as an unpardonable aflront
to his authority.'
As soon as he retired, the leaders of the malecontents
assembled, in order to prepare their petition. The
punishment of the Popish lords; the removal of those
counsellors who were suspected of favouring their per-
sons or opinions; the repeal of all the late acts of coun-
cil, subversive of the authority of the church; together
with an act approving the proceedings of the standing
council ; were the chief of their demands. But the
king's indignation was still so high, that the deputies,
chosen for this purpose, durst not venture that night to
present requests which could not fail of kindling his
Hb imtoi r^g® anew. Before next morning, James, with
^nbai^h, jjt hig attendants, withdrew to Linlithgow ;
ceedsirith the scssion, and other courts of justice, were
R^nittbe required to leave a city where it was no longer
"'^ consistent either with their safety, or their
dig^i^, to remain ; and the noblemen and barons were
commanded to return to their own houses, and not to
reassemble without the king's permission. The vigour
with which the king acted, .struck a damp upon the
spirits of his adversaries. ■ The citizens, sensible how
ranch they would suffer by his absence, and the re-
moval of the courts of justice, repented already of
their conduct The ministers alone resolved to main-
- SpMaw. 41T, &c C»id. ». 5*, Ste. Biich. Mem. U. »».'
Google
1S96.] BOOK VIII. 103
taiD the contest. They endeavoured to prevent the
noUes from dispersing ; they inflamed the people by
Tiolent invectives against the king ; they laboured to
procure subscriptions to an association for their mutual
defence; and conscious what lustre and power the
junction of some of the greater nobles would add to
their cause, the ministers of Edinburgh wrote to lord
Hamilton, that the people, moved by the word of God,
and provoked by the injuries oflered to the church,
had taken arms; that many of the nobles had deter-
mined to protect the Protestant religion, which owed
its establishment to the piety and valour of their an-
cestors ; that they wanted only a leader to unite them,
and to inspire them with vigour; that his zeal. for the
good cause, no less than his noble birth, entitled him
to that honour ; they conjured him, therefore, not to
disappoint their hopes and wishes, nor to refuse the
suflering church that aid which she so much
needed. Lord Hamilton, instead of comply-
ing with their desire, carried the letter directly to Ihe
king, whom this new insult irritated to such a degree,
that he commaoded the magistrates of Edinburgh in-,
stantly to seize their ministers, as manifest incendiaries,
and encour^ers of rebellion. The magistrates, in
order to regain the king's favour, were preparing to
obey; and the ministers, who saw no other hope of
safety, ^ed towards England.'
The king "^^'^ unsuccessfiil insurrectioH, instead of
bumhkiiha overturning, established the king's authority,
the church. Thosc conccmed in it were confounded and
"* ■ dispersed. The rest of James's subjects, in
order to avoid suspicion, or to gain his favour, con-
tended who .should be most forward to execute his
vengeance. A convention of estates being called,
pronoimced the late insurrection to be high-treason ;
ordained every minister to .subscribe a declaration of
J SpoUw. 451 . Cald. *, 1S6.
vol,. II. o
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
184 SCOTLAND. [1597.
his submissioD to the kiDg's jurisdiction, in all matters
civil and criminal ; empowered magistrates to commit,
instantly, to prison, any minister, who, in his sermons,
should utter any indecent reflections on the king's con-
duct ; prohibited atiy ecclesiastical judicatory to meet
without the king's licence ; commanded that no person
should be elected a magistrate of Edinburgh, for the
future, without the king's approbation; and that, in
the mean time, the present magistrates should either
discover and inflict condign punishment on the authors
of the late tumult, or the city itself shotdd be subjected
to all the penalties of that treasonable action.*
Abndw. Armed with the authority of these decrees,
u' irf' J^™fis resolved to crush entirely the mutinous
the dti. spirit of his subjects. As the clergy had, hi-
Ediu. therto, derived their chief credit and sti*ength
^o'tf'- from the favour and zeal of the citizens of Edin-
bu^h, his first care was to humble them. Though the
magistrates submitted to him in the most abject terms ;
though they vindicated themselves, and their fellow-
citizens, from the most distant intention of violating his
royal person or authority ; though, after the strictest
scrutiny, no circumstances that could fix on them the
suspicion of premeditated rebellion had been discovered ;
though many of the nobles, and such of the clergy as
still retained any degree of favour, interceded in Iheir
behalf; neither acknowledgments nor intercessions
were of the least avail.' The king continued
inexorable ; the city was- declared to have for-
feited its privileges as a corporation, and to be liable to
all the penalties of treason. The capital of the king-
dom, deprived of magistrates, deserted by its ministers,
abandoned by the courts of justice, and proscribed
by the king, remained in desolation and despair. The
courtiers even threatened to rase the city to the foun-
dation, and to erect a pUlEU* wher'e it stood, as an ever^
' Cdd. *. Iff. • ma. T. 149:
Google
1597] BOOK VIII. J06
lasting mctttnmeiit of the king's vengeance, and of the
guilt of its inhabitalits. At lost, in compliance with
Klizabeth, who interposed in their ftivour, and mortjd
M hsi ^y *'*® continual solicitations of the nobles,
James absolved the citizens from the penalties
of law, but at the same time he stripped theifi of
their moat important privileges ; they werfe nfeithef al-
lowed to elect their own magistrates nor their own
ministers ; many new burdens were imposed ofi them ;
and a considerable sum cff money was exacted by way
of peace-offering."
Jiewregu- Jaines was, meanwhile, equally assiduous,
»uh^ and no less successiul, in circnmscribing the
eiidtoihe jnrisdiction of the church. Experience had
discovered^ that to attempt &is by acts of par-
liament, and sentences of privy-conncil, was both in-
effectual and odious. He had recourse now to an ex-
pedient more artful, and better calculated for obtaining
his end. The ecclesiastical judicatories were cctoposed
of many members ; the majority of the clergy #ere ex-
tremely indigent, aiid unprovided of legal stipends; the
ministers in the fieighbourhood of Bdiilburgh, notwith-
standing the parity established by thepreabyterian go-
vernment, bad assumed a leading in the church, which
filled their brethren with envy; every numerous body
of men is susceptible of sudden and sti'ong impi-egsioiis,
and liable to be influenced, corrupted, dr overafred.
Induced by these considerations, James thought itpofs-
sible to gain the clergy, whom hfe bad ih vain attempt-
ed to subdue. Proper agents were set to work all oVer
the kingdom ; promises, flattery, and ttreats wete em-
ployed; Ihe usurpations of the brethren near the capi-
tal were aggravated ; the jealousy of their poWet, which
was growing in the distant provinces, was augmented ;
and two different general assemblies were held, in f)Oth
which, notwithstanding the zeal and boldness ^here-
* Spotsw. 434. 444.
2
r,on7<-i.iL.OOglC
196 SCOTLAND. tlSffT.
with a few leading clei^m'en defendiog the privileges
of the church, a majority declared in favour of those
lueasures which were agreeable to the king. Many
practices, which had contiuued since the Reformation,
were condemned ; many points of discipline, which had
hitherto been reckoned sacred and uncontroverted, were
given up ; the licence with which ministers discoursed
of political matters was restrained ; the ireedom with
which they inveighed against particular persons was
censured ; sentences of summary excommunication were
declared unlawful ; the convoking a general assembly,
witholit the king's permission, was prohibited ; and the
right of nominating jninisters to the principal towns,
was vested in the crown. Thus, the clergy diemselves
surrendered privileges, which it would have been dan-
gerous to invade, and voluntarily submitted to a yoke
more intolerable than any James would have ventured
to impose by force ; while such as continued to oppose
his measures, instead of their former popular topic of
the king's violent encroachments on a jurisdiction which
did not belong to him, were obliged to turn their out-
cries against the corruptions of their own order.'
p<vi>ii By the authority of these general assembli^,
^jonrf!""" the Popish earls were allowed to make a public
recantation of their errors ; were absolved from the sen-
tence of excommunication ; and received into the bosom
of the church. But, not many years after, they relapsed
into their former errors, were again reconciled to the
church of Rome, and by their apostacy justified, in some
degree, the fears and scruples of the clergy with regard
to tiieir absolution.
' The ministers of Edinburgh owed to the intercession
of these assemblies the liberty of returning to their
charges in the city. But this liberty was clogged in
such a manner as greatly abridged their power. The
city was divided into distinct parishes ; the number of
' Spntjw. 433. Cdd. v. 189. tS3.
r,on7<-i.iGoOglc
1697] BOOK. VIII. 197
ministers doubled ; persons on whose fidelity the king
could rely were fixed in the new parishes ; and these
circumstances, added to the authority of the late decrees
of the church, contributed to confirm that absolute do-
minion in ecclesiastical affairs, which James possessed
during the remainder of his reign.
The king was so intent on new modelling the church,
that the other transactions of this period scarce' deserve^
to be remembered. The Octaviana, envied by the other
courtiers, and splitting into factions among themselves,
resigped their commission; and the administration of
the revenue, returning into its former channel, Taoth the
king and the nation were deprived of the benefit of their
regular and frugal economy.
Towards the end of the year, a parliament
was held in order to restore Hautly and his as-
sociates to their estates and honours, by repealing the
act of forfeiture passed against them. The authority of
this supreme court was likewise employed to introduce
a farther innovation into the church ; but, conformable
to the system which the king had now adopted, the
motion for this purpose . took its rise from the clergy
Ecdniu- thcmselves. As the act of general annexation,
^J^y, and that establishing the presbyterian govern-
asntin meut, bad reduced the few bishops, who still
ment. survivcd, to poverty and contempt; asthosewho
possessed the abbeys and priories were mere laymen, and
many of them temporal peers, few or none of the eccle-
siastical order remained to vote in parliament, and by
means of that, the influence of the crown was consider-
ably diminished there, and a proper balance to the
power and number of the nobles was wantii^. But
the prejudices which the nation had conceived against
the name and character of bishops were so violent, that
James was obliged, with the utmost care, to avoid the
appearance of a design to revive that order. He pre.-
vailed, therefore, on the commission appointed by the last
C.o^glc
198 SCOTLAND. [1598.
general assemUy to complain to the pEurliament, that
the church was the only body in Uie kingdom destitute
of its representatives in that supreme court, where it so
nearly concerned every order to have some who were
bound to defend its rights ; and to crave that a compe-
tent number of the clergy should be admitted, accord-
ing to ancient custom, to a seat there. In compliance
. with this request, an act was passed, by which those
ministers on whom the king should confer the vacant
bishoprics and abbeys, were entitled to a vote in parlia-
ment ; and that the clergy might conceive no jealousy
of any eucroachmeat upon their privileges, it was remit-
ted to the general assembly, to determine what spiritual
jurisdiction or authority in the government of the church
these persons should possess.''
The king, however, found it no tiaay matter to obtain
the concurrence of the ecclesiastical judicatories, in
which the act of parliament met with a fierce oppositioQ.
Though the clergy perceived how much lustre this new
privilege would reflect upon their order ; though they
were not insensible of the great accession of personal
power and dignify which many of them would acquire,
by being admitted into the supreme council of the nation,
their abhorrence of episcopacy was extreme ; and to
that they sacrificed every consideration of interest or
ambition. All the king's professions of regard for the
present constitution of the church did not convince
them of his sincerity; all die devices that could be in-
vented for restraining and circumscribing the jurisdic-
tion of such as were to be raised to this new honour,
did not diminish their jealousy and fear. Their ovtu
experience had taught them, with what insinuating pro-
gress the hierarchy advances, and though admitted at
first with moderate authority, and under specious pre-
tences, how rapidly it extends its dominion. !! Varnish
ovfer this scheme," said one of the leading clergymen,
' Spolsw. 450. F»l. 15lb lie. VI. c. OH.
Google
1598.] BOOK VIII. 1»9
" with what colours you please ;.deck the. intruder with
the utmost art ; under all this disguise, I see the horns
of his mitre." The same sentiments prevailed among
many of his brethren, and induced them to reject power
and honours with as much zeal as ever those of their
order courted them. Many, however, were allured by
the hopes of preferment; the king himself and his
nynisters employed the same arts which they had tried
so successAiUy last year : and, after long debates, and
much opposition, the general assembly declared that it
was lawful for ministers to accept of a seat in parlia-
-, ^ „ ment; that it would be highly beneficial to the
church, to have its representatives in that su-
preme court ; and that fifty-one persons, a number near-
ly equal ' to that of the ecclesiastics who were, anciently
called to parliament, should be chosen from among the
clergy for that purpose. The manner of their election,
together with ike powers to be vested in them, were
lefl; undecided for the present, and furnished matter of
future deliberation.'
1599. As the prospect of succeeding to the crown
jwDCT en- of England drew nearer, James multiplied pre-
with IDC- cautions in order to render it certtun. As he
r^^" was allied to many of the princes of Germany
En^»ai- \yy jjjg marriage, he sent tunbassadors extra-
ordinary to their several courts, in ord^ to explain the
justness of his title to the English throne, and to desire
their assistance, if any competitor should arise to dis-
pute his undoubted rights. These princes readily ac^
knowledged the equity of his claim ; but tiie aid which
they could afford him was distant and feeble. At the
same time, Edward Bruce, abbot of Kinloss, his am-
bassador at the English court, solicited Elizabeth, with
the utmost warmth, to recognise his title by some pub-
lic deed, and to deliver her own subjects from the cala-
mities which are occasioned by an uncertain or dis-
• SpoUw. 4.«)- CbM. 1. S7B,
r,on7<-i.i Google
200 SCOTLAND. [1399.
puted succession. But age htid strengthened atl the
passions which had hitherto induced Elizabeth to keep
this great question obscure and undecided; and a
general and evasire answer was all that James coold
obtain. As no impression could be made on the queen,
the ambassador was commanded to sound the disposi-
ticm of her subjects^ and to try what progress he coold
make in gaining them. Bruce possessed all the taloits
of secrecy, judgment, and address, requisite for con-
ducting a negotiation no less delicate than important.
A minister of this character was entitled to the confi-
dence of die English. Many of the highest rank un-
bosomed themselves to him without reserve, and gave
him repeated assurances of their resolution to assert his
master's right, in opposition to every pretender/ As
several pamphlets were dispersed, at this time, in Eng-
land, contaiuiog objections to his tide, James employed
some learned men in his kingdom to answer these ca-
villers, and to explain the advantages which would
result to both kingdoms by the union of the crowns.
These books were eagerly read, and contributed not a
little to reconcile the English to that event. A book
published this year by the king himself, produced an
effect still more favourable. It was eutided BasUicon
Dorm, and contained precepts concerning the art of
government, addressed to prince Henry his son. Not-
withstanding the great alterations and refinements in
national taste since that time, we miist allow this to be
no contemptible performance, and not to be inferior to
the works of most contemporary writers, either in purity
of style or justness of composition. Even the vain pa*
rade of erudition with which it abounds, and which now
disgusts us, raised the admiration of that age ; and as
it was filled with diose general rules which speculative
authors deliver for rendering a nation h&ppy, and of
which James could discourse with great plausibility,
' JohML J4S,
r,on7<-i.i Google
1599.] BOOK Vllt. 201
though often incapable of putting theifl in practice, the
English conceived a high opinion of his abilities, and
expected an iQcrease of national honour and prospe-
rity, under a prince so profoundly skilled in politics,
and who gave such a specimen both of his wisdom and
of his love to his people.*
The queen of EngUmd's sentiments concerning James
were very different from Ihose of her subjects. His
excessive indulgence towards the Popish lords ; the
facility with which lie pardoned their repeated treasons ;
his restoring Beaton, the Popish archbishop of Glasgow,
who had fled out of Scotland at the time of the Refor-
mation, to the possession of the temporalities of that
benefice; the appointing him his ambassador at the
court of France ; the applause he bestowed, in the Ba-
siltcon Doron, on those who adhered to the queen his
mother ; Elizabeth considered as so many indications
of a mind alienated from the Protestant religion; and
suspected that he would soon revolt from the profession
ActMc* ^^ **• These suspicions seemed to be fiiUy
bin of on- confirmed by a discovery which came from the
ni^sui'"' master of Gray, who resided at that time in
•"•^ Italy, and who, rather than suffer his intriguing
spirit to be idle, demeaned himself so &r as to act as a
spy for the English court. He conveyed to Elizabeth
the copy of a letter written by James to pope Clement
Vin., in which the king, after many expressions of re-
gard for that pontiff, and of gratitude for his favours,
declared his firm resolution to treat the Roman Catho-
lics with indulgence ; and, in order to render the inter-
course between the courts of Rome and Scotland more
frequent and familiar, he solicited the pope to promote
Drummond, bishop of Vaison, a Scotsman, to the dig-
nity of a cardinal.'' Elizabeth, who had received by
another channel' some imperfect intelligence of this
correspondence, was filled with Just surprise, and im-
f Cund. Spotaw. ii7. k did. 333. ' Win*. Men. *at. L 37. H.
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
802 SCOTLAND. [1599.
mediately dispatched Bowes into Scotland, to inquire
more fully iato.th&trutliof the matter, and to reproach
James for an action so unbecoming a Protestant prince.
He was astonished at the accusation, and with a confi*
dence which nothing but the consciousness of inno-
cence could inspire, affirmed the whole to be a mere
calumny, and the letter itself to be forged by his ene-
mies, on purpose to bring his sincerity in religion to be
suspected. Elphingston, the secretary of state, denied
the matter with equal solemnity. It came, however, to
be known by a very singular accident, which happened
some years after, that the information which Elizabeth
had received was well-founded, though at the same
time the king's declarations of his own innocence were
perfectly consistent with truth.. Cardinal Bellarmine,
in a reply which he published to a controversial trea->
tise, of which the king was the author, accused him of
havii^ abandoned the lavourable sentiments which he
had once entertained of the Roman Catholic religion,
and, as a proof of this, quoted his letter to Clement VIII .
It was impossible, any longer, to believe this to be a
fiction ; and it was a matter too delicate to be passed
over without strict inquiry. James immediately ex-
amined ElphingstoD, and his confession unravelled the
whole mystery. He acknowledged that he had shuffled
in this letter among other pf^ers which he bad laid
before the king to he. signed, who suspecting no such
deceit, subscribed it together with the rest, and without
knowing what it contained ; that he had no other motive,
however, to this action, but zeal for his majesty's ser-
vice ; and, by flattering the Roman Catholics widi hopes
of indulgence undet the king's govemment, he ima-
gined that he was pavii^ the way for his more, easy
accession to the English throne. The privy-council of
England entertained very diflerent sentiments of the
secretary's conduct. In their opinion, not only the
king's reputation had been exposed to reproach, but hb
Google
1599.] BOOK Vlli. 203
life to danger, by this rash imposture ; they even im-
puted the gunpowder treason to the r^;e and disap-r
pointment of the Papists, upon finding that the hopes
which this letter inspired were frustrated. The se-
crettuy was sent a prisoner into Scotland, to be tried
for high-treason. Hia peers found him guilty ; but,
by the queen's interoession, he obtained a pardon.^
According to the account of other historians, James
himself was no stranger to this correspondence with the
p(^e ; and if we believe them, Elphingston, being inti-
midated by the ihreats of the English council, and de-
ceived by the artifices of the earl of Dunbar, concealed
some circumstances in his narrative of this transactton,.
and falsified oth««; and at the expense of his own
fame, and with the danger of his life, endeavoured to
draw a veil ovei- this part of his master's conduct.'
SiuMt Bt ^*^* whether we impute die writing of this
peatpuiu letter to the secretary's officious zeal, or to the
to gun tbe,., ,.. .1 , >.
Bomin King s commaud, it is certain, that, about this
Biho icii. j^mg^ James was at the utmost pains to gain
the friendship of the Roman Catholic princes, as a
necessary precaution towards feicilitatiDg his accession
to the English throne. Lord Home, who weis himself
a Papist, was intrusted with a secret commission to the
pope ;" the archbishop of Glasgow was an active in-
strument with those of his own religion." The pope
expressed such £Eivourable sentiments both of the king,
and of his rights to the ctown of England, that James
thought himself bound, some years after, to acknow-
ledge the obligation in a public manner." Sir James
Lindsay made great progress in gaining the English
Papists to acknowledge his majes^'s title. Of all these
intrigues Elizabeth received obscure hints from dif-
ferent quarters. The more imperfectly she knew, the
i. 4t9. SpoUw. 496. 507. Juhnsl. 448.
■ Winw. Mem-foLii. 57. ' • Cald. toI. vi. 147.
• Ihid. toL T. 604.
r,on7<-i.i Google
204 SCOTLAND. [1599.
more violently she suspected the king's designs ; and the
natural jealousy of her temper increasing with age, she
observed his conduct with greater solicitude than ever.
1600. The questions widi regard to the election
HiTre^i- arid power of the representatives of the church,
tl*""d'to' ^®^6 finally decided this year by the general
the ebmci. assembly, which met at Montrose. That place
was chosen as most convenient for the ministers of the
north, among whom the king's influence chiefly lay.
Although great numbers resorted from tiie northern
provinces, and the king employed his whole interest^
and the author!^ of his own presence, to gain a ma-
jority, (he following regulations were with difficulty
agreed on. That die general assembly shall recom-
mend six persons to everyvacant benefice which gave
a title to a seat in parliament, out of whom the king
shall nominate one ; that the person so elected, after
obtaining his seat in parliament, shall neither propose
nor consent to any thing there, that may affect the in-
terest of the church, without special instructions to that
purpose ; that he shall be answerable for his conduct
to every general assembly, and submit to its censure,
without appeal, upon pain of infamy and excommuni-
cation ; that he shall discharge the duties of a pastor
in a particular congregation ; that he shall not usurp
any ecclesiastical jurisdiction superior to that of his
other brethren ; that if the church inflict on him the
censure of deprivation^ he shall thereby forfeit his seat
in parliament ; that he shall annually resign his com-
mission to the general assembly, which may be restored
to him, or not, as the assembly, with the king's appro-
bation, shall judge most expedient for the good of the
church.)' Nothing could be more repugnant to the idea
of episcopal government than these regulations. It
was not in consequence of rights derived from their
office, but of powers conferred by a commission, tliat
P Spots-. 453. 457. CtJd.vol. ». 368.
r,on7<-i.iGoOglc
1600.] BOOK Vlir. 305
tbe ecclesiastical persoos were to be admitted to a seat
in parliameat ; they were the representatives, not the
superiors, of the clergy. Destitute of all spiritual autho-
rity, even th^rciviljurisdiction was temporary. James,
however, flattered himself that they would soon be able
to shake off these fetters, and gradually acquire all the
privileges which belonged to the episcopal order. The
clergy dreaded the same thing ; and of course he con-
tended for the nomination of these commissioners, and
they opposed it, not so much on account of the powers
then vested in them, as of those to which it was believed
they would soon attain.'^
QowMt During this summer the kingdom enjoyed an
«n»i*a>!j- unusual tranquillity. The clergy, after many
struggles, were brought under great subjection; the
Popish earls were restored to their estates and honours,
hj the authority of parliament, and with the consent of
the church; the rest of the nobles were at peace among
themselves, and obedient to the royal authority; when,
in the midst of this secunty, the king's life was exposed
to the utmost danger, by a conspiracy altogether unex-
pected, and almost inexplicable. The authors of it
were John Ruthven, earl of Gowrie, and his brother
Alexander, the sons of that earl who was beheaded in
the year 1584. Nature had adorned both these young
men, especially the elder brother, with many accom<-
plishments, to which education had added its most
elegant improvements. More learned than is usual
among persons of their rank ; more religious than is
common at their age of life ; generous, brave, popu-
lar ; their countrymen, far from thinking them capable
of any atrocious crime, conceived the most sanguine
hopes of their early virtues. Notwithstanding all these
noble qualities, some unknown motive engaged them in
a conspiracy, which, if we adhere to the account com-
monly received, must be transmitted to posterity as one
<■ Spotiw. 451.
r,on7<-i.i Google
aoe SCOTLAND. (1600.
bf tiie most nHcked, as well as one of the worst con-
certed, of wHich history makes any mention.
On die 5th of August, as the king, who resided dur-
ing the hunting season in his palace of Falkland, Was
going 6nt to his sport eariy in the momirig, he was
accosted by Mr. Alexander Ruthven, whb, with an air
of great importance, told the king, that the evening
before he had met an unknown man, of a suspicious
aspect, walking alone in a by-path near his brother's
house at Perth ; and on searching him h^d found, un-
der his cloak, a pot filled with a great quantity of foreign
gold ; that he had immediately seized both him and his
treasure, and without communicating the matter to any
person, had Jiept him confined and bound in a solitary
house ; and that he thought it his dilty to impart snch
a singular event first of all to his majesty. Janies im-
mcidiately suspected this unknown person to be a semi-
nary priest, supplied with foreign coin, id order to ex-
cite new commotions in the kingdom ; and resolved t6
empower the magistrates of Perth to call the person
before them, and inquirfe into all the circumstances of
the story. Ruthven violently opposed this resolution,
and widi many ailments ui^d the king to ride di-
rectly to Perth, and to ejcamine the matter in person.
Meanwhile the chase began ; and James, notwithstand-
ing his pELSsion for that amusement, could not help
ruminating upon the strangeness of the tale, and on
Ruthven's importunify. At last he called him, and
promised when the sport was over to set out for Perth.
The chase, however, continued long; and Ruthven, who
all the while kept close by the king, was still urging
him to make haSte. At the death of the buck he tFould
not allow James to stay till a fresh horse was brought
him; and observing the duke of Lennox and the earl of
Mar preparing to accompany the khig, he entreated
him to countermand them. This James refused ; and
though Ruthven's impatience and anxiety, as well as
1600.] BOOK VIII. 207
the apparent perturbation in his whole behaviour, raised
some suspicions in his mind, yet his own cunosi^,
and Ruthven's solicitations, prevailed on him to set out
for Perth. When within a mile of the town, Ruthven
rode fdr^tard to inform his brother of the king's arrival,
though he had already dispatched two messengers for
that purpose. At a little distsuice from the town, the
earl, attended by several of the citizens, met the king,
who had only twenty persons iii his train. No prepa-
l^tions were made for the king's entertainment'; the
earl appeared pensive and embarrassed, and was at no
pains to atone, by his courtesy or hospitality, for the
bad fare with which he treated his guests. When the
king's repast was over, his attendants were led to dine
in another rofim, and he being left almost alone, Ruth-
ven whispered him, that now was the time to go to the
chamber where the unknown person was kept James
commanded him to bring Sir Thomas Erskine along
with them ; but instead of that, Ruthven ordered him
not to foHow; and conducting the king up a staircase,
and then through several apartments, the doors of
which he locked behind him, led him at last into a
small study, in which there stood a man clad in armour,
with a sword and dag^r by his side. The king, who
expected to have found one disarmed and bound, started
at the sight, and inquired if this was the person ; but
Ruthven snatching the dagger from the girdle of the
man in armour, and holding it to the king's breas^
" Remember," said he, " how unjustly my father suf-
fered by your command ; you are now my prisoner ;
submit to my disposal without resistance or outcry; or
this dagger shall instantly avenge his blood." James
expostulated with Ruthven, entreated, and flattered him.
The man whom he found in the study stood, all the
while, trembling and dismayed, without courage either
to aid the king, or to second his aggressor. Ruthven
protested, that if the king raised no outcry, his life
, Google
208 SCOTLAND. 11600.
should iie safe ; and, moved by some unknown reason,
retired in order to call his brother, leaving to the man
in armour the care of the king, whom he bound by oath
not to make any noise during his absence.
While the king was in this dangerous aitaation, his
attendants growing impatient to know whither he had
retired, one of Gowrie's domestics entered the roc»n
hastily, and told them that the king had just rode away,
towards Falkland. All of them rushed out into the
streets; and the earl, in the utmost hurry, called for their
horses. But by this time his brother had returned to
the king, and swearing that now there was no remedy,
he must die, . ofiered to bind his hands. Unarmed as
James was, he scorned to submit to that indignity; and
closing with the assassin, a fierce struggle ensued> The
man in armour stood, as formerly, amazed and motion-
less ; and the king, dragging Ruthven towards a win-
dow, which during his fJjsence he had persuaded the
person with whom he was left to open, cried with a wild
and affrighted voice, "Treason! Treason! Help! lam
murdered ! " His attendants heard, and knew tiie voice,
and saw at the window a hand which grasped the king's
neck with violence. They flew with precipitation to his
assistance. Lennox and Mar, with the greater number,
ran up the principal staircase, where they found all the
doors shut, which they battered with the utmost fury,
endeavouring to burst them open. But Sir John Ram-
say, entering by a back-stair which led to the apart-
ment where the king was, found the door open ; and
rushing upon Ruthven, who was still struggling with
the king, struck him twice with his dagger, and thrust
him towards the staircase, where Sir Thomas Erskine
and Sir Hugh Herries met and killed him ; he crying
:with his last breath, "Alas! I am not to blame for this
action." During this scuffle the man who had beea
concealed in the study escaped unobserved. Together
with Ramsay, Erskine, and Herries, one Wilson, a foot-
Googlc
reoo:] BOOK vnr. 209
man, entered the room where the king was, and before
they had time to shut the door, Gowrie rushed in with
a drawn sword in each hand, followed by seven of his
attendants well armed, and with a loud voice threatened
them all with instant death. They immediately thrust
the Icing into the little study, and shutting the door
upon him, encountered the earl. Notwithstanding the
inequality of numbers, Sir John Ramsay pierced Gowrie
through the heart, and he fell down dead without ut-
tering a word; his followers having received several
wounds, immediately fled. Three of the king's defend- ,
ers were likewise hurt in tiie conflict. A dreadfiil noise
continued still at the opposite dOor, where many per-
sons laboured in vain to force a passage; and the king
being assured that they were Lennox, Mar, and his
other friends, it was opened on the inside. They ran
to the king, whom they unexpectedly found safe, with'
transports of congratulation ; and he, falling on his
knees, with all his attendants around him, ofl'ered so-
lemn thanks to God for such a wonderful deliverance.
The danger, however, was not yet over. The inhabi-
tants of the town, whose provost GfOwrie was, and by
whom he was extremely beloved, hearing the fate of
the two brothers, ran to their arms, and surrounded the
house, threatening revenge, with many insolent and
opprobrious speeches s^lnst the king. James endea-
voured to pacify the enraged multitude, by speaking to
them from the window ; he admitted their magistrates
into the house; related to them all the circumstances
of the fact ; and their fury subsiding by degrees, they
dispersed. On searching the earl's pockets for papers
that might discover his designs and accomplices, no-
thing was found but a sinall parchment bag, fiitl of
m^ical characters and words of enchantment ; and, if,
we may believe the account of the conspiracy published
by the king, " while these were about him the wound
of which he died bled not; but as soon as they were
VOL. II. p
tut SCOTLAND!. [IMft
takes away, the blood gushed out in great abundance."
After all the dangerous adventures of this busy day, the
king returned in the evening to Falkland, having com*
mitted the dead bodies of the two brothers to the cus-
tody of the magistrates of Perth.
The mo- Notwithstanding the minute detail which
^^!^' the king gave of all the circumstances of this
"li"*!.. conspiracy against his life, the motives which
ptaised, induced the two brothers to attempt an action
so detestable, the end they had in view, and the ac*
complices on whose aid they depended, were {dtoge^
ther unknown. The words of Ruthven to the king
. gave some grounds to think that the desire of revenging
their lather's death had instigated them to this attempt.
But, whatever injuries their father had suffered, it is
scarcely probable that they could impute them to the
king, whose youth, as well as his subjection at that time
to the violence of a ftiction, exempted him from being
the object of resentment, on account of actions which
were not.done by his command. James had even en-
deavoured to repair the wrongs which the father had
su£fered, by benefits to his children; and Gowrie him-
self, sensible of his favour, had acknowledged it with
the wannest expressions of gratitude. Three of the
earVs attendants, being convicted of assisting him in
this assault on the king's servants, were executed ai
Perth; but they could give no light into the motives
which had prompted their master to an action so re^
pugnant to 'these acknowledgments. Diligent search
was made for the person concealed in the study, and
from him great discoveries were expected. But An-
drew Henderson, the earl's steward, who, upon a pro^
mise of pardon, confessed himself to be the man, wafj
as much a stranger to his master's design as the rest;
and though placed in the study by Gowrie's command;
he did not even know for what end that station had
been assigned him. The whole transaction remained
4«»,) BOOK VIIL 211
as impenetrably dark as ever; and the two brothers, it
was concluded, had concerted their scheme without
either confidant or accomplice, with unexampled se-
crecy as well as wickedness.
Sjtrot'i An accident no less strange than the other
c^^™' circranstancefl of the story, and which happen-
'°B "- ed nine years after, discovered that this opi-
nion, however plausible, was ill-founded ; and that the
two brothers had not carried on their machinations all
alone. One Sprot, a notary, having whispered among
several persons that he knew some secrets relating to
Gowrie'a conspiracy, the privy-council thoaght the
matter worthy of their attention, and ordered him to ■
be seized. His confession was partly voluntary, and
partly forced from him by torture. According to his
account, Logan of Restalrig, a gentleman of an opulent
fortune, but of dissolute morals, was privy to all Gow-
rie's intentions, and an accomplice in his crimes. Mr.
Ruthven, he said, had frequent interviews with Logan
in order to concert the plan of their operations ; the
earl had corresponded with him to the same purpose;
and one Bour, Logan's confidant, was trusted with the
secret, and carried the letters between them. Both
Log^ and Hour were now dead. But Sprot affirmed
that he had read letters written both by Gowrie and
Logan en that occasion ; and in confirmation of his tes-
timony, several of Logah's letters, which a curiosity •
fatal to himself had prompted Sprot to steal from among
Bout's papers, were produced.' Tliese were compared,
' Lngui'* letten were Gie in namber. Ooe to Boar, anotlier ta-Gowiie, and three of
them without arty direction ; nor could Sprot diseoierthenanieof Ihe person lo wiiorii
tbe^ were written. Log«n givea him the appeJIition of right ktHumriJile. It appean
from this, however, aad from other word) in the letler, Crom. 95. that there were
MTcraJ penoDi piiv; to the consplrBCjr. The date of the first letter U July IBth.
Mr. Huthren bad cotnmuoilBUed the mBtler to Logan onlj Stt daji before. Ibid.
It appears from the original mmmimseJ'foifauUurt against Logan's hein, that Bour,
though he had letten addressed to him with regard to a compiraej equally danger-
ous and inrpartant, was *o illiteiale that Iw could not read. " Jacobus Bour, Iilc-
laram piorsui igoariu, dicti Geor^pi opera ih legeodis omnibus scriptii ad cum mis-
aia, Tel pertinentibui ulebatur." Tbis is altogether strange i and notlung but the
capilcicmi character of .Logtn caa account for his choosing siich a coofidut.
Google
212 SCOTLAND. [1600.
by the privy-council, with papers of Logan's hand-
writing, and the resemblance was manifest Persons
of nndoubted credit, and well qualiBed to judge of the
matter, examined them, and swore to their authenti-
city. Death itself did not exempt Logan from prose-
cution ; his bones were dug up and tried for high-trea-
son, and, by a sentence, equally odious and illegal,'
his lands were forfeited, and his posterity declared in-
famous. Sprot was condemned to be hanged for mis-
prision of treason. He adhered to his confession to the
last, and having promised on the scaffold, to give the
spectators a sign in confirmation of the truth of what
he had deposed, he thrice clapped his hands after he
was thrown off the ladder by the executioner.'
• Bj Ihe Roman lin, pcnons guilt; of tbe aime of bigli-beason might be tried
eim after dolb. Thii practice wis sdopted bv tbe Scoti without in; limittitton.
Pari. 1540. c 69. But the unlimited eierciie of IhU power was soon conceived to
be dangeroui ; and the crown wu laid under proper reitiictioni, by an act A. D.
iSit, which hat aever been printed. Tbe wordi of it are. " And becauie the said
lordi ^i. e. (he lords of articles) think the said act (tit, in IMO) too general, i
— -..J. -1.1 .. .1.-1. :_ .1 1_ .1 — I — s statutes and oidains that the iiid
St tbe heirs of them that nutuHouslj
le king's pcnon, agaiust the lealoi tn
, and against them that ihall happen to heliaj the king's army
■Uenarlj, and being notoriousl; known in their lime ■ and the heir* of these persons
to be called and judged within £v« jean ailer Ihe decease of the said persons com- '
mitten of the said crimes ; and Ihe said time being bj-past< the laid beirs neiet to
be pursued for Ihe ume." Tbe sentence against Logan violated Ibis statute io two
particulars. He was not notoriously known during his life to be an accomplice in
the crime for which be was tried ; and bis heir was called in question more than five
jears after his death. It is remarkable that this statute seems not to haie been at-
tended to in tbe parliament which forfeited Logan. Another ungnlar circumstance'
deserras notice. As it is a maxim of Joslice ibat no person can be tried in alneDCe;
and as lawyers are atwajs tenacious of their /onni, and often absurd in their de.
vices for preierring tbem, tiie; contrived that, in any process againsta dead person,
bis corpse or bones shall tie presented at tbe bar. Euniples of Ibis occur frequent-
ly in the Scottish bistorj. After Ihe battle of Corrichie, tbe dead bod; of the eiri
ofHunllywas presetited in parhameot, befare sentence oiforfmJtuTt was pm-
nounced against bim. For the same reason the bodies of Gowrie and his brother
were preserved, in order that they might be produced in parliament. Logan's bones,
in compliance with tbe same mte, were dug up. Mackena. Crim. Lav, Book i.
tit 6. f. it.
'It appears that archbishop Spotswood was present at the execution ofSprol,
Crom. 116, and yet he seems to have giwn no credit to his discoveries. The man-
ner in which be speaks of him is remarkable : " WhutLer or not 1 should mention
tha arraignment and eiecotion of George Sprot, who (offered at Edinburgh, I aoi
doabtfol; his confession, Ibough voluntary and constaitt', carry mg small probability.
The man deposed, &c. It seemed to be a very fiction, and a mere inveDtlon of the
mail's own brain, for neither did he shen the letter, nor could any wise man think
that Gowrie, who went eliout the treasMl so secretly, would have communicated the
matter to such a man as Logan was known to be," p. 508. Spotswood couJd not be
ignorant of the solemnity with which Logau had been tried, and of the proof
brought of the anihcnticity of hia letters. He himself was probably present in pai-
prejudicial to the barons iti tbe realm, therefore statutes and ordains Ibat tbe said act
shall have no place in time coming, hut against tbe heirs of them that nutuHously
mil or shall commit lese majesty against the king's penon, agaiust the lealoi tn
1600.} BOOK viir. 213
But though it be thus unexpectedly discovered that
Gowrie did not act without associates, little additional
light is thrown, by this discovery, on the motives and
intentions of his conduct. It appears almost incredible
that two young men of such distinguished virtue should
revolt all at once from their duty, and attempt a crime
so atrocious as the murder of their sovereign. It
appears still more improbable, that they should have
concerted their undertaking with so little foresight •
and prudence. If they intended that the deed should
have remained concealed, they could not have chosen
a more improper scene for executing it, than their own
ho\ise. If they intended that Henderson should have
struck the blow, they could not have pitched on a man
more destitute of the cour^^ that must direct the hand
of an assassin ; nor could they expect that he, unsoli-
cited, and unacquainted with their purpose, would ven-
ture on such a desperate action.' If Ruthven meant to
stab the king with his own hand, why did he withdraw
the dagger, after it was pointed at his breast? How
could he leave the king after such a plain declaration
of his intention ? Was it not preposterous to commit
him to the keeping of such a timid associate as Hen-
derson ? For what purpose did he waste time in bind-
ing the hands of an unarmed man, whom he might ea-
sily have dispatched with his sword ? Had Providence
permitted them to imbrue their hands in the blood of
their sovereign, what advantage could have accrued to
jiimeutal the trUI. The earl ofDanbar.DrwhQm he alwayi tpedu with the higlint
rapect, wmi the perun who directed the proceu igiuiul Logsa. Sach ■ peremplnrj
declarslian agiiiut the trulh of Sprot'i evidence, notwitfaitiindiiig ill iheae ciicum-
ttances, ii inrpiiiing, Sir Tbam*i Himiltoa, the biog'i idiocate ■! (hat time, and
■fterwud earl of Haddington, represenls the proof prodDcad al Logan'i trixlai ei-
Iietnetj coDvincing ; and in wi origjtial letter of hit lo the king, the Hit of Jane,
1609 (la Bibl. Facult. Jurid.), afler mentloiiiag the manner 'm which the trial had
been conducted, he thns goes on :
" When the piobatiau of the lummoDs was referred to the lords of articlei' lotea,
thej foand nnifarmlj. all in one loice, the laid ttnamoaa to be lO ciearlj prored,
that Ihej seenied to contend who should be able most zealcusl; to express liie sa-
tlsfactinnofhij heart, not onlj by the mpst pitbj words, but by tears of jo j ; diverse
of the best ranli coufesting, that, that whereof they doobled at their entrj into ihe
house was now to maoifeit, that Ihej behaved to esteem Iben trailora ulio should
snj lunger refuse la declare iheir assured resolution of (be trutb of Ihat Ireaiom."
Google
314 SCOTLAND. (f6OT,
them by his dea& ? And what Glaims or pretensions
could they have opposed to the rights of his children?"
Inevitable and instant vengeance, together with perpe-
tual infamy, were Ae only consequences they could ex-
pect to follow such a crime.
On the other hand, it is impossible to believe that
the kmg had formed any design against the life of the
two brothers. They had not incurred his indignaliwi
• by any crime ; and were in no degree the objects of his
jealousy or hatred ;' nor was he of a spirit so sangui-
nary, or so noted for rash and desperate valour, as to
have attempted to murder them in their own house, where
Aey were surrounded with many domestics, he only wife
a slender and unarmed train ; where they could call t»
their assistaice the inhabitants of a city, at the devorioD
of their family, white he was at a distance from all aid ;
and least of all wonld he have chosen for his asso-
ciates in such an enterprise, thie earl of Mar and the
o It his been UMrled, that, in ccHueqaence of Ibe king*! duth, the eul oS
Qowrig nigbl hais pnteodtd to (be niiyna ot Eo^uid, u the Km of Dorotboa
SCevarti danghter of lord Methiea. bj Margaret of England, oho, after her dimrce
from (he eni of Aagiw, took that DsUeann Air ber third huiband. Bomet, Hiat.
•f hisowoTinKs. But thii aiiertion isiU-Eouoded. ll appean, baa andbBbled
endence, that lord Melhren had onlj one child bv qaeen Mirgaiet, which died iq
iti infancy, aud Dorothea lad; Buthveii vu not the dioghler of queen Hsigpret.
bnl of Janet Slevact, lord Methven'i second vife, a daughter of John earl of Alhol.
CravF. Peer. 309. And tbon^ Gcmrie had icatly been descended fioB the blaod
tojai of Eniland, the king at that lime had a son and a daughter; and beude*
them, lady Arabella Stewart, daogbter of Chailei earl of Lennoi, had a preler^le
title to the crown of Enghind.
'Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to SirKalph Winwood, hnpirtes' the death of the
two brothers to ■ ause nut iHenlicnied by any of our histoiiaiu. " Out of Scolluid
we hear that there is no good agreement, but rather sn open diffidence> betwixt tha
king and kii wife, and many are of opinioa liiat the diioeieiy uf boido affiKtisB
between her and the eari of Gowrie't brother (who wai killed with him) xas Ibe
(lueit cauK and motire of that tneedy." Winw. Mem. toI. 1. 17& Whetbei Ibe
following pasMgoi in Nicbalson's Tetter be any confiimation of that stupicion, b
Mibmilted to Ibe reader. In hia letter, Sept. ii, \6<)i, he men^ns the return of
Gewile't two yooHgei brathetB into Scotland, and adds, " The coming ia of tbei*
two, atul the queefi of Scots dealing with them, and sending away and fomisbing
Mn. Beatrix [their siiter] with snch infmisation at Sir Thomas Enhiie bas give*,
ti»th bred great swicion in the king of Scoti that they come not in but spon some
dangeroua plot." In another letter, January 1, 1603. " The day of writing my
last, Mra. Beatrix Ruthnn was brought by the lady Paisley, aud Mrs. of Angoi,
none of theii gentle n amen, into the coiut in the cTeoing, and ituwed in a chamber
prepared fur her by the queeu'i direction, wbeiE the queen had mach time and COB-
ference with her. Of this the king got notice, aud sliewed his dislike thereof to the
queen, gently reprDTing her for it, and eianihiing qulelly uf the queen's serranta of
the tame, and of other matters theieunlu belonging, with such discretion and se-
crecy ■■ requites such a matter."
r,on7<-i.i Google
leoo] BOOK VIII. ai5
dbie of Lennox, the fcn-mer connected in cloise friend-
ship with the house <rf Gowrie, Mid the latter married,
to one of the earl's sisters.
A conjee Whichsoever of these opposite systems we
ture con- embrace ; whether we impute the intention of
tiie iiiren- EQurdeF to Gowrie, or to the king ; insuperable
coDipin- difficulties arise, and we are involved in dark-
*""• ness, mystery, and contradicti<His. Perhaps the
source of the whole conspiracy ought to be searched ,
for deeper, and by deriving it from a more retnote
' cause, we may discover it to be less criminal.
To keep the king of Scots in continual-dependence,
was one great object of Elizabeth's policy. In order
to this, she Sometimes soothed him, and sometimes
bribed his ministers and favourites; and ,when she
foiled of attaining her end by these means, she encou-
raged the clergy to render any administration which
she distrusted unpopular, by decrying it, or stirred up
Some faction of the nobles to oppose and to overturn it
In that fierce age, men little acquainted with the arts
of undermining a ministry by intrigue, had recourse to
the ruder practice of rendering themselves masters of
the king's person, that they might thereby obtain the
direction of his counsels. Those nobles who seized the
king at the Maid of Ruthven, were instigated and sup'
ported by ElizabetJi. Bothwell, in all his wild attempts,
enjoyed her protection, and when they miscarried, he
Was secure of a retreat in her dominions. The con-
nexions which James had been forming of late with
^t Roman Catholic princes, his secret negotiations in
England with her subjects, and the maxims by which
he governed his own kingdom, all contributed to excite
her jealousy. She dreaded some great revolution in
Scotland to be approaching, and it was her interest tb
{xrevent it. The earl of Gowrie was one of the most
powerful of the Scottish nobles, and descended from
ancestors warmly attached to the English interest He
Google
316 SCOTLAND. [1600.
bad adc^ted the same system, and believed the welfare
of his country to be inseparably connected with the
subsistence of the alliance between the two kingdoms.
During his residence at Paris, he had contracted an in-
timate friendship ivith Sir Henry Neville, the queen's
ambassador there, and was recommended by him to
his court as a person of whom great use might be made.'
^izabeth received him as he passed through England
with distinguished marks of respect and &rour. From
all these circumstances a suspicion may arise, that the
plan of the conspiracy ^^inst the king was formed at
that time in concert with her. Such a suspicion pre-
Tailed in that age, and from the letters of Nicholson,
Elizabeth's i^ent in Scotiand, it appears not to be des-
titute of foundation. An English ship was observed
hovering for some time in the mouth of the frith of
Forth. The earl's two younger brothers fled into Eng-
land after the ill success of the conspiracy, and were
protected by Elizabeth. James himself, though be
prudently concealed it, took great umbra^ at her
behaviour. None, however, of Elizabeth's intrigues in
Scotland tended to hurt the king's person, but only to
circumscribe bis authority, and to thwart his schemes.
His life was the surest safeguard of her own, and re-
strained the Popish pretenders to her crown, and their
abettors, from desperate attempts, to which their impa-
tience and bigotry might, otherwise, have ui^ed them,
on. To have encouraged Gowrie to murder his sove-
reign, would, on her part, have been an act of the ut-
most imprudence. Nor does this seem to have been
the intention of the two brothers. Mr. Ruthven, first
of all, endeavoui-ed to decoy the king to Perth, without
any attendants. When these proved more numerous
than was expected, the eatl employed a stratagem in
order to separate them from the king, by pretending
that he had rode away towards Falkland, and by calU'
r,on7<-i.i Google
jeOOvl BOOKVIIt. 217
iug hastily fdrthetr horses, that tbeyiiaight follow him.
By their shutting James up, meanwhile, in :a distaiit
comer of the house, and by attempting :to bind h^
hands, their designs seem to have been rather to aeia^
than to assassinate him. Though Gowrie had npt col-
lected his followers in such numbers as to have been
able to detain him long a prisoner, in that part of the
kingdom, by .open force, he might soon have been con-
veyed aboard the English ship, which waited, perhi^i
to receive him ; and he might have been landed at Fast-
castle, a house of Logan's, in which, according to many
obscure hints in his letters, some rendezvous of the codt
spiratoTB was to be held. Amidst the surprise and
terror into which the king must have been thrown by
the violence offered to him, it was extremely natural
for him to conclude that his life was sought. It was
the interest of all his followers to confirm him in this
belief, and to magnify his danger, in order to add .to
the importance and merit of their own services. Tlius
his fear, and their vanity, aided by the creduli^ and
wonder which the contemplation of any great and tra^
gical event, when not fully understood, is apt to inspire,
augmented the whole transaction. On the other hand,
the extravagance and improbability of the circumstances
which were added^ detracted from the credit of those
which really happened ; and even furnished pretences^
for calling in question the truth of the whole conspiracy.
Hin; dii- The account of what had happened at Perth.
,ci^"i * reached Edinburgh next morning. The privy-
Ev'ih?^ council commanded the ministers, of that city
k'ls- instantly to assemble their people ; and, after
relating to them the circumstances of the conspiracy
'formed against the king's life, to return public thanks to^
God for ihe protection which he had so visibly afforded
him. But as the first accounts transmitted to £idinburgh„
written in a hurry, and while the circumstances of the*
conspiracy were but imperfectly known, and the paa-
Cooglc
318 8G0TLAND. [leWK
sionsiriiich it excited strongly felt, were indistinct, ex-
l^^entted, and conlradictoiy, &e ministers laid hold of
&is ; and though they offered to give public thanks
to God for the king's -safety, they refused to enter
into any detail of particulars, or to utter from the
<jtair of truth what ^^)eared to be still dubious and
uncertain.
A few dajw after, the king returned to Edinburgh ;
and, though Galloway, the minister of his own chapel,
i^de a harangue to ihe people at the public cross, in
which he recited all die circumstances c^tiie conspiracy ;
llwu^ James himself in their hearing, confirmed his
aceount ; though he commanded a narratiTe of the
whole transaction to be jrablished ; the ministers of that
city, as well as many of their brethren, still continued
ittoiedulous and unconvinced. Their high esteem of
GoWfie, their jealousy of every part of the king's con-
duct, add6d to some false and many improbable circum-
stances in the narrative, not only led them to suspect die
whole, but gave their Auspicious an air of credibility.
But at length, the king, partly by arguments, partly by
threats, prevailed on all of them, except Mr. Robert
Bruce, to own that they Were convinced of the truth of
tiie conspiracy. He tsould be brought no farther than
to declare, that he reverenced the king's account of the
ttttn 6 action, but could not sa that he himself vvaa per-
suaded of the truth of it. The scruples or obstinacy
ef a single man would have been little regarded ; but
as the same spirit of incredulity began to spread among
the people, the example of one in so high reputation
for integtify and abilities, was extremely dangerous^
The king W&s at the utmost pains to convince and to
gain BruCe, but flndidg it impossible to i^move his'
doubts, he deprived him of his benefice, and after re-
peated delays, and many attempts towards a reconcile-
ment, banished him the kingdom.'
' A >Sp(Msw.461,&«. Cold. T. 507, &€.
Dgr 7.-1 -.;. Google
1600.] BOOK VIII. 319
Proceed- Tfas proceedingB of paiiieriaeitt were not re-
KS^"*"*' twded by aiijr scruples of thi$ sort. The dead
'om°k.^'" lio^i^ of the two toothers were prodaced there,
lora. according to law ; an indictment for high-trea-
son was preferred against them; witnesses were ex-
ftmined ; «ad, by a unanimons sestenfie, their «gt&tes feod
hononrs were forfeited ; the pum^mest due to traitors
was inflicted cm their de^ bodies ; and, aA if the pu-
nishment hitherto in nse did not express suSdent de-
te8tati(Hi of their .crimes, the pariiament enacted ^mt
&e surname of Rathven should be aboli^ed ; and, in
order to preserve the memory of the king's miraculous
escape, and to declare the sense which the nation had
of the divine goodness, to all tutnre «gcs, appcnnted the
Sth of Augurt to be observed annually, as a day of pub-
lic thanksgiving.'
■ A ftw weeks after fhe death of the two broUien, tbe king pofalisbed a ^xmiTit
_ lirfr etfa and nnnatitTat anupiraey aarinit hU life, bt Ste yew ■■— - "---
eati of Cioniirtie pnbliAed ut " Hntortral Account of the Co^ira
tflhttrtHt and nnnatitTat anupiraey aarinit hU life, bt ttte yen ITIS, Geotge
eatI of Cioniirtie pnbliAed ut " Hntortcal Account of the Co^iracT bj the E '
of Oowrie and Robert Logan of Reitahlg, againit King Jatoei Vl." He geens i
ta have aeen the account vhkh the king himjelf bad ^Ten of that iiialli>r, and bor-
nws tbe whole hUtorical part fiom Spodwood and odiei (nlhori ; but he baa ei-
tneted fram the pidilic reconh die depodllons of Ibe whnesiea produced bj tbe
king*! cooni^I, in order to make good (be charge against tbe two lirothers, and Logan
tb^ aasodate. From these two treatiies onr kDOwledge of all the mateihil circniD'
Hances of tbe coDspiracir is derired. The ertdence whidi they contain, one miuld
eipect to be authentic and decisive. An accoontof a fact <tin recent, pobliibed b;
niysil aathoritT, and tiie origraal depoiitions of penans examined in presence of the
bigheit court m the nation, oagbt to confey a degree of eridence seldom attained in
historical relationji, and to eiclnde aH remiiinSBg duul>t and uncertainty. But as
eierj thing with regard to this iranaaclion is dark and prolileniaticB!, tbe king's ac-
count and the depositions of the witnesses not only tary, hnt contradict each other
nl to many circumstances, that mnch room is still left for hesitation and historical
scepdcism. The testimony of Hendeison is the fullest and moit important, but in
iereral partieaiars the king's account and his are Contredictoty. I. According to the
king's account, ifhile Mr. RutbTen nas holding the dagger at his bteast, " tbe fet-
kiw in llie rindy stood quaking and trembling. IKic 17. But Heuderson lays,
that be himself wrested the dagger ont of Mr. Ruthren't hands. Disc. 53. Croni.
90. Henderson likewise bsasted to his wife, (hat he had that day twice sated the
Uag from being dabbed. Disc. Si. Croni. 53. II. Tbe king assetti that Hender-
son opened the window during Mr. Rnthven's absence. Disc. 23. Henderson de-
poses that he wai only attempting to open it when Mr. Rathven returned, and that
daring the straggle between (he king and him, he opened it Disc. 53, 54. Crom.
51, 53. III. n we may believe the king, the fellow in the study stood, during tbd
■tmggte, behind the kiug'abBi:k,iDactive and trembtingaUthetime. Disc.sr. Bnt
Henderson affiims, that ho snatched away the garter with which Mr. Bulhven at-
tempted to bind the king; that be pulled back Mr, Rnthven't hand, white he was
endeavDuring lo slop the king's mouth, and that he opened the window. Disc. 54.
Cmm. 5S. IV. By tbe kln^s account, Mr. RothveQ left him in tbe study, and
Irenl away hi order to meet with his brother, and the earl came up the stairs for Iha
same pnrponc. Disc. 33. Henderson deposes, tliat when Mr. Ruthven left the
/.oogle
.220 SCOTLAND. [1601.
;,g(,i_ Thougb Gowrie's conspiracy occasioned a
£•«<" sudden and a oreat-alann, it was followed by no
■Minit consequences of importance ; and having been
'" concerted by the two brothers, either without any
associates, -or with such as were unknown, the danger
was over as soon as discovered. But not long after, a
conspiracy broke out in England against Elizabeth',
which, though the first danger was instantly dispelled,
produced tragical effects, that rendered the close of that
■queen's reign dismal and unhappy. As James was
deeply interested in 'that -event, it merits our particulf^
notice.
)uag, "belielieTei thstta did not paw tram [be door." Crom. 61. It a appirent
botb tiom (he aituation of the houM, Bnd from otha circnmstsncei, (hat then cauU
not posiiblj have been aoj interriew between the brolhen i% thii time. Disc. 23. ^
HendenoD wm twice eiainined. firit at Fftlklaad before the priTv-eomicil in
August, and next at Edinbuigk befora the pailiaraeot in November. Not to nien-
tion some leiier variatiani between llieie depoiitiona, we ihalt point out two which
are remarkable. In hii first deposition, Mr. Henderson relates tbe nioit material
fiicumttance of the «bo1e in these vordii "Mr. Rnthven pulled out the deponent's
jdagger, and held the same lo his majesty's breaat, saying. Remenbrr yon ofvt^
fatktT*t murder i yoti shall iuhd die for it : and pointiaa to hit bighness's heart with
tiK dagger, the deponenl threw Aie ibiub out of Mr. Ruthren's hands, and swore,
as God shoald judge his soul, that if Mr. Ruthven had retained iLe dagger in his
hand, (he space a man may go aii slept, he woald hare stricken llie king to the
hilts with it. Disc. Si. But at his Kcondeiamination he Taried from this in two
material circumatancea. Ilrst, the words he at that dme pat in Mr. Ruthven'a oioulh
while he held the dagger at the king's breait are, " Sir, tjou niut bt my priuncr;
reiniinber oa mj fatluPi dtath." Secondly, when he threatened him with death, it
was only (o deter him from making any noise. " Hold war tongiu, or by Ckriit yoa
ihalt die." i. In bis ilrsl deposition, the itords of Mr. Ruthven, when he returned
to the chamber where he had left the king, are, '* Thtrt U no rimedy, bg God you niul
die." But in his second deposition, " By God (here is no remedy, and offered lo
bind his majesty's hands." Crom. £>l. Tbe material words you muM dig are omitted.
Ulie Hrsl deposition seems plainly to intimate that it was Ruthren's intention to
murder tbe king. The second would lead ns (o conclude that he had no other de-
sign than to detain him as a prisoner.
There are likewise soma remarkable contradictions in the testimonies of the other
witnesses. 1. In the diacourte puhliihed by autliority, it is inaimialeil that the tu-
miiltof the inhabitants was raised against the king, and that it required some art to
pacify them. Disc. 3S. The duke of Lennox confirms this in his deposition.
Crom. 44. An act of privy-coundl aumnioning the magistrates of Perth lo answer
for (bat riot it alill eitant. And yet Andrew Roy, one of the bailies of the town,
deposes, that he himself raised the people, and that they look arms in order to assist
tbe kiup. Crom. 66. 2. Henderson deposes,thatbe gave an eraiive answer to Mr.
John Moncrief, who inquired where lie had been thai morning,, because the eail had
commanded him not to let any man know that he had been at Falkland. Disc. 5A.
Monccief deposes to tbe same purpote. Crom. 64. And yet George Hay, after-
ward lord Kinnonl, and the diancelior of Scotland, and Peter Hay, depose, that the
earl, in their presence, asked Henderson, " Whom he found with the king at Falk-
landr Crom. 70^71. Which question eeema lo prove that he did not urn at
keeping that journey a B«ret In the collection of criminal (rials, pubhshed by
Mr. Arnot in 17S5, the evidence againat ilie two bruihert has been considered wiiU'
jieal alleaUon. P. 20, &c
DowcdDyGoOgIC
1601.] BOOK VIII. 221
■ The court of England was at this time divided be-
tween two powerful factions, which contended for the
supreme direction of affairs. The leader of the one
was Robert D'Evreux earl of Essex ; Sir Robert Cecil,
the son of lord-treasurer Burleigh, was at the head of
the other. The former was the most accomplished and
the most popular of all the English nobles ; brave, ge-
nerous, affable ; though impetuous, yet willing to listen
to the counsels of those whom "he loved; an avowed,
but not an implacable enemy; a friend no less con-
stant than warm ; incapable of disguising his own sen-
timents, or of misrepresenting those of others; better
fitted for a camp than for a court ; of a genius that
qualified him for the first place in the administration^
with a spirit which scorned the second as below his
merit. He was soon distinguished by the queen, who,
with a profusion uncommon to her, conferred on him,
even in his earliest youth, the highest honours. Nor .
did this diminish the esteem and affection of his coun-
trymen ; but, by a rare felicity, he was at once the fa-
vourite of his sovereign, and the darling of the people.
Cecil, on the other hand, educated in a court, and
trained under a father deeply skilled in all its arts,
was cra%, insinuating, industrious ; and though pos-
sessed of talents which fitted him for the highest of-
fices, he did not rely upon his merit alone for attaining
them, but availed himself of every advantage, which
his own address, or the mistakes of others, Ekfforded
him. Two such men were formed to be rivals and
enemies. Essex despised the arts of Cecil as low and
base. To Cecil, the earl's magnanimity appeared to
be presumption and folly. All the military men, ex-
cept Raleigh, favoured- Essex. Most of the courtiers
adhered to Cecil, whose manners more nearly resem-
bled their own.
' As Elizabeth advanced in years, the struggle between
these factions became more violent. Essex, in order
Google
SaS SCOTLAND. [100).
Hi»cor. *° Strengthen himself, had early courted the
Mipoaf- friend^ip of the king of Scots, for whose rigirt
Hu Scot- of succession he was a zealous advocate, find
^^ '^'* held a close correspondence both with him and
with his principal ministers. Cecil, devoted to the
queen alone,, rose daily to new honours, by the assi-
duity of his services, and the patience with which he
expected the reward of them ; while the earl's high
spirit and impetuosity sometimes exposed him to checks
from a mistress, who, though partial in her affection to-
wards him, could noteasily bear contradiction, and who
conferred favours oft«i unwillingly, and always slowly.
His own solicitations, however, seconded maliciously
by his enemies, who wished to remove him at a dis-
tance from court, advanced him to the command of the
army employed in Ireland against Tjrronue, and to the
office of lord-lieutenant of that kingdom, with a com-
mission almost unlimited. His success in that expedi-
tion did not equal either his own promises, or the ex-
pectations of Elizabeth. The queen, peevish from her
disappointment, and exasperated against Essex by the
artifices of his enemies, wrote him a harsh letter, full
of accusations and reproaches. These his impatient
spirit could not bear, and in the first transports of his
resentment, he proposed to carry over a part of his
army into England, and, by driving his enemies from
the queen's presence, to reinstate himself in favour and
in power. But, upon more mature thoughts, he aban-
doned this rash design, and setting sail with a few of-
ficers devoted to his, person, landed in England, and
posted directly to coart. Elizabeth received him with-
out any symptom either of affection or of displeasure^
By proper com[Jiances and acknowledgments, he might
have regained his former ascendant over the queen.
But he thought himself too deeply injured to submit
to these, Elizabeth, on the other hand, determined to
subdue his haughty temper ; and, though her severity
1661;] BOOK vni. 223
dfew from liim the most faumble letten, she confined
him to the lord-keeper's house> and appointed com-
mission's to try him, both for his conduct during his
government of Ireland, and for leaving that kingdom
without her permission. By their sentence, he was
suspended from all his offices, except that of master of
the horse, aod continued a prisoner during the queen's
pleasure. Satisfied with having mortified his pride
thus fax, Elizabeth did not suffer the sentence to be re*
corded, and soon after allowed him to retire to his owd
house. During diese transactions, which occupied se-
veral months, Essex fluctuated between the allegiance
he owed to his sovereign, and the desire of revenge ;
and sometimes leaned to the one, and sometimes to
the other. In one of the intervab, when the latter
prevailed, he sent a messenger into Scotland, to en-
courage the king to assert his own right to the succes-
sion by the force of arms, and to promise that, besides
the assistance of the eari and all his friends in E^-
land, lord Mountjoy, now lord-lieutenant of Ireland,
would join him with five thousand men, from that king-
, , dcHxt. But James did not choose to hazard the
cautious losing of a kingdom, ofwhich he was just about
"'" '"^ ' to obtain possession, by a pr^natore attempt to
seize it. Monn^oy, too, declined the enterprise, and
Essex adopted more dutiful schemes ; all thoughts of
ambition appearing to be totally effaced out of his
mind.
„ .,_, This moderation, which was merely die ef-
■ueiBpti feet of disgust and dtsappomtment, was not of
long continuance ; and the queen, having not
only refos^ to renew a lucrative grant, which she had
formerly bestowed, but even to admit him into her pre-
sence, diat new injury drove a temper, naturally impa-
tient, and now much fretted, to absolute despair. His
friends, instead of soothing his rage, or restraining his
impetuosity, added to both, by their imprudent and in-
terested zeal. After many anxious consultations, he
224 SCOTtAND. [1601.
deteriDined to attempt to redress his wrongs by vio-
lence. But being conscious how unpopular such an
enterprise would be, if it appeared to proceed from
motives of private revenge alone, he endeavoured to
give it the semblance of public utility, by mingling the
king of Scotland's interest with his own. He wrote to
James, that the faction which now predominated in the
English court had resolved to support the pretensions
of the infanta of Spain to the crown ; that the places
of the greatest importance in the kingdom were put
into the hands of bis avowed enemies ; and that unless
he sent ambassadors, without delay, to insist on the
immediate declaration of his right of succession, their
measures were so well concerted that all his hopes
would be desperate. James, who knew how disagree-
able such a proposal would be to the queen of Eng-
landj was not willing rashly to expose himself to her
displeasure. Essex, nevertheless, blinded by resent-
ment, and impatient for revenge, abandoned himself
to these passions, and acted like a man guided' by
frenzy or despair. - With two or three hundred fol-
lowers incompletely armed, he attempted to assault a
throne the best established in Europe. - Sallying at
their head out of his own house, he called on the citi-
zens of London, if they either valued his life, or wished
to preserve the kingdom from the dominion of the
Spaniards, to take arms, and to follow his standard.
He advanced towards the palace with an intention to
drive Cecil and his faction out of the queen's presence,
and to obtain a declaration of the Scottish king's right
of succession." But, though almost adored by the
citizens, not a man would join bim in this wild eater-
prise. Dispirited by their indifierence, deserted by
some' of his own attendants, and almost surrounded
by the troops which marched against him under dif-
ferent leaders into the city, he retreated to hts own
house ; and without any bold effort, suitable to his
>> Krch.Mtm. ii. 477.
1601.] BOOK VIII. 225
present condition, or worthy of his fomier reputation
for courage, he surrendered to his enemies.
As soon as James heard of Essex's ill success, he
appointed the earl of Mar, and Bruce, abbot of Kin-
loss, to repair as his ambassadors to the court of Eng-
land, The former of these was the person by whose
means Essex had carried on his correspondence with
the king. He was a passionate admirer of the earl's
character, and disposed to attempt every thing that
could conb'ibute to his safety. Bruce, united in a
' close friendship with Mar, was ready to second bim
with equal zeal. Nor was the purpose of the embassy
less friendly to Essex, than the choice of his ambassa-
dors ; they were commanded to solicit, in the warmest
manner, for the earl's life, and if they found that the
king, by avowing his friends, could either promote
their designs, or conti'ibute to their safety, they were
empowered to lay aside all disguise, and to promise
that he would put himself at their head, and claim
what was due to him by force of arms.'' But
' before the ambassadors could reach London,
Essex had suffered the punishment which he merited
by his treason. Perhaps the fear of their interposing,
in order to obtain his pardon, hastened his death.
Elizabeth continued, for some time, irresolute cod-
ceming his fate, and could not bring herself to con-
sign into the hands of the executioner, a man who had
once possessed her &Tour so entirely, without a pain-
ful struggle between her resentment against his late
misconduct, and her ancient affection towards him.
The distress to which she was now reduced^ tended
naturally to soften the former, while it revived the lat-
ter with new tenderness ; and the intercession of one
faithful friend, who had interest with the queen, might
perhaps have saved his life, and have procured him a
remission, which, of herself, she was ashamed to grant.
' Jobnit. >sg. Bircb, Men. ii. 510.
VOL. II. Q
r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google
226 SCOTLAND. [160!.
But this generous nobleman had at diat time no sach
friend. Elizabeth, solicited incessantly by her minis-
ters, and offended with the haughtiness of Essex, who,
as she imagined, scorned to sue for pardcm, at last
commanded the sentence to be put in execation. No
Sooner was the blow struck, than she repented of her
own rashness, and bewailed his death with the deepest
sorrow. James always considered him as one who had
fallen a martyr to his service, and, after fais accessitm
to the English throne, restored his son to hia honours,
as well as all his associates in the conspiracy, and dis-
tinguished them with his favour.*'
, The Scottish ambassadors, finding that tbey
conjinnej had arrived too late to execute the chief busi-
(ligncs in ness Committed to their Charge, not only con-
^^"^- cealed that part of their instructions with the
utmost care; but congratulated the queen, in their
master's name, on her happy escape from such an au-
dacious conspiracy. Elizabeth, though no stranger to
the king's correspondence with Essex, or to that noble-
man's intentions of asserting James's right to the crown,
was not willing that these should be known to the
people, and, for that reason, received the congratula-
tions of the Scottish ambassadors with all possible
marks of credit and good-will ; and in order to soothe
James, and to preserve the appearances of union be-
tween the two courts, increased the subsidy which she
paid him annually. The ambassadors resided for some'
time in England, and were employed with great suc-
cess, in renewing and extending the intrigues, whidi
Bruce had formerly entered into with the English no-
bles. As Elizabeth advanced in years, the English
turned their eyes more and more towards Scotland,
and were eager to prevent each other in courting the
favour of their future monarch. Assurances of attach-
ment, professions of regard, and promises of support,
' Camd. SpoUw, 464.
r,on7<-i.i Google
1601.] BOOK VIII. 227
were offered to James from every comer of the king-
dom. Cecil himself, perceiring what hopes Essex had
founded on the friendship of the Scottish king, and
what advantages he might have derived from it, thought
it prudent to stand do longer at a distance from a prince,
who might so soon become his master. But being sen-
sible at the same time how dangerous such an inter-
course might prove, under a mistress naturally jealous,
and whosejealousy grew stronger with old age; though
be entered into a correspondence with him, he carried
it on with all the secrecy and caution necessary in his
situation, and peculiar to his character.'* James having
gained the man whose opposition and influence he had
hitherto chiefly dreaded, waited, in perfect security,
till that event should happen which would open his
way to the throne of England.* It was with some dif-
ficulty that he restrained within proper bounds bis ad-
herents in that kingdom, who, labouring to distinguish
themselves by that officious zeal, with which a prince,
who has a near prospect of mounting the throne, is
always served, urged him to allow a motion to be made
in parliament for declaring his right of succession to
ihe crown. James prudentiy discouraged that design j
but it was with no small satisfaction that he observed
the ascendant he was acquiring in a court, the dictates
of which he had* been so long obliged to obey ; and
which had either prescribed or thwarted every step he
had taken during the whole course of his reign/
ifioj. Notwithstanding the violent struggles of the
to dii^M political factions which divided the court, and
u^mf" die fiwjuent revolutions which had happened
i See Appeaiii, No. IIII.
■ Dc, B!rch, in lui lih o( prince Henry, p. S3S, hu ^Tcn Mate account of the
nmterions mode in i>h!ch thii coneapoodence wm orried on, and how the lellen
were coDfejed from Loudon h> Dublin, and from thenoe to Scotland. Notwilfa-
ttinding the lolicitnde which Cecil repeatedly dijco»e" that hii letters should be
dettiayed u iocim ai the king had road then, a cmiiderable Buniber of them hu
been pre«er»ed, and published hy Sir DaTid Dalrynple in the year 1766. They
ware written by lord Henr; Haward, under the inspection of Cecil, in a style af-
fectedly obfcnre. The whole eon-eipondetice i> mora cnrioui than initrnctiTe.
' Spotaw. 167. 471. Birch, Mem. ii. 514.
Coogic
228. SCOTLAND: [lfi02,
there, since the king first took the reins of government
into his own hands, Scotland had enjoyed unusual
tranquillity, being undisturbed by any foreign enemy,
and free from any intestine commotion of long conti-
nuance. During this period, James endeavoured to civi-
lize the Highlands and the Isles, a part of his dominions
too much neglected by former monarchs, diough the
reformation of it was an object highly worthy of their
care. The long peace with England had afforded an
opportunity of subduing the licentious spirit of the
borderers, and of restraining their depredations, often
no less ruinous to their countrymen than to their ene-'
mies. The inhabitants of the low country began, gra-
dually, to forget the use of arms, and to become atten-
tive to the arts of peace. But the Highlanders, retain-
ing their natural fierceness, averse from labour, and
inured to rapine, infested their more industrious neigh-
bours by their continual incursions. James, being so-
licitous not only to repress their inroads, but to render
them useful subjects,' had at different times enacted
many wise laws extremely conducive to these ends.
All landlords, or chiefs of clans, were enjoined to permit
no persons to reside in their estates who could not find
sufficient surety for their good behaviour ; they were
required to make a list of all suspicious persons under
their jurisdiction, to bind themselves to deliver them
to justice, and to indemnify those who should suffer by
their robberies; and, in order to ascertain the faithful
performance of these articles, the chiefs themselves
were obliged to give hostages to the king, or to put
pledges in his hwids. Three towns, which might serve
as a retreat for the industrious, and a nursery for artg
and commerce, were appointed to be built in different
parts of the Highlands; one in Cantire, another in
Lochaber, and a third in the isle 'of Lewis ; and, in
order to draw, inhabitants thither, all the privileges of
( Basil. D«r. 139.
I J ,1,. Google
1602.] BOOK VIII. 229
royal boroughs were to be conferred upon them. Find-
ing it, however,to be no eaaymatter to inspirethe natives
of those countries- with the love of industry, a resolution
was taken to plant among them colonies of people from
the more industrious counties. The first experiment
was made on the isle of Lewis ; and as it was advaa-
tageously situated for the fishing trade, a source from
which Scotland ought naturally to derive great wealth,
the colony transported thither was drawn out of Fife,
the inhabitants of whicji were well skilled in that branch
of commerce; But before they had remained there long
enough to manifest the good effects of this institution,
the islanders, enraged at seeing their country occupied
by those intruders, took arms, and surprising them in
the night-time, murdered some of them, and compelled
the rest to abandon the settlement.* The king's atten-
tion being soon after turned to other objects, we hear
no more of this salutary project. Though James did
not pursue the design with that steady application and
perseverance, without which it is impossible. to change
the manners of a whole people, he had the glory, how-
ever, not only of having first conceived the thought, but
of having first pointed out the proper method of intro-
ducing the civil arts of life into that part of the island.""
Eii„. After having long enjoyed a good state of
^*^'J^J, health, the eflfect of a sound constitution, and
deaih. the reward of uncommon regularity and tem-
perance, Elizabeth began this winter to feel her vigour
decrease, and to be sensible of the infirmities of old
age. Having removed on a very stormy day from
1603. Westminster to Richmond, whither she was im-
im. 31. patient to retire, her complaints increased. She
had no formed fever ; her pulse was good -; but she ate
little and could not sleep. Her distemper seemed to
proceed from a deep melancholy, which appeared both
in her countenance and behaviour. She delighted in,
>■ F«ri. 1587. 16M. 1397. SpoUw. 468.
Google
230 SCOTLAND. [1603.
solitude, Bbe Bat constantly in the dark ; and was often
dFowned in tears.
No sooneriras the queen's indisposition known, than
persons of all ranks, and of all difTerent sects and par-
ties, redoubled their applications to the king of Scots,
and vied wilt each other in professions of attach-
ment to his person, and in promises of submission to
his government. Even some of Elizabeth's own ser-
vants, weaiy of the length of her reign, fond of novelty,
impatient to get rid of the burden of gratitude for past
benefits, and expecting to share in the liberality of a
new prince, began to desert her : and crowds of people
hurried towards Scotland, eager to pre-occupy the fa-
vour of the successor, or afraid of being too late in pay-
ing homage to him.
Meanwhile, the queen's disease increased, and her
melancholy appeared to be settled and incurable. Va-
rious conjectures were fonned cooceming the causes of
a disorder, from which she seemed to be exempted by
the nabiral cheerfulness of her temper. Some imputed
it to her being forced, contrary to her inclioation, to
pardon the earl of Tyronne, whose rebellion had for
many years created her much trouble. Othera ima-
gined that it arose from observing the ingratitude of
her courtiers, and the levity of het people, who beheld
her health declining with most indecent indifference,
and looked forward to the accession of the Scottish
king, with an impatience which they cduld not conceal.
The most common opinion, at that time, and perhaps
the most probable, was, that It flowed from grief for the
earl of Essex. She retained an extraordinary regard
for the memory of that unfortunate nobleman ; and
though she often complained of his obstinacy, seldom
mentioned his name without tears.' An accident h^-
pened soon after her retiring to Richmond, which re-
vived her affection with new tenderness, and imbittered
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
1603.] BOOK VIII. 231
her sorrows. The countess of Nottinghani, being on her
death-bed, desired to see the queen, in order to reveal
something to her, without discovering which, she could
not die in peace. When die queen came into her cham-
ber, she told her, that while Essex lay under sentence of
death, he was desirous of imploring pardon in the manner
which the queen herself had prescribed, by returning a
ring, which during the height of his fevour she had
given him, with a promise that if, in any future distress,
he sent that back to her as a token, it should entide him
to her protection ; that lady Scrope was the person he
intended to employ in order to present it ; that, by a
mistake, it was put into her hands instead of lady
Scrope's ; and, that she having communicated the mat-
ter to her husband, one of Essex's most implacable ene-
mies, he had forbid her either to carry the ring to the
queen, or to return it to the earl. The countess having
thus disclosed her secret, begged the queen's forgive-
ness: but Elizabeth, who now saw both the malice of
the earl's enemies, and how unjustly she had suspected
him of inflexible obstinacy, replied, " God may forgive
you, but I never can ;" and left the room in great emo-
tion.'' From that moment, her spirit sunk entirely ; she
cuuld scarce taste food ; she refused all the medicines
prescribed by her physicians ; declaring that she wished
to die, and would live no longer. No entreaty could
l> This anecdote concerning Elizabeth nw first pnblished b; Oiborae, Mem. of
Elix. p. 23 ; i> coafiinietl b; the teitimon; of De Maurier, Mem, SSO, and bj tbe
tiaditional evidence cf lady Eliubelb Spetman, published bj Dr. Birch, Negoc.
106. Camden meatioiu Ibe ijaeBn's grief for Essei > death as one of tbe canies of
her melancholy. Some origiuij papers remain, wbicb jh'otb [bat this vas commonly
bdicved at the lime. Birch, Mem. ii. 506. Euei, however, bad been beheaded
two jeais before her deadi, and there leems la have been oo other reason, but that
which we have assigned, *hi her gorrows should revive with so much violence at to
great a dittuAe of lime. As tbe death of the coouteti of Nottinghani happened
about a fortniglit before the queen's death, the coincidence of ^gc events, to-
gether with the otber evidence mentioned, adds so much probability to tite atorj re-
lated b; Osborne, as will entitle it to'a place in history. The only objection to tbe
account we have given of Elizabeth's atlachment lo Essex, aiisei from bor great age.
At the age of 6B, the amoions pasuons are commonly abundantly cool, and the vio-
lence of all the passions, eicept one, is much abated. Bnl the force of this objec-
tion is entirely lamoved by an author who has iltuatrated many passages in the
English History, and adoined mote. Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors,
Arlide Euti.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
232 SCOTLAND. [1603.
prevail on h^ to go to bed ; she sat od cushions, dur-
ing ten days and nights, pensive and silent, holdihg.her
finger almost continually in her mouth, with her eyes
open, and fixed on the ground. The only thing to
which she seemed to give any attention, was the acts
of devotion, performed in her apartment by the arch-
bishop of Canterbury ; and in these she joined with
great appearance of fervour. Wasted, at last, as well
by anguish of mind, as by long abstinence, she expired,
without a struggle, on Thursday, the 24th day of March,
in the seventieth year of her ^e, and in the forty-fifth
of her reign.'
Herch». Foreigners often accuse the English of indif-
'^""- fereuce and disrespect towards their princes ;
but without reason. No people are more grateful than
they to those monarchs who merit their gratitude. The
names of Edward III. and Henry V. are mentioned by
the English of this age with the same warmth as they
were by those who shared -in the blessings and splen-
dour of their reigns. The memory of Elizabeth is still
adored in England. The historians of that kingdom,
after celebrating her love, of her people ; her sagacity
in discerning their true interest; her steadiness in pur-
suing it ; her wisdom in the choice of her ministers ;
the glory she acquired by arms ; the tranquillity she
secured to her subjects ; and the increase of fame, of
riches, and of commerce, which were the fruits of all
these; justly rank her among the most illustrious
princes. Even the defects in her character, they observe,
were not of a kind pernicious to her people. Her ex-
cessive frugality was not accompanied with the love of
hoarding ; and, though it prevented some great under-
takings, and rendered the success of others incomplete,
it introduced economy ^nto her administration, and ex-
empted the nation from many burdens, which a monarch,
more profuse or more enterprising, must have imposed.
I Camd. Birch, Mem. ii. ,Wfi, Blrcb, Negoc. 206. Sujpe, ir, 373.
Google
1603.] BOOK VIII. 233
Her slowness in rewarding her servants sometimes dJ3-
couraged useful merit; but it prevented the undeserving
from acquiring power and wealth, to which they had
no title. Her extreme jealousy of those princes who
pretended to dispute her right to the crown, led her to
take such precautions, as tended no less to the public
safety, than to her own ; and to court the aCFections of
her people, as the firmest support of her throne. Such is
the picture which the English draw of this great queen.
Whoever undertakes to write the history of Scotland,
finds himself obliged, frequently, to view her in a very
diiferent, and in a less amiable light. Her authority in
that kingdom, during the greater part of her reign, was
.little inferior to that which she 'possessed in her own.
But this authority, acquired at first by a service of great
importance to the nation, she exercised in a manner
extremely pernicious to iU happiness. By her industry
in fomenting the rage of the two contending factions ;
by supplying the one with partial aid ; by feeding the
other with false hopes ; by balancing their power so
artfully, that each of them was able to distress, and
neither of them to subdue the other ; she rendered Scot-
land long the seat of discord, confusion, and bloodshed ;
and hercraftandintrigues,effecting what the valour ofher
ancestors could not accomplish, reduced that kingdom
to a state of dependence on England. The maxims of
policy, often little consonant to those of morality, may,
perhaps, justify this conduct. But no apology can be
offered, for her behaviour to queen Mary ; a scene of
dissimulation without necessity ; and of severity beyond
example. In almost all her other actions, Elizabeth is the
object of our highest admiration ; in this we must allow
that she not only laid aside the magnanimity which be-
came a queen, but the feelings natural to a woman.
JtjDKi pro- Though Elizabeth would never permit the
kin^f question concemidg the right of succession to
Kiigiapd. t]jg (.Yoy/n to be determined in parliament ; nor
,C.ooglc
S34 SCOTLAND. [1603.
declare her own sedtunentsconcUTiiDg a pointwhich she
wished to remain ao impenetrable mystery ; she had,
however, formed no design of excluding the Scottish
king from an inheritance to which his title was ua-
doTibted. A short time before her death, she broke the
silence which she had so long preserved on that sub-
ject, and told Cecil and the lord admiral, " That her
throne was the Ihrone of kings ; that she would have
no mean person to ascend it, and that her cousin the
king of Scots should be her successor." This she con-
firmed on her death-bed. As soon as she breathed her
last, the lords of the privy-council proclaimed James '
king of England. All the intrigues carried on by fo-
reigners in favour of the infanta, all the cabals formed
within the kingdom to support the titles of lady Ara-
bella and the earl of Hartford, disappeared in a moment';
the nobles and people, forgetting their ancient hostili-
ties with Scotland, and their aversion for the dominion
of strangers, testified their satisfaction with louder ac-
clamations than were usual at the accession of their
native princes. Amidst this tumult of joy, a motion
made by a few patriots, who proposed to prescribe some
conditions to the successor, and to exact from him tiie
redress of some grievances, before they called him to
the throne, was scarcely heard ; and Cecil, by stifling
it, added to his stock of merit with his new master. Sir
Charles Percy, brother of the earl of Northumberland,
and Thomas Somerset, the earl of Worcester's son, were
dispatched to Scotland, with a letter to the king, signed
by all the peers and privy-coimsellors then in London;
informing him of the queen's death, of his accession to
the throne, of their care to recognise his title, and of
the universal applause with which the public proclama^
tion of it had been attended. They made the ubnost
haste to deliver this welcome message ; but were pre-
vented by the zeal of Sir Robert Carey, lord Hunsdon's
youngest son, who, setting out a few hoars aiier Eliza-
Cooglc
1603.] BOOK VIII. 23S
beth's deadi, arrived at Edioliurgh oa Saturday night,
just as ike king bad gone to bed. He was immedi-
ately admitted into the royal apartment, and kneeling
by the king's bed, acquainted him with the death of
Elizabeth, saluted him king of England, Scotland,
France, and Ireland ; and as a token of the truth of the
intelligence which he brought, presented him a ring,
which his sister, lady Scrope, had taken irom the queen's
finger after her death. James heard him with a decent
composure. But as Carey was only a private messen-
ger, the information which he brought was not made
' public, and the king kept his apartment till the arrival
of Percy and Somerset Then his titles were solemnly
proclaimed ; and his own subjects expressed no less
joy, than the English, at this increase of his dignity.
As his presence was absolutely necessary in England,
where the people were extremely impatient to see their
new sovereign, he prepared to set out for that kingdom
without delay. He appointed his queen to follow him
within a few weeks. He committed the government of
Scotland to his privy-council. He intrusted the care
of his children to different noblemen. On the Sunday
before his departure, he repaired to die church of St. .
Giles, and after hearing a sermon, iq which the preacher
displayed the greatness of the divine goodness in rais-
ing him to the throne of such a powerful kingdom with~
out opposition or bloodshed, and exhorted him to ex-
press his gratitude, by promoting, to the utmost, the
happiness and prosperity of his subjects ; the king rose
up, and addressing himself to the people, made many
professions of unalterable affection towards them; pro-
mised to visit. Scotland frequently; assured them that
his Scottish subjects, notwithstanding his absence,
should feel that he was their native prince, no less
than when he resided among them ; and might still trust
that his ears should be always open to their petitions,
which he would answer with the alacrity and love of a
Google
236 SCOTLAND. [1603.
parent. - His words were often interrupted by the tears
of the whole audience ; who, though they exulted at
the king's prosperity, were melted into sorrow by these
tender declarations."
T»kE. poi- *^^ *^^ ^tt ^^ April he began his journey,
Kiiionof with a splendid, but- not a numerous train; and
the (hrone. •
next day he entered Berwick. Wherever he
came, immense multitudes were assembled to welcome
him ; and the principal persons in the different counties
through which he passed, displayed all their wealth
and m^fuificeDce in entertainments prepared for him
at their houses. Elizabeth had reigned so long in
England, that most of her subjects remembered no other
court but hers, and their notions of the manners and
decorums suitable to a prince were formed upon what
they had observed there. It was natural to apply this
standard to the behaviour and actions of their new
monarch, and to compare him, at first sight, with the
queen, on whose throne he was to be placed. James,
whose manners were extremely different from hers,
suffered by the comparison. He had not that flowing
affability, by which Elizabeth captivated the hearts of
her people ; and, though easy among a few whom he
loved, his indolence could not bear the fatigue of ren-
. dering himself agreeable to a mixed multitude. He
■was no less a stranger to that dignity with which Eliza-
beth tempered her familiarity. And, instead of that
well-judged frugality with which she conferred tides
of honour, he bestowed them with an undistinguishing
profusion, that rendered them no longer marks of dis-
tinction, or rewards of merit. But these were the re-
flections of the few alone ; the multitude continued
their acclamations; and, amidst these, James entered
London on the 7th of May, and took peaceable pos-
session of the throne of England.
Coociuiion. Thus were united two kingdoms, divided
■ "■ Spolsw, 47d.
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
1603.] BOOK Vni. 237
from the earliest accounts of time, but destined, by
their situation, to form (jne great monarchy. By this
junction of its whole native force, Great Britain hath
risen to an eminence and authority in Europe, which
England and Scotland, while separate, could never
have attained.
The Scots had so long considered their
the'l^oJn- monarchs as next heirs to the English throne,
^rutuiion that they had full leisure to reflect on all the
<^scoiiBnd consequences of their being advanced to that
MMijioni^ dignity. But, dazzled with the glory of giving
'"*' ' a sovereign to their powerful enemy, relying
on the partiality of their native prince, and in full ex-
pectation of sharing liberally in the wealth and honours
which he would now be able-to bestow, they attended
little to the most obvious consequences of that great
event, and rejoiced at his accession to the throne of
England, as if it had been no less beneficial to the
kingdom, than honourable to the king. They soon had
reason, however, to adopt very different sentiments; and
from that period we may date a total alteration in the
political constitution of Scotland.
The feudal aristocracy, which bad been subverted
in most nations of Europe by the policy of their princes,
or had been undermined by the progress of commerce,
still subsisted with full force in Scotland. Many causes
had contributed gradually to augment the power of the
Scottish nobles ; and even the Reformation, which, in
every other country where it prevailed, added to the
authority of the monarch, had increased their wealth
and influence. . A king possessed of a small revenue,
with a prerogative extremely limited, and unsupported
by a standing army, could not exercise much authority
over such potent subjects. He was obliged to govern
by expedients ; and the laws derived their force not
from his power to execute them, but from the voluntary
submission of the nobles. But though this produced
238 SCOTLAND,
a species of gOTemment extremely feeble and irrc^iilar ;
though Scotland, under the name, and with all the otit-
ward ensigns of a monarchy, was really subject to an
aristocracy, the people were not altogether unhappy ;
and, even in this wild form of a constitution, there were
principles which tended to their security and advantage.
The king, checked and overawed by the nobles, durst
venture upon no act of arbitrary power. The nobles,
jealous of the king, whose claims and pretensions were
many, though his power was small, were afraid of
irritating their dependants by unreasonable exactions,
and tempered the rigour of aristocratical tyranny, with
a mildness and equality to which it is naturally a
stranger. As long as the military genius of the feudal
government remained in vigour, the vassals both of the
crown and of the barons were generally not only free
. from oppression, but were courted by tbeir superiors,
whose power and importance were founded on their
attachment and love.
But, by his accession to the throne of England,
James acquired such an immense accession of wealth,
of power, and of splendour, that the nobles, astonished
and intimidated, thought' it vain to struggle for pri-
vileges which they were now unable to defend. Nor
was it from fear done that they submitted to the yoke;
James, partial to his conntrymen, and willing that they
should partake in his good fortune, loaded them witb
riches and honours; and the hope of his favour con-
curred with the dread of his power, in taming dieir
fierce and independent spirits. The will of the prince
became the supreme law in Scotland; and the nobles
strove, with emulation, who should most impiiciUy
obey commands which they had formerly been accus-
tomed to contemn. Satisfied with having subjected the
nobles to the crown, the king left them in full posses-
sion of their ancieat jurisdiction over their own vassals.
The extensive rights, vested in a feudal chief, became
in their hands dreadful instmments of oppressiou, and
the military ideas, on which these rights were founded,
being gradually lost or disreg^arded, nothing remained
to correct or to mitigate the rigour with which they
were exercised. The nobles, exhausting their fortunes
by the expense of frequent attendance upon the English
court, and by attempts to imitate the manners and
luxury of their more wealthy neighbours, multiplied
exactions upon the people, who durst hardly utter com-
plaints which they knew would never reach the ear
of their sovereign, nor move him to grant them any re-
dress. From the union of the crowns to the revolution
in 1688, Scotland was placed in a political situation,
of all others the most singular and the most unhappy;
subjected at once to the absolute wilL of a monarch,
and to the oppressive jurisdiction of an aristocracy, it
suffered all the miseries peculiar to both these forms of
government. Its kings were despotic; its nobles were
slaves and tyrants; and the people groaned under the
rigorous domination of both.
During this period, the nobles, it is true, made one
effort to shake off the yoke, and to regain their ancient
independence. After the death of James, the Scottish
nation was no longer viewed by our monarchs with
any partial affection. Charles I., educated among the
English, discovered no peculiar attachment to the king-
dom of which he was a native. The nobles, perceiv-
ing the sceptre to be now in hands less friendly, and
swayed by a prince with whom they had little con-
nexion, and over whose counsels they had little influence,
no longer submitted with the same implicit obedience.
Provoked by some encroachments of the king on their
order, and apprehensive of others, the remains of their
ancient spirit began to appear. They complained and
remonstrated. The people being, at the same time,
violently disgusted at the innovations in religion, the
nobles secretly heightened this disgust; and their arti-
240 SCOTLAND.
fices, together with the ill-conduct of the court, raised
such a spirit, that the whole nation took arms against
their sovereign, with a union and animosity of which
there had formerly been no example. Charles brought
against them the forces of England, and, notwithstand-
ing their own union, and the zeal of the people, the
nobles must have sunk in the struggle. But the dis-
affection which was growing among his English sub-
jects prevented the king from acting with vigour. A
civil war broke out in both kingdoms; and after many
batdes and revolutions, which are well known, the
Scottish nobles, who first begaji the war, were involved
in the same ruin with the throne. At the restoratiou,
Charles II. regained fiiU possession of the royal pre-
rogative in Scotland; and the nobles, whose estates
were wasted, or their spirit broken, by the calamities to
which they had been exposed, were less able and less
willing than ever to resist the power of the crown.
During his reign, and that of James VII. the dictates
of the monarch were received in Scotland with the most
abject submission. The poverty to which many of the
nobles were reduced, rendered them meaner slaves and
more intolerable tyrants than ever. The people, always
neglected, were now odious, and loaded with every
injury, on- account of their attachment to religious
and political principles, extremely repugnant to those
adopted by their princes.
The revolution intrtiduced other maxims into the
government of Scotland. To increase the authority of
the prince, or to secure the privileges of the nobles, had
hitherto been almost the sole object of our laws. The
rights of the people were hardly ever mentioned, were
disregarded, or unknown. Attention began, hencefor-
ward, to be paid to the welfare of the people. By the
ciaim of right, their liberties were secured ; Mid the
number of their representatives being increased, they
gradually acquired new weight and consideration in-
BOOK Till. 241
paHiuaant. Aa th^ came to esgoy more security, and
greater power, their minds began to open, and to fona
more extensive plans of ccmamerce, of industry, and of
police. But the aristocratical spirit, which still pre-
dominated, together with many other acoid^ts, retarded
the improvement and happiness of the natitfn.
Another great event completed what the Revolution
had began. The political power of the nobles, already
broken by the union of the two crowns, was almost
annihilated by the union of the two kingdoms. Instead
of making a part, as formerly, of the supreme assembly
of the nation, instead of bearing the most considerable
sway there, the peers of Scotland are admitted into the
British parliament by their represHitatJTes only, and
form but an inconsiderable part of one of those bodies
in which the legislative authority is vested . They them-
selves are excluded absolutely irom l^e house of eoiQ-
mons, and even their eldest sons are not permitted to
represent their countrymen in that august assemUy.
Nor have their feudal privileges remained, to compen-
sate for this extinction of their poUtioal authority. As
commerce advanced in its progress, and government
attained nearer to perfection,' these were insensibly cir-
cnnutcribed, and at last, by laws bo less satutaiy to the
public ikaa &tal to the nobles, they have be»i almost
totally abolished. As the nobles w»e deprived of power,
the people acquired liberty. Elxempted &om burdens,
to which they were fiarmerly subject, screened frcon op-
pression to which they had been Itmg eaposed, and
adopted iqto a cgnstituticm, whose genius and laws
were more liberal than their own, they have extended
their commerce, refined their manners, made imp^ve-r
ments in the elegances of life, and cultivated the arts
and sciences.
This surv^ of the political state of Scotland, in
which ev^ts and their causes have been mentioned
rather tiian developed, enables us to point out three
VOL. ir. R
24S SCOTLAND.
eras, from eackof which we may date some great altera-
tion in one or other of the' three different members of
which the supreme legislative assembly in our constitu-
tion is composed,' At their accession to the throne of
England, the kings of Scotland, once the most liraiited,
became, .iA an instant, the most absolute princes in
Kurope,:and exercised a despotic authcAity, which their
parliaments were unable to control; or their' nobles to
Tesist*; At- the umm of the, two kingdoms, the feudal
aristocracy, which had. subsisted so many ages, and
with power so exorbitant, was overturned, and the
Scottish nobles, having surrendered rights and pre-
eminences peculiar to their order, reduced themselves
to a condition, which is no longer the terror and envy
of other subjects. Since the union, the commons, an-
ciently neglected by their kings, and seldom courted
by the nobles, have emerged into dignity ; and, being
admitted to a participation of all the privil^;es which
the! English had purchased at the expense of so much
blood, must now be deemed a body not less consider-
able in the one kii^om, than they have long been in
the other.
The church felt the effects of the absolute power
which the king acquired by his accession ; and its re-
volutions, too, are worthy of notice. James, during
the latter years of his administration in Scotland, had
^vived the name and office of bishops. But they pos-
sessed ho ecclesiastical jurisdiction or pre-eminence ;
their revenues were inconsiderable, and thejr were
scarcely distinguished by any thing but by their seat
in parUament, and by being the object of the clergy's
jealousy, and the people's hatred. The king, delighted
with the splendour and authority which the English
bishops enjoyed, and eager to effect a union in the
ecclesiastical policy, which he had, in vain, attempted
in &e civil govemment^of the two kingdoms, resolved
to bring both churches to an. exact conformity with
Google
BOOK VIII. 243
each other. . Three. Scotsmea were cdnsec'rated 'bishops
at London. !Froni them their, brethren were com-
manded to receive orders. Ceremonies unknown in
Scotland ' were imposed ; and though the clergy, less
obsequious than the nobles, boldly opposed these inno-
vaticms, James^ long practised and well^skilled in the
arts of managing them, obtained at length their .com-
pliance. But Charles I., a superstitious prince, unac-
quainted with £he genius of the Scots, imprudent and
precipitant in all the measures he pursued in that king-
dom, pressing too eagerly the reception of the English
liturgy, and indiscreetly attempting a resumption of
church lands, kindled the flames of civil war ; andthe
people being leil at liberty to indulge their own wishes,
the episcopal church was overturned, and the.presby-<
terian government and discipline were re-established
with new vigour. Together with monarchy, episcopacy
was restored in Scotland. A form of government, so
odious to the people, required force to uphold it ;, an^
though not only the whole rigour of authority, tut ail.
the barbarity of persecution, were employed in its
support, the! aversion of the nation was insurmountable,
and it subsisted with difficulty.. At the Revolution, the
inclinations of the people were thought worthy the at-
tention of the legislature, the presbyterian government
was again established, and, being ratified by the union,
is still maintained in the kingdom.
Nor did the influence of the accession extend to the
civil and ecclesiastical constitutions alone ; the genius
of the nation, its taste and spirit, things of a nature
still more delicate, were sensibly aflected by that event.
When learning revived -in the fltieenth and sixteenth
centuries, all the modem languages were in a state ex-
tremely barbarous, devoid of elegance, of vigour, and
even of perspicuity. No author thought of writing in
language so ill adapted to express and embellish his
sentiiQents, or of erecting a work for immortality with
11 2
S44 SCOTLAND,
such nidfe and perish^le materials. As the spirit, whidi
preratled at (hat time, did not owe its rise to aoy ori-
ginal effort of the human mind, but iras excited chii^y
by admiration of the ancients, which begaa then to be
studied with attention in every part of Europe, Iheir
compositions were deemed not only the standards of
taste and of sentiment, but of style ; fuid eren the lan-
gua^ in which they wrote were liiought to be pecu-
liar, and almost consecrated to learning and the muses.
Not only the manner of die ancients was imitated, but
their language was adopted ; and extravagant as the
attempt may appear to write in a dead tongue, in which
men were not accustomed to think, and which they
could not speak, or even pnmouuce, the success of it
was astonishing. As they formed their style upon the
purest models; as they were uninfected with those
bariuirisms, which die inaccuracy of familiar conversa-
tion, &e ^ectation of courts, intercourse with strangers,
and a diousand other causes, introduce into living lan-
guages ; many moderns have attained to a degree of
elegance in their Lalin compositions, which the Romans
themselves scarce possessed beyond the limits of th«
Augustan age. While this was almost the only species
of composition, and all authors, by using one common
language, could be brought to a nearer comparison, the
Scottish writers were not inferior to those of any otter
nation. The happy genius of Buchanan, equally formed
to excd in prose and in verse, more various, more ori-
grnal, and more elegimt, than that of fdmoat any otibet
modem who writes in Latin, reflects, with regard to
this particular, Ae greatest lustre on his country.
But the labour attending the study of a dead tongue
was it^ome ; the unequal return for their industry
which authors met ■wiih, who coidd be read and ad-
mired only withm ^e narrow circle ctf the learned, was
mortifying ; and men, instead of wasting half their lives
in learning the language of the Romans, began to re-^
I ,C.oog[c
BOOK VIII. 245
fine and to polish their own. Ilie moduli toogues
were found to be susceptible of beauties and graces,
which, if not equal to those of the ancient ones, were
at least more attainable. The Italians having first set
the example, Latin was no longer used in works of
taste ; it was confined to boohs of scieaice ; and tlie
politer nations have banished it even from tiiese. The
Scots, we may presume, would have had no cause to
regret this change in the public taste, and would still
have been able to maintain some equality with other
nations, in their pursuit of literary honour. The English
and ScoUish languages, derived from the same sources,
were, at the end of the sixteenth century, in a state
nearly similar, differing from one another somewhat in
orthc^aphy, though not only Hue words, but the idioms,
were much the same. The letters of several Scottish
statesmen of that age are not ipferior in elegance, or in
puri^, to those of the English ministers with whom
they conesponded. James himself was master of a
style fax from contemptible ; and by his example and
encouragement, the Scottish language might have kept
pace with the Ei^lish in refinement Scotland might
have had a series of authors in its own, as well as in
the Latin language, to boast of ; and the improvem^its
in taste, in the arts, and in the sciences, which spread
over the other polished nations of Europe, would not
have been unknown there.
But, at the very time when other nations were be-
ginning to drop the use of Latin in works of taste, and
to make trial of the strragth and compass of their own
languages, Scotland ceased to be a kingdom. The
transports of joy, which the accession' at first occa-
8ioned> were soon over ; and the Scots, being at once
deprived of all the objects that refine or animate a
people I of the presence of their prince, of the con-
course of nobles, of the splendour and elegance of a
court, a universal dejection of spirit seems to have
Google
246 SCOTLAND.
seized the nation, : The cotirt being 'Withdrawn, no do-
mestic standard of prbprie^ and coTtectness of speech
remained ; the few compositions' that Scotland pro-
duced were tried by the English standard,. and every
wordior phrase -that varied in .the least from that, was
condemned as barbaious ; whereas, if the two nations
had continued distinct, each might have retained idioms
and fOTms of speech peculiar to itself; and these, ren-
dered fashionable by the ezampleof a court, and sup-
ported "by the' authority of writers of- reputation, might
have been viewed -in the same light with the varieties
occasioned by ithe -different -dialects in the -Greek
tongue; they even- might .have been considered as
beauties; and, in many cases, might have -been used
promiscuously by the authors of both nations. But, by
the accession, the English naturally became the sole
judges and lawgivers in language; and rejected as
solecisms every- form of speech to which their ear-was
not accustomed. .Nor did the Scots, while the inter-
course between the two nations was inconsiderable;''
and ancient prejudices were still soviolent as topre-
vent imitation, possess the means of ^fining their own
tongue according to the purity of the English standard.
On the contrary, new corruptions flowed into it from
every different source. The clergy of Scotland, in that
age, were more eniinent for piety than for learning;
and though there did not arise many authors among
them, yet being: in possession of the privilege of dis-
coursing .pubKcly to the people; and their sermons be-
ing too long, and perhaps too frequent, such hasty pro--
■ A tetnatkibU pmof of the little interconne between the Eugliih aad Scoli
bcrore the omon af thj ciowiia, ig to be fanud ia two ouciuni papers, one pnbliibed
b^ Hayoei, the other by Stijpe, la the jear l.WJ", Elizabeth commancled tho
bisbop of London to take a turvej of all the ttiangeis within the cities of Londott
and Weitmituler. By. this report, which ia very minute, it appeal^ that the vfaole
namber of Scats at that time «as Efty-eight. Haynei, 455. A survey of the satiK
kiod WBi.niade bySirThomu Row, lord-miyor, A. D. 156B. . The Dumber of Scot*
liad theaincreRsedta'eighty-e)ght.'Strype,iT. Snpplemcni, No.I. On the aceeaaion
of Junes, a connderlibte number of Scots, especiillj of the liighei rank, retflrted tit
Ea^and; bat it was not till Ibe anion that tbe inleicDDne between the two kingdom*
becatnagrMt.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
ductions could not be elegant, and many slovenly and
incorrect modes of expression may be traced back to
that original. The pleadings of lawyers were equally
loose and inaccurate,:andUiat profession having fur-
nished more authors; and the matters of which they
treat mingling daily in common discourse and business,
many of those vicious formsof speech, which, are de-
nominated Scstticisms, have been introduced by them
into the language. Nor iKd either the langu^^ior
public taste receive any improvement in parliament,
where a more liberal and more correct eloquence might
have been expected. All business was transacted there
by the lords of articles, and they were so servilely' de-
voted to the court, that few debates arose, and, prioi
to the Revolution, none were conducted with the spirit
and vi^ur natural to a popular assembly.
Thus, during the whole seventeenth century, the Eng-
lish were gradually refining their language and their
taste; in. Scotland the former was much deba8ed,-and
the latter almost entirely lost. In the beginning of that
period, both nations were emerging out of barbarity ;
but the distance between them, which was then incon-
siderable, became, before the end of it, immense. Even
after science had once dawned upon them, the Scots
seemed to be sinking back into ignorance and obscu-
rity ; and active and intelligent as they naturally are,
they continued, while other nations were eager in the
pursuit of feme and knowledge, in a state of languor.
This, however, must be imputed to the unhappiness of
their political situation, not to any defect of genius;
for no sooner was the one removed in any degree, than
the other beg^ to display itself The act Polishing
the power of the lords of articles, and other salutary
laws passed at the Revolution, having introduced free-
dom of debate into the Scottish parliament, eloquence,
with all the arts that accompany or perfect it, became
immediate objects of attention; and the example of
Do,:,7.dDyGoOglc
348 SCOTLAND.
Fletcher of Salton aloae is snfficieot to shew that the
Scots Were atill cnpuble of generoua sentimeiits, and,
notwithstanding some peculiar idioms, were able to
express themselves with enei^ and with elegance.
At leiig;th the union having incorporated the two
nations, &nd rendered them one people, the distinctions
irikich hod Bubrailed Bit many ages gradually wear
away; peoaliarities disappear; the same maimers pre-
ndl m bodt parts of the island ; the same authors are
read and admired; the same entertainments are fre-
quented by the elegant and polite; and the same
stamdard of taste and of purity in language, is est«^
Mished. The Scots, afiber being placed, during a whtde
eentnry, in a situation no le^ fatal to the liberty than
to the tute and genius of the nation, were at once put
in possession of privileges more valuable than those
which their ancestors had formerly enjoyed ; and every
obstruction that had retarded their pursuit, or prevented
dieir acquisiticm, of Uteraiy &me, was totally removed.
r,on7<-i.i Google
CRITICAL DISSERTATION
THE MURDER OF KING HENRY,
THE GENUINENESS OF THE QUEEN'S LETTERS
TO BOTHWELL.
It is not my intention to engage in all the controversies
to which the murder of king Henry, or the letters from
queen Mary to Bodiwell, have given rise ; far less to
appear as an adversary to any particular author, who
hadi treated of them. To repeat and to expose all the
ill-lbunded assertions, witli regard to these points, which
Imve flowed from int^tention, from prejudice, from par-
tiality, from malevolence, and from dishonesty, would
be no less irksome to myself, than unacceptable to most
of my readers. All I propose is, to assist others in
forming some judgment concerning the facts in dispute,
by stating the proo& produced on each side, with as
much brevity as the case wUl admit, and with the same
attention and impartiality which I have endeavoured to
exercise in examining othenr controverted points in the
Scottish history.
In order to account for the king's murder, two dif-
ferent «yBtems have been formed, llie one supposes
Bothweli to have contrived and executed this crime.
The other imputes it to the etuis of Murray, Morton,
1^ their party.
The decision of many controverted &cts in history,
is a matter rather of curiosity than of use. They stand
detached; and whatever we determine with regard to
Google
250 DISSERTATION ON
them, the fabric of the stoiy remains untouched. But
the fact under dispute in this place is a fundamental
and essential one, and according to the opimon which
an historian adopts with regard to it, he must vary and
dispose the whole of his subsequent narration. An
historical system may be tried in two different ways,
whether it be consistent with probability, and whether
it be supported by proper evidence.
Those who charge the king's murder upon Bothwell,
argue in the following manner ; and, though their rea-
sonings have been mentioned already in different parts
of the narrative, it is necessary to repeat them here.
Mary's love for Damley, say they, was a sudden and
youtbful passion. The beauty pf his person, set off by
some. external frivolous accomplishments, washis.chief
merit,- and gained her affections. His capricious temper
aoon.raised inthe, queen a disgust, whidibroke.out on
different occasions. His engaging in the' conspiracy
against Rizio; converted this disgust into an antipathy,
which she was at no pains to conceal. This .bteac.h was,
perhaps in its own nature irreparable,; the,fciqg;cer-
tainly. wanted that art and. condescension; which alone
c6uld haye repaired it. , It wid^ed every day, and, a
.deep and settled hatred effaced all remains, of affection.
Bpthwell observed this^'and was promptedjby ambition,
and peifhapS.by love, to found upou it a scheme, which
proved fatal both to the queen and, to himself. . He had
served Mary at different times with fidelity and success.
He insinuated himself into her favour,, by address,and
by flattery. By degrees he gained. her heart. In order
to gratify his love, or atJeast his ambition, it was ne-
cessary; to get rid of the king. Mary had rejected the
proposal which, it is said,liad been made to her for ob-
taining a divorce. The king was equally hated by the
partisans of the house of Hamilton, a considerable party
in the kingdom ; by Murray, one of the most pow;erful
^nd popular persons in his country ; by Morton and bis
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 251
associates, whomhe had deceived, and whom Bothwell
had bound to his interest by a recent favour. Among
the people Damley was fallen under extreme contempt.
Bothwell might expect, for all these reasons, that the
murder of the king wo\ild pass without any inquiry, and
might trust to Mary's love, and to his own addressand
good fortune, for the accomplishment of the rest of his
wishes. What Bothwell expected really came to pass.
Mary, if ikot privy herself to the design, connived at an
action which rid her of a man whom she had such good
reason to detest. A few months after the murder of her
husband, she married the person who was both'auspeeted
and accused of having perpetrated that odious crime. < . ;
Those who charge the guilt upon Murray and his
part^, retnoQ in this manner: Murray, they say, was a
man of boui<Jless ambition. Notwithstanding the ille-.
gitimacy of hi*. birth, he had early formed a design of
usurping the crovn; On the queen's return into Scot-
land, he insinuate^ himself into her fevour, and en-
grossed the whole pi?*ei' into Vi^ own hands. He set
himself against every proposal of carriage which .was'
made to her, lest his own chance 61 succeeding to the.
crown should be destroyed. Hehatbfit)anUey, and>
was no less hated by him. - In order to bt revenged
on him, he entered into a- sudden friendship wili Bothr
well, his ancient and mortal enemy. He eniteq.Qg^d
him to assassinate Henry, by giving him hopes of 'DB»ry_
ing the queen. All this was done with a design --^
throw upon the queen herself the imputation of being
accessary to the murder, and, under thftt pretext, to de-
stroy Bothwell, to depose and imprison her, and to seize
the sceptre which he had wrested out of her hands.
The former of these systems has an aif of probability,
is consistent with itself, and solves appear^ances. In the
latter, some assertions are ^se, some links are wanting
in the chain, and effects appear, of which no sufficient
cause is produced. Murray, on the queen's return into
r,on7<-i.i Google
252 DISSERTATION ON
Scotland, served her with great fidelity, and by his pru-
dent administration rendered her so popular, and so
powerful, as enabled her with ease to quash a formid-
able insurrection raised by the party of which he was
the leader in the year 1565. What motive could in-
duce Murray to murder a prince without capacity, with-
out followers, without influence over the nobles, whom
the queen,by her n^Iect, had reduced to the lowest state
of contempt, and who, after along disgrace, had regained
(according to the most fevourable supposition) the pre-
carious possession of her favour only a few days before
his death ? It is difficult to conceive what Murray had
to fear from the king's life. It is still a more difficult
matter to guess what he could gain by his desih. If
we suppose that the queen had no previous a^achment
to Bothwell, nothing can appear more chi««rical than
a scheme to persuade her to marry a m*"i whose wife
was still alive, and who was not onV suspected, but
accused, of murdering he^ former Msband. But that
such a scheme should ^eally succeed is still more ex-
traordinary. — If M'^'^y ^ad instigated Bothwell to
commit the crioi» °^ ^^^ himself been accessary to the
commission of'^' what hopes were there that Bothwell
would silep^/ ^^^ fron* a- fellow-criminal all the pro-
secution?'''^^*^^ ^^ suffered, without ever retorting upon
jdim ^ accusation, or revealing the whole scene of ini-
qvijt»f An ancient and deadly feud had subsisted be-
j^en Murray and Bothwell ; the queen with difficulty
i^d brought them to some terms of agreement. But, is
' it probable, that Murray would choose an enemy, to
whom he had been so lately reconciled, for his confi-
dant in the commission of such an atrocious crime ? Or,
on the other hand, would it ever enter into the imagina-
tion of a wise man^ first to raise his rival to supreme
power, in hopes that afterward he might render him
odious, by accusing him of crimes which he had not
committed, and, in coasequeace of this unjust charge,
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
KING HENRT'S MURDER, &c. 253
should be enabled to deprive liim of that power? The
most adventurous politician never hazturded such a dan-
gerous experiment. The most credulous folly never
trusted such an uncertain chance.
How strong soever these general reasonings may ap-
pear to be, it is not upon them alone that we must decide,
but according to the particular evidence that is pro-
duced. This we now proceed to examine.
That Bothwell was guilty of the king's murder, sp-
pears, 1 , From the concurring testimony of all the con-
temporary historians. 2. From the confession of those
persons who suffered for assisting at the commission of
the crime, and who entered into a minute detail of all
its circumstances. Anders, ii. 165. 3. From the ac-
knowledgment of Mary's own commissioners, who allow
Bothwell to have been one of those who were guilty of
this crime. Good. ii. 213. 4. From the express testi-
mony of Lesly bishop of Ross, to the same effect with
the former. Def. of Q. Mary's Hon. And. i. 76. Id. iii.
p. 31. fi. Morton, at his death, declared that Bothwell
had solicited him, at different limes, to concur in the
conspiracy formed against the life of the king ; and that
he was informed by Archibald Douglas, one of the con-
spirators, that Bothwell was present at the murder.
Crawf. Mem. App. 4. The letter from Douglas to the
queen, which I have published in the Appendix, Vol.
n. No. XLVII., confirms Morton's testimony. 6. Ix>rd
Herriee promises, in his own name, and in the name of
die nobles who adhered to the queen, that they would
concur in puaishing Bothwell as the murderer of the
king. Append. Vol. II. No. XXIV.
The most direct charge ever brought against Mur-
ray is in these words of bishop Lesly : " Is it unknown,"
addressing himself to the earl of Murray, " what the
lord Herries said to your face openly, even at your
own table, a few days alter the murder was committed?
Did he not charge you with the foreknowledge of the
v~.ooij[e
264 ■■'■' DISSERTATION ON
same murder ? Did he jiot, nulla circutiom itsus, 'flatly
and plainly Taxirden you, that riding in Fife, and com-
ing with one of your moat assured, and trusty servants
the same day whereon you departed firom Edinburgh,
said. to him, among other talk. This night, ere morn-
ing, lord Damley shall lose his life ?" Defence of Q.
Mary, Anders, ii.. 75. But' the assertion of a man so
heated with faotioa as Lesly, unless it were supported
by~ pH^er evidence,' is of litde .weight. The servant to
whom Murray is said to have spoken these words, is
not named; nor the.manner in which this secret con-
versation was brought to light mentioned. Lord Her-
ries was one of the most zealous advocates for Mary,
and it is remaikable that, in all his negotiations at the
court of England, he never once repeated this accusa-
tion of Murray. In answering the challenge given
him by lord Lindsay, Herries had, a fair opportunity
of mentioning Murray's knowledge of the murder ; but
though he openly, accuses' of that crime some of those
who adhered' to Murray,' he indnstriously^ avoids any
insinuation against. Murray hunself. Keith, Pref. xii,
Mary herself, in conversation with Six Francis Knolles,
accused Morton and Maitland. of being privy to tiie
murder; but does not mention Murray. ' And. iv. 56.
Whenthe bishop of Ross and lord Herries appeared
before 'the English council, January 11, 1569, they de-
clared'themselves retidy, in obedience to .the.queen's
command, to accuse Murray and his associates of being
accessary to the murder, but " they being also required,
whether- they, or any of them, as of themselves, ■ would
accuse the said earl in special, .or any of his adherents,
or thought. them guilty thereof,'' they answered, " that
they took God to witness that. none of them did ever
know anything of the^ conspiracy ;of that murder, or
were in counsel and foreknowledge thereof; neither
who were devisors, inventors, and executqrs.' of the
same, till it was publicly 'discovered long- tiiereafter
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 255
by some of the assassins, who suffered deadi on that
account." Good. ii. 308. These words are taken out
of a raster kept by Ross and Hemes themselves, and
seem to be a direct confutation of the bishop's assertion.
■ The earls of Huntly and Argyle, in their^Protestation
touching the murder of the King -of Scots, after men-
tioning the coiiferenoe at Craigmillar concerning a di-
vorce, add, " So after these premises, the murder of
&e king following, we judge, in our conscience8,and
hold for certain and truth, that the earl of Murray and
secretary Lethington were authors, inventors, counsel-
lors, and causers of the same murder, in what manner,
or by whatsoever persons the same was executed."
Anders, iv. 188. But, 1. This is nothing more than
the. private opinion or personal' affirmation of these two'
noblemen. 2. The conclusion which they make has
no connexion with the prembes on which they found
it. Because Murray proposed to obtain for the queen
a divorce from her husband with, her own consent, it
does not follow that therefore he conimitted the mur->
der without her knowledge^ 3. Huritly and Argyle
were at that time the leaders of that party opposite to
Murray, and animated with all the rage of faction.
A. Both of, them were Murray's personal enemies^
Huntly, on account of the treatment which his family
and clan had received Irotn that nobleman. Argyle
was desirous of being divorced from his. wife, with
whom he lived on no good termsj Knox, 328, and by
whom he had no children. Crawf. Peer.. 19. She was
Murray's sister, and by his interest Argyle's design was
obstmcted. Keith, 551. These circumstances would
go ki towards invalidating a positive testimcmy ; they
more thancountcEbalance an indeterminate suspicion.
5. It is altogether uncertain whether Huntly and Ar-
gyle ever subscribed this protestation. A copy of such
a protestation as the queen thought would be of ad-
vantage to her cause, was transmitted to them by her.,
r,on7<-i.i Google
256 DISSERTATION ON
Anders, iv. b. ii. 186. The protestetioQ itaeUV pub-
lished by Anderson, is taken from an unsub8crU>ed
copy, with blanks for tbe date and place of subscrib-
ing. On the back of this copy, there is pasted, in-
deed, a paper, which Cecil has marked, " Answer of
the Earl of Murray to a writing of the Earls of HunUy
and Argyle." Anders. 194, 195. But it can hardly
be deemed a reply to the above-mentioned protests-
tion. Murray's answer bears date at London, Jan. 19,
1568. The queen's letter, in which she enclosed the
copy of the protestation, bears date at Bowton, Jan. 5,
1568. Now it is scarce to be supposed that Ihe copy
could be sent into Scotland, be subscribed by the two
earls, and be seen and answered by Murray within so
short a time. Murray's reply seems intended only to
prevent the impression which the vague and uncertain
accusations of his enemies might make in his absence.
Cecil bad got the original of die queen's letter into his
custody. Anders, iv. 186. This naturally leads us to
conjecture that the letter itself, together with the en-
closed protestation, were intercepted before they came
to the hands of Huntly and Argyle. Nor is this mer^
conjecture alone. The letter to Huntly, in which the
protestation was enclosed, is to be found, Cott Lib.
Cal. C. 1. fol. 280, and is an original subscribed by
Mary, though not written by her own hand, because
she seldom chose to write in the English langui^.
The protestetion is in the same volume, fol. 282, and
is manifestly written by the same person who wrote ^
queen's letter. This seems to render it highly proba-
ble thflt both were intercepted. So that much has been
founded on a paper not subscribed by the two eaiis^
and. probably never seen by them. Besides, this m«>
^od which the queen took of sending a copy to the
two earls, of what was proper for them to declare with
regard to a conference held in their own presence, ap-
pears somewhat suspicious. It would have been mora
KING BRNRT'ft MURDER, &c. 957
oaturftl, and not so liftble to any mm&terpretatioD, to
have desired th^m to wiite the most exact account,
which {key could recollect, of what had puMd at thfe
conveHation at Craigmillar. 0. But even if all this
reasoning should be sdt aside, and the authentici^ of
th« protestation fehould be admitted in its Inllest extent,
it may still be a question, what degree of credit should
be g^Tea to the assertion of the two earls, who were not
only present in the first parliament held by Murray as
recent in December, ld87,.ia which the one uirried the
flceptfe, and the other dw sword of state, Spotsw. 341,
but were both members of the committee of Ich^ of
articles, and in that capacity assisted m framing all the
acts by which the queen wm deprived of the crown,
and her son seat^ oa the throne ; and in particular
concurred in the act by which it was declared, that
whatever had befhllen the queen " was in her awin de-
f^It, in sa ihr as, be divers hir previe letters written
halelie with hir awin hand, and send by hir to James
flometyme .earle of Bothwell, cheif executour of the
said horribill murthour, as weill befoir the committing
thairof as thajraftir : and be hir ungodHe and disho'-
nontabiU proceeding to ane pretendit marriage with
htm, suddainlie and unprorisiUie thairattir, it is maist
certane that sche was previe, airt and pairt, of the
actual devise and deid of the foirnamtt murthour of the
king her lauchlul husband, and thairfoir justlie deservis
qnhatsmnevec hes bene dotie to hir In oOy tyme by-
gaine, or that sal be ustt towiurds hir, for th« said
cause." Anders, ii. 221.
The queen's commissioners at the cm/ereMia itt Eng-
land accused Murray and his associates of having mur-
dered the king. Good. ii. 281. But this charge is to
be considered as a recrimination, extorted by the accu-
sation preferred agaitist the queen, and contains no-
thing more than loose and general affirmations, with-
out descending to such particular circumstances' as ei-
VOL. II. s
Google
258 DISSERTATION OX
ther ascertain their truth, or discover their falsehood.
The same accusation is repieated by the nobles assem-
bled at Dumbarton, Sept 1568. Good. ii. 359. And
the S!une observation .may. be made concerning it.
All the queen's advocates have endeavoured to ac-
count for Murray's murdering of theking by supposing
that it was done on purpose that he might have the
pretence of disturbing the queen's administration, and
thereby rendering ineffectual her general revocation of
crown lands, Which would have deprived him and his
associates of the best part of their estates. Lesly, Def.
of Mary's Hon. p. 73. Anders, iv. part ii. 130. But
whoever considers the limited powers of a Scottish
monarch, will see that such a revocation could not be
very formidable to the nobles. Every king of Scotland
began his reign with such a revocation ; and as often
as it was renewed, the power of the nobles rendered it
ineffectual. The best vindication of Murray and his
party from this accusation, is that which they presented
to the queen of Elngland, and which hath never hitherto
been published.
P,per Answers to the Objections and Alledgqnce of the
°*~- Queen, aUedging the Earl of Murray, Lord
Regent, the Earl of Morion, Marr, Glencaim, Hume,
Ruthven, S^c. to have been moved to armour, for that
they abhorred and might not abide her Revocation of
the Alienation made of her Property.
It is answered, that is, alledged, but [i. e. without]
all appearance, and it appears God has bereft the al-
ledgance of all wit and good remembrwice, for thir
reasons following :
Imprimis, as to my lord regent, he never had occa-
sion to grudge thereat, in respect the queen made him
privy to the same, and took resolution with him for the
execution thereof, letting his lordship know she would
assuredly in the samine except all things she had given
to him, and ratefy them in the next parliament as she
Google
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 259
did indeed ; and for that cause wiahed my lord to leave
behind him master John Wood, to attend upon the same,
to whom she declared, that als well in that as in alt
other her grants it should be provided, yea, of, free will
did promise and offer before ever he demanded, as it
came to pass without any let or impediment ; for all
was ratl&ed by her command, and hand-write, at the
parliament, but [i. e. without] any difficulty.
Item, as to my lord of Morton, he could not grudge
thereat quha never had of her property worth twenty
dollars that ever I knew of.
Item, the same may I say of my lord Glencaim.
Item, the same I may say of my lord Hume.
* Item, the same I may say of my lord Ruthven.
Item, the same I may say of'my lord Lindsay.
Only my lord of Marr, had ane little thing of the pro-
perty quilk alsua was gladly and liberally confirmed to
him, in the said parliament preceding a year; was never
ane had any cause of miscoDtent of that revocation, far
less to have put their lives and heritage to so opea and
manifest ane danger as they did for sic ane frivole canse.
Gyf ever any did make evill countenance, and show
any miscontentment of the said revocation, it was.my
lord of Argyll in special, quha spak largely in ^e time
of parliament thairanents to the queen herself, and did
eomplain of the manifest corruption of ane act of par-
liament past upon her majesty's return, and sa did lett
any revocation at that time ; but the armour for revenge
of the king's deid was not till twa months after, at quhat
time there was no occasion given thereof, nor never a
man had mind thereof.
Having thus examined the evidence which has been
produced against the earls of Murray and Bothwell ;
we shall next proceed to inquire whether the queen her-
self was accessary to the murder of her husband.
No sooner was the violent death of Damley known,
s2
aSO DISSERTATION ON
dian strong sm^icion arose, among some (^her subjects,
that Mary had giren her consent to the ootnmission of
that crime. Anders.ii. 156. We are infofmed, by her
own ambassador in France, the archbishop of Glasgow,
that the sentiments of foreigners, oo this head, were no
less unfeiTourable to her. Keith, Pref. ix. Many of
her nobles loudly accused her of that crime, and a: great
part of the nation, by supporting them, seem to have
allowed the accusation to be well founded.
Some crimes, however, are of such a nature, that they
hardly admit of a positive or direct proof. Deeds of
darkness can seldom be brought perfectly to light.
Where persons are accused not of being principals, but
only of being accessaries in the commissiMi of a crime ;
not of having perpetrated it themselves, but only of giv-
ing, consent to the commisaicoi of it by others ; ihe proof
becomes still more difficult : and unless when some ac-
complice betrays the secret a proof by circumstances,
or presumptiTe evidence, is all' that can be attained.
Even in }udi<:ial trials, such evidence is sometimes
held to be sufficient for condemning criminals. The
degree ofconviction which such evidence carries along
vrith it, is oi^en not inferior to that which arises from
positive testimony -^ an'd a concurring series of ciicum-
ftances satisfies the understanding no less than the ex-
press declaration of witnesses.
Evidence of both these kinds has been produced
^fainst Mary. We shall first consider that which is
founded upon circumstances alone.
Some of these suspicious circumstances preceded the
king's death ; others were subsequent to it. With re.
gard to the former, we may observe that the queen's
violent love of Damley was soon converted into sin aver-
sion to him no less violent; and that his own ill conduct
and excesses of every kind, were such, that if they did
not justify, at least they account for this sudden change
of her disposition towards him. The rise and progress
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 261
of this domestic rupture, I have traced with great care '
in the history, and to the proofs of it which may be
^und in papers published by other authors, I have
added those contained in App. No. XVI. and XVII.
Le Croc, the French ambassador, who was an eye-
witness of what he describes, not only represents her
aversion to Damley to be extreme, but declares that there
could be no hopes of a reconcilement between them.
Dec. 19. " The queen is in the hands of physicians, and
*^^' I do assure you is not at all well ; and do be-
lieve the principal part of her disease to consist in deep
grief and sorrow ; nor does it seem possible to make
her forget the same. Still she repeats these words,
I could wish to be dead. You know very well that the
injury she has received is exceeding great, and her ma-
jes^ will never forget it — To speak my mind fireely to
you, I do not expect, upon several accounts, any good
understanding between them [i.e. the king and queen],
unless God effectually put to his hand. — His
Dec 43. , , , .-11 I
bad deportment is incurable ; nor can there ever
be any good expected from him, for several reasons,
which I might tell you was I present with you. I can-
not pretend to foretel how all may turn, but I will say,
that matters cannot subsist long as they are, without
being accompanied widi sundry bad consequences."
Keith, Pref. vii. Had Henry died a natural death at
this juncture, it must have been considered as a very
fortunate event to the queen, and as a seasonable de-
liverance from a husbabd who had become altogether
odious to her. Now aa Henry was murdered a few
weeks afterward, and as nothing had happened to ren-
der the queen's aversion to him less violent, the opinion
of those who consider Mary as the author of an event
which was manifestly so ^eeable to her, will appear
perhaps to some of our readers to be neither unnatural
nor over re6ned. If we add to this, what has been ob?
served in the history, that in proportion to the increase
262 DISSERTATION ON
of Mary's hatred cpf her husband, Botbwell seema to
have made progress in her favour, and that he became
the object not only of her confidence but her attachment,
that opinion acquires new strength. It is easy to ob-
serve many advantages which might redound to Mary
as well as to Bothwell from the king's death ; but ex-
cepting them, DO person, and no party in the kingdom,
could derive the least benefit from that event. Both-
well, accordingly, murdered the king, and it was. Id
that age, thought no unwarranted imputation on Mary's
character, to suppose that she had consented to the deed.
The steps which the queen took after her husband'«
death add strength to that supposition. 1 . Metvii, who
was in Edinburgh at the time of the king's death, asserts
that " every body suspected the earl of Bothwell ; and
those who durst speak freely to others, said plainly that
it was he," p. 155. 2. Mary having issued a procla-
mation, on the 12th of February, offering a reward to
any person who should discover those who had mur-
dered her husband. And. i. 36; a paper in conse-
quence of this was affixed to the gates of the Tolbooth,
February 16, in which Bothwell was named as the chief
person guilty of that crime, and the queen herself was
acciised of having given her consent toil And. ii. 156.
3. Soon after, February 20, the earl of Lennox, the
king's father, wrote to Mary, conjuring her, by every
motive, to prosecute the murderers with the utmost ri-
gour. He plainly declared his own suspicions of Both-
well, and pointed out a method of proceeding against
him, and of discovering the authors of that crime, no
less obvious than equitable. He advised her to seize,
and to commit to sure custody, Bothwell himself, and
such as were already named as his accomplices; to call
an assembly of the nobles ; to issue a proclamation^
inviting Bothwell's accusers to appear ; and if, on that
encouragement, no person appeared to accuse them, to
hold them as innocent, and to dismiss them without
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 263
ferther trial. And. i. 40. 4. Archbishop Beatoan, her
ambassador in France, in a letter to Mary, March 9tfa,
employs arguments of the utmost weight to persuade
her to prosecute the irmrderers with the greatest seve-
rity. " I can conclude nathing (says he) by quhat zour
majesty writes to me zourself, that sen it has plesit God
to conserve zow to make a rigorous vengeance thereof,
that rather than it be not actually taine, it appears to me
better in this warld that ze bad lost life and all. I ask
your majestie pardon, that I writ sa far, for I can heir
nniM' nathing to zour prejudise,but I man constrainedly
writ the samin, that all may come to zour knawledge ;
for the better remede may be put therto. Heir it is
needfull that ze fortK shaw now rather than ever of
before, the greite vertue, mggnanimitie, and Constance
that God has grantit zow, be quhais grace, I hope ze
sail overcome this most heavy envie and displesir of
the committing therof, and conserve that reputation in
all godliness, ze have conquist of lang, quhich can ap-
jucft pear na wayie mair dearie, than that zou do sick
ujbit justice that the haill world may declare zour in-
nocence, and give testimony for ever of thair treason
^ihoM that has committed (but fear of God or man) so
cruel and ungodlie a murther, quhairof there is sa
nueA meikle ill spoken, that I am constrainit to ask
zow mercy, that neither can I or will I make the re-
i« hearsal thereof, which is owr odious. ' But alas !
madame, all over Europe this day, there is na purpose
in head sa frequent as of zour majestie, and of the pre-
sent state of zour realm, quhilk is in the most part in-
terpretit sinisterly." Keith, Pref. ix. 5. Elizabeth, as
appears from Append. Vol. I!. No. XIX., urged the
same thing in strong terms. 6. The circumstances of
the case itself, no less than these solicitations and re-
monstrances, called for the utmost vigour in her pro
ceedings. Her husband had been murdered in a cruel
manner, almost in her own presence. Her subjects
m* DISSERTATION ON
wer? fiUe4 with the utmost horror at the crime- Both-
well, oae of her principal favourites, had been publicly
aGci^e4 aa the author of it. Reflections, ei^tremely dis*
honourable to herself, had hem titirown ont. If jndig-
OAtion, and the love of justice, did not pronjpt her to
fkurquie the murderers with ardour, decency, at least,
and concern for vindica.ting her own ehstfacter, should
have induced her to avoid w>y appearance of remissness
or want of i{eal.
But inajtestd of this, Mary ^ootinwd to d^cover, in
all h^p ajCtioM, the u^noat partiality towards Botfawell-
On the I5th of February, five days after the murder,
»bq bftstoiwed on him the reversion *ti the superiority
of the town ©f Leith, which, in th^ yeai 1565, »he had
HiQrtgaged to th^ citizens of ^E^inhurg^. This grant
wa^ of much isaportance, as it gave him not only the
command of the pvincipal port in the kingdom, hut a
g^eat, aecwdant over thft citizens of Edinburgh, whoi
wiith^ Q^ttch to keep posaesision of it." 2. Bothwell
Bethwtll.
HiriH, |)el t^i n«pn* ScMontn, onaikw pn>bn h^nbibiH iiiii ad qnei pi**
leules lileriE perreueiUti )aluteiiir Sciati), quod pra *d memoriaiD reducentes mul-
tMexbonnni,T«aa»,Blid(l(HnitIuBa,iWBliiiMsiqiund«mBaftBCkiui»ininaHitn
]j«hB,Ite^ilW rtgoi notlri. pio lenipor« in nosttaminDriWlcrHctuni «t impantum,
TCninictiamitDUimet ipsts.taminlnpBrteiGillicequKRiintnhucnDsauBi rcgnua),
■4 tfiai^oatw iwtn boBoiii et uwloiilBli* iii,)utait)oqe fcnim, nule&ctorHDi, el
Iran^reagoram inftK iieai ft' noaliuia confliam canumgiiliicum et coniliariuiD
JaMboH oomlUii Ifetlnic, ik>ra)aui|i Sb1!<, Cnrffiim, el Ijddiidale, (mj^ib mi~
ViiniillUB ^SfV uestri, coiumiiBiDneni el onerstioiitm Kd bnuc effectDm babentent,
per qaai Ipie suunt ee^HM et Titan in magKu pcnouhi poasil; ac ctiua. in perfbr-
qi^IioiM et eil^lidne vsnti' dicli teivilii, bubib bereditattni, lupia aummam ligiali
inillmni mercarum bujus Doatri regnit aJleoaTlt ac Jnait £t noa cogtianlea quod,
W naatn priacrpHji, honoce ct dewwi*, dietD*i ntilnint conGwiW MnawgajncuiD M,
coDiiliariuDi cuni quodam sccideqte et ^tiludine lecompeimre et gtatiGcate io-
cDubtt, qu« uoaeuntDode aibi coBceden fMlffiaHhiiiidf ipve iqa^babiUio<B*ibM
l&viuria levparibijt esie poierit, el ad bijuimodi perfannuidaai in omMJbua cauiia
■CD evenlibui: In rrcoinpenaationeii] quwam pmmlaSORin, aC pn dlnnti aMa
uoa^ia FationibUi bua oavai* et coDsidentiDntbtta noa noveotibiMi t'ecijUM, (tc. dictwn
Jacobnm conilecn Bolhuite, &c. ae auoi hsredea niBaculaaqiKnctiiDqueaastraalt^-
Ijaioii 4(«> auig>«M« ia et ad litena raTer>io«'H &clai, j(G, pw E^DiBBfD VtalUm d*
eodem militeni, paepoutmn, ball rot, contules, el com mua I tat em bujua Dosuj burgi
dBEdlHbwgh, pra itlpua ac luia aucceuaiikaa, &c. nobs, iu>!lri«quB tttiedilw,
aucutiuribii). e( fsajpialia, pro rederBptioiiE, Jic. soperiorilatis lo^niTillsde Lcich^
&c Impignorataj per noa dictis pnepmito, &c. aub leiersiaiie altenalj* eontinastji
aiHDipaqi iecea EjiUiiKD maicuun taoiietiEpneicijpleiDiiraersDdain etcaiciUandujn
iburgb, sup^rpreauinitlDuei|oadrigintadierDiii,Dlnioi
i»lit«ga,&o,dft4*M8T«. Octob.1ii«5i4K> <Jk*tt
Google
KING HENHY'S MURDER, &c. 365
beii^ e&tremely desirous to obtain the commatul of the
castle of Edinburgh, the queen, in order to prevail on
the earl of Mar to surrender the government of it, of-
fered to commit the young prince to his custody. Mar
consented ; and she instantly appointed Bothwell go-
vernor of the caatle. Ani i. Pref 64. Keith, 379,
note (d). 3. The inquiry into the murder, previous to
Both well's trial, seems to have been conducted with the
utmost remissness. Buchanan exclaims loudly against
this. And. ii. 24, Nor was it without reason that he
did so, as is evident irora a circumstance in the affida-
vit of Thomas Nelson, one of the king's servants, who
was in the house when his master was murdered, and
was dug up alive out of the rubbish. Being examined
on the Monday after the king's death, " This deponar
s<^ew that Bonkle had the key of the sellare, aud the
queenis servandis the keyis <^ her shalmii. Quhilk thg
htird of TUlibardin hearing, said, Hald thair, here is
ane ground. Efter quhilk words spokin, thai left of>
and procedit na farther in the inquisition." And. iv. p.
2. 167. Had there been any intention to search into
the bottom of the matter, a circinnstance of so much
importance merited the most careful inquiry. 4. Not-
withstanding I.eQnox's repeated eoUcitations^ notwith-
standiug the reasonableness of hia demands, and the
necessity of com^ying with them, m order to encourage
any accuser to appear against Bothwell, she not only
refused to commit him to custody, or even to remove
him Jiom her presence and councils, And. i. 42. 48 ;
bat by the grants which we have menti(»ied, and by
other circumstances, discovered an increase of attach-
ment to him, 5. She could not av<».d briugiug Both-
well to a public trial ; but she permitted him to sit a&
ii (bnn, and cool^ni a ciau» ei ahaolute vimndice.) In cnini rei TuTiao-
NiBK pnucntihas magnnai >igillam nustrDm (ppnoi fecimu. Apud Edinlwrgli.
decimo quialo die meruit Februsrii, riiqu Domini nilJeaiim quingenleiimu wiage-
dnw leilo, et le^ noMii vketimo qaioM.
ThtBN*! ml entire.
266 DISSERTATION ON
a member in that meeting of the privy-council which
directed his own trial ; and the trial itself was carried
on with such unnecessary precipitancy, and with so
many other suspicious circumstances, as to render his
acquittal rather an argument of his guilt than a proof
of his innocence. These circumstances have all been
menliioned at length in Book IV. and therefore are not
repeated in this place. 6. Two days after the trial,
Mary gave a public proof of her regard for Bothwell,
by appointing him to carry the sceptre before her at the
meeting of parliament. Keith, 378. 7. In that par-
liament, she granted him a ratification of all the great
possessions and honours which she had conferred upon
him, in which was contained an ample enumeration of
all the services he had performed. And. i. 117. 8.
Though Melvil, who foresaw that her attachment to
Bothwell would at length induce her to marry him,
warned her of the infamy and danger which would at-
tend tbataction, she not only disregarded thissalutary ad-
monition,but discovered what had passed between them
to Bothwell, which exposed Melvil to his, resentment.
Melv. 156. 9. Bothwell seized Mary as she returned
irom Stirling, April 24. If he had done this without,
her knowledge and consent, such an insult could not
have failed to have filled her with the most violent in-
dignation. But according to the account of an old MS.
" The friendly love was so highly contracted between
this great princess and her enormous subject, that there
was no end thereof (for it was constantly esteemed
by all men, that either of them' loved other carnally),
so that she suffered patiently to be led where the lover
list, and all the way neither made obstacle, impediment,
clamour, or resistance, as in such accidents use to be,
or that she might have done by her princely authority,
being accompanied with the noble earl of Huntly and
secretary Maitland of Lethington." Keith, 383. Mel-
vil, who was present, confirms this account, and tetls us
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 267
that the officer, by whom he was seized, informed him
that nothing was done without the queen's consent.
Melv. 158. 10. On tiie 12th of May, a few days be-
fore her marriage, Mary declared that she was then at
full liberty, and that though Bothwell had offended her
by seizing her person, she was so much satisfied with
his dutiful behaviour since that time, and so indebted
to him for past services, that she not only foi^ave that
offence, but resolved to promote him to higher honours.
And. i. 87. II. Even after the confederate nobles had
driven Bothwell from the queen's presence, and though
she saw that he was considered as the murderer of her
former husband by so great a part of her subjects, her
afiectioD did not in the least abate, and she continued
to express the most unalterable attachment to him. *' I
can perceive (says Sir N. Throkmorton) that the rigour
with which the queen is kept proceedeth by order from
these men, because that the queen will not by any means
be induced to lend her authority to prosecute-the mur-
derer ; nor will not consent by any persuasion to aban-
don the lord Bothwell for her husband, but avowetb
constantly that she will live and die with him ; and
saitii, that if it were put toher choice to relinquish her
crown and kingdom, or the lord Bothwell, she would
leave her kingdom and dignity to go a simple damsel
with him, and that she will never consent that he shall
fare worse, or have more harm than herself." Append.
Vol. II. No. XXII. In all their negotiations with
Throkmorton, the confederates mention this unalterable
attachment of the queen to Bothwell as a sufficient rea-
son for rejecting his proposals of an accommodation
with their sovereign. Keith, 419. 449. This assertion
they renewed in the conferences at York. Anders, iv.
part ii. p. 66. Murray, in his interview with Mary in
Lochlevin, charged her with persisting in her inordinate
affection to Bothwell. Keith, 446. All these, however,
may be considered merely as accusations brought by
268 DISSERTATION ON
the confederates, id order to vindicate their rigour to-
wards the queen. But Throkmorton, who, by his
residence in Edinburgh, and by his intercourse with
the queen's partisans, as welt as with her enemies, had
many opportunities of discovering whether or not Mary
had expressed herself in such terms, and who was dis-
posed to view her actions in the most favourable light,
appears, by the passage which I have quoted from his
letter of the 14th of July, to be persuaded that the con-
federates had not misrepresented her sentiments. He
had soon an opportuni^ of being confirmed with greater
certainty in this opinion. Although the confederates
had refused him access to the captive queeti, he found
means of holding a secret correspondence with her, and
endeavoured to persuade her to give her consent to have
her marriage with Bothwell dissolved by a sentence of
divorce, as the most probable means of regaining her
liberty. "She hath sent meword that she will in no wise
consent unto that, but rather die." Append. Vol. II.
No. XXII. There is evidence of the continuance of
Mary's attachment still more explicit. LOrd Herries,
in the parliament held the 15th c^ December, 1567,
acknowledged the queen's inordinate affection to that
wicked man, and that she could not be induced by
persuasion to leave him; and that in sequestering her
within liochlevin, the confederates had done the duty
of noblemen. Append. Vol. II. No. XXIV. In the
year 1571, a conference was held by some deputies
from a convention of clergy, with the duke of Chatel-
herault, secretary Maitland, Sir James Balfour, and
Kirkaldy; and an account of it written by Mr. Cra^,
^ne of the ministers of Edinburgh, is extant in Gid-
derwood's MSS. Hist. ii. 244. In presence of all
tliese persons, most of whom were in Edinbui^h when
the queen was taken at Carberry, Maitland, who was
now an avowed partisan of Mary, declares, that on the
same night she was brought to Edinbui^h, he himself
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. S09
had ctfered, that if she would abandon Bothwell, she
should have as thankful obedience as ever she had since
she came to Scotland. But in no Trise would she con-
sent to leave Bothwdl. According to Sir James Melvil,
the queen found means of writing a letter to Bothwell
on the evening of that day, when she was conducted as
a prisoner to Edinburgh, in which she declared her af-
fe<^on to him in the most tender expressions, and her
resolution never to abandon him. Iliis letter, he says,
was intercepted by the confederates, and determined
them to confine Mary in the castle of Lochlevin. But
as neither Buchanan nor Knox, both abundantly dis-
posed to avail themselves of every fact and report diat
could be employed in order to represezit Mary's con-
duct as improper and criminal, mention this letter; and.
as the confederates themselves in their negotiation with
llirokmortoQ, as well as in their accusations of the
queen before the English comraissicHiers at York and
'W'estiimister, maintain the same silence with regard to
it, I am satisfied that Melvil, who wrote his memoirs
for the information of his son in his old age^ and long
after the events which he records happened, has been
mistaken with regard to this particular. From this long
enumeration of circumstances, we may, without vi<dence,
draw the following conclusion : Had Mary really been
accessary to the mufder of her husband; had Bothwell
perpetrated the crime with her craisent, or at her com-
mand; and had she intended to stifle the evidence
against him, and to preveiit the discovery of his guilt,
she could scarcely have taken any other steps than
those which she took, nor could her conduct have
been more repugnant to all the maxims of prudence
and of decency.
The positive evidence produced against Mary may
be classed under two heads.
1. The depositions of some persons who were em-
ployed in committing themijrder,particularly ofNicho-
C.o Ogle
270 DISSERTATION ON
las Hubert, who, in the writings of that age, is called
French Paris. This person, who was Bothwell's ser-
vant, and much trusted by him, was twice examined,
and the original of one of his depositions, and a copy
of the other, are still extant. It is pretended that both
these are notorious forgeries. But they are remarkable
for a simplicity and naivete which it is almost impossi-
ble to imitate; they abound with a number of minute
lacts and particularities, which the most dexterous
forger could not have easily assembled and connected
together with any appearance of probability; and they
are filled with circumstances which can scarcely be
supposed to have entered the imagination of any man
but one of Paris 's rank and character. But, at the
Same time, it must be acknowledged, that his deposi-
tions contain some improbable circumstances. - He
seems to have been a foolish talkative fellow; the fear
of death, the violence of tortiire, and the desire of
pleasing those in whose power he was, tempted him,
perhaps, to feign some circumstances, and to exag^rate
others' To say that some circumstances in an affidavit
are improbable or false, is very different from saying
that the whole is foi^d. I suspect the former to be
the case here; but I see no appearance of the latter.
Be that as it will, some of the most material facts in
Paris's affidavits rest upon fais single testimony; and
ibr that reason, I have not in the history, nor shall I
in this place, lay any stress upon them.
2. The letters said to ' be written by Mary to Both-
well. These have been frequently published. The
accident by which the queen's enemies got them into
their possession^ is related in Book V. When the
authenticity of any ancient paper is dubious orcontested,
it may be ascertained either by external or internal
evidence. Both these have been produced in the pre-
sent case.
I. External prooCs of the genuineness of Mary's let-
KING HENRYS MURDER, &c. 271
ters. 1. MiuTay, and the nobles who adhered to him,
affirm upon their word and honour, that the letters were
written with the queen'a own hand, with which they
were well acquainted. Good. ii. 64.92. 2. The let-
ters were publicly produced in the parliament of Scot-
land, December, 1567; and were so far considered as
genuine, that &ey are mentioned in the act against
Mary, as one chief argument of her guilt Good. ii.
66, 67. 3. They were shewn privately to the dake
of Norfolk, the earl of Sussex, and Sir Ralph Sadler,
Elizabeth's commissioners at York. In the account
which they gave of this matter to their mistress, they
seem to consider the letters as genuine, and express no
suspicion of any forgery; they particularly observe,
" that the matter contained in them is such, that it
could hardly be invented and devised by any other than
herself; for that they discourse of some things, which
were unknown to any other than to herself and Both-
well; and as it is hard to counterfeit so many, so the
matter of them, and the manner how these men came
by them is such, as it seemeth that God, in whose sight
murder and bloodshed of the innocent is abominable,
would not perlnit the same to be hid or concealed."
Good. ii. 142. They seem to have made such an im-
pression on the duke of Norfolk, that in a subsequent
letter to Pembroke, Leicester, and Cecil, he has these
words ; " if the matter shall be thought as detestable
and manifest to you, as for ought we can perceive it
seemeth here to us." Good. ii. 154. Nor did-Norfolk
declare these to be his sentiments'only in public official
letters, he expressed himself in the same manner to his
most confidential friends. In a secret conference with
the bishop of Ross at York, the duke informed him
that he had seen the letters, &c. which the regent had
to produce against the queen, whereby there would be
such matter proved against her, as would dishonour
her for ever. State Trials, edition ofHargrave, i. '91 .
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272 DISSERTATION ON
MordiQ, 52. The bishop o£ Roas, if he had known the
letters to be a nobirioua foi^ry, must have been na-
turally led, in consequence of this declaration, to un-
deceive the duke, and to expose the imposture. But,
instead of this, th& duke, and he, and Lethington, after
consulting together, agreed, that the bishc^ should
write to Mary, then at Bolton, and instruct her to make
such a proposal to Elizabeth, as might prevent the
public production of the letters and other evidence.
State Trials, i. 94. Murdin, 45. Indeed, the whole
of this secret conference seems to imply, that Lething-
ton, Ross, and Norfolk, were conscious of some defect
in Mary's cause, and therefore eierted all their in-
genuity in order to avoid a public accusation. Mar-
din, 52, 63. To Banister, whom the duke seems to
have trusted more entirely than any other of his ser-
vants, he expressed himself in similar terms with respect
to the queen of Scots. State Trials, i. 98. The words
of Banister's evidence are remarkabe : " I confess that
I, waiting of myJord and master, when the earl of
Sussex and Mr, Chancellor of the duchy that now is,
were in commission at York, did hear his grace say,
that upon examination of the matter of the murder, it
did appear that the queen of Scots was guilty and privy
to the murder of lord Damley, whereby I verily thought
that his grace woald never join in marriage with her."
Murdin, 134. Elizabeth, in her instructions to the
earl of Shrewsbury and Beale, in 1583, asserts, that
both the duke and earl of Arundel did declare to her-
self, that the proof, by the view of her letters, did fall
outsufficient against the queen of Scots; however, they
were after drawn to cover her faults and pronounce her
innocency. MS. Advoc. Library, A. iii. 28. p. 314,
from Cot. Lib. CaJig. 9. 4. A similar impression was
made upon other contemporaries of Mary by the pro-
duction of the letters, which implies a full belief of
their being genuine. Cecil, in his correspondence with
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 273
Sir Henry Norris, the English ambassador in France,
relates this transaction in terms which leave no room
to doubt with respect to his own private opinioO' In
his letter, December 14th, 1568, the very day on which
the letters, &c. were laid before the meeting of privy-
counsellors and peers, he informs him, " That the re-
gent was driven, from his defence, to disclose a full
fardel of the naughty matter, tending to convince the
queen as adviser of the murther, and the earl of Both-
well as her executour; and now the queen's parfy, so
great, refuse to make any answer, and press that their
mistress may come in person to answer the matter her-
self before the queen's majesty, which is thought not
iit to be granted until the great blot of the marriage
with her husband's murtherer, and the evident charges,
by letters of her own, to be deviser of the murther, be
somewhat razed out or recovered ; for that as the mat-
ters are exhibited against her, it is far unseemly foe
any prince, or for chaste ears, to be annoyed with the
BIthy noise thereof; and yet, as being a commissioner,
I must and will forbear to pronounce any thing herein
certainly, though as a private person I cannot but with
horrour and trembling think thereof." Cabala, 156.
5. From the correspondence of Bowes, the English re-
sident in Scotland, with Walsingham, in the year 1582,
published towards the close of this dissertation, it is
manifest that both in England and Scotland, both by
Elizabeth and James, both by the duke of Lennox ai^
earl of Gowrie, the letters were deemed to be genuine.
The eagerness on one side to obtain, and on the other
to keep, possession of the casket and letters, impUes^
th^t this was the belief of both. These sentiments of
contemporaries, who were in a situation to be thoroughly
informed, and who had abilities to judge with discern-
ment, will, in the opinion of many of my readers, far
outweigh theories, suppositions, and conjectures, formed
at the distance .of two centuries. 6. The letters were
VOL. II. T
274 DISSERTATION ON
subjected to a aolemD and judicial examination with
respect to their authenticity, as far as that could be as-
certained by resemblance of character and fashion of
writing : for, after the conferences at York and West-
minster were finished, Elizabeth, as I have related, as-
sembled her privy-counsellors, and joining to them
several of the most eminent noblemen in her kingdom,
laid before them all the proceedings against the Scot-
tish queen, and particularly ordered, that *' the letters
and writings exhibited by the regent, as the queen of
Scots' letters and writings, should also be showed, and
conference [i. e. comparison] thereof made in their sight,
with the letters of the said queen's, being extant, and
heretofore written with her own hand, and sent to the
queen's majesty ; whereby may be searched and ex-
amined what dijference is betwixt them." Good. ii.
252. They assembled accordingly, at Hampton-court,
December 14 and 15, 1568; and, " The originals of
the letters supposed to be written with the queen of
Scots' own hand, were then also presently produced
and perused; and, being read, were duly coi^erred and
compared, for the manner of writing, and fashion of
orthography, with sundry other letters long since here-
tofore written, and sent by the said queen of Scots to
the queen's majesty. In collation whereof no-difference
was found." Good. ii. 256. 7. Mary having written
an apologetical letter^ for her conduct to the countess
* Kuy's lEllerhii nerer been pabliihed, and tn^bt to have ■ plioe bere, wbcre
eridetice on all udei ■ fiurij produced. " Msdazn, if tfae wnnig and taiie reportia
of rebellis, eneoieU weill luiawia Tor tnitourii lo low, and alacc to mucfae tmsled at
me by loaic advice, liid not lo far inned joo aganb my imocaicy (and I mast
JUT aganii all kjadneu, thai zow b&re not onelie a> it were coadempnil me wnuig-
fonie, bol to hated me, aa some wordn and open deidciB bas tntifeit to all the
waride, a manjful miiljkijt^ in sow aganu loureawn blude), I woJd not ha»e
Tjniitfit thui lang my dewtie in wryting to low eicming me of thoie n&tnw hs-
port^a made of mo. Bnt bopmg with uodla grace mdlymQ to bave my inmccBCf
knawn to low, as I trust il is already lolhe maitt pairtof all indlfferenl perionli, I
tbocfat it beat not u> trouble eo* for a ^uie till that SDcb a matter ii numd that
tuicbls as bayth, quhlik it the transportiiig loure liltil ion, and my anelie child in :
ihii coontrey. To (be quhilk albeit I be itc>et >a Hilling, I wald be gi^d to have '
Mure adnie (herein, a$ In all uther thingla tuicbioB him. I have born him, and
God knawli vith <]uhat daungcr lu him and me boit^ ; and of lovr he is deicendit.
So 1 meine not to forzet my dewtic -to nm, in tchevnn herein aay • ' *
/.oogic
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 275
of I^iinox, July lOtli, 1570, she transniitted it to her
husband then in Scodand; and he returned to the
coantess tiie following answer : '* Seeing you have re-
mittit to me, to answer die queen the king's mother's
letters sent to you, what can I say but tiat I do not
marvell to see hir writ the best she can for hirself, to
seame to purge her of that, quhairof many besyde me
are certainly persuadit of the contrary, and I not only
assurit by my awin knawledge, but by her handwrit,
the confessions of men gone to the death, and uther in-
fallibil experience. It wull be lang tyme that is hable
to put a mattir so notorious in obliTiOD, to male black
quhyte, or innocency to appear quhair the contrary is
sa Weill knawin. The maist indifferent, I trust, doubtis
not of the equitie of zoure and my cause, and of the
just occasioun of our mislyking. Her richt dewtie to
zow and me, being the parteis interest, were hir trew
coofessioun and unfeyned repentance of that lamentable
fact, odious for hir to be reportif, and sorrowful! for us
to think of. God is just, and will not in the end be'
abused; bat as he has manifested he trewth, so will he
puneise the iniquity." Lennoxes Orig. Regist. of Let-'
ters. In tiieir public papers, the queen's enemies may
be suspected of advancing what would be most sub-
servient to their cause, not what was agreeable to truth,
or what flowed from their own inward conviction. But
in a private letter to his own wife, Lennox had no oc-'
casion to dissemble; and it is plain, that he not only
thought the queen guilty, but believed the authenticity
of her letters to Bothwell. 8. In opposiUon to till these
Mw> bow unkjndlie ihat ever le lure dell with me, but iiill lore ww u nijr awot,
and relbecl ton u my moder in law. And gif jt plea to knaw fartber of m;
BjDite ID that and alJ uther (biapa betiriit ua, nxj ambuudoi the b>sfaoi> of .Rait
sail be readj to confer with mw. And <o after my hairtlie cominendalioaii, le-
rnktiog ne to my laide ambtuador, and mai better conrndentioun, I coumii low
to the protectioun ot Almyghly God, qahom I pray to pntene low and my brother
Cbariei, aod cam lOw to knaw my pairl better dot a do.- from Chatiiworth (hia
X l,( July 1570.
" To my ladie Lemioi " Your natural gude luce and
my ma^OT in law. loiynge doehlei."
t2
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276 DISSERTATION ON
reasons for believing the letters, &c. to be autbentic^
the conduct of the nobles confederated against Mary,
in not producing them directly as evidence against her,
has been represented as an irrefragable proof of their
being forged. According to the account of the con-
federates themselTcs, the casket containing the letters
was seized by them oti the 20tb of June 1567 ; but the
first time that they were judicially stated as evidence
against the queen was in a meeting of the regent's
privy-council, December 4th, and they afterward served
as the foundation of the acts made against her in the
parliament held on the 15th of the same month. If
the letters had been genuine, it is contended, that the
obtaining possession of them must have afforded such
matter of triumph to the confederates, ihdX they would
instantly have proclaimed it to the whole world; and
in their negotiations with the English and French
ministers, or with such of their fellow-subjects as con-,
demned their proceedings, they would have silenced,
at once, every advocate for the queen, by exhibiting
this convincing proof of her guilt. But in this reason-
ing sufficient attention is not paid to the delicate and
perilous situation of the confederates at that juncture.
They had taken arms against their sovereign, had seized
her pCTSon at Carberry-hill, and had confined her a
prisoner at Lochlevin. A considerable number, how-
ever, of their fellow-subjects, headed by some of the.
most powerful noblemen in the. kingdom, was combined
against them. This combination, they soon perceived,
they could not hope to break or to vanquish without,
aid either from France or England. In the former
kingdom, Mary's uncles, the duke of Guise and cardinal
of Lorrain, were, at that period,' all powerHd, and the
king him^lf was devotedly attached to her. If the
confederates confined their views to the dissolution of
the marrit^ of the queen with Bothwell, and to the
exclusion of him for ever from her presence, they might
KING HENRY'S MURDER. &c. 277
liope, perhaps, to be countenanced by Charles IX. and
his ministers, who had sent an envoy into Scotland of
purpose to dissuade Mary from that ill-fated match;
Append. No. XXII. ; whereas the loading her publicly
with the imputation of being accessary to the murder
pf her husband, would be deemed such an inexpiable
crime by the court of France, as must cut off every hope
ofcoantenance or aid from that quarter. -From England,
with which the principal confederates had been long
and intimately connected, they had many reasons to
expect more effectual support; but to their astonish-
ment, Elizabeth condemned their proceedings with
asperity, warmly espoused the cause of the captive
qaeen, and was extremely solicitous to obtain her
release and restoration. Nor was this only one of
the artifices which Elizabeth often employed in her
transactions with Scotland. Though her most saga-
cious ministers considered it as the wisest policy to'
support the confederate lords rather than the queen
of Scots,' Elizabeth disregarded their counsel." Her
high notions of royal authority, and of die submission
due by subjects, induced her, on this occasion, to exert
herself in behalf of Mary, not only with sincerity but
with zeal ; she negotiated, she solicited, she threat-
ened. Finding the confederates inBexible, she en-
deavoured to procure Mary's release by means of
that party in Scotland which continued faithiul to her,
and instructed Throbmorton to correspond with the
leaders of it, and to make overtures to that effect.
Keith, 451, Append. No. XXIII. She even went so
= This wa» the opinion of Throkmoiton, u sppears from an eitrsct of hii letter
of Jul; llth, publiifaedin the AppEDd. No. XX [I- The »m<iwere (he sentimenls
of Cecil, in his letter of Aug. 19(b, 1565, to Sir Henry Norris, Eliubeth'i anibu-
stdor 10 France: " Yon thai] perceive," »;> he, " bj the queen's leller to joa, at
Ihii preient, Iiow eimeitly ibe ii bent in faiouror (be queen of Scot>,and truly
since tile beginning she hath been greatly offended with the lords; and, how-
(oeier her najest; niighl make her profit by bearing with Ibe lords in this action,
yel no counsel can slay her mijesty from manifesting her misliking of them."
Cabala, 1«1. And in his letter of Sept. 3d. " The queen's majesty, our lOTereigir.
lemaineih still offended with Ihe lords for the queeoi the eiample ino«elh her."
lb. 141. Digges's Comp. Anib. 14.
. r,on7<-i.iGoOglc
878 DISSERTATION ON
far as to direct h^r ambaasador at Paris to concert
measures with the French king how they, by their joint
efforts, might persuade or' compel the Scots to " ac-
knowledge the queen her good sister to be their sots-
reign lady and queen, and renounce their obedience
to her son." Keith, 463, 3, 4. From all these cir-
cumstances, the confederates had every reason to ap-
prehend that Mary would soon obtain liberty, and by
some accommodation be restored to the whole, or at
least to a considerable portion of her auth(»ity as sove-
reign. In that event they foresaw, that if they should
venture to accuse her publicly of a crime so atrocious
as the murder of her husband, they must not only be
excluded for ever from power and favour, but from any
hope of personal safety. On this account they long
confined themselves to that which was originally de-?
clared to be the reason of their taking arms ; the aveng-
ing the king's death, the dissolving the marriage with
Botfawell, the inflicting on him condign punishment,
or banishing him for ever from the queen's presence.
It appears from the letters of Throkmorton, published
by bishop Keith, and in my Appendix, that his s^^city
early discovered that this would be the tenor of their
conduct. In his letter frotn Edinburgh, dated Jnly
14th, he'observes, that ". they do not forget their own
peril conjoined with the danger of the prince, but, as
far as I perceive, they intend not to touch the queeil
eitlier in sure^ or in honour; for they eptxik of her
with respect and reverence, and do affirm, as I do learn,
that, the condition aforesaid accomplished [i. e. the
separation from Bothwell], they will both put her to
liberty, and restore her to her estate." Append. No.
XXII. His letter of August 22d, contains a declara-
tion made to him by Lethington, in name and in pre-
sence of his associates, " that they never meant harm
neither to the queen's person nor to her honour — that
they have been contented hitherto to be condcanned, as
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 279
it were, of all priaces, strangers, and, namely, of the
queen of England, being charged of grievous and in-
famous titles, as to be noted rebels, traitors, seditious,
ingrate, and cruel, all which they suffer and bear upon
their backs, because they will not justify themselves,
nor proceed in any thing that may touch their sove-
reign's honour. But in case they be with these defa-
mations continually oppressed, or with the force, aid,
and practices of other princes, and namely of the queen
of England, put in danger, or to an extremity, they shall
be compelled to deal otherwise with the queen than
they intend, or than they desire; for, added he, you
may be sure we will not lose our lives, have our lands
forfeited, and be reputed rebels through the world,
seeing we have the means to justify ourselves." Keith,
448. From thisviewof the slippery ground on which
they stood at that time, their conduct in not producing
the letters for several months, appears not only to have
been prudent, but essential to their own safety.
But, at a subsequent period, when the confederates
found it necessary to have the form of government,
which they had established, confirmed by authori^ of
parliament, a different mode of proceeding became re-
quisite. All that had hitherto been done with respect
to the queen's dismission, tke seating the young king
upon the throne, and the appointment of the regent, was
in reality nothing more than the deed of private men.
It required the exhibition of some legal evidence to pro-
cure a constitutional act giving the sanction of its ap-
probation to such violent measures, and to obtain " a
perfect law and security for all them that either by deed,
counsel, or subscription, had entered into that cause
since the beginning." Haynes, 453. This prevailed
vidi the regent and his secret council, after long deli-
bet^on, to agree to produce all the evidence of which
they were possessed ; and upon that production parlia-
ment passed the acts which were required. Such a
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280 DISSERTATION ON
change had happened in the state of the kingdom as in-
duced the confederates to venture upon this change in
their conduct. In June, a powerfijl combination was
forming against them, under the leading of the Hamil-
tons. In December, that combination was broken ; most
of the members of it had acknowledged the king as their
lawful sovereign, and had submitted to the regent's go-
vernment. Huntly, Argyle, Herries, the most powerful
noblemen of that party, were present in the parliament,
and concurred in all its acts. Edinburgh, Dunbar,
Dumbarton, and all the chief strong-holds in the king-
dom were now in the hands of the regent ; the arms of
France had full occupation in its civil war with the
Hugonots. The ardour of Elizabeth's zeal in behalf of
the captive queen seems to have abated. A step that
would have been followed with ruin to the confederates
in June, was attended with little danger in December.
.From this long deduction it appears, that no proof of
the letters being forged can be drawn from the circum-
stances of their not having been produced immediately
after the 20th of June ; but though no public accusation
was brought instantly against the queen, in consequence
of seizing the casket, hints were given by the confe-
derates, that they possessed evidence sufficient ,to con-
vict her. This is plainly^implied in a letter of Throk-
morton, July 21, Keith, Pref. p. xii. and more clearly
in the passage which I have quoted from his letter of
August 22. In his letter of July 25, the papers con-
tained in the casket are still more plainly pointed out.
" They [i. e. the confederates] say, that they have as
apparent proof against her as may be, as well by the
testimony of her own hand-writing, which they have re-
covered, as also by sufficient witnesses," Keith, 426.
IL With regard to the internal proofs of the genuine-
ness of the queen's letters to Bothwell, we may observe,
1. That whenever a paper is forged with a, particular
intention, the eagerness of the forger to establish the
Co Ogle
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 281
}>oint in view, bis soUcitnde to cut oif all doubts and
cavils, and to avoid any appearance of uncertainty, sel-
dom fail of prompting him to use expressions the most
explicit and full to his purpose. The passages foistied
into ancient authors by heretics in different ages ; the
legendary miracles of the Romish saints ; the supposi-
titious deeds in their own favour produced by monas-
teries ; the false charters of homage mentioned Vol. L
p. 3, are so many proofs of this assertion. No maxim
seems to be more certain than this, that a forger is often
apt to prove too much, but seldom falls into the errorof
proving too little. The point which the queen's ene-
mies had to establish was, " that as the earl of Bothwell
was chief executor of the horrible and unworthy murder
perpetrated, &c. so was she of the foreknowledge, coun-
cil, devise, persuader, and commander of the said mur-
der to be done." Good. ii. 207. But of this there are
only imperfect hints, obscure intimations, and dark ex-
pressions in the letters, which, however convincing evi-
dence they might furnish if found in real letters, bear
no resemblance to that glare and superfluity of evidence
which forgeries commonly contain. All the advocates
for Mary's innocence in her own age, contend that there
is nothing in the letters which can serve as a proof of
her guilt. Lesly, Blackwood, Turner, &c. abound with
passages to this purpose ; nor are the sentiments of those
in the present age different. " Yet still it might have
been expected (says one of her ablest defenders), that
some one or other of the points or articles of the accu-
sation should be made out clearly by the proof. But
nothing of that is to be seen in the present case. There
is nothing in the letters that could plainly shew the
writer to have been in the foreknowledge, counsel, or
device of any murder, far less to have persuaded or
commanded it ; and as little is there about maintaining
or justifying any murders." Good. i. 76. How ill
advised were Mary's adversaries, to contract so much
,C.ooglc
ass DISSERTATION ON
gnilt, and to practise so many artifices, in order to
forge letters, which are so ili contrived for establishing
the conclusion they had in view ! Had they been so
base as to have recourse to forgery, is it not natural to
think that they would have produced something more
explicit and decisive ? 2. It is almost impossible to in*
vent a long nairation of fictitious events, consisting of
various minute particulars, and to connect these in such
a manner wil^ real fftcia, that no mark of fraud shall
appear. For liiis reason, skilful forgers avoid any long
detail of circnmstances, especially of foreign and super-
fluous ones, well knowing Aat the more these are mul-
tiplied, the more are the chances of detection increased.
Now Mary's letters, especially the first, are filled with
a multiplicity of circumstances, extremely natural in a
real correspondence, but altogether foreign to the pur-
pose of the queen's enemies, and which it would have
been extreme folly to have inserted, if they had been
altogether imaginary, and without foundation. 3. The
truth and reality of several circumstances in the letters,
and these, too, of no very public nature, are confirmed
by undoubted collateral evidence. Lett. i. Good. ii.
p. 1. The queen is said to have met one of Lennox's
gentlemen, and to have had some conversation with
him. Thomas Crawford, who was the person, appeared
before EliEabeth's commissioners, and confirmed, upon
oath, the truth of this circumstance. He likewise de-
clared, that during the queen's stay at Glasgow, the king
repeated to him, every night, whatever had passed
through the day, between her majesty and him ; and
that the account given of these conversations in the first
letter, is nearly llie same with what the king communi-
cated to him. Good. ii. 245. According to the same
letter there was much discourse between the king and
queen concerning Mynto, Hiegait, and Walcar. Good.
ii. 8. 10, 11. What this might be, was altogether un-
known, until a' letter of Mary's, preserved in the Scot-
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 283
tkh college at Paris, and published, Keith, Pref. vii.
discovered it to be an affair of so much importance as
merited all the attention she paid to it at that time. It
appears by a letter from the French ambassador, that
Mary was subject to a violent pain in her side. Keith,
ibid. This circumstance is mentioned, Lett. i. p. 30, in
a manner so natural as can scarcely belong to any but
a genuine production. 4. If we shall still think it pro<
bable to suppose that so many real circumstances were
artfully introduced into the letters by the forgers, in
order to give an air of authenticity to their production ;
it will hardly be possible to hold the same opinion con-
cerning the following particular. Before the qneen
began her first letter to Bothwell, she, as usual among
those who write long letters containing a variety of sub-
jects, made notes or memorandums of the particulars she
wished. to remember; but as she sat up writing during
a great part of the night, and after her attendants were
asleep, her paper failed her, and she continued her let-
ter upon the same sheet on which she bad formerly made
her memorandum. This she herself takes notice of, and
makes an apology for it ; " It is late ; I desire never to
cease from writing unto you, yet now, after the kissing
of your hands, I will end my letter. Excnse my evil
writing, and read it twice over. Excuse that thing that
is scriblit, for I had na paper zesterday, quhen I wraite
that of the memorial." Good. ii. 28. These memoran-
dums still appear in the middle of ^e letter ; and what
we have said seems naturally to account for the manner
how they might find their way into a real letter. It is
scarce to be supposed, however, that any forger would
' think of placing [aemoranduihs in the middle of a letter, '
where, at first sight, they make so absurd and so unna-
tural an appearance. But if any shall still carry their
refinement to such a length, as to suppose that the for-
gers were so artful as to throw in this circumstance, in
order tx) preserve the appearance of genuineness, they
I .Google
884 DISSERTATION ON
raost at least allow that the queen's enemies, who en3-
picked these forgers, could not be ignorant of the design
and meaning of these short notes and memorandums ;
but we 0nd them mistaking them so far as to imagine
that they were the credit of the bearer, i. e. points con-
cerning which the queen had given him verbal instniC'
tions. Good. ii. 152. This they cannot possibly be ;'
for the queen herself writes with so much exactness con-
cerning the different points in the memorandums, that
there was no need of giving any credit or instructions
to the bearer concerning them. The memorandums ace
indeed the corUents of the letter. 5. Mary, mentioning
her conversation with the king, about the affair of
Mynto, Hiegait, &c. says, "The mome [i. e. to-mor-
row] I will speik to him upon that point ;" and then
adds, " As to the rest of Willie Hiegait's, he confessit
it ; but it was the morne [i. e. the morning] after my
coming or he did it." Good. ii. 9. This addition,
which could not have been made till after the conversa-
tion happened, seems either to have been inserted by
the queen into the body of the letter, or, perhaps, she
having written it on the margin, it was taken thence
into the text If we suppose the letter to be a real one,
and written at different times, as it plainly bears, this
circumstance appears to be very natural : but no reason
could have induced a forger to have ventured upon such
an anachronism, for which there was no necessity. An
addition perfectly similar to this, made to a genuine
paper, may be found, Good. ii. 282.
But, on the other hand, Mary herself, and the advor
cates for her innocence, have contended, that these
letters were forged by her enemies, on purpose to blast '
her reputation, and to justify their own rebellion. It
is not necessary to take notice of the ailments which
were produced, in her own age in support of this
opinion ; the observations which we have already made,
contain a full reply to them. An author, who has in-.
Co Ogle
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 285
quired into the affeirs of that period with gfeat industry,
and who has acquired much knowledge of them, has
published (as he affirms) a demonstration of the foi^ery
of Mary's letters. This demODStratioa he founds upon
evidence both internal and external. With regard to
the former, he observes that the French copy of the
queen's letters is plainly a translation of Buchanan's
Latin copy ; which Latin copy is only a translation of
the Scottish copy ; and, by consequence, the assertion
of the queen's enemies, that she wrote them originally
in'French, is altogether groundless, and the whole letters
are gross forgeries. He accounts for this strange suc-
cession of translations, by supposing thai when the for-
gery was projected, no person could be found capable
of writing originally in the French language letters
which would pass for the quetn's ; for that reason they
were 6r8t composed inScottish; but unluckily the French
interpreter, as he conjectures, did not understand that
langu^^; and therefore Buchanan translated them
into Latin, and from this Latin tiiey were rendered into
French. Good. i. 79, 80.
• It is hardly necessary to observe, that no proof what-
ever is produced of any of these suppositions. The
manner of the Scots in that age, when almost every
man of rank spent a part of his youth in France, and
the intercourse between the two nations was great, ren-
ders it altogether improbable that so many complicated
operations should be necessary in order to procure a
. few letters to be written in the French language.
But without insisting farther on this, we may observe,
that all this author's premises may be granted, and yet
his conclusion will not follow, unless he likewise prove
that the French letters, as we now have them,:are a true
copy of .those which were produced by Murray and his
party in the Scottish parliament, and at York and at
Westminster, But this he has not attempted; and if
we attend to the history of the letters, such an attempt,
itis obvious, must have been unsuccesafuL Thelettecs
28d DISSERtATION ON
werefimt putjlished at the end of Buchanan s Detection'.
The first edition of this treatise was in Latin, in which
Itmguage three <^ the queen's letters were subjoined to
it; this Latin edition was printed A. D. 1571. Soon
after, a Scottish translation of it was published, and at
the end of it were printed, likewise in Scottish, the three
letters which had formerly appeared in Latin, and five
other letters in Scottish, which were not in the Latin
edition. Next appeared a French translation of the De-
tection, and of seven of the letters; this bears to have
beat printed at Edinburgh by Thomas Waltem, 1572.
The name of the place, as well as the printer, is allowed
by all parties to be a- manifest impostnre. Our author,
from observing the day of the month, from which the
printing is said to have been finished, has asserted that
this edition was printed>at London ; but no stress can
belaid upon a date formd in a book, where every other
circumstance with regard to the printing is allowed to be
false. Blackwood, who (next to Lesly) was the best
informed of all Mary's advocates in that ^e, alErms,
that the French edition of the Detection was published
in France : " II [Buchanan] a depuis adjoust^ a cette
declamation un petit libelle du pretendu manage du
Due de Norfolk, et de la fa^on de son proces, et la tout
envoy^ aux Ireres a la Rochelle, lesquels voyants qu'il
pouvoit servir k ia cause, I'ont traduit en Francois, et
iceluy fot ' imprim^ h. Edinbourg, c'est k dire ^
Bodhelle par Thomas Waltem, nom apost6 et fait k
plaisir. Martyre deMarie. Jebb ii. 256." Theauthw
of the Irmecence de Marie goes farmer, and names the
Frendi: tfMjdttfeor of the detection. "Et icelui pre-
mierement conqras^ (conune il sembie) pax George
Buchanan Escossoys, et dupnis traduit en langue
Fran^oise par un Hugonot, Poiteven (advocat de voca-
tion) Camuz. Boy disant gentilhomme, et un- de plus
remarqaezseditieuz.de France. Jebb, i. 425. 448." The
concurring testimony .of two contemporary authors,
whos6 jresideuce in .France a&t^d tiiem Nifficiuit
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 287
meanis of information, must outweigh a ^ight conjec-
ture. The French translator does not pretend to publish
the -original French letters as written by the queen her-
self ; he expressly declares that he translated thenx
from the Latin. Good. i..l03. Had our author at-
tended to all these circumstances, he might have saved
himself the labour of so many criticisms to prove that
the present French copy of the letters is a trairalation
from the Latin. The French editor himself acknowledges
it, and, so far as I know, no person ever denied it.
We may observe that the French translator was so
ignorant as to affirm that Mary had written these letters,
partly in French, partly in Scottish. Good. i. 103. Had
this translation been published at London by Cecil, or
had it been made by his direction, so gross an error
would not have been admitted into it. This error, how-
ever, was owing to an odd circumstance. In the Scot-?
tish translation of the Petection, two or three sentences
of the original French were prefixed to each letter, which
breaking off with an &c. the Scottish translation- (tf the
whole letter followed. This method of printing trans-
lations was not uncommon in that age. The French
editor observing this, foolishly concluded that the letters
had been written partly in French, parUy in Scottish.
If we carefully consider those few French sentences
of each letter, which still remain, and apply to them
that i^iecies of criticinn, by which our author has ex-
amined the whole, a clear proof will arise, that there-was
a French copy not translated fromthe Latin, but which
was itself the original from which both the Latin and
Scottish have been translated. This- minote -cntieism
must necessarily be disagreeable -to many readers ; but
luckily a fewsentences only are to be«xamined, which
will render it ex.tremely short.
In the iiTSt letter, the French sentence pcefix^d to it
ends with these words, 5 fedsoH ben. It is plain this
expression, vat cequepeut un corps stmscd&ir^ is by oq
r,3ri7.-i^.! Google
288 DISSERTATION ON
means a translation of cum plane perhtde assem atque
corpus sine corde. The whole sentence has a spirit and
elegance in the French, which neidier the Latin nor
Scottish have retained. Jusques a la lUnie is not a
translation of toto prandii tempore ; the Scottish trans-
lation, qahile denner-titne, expresses the sense of the
French more properly ; for anciently quhile signified
until as well as daring. Je n'ay pas tenu grand prqpos
is not justly rendered neque contulerim sermonem cum
quoquam ; tiie phrase used in the French copy is one
peculiar to that language, and gives a mOre probable
account of her behaviour than the other. Jugeant biat
quil rCy faisoit bon is not a translation of ut qui Judi-
carent id non tsse ex usu. The French sentence pre-
fixed to lett. 2. ends with apprendre. It is evident that
both the Latin and Scottish translations have omitted'
altogether these words, et toute/oisje Tie puis apprendre.
The French sentence prefixed to lett. 3. ends with pre-
senter. Xaye veiliipius tard la kaut is plainly no trans-
lation oidiutius itlic morala sum; the sense of the French
is better expressed by the Scottish, / have walkit later
there up. Again, Pour excuser vostre affaire is very
different from ad excusandam nostra negotia. The five
remaining letters never appeared in Latin ; nor is there
any proof of their being ever translated into that lan-
guage. Four ofthem, however, are published in French.
This entirely overturns our author's hypothesis concern-
ing the necessity of a translation into Latin.
In the Scottish edition of the Detection, the whole
sonnet is printed in French as well as in Scottish. It
is not possible to believe that this Scottish copy could
be the original froin which the French was translated.
The French consists of verses which hath both measure
and rhyme, and which, in many places, are far from
being inelegant. The Scottish consists of an equal
number of lines, but without measure or rhyme. Novir
no man could ever think of a thing so absurd and im-
Ooc^lc
KING H£NRT'S MfJRDER, &c. 289
practicable, as to require one to translate a certain given
number of lines in prose, into an equal number of verses
where both measure and rhyme were to be observed.
-The Scottish, on the contrary, appears manifestly to be
a translation of the French ; the phrases, the idioms,
and many of the words are French, and not Scottish.
Besides, the Scottish translator has, in several instances,
mistaken the sense of the French, and in many more
expresses the sense imperfectly. Had the sonnet been
forged, this could not have happened. The directors
of the fraud would. have understood their own work.
I shall satisfy myself with one example, in which
there is a proof of both my assertions. Stanza viii.
ver. 9.
Pour luy j'attendz toute bonne fortune.
Pour luy je veux garder santA et vie.
Pour luy tout vertu de suivre j'ay envie.
For him I attend all good fortune, '
For him I will conserve helthe and life,
For hira I desire to ensue courage.
Attend in the first line is not a Scottish, but a French
phrase ; the two other lines do not express the sense of
the French, and the last is absolute nonsense.
The eighth letter was never translated into French.
It contains much refined mysticism about devices, a folly
of that age, of which Mary was very fond, as appears
from several other circumstances, particularly from a
letter concerning impresas by Drummond of Hawthom-
den. If Mary's adversaries foi^d her letters, they
were certainly employed very idly when they produced
this.
From these observations it seems to be evident that
there was a French copy of Mary's letters, of which the
LaAin and Scottish were only translations. Nothing
now remains of this copy but those few sentences which
are prefixed to the Scottish ^anslation. The French
VOL. II. iS
r,on7<-i.i Google
290 DISSERTATION ON
editor laid bold of these Sentences, and tacked his own
translation to them, which, so far as it is his work, is a
servile and a very wretched translation of Buchanan's
Latin; whereas, in those introductory sentences, we
liave discovered strot^ marks of their being originals,
and certain proo& that they are not translated from
the Latin.
It is apparent, too, from comparing the Latin and
Scottish translations with these sentences, that the
Scottish translator has more perfectly attained the sense
and spirit oi the French than the Latin. And as it ap-
pears, that the letters were very early translated into
Scottish, Good. ii. 76. it is probable that Buchanan
made his translation, not from the French but from the
Scottish copy. Were it necessary, several critical
proofs of this might be produced. One that has been
already mentioned seems decisive. Diutius illic morata
sum bears pot the least resemblance to j'ay veilliplus
tard la haul ; but if, instead of I walkit [i. e. watched]
iaiter tkairup, we suppose that Buchanan read / vxiitit,
&c. this mistake, into which he might so easily have
^en, accounts for the error in his translation.
These criticisms, however minute, appear to be well-
founded. But whatever opinion may be formed con-
cerning them, the other arguments^ with regard to the
internal evidence, remain in full force..
The external proofs of the forgery of the queen's let-
ters, which our author has produced, appear at first
sight to be specious, but are not more solid tiian that
which we have already examined. These proofs may
be classed under two heads. 1. The erroneous and
contradictory accounts which axe said to be given of
ihe letters upon the first judicial production of them.
In the secret council held December 4, 1567, they are
described " as her privie letters written and subscrivit
with her awin hand." Haynes, 454. Good. ii. 64. In
^e act of parlifunent, passed on the 15th of ike same
Coogk
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 391
month, they are described as " her privie letters written
halelie with her awin hand." Good. ib. 67. This di-
versity of description has been considered as a strong
'presumption of foi^ry. The manner in which Mr.
Hume accounts for this is natural and plaasible, vol. v.
p. 498. And several ingenious remarlcs, tending to
confirm his observations, are made in a pamphlet lately
published, entitled, Miscellaneotts Remarks on the En-
^iry into the Evidence against Jdary Qfteen of Scots.
To what they have observed it may be added, that the
orig^al act of secret council does not now exist ; we
have only a copy of it found among Cecil's papers, and
the transcriber has been manifestly so ignorant, or so
careless, that an ailment founded entirely upon the ■
supposition of his accuracy is of little force. Several
errors into which he has fallen, we are enabled to point
out, by comparing his copy of the act of secret council,
with die act of parliament passed in consequence of it.
The former contains a petition to parliament ; in the
latter the real petition is resumed verbatim, and con-
verted into a law. In the copy, the queen's marriage
with Bothwell is called " a priveit marriage," which it
certainly was not; for it was celebrated, after proclama-
tion of banns, in St Giles's church three several days,
and with public solemnity ; butin the act it is denomi-
nated " ane pretendit marriage," which is the proper
descripti(Hi of it, according to the ideas of the party.
Id the copy, the qneen is said to be "so thrall and
bludff afiectionat to the privat appetite of that tyran,"
wMch is nonsense, but in the act it is " blindly affec-
tionat" In the copy it is said, " all nobill and virtuous
maa abhorring ^ir tratne and company." In the act,
" their tyrannic and c<Hnpanie," which is evidendy the
true reading, as the other has eidier no meaning, or is
a mere tautology. 2. The other proof of the forgery
of the letters, is founded upon the impossibility of re-
conciling the account, given of th^ time when, and the
u2 . ,
v.oO'Jie
2&2 , DISSERTATION ON
places from which, the letters are supposed tohayebeeri
written/with what is certainly known concerning the
queen's motions. According to the paper published,
Anders; ii. 269, which has been called Murray's Diary,
and which is formed upon the authority of the letters,
Mary set out from Edinbui^h to Glasgow, January 21,
1567 ; she arrived there on the 23rd; lefi that place on
the 27th; she, together with the king, reached Linlith-
gow on the 28th, stayed in that town only one night,
and returned to Edinburgh before the end of the month.
But,- according to Mr. Goodall. the queen did not leave
Edinburgh until Friday, January 24th; as she stayed a
night at Callendar, she could not reach Glasgow sooner
than the evening of Saturday the 25th, and she returned
to Linlithgow on Tuesday the 28th. By consequence,
the first letter, which supposes the queen to have been
at leas.t four days in Glasgow, as well as the second
letter, which bears date at Glasgow, Saturday morning,
whereas she did not arrive there until the evening, must
be forgeries. That the queen did not set out from
Edinburgh sooner than tiie 24th of January, is evident
(as; he contends) froni the public records, which con-
tain a Precept of a confirmation of a life-rent by James
Boyd to Margaret Chalmers, granted by the queen, on
the 24th of January, at Edinburgh ; and likewise a let-
ter of the queen's, dated at Edinburgh on the same day,
a{>pointing Junes Inglis, taylor to the prince, her son..
That the king and queen had returned to Linlithgow
on the 28th, appears from a deed, in which they ap-
point Andrew Ferrier, . keeper of their palace tiiere,
dated at Linlithgow, January 28^ - Good. i. 118.
This has been represented to be not only a convinc-
ing,- but a legal proof of the forgery of the letters said
to-;be written by Mary; but how far it falls short of
this, will appear from the following considerations :
1. It is' evident from a:dedaration or confe^ion
made by the bishop of Ross, that before the confe-
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 293
recces at York; which were opened in the beginning of
October, 1568, Mary had, by an artifice of Maitlarid's,
got into her hands a copy of those letters which her
subjects accused her of having written to Bothwell.
Brown's Trial of the Duke of Norfolk, 31. 36. It is
highly probable that the bishop of Ross ■ had seen the
letters before he wrote the defence of queen Mary's
honour in 1570. They were published to all the .
world, together with Buchanan's Detection, A.D. 1571;
Now, if they had contained an error so gross, and, at
that time, so obvious to discovery, as the supposing
the queen to have passed several days at Glasgow,
while she. was really at Edinburgh; had they con-
tained a letter dated at Glasgow, Saturday morning,
though she did not arrive there till the evening ; is it
possible that she herself, who knew her own motions,
or the able and zealous advocates who appeared for
her in that age, should not have published and ex-
posed this contradiction, and, by so doing, have blasted
at once the credit of such an imposture ? In disquisi-
tions which are naturally abstruse and intricate, the in-
genuity of the latest author may discover many things
which have escaped the attention, or baffled the saga-
city, of those who have formerly considered the same
subject. But when a matter of fact lay so obvious to
view, this circumstance of its being unobserved by the
queen herself, or by any of her adherents, is almost a
demonstration that there is some mistake or fallacy in
our author's arguments. So far are any, either -of our .
historians, or of Mary's defenders, from calling in
question the common account concerning the time of
Uie queen's setting out to. Glasgow, and her returning
from it, that there is not the least appearance of any
difierence among them with regard to this point. But
farther,
2. Those papers in, the public records, on which our
author rests the proof of his assertion concerning the
294 DISSERTATION ON
queen's motions, are not &e originals subscribed by &e
queen, but copies only, or translations of copies of
those originals. It is not necessary, nor would it be
very easy, to render this intelligible- to peisons unac-
quainted with the forms of law in Scotland ; but every
Scotsman conversant in business will understand me
when I say, that the precept of confirmation of the life-
rent to Boyd is only a Latin copy or note of a precept,
which was sealed with the privy-seal, on a warrant
from the signet-office, proceeding on a signature which
bore date at Edinburgh, the 24th of January ; and that
the deed in favour of Jcuiies Inglis is the copy of a let-
ter, sealed with the privy-seal, proceeding on a signa-
ture which bore date at Edinburgh, January 24. From
all this we may argue with some degree of reason, that
a proof founded on papers which are so many removes
distant from the originals, cannot but be very lame
and uncertain.
3. At that time all public papers were issued in the
name both of the kii^ and queen ; by law, the king's
subscription was no less requisite to any paper than the
queen's ; and therefore, unless the original signature
be produced, in order to ascertain the particular day
when each of them signed, or to prove that it was
signed only by one of them, the legal proof aris-
ing from these papers would be, that both the king
and queen signed them at Edinbuigh on the 24th of
January.
4. The dates of the warrants or precepts issued by
the sovereign in that age, seem to have been in a great
measure arbitrary, and affixed at the pleasure of the
writer ; and of consequence, these dates were seldom
accurate, are often false, and can never be relied upon.
This abuse became so frequent, and was found to be
so pernicious, that an act of parliament, A.D. 1592,
declared the fixing a Mse date to a signature to be
high-treason.
DowcdDyGoOgIC
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 2e»6
5. There still remain, in tlie public records, a great
number of papers, which prove the necessit)^ of this
law, as well as the fallacy of our author's argumeuts.
And thongh it be no easy matter, at the distance of
two centuries, to prove any particular date to be
false, yet surprising instances of this kind shall be pro-
duced. Nothing is more certain from history, than
that the king was at Glasgow, 24th January, 1567,
and yet the record of signatures from 1565 to 1582,
fol. 16th, contains the copy of a signature to Archi-
bald Edmonston, said to have been subscribed by our
sovereigns, i. e. the king and queen, at Edinburgh,
- January 24, 1567 ; so that if we were to rely impli-
citly upon the dates in the records of that age, or to
hold our author's argument to be good, it would prove
that not only the queen, but the king too was at Edin-
bui^h on the 24th of January.
It appears from an original letter of the bishop of
Ross, that on the 25th of October, 1 566, Mary lay at
the point of death ; Keith, App. 134 ; and yet a deed
is to be found in the public records, which bears that
it was signed by the queen that day. Privy seal, lib.
36. fol. 89. Ouchterlony.^
Bothwell seized the queen, as she returned Irom
Stirling, April 24, 1567, and (according to her own
account) conducted her to Dunbar with all diligence.
And. i. 95. But oar author, relying on the dates of
some papers which he found in ^e records, supposes
that Bolliwell allowed her to stop at Edinburgh, and
to transact business there. Nothing can be more impro-
bable than this supposition. We may tiierefore rank the
date of the deed to Wright, Privy seal, lib. 36. fol. 43,
and which is mentioned by our author, vol. i. 124,
< N. B. In lome at the eadier editloni of thli Diiwrtalion, another initttnce of the
Mine DBtnre Kith thaao which go before ind follox numenlioned; butthit.Mhu
■inee been discorered, ou foanded on ■ miiuke of the penon emplaned lo Mtrch
tberecords, utd iitbeiefoK omitted in tliii edition. Tbe reuoning, haii««e(> iu
Ibe DigMrtalion, lUmdi itill In Force, notnithitandiDg lliii amisiinn.
Google
296 DISSERTATION ON
amoDg the instances of the false dates of papers which
were issued in the ordinarjr course of business in that
age. Our authot has mistaken the date of the other
paper to Forbes, ibid. ; it is sigucd April 14th, not
April 24th.
If there be any point agreed upon in Mary's history,
it is that she remained at Dunbar from the time that
Bothwell carried her thither, till she returned to Edin-
burgh along with him in the beginning of May. Our
author himself allows tixzt she resided twelve days
there, vol. i. 367. Now, though there are deeds in the
records which bear that they Were signed by the queen
at Dunbar during that time, yet there are others which
bear that they were signed at Edinburgh ; e. g. there is
one at Edinburgh, April 27tii, Privy se^, lib. 36. fol.
97. There are others said to be signed at Dunbar on
that day. Lib. 31. Chart. No. 524. 526. lb. lib. 32.
No. 154. 157. There are some signed at Dunbar, April
28th. Others at Edinburgh, April 30th, lib. 32, Chart.
No.4i>2. Others at Dunbar, May 1st. Id. ibid. No.
158. These different charters suppose the queen to
have made so many unknown, improbable, and incon-
sistent journeys, that they afford the clearest demon-
stration that the dates in these records ought not to be
depended on.
This becomes more evident from the date of the
charter said to be signed April 27th, which happened
diat year to be a Sunday, which was not, at that time,
a day of business in Scotland, as appears from the books
of sederunt, then kept by the lords of session.
From this short review of our author's proof of the
forgery of the letters to Bothwell, it is evident, that his
arguments are far from amounting to demonstration.'
' Tlie unCMliinty of an; conclusion fonned merd; on the dale of public pspeia
in that age, egpecisilj with respect to the kin^, is conGnned and illuttrated by a
discuvctj which was made lately. Mr. Daiidgon (la whom I was indebted far much
information when I composed this Disseftation thirty-lhree jeais ago) has, in ihe.
coulM of bin ^searches into Ihe BQliquities of bis couDtrj, found an ociginal paper.
r,o,:,..i.i.i Google
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 2»7
Another argument against the genuineness of these
letters is founded on IJie style and composition, Which
are said to be altogether unworthy of the queen, and
unlike her real productions. It is plain, both from the
great accuracy of composition in most of Mary letters,
and even from her>?olicitude to write them in a fair
hand, that she valued herself on those accomplishments,*
and was desirous of being esteemed an elegant writer.
But when she wrote at any time in a hurry, then many
marks of inaccuracy appear. A remarkable instance
of this may be found in a paper published. Good. ii.
301. Mary's letters to Bothwell were written in the
utmost hurry ; and yet under all the disadvantages of a
translation, they are not destitute either of spirit or
energy. The manner in which she expresses her love
to Bothwell has been pronounced indecent and even
shocking. But Mary's temper led her to warm ex-
pressions of her regard ; those refinements of delicacy,
which now appear in all the commerce between the
sexes, were, in that Sige, but little known, even among
persons of the highest rank. AOiong the earl of Hfuid-'
wicke's papers, there is a series of letters from 'Mary
to the duke of Norfolk, copied from the Harleian li-
brary, p. 37. b. 9. fol. 88, in which Mary declares her
love to that nobleman in language which woiild now
be reckoned extremely indelicate ; Hard. State Papersj
i, 189, &c.
Some of Mary's letters to Bothwell were written be-
■rhSch mtut appeir cuiiam to Scottiih aDliqaarie*. Bnchanin iiieiti, thai OD >c-
count of Ihe king's frcqaent absencei occuianed by bis disiipitioD and love of EeJd-
■porti, a atclutu, or ilamp cut in meUl, "aa made, wiih vhich fail uame na> affixed
U pnbtic deeds, la i( be had been praent. Hlit. Jib. irli. p. 343. edit. Ruddim.
Kdoi relates the same thing, Hist. p. 393.- Hon much this maj hare lii retted tbe
king of the consequence which he derived (romhaTJng hi) natne conjoined nith that
of the queen in all public deeds, ai (be affiiing oF big oamenEis tberebj put entirely
to the power of the perioR who had Ihe custody of the cuehitK, it manifest. The
keeping of it, as both Bucbsnaa and Knox aiGrm, wai committed to Riiia. A lale
defender of queui Mary calls in question what tbej relate, and seemi to consider it '
u one of their aaper«ons. Goodall, lol. i. p. t3S. The truth ot their assertion,
boirever, is now fntlj established, by the original deed which I bate mentioned.
This I haTO seen and eiamined with attention. Il it now lodged by Mr. Davidson
in tbe signet-office. In it the subscriplloti <if the king's name bat evidently been -
nwde by a tmhtili with ptiolei'i ink.
r,on7<-i.i Google
SM DISSERTATION ON
fore the mHtder of her husband ; stnoe of them after
that event, and b^ore her marriage to Bothwell. Those
which are prior to the death of her husband abound
with the fondest expreBsions of her love to Bothwell,
and excite sometiung mcH'e than a suspicion ^at their
familiaritf had been extremely criminal. We find is
them too, some dark expresBions, which her enemies
employed to prove that she was no stranger to the
schemes which were formed against her husband's life.
Of this kind are the following passages : " Alace I I
never dissavit ony body ; but I remit me altogidder to
zour will. Send me advertisement quhat I sail do,
and quhatsaever thing come thereof, I sail obey zow.
Advise to with zoursetf, gif ze can find out ony mair
secret inveutioon by medicine, for he suld tak medi-
cine and the bath at Craigmillar." Good. ii. 22. "See
not hir quhais fenzeit teiris suld not be Eia meikle
praisitand estemil^ as the trew and faithfull travellis
quhilk I snstene for to merit hir place. For obtaining
of the quhitk, agfunis my natural, 1 betrayis thame that
may impesche me. God forgive me," &c. Ibid. 27. "I
have walkit later thairup, than I wald have done, gif
it had not been, to draw something out of him, quhilk
this berer will scbaw zow, quhilk is the ffiirest commo-
di^ that can be ofTerit to excuse zour afiairs." Ibid. 32.
From the letters posterior to the death of ber husband,
it is evident that the scheme of Bothwell's seizing
Mary by force, and carrying her along with him, was
contrived in concert with herself, and with her ap-
probation.'
' Hut itWn of 10 ntuch importance u IhoM of Mar; to Bothwell should hare
becD entirely loit, eppean to niiny altBgether DDaccoontible. After being pro-
duced in Eogbnid b^ore Elisabelfa't commiwionen, Ihej were deliiered back bj
them to the eul of Muinj. Good. ii. 135. He leemi to biTB kept them in hu
poueaion daring life. Aflet hit death, the; fell into thebindt of Lennoi hii ■nc'
ceator, liho tntoted Lhem to (be earl of Morton. Good. ii. 91. Thoagb it be not
neceauuilj connected with any of the qnestioaa which gave occaaion to thli Diiier-
tallan, it may perhip ntiifj the curioiity of aome of my reideri to ipfono Ihcni,
that, after ■ Tery diligent aearch, which hii lately been made, oo copy of Mar^a
lettera to Bothwell can be found iu any of the public librnriei iu Great BriUin.
The odIj certain intelligence conceniing them, since the lime of their being deli-
teted to Morton, waa communicated by Ibe accunte Dr. Birch.
Google
KING UBNRY'S MURDER, &c. BDQ
With respect to the sonnets, Sir David Dalryiaple
has proved clearly, that they' must havie been wriUen
Eitraet of Itaa lettcn ot Robnt Bottu, «gq. imbiiwdar iiraiD queen EllMfceUi to
tbEkineofSoodjind, writteola SirFnaeia W>1ungb>iD,>MialM7Df ■Me.'fcOOi tbe
origiiiw^Rguter book of Ur. Bovea't IcHen, from 15th of Angoil, ISSS. to SSth
September, IftBS, U Uie polMnkiii «f Cliratai^ Htntter, U.D. of Dtitbui.
1583, 8th November, from EiHnbdigh.
Albeit I have been home in hand, TliRt the ccder itber^-tnrra'lbe originals of
lutera betweoD Ae Scotthli ^aeen and Oie earl of Botfawdl, had boen deliveieil to
nindty haiKli,and timvbj wai at preicDt wantine, aiu) ankiio voir ben it leBted.yel
I hare kamed ceitunlj bj Ihe pnor of PhiBiiarayiie'i neani, that both tbe eama
and also the mitiDgi are come, *Dd now icniaiii iiith tho earl of Qowrie, who, 1
panovG, will be hardly entreated to make delivery to ber majaitj, accerdiDg to ber
~^*itj'« desire.
is time pail I bave expended In searclung vfaere (be ooffer end trritings were.
maitsly'a desire.
Tbis time part I ' , „
. irilboat ttie help of-the prior, I shoold have foand grvat dtfflently ;
*U1 euaj Oowrie, «nd of my success yoa shsH be shortly advertised.
l«h of November, 1S8S, from Gdlnbnigb.
Became I hid both leiined, that the caikot and letters mentioned in mj last,
before tbese were come to the possession of Ihe earl of Oowrie, and also fbnnd that
no mean might prevail to win the same out of ba hutdi >rilhoi)tbi> ono consent and
' privity ; in which behalf I had amplojed fit inslmmeats, that neverthelesi proGtias
nothing; theiefoie [ attempted to esasy himself, letting him knon that the laid
oaiket and letten ihoald have be«n brought to her majesty by the offer and good
mean! of good friends, promising to have ddivered them to her majesty before Ih^
came into his hands and caitody, and knowing Ihat be did l>ear Ihe like afiection,
and was ready to plealiire her majesty In all thinp, and chiefly in this thai had
been tbas far tendered to her majesty, and vlncb thereby slKxild be well accepted
and with princely thanks and gratuity be reijailedto hii comfort and contentment; I
moved hiia that they might be a present to be sent to her majesty from him, and that
I might cauls the lanie to lie conveyed to her majes^, adding hereunto snch wordi
and argoments as might both stir up a hope of liberality, and also l>est effect Ihe
pnrpoie. At the first he was loth to agree tfaat they were in hii possession ; but I
let him plainly know that 1 was certainly informed that they were delivered to him
by Saaoders Jardin ; whereupon he pressed to know vho did so inform me, inqnir-
ing nhelber the sons of the earl of Morton liad dime it, or no. I did not otherwise
in plun tenni deny or ansner thereunto, but that he might think that he had isld
me as the prior is read; to avuoch, and well pleased that I shall give him to be the
■athor thereof; after he had said [thongh] all these letters were in hit keeping
(which he would neither grant nor deny), yet he might not deliver them to any
person without the consents and privities, as well of the king, that had interesl
therein, as also of the rest of the noblemen enterprisers of the actjon against the king's
mother, and Ihatwonld have them kept as an evidence to warrant and make good
(hat action. And albeit I replied, that thrir acliou in that part touching the assig'
Dalion of the crown to the king by his mother, bad received such eitabliihmenl,
coafirmation, and itrenglb, bj acts of parliaments and other public authority and
instruments, as neither Mionld that case be lufiered to come in debate or question^
nor such scrolls and papers ought to be shewed toi Ihe gtrenglhenmg thereof, so as
tliete migbC well be left and be tendered to the hands of tier majesty, to wh<nn they
were destined belbre they fell in his keeping ; yet he would not be removed or
■atisfied ; coucluding, after much reasoning, that the earl of Mutton, nor any other
that had Ihe charge and keeping thereof, durst at any time make delivery ; and be-
cause it was tfae brat time that I had moved bim therein, and Ibat be would gladly
both answer her ra ' ' ' ' ' "
to his soverrign i
the laid casket and letters, at his relum to bis house, which he Ihongfat shonid be
within a short time; and upon finding of Ihe same, and better advice and conii*
deration had of the cause, he wOuld give farUier answer. Tbis resolution I have
received as to the tbin^-, and for the present I could not better, leavin|; him to sire
her majesty snch testimony of his good ifill towards her, by his frank desTing
300 DiSSEttTATION ON
after the murder of the king and prior to Mary's mar-
riage with Bothwell. But as: hardly any part of my
: but I greallj diitnul the
I4tb of Novemberi 158S, from Bjlinbnrgb.
For the recOTGij of ihf lettcn ui the coSer. come to (lie handi of the earl of
Gowiie, I have lately moved him e^nieitlj (berein. letting him knov the purpose
of the Scottish qneen, JKMh by giving duI that Ibe lettera are coouteifeited bj out
labels, and also seeking theteon lo have them delivered to bee or defkced, and tbat^
tbe meaiu vhkh she iball make in this behalf iball be so (reat and effectual, as tbese
nritiDgi cannot be safely kept in that reabn without dangerous offence of him that
hath the custody thereof, neither shall he that ii once knunn to hare them be luf-
feied to bold tbem in his hands. Herewith I have at Urge opeDed the perils likely
to fall to tliat action, and the .parties therein, and particularly M himself that is now,
<^>eniy kaown to have the posaeMion of these writings, and 1 tave leitin him see
what surely it shall bring to the said cause and all the pailiet therein, and to him-
self, that these wiitingi may be with aecrecy and good order committed to tlie keep-
ing of her majesty, that will have them read; wheoBoeier any ose shall be for them,
uid by her highness's GouDtenance defend them and the parties from inch wrongful
objections as shall be laid against them, ofiiEring at length to him, that if he be not
fully satisGed therein, or doubt that the rest of the associates shall not like of the.
delireiy of them to her majesty in this good manner, and for the intereil rehearsed,
that I shall readily, upon meeting and conference with tbem, procure their assent
in this part (a mailer more easy to offer than to perform) ; and lastly, moving him.
thai (for the secrecy and benefit of the cause, and that her majesty's gnod opinion
towftrds himself may be firmly settled and confirmed by his acceptable forwardneu
therein) lie would, without needles: scruple, frankly commit these writiogs to her
OMJeaty's good custody for tbe good uses received. After long debate he resolved,
and Hid, that be Hoafd unleignedlj sheH and do to her majesty all the pleasnre that
he might without offence to the king his sovereign, and prejudice to the associates in
tbe action, and therefore he would first make search and view the sud lettera, and.
berdn take advice what he might do, and how fai he might satisfy and content her.
iDaJMt; ; pronusing thereon to j^ve more teiolate answer; and he concluded flatty
■hat after he bad found and seen tlie writings, that he might not make delivery of
them without the privity of tho king. Albeit I stood along with him against his
resolution in this point, to acquaint the king with (his matter before tbe letters were
in )he hands of her majesty, letting him lee that bis doings there should admit
great danger to the cause -, yet I could not remove him from it. It may be that
be meaneth to put over the matter from himself to the king, upon sight whereof I
shall travel effectually to obtain tlie king's consent, that the letters may he committed
to her majesty's' keep log, thinking it more easy lo prevail herein with the king, in the
present love and affection that he.bearelh to her highness, tlian lo win any thing at the
hands of the associates in the aolion, vihereofsome principal of them now come and
remain at the devotion of the king's mathet; in this I shall sttll call on Gowrie, to
search out the coffer, according to his promise ; and as 1 shall find him minded to
' do therein, so shall I do my best and whole endeavour to effect the snccesa to her
majesty's best conlcntmenl.
id December, 1583, from Ediuburgb.
Because I saw good opportunity offered to renew the matter to the earl of Gowrie
for recoverv of (he letters in the coffer in his bands, therefore I put him in mind
thereof; whereupon be laid me that the duke "of Lennox had sought eamesdy lo
have had those letters, and that the Ling did know where they were, so as they could
not he delivered to her majesty witbont the king's privily and consent, and he pre-
tended to be still willing to pleasure lier majesty in the same, so far as be may with
his duty to the king and to the rest of the associates in thai action ; but I greatly dis-
trust to effect this to her majesty's pleasure, wherein, nevertheless, I shall da my
utmost endeavours.
Whether James VI., who put the earl of Gowrie to death, A.D. 1584, and seized,
all his effects, look care lo destroy bii mother's letters, lor whose honour he waa at
that time eitremely lealous; whether they have perished by some unknown acci-
dent; or whether they may not sUll remain unobserved among the aicbives of some
otoor great families, it is imposiible to determine.
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc
KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 301
narrative is fouDded upon what is cotitained in the
sonnets, and, as in this Dissertation I have been con-
strainedto dwell longer upon minute and verbal criti-
cisms, than may be interesting or agreeable to many of
;ray readers, I shall rest satisfied with referring, for in-
formation concerning every particular relative to the son-
nets, to Remarks on the Histoiy of Scotland, Chap. XI.
Having thus stated the proof on both sides; having
examined at so great a length the diiferent systems with
regard to the facts in controversy; it may be expected
that I should now pronounce sentence. In my opinion,
there are only two conclusions, which can be drawn
from the facts which have been enumerated.
One, that Bothwell, prompted by his ambition or
love, encouraged by the queen's known aversion to her
husband, and presuming on her attachment to himself,
struck the blow without having concerted with her the
manner or circumstances of perpetrating that crime.
That Mary, instead of testifying much indignation at
the deed, or discovering any resentment ^^nst Both-
well, who was accused of having committed it, conti-
nued to load him with marks of her regard, conducted
his trial in such a manner as rendered it impossible to
discover his guilt, and soon after, in opposition to all
the maxims of decency or of prudence, voluntarily
agreed to a marriage with him, which every considera-
tion should have induced her to detest. By this ver-
dict, Mary is not pronounced guilty of having contrived
the murder of her husband, or even of having previously
given her consent to his death ; but she is not acquitted
of having discovered her approbation of the deed, by
her behaviour towards him who was the author of it.
The other conclusion is that which Murray and his
adherents laboured to establish, " That James, some-
tymme earl of Bothwile, was the chiefe executor of the
horribill and unworthy murder, perpetrate in the person
of umquhile king Henry of gude memory, fader to our
, Co Ogle
302 DISSERTATION, &c.
soveraine lord, and the queeois kuchfiill husband ; sa,
was she of the foreknowledge, counsall, devise, per-
swadar, and command of the said murder to be done."
Good, it, 207.
Which of these conclusions is most agreeable to the
eridence that has been produced, I leave my readers
to. determine.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
APPENDIX.
No. I. (Vol. I. p. 172.)
A Memorial of certain points meet for the reitoring the realm of
Scotland to the antient toeaU.
5tb Aunrt ' it is to be noted, that the best worldly felicity
1559, Col- that Scotland can have, is either to continue in a perpetual
cSl B "lo P***^® "'''' '^^ kin^om of England, or to be made one
[ol. IT. monarchy with England, as they both make but one
From ■ island, divided from the rest of the world.
CTBWiy " ^^ ^^ ^^^^ '^ sought, that is, to be in perpetual peace
Cecil'! with England, then must it necessarily be provided, that
Scotland be not so subject to the appointments of France
as is presently, which, being an ancient enemy to England, seeketh
always to make Scotland an instrument, to exercise, thereby, their
malice upon England, and to make a footstool thereof to look over
England aii they may.
Therefore, when Scotland shall come into the hands of a mere
Scottish man tn blood, then may there be hope of such accord;
but as long as it is at the commandment of the French, there is no
hope to have accord long between these two realms.
Therefore, seeing it is at the french king's commandment by
reason of his wife, it is to be considered for die weale of Scotland,
that until she have children, and during her absence out of the
realm, the next heirs to the crown, being the house of the Hamil-
tQns, should have regard hereto, and to see that neither the crown
be imposed nor wasted ; and, on the other side, the nobility and
commonalty ought to force that the laws and the old customs of
the realm be not altered, neither that the country be not impove-
rished by taxes, emprest, or new imposts, after the manner of France :
for provision wherein, both by the law of God and man, the Erendi
king and his wife may be moved to reform their misgoremance of
the land.
And for this purpose it were good that the nobility and commons
joined with the next heir to the crown, to seek due reformation of
such great abuses as tend to theruin of their country, which must
be done before the French grow too strong and insolent.
First, that it noay ke provided by the consent of die three estate*
of the land, that the land maybe free from idolatry like as England
304 SCOTLAND.
is : for juBtification whereof, if any free general coanc3 may be
had where the pope of Rome have not the ^eat of judgment, they
ma; offer to shew Uieir cause to be the most agreeable to Christ's
religion.
Next, to provide that Scotland might be governed, in all rules
and offices, by the ancient blood of the realm, without either cap-
tiuni, lieutenants, or soldiers, as all other princes govern their coun-
tries, and especially that the forts might be in the hands of mere
Scottish men.
Thirdly, that they might never be occasioned to enter into the
wars against England, except England should give the first cause
to ScoUand.
Fourthly, that no nobleman of Scotland should receive pension
of France, except it were whilst he did serve in France, for other-
wise thereby the French wftnld shortly corrupt maoy to betray their
own country.
Fifthly, diat no office, abbey, living, or commodity, he ^ven to
any but mere Scottish men, by the assent of the three estates of the
realm.
Sixthly, that there be a council in Scotland appointed in the
queen's absence, to govern the whole realm, and in those cases
not to be directed by the French.
Seventhly, that it be by the said &iee estates appointed how the
queen's revenue of the realih shall be expended, how much the
queen shall have for her portion and estate during her disencc,
bow much shall be limited to the governance and defence of the
realm, how much yearly appointed to be kept in treasure.
In these, and such like points, if the French king and the queen
be found unwilling, and will withstand these provisions for the
weale of the land, then hath the three estates of the realm authority,
forthwith to inUmate to the said king and queen their humble re-
quests ; and if the same he not effectually granted, then humbly
they may commit the governance thereof to the next heir of the
crown, binding the same also to observe the laws and ancient rights
of the realm.
Finally, if the queen shall be unwilling to this, as it is likely she
win, in respect of the greedy and tyrannous affection of France,
then It is apparent that Almighty God is pleased to transfer from
her the rule of the kingdom for the weale of it, and this time must
be used with great circumspection to avoid the decepts and trompe-
ries of the French.
And then may the realm of Scotland consider, being once made
free, what means may be devised by God's goodness, to accord the
two realms, to endure for time to come at the pleasure of Almighty
Ood, in whose hands the hearts of all princes be.
Google
APPENDIX. 305
No. II. (Vol. I. p. 179.)
A Letter of Maithnd of J^hmgton's, thus directed:—
To my )oTing friend James. Be this delivered at LondoD.
soth J»- I UNDBRSTAMD by the last letter I received from yow,
""'?• that discoursing with zour countrymen upon the matter of
Cotu Lib. Scotland, and comoditeys may ensew to that realm here-
CbLB. U. after, ziff le presently assist ws with zour forces, ze find
nrigiruU in * nombre of the contrary advise. doHting that we sail not
hi« own at length be found trusty frends, nor mean to contynew in
constant ametye, albeit we promise, but only for avoyding
the present danger make zow to serve our tume, and after being
delivered, becum enemies as of before. For profe quhareof, they
alledge things that have past betwixt ws heretofore, and a few pre-
snmptioaes tending to the sam end, all grounded upon mistrust ;
qnhilks, at the first sicht, have some shewe of apparence, gif men
wey not the circumstances of the raatter; but gif they will confer
the tyme past with the present, consider the nature of this cans,
and estate of our contrey, I doubt not but jugement sal be able to
banish mistrust. And first, I wad wish £e should examyne the
causes off the old inmitye betwist the realms of England and Scot-
^nd, and quhat moved our ancestours to enter into ligue with the
Frenche ; quhilka by our storeys and registres of antiquiteys appear
to be these. The princes of England, some tyme, alledging a cer-
tain kynde of soveraintye over this realm ; some tyme upon bye
courage, or incited by incursions off our bordourares, and semblable
occasions, mooy times enterprised the conquest of ws,and sa farifurth
preist it by force off armes, that we wer dryren to great CKtramiteys^
by loss of our princes, our noblemen, and a good part of our conn-
trey, sa that experience taught ws tliat our owne strength was scarse
sufficient to withstand the force of England. The Frenche zour
auncient enemyes, considering well how nature had sa placed ws in
a iland with zow, that na nation was able sa to annoye En^and as we
being enemyes, soucht to joine ws to tliem in Ugue, tending by that
meane to detoume zour armyes from the invasion of France, and
occupy zow in the defence off zour country at hame, offering for
that effect to bestowe some charges upon ws, and for compassing
off theyr purpos, choysed a tyme to propone the matter, quhen the
fresche .memory off injuris lately receaved at zour hands, was sa
depely prented on our hartes, that all our myndes were occupied
how to be revenged, and arme ourselfes with the power off a forayne
prince against zour enterprises thereafier*
This wes the beginning ofT our confederacy with Fnmoe. At
qahilk time, our eronlcles maks mention, that some off the wysest
VOL. II. X
L'iooglc
80fl SCOTt.AND.
foresaw the perril, and sniall frute should redcmnd to vb thereof at
lenih : zit had afiection Ba Minded jugement, that the advise of the
maist part overcame the best. The maist part of aH qnudla betwixt
ws sltace that tyme, at least qvhen the ptovocation came on our syde,
beg ever fallen out by theyr procurement rather than any one caus
off ouTseUei : and quhensaever we bracic the peace> it come partly
by theyr intyaements, partly to eschew the conquest intended by
that realm. But now hes Ood's providence sa altered the case, zea
' changed it to the plat CMitrary, that now hes the Frenche taken
Knir place, and we, off very jugement, becum desyious to have w>w
in theyr rowme. Our eyes are opened, we espy how-nncw«ful they
have been of our weile at all tymes, how they made ws ever to serve
theyr tume, drew us in must dangerous weys for theyr commodite,
and nevertheless wad not s^ck, oft tymes, against the natour of
the ligue, to contrak peace, leaving ws in weyr. We see that th^
support, off late zeres, wes not grantit for any afiection they bare
to ws, for pytie they had off oar estate, for recompense off thelyke
friendship schawin to them in tyme off theyr afflictiones, but Ust
ambitioB, and inaadable cnpidite to reygne, and to mak Scotland
«ne accessory to the crown of France. This waa na friendly office,
but mercenary, craving byre fane exceeding the proportion of ibeyr
deserving ; a hale realm far the defence of a part. We see theym
manifestly attempt the thing we suspected off zow ; we feared ze mest
the conquest off Scotland, and they are planely fallen to that work;
webatedzowfordoabtwebadze ment evill towards ws, and sail we
love theym, qufailks bearing the name off frendg, go about to bring
ws in maist vile servitude? Gif by zoar frendly support at this
tyme, se sail declare that not only sute ze not the ruyne off our
country, but will preserve the liberde thereof from conquest by
strangears, sail not the occasion off all inimitie with zow, and ligne
with theym, be taken away ? The causes being removed, how stdl
the effectes remane? The fear of conquest made w« to hate zow
and love theym, the cus changed, quhen we see Ibeym planely
attonpt conquest, and zow achaw ws ftendsbip, sail we not hate
them, and favour zow ? Oif we have schaw&e sa great Constance,
contintting sa mony seares in amity with theym, off quhome we had
ta small commodite, quhat sail move us to breake with zow, that
off all nUiones may do ws greatest plesonrt
But ze will say, this mater may be reconcyled, and then frends
aa off before. I think weill peace is the end of all wep, but off
this ze may be assured, we will never sa far trust that reconciUation,
fliat we will be content to foi^o the ametye of England, nor do any
thing may bring ws in ssspicion widi zow. Oiff we wold at any
tyme to please them, break with zow, should we not, besydes the
loaie off ieatimation and discredilu^ of onrse^fei, perpetually ex-
APPENDIX- a>7
poDS ovr commcHi veill to a maist nmaifeat dangir, and becnm a
pray to theyr tyranny? Qufaaia aid could we implore, bein^ dead*
tnte of tour frendship, ^ff they off new wald attempt theyr formar
enterpriie? Qnbat nstttm mygbt fadp ws pS they wald, or waM
giff they might? and it is li^s eneuch, they will not stick hereafter
to tak theyr time off wi, qufaen displeeour and grudge hei taken
depe rute on baith aydes, seeing ambition has sa impyrit ower theyr
reaaoa, that before we had ever done any thiog mygfat offend theyn,
but by the contrary pleased theym by right and wrang, they did not
stick to attempte the snbrersion of oar h^e state. I wald ze shoald
not esteeme ws sa banyne of jugement, thit w« cannot farese o«r
awne perril ; or sa fooiische, that we will not itndy by all gode means
to entertayne that thing may be our safetye : quhtlk consistes all in
die relaying of zour freud^ips. I pray tarn consider in lyke case,
when, in the days of zoar princes off miust n<Aile memory, king
Henry the VIIL and king Edward the VI, meanes wer opened off
amytye betwixt baith lealms ; was not at all tymes the difference
of religion the onley stay they wer not embraced ? Did not the
craft of our Clergy tmd power of theyr adherents subvert the de-
vises of the better sort? But now has Ood off fata mercy removed
that block furdi of the way ; now is not theyr pnu^se lyke to tak
place any mare, when we ar comme to a conformity off doctrine,
«>d piofea die sanie religion with low, qubilk I take to be the
Btraytest knot off amitye can be devised. Giff it may be Pledged
that some off our countrymen, at any tyme violated theyr promis,
giff ze liffto way the circu m stances, ze sell fynd the promis is rather
brought on by necessite, after a great owerthraw off our men, then
conune off fire will, and tending ever to oar great incommodite and
decay off our haill state, at leist sa taken. But in this case, sail the
preaeiTation off our libertie be inseperably joined with the keping
off promeBse, and the violation off our fayth cast ws in must miser-
able servitude. Sa that giff neyther the feare off Ood, reverence off
man, religion, othe, promise, nor waridly bonestye wes sufficient to
bynd ws, yet sail the seale off oar native conntrey, the maintenance
off our owne state, tiie safety of our wyffee and childrene from ria-
very, compell ws to kepe promisse. I am assared, it ts trewly and
sincerely ment on our part to eontinew in perpetual ametye with
zow, it sail be uttered by our proceedings. Giff ze be as desirous
of it as we ar, assurances may be devysed, quharby all partyes will
be out of doubte. There be gode meanes to do it, fit iostmroents
for the pnrpofl, tyme serves wall, the inhabitants of batth realms
wi^ it. God faes wrought in the people's hartes on bayth parties
a certaine bUH agreement upon it, never did, tmy tyme, bo mooy
things coneurre at ones to knyt it up, the diBposition off a few,
qubais harts are in Godis hands, may mak up die hale. 1 hope he
308 SCOTLAND.
quhe hes begua th» woHc, and mainteyned h quhile now, by Ate
expectation of man, sale perfyte it.
I pray zow, let not zour men dryve time in conaultatioD, quhethei
te lall auppoit ws or no, Seyiug the maUr speaVelb for itself, tliat
Ee moB take upon zow the defence oS our cam, giff ze have any
respect for zour awne weill. Their prepara^iveB in France, and
levying of men in Germany (qabeyioff I am lately advertised), ar
not altogydder ordeyned for as, ze ai the mark they shote at ; they
•eke enrrealme, but for aoe entrey to zoutb. GifFthey should di-
recllyechaw hostilite to zow, they kuaw zow wald msk redy for theyme,
therefor they do, by iildirect meanes, to blind zow, the thbg they
dare not as zit planely attempte. They seme to iavade as to th'
end, that having aisembled theyr hale forces >a nere zour bordours,
they may unlock it to attack zow : It is ane off their aid fetches,
making a schew to one place, to lyght on ane other. Rememb«
how covertly zour places about Boulougne were assaizeit, and car-
ryed away, ze being in peace as now. How the enterprise of Calais
was fynely dissembled, I think ze have not sa sone furgotten.
Beware of the third, prevent theyr policy by prudence. Oiff ze se
not the lyke disposition presently in theym, ze se nathing. It is a
grosse ignorance to misknaw, what all nations planely speks oS*.
Tak heed ze say not hereafter, " Had 1 wist ;" ane uncomely sen-
tence to procede off a wyse man's mouth. That is onwaies chanced
on to zow, quhilk zow commonly wissed, that this countrey might
be divotsed from the Frensche, and is sa comme to pass as was
maist expedient for zow. For giff by your intysement we had taken
the matter in hand, ze myght have suspected we would have been
ontrusty frenda, and na langer continued stedfaste, then perril had
appeared. But now, quhen off our self, we have conceyved the
hatered, provoked by private injuries, and that theyr evil dealing
with W8 hes deserved our inimitye, let no man double but they sail
iynd ws ennemyes in emest, that sa ungently hes demeyned our
countrey, and at quhais hands we look for nathing but all extre-
jnitye, giff ever they may get the upper hand. Let not this occa-
sion, sa happely offered, escape zow : giff ze do, neglecting the
present opportunite, and hoping to have ever gode luk, comme
sleaping upon zow, it is to be feared zour enemye waxe so great,
and sa Strang, that aAerwards quhen k wold, ze sail not be able to
put him down ; and then, to zonr smart, after the tyme ze will acr
knowledge zour error. Ze have felt, by experience, quhat hanne
Cometh off oversight, and trusting to zoui euemyes promesse. We
offer zow the occasion, quheyrby zour former losses may be re-
payred. Quhilk gif ze let over slyde, suffering ws to be owerrun,
quha then, 1 pray zow, sail stay the Frensche, that they sail not
invade zow in zour own boundes, sic is their lust to leygne.
APPENDIX. 309
that they can neyther be contest with dieyr fortune present,
nor Test and be satisfied when they have gode lulc, but will atiU
fbllow on, having in theyr awne brayne conceaved the image of aa
great a conquest, quhat think ye bbI be the end ? Is ther any of sa
small jufement, that he doth not foresee already, that theyr htul
force sail then be bent agunst zow ?
It sal not be amiss, now to consider in quhat case the Fiensche.
be presently. Theyr estate is not always eacalme at bame as every
manthinketh.- And trewly it wes not theyr great redines for weyr
made theym to tak this mater on hand, at this tyme, but rather a
vayne trnst in their awne policy, thinking to have found na resist-
ance, theyr opinion hes deceaved them, and that makes them dow
amased. The estates off the empire (as I heare) has sated restitn-i
tion off th' imperial towns Metz, Toull, and Verdun, quhilk may
grow to some besynes ; and all thing is not a calme within their
awne countrey, the les fit they be presently for weyr, the mareopor-
tune esteme ye the tyme for zow. Giff the lyke occasion wer of-
fered to the Frenache against zow, wey, how gladly would they
embrace it. Are ze not eschamed of your sleuth, to spare theym
that hes already compassed your destruction,' giff they wer able?
Consider with your self quhilk is to be choysed? To weyr against
them outwith zour realme or within? Giff quhill ze sleape, we sal
be OTertiirowne, then sal) they not fayle to fyte zow in zour own*
countrey, and use ws as a fote-stole to overloke zow. But some will
say, perhaps, they meane it not. It is foly to think they wald not
giff they wer able, quhen before hand they stick not to giff zout
armes, and usurpe the style of zour crown. Then quhat difference
there is to camp within zowr awne bounds or without, it is manifest.
Giff twa armyes should camp in your countrey, but a moneth ; albeit
ye receared na other harme, zit should zowr losse be gieatar, nor
all the charge ze will nede to bestow on our support will draw to,
besydes the dishonour.
Let not men, that eyther lack gode advise, or ar not for peiticu-
lar respects Weill affected to the cans, move zow to subtract zour
helping hand, by alleging things not apparent, for that they be pos-
sible. It is not, 1 grant, unpossible that we may receave condi-
tioues of peace ; but I see little lik(4yhode that our ennemyes will
offer wa sik as will remove all mistrust, and giff we wald have ac-
cepted others, the mater had bene lang or now compounded. Let
zow not be moved for that they tenne ws rehetles, and diflames our
juBtquerell with the name of conspiracy against our soverayne. It
is hir hyenes ryght we raanetayne. It is the liberty of hir realme
we study to preserve with the hazard of our lyves. We are not
(God knaweth) comme to this poynt for wantones, as men impa-
cient of rewll) or willing to schake of the zoke of govefnment, but
Co Ogle
310 SCOTLAND.
ar drawna to H by Deceaaite, to aroyde the tyranny of itnageana,
seaking to defraude ws off lawful goTerDment. Oiff we ahoald
suffer Htrongeares to plant themaelffes peaceably in all llie Btrenthra
of oar realme, fortify the sey-portes, and maist important places,
as ane entre to a plain conque&t, now in the minorite of our so-
verane, beyng fiirth of lie realme, sbonld we not be thongbt on-
careful of the common weill, betrayers of our nattre conntrej, and
evill subjects to her majeste? Quhat other opiEiion could scbe
have offws ? Might she not justly hereafter call ws to accoropt,
as negligent ministeres ? Giff itraogeares riiould be thus suffered
to broke the chefe offices, beare the hail rewll, alter and perrert
ouriawes and liberty at theyrplesour; mygbt not the people e&teem
onr noblemen unworthy the place of counsaloun t We mean na
tryse to anbtrak our obedience from oar aoverane, to defnnd hir
hyenes of her dew reverence, rent* and revenuet (#hir crown. We
seke nathing but that Scotland may remane, as of be&re, a fre
realme, rewlit by hir hyenes and htr miniiteres botne men of tfae
Bam ; and that the succession of the Crown ma^ remane with the
lawful blode.
I wald not ze sMild not sa lyttill esteme the friendship of Scot-
land, that xe judged it not worthy to be embraced. It sail be na
small Giunmodite for zowto be delivered off the anoyance of soneir
ft nyghtbour, qubais inimitye may more trouble eow, then off any
other nation albeit twyss as puisaant, not tyeng dry marche with
zaw. Besydes that ze sa)l not nede to feare the invasion of any
prince lackyng the commodtte to invade zow by land, on our hand.
Consider quhat superfluous chaises ze beatowe on the fortification
and ke[»ng of Barwick : qnhilk ze may reduce to a mean sowme,
having ws to frendes. The realme of Ireland being of natour a
l^e and ferlilt countrey, by reason of the continewalld unquietnea
Utd lak of policy, ze knaw to be rather a burthen unto zow than
great advantage ; and giff it were peaceable may be very commo-
^ous. For pacification quhayroff, it is not nuknowne to zow quhat
lervice we ar abill to do. Refuse not theyr commoditeya, besides
mony ma qnhen they are ofired. Qnhilks albeit I study not to
amplify and dilate, yet is na other countrey able to offer zow the
lyke, and are the rather to be' embraced, for that zour anncestors,
by all meanea, maist earnestly auted our amity, and yet it was not
theyr hap to corae Ijy it. The mater hes almaist carryed me be-
yond the boundes off a lettre, quharfor I will leave to trouble zow
after I have geven you this note. I wald mts that ze, and they
that ar learned, sould rede the^wa former orations of Demosthenes,
called Olynthiacce, and considere quhat counsall that wyse orfttour
gave to the Athenians, his countrymen, in a lyke case ; qnhilk hes
so great affinitt with this cause of ours, that every word thereoff
APPENDIX. 311
myght be applyed to our purpoa. There may se leame <rf him
quhat advUe ii to be followed, when yout nyghbour's hous is on
tyfe. Thus I bid zow hartely fareweill. From Sant Aadjewa.
the 20th of January, 1559.
No. III. (Vol. I. p. 186.)
Part of a letter from Tha. RandolpA to Sir William Cecil, from the
camp before Letth, 29th of Jpril, 1560.
An ori- I wiLK Only, for this time, discharge myself of my pro-
Sr'lCer "isc to "^^ earl of Huntly, who so desyretli to be recom-
Offiee. mended to you, as one, who, with all his heart, fovoureth
this cause, to the uttermost of bis pow«. Half the words that
come of his month were able to persuade an unexperienced man to
speak farther in his behalf, than I dare be bold to write. I leave
it to your honour to judge of him, as of a man not unknown to
you, and will myself always measure my thoughts, as he shall de-
serve to be spoken of. With much difficulty, end great persua-
sion, he hath subscribed with the rest of the lords to join with
them in this action ; whatsomever he can invent to the furtherance
of this cause, he hath promised to do with solemn protestation and
many words ; he ttusteth to adjoin many to this cause ; and saith
Burdy that no man shall lie where he taketh part. He hath this
day subscribed a bond between England and this nation ; he saitb,
that there was never thing that liked him better.
No. IV. (Vol. I. p. 197.)
Randolph to Cecil, lOth Augtat, 1560. From Edinburgh.
An cKi|j. SiNCB the 29th of July, atWhattime 1 wrote last to your
pLft Ot- Ironour, I have heard of nothing worth the reporting. At
fice. this present it may please you to know, that the most part
of the nobles are hete atrived, as your honour shall receive their
names in writing, the e^l of Huntly excuseth himself by an in-
firmity in his leg. Hi's lieutenant for this time is the lord of Lid-
ington, chosen speaker of the parliament, or harangue-maker, as
these men term it. The first day of their sittmg in parliament will
be on Thursday next. Hitherto as many as have been present of
the lords have communed and devised of certain heads then to be
propounded, as, who shall be sent into France, who into England.
It a much eawer to find them than the other. It seemeth almost
to be resolved upon that for England the master of Maxwell, and
laird of Lidington. For France, Pittarow and the justice -clerk.
iUsothey have consulted whom they think meetest to namfe forthe
XXIV. of the which the XII. counsellors must be chosen. They,
312 SCOTLAND.
iDtend very thartly to send away Dingwmll the herald into France,
with the names of those they shall chuSe ; and also to require tfa6
king and queen's consent unto this parliament. They have devised
liow to have the contract with England confirmed by authority of
parliament; how also to have the articles of the agreement between
them and their king and queen ratified. These things yet hare
only been bad in communication. For the confirmation of the con-
tract with England I have no doubt; for that I hear many men
very well like the same, as the earl of Athol, the earl of Sutherland,
the L. Glamis, who dined yesterday with the L. James. The lord
James requested me this present day. to bniig the contract unto
htm. I intend, also, this day, to speak unto the Jj. Gray, in our L.
Gray's name, for that he promised in my hearing to subscribe, and
. then presently would have done it, if the contract could have been
had. For the more oasurance against all inconvenients, I would,
besides that, that I trust it shall be ratified in parliament, that every
nobleman in Scodand had put his hand and set his seal, which
may always remun as a notable monument, tho' the act of parlia-
ment be hereafter disannulled. IF it might, therefore, stand with
your advice, that the lords might be written unto, now that tbey
are here present, to that effect, or that I might receive from your
hon^. some earnest charge to travel herein, I doubt not but it would
serve to good purpose. If It might be also known with what sub-
stantial and effectious words or charge you desire to have it con-
firmed, I think no great difficulty would be made. The eart mar-
shall has often been moved to subscribe, he useth mo delays than
men judged he would. His son told me yesterday, that he would
speak with me at leisure, so 'did also Dntmlanrick ; I know not to
what purpose : I have caused L. James to be the eamester with the
L. Marshall, for his authority's sake, when of late it was in consulta-
tion by what means it might be wrought, that the amity between
these two realms might be perpetual ; and among diverse men's
opinion, one said that he knew of no other, but by making them
both one, and that in hope of that mo things were done, than
would otherwise have ever been granted : the earl of Argyll ad-
vised him earnestly to stick unto that that he bad promised, that it
should pass his power and all the crafty knaves of his counsel (1
am bold to use unto your h. his own words), to break so godly a
purpose. This talk liked well the assisters, howsomever it pleased
him to whom it was spoken unto. The barons, who in time past
have been of the parliament, had yesterday a convention among
themselves in the church, in very honest and quiet sort; they
thought it good to require to be restored unto their ancient liberty,
to have voice in parliament. They presented that day a bill unto
the lords to that effect, a copy whereof shall be ^ent as ' soon as it
Google
APPENDIX. 313
can be had. It was answered unto gently, and taken in good put.
It was referred unto the lords of the articles, when they are chosen,
to resolve thereupon. -Here foUowi a Img paragraph concermng
Ihe forlifieatioiu of Dunbar, &c. This present raoming, cii. the
9tb, I understood, that the lords intended to be at the parliament,
which caused me somewhat to stay my letter, to see what I could
hear or learn worth the reportiug unto your hon'. The lords, at
ten of the clock, assembled themselves at the palace, where the
duke lieth ; from whence they departed towards the Tolbooth, as
they were in dignity. Each oue being set in his seat, in such order
as your h. shall receive them in this Ecroll. The crown, the mace,
the sword, were laid in the queen's seat. Silence being com-
manded, the L. of Lidington began his oration. He excused his
insufficiency to occupy that place. He made a brief discourse of
things past, end of what necessity men were forced unto for the
defence of their country, what remedy and support it pleased God
to send them in the time of their necessity, how much they were
bound heartily to acknowledge it, and to require it. He took
away the persuasion that was in many men's mind that lay back,
that misdeemed other things to be meant than was attempted. He
advised all estates to lay all particulars apart, and to bend them-
selves wholly to the true service of God and of their country. H.e
willed them to remember in what state it had been of long time
for lack of government, and exercise of justice. In the end, he
exhorted them to mutual amity and hearty friendship, and to live
with one another as members all of one body. He prayed God
long to maintain this peace and amity with all princes, especially
betwixt the realms of England and Scotland, in the fear of God,
and so ended. The clerk of register immediately stood up, and
asked them to what matter they would proceed: it was thought
necessary, that the articles of the peace should be confirmed with
the common conEent, for that it was thought necessary to send them
away with speed into France, and to receive the ratification of them .■
as soon as might be. The articles being read, were immediately
agreed unto: a day was appointed to have certain of the nobles
subscribe unto them, and to put to their seals, to be sent away by
a herald, who shall also bring the ratification again with him. The
barons, of whom I have above written, required an answer to their
request; somewhat was said unto the contrary. The barons al>
leged for ihem custom and authority. It was in the end resolved,
that there should be chosen six to join with the lords of the arti-
cles, and that if they, after good advisement, should find it right
and necessary for the commonwealth, it should be ratified at this
parliament for a perpetual law. The lords proceeded immediately
hereupon, to the chnsiag of the lords of the articles. The order i;,
ogle
SU SCOTLAND.
tbat tha lordi apiritoal cfaiiu tke temporal, and the temporal the
■piritual, and the burgeetea tWr own. There were chosen as in
this other paper I have written. ThU being done, the lords de-
pxited and accompanied the duke, all as far as the bow (which is
the gate gtni^r out of the high street), and many down into the
palace where he lieth. The town all in armour, the trumpets
sounding, and oUier music such as they have. Thus much I re-
port unto your honour of that I did both hear and see. Other lo-
lemnities have not been used, saving in timei long past the lords
have had parliament lobea, which are now with them wholly oat
of use.
The names of as many earls and lords spiritual and temporal as
are assembled at this parliament.
The duke of Chatelheranlt
Earla.
Lords.
Lords spiritual.
Arran.
Erakioe.
St. Andrews.
Argyll.
Rutbven.
Dunkeld.
Atliote.
Lindsay.
Athens.
Crawford.
Somerrille.
The bishop of the Isles.
Cuiiln.
Cathcart.
Abbots end prion, I
Marahall.
Home.
know not how many.
HortoD.
Livinston.
Glmcira,
lonermerth.
Sntherlaad,
Bojd.
Ciithnen.
OeilYj.
Botbes. '
Fleniog.
HoDtdlh.
Glamii.
Gray.
OchUtte.
Gordon.
Tht lord, of
tlu articUi.
Spiritual.
Temporal.
Barons elected to be of
the articles.
Atheoi.
The duke.
Maxwell.
Mei.
ArsyU.
Tillibardine.
Lord Jamei.
Marshall.
Conuinghamhead.
Arbroath.
AthoU.
Lochenvar.
Newbottle.
Morton.
Pittarow.
Lindorii.
Gtencairn.
Lnndy.
Cowpar.
Ruthven.
Tea pivrosUofthecbief
Kinross.
Erakine.
towns, which also are
KUnisiuiis.
Boyd.
Lindsay.
of the articles.
So that, with the subprior of St. Andtewi, the whole is 36.
Google
APPENDIX. 315
It nfln too long for ma to idieaiM putiouIiiTly tbft dkposidoa,
and chiefiy t£fa affectioiu of these men, that aie at this time cho«en
lord of the aitidea. Hay it satisfy your hoa'. for thii titae to know
that, b; the comman c^nion of men, there was not a sabstsntialler
or more suffident nnmbeT of ail sorts of men chosen in Scotland
these many years, nor cf whom men had greater hope of good to
ensue, lliis present morning, viz. the 10th, the L. of Lidingtoo
made me priry anto your letter ; he intendeth, as much as may be,
to follow yoar adnce. Some bard points there are. He himself
is detennined not to go into France. He dl^eth many reasons,
but speelceth least (^ that, that moTeth him most, whidi is the ex-
ample of the last, that went on a more graiefnl message than he
shall carry, and stood on other terms with dietr prince than he
doth, and yet yovt hononr knoweth what the whole world jadgeth.
Petition of the Lester Baront to the ParUament, held Jug. 1560.
IncloMd Hy lords, unto your lordships, humbly means, and
^pl,^" shows, we the barons and freeholders of this realm, your
Icitet to brethren in Christ, That whereas the causes of true reli-
A "rt ^'*' 6'°"' °°^ common well of this realm, are, in this present
1560. ' parliament, to be treated, ordered, and establiihed, to the
glory of Ood, and maintenance of the commonwealth ; and we
being the greatest number in proportion, where the said causes
concern, and has been, and yet are ready to bear the greatest part
of the charge thereuntil, as well in peace as in war, both with out ,
bodies and with our goods ; and seeing there is no place where we
may do better serrice now than in general councils and parliament,
in giving onr best advice and reason, vote and councell for the
fardierance thereof, for the maintenance of virtue and punishment
of vice, as use and custom had been of old by ancient acts of par-
liwnent observed in this realm ; and whereby we understand that
we ought to be heard to reason and vote Ih all causes concerning
the commonwealth, as well in councils as in parliament ; otherwise
we tl>ink that whatsomever ordinances and statutes be made con-
cerning n« and our estate, we not being required and suffered to
reason and vote at the making thereof, that the same should not
oblige us to stand thereto. Therefore it will please your lordships
to take consideration thereof, and of the charge bom, and to be
born by us, since we are willing to serve truly to the common well
of this realm, after out estate, that ye will, in this present parlia-
ment, and all counsells, where the comman well of the realm is to
be treated, take our advice, counsell and vote, so that without the
same, your lordships would suffer nothing to be passed and coa-
doded in parliament or councils aforesaid; and that all acts of par-
316 SCOTLAND.
liament made, in times past, concerning ub for our place and estate,
and in our i&ronr, be at this present parliament confirmed, approved;
and ratified, and act of parliaraeat made thereupon. And yoni
lordships angwer humbly beseeches.
Of the succett of tkia petition, tke folhamg accmint it giwit by
Randolph; Lett to Cecil, 19 Aug. 1660. #The matters concluded
and past by common consent on Saturday last, in such soleotn sort
as tiie first day that they assembled, are these: First, that the
barons according- to an old act of parliament, made in. the time of
James I., in the year of God 1427, shall have free voice in parlia-
ment, this act passed. without any contradictiou.
No. V. (Vol. I. p.,206.)
/I Letter of Tkimas . Randolph, the English Resident, to lie Right
Worshipful Sir William Cecil, Knt. principal Secretary to the
Queen't Majetty.
. I HAVE received your honour's letters of the first of
1561. Colt, this month, written at Osyea in Essex ; and also a letter
Lib. B. 10. unto the lord James, from his kinsman St. Come out of
France ; in this they agree both that the queen of Scot-
land is nothing changed of her purpose in home coming. I assure
your honour that will be a stout adventure for a sick crazed woman,
that may be doubted as well what may happen unto her upon the
seas, as also how heartily she may be received when she cometh to
land of a great number, who are utterly persuaded that she in-
tendelh their ntter ruin, come when she will ; the preparance is
very small whensoever that she arrive, scarcely any man can he
persuaded that she hath any such thought in her head. I have
shewn your honour's tetter unto the lord James, lord Morton, lord
Lidington ; they wish, as your honour doth, that she might be
stayed yet for a space, and if it were not for their obedience sake,
some of them care not tho' they never saw her face. They
travel what they can to prevent the wicked devices of those mis-
chievous purposes of her ministers, but I fear that that will always
be found that filij hujus seculi, they do what they can to stand mth
the religion, and to maintain amity with their neighbours ; they bav«
also need to look unto themselves, for their hazard is great, and
that they see there is no remedy nor safety for themselves, but to
repose themselves upon the queen's majesty, our sovereign's favour
and support. Friends abroad they have none, nor many in whom
they may trust at home. There are in mind shortly to try what
they may be assured at of the queen's majesty, and what they may
assuredly perform of that intend to offer for their parties. This the
queen of Scotland above ali other things doubtcth; this she seeketh
by all means to prevent; and hath caused St. Come, in her uanu^
APPENDlk. 3J7
numeatly to write to char^ him that do soch things be attempted
lierore her nnnin^ home ; for that it ib saidj that they too already
arrived here out of Eagland for the purpose, what semblaace som-
ever the noblemen do make, that they are grieved with their queen's
refusal, that corocth far from their hearts. They intend to expos-
tulate with me hereupon. I have my answer ready enough fii
them. If she thrust Euglishmen all out of this country, 1 doubi
not but there will be some of her own that will bear ue some
kindness. Of me she shall be quit, so soon as it pleaseth the
queen's majesty, my mietress, no longer to use my service tn
this place. By such talk, as I have of late had with the lord
James and lord of Udington, I perceive that they are of mind
that immediately of the next convention, I shall repair towards
you with their determinations, and resolutions, in all purposes,
wherein your honour's advice is earnestly required, and shortly
looked for. Wbatsamever I desire myself, I know my will
ought to be subject unto the queen my sovereign's pleasure, but
to content myself, would God I were so happy as to serve her ma-
jesty in as mean a state as ever poor gentleman did, to be quit of
this place ; not that 1 do in my heart wax weary of her majesty's
service, but because my time and years require some place of more
repose and quietness than 1 find in this country. I doubt also my
insufiBcience when other troubles in this country arise, or ought
shall be required of me to the advancement of her majesty's ser-
vice, that either my wilt is not able to compass, or my credit suffi-
cient to work to that effect, as perchance shall he looked for at my
hands. As your honour bath been a means of my continuance in
this room, so 1 trust that 1 shall find that continual favour at your
hands, that so soon as it shall stand with the queen's majesty's plea-
sure, I may give this place unto some far worthier than I am my-
self, and in the mean season hare my course directed by your good
advice how I may by my contrivance do some such service as may
be ^:reeable to her majesty's will and pleasure.
These few wwds, 1 am bold to vmte unto your honour of myself
For the rest, where that is wished that the lords will stoutly conti-
nue yet for one month, I assure your honour that there is yet no-
thing omitted of their old and accustomed manner of doing, and
seeing that they have brought that unto this point, and should now
prevail, they were unworthy of their lives.
I find not that they are purposed so to leave the matter. I doubt
more her money than I do her fair words ; and yet can 1 not con-
ceive what great things can be wrought with forty thousand crowns,
and treasure of her own here 1 know there is no sure or ready means
to get it. The lord of Lidiogton leavetb nothing at this time un-
written, that he thinketh may be able tb satisfye your desire, in
Google
318 SCOTLAND.
knowledge of the pnseut state of tUag> here. Wfaatsomerer
cometli of that, he findeth it ever best, that the come not ; but if
she do come, to let her luiow, at the first, what the shall Gnil, which
is due obedience, and willit:^ Betvice, if she embrace Chriat, and
desire to live in peace with her neighbours. By such letters aa yos
have last received, your htMtour Mmewhat understandeth of Hr.
Knox binwelf, and also of others, what is detennined, he himself
to abide the uttermost, and other never to leave him until God have
taken his life, and thua together with what oomfort somever it will
please you to give him by your letters, that the queen's mi^es^
doth not utterly condemn him, or at the least in that point, tbatht
is so sore charged with by his own queen, that her majeaty will not
allow her doing. I doubt not but it wilL be a great comfort onto
him, wd will content many othen : his daily prayer isforthemaio-
tflnance of unity with Englwid, and that God will never suffer men
to be so ungrate, as by any pemuasion to ma headlong unto the
destruction ef them that have saved their lives, and restored their
country to lUterty. I leave farther, at this time, to trouble your
hohour, desiring God to send such an amity between these two
realms, thiU God may be glorified to them of this world. — >At Eden-
bourgh, the 9th of August, 1561 .
No. VI. (Vol. I. p. 214.)
A Letter ofQaeat Uix^betk to Qvee* Mary.*
To the right excellent, right high, and mighty Frincesae, our right
dear and well-beloved sister and cousin the Queen of Scotland.
Right excellent, right high, and mighty princesse, our
Aug. 1961. right dear and right well-beloved sister and cousin, we
Piper Of. greet you well. The lord of Sl Cosme brought to ns
M^!)p™ y^^ letters, dated the 8th of this present at Abbeville,
whereby ye signify, that although by the answer brought
to you by Monueur Doyzell, ye might have had occasion to have
entered into some doubt of our amity, yet after certain purpdses
passed betwixt you and our ambassador, you woilld assure us of
your good meaning to live with us in amity, and for your purpose
therein ye require us to give credit to the said St. Cosme. We have
thereunto thought good toanswer as followeth: The same St. Cosme
hath made like declaration unto us on your part, for your excuse in
not ratiiyiDg the treaty, as yourself made to our ambassador, and we
have briefly answered to every the same points, as he can shew yon :
* Tfaii u the complete papei ot which thil indiiitrious and impuili] eolleclor,
Blihop Keiih, hai paUiihed a fraemeat, from «h*t he calls hia aballered MS. 154.
note (a) 181.
D'onzcdDyGoOgIc
APPENDIX. 310 .
snd if ha shall not to do, jtA lest i& the mean leutm jou might
be induced to dunic that yoar reasons had satisfied us, somendljr
we assure you, that to ouc requests your answei cannot be reputed
for a satis&ctioD. For we require no benefit of you, but that you
will perform your promise wbereunto you are bound by your seal
and your hand, for the refusal whereof we see no reason alledged
can serve. Neither coret we any thing, but that which is in your
own power as queen of Scotland, that which yonrseK in words and
gpeech doth confess, that which your late husband's our good
brother's ambassadors and you concluded, that which your own
nobility and people were made privy unto, that which indeed made
peace and quietness betwixt us, yea, that without which no perfect
amity can eoutinue betwixt us, as if it be indifierently weighed, we
doubt not but that ye will perceire, allow, and accomplish. Never-
tbeless, perceiving, by the report of the bringer, that you mean
furthwith upon your coming home, to follow herein the advice of
your council in Scotland, we are f»>ntent to suspend our conceipt
of all nokindnesB, and do assure you that webe fully resolved, upqp
this being performed, to unite a sure band of amity, and to live in
neighbourhood wiUi you as quietly, friendly, yea, as assuredly in
the knot of friendship, as we be in the knot of nature and blood.
And herein we be so earnestly determined, that the world should
see if the contrary should follow (which God forbid I) the very occa-
sion to be in you and not in us ; as the story witnesseth the like of
the king your father, onr uncle, with whom our fotfaer sought to
have knitt a perpetual bond by inviting to come in this re^ to
York ; of which matter we know there remain with us, and we think
with you, sundry witnesses df our father's earnest good meaning;,
and of the error whereuuto divers evil coaocillors induced your
father ; or finally where it seemeth that report hath been made nntO
you, that we had seut our admiral lo the seas mth onr nayy to em-
peacbe your passage, both your servants do well understand bow
false that is, knowing for a truth that we have not any more than
two or three small barks upon the seas, to apprehend certain pirates,
being thereto entreated, and tdmost compelled, by the eameit com-
plaint of the asabassador of our good brother the king of Spain,
made of certaine Scottisbmen haunting our seas as pirates, under
pretence of letters of marque, of which matter also we earnestly
require you, at your coming to your realme, to have some good
consider^ion, and the rather for respect that ought to be betwixt
your realme and the countries of us, of France, of Spain, and of the
house of Burgundy. And so, right excellent, right high, and mighty
princess, we recommend ns to you with most earnest request, not to
neglect these our friendly and sisterly ofiers of friendship, which,
before Qod, we mean and intend to accomplish. Givea under our
/.oogic
3^ SCOTLAND.
sigitet at HenyDgfaam, the 16th of Au^et, in the third year of our
teign.
No. VII. (Vol. I. p. 241.)
A Letter of Randolph to tie Right Honourable Sir William Cecil,
Kttight, Principal Secretary to the Queen'* Majesty.
isth of ^' ''^^' '"'^' ^^^ arrival of Monsieur Le Croch, I had
Hay, nothing worth the writing unto your honour. — Before his
MfofficV *=<""'°e w^ '■ad BO little to hint upon that we did nothing
tntm tbe ' but pais our time in featts, bauquetting, masking, and
oii^nal. running at the ring, and such like. He brought with him
ancba number of letters, and such abundance of news, that, for the
space of three days, we gave ourselTes to nothing else but to read-
ing of writings, and hearing of tales, many so truly reported, that
they might be compared to any that ever Luciane did write de veri$
narrattonibut. Among al] his tidinga, for the most assured, I send
diis unto your honour as an undoubted truth, which is, that the
cardinal of Lorraine, at his being with the emperor, moved a mar-
riage between his youngest son, the duke of Austruche, and this
queen ; wherein he hath so far travailed, that it hath already come
unto this point, that if she find it good, the said duke will ont of
hand send hither his ambassador, and tarther proceed to the con-
aumm^on hereof, with as convenient speed as may be ; and to the
intent her mind may be the better known, Le Croch is sent unto
her with this message from the cardinal, who hath promised unto
the emperor, to have word again before, the end of May ; and for
this cause Le Crcn^ is ready for his departure, and his letters writ-
ing both day and night. This queen being before advertised of bis
towardness, by many means hath sought far off, to know my lord
of Murray's mind herein, but would never so plainly deal with him,
that he could learn what her meaning is, or how she is bent.' She
nseth no man's council but only this man's that last arrived, and
assuredly until the L. of Lidington's return, she will do what she can
to keep that secret; and because resolution in his absence cannot
be taken, she will, for this time, return Le Croch with request, to
have longer time to devise; and after, with the most speed she can,
ahe fully purposeth to advertise him, I mean, her uncle the cardi-
nal, of her mind, or this matter the Li of Lidington is made privy.
I know not whether by some intelligence that he had before his de-
parture, or since his arrival in France, divers letters have passed
between her grace and him, whereof as much as it imported not
greatly the knowledge of, was communicated to some, as much as
was written in sypher is kept unto themselves. Whether also the
L. of Lidington ha^ had conference with the Spanish ambassador
appendix: bu
in Sngland of this matter or any like, I leare it unto your honour's
good meam to get true knowledge thereof. Oueiaes or surmizes
in ao grave matters, I would be loth to write for verities. This
abo your honour may take for truth, that the emperor hath offered
with his son, for this queen's dower, the county of Tyroll, which is
said to be worth 30,000 franks by year. Of this matter also th%
riiingrave wrote a letter unto this queen, out of France not long
since. This is all that presently I can write unto your honour
hereof; as I can come by &rther knowledge, your honour shall be
informed.
I have received your honour's writings by the Scottish man tbat
last came into these parts ; he brought also letters unto this queen
friHn the L. of Lidington ; their date was old, and contained only
the news of France. I perceive divers ways, ^at Newhaven is
Borre closed, but 1 am not so ignorant of their nature, but that I
know they will aay as much as they dare do, I will not say as the
proverb doth ' cams timidus fortitu latrat.' From hence 1 do os-
snre them, what means somever they make, or how pitiful somever
their mone be, they are like to receive but small comfort for all
their long allie. We stand daily in doubt what friendship we shall
need ourself, except we put better order into our misruled Papists
than yet we do, or know how to bring to pass that we may be void
of their comber. *
To-monow, the 15th of this instant, the queen departeth of this
town, towards £denhorough. If my hap be good, you shall tho-
roughly hear some merry tidings of the Bp. of St. Andrews ; upon
Wednesday next he shall be arreigned, and£ve other priests, for
thai massing at Easter last. Thus most humbly I take my leave ;
at St. Andrews the 15th of May, 1563.
No. VIII. (Vol. I. p. 249.)
Letter of Randolph to the Right Honourable Sir WiUiam Cecil,
Knight, Principal Secretary to tie Queen's Majesty,
lOifaof Mat it please your honour, the 7th of this instant,
Apn'li Sowlet, this queen's secretary, arrived here; he reportetl)
peiOfficc, very honestly of his good usage, he brought with him
froi^ the many letters unto the queen that came out of France, fuH
W^own" of lamentation and sorrow. She received from the queen-
buKi' mother two letters, the one contained only the rehearsal
of her griefs, the other signify the state of France as then it was, as
in what sort things were accorded, and what farther was intended
for the appeasing of the discords there, not mistrusting but that if
reastm cttuld not be had at the queen of England's hands, bnt that
VOL. II. V
Google
322 SCOTLAND.
the realm of France bhould find her ready and vriliing to snptfoit
and defend the ri^bt thereof, as by fnendship and old alliance
between the tvo reaImB she is bound.
How veil these words do agree wHh her doings yonr hooonr can
well consider, and by her writings in this sort unto tiMs qnees
(which I assure your honour is true), you may assuredly know
that nothing shall be left undone of hei part, that may move delMite
or controversie between this qneen and our sovereign.
It was much mused by the queen herself, how this new kindness
came about, that at this Ume she received two long letters written
all with her own hand, saying, all the time since her return she
never received half so many lines as were in one of the lettera,
which I can myself testify by the queen's own saying, and other
good assurance, where hitherto I have not been deceived. I can
also farther assure your honour, that this queen hath sayed that she
knoweth now, that the friendship of the queen's majesty my sove-
reign may stand her more in stead, than that of her good mother in
France, and as she is desirous of them both, bo will she not lose the
one for the other. I may also farther assure your honour, that
whatsomever the occasion is, this queen hath somewhat in hei
heart that will burst out in time, which will manifest that some un*
kindness hath passed between them, 4hat will not be easy fo^t-
ten. In talk sometimes with myself, she saith that the queen-
mother might have used the matter otherwise than she hath done,
and doth much doubt what shall be the success of her great desire
to govern alone, in all things to have her will. Seeing then that
presenUy they stand in such terms one with the other, I tho't it bat-
ter to confirm her in that mind (this queen 1 mean), than to speak
any word that might cause her to conceive better of the oth».
And yet I am assured she shall receive as friendly letters, and as
many good words from this queen, as the other did write unto her.
Whether the queen-mother will speak any thinguuto the L. of Lid-
ington of that purpose she djd write unto this queen of, I know
not ; but if she do, I think it hard if your honour can get no favour
thereof, at his return, or I perchance by some means here. It may
perchance be written only by that queen, to try what answer this
queen will give, or understand what mind she beareth unto the
queen's majesty our sovereign. The queen knoweth now that the
earl Botfawell ig «eut for to London. She caused a gentleman of
hers to inquire the cause; I answered that I knew none other, but
that his takers were in controversy who took him, and that it should
be judged there. 1 know that she thinketh much that he is not
sent into Scotland. It is yet greatly doubted that if he were here,
he would be reserved for an evil instrum ent. If the lord of Liding-
ton have not been plain with your honour herein, he is in the wrong
APPENDIX. 323
to those who are hii friends here, but most of allto himBeir. There
comes a valtnre in this realm, if ever that man come again into
<xediL
No. IX. (Vol. I. p. 256.)
Tie Oration jmde by William Maitland of Letkington, younger secre-
tary for the time, in the parliament holden by our sovereign the
King's mother, Queea of thii realm for the time, the time of the re-
stilution of Umquile MaitkeTu Earl of Lenox.
My lords, and others here convened. Albeit, be that it has
pleased her majesty most gracionsiy to utter unto yOu, by her own
mouth, ye may have sufficiently conceived the cause of this your
present assembly; yet having her majesty's commandment to
snpply my lord Chancellor's place, being presently as ye see de-
ceased, I am willed to express the same somewhat more at large.
Notour it isj how, in her highness's minority, b. process of for-
faltour was decreed against my lord of Lennox, for certain offences
alledged committed by him ; specified in the dome and censemeot
of parliament given thereupon ; by reason whereof he has this long
time been exiled, and absent forth of his native country; how
grievous the same has been unto him, it has well appeared by diverii
his suites, sundry ways brought unto her majesty's knowledge, not
only containing most humble and due submission, but always bear-
ing witness of his good devotion to her majesty, his natural princess,
and earnest adeotion be bad to her highness most humble service,
if it should please her majesty of her clemency to make him able to
vayyy the benefit of a subject ; many respects might have moved her
highness favourably to incline to his request, as the anciency of bis
house, and the sirname be bears, the honour he has to appertain to
her majesty by affinity, by reason of my lady Margaret her high-
ness's aunt, and divers other his good considerations, as also the
afiecbious request of her good sister the queen's majesty of England,
whose earnest commendation was not of least moment, besides that
of her own natural, her majesty has a certain inclination to pity the
decay of noble houses, and as we heard, by her own report, has a
gteitl deal more pleasure to be the instrument of the uphold, main'
tenance, and advancement of the ancient blood, then to have matter
ministered of the decay or overthrow^of any good race. Upon this
occasion, her majesty the more tenderly looked upon his request,
and her good sister the queen of England's favourable letter, written
for recommendation of his cause, in consideration whereof not only
has she granted unto him her letter of restitution, by way of grace,
but aUo licensed him to pursue, by way of reduction, the -remedies
provided by the law for such as think themselves grieved by any
t2
,C.oog[e
324 SCOTLAND.
judgmeat, UDOrderly led, and to have the process reversed; tbrexa--
miD&tioa whereof, it haa plectsed her majesty presently to as8emble>
jrou the three estates of this be^ realme, by whosa advice, delibera-'
tion, and decision at her majesty's mind, to proceed forward upon
his complaints, as the merits of the cause, laws of the realm, and
practice observed in auob cases, will bear out The sum of all your
proceedings at this time, being by that we have heard, thus as it
were pointed out, 1 might here end, if the matter we have in band
gave me not occasion to say a few more words, not far different
from the same subject, wherein I would extend the circumstances
more tai^ly, if I feared not to offend her highness, whose presence
and modest nature abhors long speaking and adulation, and so will
compel me to speak such things, as may seem to tend to any good
and perfect point; and lest it should be campted to me, as that I
were oblivious, if I should omit to put you in remembrance, in what
part we may accept this, and the like demonstrations of her gentill
nature ; whose gracious behaviour towards all her subjects, in gene-
ral, may serve for a good proof of that felicity, we may look for
under her happy government so long as it shall please God to grant
her unto us ; for a good harmony to be had in the common weill)
the offices between the prince and the subjects must be leciproque,
Eis by her majesty's prudence we enjoy Uiis present peace with all
foreign natiwis, and quietness among yourselves, in such sort, that
I think justly it may be affirmed Scotland, in no man's Age, that pre-
sently lives, was in greater tranquillity ; so is it the duty of all us
faer loving subjects to acknowledge the same as a most high benefit,
proceeding from the good government of her majesty, declaring
ourselves thankful for the same, and rendering to her majesty such '
due obedience, as a just prince may look for at the hands of faith-
ful and obedient subjects. I mean no forced nor unwilling obedi-
ence,' which I know her nature does detest, but such as proceeds
from the contemplation of her modest kind of regiment, will for love
and duty sake produce the fruits thereof. A good proof have we
^1 in general had of her majesty's benignity these three years, that
she has lived in the government over you, and many of you have
largely tasted of her large liberality and iirank dealing: on the
other part her highness has had large ^pearance of your dntifiil
obedience, so it becomes you to continue, as we have begun, in con-
uderation of the many notable examples of hei clemency above
others her godd qualities, and to abhor and detest all false bruites
and rumours, which are ^e most pestilent evils that can be, in any
common well, and the sowers and inventors thereof. Then may we
be well assured to bdve of her an most gracious princesse, and she
most faithful and loving subjects ; and so both the head and the
members, being .encouraged to maintain the harmony and accord of
,C.ooglc
APPENDIX. 326
the politic bodies, whereof I mEkde mention before, as the glory
thereof shall partly appertain to her majesty, so shall no small praise
and unspeakable commodity redound therethrough to you all uni>-
venally her s objects.
No. X. (Vol. I. p. 264.)
Tie perils and troubles that Toa^ presently enrae, and in time to come
JoUow, to the Queen's Majesty of England and state of this realnt,
. upon the marriage of lie Queen of Scots to tie Lord Darnley.
First, the minds of such as be a^cted to the queen of Scots,
either for hecself, or for the opinion of her pretence to this crovn',
or for the desire to have change of the forme of religion in this
realm, or for the discontentation they have of the queen's majesty,
or her Buccesaion, or of the succession of any other beside the queen
of Scotts, shall be, by this marriage erected, comforted, and induced
lo devise and labour how to bring their desires to pass: and to
make some estimate what persons those are, to the intent the quan-
tity of the danger may be weighed; the same may be compassed
in those sorts either within the realm or without.
The first are such as are specially devoted to the queen of Scotts,
or to the lord Damley, by bond of blood and alliance ; as first, all
the house of Lorrain and Guise for her part, and the earl of Lennox
and his wife, all such in Scotland as be of their blood, and have re-
ceived displeasures by the duke of Chatelheiault and the Hamiltons.
The sec«nd are all manner of persons, both in this realm and other
countries, that are devoted to the authority of Rome, and mislike
of the rehgion now received ; and in these two sorts are the sub-
stance of them comprehended, that shall take comfort in this mai>
riage.
Next therefore to be considered what perils and troubles these
kind of men shall intend to this realm.
First, the general scope and mark of all their desires is, and
always shall be, to bring the queen of Scotts to have the royal crown
of this realm ; and therefore, though the devisees may vary among
themselves for the compassing hereof, according to the accidents of
the times, and according to the impediments which they shall find
by means of the queen's majesty's actions and governments, yet all
their purposes, 'drifts, devises, and practices, shall wholly and only
'tend to make the queen of Scotts queen of this realm, and to deprive
our sovereign lady thereof ; and in their proceedings, there are two
manners to be considered, whereof the one is f^ worse than the
• other; the one is intended by them, that either from malicioua
blindness in religion, or for natural affection to the queen of Scotts,
or the lord Darnley, do persuade themselves that the said qneen of
/.oogic
326 SCOTLAND.
Scotts hftth pTeBfiDtlj more right to the crown than our sovereign
lady the queen, of which sort be all their kindred on both sides, and
all Bucfa as aft devoted to Popery, either in England, Scotland,
Ireland, or elsewhere; the other is meant by them, which, with leu
malice are persuaded that the queen of Scotts hath only right to be
the next heir to succeed the queen's majesty and her issue, of which
sort few are without the redm, but here within, and yet of them,
not so many aa are of the contrary, and from these two sorts shall
the peril, devises, and practices proceed. From the iirst, which
im^ine the queen of Scotts to have perpetually right are to be
looked for these perils. First, is it to be doubted the devil will in-
fect some of them to imagine the hurt of the life of our dear sove-
reign lady, by such means as \he devil shall suggest to them,
although it is to be assuredly hoped, that Almighty God will, as he
has hitherto graciously protect and preserve her from such dangers ?
Secondly, there will be attempted, by persuasions, by bruites, by
rumours, and such like, to alienate the minds of good subjects from
the queen's majesty, and to counciliate them to the queen of Scotts,
and on thia behalf the froTitiers and the north will be much solicited
and laboured. Thirdly, there will be attempted causes of some
tumults aud rebellions, especially in the north toward Scotland, so
as thereupon may follow some open enterprise set by violence.
Fourthly, there will be, by the said queen's council and friends, a
new league made with France, or Spain, that shall be offensive to
this realm, and a furtherance to their title. And as it is also very
likely, that they will set a foot as many practices as they can, both
upon the fronUera and in Ireland, to occasion the queen's majesty
to increase and continue her chaise thereby, to retain her from
being mighty or potent, and for the attempting of all these things,
many devises will be imagined from time to time, and no negligence
will therein appear.
From the second sort, which mean no other favour to the queen
of Scotts, but that she should succeed in title to the queen's majesty,
is not much to be feared, but Uiat they will content themselves to
■ee not only the queen's miyesty not to marry, and so to impeach it,
but to hope, that the queen of Scotts shall have issue, which they
will think to be more pleasable to all men, because thereby tl^
crowns of England and Scotland shall be united in one, and thereby
the occasion of war shall cease ; with which persuasion many people
may be seduced, and abused to incline themaelvei to the partof the
queen of Scotts.
The remedies against these perils.
lfl,:,7cdDyG00glc
APPENDIX.
A Duplicat.
4,h rf ^ tummary of the consuliation and advkt given by the Lordt
June.l5fi5. and of hert of the Prim/ Council. Collected out of the iun-
SlM'^lO. '^ ""^ **'^'^''^ speeches oj the »aid fmeUors.
(61. 890.
Lord, Keeper, Mr. Comptroller,
Lord Treasurer, Mr. Vice Chamberlain,
f Derby, Mr. Secretary,
Earls of \ Bedford, Cave,
(Leicester. Peter,
Lord Admiral, Mason.
Lord Chamberldn,
Questions propounded were these two :
1. First what perils might ensue to the queen's majesty, or
this realm, of the marriage betwixt the queen of Scolts and the lord
bamley.
" 2, What were meet to be done, to avoid or remedy the same.
To the First.
The perils being sundry, and very many, were reduced by some
counsellors into only one.
1 . First, That by this marriage, the qneen of Scotts (being not
married), a great number in this realm, not of the worst subjects,
might be'hlienated in their minds from their natural duties to her
majesty, to depend upon the aacceas of this marriage of Scotland,
as a mean to establish the succession of both the crowns in the issue
of the same marriage, and so favour all devises and practices, that
should tend to the advancement of the queen of Scotts.
2. Secondly, That, considering the chief foundation of them,
which furthered the marriage of lord Darntey, was laid upon the trust
of suchaswerePapists.asthe onlymeansleft to restore the religion of
Rome it was plainly to be seen,that, bothin this realm and Scotland,
the Papists would most favour, msuntmn, and fortify this marriage
of the lord Darley, and would, for furtherance of faction in religion,
devise alt means and practices that could be within this realm, to
isturb the estate of the queen's majesty, and the peace of the realm,
and consequently to atchieve their purposes by force rather than fail.
By some other, these perils having indeed many branches, were re-
duced though somewhat otherwise, into two sorts, and these were
in nature such as they could not be easily severed the one from the
other but were knit and linked together, naturally for maintaining
the one with the other. The first of these sort of perik was, that,
DonJcdDyGoOglc
328 SCOTLAND.
by this marriage with the lord Damley, there was a plcJo intentioa
to further the pretended title of the qneen of Ccotts, not only to sac-
ceed the queen's majesty, as in her best amity she had professed,
but that to occupy the queen'a estate, as when she was in power
she did manifestly declare.
The Hecoild was, that hereby the Romish rehgion should be
erected, and increased daily in this realm, and these two were thug
knit together, that the furtherance and maintenance of the title
staid in furthering of the religion of Rome within this realm ; and
in like manner the furtherance of the same religion stood by the
tide, for otherwise the title had no foundation.
Proves of the first.) And to prove that the intention to advance
the title to disturb the queen's majesty must needs ensue, was con-
sidered that always the intention and will of any person is most
manifest, when thdrpoweris greatest, and contrary when their power
is small ;' then the intention and will of every person is covered and
less seen. So as when the queen of Scotts power was greatest, by
her marriage with the dauphin of France, being afterwards French
king, it manifestly appeared of what mind she and all her friends
were ; using then manifestly all the means that could be devised
to impeach and dispossess the queen's majesty, first by wiidug and
publishing herself in ell countries queen of England ; by granting
charters, patents, and commissions, vith that style, and with the
arms of England, both the French and Scotts, which charters re-
main still undefaced ; and to prosecute it with effect, it is known
what preparations of war were made, and sent into Scotbnd ; and
what other forces were assembled in foreign countries ', yea, in
what manner a shameful peace was made by the French with king
Philip, to employ all the forces of France to pursue all the matters
by force, which by Ood's providence and the queen's iniyesty con-
trary power, were repelled ; and afterwards, by her husband's
death, her fortune and power being changed, the intention began
to hide itself, and although by the Scottish queen's commissaries
an accord was made at Edenbrough, to reform all those titles, and
claims, and pretences, yet to this day, by delays and cavillationi,
the ratification of that treaty has been deferred. And so now, as
soon as she shall feel her power, she will set the same again abroad,
and by considermg of such errors as were committed in the first,
her friends and allies will amend the same, and proceed substan-
tially to her purpose. By some it was thought plainly, that the
peril was greater of this marriage with the lord Darnley, being a
subject of ttus realm, than with the mightiest prince abroad, fm by
this, he being of this realm, and having for the cause of retipon,
and other respects, made a party here, should encrease by force
with dinunution of the power of the realm ; in that whatsoeYer
,C.ooglc
APPENDIX 329
power he could make by the bction of the Pajdst, and other dia-
contented pereons here, should it be as it were deducted out of the
power of this realm ; and by the marriage of a stranger, she could
-not be assured of any part here ; so as by this marriage she should
have a portion of her own power to serve her turn, and a small
portion of adversaries at home in our own bowels, always seem
more dangerous than treble the like abroad, whereof the examples
are in our own stories many, that foreign powers never prevailed in
this realm, but with the help of some at home. It was also re-
membered, that seeing how before this attempt of marriage, it Is
-found, and manifestly seen, that in every comer of the realm, the
faction that most favoureth the Scottish title, is grown stout and
bold, yea seen manifestly in this court, both iu hall and chamber,
it could not be but (except good heed were speedily- given to it) by
this mamage, and by the practice of the fautora thereof, the same
&ctioa would shortly increase, and grow so great and dangerous,
as the redress thereof would be almost desperate. And to this
purpose it was remembered, how of late in perusing of the sub-
stance of the justices of the peace, iu all the countries of the realm,
scantly a third was found fully assured to be trusted in the matter
of religion, upon which only string the queen of Scotts title doth
hang, and some doubt might be, that the friends of the earl of
Lennox and his had more knowledge hereof than was thought, and
thereby made avant now in Scotland, and their party was so great
in England as the queen's majesty durst not attempt to . contrary
his marriage. And in this sort, was the sum of the perils declared,
being notwithstanding more largely and plainly set out, and made
so apparent by many sure ailments, as no one of the council
could deny them to be but many and very daugerons.
Second Question.
The question of this consultation was what were meet to be done
toavoidtheseperils, or else to divert the force thereof from hurting
the realm ; wherein there were a great nurnber of particular de-
vises propounded, and yet the more part of them was reduced by
some into three heads.
1. The first thought necessary by all persons, as the only thing
of the most moment and efficacy, to remedy all these perills, and
many others, and such as vithoiit it, no other remedy could be
found suffident, and that was to obtain that the queen's majesty
would marry, and make therein no Joog delay.
2. The second was, to advance, establish, and fOTtify indeed the
profession of religion, both in Scotland and in England, and to di-
minish, weaken, and feeble the contrary.
3. The third was, to proceed in sundry things, either todiaap-
;.oogic
330 SCOTLAND.
point and break this iQtended iBarring«i or, at the least, thereby to
procure the same not to be bo burtful to this realm as otherwise it
will be.
The first of these three hath uo particular rights in it, but an
earnest and unfeigned desire and suite, with all humbleness, by
prayer to Almighty God, and advice and council to the queen's
majesty, that she would defer no more time from marriage, whereby
the good subjects of the realm might stay their hearts, to depend
upon her majesty, and the issue of her body, without which no
surety can be deviled to .ascertain any person of continuance of
their- families or posteritiee, to enjoy that which otherwise should
come to them.
Second, concerning the matters of religion, wherein both truth
and policy were joined together, had these particulars.
First, whereas of late the adVersaries of religion, in the realm,
have taken occasion to comfort and increase their faction, both in
England, Scotland, and abroad, with a rumour and expectation
that the religion shall be shortly cbaOged in this realm, by means
that ttio bishops, by the queen's majesty's commandment, have of
late dealt streightly with -some persons of good religion, because
fheyhad forboro to wear certab apparel, and sych like things;
being more of form and accidents, than of any substance, for that
it is well known that her m^csty had no meaning to comfort the
sdversaiieB, but .only to maintain an uniformity as well in things
external, as in the substance, nor yet hath any intention to make
any change of the religion, as it is cBtablished by laws. It was
thought by all men very necessary, for the suppressing of \he pride
and arrogancy of the adversaries, indirectly hereby to notify, by
her special letters to the two archbishops, that her former com-
mandment was only to retain an uniformity, and not to give any
occasion to any person to mbjudge of her majesty, in the change
of any part of religion, but that she did determine firmly to main-
tain the form of her religion, as it was established, and to punish
such as did therein violate her laws. And in these points, some
also wished that it might please her aichbishops, that if they
should see that the adversaries continued in taking occasion to for-
tify their faction, that in that case they should use a moderation
therein, imtil the nest parliament, at which time, some good, uni-
form, and decent ordermight be devised, and established, for such
ceremonies, so as both uniformity and gravity might be retained
amongst the clergy. -
Ilie second means was, that the quondam bishops, and others,
which had refused to ackaowledge the queen's majesty's power
over them, according to the law, and were of late disperse in the
plague lime to sundry places abroikd, where it is known they cease
, Co Ogle
APPENDIX. 331
tot b> advance their faction, might be returned to the Tower, or
■ome other prison, where they might -not have sgch Uberty to se-
duce and inveigle the queen's majesty's subjects, as they daily do.
The third means was, that where the bishops do complain that
they dare not execute the ecclesias ileal laws, to the furtherance of
religion, for fear of the premuaire wherewith the judges and law-
yers of the realm, being not best affected in religion, do threaten
them, and in many cases lett not to pinch and deface them, tiiat
upon such cases opened, some conveniept authority might be given
tlum, from the queen's majesty, to continue during her pleasure.
The fourth was, that there were daily lewd, injudicious, and un-
lawful hooks in Englith, brought from beyond seas, and are boldly
received, read, and kept, and especially in the north, seducing of
great numbers of good subjects, the like boldness whereof was never
suffered in anyotherprincess's time, that some streight order might
be given to avoid the same, and that it might be considered by the
judges, what manner of crime the same is, to maintain such books',
made directly against her majesty's authority, and maintaining a
foreign power, contrary to the laws of the realm.
The fifth was, that where a great number of mopks, fryars, and
Buch lewd persons, are fled out of Scotland, and do serve in Eng-
land, especially in the north, as curates of churches, and all such of
them as are not found honest and conformable, may be banished out
of the realm, for th^ it appeareth they do sow sedition in the realm,
in many places, and now will increase their doings.
The sixth, where sundry having ecclesiastical livings, are on the
Other side the sea, and from thence maintain sedition in the realm ;
that livings may be better bestowed to the commodity of the realn^
upon good subjects.
The seventh is, that the judges of the realm, having ao smaU
authority in this realm, in govemaoce.of all property of the realm^
might be sworn to the queen's majesty, according to the laws of the
tealm, and ao thereby tbey should for conscience sake maintain the
queen's majesty's authority.
The particulars of the third intention to break and avoid this
marriage, or to divert the perils.
First, to break this marriage, considering nothing can likely do
if, but force, or fear of force, it is thought by some that these
means following might occasion the breach of the marriage.
1 . That the earl of Bedford repair to his charge.
2. That the works at Berwidc be more advanced,
3. That the garrison be there increased.
4. That all the wardens put their frontiers in order with speed,
' to be ready at an hour's warning.
DowcdDyGoOgIC
332 SCOTLAND.
5. That some ngble person, as the dnke of Norfolk, or the earl
of'Salop, or such other, be sent into Yorkshire, to be lieutenant-
general ia the north.
6. That preparationB be mada of a power, to be in readiness to
serve, either at Berwick, or to invade Scotland.
7. That presently lady Lennox be committed to some place,
where she may be kept from giving or receiving of intelligence.
9. That the earl of Lennox and his son may be sent for, and re-
quired to be sent home by the qneen of Scotts, according to the
treaty ; and if they shall not come, then to denounce to the queen
of Scotts the breach of the treaty, and thereupon to enter with hos-
tility; by which proceeding, hope is conceived (so the same be done
in deeds and not in sbews) that the marriage will be avoided, or at
the least that it may be qualified from many perils ; and whatsoever
is to be (ione herein, is to be executed with speed, whilst she has
a party in Scotland that favonreih' not the marriage, and before any
league made by the queen of Scotts with France or Spain. '
Some other allows well of all these proceedings, saving of pro-
ceeding to hostility, but all do agree in the rest, and also to these
particularities following.
10. That the earl's lands upon his refusal, or his son's refusing,
should be seized, and bestowed in gift or custody, as shall |dease
her majesty, npon good subjects.
11. That all manifest favourers of the earl, in the north, or else-
where, be inquired for, and that they be, by sundry means, well
looked to.
12. That inquiry be made in the north, who have the steward-
ship of the queen's majesty's lands there, and that no person, de-
. serving mistrust, be suffered to have governance or rule of any of
her subjects or lands in the north, but only to retain thtit fees, and '
mote trusty persons have rule of the same people's lands.
13. That all frequent passages into this realm, to and from Scot-
land, be restrained to alt Scottish men, saving such as have safe
conduct, or be especially recommended from Mr. Randolph, as
favourers of the realm.
14. That some intelligence be used with snch in Scotlimd, as
favour not the marriage, and they comforted from time to time.
15. That the queen's majesty's household, chamber, and pen-
sioners, be better seen unto, to avoid broad and uncomely spee&
used by si\ndry against the state of the realm.
16. That the younger son of the earl of Lennoi, Mr. Charles, be
removed to some place where he may be forthcoming.
17. That considering the faction and title of the queen of Scotts,
hath now of long time received grdat favour, and continued, by the
queen's majesty's favour herein to the queen of Scotts and-lier lat-
, Co Ogle
APPENDIX. 333
niaters, and the lady Cathanne, whom the said queen of Scotts ac^
compted as a competitor unto her in ptetence of title, it may please
the queen's tnajeaty, by gome exterior act to shew some remissioa
of hei dtspleasme to the lady, and to the earl of Hartford, that the
queen of Scotts thereby may find some change, and her friends put
in doubt of further proceeding therein.
18. That whosoever shall be lieutenant in the north. Sir Ralph
Sadler may accompany him.
19. That with speed the realm of Ireland may be committed to ft
new governor.
20. Finally, that these advices being considered by her majesty,
it may please her to choose which of them she liketh, and to put
them in execution in deeds, and not to pass them over in consulta-
tions and speeches.
For it is to be assured, that bei adversaries will use all means to
put their intention in execution. Some by practice, some by force,
when time shall serve, and no time can serve so well the queen's
majesty to interrupt the perils as now at the first, before the queen
of Scott's purposes be fully settled.
No. XI. (Vol. I. p. 273.)
Randolph to the Earl of Leictiter, from Edinburgh,
the 3lst of July, 1565.
Cott. Ub. Mat it please your lordship, I have received your lord-
C»l. b. ii. ship's letter by my servant, sufficient testimony of your
Aq ori^- lordship's favour towards me, whereof I think myself al-
■ul- ways so assured, that what other mishap soever befal me,
I have enough to comfort myself with ; though 1 have not at this,
time received neither according to the need I stand', nor the neces-
sity of the service that I am employed in, I will rather pass it, as I
may with patience, than trouble youi lordship to be further suiter
for me, when there is so little hope that any good will be done for
me. I doubt not but your lordship hath heard by such information
as I have given from hence, what the present state of this country
. is, how this queen is now become a married wife, and her husband,
the self'Same day of his marriage, made a king. In their desires,
hitherto, they have found so much to their contentment, that if the
rest succeed and prosper accordingly, they may think themselves
much happier, than there is appearance that they shall be; so
many discontented minds, so mnch misliking of the Bubjects to have
these matters thus ordered, and in this sort to be brought to pass,
I never heard of any marriage ; so .little hope, so little comfort aa
men do talk was never seen, at any time, when men should most
have shewed themselves to r^oice, if that consideration of her own
, Co Ogle
334 SCOTLAND.
honour and veil of her conntiy had been bad aa appertained in ao
weighty a caae. This is no4 their fear, the overthroir of religion,
the breach of atnitie with the queen's raajesty, and the destruction
of as many of the nobility as she hath mislildng of, or that be liketh
to pitch a quarrel unto. To see all these incouTeniencys approach-
ing', there are a good number that may sooner lament with them-
aeVtet and complain to their neighbouts, than be able to find re-
medie to help them, some attempt with all the force they hare, but
are too weak to do any goad, what is required otherways, or what
means there is made your lordship knoweth ; what will be answered,
or what will be done, therein, we are in great doubt, and though
your intent be never so good unto us, yet do we so much fear your
delay, that our ruin shall prevent your support when council is once
taken. Nothing so needful, as speedy exeeu^on. Upon the queen's
najesty, we wholly depend, in her majesty's hands it standeth to
save OUT IiTes, or to suffer us to perish ; greater honour ber ma-
jesty cannot have, than in that which lieth in her majesty's power to
do for us, the sums are not great, the numbers of men are not many
that we desire ; many will dayly be found, tho" this will be some
charge; men grow dayly, though, at this time, I think her majesty
shall lose but few : her friends here being once taken away, where
will her majesty find the like ? I speak least of that which I think is
most earnestly intended by this queen, and her husband, when by
him it was lately said, that he cared more for the Papists in Eng-
land, than be did for the Protestants in Scotland; if therefore his
bopes be so great in the Papists of England, what may your lord- .
ship believe that he thioketh of the Protestants there; for his birth,
for his nurritour, for the honour he hath' to be of kiae to the queen
ny mistress, if in preferring those that are the queen's majesty's
worst subjects to those that are her best, he declaretb what mind
he beareth to the queen's majesty's self, any man may say it is '
slenderly revrarded, and his duty evil forgotten ; he would now seem
to be indifferent to both the religions, she to use her mass, and he
to come sometimes to the preaching ; they were married with all the
iolemnities of the Popish tune, saving that he heard not the mass ;
his speech and talk ai^eth his mind, and yet would he fain seem
U> the world that he were of some religion ; his words to all men,
against whom he conceiveth any displeasure how unjust soever it
be, so proud and spiteful, that rather he seemeth a monarch of die
world, than he that, not long since, we have seen and known the
lord Damley ; he looketh now for reverence of many that have
little will to give it him ; and some there are that do give iti that -
4hink him little worth of it. All honour that may be attributed unto
any man by a wife, he hath it wholly and fully ; all praises that
may be spoken of him he lacketh not from herself; all dignities that
APPENDIX, 335
■he can endue him nitfa, which are already given and granted ; no
man pleaaeth hec that contenteth not him ; and what may I nay
aioie, she hath given over to him her whole will, to be ruled and
guided as himself best liketb ; she can as moch prevail with him,
in any thing that is against his will, as your lordship may with me
to persoade that I should bang myself; this last dignity out of hand
to have been proclaimed king, she would have it deferred untill it
were agreed by parliament, or he had been himself 21 years of agCj
that things done in his name might have the better authority. He
would, in no case, have it deferred one day, and either then or
never; whereupon this doubt has rinen amongst our men of law
whether she being clad with a husband, and her husband not
twenty-one years, any thing without parliament can be of strength,
thai is done between them; upon Saturday at afternoon these mat-
ters were long in debating. And before they were well resolved
upon, at nine hours at night, by three heralds, at sound of the
trumpet be was proclaimed king. This was the night before the
marriage; this day, Monday at twelve of the clock, the lords, all
that were in die toun, were present at the proclaiming of him again,
where no roan said so much as amen, saving his father, that cried
oat aloud Ood save his queen J The manner of the marriage was in
this sort ; upon Sunday in the morning between five and six, she
was conveyed by divers of her nobles to the cbapell ; she had upon
her hack the great mourning gown of black, with the great wide
mourning hood, not unlike unto that which she wore the doulfull
day of the burial of her husband : she was led into the cbapell, by
the earl of Lennox and Atbol, and there was she left untill her hus-
band came, who also-was conveyed by the same lords, the minister
priests, two, do there receive tkem, the bands are asked the third
time, and an instrument taken by a notour that do man said againit
them, or alledged any cause why the marriage might not proceed.
The words were spoken, the rings which were three, the middle a
rich diamond, were put upon her finger ; they kneel together, and
many prayers said over them, she tarrieth out the mass, and be
taketh a kiss, and leaveth her there, and went to her chamber,
whither within a space she followeth ; and being required , accord-
ing to the solemnity, to cast off her cares, and leave aside those
sorrowful garments, and give herself to a more pleasant life, after
some pretty refusall, more I beUeve for manner sake than grief of
heart, she suffered them that stood by, every man that could ap-
proach, to take out a pin ; and so being committed to her ladies,
changed her garments, but went not to bed, to signify to the world
that it was not lust that moved them to marry, but only the necea-
nity of her country, not, if God will, long to leave it destitute of an
heir. Suspicious men, or such as are given of all things to mkkt
Co Ogle
336 SCOTLAND.
the worst, w<m]d that it should be believed, that they Imev each
other before that they came their ; I would not your lordship should
BO believe it, the likelihoods are so great to the coutrary, that if it
were possible to see such ao act done, I would not beL^ve it. After
the marria^ followeth commonly great cheer and dancing : to their
dinner they were conveyed by the whole nobility ; the trumpets
sound; a largess cried; money thrown about the house in great
abundance, to such as were happy to get any part ; they dine both
at one table, ahe upon the upper band, there serve her these earls,
Athole sewer, Morton carver, Cranfoord cup-beaier ; these serve
him in like offices. Earls Eglington, Cassels, and Glenc^m ; after
^niier they danced awhile, and then retired diemselves till the hour
of supper ; and as they dined so do they sup, some dancing there
was, and so they go to bed ; of all this 1 have written to your lord-
ship I am not oculatus testis, to this, but of the verity your lordship
shall not need to doubt, howsoever I came by it ; I was sent for to
have been at the supper, but like a currish oi uncourtly ^arle I re-
fused to be there ; and yet that which your lordship may think might
move me much, to have had the sight of my mistress, of whom these
eighteen days by just account I got not a sight, I am my lord taken
by all that sort as a very evil person, which in my heart I do weU
allow, and like of myself the better, for yet can I not find either
honest or good that liketh their doings. I leaveat this time further
to trouble your lordship, craving pardon for my long silence, I have
more ado than I am able to dischaige, I walk now more abroad by
nigbt than by day, and the day too little to dischai^ myseV of that
which I conceive, or receive in the night. As your lordship, I am
sure, is partaker of such letters ai I write to Mr. Secretary, so that
I trust that he shall be to this, to save me of a little labour, to write
the same again, most humbly 1 take my leave at Edinburgh, ^
last day of July, 1565.
No. XII. (Vol. I. p. 276.)
Letter of the Earl of Bedford to the Honotirahle Sir JVilUam CecU,
Knt. her Majat^s Principal Secretary, and one of her Highteti't
Prity Council.
16 of Sept. Aster my hearty commendations, this day at uoon
*'**5."^"" captain Brickwell came hither, who brought with him the
pet Office, ^ , , , ' . . , ° , „ . .
from ibe queen s majesty s letters containing her full resolution,
otipnal. and pleasure for all things he had in charge to give in-
formation of, saving that for the aid of the lords of the congr^ation
there is nothing determined, or at the least espressed in the same
letters, and for that purpose received 1 this morning, a letter sub-
scribed by the duke, the earl of Murray, Gtencarne, and others,
APPENDIX. 337
craving; to be holpea with 300 barquebusyers out of this garrison,
for their better defence. And albeit I kaow right well the good-
ness of their cause, and the queen's majesty our sorereign's good
will and care towards them ; and do also undeTstand that it were
very requisite to have them holpen, for that now their cause is to be
in thia manner decided, and that it now standeth npon their utter
overthrow and undoing, since the queen's party la at the least 5000,
and they not much above 1000 ; besides that the queen hath
harquebusyera, and they have none, and do yet want the power that
the earl of Arguyle should bring to them, who is not yet joined with
theirs ; I have thereupon thought good to pray you to be a. means
to learn her majesty's pleasure in this behalf, what, and how, I
shall answer them, or otherwise deal in this matter, now at thii
their extreme necessity. For, on the one side, lyeth thereupon
their utter ruin and overthrow, and the miserable aubveraion of re-
tigion there; and, on the other aide, to adventure so great and
weighty a matter as thia is, (albeit it be but of a few soldiers, for a
small time,) without good warraunte, and thereby to bring, perad-
venture, upon our heads some wilful warrs, and in the mean time
to leave the place unfurnished, (having in the whole but 800,) with-
out any grant of new supply for the same ; and by that means also
to leave the marches here the more subject to invasion, While in the
mean season new helps are preparing ; to this know not I what to
say or how to do. And so much more I marvel thereof, as that
having so many times written touching this matter, no resolute de-
termination Cometh. And so between the writing and looking for
answer, the occasion cannot pass, but must needs proceed and have
■uccesa. God turn it to hia glory ; but surely all men's reason
hath great cause to fear it. Such a puah it is now come unto, as
this little supply would do much good to advance Ood's honour, to
continue her majesty's great and careful memory of tbera, and to
preserve a great many noblemen and gentlemen. If it be not vow
helpeu it ia gone for ever. Your good will and affection that way
I do notlung mistrust, and herein shall takesuch good advice as by
any means I can. 1 received from these lords two papers inclosed,
the effect whereof shall appeal' unto you. For those matters that
captain Brlckwell brought, 1 shall answer you by my next, and
herewith send you two letters from Mr. Randolph, both received
this day. By him you shall hear that the Proteatanla are retired
from Edenborough, further off. So I hope your resolution for their
aid shall come in time, if it come with speed, for that they wilt not
now so presently need them ; and. so with my hearty thanks com-
mit you 10 God. From Berwick, this 2d of Sept. 1565.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
338 SCOTLAND.
No. XIII. (Vol. I. p. 276.)
The Queen to the Earl of Bedford.
ij Sept, Upon the advertisements lately received from you, with
1566. P«- such other things as came alao from the lord Scrope aad
per Office. TTioojas Randolph, and upon the whole matter well consi-
dered, we have thus determined. We will, with all the speed that
we can, send to you 30001. to be thus used. If you flhfdl certainly
understand that the earl of Murray hath such want of money, as the
impresting to him of lOOOl. might stand him in stead for the help to
defend himself, you shall presently let him secretly to understand,
that you will, as of yourself, let him have so much, and so we will
that you let him have, in the most secret sort that you can, when
the said sum shall come to you, or if you can, by any good means,
advance him some part thereof beforehand.
The other 20001. you shall cause to be kept whole, unspent, if it be
not that you shall see necessary cause to imprest some part thereof
to the now numbers of the 600 footmen and lOOhorsemen; or to
the casting out of wages of sucb workmen, as by sickness, or other-
wise, ought to be discharged. And where we perceive, by your
sundry letters, the earnest request of the said earl of Murray and bis
associates, that they might have at the least 300 of our soldiers to
aid them ; and that you also write, that tho' we would not com-
mand you to give them aid, yet if we would hut wink at your doing;
herein, and seem to blame you for attempting such things, as you
with the help of others should bring about, you doubt not hut things
would do well; you shall understand for a truth, that we have no
intention, for many respects, to maintain any other prince's sub-
jects to take arms against their sovereign ; neither would we will-
ingly do any thing to give occasion to make wars betwixt us and
that prince, which has caused us to forbear, hitherto, to give yo«
any power to let them be aided with any men. But now, consider-
ing we take it that they are pursued, notwithstanding tbeir humble
submission and offer to be ordered and tried by law and justice,
which being refused to them, they are retired to Dumfrese, a place
near our west marches, as it seemeth there to defend themselves,
and adding thereunto the good intention that presently the French
king pretendeth, by sending one of his to join with some one of ours,
and jointly to treat with that queen, and to induce her to forbear
this manner of violent and rigorous proceeding against her sub-
jects, for which purpose the French ambassador here with us has
lately written to that queen, whereof answer is daily looked for ; to
the intent in the mean time the said lords should not be oppressed
and ruined for lack of some help to defend them, we are content
APPENDIX. 339
and do atidiorize, if you shall see it necessary for their defencei to
let tliem (as of your own adventure^ and without notifying that you
have any direction therein from ua) to have the pumber of 300 sol-
diers, to be taken, either in whole bands, or to be drawn outof all
your bands, as you shall see cause- And to cover the matter the
better, you shall send these numbers to Carlisle, as to be laid there
in garrison, to defend that march, now in this time that audi powers
are on the other part drawing to those frontiers, and so from thence,
as you shall see cause to direct of, the same numbers, or any of
them, may most covertly repair to the said lords, when you shall
expressly advertize that you send them that aid Mily for their de-
fence, and not therewith to make war against the queen, or to do
any thing that may offend her person; wherein you shall so pre-
daely deal with them, that they may perceive your care to be suoh
as, if it should otherwise appear, your danger should be so great,
as all the friends you have could not be able to save yon towwds
ua. And so we assure you our ctHiscience moveth us to charge
you so to proceed with them ; for otherwise than to preserve them
from ruin, we do not yield to give ihem aid of money or men :
And yet we would not that either of these were known to be our
act, but rather to be covered with your own desire and attempt.
No. XIV. (Vol. I. p. 284.)
Randolph to Cecil, from Edit^rgh, Ifk Feb. 1 565-6.
An ori- My humble duty conaidered ; what to wiite of the pre-
euwt. ggnt state of the country lam so uncertain, by reason of
the daily alterations ofmeu'sminds, that it maketh me much slower
than otherwise 1 would. Within these few days there was some
good hope, that this queen would have shewed some favour towards
the lords, and that Robert Melvin should have returned unto them
with comfort upon some conditions. Since that time, there are
come out of France Clemau by land, and Thometon by sea t the
one from the cardinal, the other fnuntheitbhop of Glasgow. Since
whose arrival neither can there be good word gotten, nor appeu-
aace of any good intended them, except that they be able to per-
swade the queen's majesty, our sovereign, to make her heir appa-
rent to the crouD of England. I write of this nothing less than
I know that she hath spoken. And by all means that she thinketh
the best doth travaile to bring it to pass. There is a band lately
devised, in which the late pope, the emperor, the king of Spain,
tite dnke of Savoy, with divers princes of Itfdy, and the queen-mo-
ther suspected to be of the same confederacy to maintain Papistry
throughout Christiandom ; this band was sent out of France by
Thometon, and is subscribed by this queen, die copy thereof re-
maining with her, and the principal to be returned very ahortlie, as
z2
340 SCOTLAND.
I hear, by Mr. Stephen Willson, a fit minister for sacb a devilish
devise; if the coppie hereof may be gotten, that shall be sent as I
conveniently may. Monsieur RamboUet came to this toun upon
Monday, he spoke that night to the queen and her husband, but
not long; the next day be held long conferences with tliem both,
hut nothing came to the knowledge of any whereof they intreated.
I cannot speai with any that hath any hope that there will he any
good done for the lords by him, though it is said that he hath very
good will to do so to the uttermost of his power. He is lodged
near to the court, and liveth upon the queen's charges. Upoa
Sunday the order is given, whereat means made to many to be pre-
sent that day at the mass. Upon Candlemas-day there carried
their candles, with the queen, her husband, the earle of Lennox,
and earle Athol ; divers other lords have been called together and
required to be at the mass that day, some have promised, as Cassels,
Montgomerie, Seton, Cathness. Others have refused, as Fleming,
Levingston, Lindsay, Huntly, and Bothel ; and of them all Bothel
is the stoutest, but worst thought of ; it was moved in council that
mass should have been in St. Giles church, which I believe was ra-
ther to tempt men's minds, than intended indeed : she was of late
minded again to send Robert Melvin to negotiate with such as she
trusteth in amongst the queen's majesty's subjects, of whose good
willis this way I trust that the bruit is greater than the truth, but in
these matters, her majesty is too vrise not in time to be ware, and
provide for the worst; some in that country are thought to be privie
unto the bands and confederacie of which I have written, whereof I
am sure there is some things, tho' perchance of all I have not heard
the truth ; in this court divers quarles, contentions, and debates,
nothing so much sought as to maintain mischief and disorder.
David yet retaineth still his place, not without heart-grief to many,
that see their sovereign guided chiefly by such a fellow ; the queen
hath utterly refused to do any good to my lord of Argyll, and it is
said that shall be the first voyage that she will make after she is
delivered of being with child ; the bruit is common that she is, but
hardly believed of many, and of this, I can assure you, that there
have of late appeared some tokens to the contrary.
No. XV. (Vol. I. p. 291.)
Part of a Letter from the Earl of Bedford and Mr. TAo. Rando^ to
the Lords of the CouacU of England from Banuick, 27ti of March
1566. An Origiiud in tht Cotton. Libraru, CaHguia, b. 10. fd.
372.
Hay it please your honours,
srHucb, Heeiino of so maynie matters as we do, and fyndinge
1556. juch varietie in the reports, we have myche ado to deceme
APPENDIX. 341
the veritie ; which maketh us the slower and loother to put any
thing in wry tinge to the entente we wold not that your honouTs, and
by you the queen's majestie, our soveteigne, thould not be adver-
tised but of the verie trothe as we can possible. To this end we
thought good to send up capttun Carewe, who was in Edinbourge
at the tyme of the last attetnptate, who spoke there with diverse,
and after that with the queen's self and her husband, conforme to
that, which we have learned by others and know by this reports,
we send the same, confirmed by the parties self, that were there
present and assysters unto these that were executors of the acte.
This we fynde for certain, that the queen's husband being entered
into a vehement suspicion of David, that by hym some thynge was
committed, which was most agaynste the queen's honour, and not
to be borne of his perte, fyrste communicated hia mynde to Geoi^
Duglas, who fynding his sorrowes so great sought all the means he
coulde to put some remedie to his grieff; and communicating the
•atne unto my lord Ruthen by the king's commandment, no other
waye coulde be found then that David should be taken oat of the
waye. Wherein he was so earnest and daylye pressed the same,
that no Teste could be had untyll it was put in execution. To this
that was found good, that the lord Morton, and lord Lindsaye should
be made privie to th' intente, that theie might have their friends at
hande, yf ueade required; which caused them to assemble so may-
ny, as theie thought sufficient against the tyme, that this determi-
nation of theirs should be put in executione; which was determined'
the ixth of this instante 3 diues afore the parliament should begyne,
at which time the sayde lordes were assured that the erles Argyle,
Morraye, Rothes and their complyces sholde have been forfeited, yf
the king could not ^e persuaded through this means to be their
friends : who for the desyre he hade that this intent should take
edect th' one waye was contente to yielde, without all difficultie to
t'other, with this condition, that theie should give their consents,
that he might have the crowne matrimonial. He was so impatient
to see these things he saw, and were daylye brought to his eares,
that he dayly pressed the sud Lord Ruthen, that there might be no
longer delaye ; and to the intent that myght be manifeste unto the
world that he approved the acte, was content to be at the doing of
that himself.
Upon Saturdaye at night, neire unto viii of the clock, the king
conveyeth himself, the lord Ruthen, Geoi^ Duglass, and two
others, throve his owne chamber by the privy stayers up to the
queen's chamber, going to which there is a cabinet about xii foot
square ; in the same a little low reposing bed and a table, at the
which theyr were sitting at the supper the queene, the lady Argile,
and David with his capp upon his head. Into t^e cabinet tiiere
Co Ogle
342 SCOTLAND.
coraeth in the king and lotd Ruthen, who willed David to come
forth, sayii^, that was no place for bim. The queen said, th«t it
was her will. Her howsband answeicde, thet y' was against her
honour. The lord Ruthen said, that Ke should leme better his du-
tie, and o&ring to have taken him by the arm, David took the
(joeen by the blychtes of her gown and put himself behind the
queen who wolde giadlee have saved him ; but the king having
loosed his hand, and holding her in his arms, David was thrust out
of the cabinet throw the bed-chamber into the chamber of presens,
whar were the lord Morton, lord Undsey, who inteodiog that night
to have reserved htm, end die next day to hang him, so many
bstng about him, that bore him evil will, one thrtiBt him into the
boddie with a dagger, and ^er him a great many others, so that be
had in his bodie above woods. It i> told for certayne, that the
kioges own dagger was left sticking in him. Wheather he stack
hiin or not We cannot here for certayn. He was not slayne in tjie
queen's presens, as was said, bat going down the stayres out of the
(Camber of presens.
There remained a long tyme with the queen her howsband and
the lord Ruthen. She made, as we here, great interceasioa that he
Aold have no harm^. She btamed greatlee her bowsbaad that was
the actor of so foul a deed. It is said that he did answer, that
David had more companie of her boddie then be foi the space of
two months ; and therefore for her honour and his own content-
ment he gave his consent that he shonld be taken away. " It is
not" (saytlie she) " the woman's part to seek fte hosband," and
ther^ore in that the fault was his own. He said that when he
came, she either wold not or made herse)f sick, " Well," saythe
she, " yon have taken your last of me and your ftirewell." Then
were pity, Sayth the lord Ruthen, he is your majesty's husband
and must yield dutie to each other. ** Why may I not," saythe
she, " leave him as well as your wife Aid her huibaitd ? Other
hove dobfethe like." llie lord Ruthen satd that ahe was lawfirily
drvoKed from h«r hosband, and fbr no such cause as the king fonnd
himself greve. Sesydes this man Was mean, basse, enemie to the
nobility, shame to her, and destruction fo herself and countiy.
" Well," sftith she, " thai shall be dear blode to some of you, yf
his be spylt." God forbid, sayth the lord Ruthen ; for the more
your grace showe yourself offended, the world will judge the
worse.
Her husband this time speaketh litle, herself continually weep-
4th. The lord Ruthen being ill at ease and weak calleth for a
dtink, and saythe, " This I must do with your majesties pardori,"
and persuadeth her in the best sort he could, that she would
^cify herself. Nodiing that could be sud could pleue her.
Google
APPENDIX. 343
In diia meao time tbere rose a nombre in the court; to pacify
which there went dovn the lord Rutbeo', who went strayt to the
erlea Huntly, Bothwell, and Atholl, to quiet them, and to assure
them for the king that nothing was intend against them. These
not withstanding taking fear, when theie heard that my lord of Mur-
ray wou)d be there the next day, and Argile meet them, Huntly and
Bothwell both get out of a window and so depart. Atholl had leave
of the king widi Flysh and Otandores (who was lately called Deys-
ley the person of Owne) to go where they wold, and bring concorde
out of the court by the lord of Lidington. Theie went that night
to such places where they thought themselves in most lauftie.
Before the king leaft talk with the queen, in the hering of the
lord Ruthen she was contents that he shold lie with her that night.
We know not how he * * himself, but came not at her, and ex-
cused bymself to his friends, that he was so sleepie, that he could
not wake in due season.
There were in this companie two that came in with the king ;
the one Andrewe Car of Fawdenside, whom the queen sayth would
have stroken her with a dagger, and one Patrick Balentine, bro>
ther to the justice-clerk, who also, her grace sayth, offered a dag
against her belly with the cock down. We have been earnestly in
band with the lord Ruthen to know the varitie ; but he assoureth
us of the contrarie. There were In die queen's chamber the lord
Robert, Arthur Arskin, one or two others. They at the first offerr
ing to make a defence, the lord Ruthen drawd his dagger, and 4
mo weapons then, that were not drawn nor seen in her presens, as
we are by this lord assured.
[The letter afterward gives an account of the flight to Dunbar
castle, whither resorted unto the lords Huntly and Bothwell : That
the earl of Mort&n and lord Authven find themselves left by the
king for all hie fair promises, bonds, and subscriptions. That he
had protested before the council, that he was never consenting to
the death of David, and that it is sore against his will : " That of
the great substance David had there is much spoken, some say in
gold to the value of ll'f. . His apparel was very good, as it is
said, 28 pair of velvet hose. His chamber well furnished, armour,
dag^r, pyiUoletts, harquebuses, 22 swords. Of all this nothing
■poyld or lacked saving 2 or 3 di^gen. He had the custody of aH
the queen's letters, which all were delivered unlooked upon. We
hear of a juill, that he had hanging about his neck of some price,
that oannotbe heard of. He had upon bis back when he was slayn,
a night gown of damuk furred, with a satten dublet, a hose of ms-
let velvet."]
DowcdDyGoOgIC
344 SCOTLANO.
No. XVI. (Vol. I. p. 298.)
Part of a Utter from Randolph to Cecil, Jan. 16, 1565-6.
1 CAMNOT tell what miHtiking of late there b&tti been be-
tw n her grace and her husband, he presseth earnestly for die
matrimonial crown, wKich she iB loth baatJly to ^rant, but nilling
to keep somewhat in store, until she know bow well he is worth to
enjoy sucb a soveieigot; ; and therefore it ig thought that the par-
liament for a time shall be deferred, but hereof I can write no cer-
tainty.
From Mr. Randolph's Letter to Steretary Cecil,
*j*P'*' The justice-clerk in hard terms, more for his bro-
perOffice^ ther's canse than any desert, and as far as 1 can hear the
Froni the king; of all other in worst, for neither hath the queen good
origii . opinion of him for attempting of any thing that was against
her will, nor the people that he hath denied so manifest a matter,
being proved to be done by his commandmebt, and now himself to
be the accuser and pursuer of them that did as he willed them.
This Scott, that was executed, and Murray that was yesterday ar-
reigned, were both accused by him. It is written to me, for cer-
tain, by one that upon Monday last spoke with the queen, that she
is determined that the house of Lennox shall be as poor in Scot-
land as ever it was. The earl continueth sick, sore troubled in
mind ; he staith in the abby, his son has been once with him, and
he once with the queen, since she came to the castle. The queen
hath now seen all the covenants and bands that passed between the
king and the lords, and now findeth that bis declaration, before
her and council, of his innocency of the death of David, was false ;
ftnd grievously ofiended that, by their means, he should seek to
come to the crown matrimonial. -
Part of a Letter from Randolph to CeeU, fi-om Berwick, 25th April,
1566.
— ;— Thekb is continually very much speech of the discord between
the queen and her husband, so fer that, that is commonly said and
believed of himself, that Mr. James Thornton is gone to Rome to sue
for a divorce between them. It is very certain that Malevasier had
not spoken with him within these three days. He is neither ac-
company 'd nor looked upon of any nobleman : attended upon by
certain of his own servants, and six or seven of the guard ; at li-
berty to do, and go where and what he will, they have no hope
yet among themselves of quietness.
— — David's brother, named Joseph, who came this way with
^~.ooj;lc
APPENDIX. 345
Malevuier, onknowii to any man here, is become secretary in his
brother's f\wx.
No. XVII. (Vol. I. p. 302.)
7%e Earl of Bedford to Cecil, 3d August, 1566.
The queea and her husband agree after the old manner, or
rather worse. She eateth but very seldom with him, lieth not, nor
keepeth company with him, nor loveth any such as love him. He
is 80 far out of her books, as at her going' out of the castle of Edin-
burgh, to remove abroad, he knew nothing thereof. It cannot for
modesty, nor with the honour of a queen, be reported what she
said of him. One Hickman, an English merchant there, having a
water spaniel, which was very good, gave him to Mr. James Mel-
vil, who afterward, for the pleasure which he saw the king have
in such kind of dogs, gave him to the king. The queen therenpos
fell marvellously out with Melvil, and called him dissembler and
flatterer, and said she could not trust one, who would give any
thing to such a one as she loved not.
Tke Earl of Bedford to Cecil, Aug. 8.
The disagreement between the queen and her husband conti-
nueth, or rather increaseth. Robert Melvill drawing homewarda,
within twelve miles of Edinburgh, could not tell where to find the
queen ; sith which time she is come to Edinburgh, and had not
twelve horses attending on her. There was not then, nor that I
can bear of since, any lord, baron, or other nobleman in her com-
pany. The king her husband is gone to Dubifermling, and passeth
his time as well as he may ; having at his farewell such counte-
nance as would make a husband heavy at the heart.
Sir Join Fonler to Cecil, Stk Sept. from Berwick.
The queen hath her husband in small estimation, and the earl of
Lennox came not in the queen's sight since the death of Davy.
Sir John Foriter to Cecil, llth Dec.
The earl of Bothwell ia appointed to receive the ambassadors, and
all thmgs for the christening are at his lordship's appointment, and
the same is scarcely well liked of the nobility, as is said. The king
and queen is presently at CiaigmiDar, but in little greater familiarity
than he was all the while past.
Advertiaementt out of Scotland from the Earl of Bedford.
Angoit That the king and queen agreed well together two days
1566. p«. after her coming from , and after my lord of Murray's
^^ Q^ ' coming to Edinburgh, some new discord baa happened,
i^pntl. The queen hath declared to my lord of Murray that the
■An
346 SCOTLAND.
Lin^ bean hira evil will, and has said to her that he is determioed
to kill bim, finding fault that she doth bear him so much company :
and in like manner hath willed my lord of Murray to spiere it at the
king, which he did a few nights since in the queen's presence, and
in the hearing of divers. The king confessed, that reports were
made to him, that my lord of Murray was not his friend, which made
him speak that thing he repented ; and the queen affirmed, that the
king had spoken such words unto her, and confessed before the
whole house, that she could not be content that either he or any
other should be unfriend to my lord of Murray. My lord of Mur-
ray enquired the same stoutly, and used his speech very modestly,
in the mean time the king departed very grieved ; he cannot bear
that the queen should use familiarity either with man or woman, and
especially the ladies of Arguile, Murray, and Marre, who keep
moat company with her. My lord of Murray and Bothwell have
been at evil words for the L. of Ledington, before the queen, for he
and Sir James Balfoure had new come from Ledington, with his
answer upon such heads or articles as Bothwell and he should
agree upon, which being reported to the said earl in the queen's
presence, made answer, that ere he parted with such lands as was
desired, he should part with his life. My lord of Murray said
stoutly to him, that twenty as honest men as he should lose their
lives ere he reafte Ledington. Theqneen spake nothing, but heard
both ; in these terms they parted, and since, that 1 hear of, have
not met. The queen after her hunting came to Edinburgh, and car-
ryeth the prince thence to Stirling with her. This last Saturday was
executed a servant of the lord Ruthven's, who confessed that he
was in the cabinet, but not of council of the fact. The queen hath
also opened to my lord of Murray, that money was sent from the
pope, how much it was, and by whom, and for what purpose itwas
brought.
No. XVIII. (Vol. I. p. 314.)
Part of a I^etter from EUzabeli to Mary, Feb. 20, 1569. A cojy
inlerlined by Cecil. It contains an antwcr to a complaimKg Letter of
Mary's upon the imprisoning of the Bishop of Ross.
A^TER this [i. e. Mary's landing in Scotland] howpatiently
did I bear with many vain delays in not ratifying the treaty accorded
by your own commissioners, whereby I received no small unkind-
ness, beEides the manifold causes of suspicion that 1 might not
hereafter trust to any writings. Then followed a hard manner of
deahng with me, to intice my subject and near kinaman, the lord
Pamly, under colour of private suits for land, to come into the
realm, to proceed in treaty of marriage with him without my know-
ledge, yea te conclude the same without my assent or liking.. And
APPENDIX. 347
bow many unkhid parts accompany'd diat fact, by receiving of tny
snfajects that were base ninnagates and<offenderg at borne, and en-
bansin^ tkem to places of credit against my will, mlh many sucb
like, I will leave, for that the remembrance of the same cannot but
be Doysome to yon. And yet alt these did I as it were suppress and
overcome with my natural inclinatioa of lore towards yon ; and did
l^rward gladly," as you know, christen your Son, the child of my
said kinsman, that bad before so unloyally o&ended me, both in mar-
riage erf' you, and in other undntiiiil usages towards me his lOTereign.
How friendly also dealt 1 by messages to reconcite him, being your
fausfaand, to you, when oUiers Bonrisbed discord betwixt yon, who
as it seemed had more power to work their purposes, being evil to
you both, than 1 had to do you good, in respect of the evil 1 had
received. Well I will overpass your hard accidents that followed
fiir lack of following my council. And then in your most eslremity,
when you was a prisoner indeed and in danger of your life from
your notorious evil willers, how far from my mind was the remem-
brance of any former unkindness you had shewed me. Nay, how
void was I of respect to the designs which the world had seen at-
tempted by you to my crown, and the security that might have en-
sued to my stale by your death, when 1 finding your calamity to be
great, that you were at the pit's brink to have miserably lost your
life, did not only intreat for your life, but so tbreatned some as were
irritated agunst you, that I only may say it, even I was the princi-
pal cause to save your life.
No. XIX. (Vol. I. p. 329.)
Letter of Q. Elizabeth to Q. of Scots. Thus marked on the back with
Ceeifs hand. — Copia laterantm Regta Majestatis ad Re^nam Scoto-
rumYm*Jprilis.
Paper Madaue, vous ayant trop molest^ par M.de Crocq,je
Office. n'eusse eu si peu de consideration de vous fascher de cette
lettre, si les liens de charity vers les ruinez, et les prieres des miae-
rables ne m'y contraignassent. Je entena que un edit a ^t^ divulgu6
de par vous, madame, que uiig chascun, que veult justifier que oiu
est£ les meurtriers de votre feu man, et mon feu cousin, vienneat a
le faire le xiime de ce mois. La quelle chose, comroe c'est plus
honorable et necessaire, qui en tel cas se pourra faire, ne y estant
cacb^ quelque mlstere ou finesse, ainsi le pere et amis du mortgen-
telbomme m'ont humbl(;ment requis, que je vous priasse deprolou-
gue le jour, pour ce qu'iLe cognoissent que les iniques se sont com-
bines par force de faiie ce que par droict ils ne pourront pas faire ;
partant, je ne puis mais sinon pour I'amour de vous meme, a qui il
touche le [Jas, et pour la consolation des innocens, de vous ezhorm
/.oogic'
348 SCOTLAND.
le leur conceder cette requeste, laquelle, si elle les seroit ale, vnus
tourneroit grandemeDt en (oupcon, de plus que j'espere ne pensez,
et qai ae voudriez volontierg ouyr. Pour Tamour de Dieu, ma-
dame, use£ de telle sincerite & prudence en ce ctva qui vos tonche
de si pres, qui tout le monde aye raison, de tous linec comme in-
nocente d'ung ciime si enonne, cliose que si ne fistes, seriez digiie-
ment esbloye hors de rancz de princeBses, & nan sans cause faite
opprobre du vulgaJre, et plutot que cela rous avienne, je tous soO'
haiterois une sepulture honorable, qu'une vie macule6 ; tous voiez
madame, qui je vous traite comme ma fille, et vous pronets, que si
j'en eusse, ne luy Boubaiterois mieulx, que Je vous desire, comme le
seigneur Dieu me porte testnoignage, a qui je prie de bon cteur de
vous inspirer a faire ce qui vous sera plus a honneur, et a vos amis
plus de GOUEolation, avec mes tres cordialles recommeodatioos
comme a icelle a qui se aouhaite le pluB de bien, qui vous pourra
en ce monde avenir. De West, ce 8 jour de Janvier ' en baste.
No. XX. (Vol. I. p. 340.)
Account of the sentence of divorce between fke Earl of BothvxU and
Lad^ Jean Gordon hU nrife. From a manuscript belonging to Mr.
David Falconer, advocate. Fol. 455.
UpouN the 29 of Apryle 1567, before the richt hou. Mr. Robert
Maitland, dean of Aberdeoe,Mr. Edward Henryson, doctor id the
laws, two of the senators of the college of justice, Mr. Clement Lit-
tle, and Mr. Alexander Syme, advocattis, commissers of Edin^;
compeered Mr. Henry Kinrosse, procurator for Jean Gourdonne
countess of Bothwdl, constitute be her for pur&ewing of ane proces
of divorcement intendit by her contra James erle Bothwel her hus-
band for adultry, committed be him with Bessie Crawfurde, the
pursuer's servant for the time; and sicklyke, for the said erie, com-
peared Mr. Edmond Hay, who efter he had pursued and craved
the pursuer's procurator's oath de calumnia, if he had just caus to
pursew the said action, and obtained it, denyed the libell, and the
said Mr. Harrie took the mome, the last day of Apryle, to prove
the same pro prima. The quhilk day, having produced some wit-
nesses, he took the next day, being the 1 of May, to do farther di-
ligence. Upon the quhilk I of May, he produced some moe wit-
nesses, and renounced farther probaUoune. After quhilk, he de-
sired a term to be assigned to pronounce sentence. To whom the
said commissars assigned Satterday next, the 3 of May, to pro-
nounce sentence therein, secundum alegata et probata, quilk ac-
cordingly was given that day in favour of the pursewar.
■■ A miatake iu ibe dale cocrecled willi Cttii't buid VIII° Apiilia.
r,3ri7.-i^.! Google
APPENDIX. 349
At the same time there was another proces intendit be the ert
of Bothwell contr his lady, for to have their marriage declared nnl,
as being contracted against the canons, without a dispensation, and
he and his lady being within degrees defendand, viz. ferdis a kin,
and that wyse for expeaing of this pioces, there was a commis-
Moane grantJt to the archbishop of St. Androis to cognosce and de-
termine it, and Ro'. bishop of Dunkeld, William bishop of Dnn-
blaue, ftir. Andro Crauftird chanon in Glasgow and parson of Egel-
shame, Mr. Alexander Creichtoun, and Mr. Qeorge Cooke, chan-
cellor of Dunkeld, and to Mr. Johne Manderstoune, chanon in Dun-
bar and prebendar of Beltoune, or any ane of them. This commis-
sione is datit 27th Aprile 1567, was presented to two of the saids
commissioners, viz. Mr. And'. Crawfurd and Mr. John Manders-
toune on Satterday 3 May, by Mr. Thomas Hepbume parson of
Anldhamstocks, procurator for the erle of Bothwell, who accepted
the delegatioune, and gave out their citation by precept, directed
Decano Christianitatis de Hadingtoune, nee non vicario sen curato
eccle. parochiffi de Creichtoune, seu cuicunq ; alteri cappellano de-
bit! requisitis, for summoning, at the said erle's instance, both of
the lady personally if she could be had, or otherways at the parosche
kerk of Creichtoune the time of service, or at her dwelling place
before witnesses, primo, secundo, tertio et peremptorie, unico tamen
contextu protuplice edicto. And likeways to be witnesses in the
said matter, Alex, bishop of Galloway, who did marry the said erle
and his lady in Halenid-hous kirk, in Feb. 1565, sir John Ban-
natyne of Auchnole, justice clerk, Mr. Robert Creichtoun of ElUok,
the queen's advocate, Mr. David Chalmers, provost of Creichtoun
and chancellor of Ross, Michael ^^ — -, abbot of Melross, and to com-
pear before the said judges or any one of them in St. Geil's kirk in
■Ed' on Monday the 5 of May, be thamselves, or their procurators.
Upon the said 5 day, Mr. John Manderstoun, one of the judge's
delegat only being present, compeared the same procurators for
both the parties that were in the former proces, Mr. Edmund Hay
Two matit ( articulatlie ) and some of the witnessei
rentheiiT summoned produced, and received for proving the same,
illi^ble. The said procurator renounced farder probatioune, and the
judge assigned the morne, the 6th of May, ad publicandum pro-
ducta, nempe depositiones ipsorum lestinm. The quhilk day, post
publicatas, deposidones pnedictas, Mr. Hen. Kinrosse, procurator
for the lady instanter objecit objectiones juris generaliter, contra
producta, insuper renunciavit ulteriori defensioni ; proiude conclusa
de consensu procuratorum hincinde causa, judex prtedictus statuit
crastinum diem pro termina, ad pronunciandum suam sententiam
definitivam, ex deductis coram eo, in piKsenti causa et processu.
Conform berenato, on Wednesday the 7th of May, the said judg^
3fi0 SCOTLAND.
gave out bi> Benlence in favour of tbe erie, declaring the nisrriage
b> be, and to have been null from the beginning, in respect of their
contingence in blood, which hindered theii lawful marnage without
a i^spensation obttined of befoir.
No. XXI. (Vol. I. p. 343.)
A Letter from England concerning the Murder of King Henry Damley.
E. ot Uor- Having the commodity of this bearer Mr. Claric, I
ch?ei ^^^ good to write a few words unto you. I have rec*
Baiidle B. sotne writs from you, and some I have seen lately sent to
No. S5, others from you, as namely to the earl of Bedford of
the 16tb of May. I have participat the contents thereof to such
as I thought meet, this mekle I .can assure you ; the intelligence
given hithere by the French was untrue, for there was not one Pa-
pist nor Protestant which did not consent that justice should be
done, he the queen my sov°* aid and support, against such as had
comnuUed that abominable ill murder in your country; but to say
truth, the lack and coldness did not rise from such as were called
to council, but from, such as should give life and execution there-
unto. And further, I assure you, I never knew no matter of estate
proponed which had so many favourers of all sorts of nations as
this had: yea, I can say unto you, no man promoted the matter
with greater affection, than the Spanish ambassador. And sure I
am that no man dare op^y be of any other mind, but to affirm that
whosoever is guilty of this murder, handfasted with advoutre, is un-
worthy to live. I shall not need to tell you, which be our letts, and
Btayes from all good things here. You are acquainted with diem
as well as I. Neds i must confess, that howsoever we omit occa-
, sions of benefit, honour, and surety ; it behoveth your whole nobi-
lity, and namely such as before and af^r the murder were deemed
to allow of Bodwell, to prosecute with sword and justice tbe punish-
ment of those abominable acts, though we lend yon but a cold aid,
and albeit you, and divers others, both honourable and honest> be
well known to me, and sundry odiers here, to be justifiable In all
their actions and doings ; yet think not the contrary but your whole
nation is blemished and infamit by these doings which lately
passed among you. What we shall do 1 know not, neither do I
write onto you assuredly, for we be subject unto many mutationt,
and yet I diink we shall either aid yon, or continue in the defence
and safeguard of your prince, bo as it appear to ns that you mean
his safeguard indeed, and not to run the fortune of France, which
will be your own destruction if you be unadvised. I know not one,
no not one of any quality or palate in this coactry, which does
allow of the queen your sovereign, but would gladly the worid were
APPENDIX. 351
rid of her, bo as the same were done without ferther slander, that is
to say by ordinary justice. This I send the 23d of May-
No. XXII. (Vol. I. p. 350.)
Part of a Letter from Sir Nicolas Throkmortoa to Cecil, llthofJvlf
1561, fiom Berwick.
Anorigiiul. — SiR, your letter of the 6th of July, I received the 10th
^i^pet Of- j^ Berwick. I am sorry to see that the queen's ujEyesty's
disposition altereth not towards the lords, forwhen all is
done, it is they which must stand her more in stead, than the queen
her cousin, and will be better instruments to work some benefite
and quietness to her majesty and her realm, than the queen of
Scotland which is void of good fome.
A Letter from Sir Nicolas Throkmorton to Cecil, frara FastcastU,
Uth of July 1567.
Paper Of- SiB, as yow might perceive by my letter of the llth
^'=B' July, I lodged atFastcastle that night accompanyed with
the lord Hume, the lord of Ledington, and James Melvin, where
I was entreated very well according to the state of the place, which
is fitter to lodge prisoners than folks at liberty, as it is very little,
so it is very strong. By the conference I have had with the lord
of Ledington, 1 find the lords his associates and he hath left nothing
unthougHt of, which may be either to thir danger or work them
suerty, wherein they do not forget what good and barme France may
do them, and likewise they consider the same of England ; but as
farr as I can perceive, to be plain with yow, they find more perril to
grow unto them through the queen's majeety's dealing than either
they do by the French, or by any contrary faction amongest them-
kIvsb, for they assure themselves the queen will leave them in the
bryers if they run her fortoun, and though they do acknowledge
great beaefit as well to them, as to the realm of England by her
majesty's doings at Leitb, whereof they say mutually her majesty
and both the realms have received great fruit: yet upon other ac-
cidents which have chanced since, they have observed such things
in her majesty's doings as have ended to the danger of such as
she hath dealt withal, to the overthrow of yonr own deaignments,
and little to the eaerty of any party : and upon these considerations
and discourses at lebgth, methinketh I find a disposition in them,
that either they mind to make their bargain with France, or else do
deal neither with France nor yow, but to do what they shall t^ink
meet for their state and suerty, and to use their remedys as occa-
tion shall move them ; meaning neither to irritate France nor Eng-
L~.oo<;[e
352 SCOTLAND.
land, uatill snch time as they have made their bargain assuredly
with one of yow; for they think it convenient to proceed with yow
botb for a while pan passu, for that was my lord of Ledington's
terms. I do perceave they take the matter very unldndly, that no
better answer is made to the letter, which the lords did send to
her majesty, and lilcewise that they hear nothing from yow to their
satisfaction, Ihave answered as well as I can, and have alledged their
own proceedings so obscurely with the queen, and their uncertainty
hath occationed this that is yet happened, and therefore her ma-
jesty hath sent me to the end I may inform her throughly of the
state of the matters, and upon the declaration of their minds and
intents to such pnrposes as shall be by me proposed on her majesty's
behalf unto them, Uiey shall be reasonably and resolutely answered.
At these things the lord of Ledington smiled and shbok his head,
and said it were better for us yow would let us alone, than neither
to do us nor yourselves good, as I fear me in the end that w'dl
prove : S', if ^ere be any truth in Ledington, Le Crocq is gone to
procure Ramboilet his coming hither, or a man of like quality, and
to deliver them of their queen for ever, who shall lead her life in
France in an abbey repl used, the prince at the French devotiati, the
realm governed by a council of their election of the Scottish nation,
the forts committed to the custody of such as shall be chosen
amongst themselves. As yet I find no great likelihood that I shall
have access to the queen : it is objected they may not so displease
the French king, unless they were sure to find the queen of England
a good friend ; and when they once by my access to the queen have
offended the French, then they say yow will make your, profit
thereof to their undoing ; and as to the queen's liberty, which was
the first head that I proposed, tJiey said that thereby they did per-
ceive that the queen wants their undoing, for as for the rest of the
matters it was but folly to talk of them, the liberty going before ;
but said they, if you will do us no good, do us no harm, and we
will provide for ourselves. In the end they said, we shdl refuse
our own commodity, before they concluded with any other, which
I should hearof at my comingtoBdin'.; by my next I hope to send
yow the band concluded by Hamlltons, Argyll, Huntly, and that
faction, not so much to the prejudice of the lords of Edin', as that
which was sent into France. Thuahavirtg no moreleisure, but com-
pelled to leap on horseback with the lords to go to Edin', I humbly
takemy leave of from Fastcastle the 12th July 1567.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
APPENDIX. 353
To Sh Nkciat Throkmorton Sang m Scotland. By iie Queen, tie
UtkJuh,\567.
Trusty and well-beloved we greet you well ; though
Bce^ ^^ tbiok tbat the cauees will often change upon variety
of accidents, yet we think for sundry respects, not amiss,
that as yow shall deal with the lords having charge of the young
prince for the committing of him into our realm, so shall yow also
do well, in treaty with the queen, to oSer her that where hei realm
appeareth to be subject to sundry troubles from time to time, and
thereby (as it is manifest) her son cannot be free, if she shall be
contented that her son may enjoy suerty and quietness, within this
our realm, bein^ so near as she Icnows it is ; we shall not faill to
i^eld her as good suerty therein for her child, as can be devised for
any that might be our child bom of our own body, and shall be
glad to shew to her therein the trew effect of nature; and herein
she may be by yow remembred how much good may ensue to her
son to be nourished and acquainted with our country : and there-
fore, all things considered, this occation for her child, were rather
to be sought by her and the friends of him, 4han offered by us ;
and to this end, we mean that yow shall so deal with her, both to
stay her indeed &om inclining to the French practise, which is to
us notorious, to convey her and the prince into France, and also to
avoid any Just offence that she might hereafter conceive, if she
should hear that we should deal with the lords for the prince.
Sir Nkotat Throkmorton to Queen EUzabetA, Hth Jufy 1567, from
Edinburgh.
An Otigi* It may please your majesty to be advertized, I did sig-
»»'■ ^•- nifie unto Mr. Secretary, by my lettersof the 11th and
**" * 12th of July, the day of mine entry into Scotland, the
causes of my stay, my lod^ng at Fastcastle, a place of the lord
Hume's where 1 was met by the said lord and by the lord Liding-
ton, and what had passed in conference betwixt us, whitest I was at
the sud Fastcastle. Since which time, accompanyed with the lords
aforesaid, and with 400 horses by their appointment for my better
conduct, I came to Edin'the ISth of this present. The 13th being
Sunday appointed for a aolemne communion in this town, and also
a solemne fast being pubhshed, I could not have conference with
the lords which be assembled within this town, as I desired, that is
to say, the earls of Athole and Morton, the lord Hume, the lord of
Lidington, Sir James Balfour, captain of the castle, Mr. James
M'Gill, and the president of the session.
Neverthelias 1 made means by the lord of lidington that they
TOt, 11. 2 A
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354 SCOTLANP.
would use na protracte of time in mine audience, so did I likewise
tp the ear]e of Mwton, i^ion I fftet bf chance 1 I was answened by
them both, that albeit the day wen d'l^ned to sacred exercises,
such as were there of the council would consult upon any moyen
touching my access unto them and my conference with them, apd
said alto, diat in tfie afternoon either diey would come to me, or I
should bear fran fhem. About 4 of the doclc in the afternoon,
Ae said 13th day, Ae lord of LidingtoQ came to my lodging, and
dedared unto me, on die beh^Jf of the lords sind others, that they
leqaired me to hare patience, though diey had deSerred my con-
ference with them, which was grounded principally upon the ab-
sence of die earles of Mar and Glencairn, the lords Semple, Crigh-
toD, and others of the council, saying also that they did consider
the matters which I was on your behalf to treate with them of,
were of great importance, as they could not satisfy nor conveuiently
treate with me, nor give me answer without the advice of the
lords, and otheis their associates ; the lord of Lidington also, said
unto me, that where he perceived, by his private conference with -
me in my joumy hitherwards, that I pressed greatly to have speedy
access to the queen their sovereign, be perceived by the lords and
others which were here, that in that matter there was great diffi-
eoltjr for many respects, but specially because they had refused to
the French ambassador the like access, which being granted unto
me, might greatly offend the French, a matter which they desired
and intended to eschew ; for they did not find by your m^esty's
dealings with them hitherto, that it behoved them to irritate ihe
French lung, and to lose his favour and good intelligence with
iam. I answered, that as to their refusal made unto the Frencfa
ambassador, Monsieur de Ville Roye was dispatched forth of
France before these accidents here happened, and his ^dal errand
was to impeach the queen's marriage with the eorle of Qotbtl (for
so indeed since my coming hither I learned his commission tended
to that end, and to make offer to the queen of another marriage) ;
and at to Monsieur de Crocq, he could have so order forth of
France concemiog these matters, since Uiey happened: and there-
fore they might very well hold them suspected to haye.cwferenca
with the queeu, least they might treate of matters in this time with-
out instructions! and BO rather do harm then good;, but your ma-
jesty being advertized of ali tbiugs which had chanced, had sent
ine hither to treat with them, for the well of the realm : for the con-*
versation of their honors and credit, and for their snerty ; uid I
inight boldly say unto him, that your mpjesty had better deserved
than the French had. He said, for his pwn part, be was much
bound unto your majesty, and had always fouud great favour fod
covtesy in England ; but tote plain with yoUt Sir, wyedh^tbeie
.Coogle
APPENDIX. 355
ii not many of thu assembly that kgvB fonnd bo great obligiition
at ihe qneen yout sovereigns hands, as at the French kings, for the
earles of Morton and Glencaira be the only peTBont whlcfa took
benefit by the queens majestys aid at Leith, the rest if the noble*
men were not in the action; and we thiidE, said be, the queens
iBigesty your sorereigB, by the opinion of her own council, and all
the world, took as great benefit by tbat charge ae the realm of
Scotland, or any particular pranon ; and not to talk with yow as an
ambassador, but with Sir Nicholas Throkmortoii,.my lord Morton,
and SBch as were in pain for the death of Davie, fonnd but eoM
favour at the queens majestys hands, when the; were banish 'd forth
of their own country ; but I would i^l our whole company were as
Well wilUng to accomfrfish the queen your sovercigiis iiit«ntB an^ de-
sires as I am ; for mine own part, I am but one, and that of l3ie
meanest sort, amd they be msny noUemen, and such as have great
interest in the matter ; msTy, yow shall be assured I will imploy
mys^f to imploy my credit, and al) that I may do, to satisfie the
qaeea yoot miatress, as mudi as lyeth in mc, and for your own
part you hare a great many friends in this assembly-; with many
other good woida. But for concliuion I must take this for an art-
swer, to stay untill the other lords were come, and thereupon I
thought meet to advertize your msjtaty what hath passed, and bow
far forth is have proceeded : your «xpectatioa being great to hear
from hence.
And DOW to advertue yovi majesty of the state of all things, as
1 harre kamed since my comiug hither, it ouy please your majesty
to understand as f^knvetb.
The queen of Scotland rBmoineth in good health in the castle of
LocUevin, gnaoded by the lord Linsay and LocMeven, the ovmer of
the boate; for the lord Huthven it issployed in another commissioB,
bacanse be began to show great favour to the queen, and to giva
her intelligcDCB. She is waited on vrith 5 or 6 ladys, 4 or 5 gentle-
wfwea, and % cittmbererB, whereof one is a French woman, llhti
earle of fiuchan, the earle Murray's brother, hath also liberty tv
oome to her at his pleasure ; the lords aforesaid, whieh have her in
guard, doe keep ber very straatly, and, as far as I can perceive, their
rigour ptoceedeth by their order from these men, because that the
qiteeu wiQ not by any means be induced tO' lend ber authority to
prosecute the murder, noi will not consent by any penwasion tO'
^MBdon the lordBolheU for her husband, but avowelh constantly
4>at she will live and die with him ; and tai&t, that if it were put to
her choice to relinquish her crown and kingdom, or the- lord BotheU*
she would leave her kingdom and dignity, to go as a simple damsell
with him, ud that she will never consent that he shall fare vots^ ■
Off have more harm than herself
2 A 2
r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc ,
356 SCOTLAND.
And, ai far as I can perceire, the principallcanie of her detention'
ii, for that these lords do see the queen being of so ferrent afiection
towards the earle Bothell as she is, and being put at, a> they abould
be compelled to be in continnall arms, and to hare occasion of many
battles, he being with manifest evidence notoriously detected^ be
the principal! mnrdeTer, and the lords meaning prosecution of jns~
tice against him according to his merits.
The lords mean also a dirgrce betwixt the queen and him, as a
marriage not to be suffered for many respects, which separatioD
cannot take place if the queen be at liberty, and have power in her
hands.
They do not also forget their own perill, coiyoin'd with the dan-
ger of the prince, but as for as I can perceave, they intend not
dther to touch the queen in suerty or in honor, for they do speak
of her with respect and reverence, and do affirm, as I do leam, that
the conditioQB aforesaid accomplished, they will both put her to
liberty, and restore her to her estate. •
These lords have for the guard of their town 450 harqubushers
which he in very good order, for the entertainment of whid) com-
pasys, UQtill' all matters be coinpoimded, they did sue onto your
majesty to aid them with such gum of money as hath been men-
tioned to Mr. Secretary by the lord of Lidingtong writting, amount-
ing as I perceive to ten or twelve thousand cronns of th»
They were lately advertized that the French king doth mind to
send hither Monsieur de la Chapell des Ursine, a knight of the
French order, and always well affectionate to the house of Guyse;
and howsoever La Forest, Villaroy, and Du Crocq have used lan-
guage in the queens favour and to these lords disadvantage there,
to your majesty; La Crbcq doth carry with him such matter as
shall be little to the queen's advantage; so as it is thought the
French king, upon his coming to his presence, will rather satiaSe
the lords than pleasure the queen ; for they have their party so well
made, as theFrench will rather make their profit by (hem, than any
other way.
Herewith I send your majesty the last bond agreed on, and signed
by the Hamiltons, the earl of Argyll, Huntly, and sundry others, at
Dumbarton.
Nevertheless, since my coming to this town, the Hamiltons have
sent unto me a gentletiian of their surname, named Robert HamU-
taa, with a letter from the bishop of SL Andrew's, and the abbot
^f Arbroth, the copy whereof I send your majesty, and mine answer
unto them, referring to fiie bearer the dedaralion of some things aa
these did by him unto me.
The earle of Argyll hath, in like manner, sent another unto me
with a letter and credit; I have used him as I did the othem, the
APPENDIX. 357
coppy of both which letters 1 send jour majesty also. The lord
' Hairys hath also sent unto me but not written, and I have returned
unto him in Uke sort.
Against the 20th day of this month there is a generall assembly
of all the churches, shires, and boroughs towns of this realm, namely
of such as be contented to repair to these lords of this town, where
it is thought the whole state of this matter will be handeled, and
I fear me much to the queen's, disadvuitage and danger; uhtess
the lord of Lidingtoo and some others which be best affected unto
her do pronde some remedy ; for I perceave the great number, and
■ in muiner all, but chiefly the common people, which have assisted
in these doings, do greatly dishonout the, queen, and mind seriously
^ther her deprivation, or her deitrucdon ; 1 used the best means
I can {considering the furie of the world here) to prorogue this as-
.sembly, for that appeareth to me to be the beat remedy ; I may not
speak of dissolution of it, for that may not be abiden, and 1 should
dineby bring my self into 'great hatred and pen!. The chiefest of
the lords which be here present at this time dare not show bo much
lenity to the queen as I think they could be contented, for fear of
the rage of the people. The women be most hrious and impudent
against the queen, and yet the men be mad enough; so as a stranger
over busie may soon be niade a sacrifice amongst them.
There was a great bruit that the Hamiltons with their adherents
would put tbeir force into the fields against the 24th of this month,
but I do not find that intent so tme as the common bruit goetb.
The earle of Argyll is in the Highlands, where there is trouble
among bis own countrymen.
The earle of Lennox is by these lords much desired here, and I
do believe your majesty may so use him, and direct him, as he shall
be able to promote your purpose with these men.
The earle of Argyll, the Hamiltons and he be incompatible.
I do find amongst the Hamiltons, Argyll, and the company, two
fltiange and sundry hnmours.
Hamiltons do make shew of the liberty of (he queen, and prose-
cute that with great eamestnesB, because they would have these
lords destroy her, rather than she should be recovered from them
by violence ; another time they seem to desire her liberty and Both>
well's destruction, because they would compass a marriage betwixt
the queen and the lord of Arbroth.
TTie earle of Argyll doth affect her liberty, and Bothwell's de-
struction, because be would marry the queen to his brother.
And yet neither of them, notwithstanding their open concurance
(as appeareth by th^ir bond), doth discover their minds to eadi
ether, nor mind one end. Knox is not here, but in the west parts:
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
9Sa SCOTLAVO.
h« find Ae rest of the niBUitwt wiU be ben at tfae gnat «iMBibly>
whom austerity agiuDst tbe quaaa I fear as Hoiifa *■ iiny min'i.
By >on)e conference nhich I had widt some of dti> eooBctll, me
thiokatb t|i»t tbey hure iotelUgcaee that there is a dispoutioB in the
queen of Scotland to lean this nsaln, and to retire heaelf either
into England m into Fmoce, but saost wiltio^y into England, &x
ench Mid aaislikii^ •• she knoweth hath been, and is neaaC
wito hei in Eraace, leaviag the reginent either to a nnnber of per-
aont deleagned and aulhoiized by her, or to soaie one or more.
And it Btay pWase your mi^esty, I think it not aniu to pot yow
in Teaiembraoce, that in caee the said queen come into England by
your allowance, without the French king's consent, she ahall looee
Jier doweiy in Eraaoe, and have little or nolhiiigfmai bente to «a/-
tertain her ; and is case she do ^ into Fraace with the Hsg'i con-
tentoent, she may be an inBtniment (if she can lecorer Ihvoar, as
time w'a hdp to caocell her disgrace) either by Matching with tome
husband of good queli^, or by soine other deviM, to voric new
noquietawB to her own oonntiy, and so eonieqaently ta yoar ma-
jesty's.
liherefore it may please your majesty to comider of this matter,
and to let me know your pleasure with coareoicnt sfieed, how I
shall answer the aame, if it be propounded ania me, aidier by the
<}Oe«n or by the coubcUI, as a piece of the end end cooqiesition.
Wot I Am BKre, of late, she bath seemed very desirous to hare the
matter brought to pass that she mi^ go mta En^^and, retaining
her estate and juiisdiction in herself, though she do not exenciae it;
and likewise I understand that some of this couiutii which be least
affected to her safe^ ds think tbers is no other way to save her.
Thus Ahaighj^ God preserve your majesty ki health, lionour, and
all felicity. At Fi^'.the )4li July ls€7.
Sir 2fic*ofa* Thvkmorlm to Quetn Eikabeth, the \.%lh of July 1S67,
from Edinburgh.
iam- '^ '"^f plea^ your majesty, yow vaig^t percsave by
pniL Ps- my letters of the 16lh, how far I bad pioooedad witfi
"^ ' these lords, uid what fss their answer; sisc4 which
time I have spoken particularly with the earle Morton, the Wrd of
lidington, and Sir James Balfour ct^itam of this oastle; at whoiftB
h^dfl I cannot iterceave that as yet accsw to the <lUieen to Loch-
leven will be granted me, stayii^ Jheipfalvfs 4till by the ahsenpe
oftheh>i4B and others their assofiiates, which (fhty say) they look
for withia two days; and for that I find, by lUwlihopd and apparent
pf esuipptioni, thiut i^ine access to the qufsn will hardly h« graaMi
,y Google
hr^smntx. ass
JhlT«tli*tf|bt^0odiM>tt*Mer AisditpstekiRftill I Inwdreto-
lute uMww n tbal mattai.
Hvf it llierafon pleiae ydur mgeity, to aa^atglaai, 'RtA>«tt Mei-
Tin nturaed from th« queen In LocUeveii, to diM town, tb« 6th of
Jidf, Bud brovgbt a letter fitDin faet written at ber own IisimI to tkeM
lords, whicb doth contain, as I understand, matter as Mlowedi.—
A iei|ueBt ndto thetn to have coBiidcration of her healtfc, wad if
tbcj iriU not pnt her to libartj, to ebaage the place «f K«eraiME U>
t^ cutis of Stilling, to the end she night have tii« comfort atii
compuj of her mb, ami if tbey will not change her from- tiwMlv-
Tan, she required to hne Mmie other ^atlevomQii about her, »mi>
To hare her apotkacary, Uf have aonte modert mUirter.— ^— >T«
kkTe an imbcoiderer to draw forth such work as iha wonld be e^
«iipied about, and to hare tuTarlet of the chamber. ifooching
lite goremtaeat of the realm she maketh two eS^a, tilacb ate bnt
^ener^y bmched in her letter, the partiealaritya be not speeiAed,
but refmd to Robert HelTin'i credit^ the one is to commit it only
and whelly lo the earle itf Murray, the otbei ii b> tbe lords wboHb
Barnes nsM, Sssisted with aodi oUiers as they *bdl ctdluntothem>,
that ia to wy, tbe duke of Chatt^itnilt, tbe earb of MoMos, Khir^
lay, Haii, and Glencnra.
She hath mitten unto them that I might have accem uMo hetl
She requirethftirdierrdiatif dieyvilliiot tteat He; and Fegand
ber m dietr qotien, yet ta use ber as the long their' sovereign's
daughter (whMi Kiany of them knew) and as tbeir prince's mothei<.
— She will by no means yield to ^tandon Bothelt for her btnbandi
nor relinquish him ; which matter will do her most harm of all, and
bardeneth these lords to great aererity against her.
She yieldeth in words to the prosecution of the' murder.
I havfl tbe meanrf to let ber know that your m^eaty hath sent me '
hither for ber relief.
I have also persuaded her to conform herself to renounce BoAell
for her husband, and to be contented to so^r a divoree te patft
betwixt thera ; she hath sent me word that ^e wiU in QoimyR cOll''
aent unto that,, but rather die ; grounding herself upon thia rea(K>tr,
taking bertelf to be seVen wedcs gone with child>' by renouncing
Botbel1,Bhe should admewledge herself to be wtth child of a bastard,
and tohareforfeitedber honour, which sbewilluot do to die fbrit;
. I have perswaded her to aare her own life' and her (ddld> to choose '
Ae least b«rd conditioo.
Mr. KuQx arrived here in tluB town tbe 6Ui of this month, with
w4iom 1 have had mme conference, and with Mr. Grai^ also. Hit
other minister of this town.
I hare penwaded with them to preach and pettwkd Imiiy. I
,C.ooglc
360 SCOTLAND.
find them both rery auglere in this conference ; what they ihall do
hereafter Iknoff not; the; are fuinished with many ai^uments, lome
forth of the Scripture, some forth of histories, some grounded (as
they say) upon the lavs of this leatm, some upon pracUces used in
this realm, and some upon the conditions and otii made by di^r
prince at her coronation.
The bishop of Galloway, uncle to the earle of Huntley, hath sent
hither to these lords, that his nephew the eaile and some others of
that side may, at Linlithgow, or at Stirling, have some communica-
tion with some appointed on this aide, assuring them diat there is a
good disposition in the lords of the other party to concurre with
these, assuiing further that they will not dissent for tri£9es or rnuie-
cessaiy things, and (as I am giren to understand) they can be
pleased the queen's restraint be continu'd untill the murder be pur-
sued in all persons, whereby the separation of the queen and Bothelt
isimplyed, the preservation of the prince, the security for all men,
and a good order taken for the governance of therealmin tranqniUtty.
Captun Clerk, which hath so long served in Denmark, and served
at Newbaven, did the 16th of this month (accompanyed with one
of bis soldiers, or rather the soldier as the greater fame goeth) kill
one Wilson a seaman, and such a one as had great estimation with
these lords, both for his skill, his hardyness, honesty, and willing-
neA in this action; whereupon Clerk hath retired himself; their
quarrel was about the ship which took Blacketer, which ship was ap~
pointed by these lords to go to the north of Scotland to imp^ich
the passage of the earle Bothell, in case he went either to the isles,
or to any other place ; by the death of this man this enterprize was
dashed.
The bishop of Galloway is come to Liolithgow, and doth desire
to speak with the lord of Lidington.
The abbot of Killwirming hath sent for Sir James Balfour, cap-
tain of the castle, to have conference with him.
As I wrote unto your majesty in my last, the Hamiltons now find
no matter to diserer these lords and them asunder, but would c6n-
curr in all things (yea in any extremity against the qneen) se as
that they might be assured, the prince of Scotland were ciouned
king, and should die without issue, that the earle of Lenos's son
living should not ioherit the croun of tlus realm, as next heir to
his nephew.
And although the lords and councelora speak reverently, mildly,
and charitably of their queen, so as I cannot gather by their speech
any intention to cruelty or violence, yet 1 do find by intelligence,
that the queen is in very great peril of her life, by reason that the
people assembled at this conventioD do mind vehementiy the de-
struction of her.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
APPENDIX. 361
It is a public ipeecli among all the peo[de, and amongst all
estates (saving of the counselors) tliat tbeir queen hath no more
liberty nor privilege to commit murder nor adultery, than any other
private person, neitJier by God's laVs, nor by the laws of the
realm.
Tlie eari of Bothell, and all his adherents and associates, be put
to the horn by the ordinary justice of this town, named the lords
of the session; and commandment given to all shirrifia, and all other
officers, to apprehend him, and all otiier his followers and receip-
tors. — The earl of Bothell's porter, and one of his other servitors
of his chamber, being apprehended, have confessed such sundry
circumstances, as it appeareth evidently, that he, the said earl, waa
one of the principal executors of the murder, In his one person, ac-
companyed with sundry others, of which number I cannot yet cer-
tainly learn the names but of three of them, that is to say, two of
. the Ormistons of Tivotdall, and one Haybom of Bolton ; the lords
would be glad that none of the murderers should have any favour
or receipt in England, and hereof tiieir desire is, that (he (^cera
upon the border may be warned ; Bothell doth sUll repaain in the
north parts, bat the lord.Seaton and Fleming, which have been
there, have utterly abandoned him, and do repair hitherwards.—
The intelligence doth grow daily betwixt these lords, and those
which held of; and notwithstanding these lords have sent a hun-
dred and fifty harqubnahers to Stirling, to keep the town and pas-
sage from surprise; and so have they done in like manner to 8l
Johnston, which be the two passages from the north and west to
.this town, I do understand the captain of Dunbar is much busied
in fbrtifying that place; I do mervile the carriages be not impeached
otherwise than they be.
Of late this queen hath written a letter to the captain of the said
castle, which hath been surprised; and thereby matter is discovered
which maketh little to the queen's advantage.
Thqs having none other matter worthy your majesty's knowledge,
I beseech God to prosper your majesty with long life, perfect
health, and prosperous felicity. At Edinburgh the 18th of July,
■1567.
Letter of Sir Nicholas Trokmorton to the Bight Honotirdbk the Earl of
Leicester, Knight of the Order, and one oftheLordsofkerMt^esl^t
most Honourable Privy Council.
f4ihof Bt my former dispatches sent to her majesty, and
July, 1567. Mr. Secretary, since the I2th of July, your lordship
ficb Fima ■nig^t have perceived the state of this country, and to
the oriBiiiat. what end these matters be like to come. So as not to
trouble your lordship with many words ; this queen is like very
Google
3(^ SCOTLAND.
sboill; to be deprived of her royal efUta, hn bob to b« crowned
king, and ihe detuned in prison wittnn tliii realm, and the
flame to be goremed in the yonog Idng'i name, by a coance), coo-
BUtiag of certain of the nobility, and other wiae men of this realm;
ao aa it is easy to be leen that the power and ability to do anything
to the commodity of the qneen'smajes^, and the realm of England,
will cfaiefiy, and in manner wholly, rest in the bands of theee krdfl,
and oth«i their usooatea, assembled at Edinbnrgb, Now if the
iqaeeta's majesty will still persist in her former opiofon towarda tlu
quten of Scotland (unto whom she shall be able to do no good), then
I do plainly see that these Ittfds and all their accomplices will, be-
oone as good French, as the French king can wish, to all intents
and purposes. And as for the Haniltons, the earls of ArgnUo,
Hnntlye, and that faction, they be already so hi incbanted that w^,
aa there oeedeth little derise to draw them to the FrcniA devotion.
Tlien this is the state of things so come to pass of this covntry, that
France haa Scotland now aamnchcimjoiDed unto them, to tJt p«i^
poses, as erer it was ; and what an instramentr the young prinee
will prore, to unqniet England, I report me to yom lordship's
wisdom ; and therefore considering the weight of tke matter, and
all the circumstances, I trust your lordship will well betlsnk yon
in time (for 'tit high time) how to advise her msjeity, to leave no-
Aing undone that may bring the prince of Scotland to be in her
possession, or, at the least, to be at ber devotion. And amoi^at
other things that I can imagine, for the first degree nothing is more
meet to bring this to effect, &an to aUore this company here as-
sembled, to bear her majesty dieir favour. Some talk hath passed
between the lord of Lidington and me, in certain caa&rences aboot
this matter. By him I find, that when her majesty shall have won
these men to her devotion, the principal point that will nmke them
confMmable to deliver their prince into England, vriU rest upon the
queen, and the realm's enabling him to the sneceslibn oi tbc crown
of England, for fault ctf issue of the queen's nugcsty's body ; some
other tbii^ wilt also be required, as the charge of the said prince
and hi» tcwn to be at the charge of England. I do wttU percerre
that these men will never be brought to deliver their princa mto
England without the former condition, for the succession of Eng-
land; for (saith Ltdington) that t^ing place, the prince shalFbe as
dear to the people of En^and as k> the people of Scotland ; end
the one will be as careful of his preservation as the odMn Uther-
wiae, be aaith, all thii^ considered, it will be reported that the
Scotdsbmen have put their prince ta be kept in safiUy, n thoae
which commit the sheep to be kept by the wolves. So aa for coni-
dusioo, your lordship may pnceive here wfll be the kc^ of tJua
matter. As unto the deUveiing oE ham upon ba»lMges,.be aayvdi.
APPENDIX. SOS
4«t BO HiBD tUnk, tlutt Ae obtidUiaD of the waaxMian not betog so
eoatpUihed, the nobilit^aBd the gentty will neror consent to leuva
ikaattihet deBlimte of tiieir lovereign upon any hoitagcB, neither
jsjpon say promiMis, boi l&elihood of good to iuue in time to come.
It wen not good for yoDnelres (sutfa he) that the mgdtei were M
kaodled ; for then you ihould adventare all yonr p»da in one ihip,
wbich might hare a daogeroiu e&ect, coniidering the nnwillin^Den
of the qnem your aoTcieign to consent to eitablishing any anc-
CMsar to the crown. And then, how unmete were it, that her bm-
jesty having in her poasesaion already all such peraons as do pre-
tend to it, or be inheritable to the crown, to have our prince also in
Imt custody. For so there might follow, without good capitnla-
tioss, a strange and dangerous issue, tho' the queen your njatress
do think that such imaginatiDns could not proceed but from busy
heads, as yop b&ve uUered unto us on her behalf. What is come
to pass since my last dispatch, aad how (u forth things are pro-
ceeded, I refer your lordship to be informed by my letters sent unto
,ber Bujesty, at this time. And so 1 pray Almighty God, preserve
your lordship in much honour and felicity. At Edenburgh tlu*
24thof July, 1567.
It nwy plewe y«uf good lordship to moke my lord Stuaed pwfc-
Ber oftbis letter.
The Queen to Sir Nkolo) Tiroimorfon.
By the Queen,
6ih Asg. TaoBTi ud right well-beloved, we greet you well, for
^^^- as much as we do consider that you have now a long time
lemaioed in those parts without expedition in the charge committed
unto you, we think it not meet, seeing there belli not fiiUowed the
good acceptation and fruit of our well meaning towards that stWe,
wkioh good reason would have required, that you should conttnoe
tkeie any lonj^; our pleasure, therefore, is, that you shall, imm^
diatdy upon the receipt hereof, send your servant Middlemore unto
die lords and estates of that realm, that are aaaembled togedieri
willing him to dedare uota them, that it cannot but se^n very
strange unto uSf that you having been sent fnun us, of suoh good
ialtnt, to deal widi them, in mattera tending ao much to tb«ir own
quiet, and to the benefit of the whole estate of (heir couotry, they
have so far forgotten themselves, and so slightly regarded ua and
our good oseaaing, not only in delaying to hear you, and defiwring
yo«r access to the quean their sovereign, but also, which is strangest
of all, in not vonahsafiag to make any answer unto us. And al-
dio* tiiase dealings be auch, indeed, as were not to be looked for at
dieir hands, yet do we find the|r usage and proceediug towards their
304 SCOTLAND.
Boveieign and qneen, to overpass all the reit in gd strange a de-
gree, as we for our part, and we snppoM the whole world beudes,
cannot but think them to have therein gone so far beyond the dn^
of subjects, as must needs remain to their perpetual taache for ever.
And therefore ye shall laj, that we have tho't ^ood, without con-
suoung any longer dne in vain, to revoke you to onr presence, re-
quiring them to grant you liscence and pasport to to do, which
when you shall have obtained, we will that you make your rep^
hither, unto as, yrith aa convenient speed as you may. GKven, &c.
-Indorsed 6th August, 1567.
Tkrokmortm to the lUgAt HoaourabU Sir ff'Mani Cecil, Knight, om
of her Majat^t Privy Comcil and Principal Secretary, give these.
Sir,
iMiAng. What 1 have learned, since the arrival of my lord of
pefo^ Murray, and Mons. de Linnerol, you shall understand by
Pma the my letter to her majesty, at this timfe. The French do, in
original, tiigir negotiations, as they do in their drink, put water to
their wine. Aa I am able to see into their doings, they take it not
greatly to the heart how the queen sleep, whether she live or die,
whether she be at liberty or in prizon. The mark they shoot at, ia,
to renew their old league ; and can be as well contented to take k
of this little king (bowaoever his title be), and the same by the
order of these lords, aa Dtherwise: LyneroU came but yesterday,
and methinketh he will not tarry long ; you may guess how the
French will seek to displease these lords, when tiiey changed the
coming of la Chapelle des Oursins for this man, because they
doubted that de la Chapelle should not be grateful to them, being
a Papist. Sir, to speak more plainly to you than I will do other-
wiae, methinketh Ae earl of Murray will run the course that those
men do, and be partaker of their fortune. I bear no man speak
-more bitterly E^nst the tragedy, and the players therein, than be,
so little like he hath to horrible sins. I hear an inkling Aat Led-
ington is to go into France, which I do as much mislike, as any
tfahtg, for our purpose. I can assure you the whole Protestants of
France mil live and die in these mens quarrels ; and, where there
is bruit amongst you, diat aid should be sent to the adverse party,
^and that Martignes should come hither with some force; Mona.
Baudelot hath assured me of his honour, that instead of Marligues
coming against them, he will come with as good a force to succour
them: and if that be sent under meaner conduct, Robert Stuart
shall come with as many to fortiiy them. But the constable haUi
assured these lords, that the king meaneth no way to offend them.
Sir, I pray you find my revocation convenient, and speed you to
fiirthei it, for I am here now to no purpose, unless it be to kindle
APPENDIX. 305
tbeae lorda more against us. Ttna I do humbly take my leave of
you, from Bdenburgh the 12th of August, 1567.
Yours to use and command.
The Queen to Nickalat Tkrokmorton.
Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. We have, within
these two days, received three sundry letters of yours, of the 20th,
22d, and 23d, of this month, having not before those received any
seven days before ; and do find, by these your letters, that you^
have very diligently and largely advertized us of all the hasty and
peremptory proceedings there; which as we nothing like, so we
trust in time to see them was colder, and to receive some reforma-
tion. For we cannot perceive, that they vrtth whom you have dealt
can answer the doubts moved by the Hamiltons, who howsoever
they may be carried for their private respects, yet those things
which they move, will be allowed by all reasonable persons. For
if they may not, being noblemen of the realm, he safiered to hear
the queen their sovereign declare her mind conceding the reports
which are made of her, by such as keep her in captivity, how should
they believe the reports, or obey them which do report it? And
therefore our meaning is, you shall let ^e Hamiltons plainly under-
stand that we do well allow of their proceedings (as fsr forth as the
same doth concern the queen their sovereign for her relief), and in
such things as shall appear reasonable for us thereinto do, for the
queen our sister, we will be ready to perform the same. And where
it is so required, that upon your coming thence, the lord Scroope
should deal with the lord Hertis to impart their meanings to us, and
ours to them, we are well pleased therewith, and we require you to
advertize the lord Scroope hereof by your letters, and to will him
to sbewhioiselffavourable to them in their actions, that may appear
plainly to tend to the relief of the queen, and ro^ntenance of her
authority. And as we willed our secretary to wnte unto yon, that
upon your message done to the earl of Murray, you might return,
so our meaning is you shall. And if these our letters shall meet
you on the way, yet we will have you advertize both the lord Scroope
and the Hamiltons of our meaning.
Indorsed 29 Aug. 1567.
No". XXin. (Vo!. I. p. 355.)
Sir Nkhoku Throkmorton to the Archbishop of St. Andrev^t and the
Abbot of Arbrotie.
isthAag. AiTxa my good commendations to your good lord-
^**nfc.* '*■'?'' ^'* *''"'^ ^^ ^ advertize yon, that the queen's ma-
|y^, ' jesty, my sovereign, having sent me hither her ambassador
r,3ri7.-i^.:. Google
300 SCOTLAND.
<DP7 to tbe queen Iter aUur your sovereigai to toaB»iBikxtbt-
NicboUs' """^ ^^^ ""^'^ matter &s the thought moet, cooKdering
MDt toths tbe p>od amity and iatelligence betwixt them, who being
V^""' detaioed in captivity (as your lordships know) contrary to
the duty of all ^ood sot^ecta, for the enlai^tmient of whose person,
and the restitution of her to her dignity, her majesty gave me in
charge to treat with these lords, assembled at Edenburgh, offering
Ifaem all reasonable conditions and means as might be, for the safe-
guard of the young prince, the punishment of the late horrjble
murder, the dissolution of the marriage betwixt the queen and the
earl of Bodwell, and lastly for their own sureties. In tbe negotia-
tion of which matters I have (as your lordships well know) spent a
long time to no purpose, not being able to prevail in any thing with
those lords to the queen my sorareign's satisfaction. Of whicb
itratige proceedings towards her majesty, and undutiful behaviour
towards their sovereign, I have advertised the queen's m^esty, she
(not being minded to bear this indignity) hath given roe in diarge
to declare her further pleasure unto them, in such sort as they may
well perceive her majesty doth disallow of their proceedings, and
thereupon bath revoked me. And further bath given me in charge
to oomraunicate the same unto your lordshipB, requiring you to let
me know, before my departure hence (which shall be, God willing,
w soon as I have received anaw» from you), what you and your
confederates will assuredly do, to set the queen your sovereign at
liberty, and to restore her to her former dignity by force or other-
wise ; se^ng these lords have refused all other mediation, to the
end tbe queen's majesty my sovereign may concur vrith your lord-
alups in this honourable enterprise.
And in case, through tbe dispenionof your associates, your lord<
ships can neither communicate this matur amount you, nor receive
resolution of them all by that time, it may please you to send me
the opinion of so many of you as may confer t<^;etber, within two
or three days, so as I 'miy have your answer here in this town by
Monday or Tuesday next at the farthest, being tbe 19th of this
August; for I intend (God willing! to depart towards Eagland,
upon Wednesday following. Thus I most humbly take my leave of
your lordships, at Edenburgh, the 13th of Aug. 1567.
Indorsed tbe 13th of Aug. 1567.
Sir NkhoUu Throkmorton to the Lord Henys.
«4ihAng. YoOR good lordship's l^ttet of the 13th of August I
1567, P»- have received tbe 19th of the same. For answer where-
1^™**" unto it may like yow lordship to understand, that I wHl
eopy signify unto you plably, how far forth I am already tho-
,ooj;lc
APPENDIX. 36T
wJbicbSiT roughly iutracted of the queen's majesty my torereign's
■ to** plctt'ifc coDCflraing tlie detention of die queen yoar sove-
9tci««>rj reign, and concerning her relief.
Cec"' To the iirst her majesty bath given in charge, to ose idl
kinds of pemaflion in her name, to move these lords assembled at
Edinburgh ta desist from this violent and undutifal behavionr,
vhich they use towards their sovereign. And in this part, besides
the ahnr of many reasons, attd sundry persnations of amicable
treaty with them, her m^esty hath wilted me to use some plain
and severe speech unto them, tending so far forth, as if they wouhl
not be better advised, and reform these their outrageous proceed-
ings exercised against thdr sovereign, that then they might be at-
BUTtdher majesty neither would nor could endure such an indigni^
to be done to the queen, her good cousin and neighbour.
And notwithstanding these my proceedings with them, they ban
made proof to be little moved thereby ; for as yet neither will they
eOBHUt to the enlargement, neither suffer roe to speak with her.
So as it seemeth to me, it is saperfluous to treat any more with them
after this manner. Whereupon I have advertised the queen's ma-
jesty my sovereign, expecting daily her majesty's further order ; and
as I shall be advertised thereof, so will uot fail to signify the same
to your good lordship ; and in the mean time will advertise her ma-
jesty also, what your lordship hath written unto me. Thus with
my due commendations to your good lordship, I commit the same
to Almighty God, testing' always to do you the pleasure and service
that I can lawfully. At £denburgh.
Inddtsed S4th of August, 1567.
No. XXIV. (Vol. I, p. 364.)
Accotait of Lord Herreu"! btluroiour in the ParUameiU held
December 15, 1567.
Puer "^^^ loT^ Herrys made a notable harangue in the name
OBix- of the duke and himself, thdr friends and adherents (the
duke himself, tiie earl o( Castulles, and the abbot of Kilwinning
being also present), toperauade the union of the whole realm in ope
mind. Whfrein he did not spare to set for^ solemnly the greM
[oaiga that part of this nobility did deserve, which in the beginniog
took meanes for punishment of the ear] Bothwdl i as also seeing tin
quew's inordinate affection to that wioked man, and that she canld
sot be inducfd by their penuBiion to leave him, that in sequestring
her persoft within Lochleven, they did the dnbr of noblemen. "Eiat
their honaunble doings, which had not spared to buard their Utos
and ltU)d»t to avenge llwir native country from the slandeiona r»i
[Wti tbftt wore tpokmtdf it »ui% other natioM, had well deMrrsA
Co Ogle
368 SCOTLAND.
that 5II tMr brethren ■ttoald jmn with them in 10 good a caiue.
That he and the;, in whose names he did speak, irould willingly,
and without any compuluon, enter themselves in the same yoke,
and pat their litres and lands in the liiu hazard, for maintenance of
ooi cause. And if tiie queen herself were in Scotland, accompa-
nied with 20,000 men, they will be of the same mind, and fight in
our quarrel. He hoped the remainder noblemen of their party,
Huntly, Argoile, and others, which had not as yet acknowledged
the king, would come to the same conformity, vberennto he would
also earnestly move them. And if they will remain obstinate, and
refuse to qualify themselves, then will the duke, he and their friends,
join with us to correct them, that otherwise will not reform them-
selves. So plausible an oration, and more advantageous for our
par^, none of ourselves could have made. He did not foi^t to
term my lord regent by the name of regent (there was no mention
at all of the earl of Murray), and to call him grace at every word,
when his speeches were directed to him, accompanying all his words
with low courtesies after hia manner.
No. XXV. (Vol. I. p. 382.)
Queen Mary to Queen EUaibttk.
Madam,
Cott. lib. Although the necessity of my cause (which maketh
Cii. 1. me to be importune to you) do make you to judge that I
uid'pro- ""* °"' ^^ ^^ ^^1 ' 7^^ *^'^'' ^* ^'va not my passion, nor
iMblj ■ the respects whereof you are persuaded, will think that
iniuUtioii. I do Bg my cause doth requite. Madam, I have not ac-
cused you, nrather in words, nor in thought, to have used yourself
evil towards me. And I believe that you have no want of good
understanding, to keep you fVom perawasion against your natural
good inclination. But in the mean time I can't cbuse (having my
senses) but perceive very evil furtherance in my matters, since my
coming hither. I tiionght that I had sufficiently discoursed unto
you tiie discommodities which this delay bringeth unto me ; and
especially that they think in this nest month of August, to bold a
parliament against me and all my servants. And in the mean
time, I am stayed here, and yet will you, that I should put myself
Airther into your country (witiiout seeing you), and remove me fdr-
dier firom mine ; and there do me this dishonour at the request of my
rebels, as to send commissioners to bear them against me, aa yon
wold do to a mere subject, and not hear me by mouth. Nov,
madam, I have promised you to come to you, and having there
made my moan and complaint of these rebels, and they coming
thither^ not as possessors, but as subjects to answer, I would have
APPENDIX. 369
besoDght you to hearmy justification' of. diatwJiicb they have felsly
■et forth gainst me, and if I could not purge myself thereof, you
might then dischai^ ;our hands of my causes, and let me go for
•ucb as I am. But to do as you say, if I were culpable, i would be
belter advised; biit being not so, I can't accept this dishonour at
their hands, that being in possession they will come and accuse me
before your commissioneTS, whereof I can't like : and seeing you
diink it to be against your honour and consignage to do otherwise,
I beseech you that you will not be mioe enemy, until you may see
how 1 can discharge myself every way, and to suffer me to go into
France, where I have a dowry to maintain me ; or at least to go into '
Scotland, with assurance that if there come any strangers thither,
I will bind myself for their return without any pr^udice to you,
or if it pleis you i>ot to do thus, I protest that I will not impute it
to falibood, if I receive sljangera in ray country without making
you any other discharge for it. Do with my body as you will, the
honour or blame shall be yours. For I had rather die here, and
that my faithful servants may be. succoured (tho' you would not so)
by strangers, dian to suffer them to be utterly undone, wpan bope
to receive in time to come, particular commodity. There' be' many
tilings to move me to fear that I shall have to do in this country, witJi
others than with you. Biit forasmuch as nothing hath, followed upon
my last moan, I hold my peace, happen what mayhap. Ihave as teef to
oidure { '"7 fortune, as to seek it, and not find it. Farther, it pleased
you to give license to my subjects to go and come. This bas been
refused by my lord Scroop and Mr. Knolls (as they say) by your
commandment, because I would not depart hence to your charge,
udUU I had answer of this letter, tho' I shewed them, that you re-
quired my answer upon the two points, contained in your letter.
The one is to let you briefly understand, I am come to you to
make my moan to you, the which being beard, I would declare unto
you mine innocency, and then require your aid, and for lack thereof,
Ican't but make my moan and complaint to God, that I am not
heard in my just quarrel, and to appeal to other princes to have
respect thereunto as my case requireth ; and to you, madam, first
of all when you shall have examined your conscience before him, and
have him for witness. And the other, which is to come further
into your country, and not to come to your presence, I will esteem
that as no favour, but will take it for the contrary, obeying it as a
thing forced. la the mean time, I beseech you, to return to me
my lord Herries, for I can't be ' without him, having none of my
counselhere,andalBo to suffer me, if it please you, without further
delay, to depart hence whithersoever it be out of this country. I
am sure you will not deny me this simple request for your honour's
sake, seang it doth not please you to use your natural goodneis to-
VOL. II. 2b'
Google
970 SCOTLAND.
waiiM ma olhenriw, atut sewBg that of nuns aim accoid, I un
•ove liith«', let me Septal »gm with ^ara. Aod if God pennit
my catiflM to sncceed well, I ihall be botmd to you for it j atid hap-
peningotlienriie, yet Icuttblameyoii. Atfotmy lord Fleeming,
Meing that upon my credit yon have suffered him tn go home to
hii boiue, I w«iraiit you be ihall paae no farther, bat Bhall retiim
fiaht.pt fbea it Bbnll pleue yon. In that yon trust me 1 will not
/"'■ (to die for it) dsceiTe jou. h*tJrom Ditmb«rtom I ani wer
not, when my L. Fieeniag shall be in the Tower. For they whidi
are within it, will not forbear to reoeire ioccout, if 1 don't assure
tbem of yours ; no, tho' you would charge me witfaal,for I have left
them in charge, to ban more respect to my serranta and to my
estate, than to my Ufie. Good sister, be of aaotber mind, win tite
heart, and all shall be yours, and at your commandment. I thought
to satisfy you wholly, ifl might have seen yon. Alas I do Dot as the
serpent, that stoppeth his bearing, for t am no enchanter, but your
Hster, and natural coaiin. If Ciesar had not ditdained to heu or
read the complaint of an advertiier, be had not >o died ; why should
princes ears be stopped, seeing that they are painted so long ? meak-
ing that they riionld hear all and be well adviaed, before Ihey an-
swer. I am not of the nature of the basilisk, and less of the cfaa-
mdioa, to turn you to my likeness, and tho' I shotdd be >o danger-
ous and curs'd as men say, yon are sofficieotly armed with coa-
stancy and with justice, wUch I requite of God, who give you grace
to use it well wiUi long and happy life. From Carlisle, the 5A of
July, 156S.
No. XXVI. (Vol. I. p. 383).
Fart of a ktter fnm Sir Francis Knolfys to Cecil, Stk Aug. 156S,
• /row BoUm.
Anoii^ml. — But surely this queen doth seem, outwardly, not only
Paper Of- to fovout the jorm, but also the chief article of the reli-
gion of the gospel, namely. Justification by faith only; aod
she heeoeth the faults of papestry revealed by preaching or other-
wise, with contented ears, and with gentle and weak replys, and
she doth not seem to like the worse of religion throw me.
Part of a Utter frtrni Sir Friucit Ktudfyt to CecH, 21 Sept. 1568,
Jivm Bolton.
-~ It cune to this queen's ears of late that the was bruited to be
lately turned to the reUgien of the gospCll, to the great disliking of
the Papists bereabonti, which thing she herself c^mfiessed uidn
me, and'yesterday , openly in the great chambta, when die assembly
was full, and some Papbts prwent, she took occasion tospeak of
APPENDIX. »?l
lelij^, and thss openly she profested herself to be of the P^iat
religion, and took upon her to pMronite the same, more eamestly
than ilie had done a great while afoK, ali^' het defencea Mkd argit-
■nenti were so weak, that the effeot of her apee^ ww aoly to ibvm
ber seal i and af^rwarda to me alone, when I miitiked to ace htr
becoBie so conSdentlj badtward in reiigioa. Why, taid she, would
you have me to loie Franca and Sfu, and all my frienda in odMT
placea, by leeming to change my religion, and yet I bm not atanrai
the queen my good liater will ha my aassred fiiead, to (hq satirtw-
tion of my honour and expectation.
No. XXVU. (Vol. L p. 384.)
A letter from my JjordSerrits to my Lord Scroop and Sir F, KnoUi/t,
Sepl.Sd, 1568.
Com. Ub. Hv lords, pieaiit yoor honoar^le lardshq», I am ut-
^ C. fonaed by Jamea Bortkwick, latdy come f^on the qMeen's
In^fai^^n ra^eaty you aoverane, that hU H^awin to her higtmeai
IuimL I abuld haFe ridden in CraAirdmnre, >en b^ laat oomtHg
into thia reaba, upon the earl of Mniray'B dependanta. And that I
auld hare oaoait, or been of counaall to Seottismen to httn ridden
in bigland, to alay or spehcie lier majeaty's Bubjecta.
My lordi, I thought it right needful because your lordships is,
by your aoTerme, commanded to attend apon the queen's majesty
my mittiesa, so having daily access in thir matters, to declare npon
the truth ; humbly desiring that youi lordships will, for God'a cause,
certificate the queen yonr soveraqe the same.
Aa God lives, I have neither consented, nor any irise had know-
ledge of any Scottismaa's riding in England, to do the subjects
theseof hurt in bodies or goods, sene Ac siege of Leith; and as I
understand it shall be Aad tius, that gif ony sic open hart be done,
it is by the queen my aorereign's dfsobedients, and that I have not
ridden nor hurt no Scottislunan, dot commanded no hurt to be done
tA them, sen my coming fr^ the queen's taajesty of England, it is
well kend, for that acYer ane will ci»n{JaiB of me.
I haTa done more good to CrawfardmuTe nor ever the earl of
Murray haa dona, and will be loaUierto do them any harm than he
will. Except the qveen's m^esty your sovereign, command sic
false reports to be tryit, qnfaereof this is altogidder an iuventit leas-
ing, her grace sail be trublit, and tyne the hearts of true men here,
qnhom of uc report sail be made, that baieth would serve hir, and
may, betterthan tbay onworAy liars.
Mytordi, I understand the queen's majesty your sovereign is not
contented of this bntito, that &ere should ony Frenchman come in
Co Ogle
372 SCOTLAND.
this realm, with the duke of Chattel herault. Trath it is, 1 am no
tnanner of way the counBall of their cuming, nor has no sic cer-
tainty thereof, as I hear by Borthwiclt's report, from the queen's
majesty your soverei^. And gif I might as well say it, as it is
true indeed, her grace's self is all the wyitt, and the couDBaI^ that
will ne»er lot her take order with my maiatress cause. For that
our sovereiga havand bar majesty's promise, be writing, of luff,
friendship, and assi^ance, gif need had so requirit, enterit that
realm, upon die 16 day of May, sen that time the queen's majesty
has commanded me diverse times to declare she would accept her
cause, and do for her, and to puther in peaceable possession of this
realme ; and when I required of her majesty, in my mistress name,
that her highness would either do for her (as her special trust was
she wold), according to her former promises, or otherwise give ber
couDsal, wold not consent (as I show her grace I fand diverse re-
pugnant), then that she would permit her to pass in France, or to
some other prince to seek support, or faiUng hereof (quhilk was
againa. all .reason); that she would permit her to retam in her awia
countrie, in sic sempil manner as she came out of it, and said to her
majesty ane of Uiir, for her honour, would not be refusit, seeand
that she was comed in her realm upon her wiitingsand promises of
friendship. And sicklike, I said to her bigness, gif my maistress
had the like prpmise of her nobility and estates; as she had of her-
self, 1 should have r^rovit diem highly, gif they had not conde-
scendit to one of thir Uiree ; and so I say, and so I write, that in the
warld it shall be maist repiebendable, gif this promise taketU not
other good effect, nor yet it does. Notwithstanding, I get'gud an-
swer of thir promises of friendship made to my sovereign, and to
put her grace in this her awin countrie peaceably, we have fund the
contrary working by Mr. Middlemore directit from her highness to
Stay the army that cuiat down our houses. And alsua, in ^he pro-
celling of this late pretendit parliament, promised twenty days be-
fore the time to myself to have caused it been disuhargit. And yet
contrary to this promise, have they made their pretendit manner of
forfaulture of 31 men of guid reputation, bishops, abbottls, and ha-
ronis, obedient subj^ts to out sovereign, only for her cause.
They'have also disponit, sen our sovereign's cause was taken
upon hand be the queen's majesty of that realm, an hundred thou-
sand pound Scots worth of her awin true subjects geir, under the
color of the law, groundit upon their false, treasonable, stowin, au-
thority.
The murders, the oppressions, the burnings, the ravishing of
women, the destruction of policy, both ecclesiastical and temporal,
in this mean time, as in myformer writings I saidit was lamentable
to ony Christian man to hear of, except Ood gif g^racc, the profes*
/.oogle
APPENDIX. 373
•ion of the evangUeof Jeaus Christ profeHitbc your prince, coun-
fisll and realme, be mair niyndit, nor the anld iaamity that has stand
betwUt the realma, many of my countrymen will doubt ia this artir
cle, and their proceedings puttis myseir in Sanct Thomfis belief.
, Now, my lords, gif the queen's majesty of that realm, upon quhais
promise and honour my maistresa came there, aa I have said, will
]eave all the French writings, .and French phraaea of writinga,
quhilks amongia them is over melkle on baith the sides unfit, and
plainly, according to the auld trae custom of Ingland and Scot-
iandi. quherein he a word promist truth was dbsery'd, promise, in
the name of the eternal Ood, and upon the high honour of that
nobill and princely blude of the kinga of Ingland, quhereof ahe
is descendit, and presently weara the diadem, that ahe will put my
maistresa in her awin country, and cause her as queen thereof in her
authority and strength lo be obeyit, and to do the same will appoint
an certain day within two months at the farthest, as we understand
this to be our weil, sua will we, or the maist part of us all, follow
upon it, leaving the Frenchmen, and their evil French phraaea to-
gidder. And therefore, and for the true perpetual friendship of that
realm, will condition, and for our- part, with the grace of Almighty
God, keep aic heada and conditions of agreement, aa noble and wiae
men can condescend upon, for the weill of thia hail island'. Asl
have been partlinga declaring to the queen your sovereign, qubilk
I shew- to your lordahipa selfis both in religion, in the puniahment
of the earl Bothtf ile, for the queen's laat husband's slaughter, and
for a mutual band of amity perpetually to remain amangis na.
. Doabtleis, my lords, without that, we may 6nd sic time and
friendly worliing, aa may give us occasion baith to foi^tte Mid-
dtemore and hia late pretendit Parliament, we will turn the leaf,
leaving our aorereign againsourwill to reat where she is, under the
promise of friendahip, aa I have baith aaid, .and will ever affirm,
made by your sovereign, quhilk was only cauaeof her grace's coming
in that realm, and seek the help and moyen of French, or Spanish,
till espnise this treasonable and false preteadit authority, qnhilk
means to rdgn above us.
. My lords, I desire your lordships consider, that it is he, that
maist desires the amity betwixt Ingland end Scotland to continue,
and of a poor man. best cause has, that writ this.
My brolher, the laird of Skirling, schaws me, that in your lord-
ships communing with him, it appearit to him, your mind was wo
■hold suffer the earlof.Murray to work, altho' it were agains reason
to us, and complain thereof to the queen's majesty, and her higb-
neas wald see it reformit. My lords, her majesty will be over mei-
kle troublit to reform the wianges we have suatainit already. For
I am sure, gif reason and justice may hare place, oui maistress, and
S74 SCOTLAND.
ire her »ubJe<AB, ham recnred express wrong, fax above two Im»-
d»d thoBSBiid ijKniiide (Kerliag, ia tbe time of this mritt^iy g»-
reranent, seeing the TefonHhtioB of sa graM canees, comes, now
a dajB, M> etowKe, Bad tbe ungodljr tmv of oblirion in ric matlen
■o meilde pmctia'd, 1 think, nawtiier for die queen's honoar, aor
oUr mill, yonr Icvdshipe voold sua mean, nor that it is good to as to
foUow it. And that ye will give jovt sovelreign ric adveitiseitieiit
thereof, «s yotrr good wisdoAn shall Snd in ttiis cause meet. It
wHl be true snd frindful woiting for us, indeed, and nowtiier
Frewb phtases, Hot bMstin^, and fincKng little other nffbet, that
will cause as to hold ftwtty the Fftnchmen. This is pkhit; writ-
ten, and I desire your ktnhhips jJahi answer, for in treth uai
plainneBH langest continues gud friendship, quhilk in this matter I
pray Ood may lang cOndnue, and have your lordships n his ke«^
ing. Off Dura&eiB, the 3d daf of September, 1568.
Your lordrfups at my power
to command leifully
HERRIS.
Qaetn Mmy to Q. EhaaMk.
)i6& MikMLHX ma boBse Boenr. J'ay reeccn de tm lettm,
Cil. LAn^""*^ mesMa dete; I'une, on toub faites menlien de
Hf^ML I'sicve de Mobs', de Jduna povi tenir sod pntfiada fnr-
lenent, gai sua acmhle bien jroid, poor obtenir plus de tnlliianrn
que je m'estms penaadee a'avoir par Tostre promeue, qneat a
n'osier dewMi commission de venir sans na parlement po«r letir
pea devtoSibre de noblesse aian, je vons respons, qu'ila d'obI que
trois oa qaatre d'avantage, qui easent anssi bien dit lenr opinkm
bars de'psriement, qai n'a este teau tant pour cette efieet, mail
pour Ain ce q«'ezpress«neat^MMl■ arions reqnis estre esDpesch^
qui «4t la forlUluriedesiea subjects pour m'ovoir.eM^ fideUes, ee
que je n'aaawois, jasq aes a heir, aroir en en promeesa de voaa,
par la letlre eoite a ai lord Scrap e maistre KnoieiB Tona isdaire
a ire contre eolx, nure, a les ensayre reseirtir; tuteMs je vols qoe
je I'ay mal pris, j'en suis plus manie, pour ce que snr vntre letlie
quil see montretent, et leor pcrola, je I'ay si dirulgueiDeBt asaoray
qaa poor vengeanoe que j'en desirasse, si non mettie diSemce au-
tre leur faux depcrtemens, et les miens stnceres. Dans voaln It*-
tre aosu dat^e du 10"' d'Aoust, tou* mettia ces mots. " I Hiink
your adverse party, upon my suodry former advices, wiU hold no
parliament at all; and if they do, it AaH be only in form of as'
assembly to accord whom to send into tfaisTealm, and in what sort;
for otherwise, if they shall proceed in manner of a pariianseat,
with any act of judgment against any person, I shall not, is ai^
wise, tMo'H liieTeof; and if tiKyshallbesoorerseeB, then Touasay
APPENDIX. 376
tUnk the satM to be of no other moment, tbtm the fonner proce-
dures ; and hy auch Aeb rash mannef of proceeding, they Uiall
most prejudice themselves ; 'and be asiured to find me read^ to
condemn them, in their doings." Sur quoy, j'ay contremand^ mes
servitean, les faJgsant retirer, souSrant selon vostre commandement
d'etre faussement nommea traities, par ceulx, qui le aont de Tray;
et encore d'etre proTO<]uea par escannons dies, et par prinses de
mea gens et lettres, et an controire Tons etes iBfonD§e que mes
subjects ont evahis les vostres, madame, qui a feit ce rapport u'eat
pas homme de bien, car taird de Sesford et son fila sont et ont
eatea mes rebelles depuis le commencement ; enquires Toas, a'ils
n'estoient a Donfris aveqnes eulx, j'avms ofiri leapondre de la fron-
tiere, ce que me fnt refbs^, ce qui m'en devroit aasea descharger;
neanmoms, pour tous ftJre preuve de ma fidtlit^, et de leur falcit6,
s'il vous me f^yte donnet le nom des coulpables, et me fortifier, je
commanderay mes subjects les pour siiivre, ou si tous voutes que
ce Boit les Tostres, tes miens leur ayderont ; je vous prie m'en
masder vostre volont£, au reste mes subjects fidelles seront re-
sponaables a tout ce que leur sera mis su les coutre vous, ni lea
voBties, ni les rebelles, despuis que me conseillatea les faire retirer.
Quant aux Francois, j'eBcriviE que Ton m'en fit nnlle poursuite,
car j'esperois tant en vous, que je n'en aurois besoign, — je ne s^eu
Et le diet aura en mes lettres, mais je vous jure devant Dieu que je
ne scay chose du mande le leur venue, que ce que m'en avez man-
day, ni n'en ai oui de France mot du monde, et ne le puis croire
pour cost occasion, et si ils ai aont, c'est sans mon sceu ni consm-
tement. Pourquoy Je vous supplie ne me condamner sans m'ouire,
car je suis pres de tenir tout ce que j'ay ofiert a mester Knoleis,
et vous assure que vostre amit^, qu'it vous plest m'ofirir, sera res-
cue avfut toutes les choa^s du monde, quant France servit la pour
presser leur retour a ceste condition, que prauies mes affaires en
maa en soeur, et boaae ami, comme ma Franc^ est en vous; mais
une chose seule me lende confuse, j'ay tant d'enemJe qu'ont votce
oreille, la quelle ne pouvant avoir pftr parolle, toutes mes actions
vous sont de^^is^es, et falsement npoTteta, par quoi il m'est im-
possible de m'assnrer de vous, pout les manteries qu'on vous a
feit, pour destruire vostre bonne Tokint4 de moy ; pta quoy je de-
sirerois bien avoir ce bien vous faire entendre ma sincere et bonne
affiM^on, laquelle je ne puis si bien descrtre, que mes enemis a
tort ne la decolor^. Ma bonne soeur, gagnes moy ; eavoy^s moy
queriir, n'entr^ en jalousie pour fauU raports de celle que ne desire
que votie bonne grace; je mb remettray sur mester Knoleis a qui
je me suis librement descouverte, et apres tous avoir baia^ les
mains, je prierai Dieu vous donner en sant^, longue et heureuse
vie. De Botoo, ou je voua promets, je n'espere pertir qu'aveques
376 SCOTLAND.
TOttre bonne grace, quoyqae lei tnentenn mentent. Ce 26
d'Aonit.
No. XXVIII. (Vol. I. p. 385.)
Qu«nt Elizabeth to the Earl o/Miuray.
Fipei Of- RioHT trusty and right well beloved cousin, we greet *
p^ , yon well. Where we hear say, that certam reports are
copj cor- made in sundry parts of Scotland, that whatsoever sbould
SwrcuiT '*" *"" °°* upon the hearing of the queen of Scotts'
Cecil, cause, in any proof to convmce or to acquit the said
queen concerning the horrible murder of her late husband our
cousin, we have determined to restore her to her kingdom and
goremment, we do so much mislike hereof, as we cannot indure
die same to receive any credit: and therefore we have tliought
good to assure you, that the same is untruly devised by the au-
thors to our dishonour. For as we have been always certified from
our said sister, both by her letters and messages, that she is by no
means guilty or participant of that murder, which we wish to be
true, so surely if she should be found justly to be guilty thereof
as hath been reported of her, whereof we would be very sorry, then,
indeed, it should behoove us to consider otherwise of her cause
than to satisfy her desire in restitution of her to the government of
that kingdom. And so we would have you and all others to think,
that should be disposed to conceive honourably of us and oar ac-
tions.
Indorsed 20 Sept. 1568.
No. XXIX. (Vol. I. p. 390.)
Sir FrancU Knolfyt to CecU, the 9th of Odobw 1568, from Tork.
An Origi- Mt lord's grace of Norfolk sending for me to Bolton, to
Q^^**^ attend upon him here Thursday last, Imade my repair hither
accordingly, meaning to stay here until Munday next ; as
touching the matters of the commission, that his grace and the
rest have from her highness, bis grace hath imparted unto me of all
things thereunto appertaining, and what hath hitherto passed, and
altho' the matters be too weighty for my weak capacity, to presume
to utter any opinion of mine own thereof, yet 1 see that my lord
Herns for his parte laboureth a reconciliation, to be had without
the extremity of odious accusations ; ray lord of Ledington also
saith to me, that he qould wish these matters to be ended io dulce
manner, so that it might be done with safety ; of the rest you can
conceive, by the advertisements and writings, sent up by our com-
,y Google
APPENDIX. 377
A Lelleejrom the Bishop of Rog* to the Queen of Scott, from York,
October 1568.
Cott Ub. Pleis your majesty I conferred at length with A. ane
A copT g''®** P"'' '^^ ^ night, wbo asaurit me that he had Teaaoned
trith B. this SaturdayC. on the field.who determinate to him
that it was the D. determinit purpose not to end your cause at thta
time, but to hold the same in Buspence, and did that was in her power
to make the E, pursue extremity, to the effect F. and his adhe-
rents might titter all they could to your dishonour, to the effect to
cause you come in disdain with the hail subjects of this realm, that
ye may be the mair unahle to attempt any thing to her disadran-
tage. And to this effect is all her intention, and when they have
produced alt they can against you, D. will not appoint the matter
instantly, hut transport yon up in the country, and retain you
there till she think time to shew you favour, which is not likely to
be hastily, because of your uncles in France, and the fear she has
of yourself to be her unfriend. And therefore their counsel is,
that ye write an writing to the D. meaning that ye are informit
that your subjects which has oSendit you. — This in effect that your
majesty hearing the estate of your a^rs as they proceed in York,
was informed that her majesty was informed of you, that you could
not gndely remit your subjects in such sort as they might ciedit
you hereafter, which was a great cause of the" stay of this contro-
▼ersy to be ended. And therefore persuading her D, effectually
not to trust any wbo had made such narration. But like as ye
bad rendered you in her hands, as most tender to you of any living,
SO prayit her to take na opinion of you, but that ye wald use her
counBell in all your affairs, and wald prefer her friendship to all
others, as well uncles as others, and assure her to keep that thing
ye wald promise to your subjects by her advice. And if D. dis-
credit you, ye wald be gittd to satisfy her in that point be re^
moving within her realm in secret and quiet manner, where her
O. pleased, until the time her G. were fully satisfied, and all oc- '
Ctuion of discredit removed from her. So that in the mean time
your realm were holden in quietness, and your true subjects re-
stored and maintained in their own estate, and sic other things
tending to this effect. And affirms that they believe that this may
be occasion to cause her credit you that ye offer so far ; and it
may come that within two or three months she may become better-
minded to your grace, for now she is not well-minded, and will not
shew you any pleasure for the causes aforesaid.
S. B. The title of this paper is in Cecil's hand ; the following
key is added in another hand.
A, The laird of Lethington,
r,on7<-i.i Google
378 SCOTLAND.
B. The dnke of Norfolk;
C. Was the day he rode to Cawood.
D. The queen of England.
E. Ilie queen of Scots commissioneTs.
F. The earl of Murray.
No. XXX. (Vol. I. p. 400.)
DeHberation of Secretary CeciTi concernitig Scotland. Dec. 21, 1568.
TfiEbestwayforEti^iuidibutaottlieeauest; thattlts
Fipet Of- queen of Scoti migjit remain deprived of her crows, and
the state continue as it u.
The second way for England profitable, and not so hard. — That
the q«een of Scots might be induced, by seme perswasions, to agree
that her son mif ht continue king, becaose be is crowned, and her-
self to remain also queen ; and that the gOTemnient of the realm
night be committed to such persons as the queen of Ev^and should
Bsme, so as for the nomination of them it nught be ordeied, that it
convenient number of persons of Scotland shoidd be first named to
the queen of Eng^d^ indifierently for the queen of Scots, and for
her son, that is to say, the one half by the queen of Scots, and tbe
otber by the earle of Lennox, and lady Lennox, parents to the child ;
and out of those, the queen'sm^estyof&igluidtomakechmcefor
all the officers of the reahn, that are, by the laws of Scotland, dis-
posable by the king or queen of the land.
That untill this may be done by the queen's majesty, the govern-
ment remain in the hands of the earle of Murray as it is, prondi^
be shall not dispose of any offices or perpetuals to CQBtiDoe any longer
but to these ofiered of the premises.
That a parliament be summoned in Scotland by several oom-
maadmentB, botii «f the queen of Scots and of the young king.
That hostages be delivered unto Ea^nd on the yoang
king's behalf, to the number of twelve pervons of the earle of Hur-
ray's part, as the queen of Seols shall name ; and likewise on die
queen's behalf, to Gie tike number as the earle of Murray riiall name ;
the same not to be any that have by inheritance or office cause to
be in this parliament, to remain from the beg^siog of the summoas
of that parliament, untill three months after that parliament; which
hostages shall be pledges, that the friends of either part shall keep
the pesG^ in all cases, till by this parliament it be coneluded, that
the ordinance which the queen of England shall devise for the go-
vernment of the realm (being not to the hurt of tiae crown of Scot-
land, nor contrary to the laws of Scotland for any man's inheritance,
as the same was before the parliament at Bdin'. the Decern'.
APPENDtX. 879
IS67) rittll 1m eibAIishe*! to be kept snd obeyed, mder ptin of high
'treason for ttte breakers theieof.
That by the tame parliatnent also be establialied all execn-
dCms and judgments given a^nst any person for the desth of the
late king.
That by the same pariiatnHit, a Tenussion be nuule nmrer-
sally from the qoeen of Scots to any her contraiys, and also tima
erery one inbgect to another, saving that rettitution be made of
lands and houses, and idlother things hmtable, that have been by
either side taken from them which were the owners thereof at the
committing of the queen of Scots to Lochleven.
That by the same parlittoent it be declared who shall be gncces-
SOTS to the crown next after the Q. of Scots and her issoe ; or else,
diot such right as the D. of Chatelherault had, at the marriage of
the Q. of Scots witii the lord Damley, may be censerred and not
prejudized.
That die Q. of Soots may have leave of dte queen's majesty of
Engtand, twdve mondis ^er die said parliament, and that she ^all
not depart oat of &igland, vithout special licence of the queen's
majesty.
That fte young kmg shall be nourished and brought up in Eng-
land, till he be years of age.
Itistobeconsidared, that in this cause die composition between
thB queen and her subjects may be made with certun articles, out-
fraidly to be seen to the world for her honour, as though all the parts
should come of her, and yet for the surety of contiarys, that certain
betnttherand the queen's majes^ are to be concluded.
No. XXXI. (Vol. I. p. 402.)
3%; Qmcoi to Sir Fraadt KnoUtyt, 2id Jmmiy, 1568-9.
Wx greet yosweU. We mean not, at tius point, "by any
?**" ^' writing, to renew that whieh it hath {deased God to make
grierous to us and sorryful to yow ; but forbearing the
same as tnimeet at this point, having oceasioa to command yow in
•wr service, and yon tdso whilest you are to serve ns. We require
yow to conader of this that followeth wiA tike consideration and
diligence, as hitherto yow have aecostumate in our Beirise ; at the
time of oorlast letters written to yow the 14diof this month for re-
moving of tile ^neen of Seels, we had understanding out of Scot-
land of certain writings sent by ber from thence into Scotiand,
ameogst-die which one is found to contain great and masiEest uo-
tnrths touching us and others also, as sfaidl and may plainly appear '
unto yow by the copy of the same, which likewise we seitd yon, and
because at thesame time we were adv ert ised, that it shoold be riioTtly
380 SCOTLAND.
pToc)Biine4ia Scotland, though then it wu not, we thought good
fint to remove the queen, before we would discloM the same, and
thm expect the issue thereof; and now, this day, by letters from
OUT cousin of HunsdoD we are ascertained, that since ihst time the
same matters contained in the writing, are published in diverse parts
of Scotland, whereupon we have thought it very meet, for the dis-
charge of our honour, and to confound the falsehood contained in
that .writting, not only to have the same, reproved by open procla-
mation upon our frontiers, the coppy whereof we do herewith send
yow, but also in convenient sort to charge that queen therewith, so
as she may be moved to declare the authors thereof, and persuaders
of her to write in such slanderous sort such untruths of us ; and in
the mean season, we have here stayed her comnusjioners, knowing
no other whom we may more probably presume to be pardes here-
unto, than they, untill the queen shall name some other, and acquit
them; who being generally charged, without expressing to them
any particular, do use all manner of speeches to dischai^ them-
selves; wherefore our pleasure is, that ye shall, after ye have well
perused the coppy of this writing sent to yow, speedily declare unto
her, that we have good understanding given us of diverse letters and
writtings, sent by her into Scotland, signed by hei own hand,
amongst which one such writting is sent with her commandment,
expressly as now it is already published, as we are much troubled
in mind that a princess as she is having a cause in our hands so im-
plicated with difficultys and calamitys, should either conceave in her
own mind, or allow of them that should devise such false, untrue,
and improbable matters against us, and our honour, and specially
to have the aventure to have the same being known so untrue to
be published ; and you shall also say, because we will not think so
ill of her, as that it should proceed of her self, but rather she bath
been counselled thei-eunto, or by abuse made to think some part
thereof to be true, we require her, even as she may look for any fa-
vour at our Wtds, that she will disburden herself as much as truly
she may herein, and name them which have been the authors and
perawaders thereof, and so she shall make as gieat amends to us aa
the case may require; after you have thus far proceeded>and had
some answer of her, whether she shall deny the writing absolutely,
orname any that have been the advisers thereof, you shall say unto
her that we have stayed her commissioners here, untill we may have
some answer hereof, because we cannot hut impute to them soiae
part of this evil dealing, untill by her answer the authors may be
known ; and as soon as you can have direct answers from her, we
' pray you to return us the same ; for as the case standeth, we can-
not but he much disquieted with it, having our honour so deeply
touched contrary to any intention in us, and for any thing we know'
APPENDIX. 381
in our jad^ent the earl of Murray end others oamed in the same
writting, void of thought for the matters, to them thereiD iraputed ;
yon may impart to the queen of Scots either the contents of the
slanderous letter, or shetr her the copy to read it, and you may
also impart this matter to the lord Scroop, to join with you there as
you shall think meet.
Sir Francis KtmUei/s to Queen EUmbeth, from Wethtrly, the 28M
January, 1568.
Anariginil. — ^ wii-i. suppress my own griefis, and pass them over
FipetOt- with silence, for the present learning of your majesty —
. and for this queen's answer to the coppie of her supposed
letter sent unto Scotland, I must add this unto my brother's letter,
sent unto Mr. Secretary yesternight late ; in process of time she
did not deny but that the first lines contained in the same cople,
was agreeable to a letter that she had sent unto Scotland, which
touched my lord of Murray's promise to deliver her son into your
majesty's hands, and to avoid that the same should not bi dona
without her consent, made her, she saitb, to write in that behalf;
she saith also that she wrote that they should cause a proclamation
to be made to stir her people to defend my lord of Murray's intent
and purpose, for delivering of her said son, and impunge his rebel-
lious government, as she termed it, but she utterly denyeth to have
written any of the other slanderous parts, of the said letter touching
your majesty; she said also, that she suspected that a Frenchman,
now in Scotland, might be the author of some Scotch letters devised
in her name, but she would not allow me to write this for any part
of her answer.
No. XXXn. (Vol. I. p. 409.)
Sir Nicholtti Throkmortoa to the Right Honourable the Lord of
Liddingtoa.
JOth of Your letter of the 3d of July, I have received the 15th
From the * °^ ''*^ Same. For answer wbereunto you shall understand
wilfiDal. that friends here to my lord regent and you do wish such
a concurrence in all doings, as in matter and circumstances there
arise no dissension, or at the least, no more nor other than the dif-
ference of countries doth necessarily require. We here do think
convenient that as few delays be used as may be, for the consum-
mation of the matter in hand, which principally to advance your
allowance, prosecution, and speedy promotion in Scotland, is moat
requisite, for you are so wise, and well acquainted with the state of
the world, and with all our humours, as you Itnow that some do allow
and die^ow for reason, some for respect of multitude, some for
Cooglc
382 SCOTLAND.
retpect-of penoiM, todso tbecameiatogofonrard M iften do like
to Mt U forward. You are aot to Hek tW tome will vae oantiona,
■omc neutrality, Mme delays, md sone will plaialy uopunge i%-
And yet all and every of these aerU will alter their doings, wbeu
they shall tee the regent and his faTOUKnaceord with the beat and
greatest part there, and agree with the wisest and itroagcat party
here. Tho' the matter has taken its beginning here, upon deep and
weighty considerations, for the weit of both the prnces and their
realms, as well preientlj as m time to come, yet it is thought most
expedient that the regent, and realm of Scotland, by you, should
propose the matter to the queen our Borerdgn, if you like to uee
conveniencet good order, or be dispofed to leave bat a tear, and no
wound of the hurU past, I wonldbe glad that this ray letter should
come to your hands before the convention, whereat it seeras your
qaeeu's restoration and marriage to the duke of Norfolk shall be
propounded, either to wynue in then both allowance or rejection.
To which proceedings, becaasa you pay me to write frankly, I say
and reason thus, me thinketh you use a prepoaterom order to de-
mand the consent of such peraonsi in such matters, as their miads
to a good end hath ratber been felt or prepared, an4 therefore
there must needs toilaw either a uniTereal refiisal, or factious divi-
Mon amongst you, whereby a bloustering intelligence must needa
come to queen Elizabeth of the intended marriage from thence,
which ought to have been secretly and advisedly propounded unto
her highness i hereby you see then the meamog is, by this dealing,
her majesty shall be made inexorable, and so bring the natter to
such passe, as this which should hava wrought surety, quietness,
and a stay to both queens and their realms, shall augment your
calamity, and throw us your best Mends into diverse with you, and
into unhappy divigion amongst ourseWei ; for you may not conjec-
ture that the matter is now in deliberation, but expecteth good occa-
sion for executing ; sure I am you do not judge so slenderly of the
managing of this matter, as to think we have not cast the worst, or
to enter therein so far without the assistance of the nobility, the
ablest, die wisest, and the mightiest of this realm, except queen
Elisabeth: from whom it hath been concealed until you, as the fit-
test mmister, might propound it to her, an A« behalf of the regent,
and the nobility of Scotland. How far master Woddes defaraatioBS
do carry them of qneen EUxi^tii's affections, and' master Secre-
Ury's, to assist the regent and to nppress the queen of Scots, I
know not, nor it is not material ; bat I do assuredly think, that her
majesty will prefer her surety, the tranquillity of ber reign, and the
conrersation of her people, before any device, which may proceed
from vain disburse, or imperfectioos of passions and isconsiderate
aflections. And as for Mr. Secretary, you are not to leani that as
APPENDIX. 383
Iwl^th not to |;o too bit Kfbn, 80 hecoveteth aot to tarry too Gtr
behind, and specially when the reliquei be of do gnAt Tolne nor
powar. If I could m well BMurayouof hiK nugnviitnity, and con-
atancj, a* of his proseitt conformity) I would say confidently, you
stay repose, as well of him in this matter, as of the duke of Norfolk,
the earis of Arundel, Pembroke, Leicester, Bedford, Shrewsbury,
and the rest of the nobility ; all which do embrace and pioteste the
accomplishment of this case. I have, according to your adnce,
written presently to my lord regent, with the same zeal and care of
his wellndoing that I owe to bim, whom I lore and honour. Mr. Secre-
tary bath aiiuied unto him the queen of Scotland's farour andgood
opinion, wherewith he seemeth to be well satisfy'd. If your credit
be, as I trust, baston your coming hither, for it is very necessary
that you were here presently. Q. Elizabeth bolb doth write to my
lord regent in such sort, as he may perceive Mr. Wood's discourses
of her majesty's afiiKtion to be rain, and Mr, Secretary otherwise
bent thanhe conjectureth of him, the effect of which her miyesty's
letter you shall underBtaiid, by my lord Leicester's letter unto yoH
at this dispatch. At the court, SOtfa July, 1569.
No.XXXin. (Vol. I. p. 410.)
Part of a Letttrfrom the Earl ofMumy to L. B.
probably Lord Burleigh.
^^^ — BacAitSE I see that great adrantage is taken on smalt
Bnt. lib. oooasions, and that the mention of the marriage betwixt
fc^'Jt'' '**>* I"**" "y "0™"'P''" "Other, and fte D. of Norfolk
hath this while past been very frequent in both the realms,
and then I myself to be spoken of as a motioner, which I perceive
is at the last come to her majesty*s ears ; I wdl, for satisfaction of
facpr hfghDeas, and the discharge of my duty towards her majesty,
manifiest unto you my interest, and medling in that matter, from
the very beginning, knowing whatsoever is prejudicial to her high-
ness, cannot bet be hurtful to the kingmy sovereign, this his realm,
and me. What conferences was betwixt the doke of Norfolk, and
any of them that were with me within tiie realm of England, I am
not able to declare ; but I am no wise forgetful of any thing that
passed betwixt him and me, either at Uiat time, or since. And to
the end her majesty may nnderstand how I have been dealt with in
this matter, I am compelled to touch some circumstances, before
there was any mention of her marriage. In Tork, at the meeting
of alt the commissioners, 1 found very — and neutral dealing with
tlie duke, and others ber highness's commissioners, in the beginning
of Ibe cause, as in the making of the others to proceed sincerely,
and so furth. During which time, I entered into general speecht
Co Ogle
384 SCOTLAND.
■tickiog at oor jnit defence in the mmtten tbat were objected against
ui, by the said qaeea's commisrionera, looking certainly for do
other Hang, but laminary cognition in the ctnige of controversy,
with a fintJ declaration to have followed. Upon a certain day the
lord Lithington's secretary rode with the duke to Howard, what puT-
pose tbey had I cannot tsy, bat that night Lithingtcn returning, and
entnng into cooferrence with me upon the state of our action, 1 was
advised by him to pass to the duke, and require familiar confer-
rnce, by the. which I might have some feelia|f to what issue our
matters would tend. According to which advice, having gotten
time and place convenient in the. gallery of the house where the
duke was lodged, after renewing of our first acquaintaQce made at
Berwick, the time betbre the assize of Leith, and gofne speeches
passed bet^xt us ; he began to say to me, how he in England had
favour and credit, and I in Scotland had will and friendE>hip of
many, it was to.be tho't there could be none more fit instruments,
to travel for the continuance of the amity betwixt the realms, than
wetwo. And so that discourse upon the present state ofboth,
and how I was entered in that action tending so far to the queen's
dishonour, I was willed by him to consider how matters stood in
this, what honour I bad received of the queen, and what inconre-
niences her defamation in the matters laid to her charge might
breed to her posteiity. Her respect was not little to the crown of
England, there was but one heir. The Hamiltons, my unfriends,
had the next respect, and that 1 should esteem the issue of her
body would be the more affectionate to me and mine, than any other
that could attain tp that crown. And so it should be meetest, that
she affirmed her dismission made in Lochlevin, and we to abstract
the letters of her hand write, that she should not be defamed in
England. My reply to that was, how the matter had passed in
parliament, and the letters seen of many, so that the abstractiog of
the same could not then secure her to any purpose, and yet should
we, in that doing, bring the ignominy upon us. Affirming it would
not be fair for us that way to proceed, seeing the queen's majesty
of England was not made privy to the matter as she ought to be,
in respect we were purposely come in England for that end, and
for the — of the grants of our cause. The duke's answer was, be
would take in hand to handle matters well enough at the court.
After this, on the occasion of certain articles, that were required to
be resolved on before we entered on the declaration of the very-
ground of our action, we came up to the court ; where some new
commissioners were adjoined to the former, and the hearing of the
matter ordained to be in the parliament-house at Westminster, in
presence of which commissioners of the said queen, and ■ ' -
through the rebuking of the queen of England's own coed
. Dar/.-i-.;. Google
APPENDIX. 366
mus)oner», we uttered the vhole of the actkiii, and prodpced
aucfa evidenceB, letters, and probations, as we had, which might
mav€ the queen's majesty to thick well of our cause. Where-
upon expecting her highness' declaration, and seeing no great
likelihood of the same to be suddenly ^ven, but daily motions
then made to come to ao accord with ijie said queen, our nutt-
ten in hand in Scotland, in the mean season, standing in ha-
Kird and danger, we were put to the uttermost point off our wit,
to ima^ne whereunto the, matters would tend, tho' albeit we had
left nothing andone for justi&cation of our causes, yet appeared no
end, but continual motions made to come to some accord with the
queen, and restore her to whole or half reign. I had no other
answer to give them, but that I should neither do against conscience
or honour in that matter. Notwithstanding seeing this my plain
answer wrought no end, nor dispatch to ns, and that I was informed
that the duke began to mislike of me, and to speak of me, as that
Protnbl; I bad reported of the said queen irreverently, calling her
adaiurtr. gj,^ murderer, I was advised to pass to him, and
give him good words, and to purge myself of the things objected to
me, that I should not open the sudden entry of his evil grace, nor
have him to our enemy considering his greatnesi. It being
therewithal whispered and shewed to me, that if I departed, he
standing discontented and not satisfied, I might peradventure find
such trouble in my way, as my throat might be cut before I came
tA Berrick. And therefore, since it might well enongh appear to
her marriage, I should not put him in utter despair, that my good
will could not be had therein. So few days before my departing, I
carae to the park in Hampton -court, where the duke and I met to-
gether, and there I declared unto him that it was come to my ears,
how some misreport should be made of me to him, as that I should
^leak irreverently and rashly of the said queen my sovereign's mo-
FrobiUv ther,such words as before expressed, that he might
"V"- thereby my afiection to be so alienate from her, as that I
could not love her, nor be content of her preferment, howbeit be
might perswade himself of the contrary, for as she once was the
person in the world I loved best, having that honour to be so near
nnto her, and having received such advancement and honour by
her, I was not so ungrate or so unnatural ever to wish her body
harm, or to speak of ber as was untruly reported of me (howsoever
the truth was in the aelf ), and as to the preservation of her son, now
my sovereign, had moved me to enter into this cause, and that her
own pressing was the occasion of that which was uttered to her
Piob»bij whensoever God should move her heart to repent
dlihD»ur. of iier bypast behaviour and life, and after her known re-
pentance, that she should be separate from that ungodly and unlaw- '
-vox. 11. 2 c
Co Ogle
38« SCOTLAND.
ftil marriage that ihe was entred in, and then after were joined with
anch a godly and honourable a penonage, as were afffectioned to
the tme religion, and whom we might tniqt, I could find in my heart
to love her, and to shew her as great pleasure, favour, and good will,
ax ever I did in my life ; and in case he should be that personage,
there was none whom I could better like of, the queea in
— — of England being made privy to the matter, and she allowitig
thereof, which being done, I should labour in all things that I could,
to her hooonr and' pleasure, that were not prejudicial totiieking
my sovereign's estate, and prayed htm not to Aink otherwise of me,
for m; afiection was rather hnried and hidden withm me, awaiting
until God should direct her to know herself, than utterly alienated
and abstracted from her ; which he leeroed to accept in very good
part, saying, earl of Itfurray, thou thinks of me that thing, where-
vnto I will make none in England or Scotland privy, and thou hant
Norfolk's life in thy hands. So departing, I came to my lodging,
and by the way and all night, I was in continual thought and agi-
tation of mind, how to behave myself in that weighty matter, first
Imagiaing wherennto this should tend, if it were attempted without
the queen's majesty of England's knowledge and good will, this
realm and I myself in particular having received such favour and
comfbrt at her higbness's hands, and this whole isle such peace and
quietness, since God possessed her majesty with her crown. And
on the other part, seeing the duke had disclosed him to me, pro-
testing, none other were or should be privy to onr speech, I thi^t I
could not find in my heart to utter any thing that might endanger
Um; moved to the uttermost witin these cogitations, and all desire
of sleep ther^ removed, I prayed God to send me some good relief
and outgate, to my discharge and satisfaction of my troubled mind,
which I found indeed ; for upon the mom, or within a day or two
thereafter, I entered in conversation with my lord of Leicester, in
his chamber at the court, where he began to find strange with me,
that in the matter t made so difficult to him, standing so precisely
on Gonferrence, and how when I had in my communication with the
duke, come so far and there he made some discourse with me,
about that which was talke betwixt us, I perceiving that the duke
Pnibabi; had the matter to my lord of Leicester, and thinking
diximeii. me thereby discharged at the duke's bands, therefore I re-
peated the same communication in every point to my lord of Leices-
ter, who desired me to shew the same to the queen's majesty, which
I refused to do, willing him if he tho't it might import her highness
any thing, that he as one by her majesty, and for many be-
nefits received at her highness's hands is obliged to wish her well,
should make declaration of the same to her majesty, as I under-
stand by some speech of her highness to me, he did, Tliis my
APPENDIX. 387
dadsretion to tlu duka wu the onlycaaic, Itiat itaid th« violeaca
wd trouble prapBi«d far me tinexecutad, as I have divers wsya att>
d«r«tood. The nine declaration I was obUged to renew riaee In
writings of (eat to my Beirant John Wood. The sum whereof,
I trast, be shewed the duke, and something alse I wrott to himseV,
for it was tho't this should redeem some time, diat the duke should
not suddenly declare h|n) our enemy, for his greatness was oft laid
before me, and what friendship he had of the chief of the nobility
in Sogtaod, so Aat it might appear to the queeft's majesty of Eng-
land socold towardsus, anddoiog nothing pnblioly that might
seem favonr^le&r us, we bad some cause to suspect that her high-
ness should not be contrarioui to the mftrneige when it sbould be
proposed to her, The Aarp mesM^ sent by her majesty with the
lord Boyd, who had tbc like cofamifuoa fr(»n Ihfl duke tf «4ipg M
bi to the said queen's pffformsot, as it were proposing one inaBner
of conditioofi from bo^, gave a» to tbiok that her highness bad bean
fore*eea in tbe dHk«'B deaign, wd that she tn^ht be indiuKti to aUpw
titereof. But faowbeit it was (l«vieed in Englwd, ^t tbe i<vi of
I/etbiugtoa should come aa from me, and bre^ ike ra»tttr to hef
fai^hoesii, a» ber majefty ii)a)etlerde«laredthat»heb»l(edlor Iw
eoming, yet that deriap proceeded never of me, nor the noUemet «t
the convention could bo wise ^cord to hid sending, nor allow of thu
matter nvotioned, but fkltogstber ttieliked it, as bring with the svsn
great inooiueniwiees to the surety and quiietness of tbis whde i«iA;
for our proeeedinge b«ve decland our nusliking and disalktwanee of
dw puipese f^ow tbe begjae^^, ud if we ba.i fdeaced he was ready
for tbe joiaaey. And in liknwwe it was derised to give oonfcst
ftdbMj ^M tbe — • — between the said qonen nnd BolhMwtt,
•JtBorc*- shwld^e sufieredtoproceedin diisrc^si,-Mit wHd«-
^redbythee(HdlordBoyd,byreaIoawBCQ^b] not understand wbai
was the ^neen's «M}esty's pleasnre, and aUewanro in tlint befanU
' — And wbaMU ye mean, that her highness was not mndefHivy
of ai^ such intonition, the fb*dt was not in me. The fint motioD
being declared, u I hare written, to my Lord of Leicester, and by
faim impwted to tier majesty, so far as I coald perctsTe by some
speech of ber higbneaa's to me, before my defarting. Thus I hara
^nly declaittd.bow I hare been dedt withal for this marriage, and
bow just necessity DtaF«d me not to require dlraotly, that lAiofa the
* dukp appaaped so unto. AndformyArealKiingii,tO aiaent
to the same, I have expressed the manner ; the pcnona that laid the
Wfttter before me, were of my own company. But the duke ainM
hatb sp^KU, that it was bis writing which aased my life at that timc>
Ijn iCQMitiaioa .1 pray you penuade her majesty, that she let na
^Mcbee B« any other thing paased and objected to my prqudiee,
move Iht m^eaty fo .idtv her favour — towuds me, or m^ w^ t»
2c2
Co Ogle
Sm SCOTLAND.
doubt of my atsured constancy towtu^i ber ^itghneii; for in any
thing which may tend to her honour and surety, I will, while 1 hre,
bestow myself, sod all that nill do for me, notwithstanding my
hazard or danger, as proof shall declare, when her majesty finds
time to employ me.
No. XXXIV. (Vol. n. p. 2.)
WUHam Mattlmd ^ Ledington, tomy Lordo/Leketter, March ZOli,
1570, from Lethtigton.
Anorigi- Thb great desolation threatened to this whole realm, be
■'■'- the divisions thereof in dangerous factions, doth press me
to frame my letters to your lordship, in other sort, than were be-
horefull for me, if I had no other respect, but only to maintain my
private credit; therefore I am driven to furnish them with matter,
which I know not to be plausible, whereupon by misconstruing mj
meaning, some there may take occasion of o^nce, thinking that I
rather utter my own passions, than go about to inform your lord-
ship truly of the state ; but I trust my plain dealing shall bear re-
cord to ihe sincerity of my meaning : to make the same sensible, I
will If^ before your lordship's eyes the plat of this country; which
first is divided into two factions, the one pretending the mainte-
nance of the king's reign, the other alledging the queen to have
been cruelly dealt wltball, and unjustly deprived of her state; the
former is composed of a good number of nobility, gentlemen, and
principal burroughs of the realme, who shall hav^e, as Mr. Randolph
bearedi us in hand, the queen's majesty your sovereign's allowance
and protection ; the other hath in it some most principall of the
nobility, and therewithal!, good numbers of ibe inferior sort,
throughout the whole realm, which also took assuredly that all
kings do allow their qnarrel and will aid them accordingly. What
consequence this division will draw after it, I leave it to your lord- '
ship's consideration; there is fallen out another division, acciden-
tally, by my lord regent's death, which is liketo change the state of
the other two factions, to increase the one, and dtniini^ the other,
which is grounded upon the regiment of the realm. Some number
of noblemen aspire to the government, pretending right thereto by
reason of the queen's demission of the croun, and her commission
granted at that time for the regiment during the king's minority ;
another faction doth altogether Tepine against that division, think*
ii^ it neither fit nor tolerable, that three or four of the meanest sort
unoogst the earls, shall presume to challenge to themselves a nilc
over the whole realme, the next of the blood, the first in rank, the
greatest alway both for the antientry of their houses, degree, and
forcesj b^ng negleckted; this order they think preposterous, that
APPENDIX. 389
dtie meuMr lort shall be placed in public function to cOmmuid, and
the greater eball continue as private men to obey ; besides that,
' they think if the commisaion had in the beginning been relewable
(which the most part will not grant), yet can it not be extended to
the present, for that the conditions thereunto tinnexed are ceased,
and so the effect of the whole void ; the latter part of this division
hath many pretences, for besides the queen's faction, wliicfa is
wholly on thikt side, a great number of these that have heretofore
professed the king's obedience, do faroar the same, and will pot
yield to the government of the other, whose preferment for respects
they mislike, when the queen's faction shall be increased, with a
part of the king's, and these not of least substance, and yow may
judge what is like to ensue ; another incident is like to move men
to enter in further discourses, it is given out here in Scotland that
the queen's majesty is setting forth some forces towaids the border,
which shall enter this realm, to countenance these that aspire to the
regiment, and suppress the contrary faction, and bruits are spread,
that the same shall be here out of hand; these that think themselves
of equal force with their contrary faction at home, or rather an over-
match to them, yet not able to encounter with th& forces o^ another
prince, rather than yield to their inferiors, vrill I fear, take advice of
necessity, and evill councillors, and seek also the maintenance of
some foreign prince, whereby her majesty (altho' no further incon*
venient were to be feared) must be driven to excessive charges,
and it would appear there were a conspiracy of all the elements at
one time to set ua together by the ears, for now, when the rumour of
yoar forces coming towards the border is spread abroad, even at the
same time is arrived at Dumbarton, a galzeon with a messenger sent
expressly from the king of France, to that part of the nobility that
favours the queen, to learn the state of the Country, and what sujfi-
port they lack or desire, either for furtherance of her aifairs, or for
their own safety ; assuredly this message will be well received, and
suffered accordingly, this is the present state of Scotiand. Now, if
your lordship would also know my opinion, how to choice the best,
aa the case standeth ; I will in that also satisfie your lordship I am
required from them to deal plainly, and your lordship sluitl judge
wither 1 do so ornot; fori think it plain dealing, when I simply ut-
ter my judgment, and go not about to disguise my intents. I trust
the queen's majesty hath a desire to retain at her devotion the realme
of Scotland, which shehathgoneabout to purchase, with bestowing
great charges, and the loss of some of her people ; this desire is
honourable for her highness, profitable for both the countreys, and
of none to be disallowed ; specially if it be (as I take it) to have the
amity of the whole realm, for it is not a portion of Scotland can
serve her turn, nor will it prove commodious ftir her to suit the
r,on7<-i.iGoOglc ,
9M> SCOTLAND.
friandAifiof a&ctioD of Sootisod, far io Mtfoiig, in gmiag lbi>
1M>I, dK HBy loM the nora, and the nine wndd bring all bar ae-
Hou iHlfa «B i* BUB|»cian, if abe aboald go about to noiiriili GudOB*
muagH Mt, which meBnii^ I an tare never entered into bcr maje*'
tft btut ; then if it bt tbe fiieadahip of the vbole 4)c doth deimnd,
iHhltr nWifor plaaaart of o*e part, go ^Kt to overtbiow Iba reM~
Vast, trttaoh will Dot bfl ao faiiable, ■• aoaa aaj give her to aadar"
MHtd I bat ntfaer by way of trtatf , let her go abont to pacify tba
«bola Mats, bring tbe panisB ta an aocwd, icduoc as all by good
WMM to Ui wnilbn&ity, eo ^all ihe give ua all ooaasion to think
«rab of her doings, that she tcadeth oar wealth, and pravokc a»
tiaiverully to wiah unto bRmt^tyn moat pnupcnniiooi)tiniukiu»{
by the utratnuy, if, for the pleaeura of a few, ehe will acnd foicea to
MppniM ttaae whom their Miiriitts, aad a« oonaeqnantlj offend maay ;
men be not ao fliint hearted, bat tbey have courage to provide (at
Oeir t)WB tafly, and net only will Mnbrace the meaBs part^ oifeied,
bat Will aba prMi»« fuNher> at the haid erf other piincei. lUa
tbr tnitte t>«K part, I do abhorr, and prateat I desire never to
B«e fbvees of strangers t» set fbot within tfaia land, yet I know not
irtiat point necessity tney drive men into, as if men in tbe nnddleaf
Ihe B«fi were in a ship, which suddenly should be set on fire, the fenr
(^ burning wonld make them leap into the sea, and etioa after th*
feu Of tbe waiter would drive then to eliere again to tbe fired skip,
ao $ot arnding present evil, men will many times be inforoed to havie
tfeoDarse to another, no leaa dangerous. Trast nw foicas will not
bring forth tstj gotKi ftmit to ber mi^eaty'a behove, it must be soom
Way of ttcaty riiaJl serve the turn, whereiD by my former letteia yoar
lotdsti^ doA know already what is my judgement ; you ase how
t^Hinly I do write, without constdMation in what part my letters may
bfe taken, yeA my hope is tbat attCh ei win fcTonraUy interpret them*
lAfall think Aftt I mew as well to her majesty and that rerime, aa
these tlAt will Mter other losgiutge. I wish the continuance of the
Hntfty betwixt tbe two ooatrys, without other respect, and will not
«o»cea! ftom ber tnajesty any thing, to my knowledge, tending t»
tbe t»4judiee Aienod if I shall perceave her jn^esty taking frask
dtatibgBtn evilpatt, I shall from thenceforth Ibihear; io tbe meaa
senson, t wHl not cease to trowble your lordship, u I Aall have
occasion to wtibe, and so I take my leav« of jour hwdskip.
No. XXXV. (Vol. II. p. 7.)
I^ter of Qiixe* MtabtA to iht Eark i^Suaeks, Jufy 2il, 1570.
„ . . RibHT tnuty and well beloved conain we greet ydb
US-Hhl 'w^l; this day wehavereceivedyoarlettBtaof 28thela^
*<*i7^*°l>l- Bionth, with all other letters, Hnt from Scotland, and
mentioned in your letters, whereunto answer is detiicdtB
p. 189.
Google
ApFENDIXi 301
b«{iven b^>r«tlte 10th of this manUi; which U ft vary i^ort tim«i
the TeightiiKfls of the matten, and the distvice «f the places ooor
sideied t nevertheless we have, as the ahortoess opuld suffer it, rep
scdved to give this answei fbllowiog, which we will that yow, t^
wanand hereof, shall cause to be given id our name to. the earl of
i<enDOx and the rest of the noblemen conveeudmthhim, ^here^
is by than, in their letters, and wiitioga alledg'd, that for laokof our
resolute answer, concerning the establisbiug of the re^meqt of the
realm, under their yonog king, great inconveniences have happned,
and therefore they have deferred nvw at Ihur last convention to dor
termine of the samine, who shall have the place of govemour, until
the 2lBt this month, before which time they require to have our ad;-
vise, in what persra or persons the govemmeut of that realm shall be
est^lisbed, we accept very thankfuU the good will and reputa&i»
they have of us, in yielding so frankly to require and follow our ad*
vise in a matter, that toucheth the state of their king, tbeirselves, and
realm so near, wherein as we perceive that by our former forheariig
to intermeddle therein, they have taken some discomfort, as tiiough
that we would not have regard to th«r state and suerty, so on the
other part, they of their wisdoms oaght to thii^E that it might he by
the whole world evil interpreted in us to appoint them a form of go-
Temtneat, or a govemour by name, for that howsoever we shonM
mean well if we should do bo, yet it could not be without tome jear
lousy in the heads of the estate, nobility, and community of that
realm, that the government thereof should be by me specially
named, and ordain'd ; so ^ finding difficulty on both parts, and yet
misliking most that they should take any discomihrt by our for-
bearing to show our mind therein, we have thought in this sort for to
proceed, considering with ourselves bow now ^at realm had bee*
a good space of time ruled b the name of their king, and by reasoH
of his base age, governed heretofore by a very carefull andhanouri-
able person, the earle of Murray, nntill that by a mischievous per-
son (an evil example), he was murdered, whereby great disorder ,
and confuuon of necessity had, and will more follow, if determina-
tion be not made of some other speciall person, or persons, to take
the charge of govemour, or superior ruler speciall, for administra-
tion of law and justice, we cannot but very well allow the desire <^
these lords to have some speciall govemour to be chosen ; -and
therefore being well assured, that their own understnding of all
others is best to consider the state of that realm, and to discern the
abilities and qualities of every person meet and capable for Hueh a
charge, we ahall better satisfie ourselves, whom they by their com-
mon consent shall first choose, and appoint to that purpose, then of
any to be by us aforehaud uncertainly named, and that because they
riiall perceavB that we have care of tha person of their king,
Google
392 SCOTLAND.
■who by oewneM of blood, and in respect to his «o young y^rg,
ought to be very tender and dear to us, we shall not hide our ophiion
from them, butifthey shall all accord to name bis grandfather, our
cousin, the earl of Lennox, to be governor nlone, or jointly with
others (whom we hear to be in tiie mean time by their common con-
sent appointed lieutenant-general), reason moyetfa us to think that
none can be chosen in that whole realm , that shall more desire the
preserration of the king, and be more meet to hare the govemmeot
for his safety, being nest to him in blood of any nobleman of that
reahu, <» elsewhere; and yet, hereby, we do not mean to prescribe
to them this choice, except they shall of theroseives fully and freely
allow thereof; furdiermore we would have them well aasuied, that
whatsoever reports of devises are, or ahidl be spread or invented,
that we. have already yielded our mind to alter the stale of the king
or government of tlut realm, the same are without just cause or
ground by us given, for as we have already advertized them, that
although we have yielded to hear, which in honour we could not re-
fuse, what the queen of Scots on her part shall say and offer, not
only for her own assurance, but for the wealth of that realm, yet not
knowing what the same will be that shall be offered, we mean not to
break the order of taw and justice, by adraucing her cause, or pre-
judging her contrary, before we shall deliberately and assuredly see,
upon the hearing of the whole, some place necessary, and just cause
todo ; and therefore finding that realm ruledbyakiug, and the same
affirmed by laws of that realm, and thereof invested by coronation
and other solemnities used and requisite, and generally so received
by the whole estates, we mean not by yielding to hear the complaints
or informations of the queen against her son, to do any act whereby
to make conclusion of governments, but as we have found it, so to
suffer the same to continue, yea, not to suffer it to be altered by any
means that we may impeshe, as to our honour it doth belong, as by
yout late actions hath manifestly appeared, untill by some justice
and clear cause, we shall be directly induced otherwise to declare
our opinion ; and this we would have them to know to be our de-
termination and course that we mean to hold, whereon we trust they
for their king may see how plainly and honourably we mean to pro-
ceed, and how little cause they have to doubt of ui, whatsoever to
the contrary they have or shall hear ; and on the other part, we pray
them of tbdtr wisdoms to thinkhow unhonourable, and contrary to
all human order it were for us, when the queen of Scotland doth so
many ways require to hear her cause, and doth ofier to be ordered
be us in the same, as well for matters betwixt ourselves and her, as
betwixt herself and her son and his party of that realm, against
which offers no reason could move us to refuse to give ear, that we
should aforehand openly and directly, before the causes be heaT4
APPENDIX. 393
ftod contidered, &■ it woe, give a judgment or sentence either for
oiinel*eB or for tbem whom she maketh to be her contnrieB.
Einally ye thall admoBilb them, that they ,do not, by miacoii-
ceiviDg oai good meaning toward them, or by indirect usertiona of
their adversary, grounded on untruths, hinder or weaken their own
caute, in such sort, that our good meaning towards them ishid) not
uOte such effect towards them, as they shall desire, or tbemselrea
have need of. All this our answer ye shall cause be given them,
and let them know, that for the shortness of lime, this being die
end of the second of this month, we neither could make any longer
declaration of our mind, nor yet write any several letters, as if time
might have served we would have done. 2d July, 1670.
No. XXXVI. (Vol. II. p. 7.)
Th Bis&t^ ofRosi to Secretary Lidingtonfrom Chattimoorth.
I HAVE received your letters dated the 26th of Hay,
^*i5To"'' hereat Chattisworth, the 10th of January, but on the re-
ceipt thereof I had written to you at length, hke as the
queen did with my lord Levingston, by which yon will be resolved
of many points contained in your said letter. I writ to you that I
received your letter and credit from Tho*. Gowy at London, and
sent to Leicester to know the queen of England's mind, whether if
you should come here or not. He sent me word that she will no
ways have you come as one of the commissioners, because she is
yet offended with you : and therefore it appears good that ye come
not hither, but remain where you are, to use your wisdom and dili-
gence, as may best advance the queen's affairs, for I perceive your
well and safety depends thereon, in respect to the great feid and
enmity bom against you by your Scots people, and the great heir-
ship taken of your father's landis; both were sure demonstrations
of their malice. Yet I am encouraged by your stout and deliberate
mind. Assure yourself no deligence shall be nroitted to procure-
supports forth off all parts where it may be had. We will not re-
fuse the aid neither of Papist, Jew, nor Geatil, after my advice : and
to this end, during this treaty, let alt things bewell prepared. And
seeing my lord Seaton is desirous to go into Flanders, the queen
thinks it very necessary thai he so do, for the duke D'Alva has got-
ten express command of the kingof Spain to give support, and lam
sure that there he shall have aid both of Flanders and the pope, for
it abides only on the coming of some men of countenance, to pro-
cure and receive the same. He must needs tarry there, on the pre-
parations thereof, during this treaty, which will be a great further-
ance to the same here. The queen has already written to the duke
D'Alva for this effect, advertizing of his coming; there is certwn
Google.
304 SCOTLAND.
sama of money coming for support of the EngltshnteD, u I wrot*
to you before, from the pope. Whereupon I would he had a gene>
rfd commission to deal for them, and receive sach sumB u shall be
given. The means shall be found to cause jou be ansnerit of the
sums you writ for, to be dispoisit upon the funushiog of the castle of
Edinburgh, so being some honest and Uue man were sent to Flan*
den to receive it, as said is, which I would yoti prepared and sent.
Orders shall be taken for the metals m you writ ofi We have pro-
ponityour avyce in eutrmg to treat wjtb the queen of England, for
retiring of her farces puntyoally for lack of aid. Your answers to tfae
Englishmen are tho't very good, but above all keep you welll out of
their hands, in that case, estote prudentes sicut serpMites. Yon
may take experience with the hard dealing with me, how ye would
be used if ye were here, and yet I am not forth of danger, being in
medio nationis pravte ; alway do fear, with God's grace, shall make
me shrink from her majesty's service. Since the queen of England
has refused that you come here, it appears to me quod nondum est
sedata malitia amorreornm, &c.; and therefore if Athol or Cathenea
might by any means be procured to come, tbey were the most fit
for the purpwe, Rothes were also meet, if he and I were not both of
one simame; so the treaty would get the less credit eiAer in Scot-
land or here. Therefore avys, and send thebest may serve the turn,
and fail not Robert Melvil come with them, whoever comes, for so
is die queen's pleasure : in my last packet, with Jantea Fogo, to
you, in the beginning of May, I aent a letter of the queen's own
handwriting to him, which I trust ye received. I am sorry ye come
not for the greatrelief Ihoped to have had by your presence, fi)r yon
could well have handled the queen of England, after her bumonr,
as yon were wont to do. The rest I refer to your good wisdom,
praying God to send you health. From ChattiBworth the Idth of
January.
No. XXXVII. (Vol. 11. p. 25.)
The declaration of Join Cais to the Lonis of Grange and LelMtiglon
xoungare vpon the 8M day of Oct. 1571.
WiiBREAS you desire to know the queen's majesty's pleasure,
what she will do forappeasing ofthese controversies, and tiierewith
has offered yourselves to be at her commandment, touching the
common tranquility of the whole isle, and the amity of both realms ;
her pleasure is in this behalf, that ye should leave off the mainte-
nance of this dvil discord, and give your obedience to the king,
whom sbe will maintain to the utmost of her power.
And in this doing, she will deal with the regent and the king's
..Google
APPENDIX. 395
fmxtj td raceir* jbm into fevour, iipon reatonabU coaditlons for se-
cnritjr of Ufa tkMl liviDge.
AUo >he says tkat the queen of Scotts, for that ahe hasproctlHed
with the pope snd other princea; and abo with her ovn lubjecta in
Englaadf great and dangerous treasons against the state of her own
country, and also to die destruction of her own person, that she
aball perer bear anthority, nor have liberty while she Utos.
If ye refuse these gentle offers, now ofiered unto yon, she will
prcaendy aid the king's party, with men, ammunition, and all ae-
cesaary things, to be had against you.
Wbereup<Hi her majesty requires your answer with speed, without
any delay.
No. XXXVIII. (Vol. II. p. 34.)
Articlei tent by Knox to Ike Gaurat Auemhis, Aitgast Bit, 1573.
_ . , FiKsT, desiring a new act to be made tatifiring all things
HS. BJt- concerning the king and his obedience that were enacted
twj.Tol.s. of before without any change, and that the miiuslers who
have contraveend the former acts be corrected as ac-
cordeth.
Hiat sute be made to the regent's grace and nobiUty muntaining
the king's cause, that whatsoever proceedeth in this treaty of peace
^y be mindful the kirk be not prejudg'd thereby, in any sort, and
they especially of the minietras that have been robbed of their pos-
sessions within the kirk during the time of the troubles, or otherwise
dung and injured, may be restored.
To sute at the regent, that no gift of anybishoprickor other be-
nefice be given to any person, contrary to the tenor of tbejicta made
in the time of the first regent of good memory, and they that are
given contrar the said acts, or to any unqualified person, may be
revoked and made null be an act of secret council, and that all bt.
shopricks so vacand may be presented, and qualified persons nomi-
nal thereunto, within a year after the Taking thereof, according to
the order taken in Leith be the commissioners of the nobility and of
the kirk in the month of January last, and In special to complain
upon the giving of bishoprick of Ross to the lord Methven.
Thai no pentions of benefices, great or small, be given be simple
donation of any lord r^^nt, without consent of the possessor of the
«aids benefices having tittle thereto, and the admission of the super-
iatendentor commissioners of^e province where this benefice lyeth,
or of the binhops lawfully elected according to the said order taken
at Leith ; and desire an act of council to be made thereupon, until
the next Parliament, whereia the samine may be specially inacted.
Google
396 SCOTLAND.
with inhilHtUMi to the lords of seisioo to gire any letters or drtcreeU,
upon >uch Hdiple gifts of benefices or penBions not being given in
maDoer above rehearsed, and that the kirk presently assembled
declare aU such gifts null so far as lyeth in their power.
That the firat form of presentation to benefices, which were-in the
first and second regent's time, be not chang'd as now it- is com-
monly ; but that this clause be cont^ed in the preaentatitHi, that
if the persons presented make not residence, or be alandrotu, or
found unworthy either in life or doctrine be the judgment of the
kirk (to which alvise he shall be subject) or meet to be transported
to another room at the aigbt of the kirk, die said presentation and
all that shall fall thereupon shall be null and of no force nor effect ;
and this to have place also in the nomination of the bishops.
That an act be made in this assembly that all things done in pre-
judice of the kirk's assumption of the thirds, either by Papists or
others, by giving of fews, liferents, or taks, or any otherwise dispon-
ing the said assumed thirds, be declared null with a solemn pro-
testation the whole kirk disasenteth thereto.
That an act be made decerning and ordaining alt bishops, admitted
to the order of the kirk now received, to give account of their whole
rents, aod intromissions therewith once in the year, as the kirk
shall appoint, for such causes as the kirk may easily consider the
same to be most expedieot and necessar.
Anent the jurisdiction of the kirk, that the same be determined
in this assembly, because this article hath long been postpond to
make lute to the regent and council for remedy agamst messengers
and excommunicate persoas.
Last, lliat orders be takes anent the procurers of the kirk, who
procure against ministers and ministry, and for sutting of justice
of the kirk's actions in the session.
No. XXXIX. (Vol. II. p. 39.) .
Dtckralum of Henrg KtUigrewe, £*g. tqwn tie Ptace amchitkd tht
2Zd Feb': 1672.
Be it known to all men, by these presents, Oiat I, Henry Killi-
grewe, esq. ambassador for the queen's majesty of England, Foras-
much as; at the earnest motion and solicitation being made to me,
on her highaess's behalf, there is accord and pacification of the
public troubles and civil war within this realm of Scotland agreed
and concluded, and the same favourably extended towards the right
honourable Oeorge earl of Huntly, lord Gordon and Baidzenocb,
and the lord John Hamilton, son to the duke's grace of Chastel-
Urault, and commendatour of the abby of Abirbrothock, for the
surety of the lives, Uvinga, honours, and goods of them, tbdr kin-
Google
APPENDIX. 397
folks, ftiendo, Berrants, and partakers, now properly depending on
them ; in treating of the which said pacification) the murderera of - ,
the late earl of Murray iinc)e, and the earl of Levenax grandfather,
late regent to the king's majesty of Scotidnd bis realm and li^es, .
as also an article touching the discharge for the fructis or move-
able goods, which the said persons have taken fra personis profess-
ing the king's obedience, before the damB|;es done or committed by
tliem, since the 1 5th day of Junij, 1567, and before the penult day
of July, last by passed, by reason of the common cause or any
thing depending thereupon, being thought by the king's commisa-
ries nutteris of such wecht aod impgrtance, as the king's present
regent could not conveniently, of himself, remit or discharge the
same. Yet in respect of the necessity of the present paciAcation,
and for die weil of the king, and common quietness of this realm
and lieges, it is accorded, that the matters of remission of the said
murderers, and of the discharge of the said fructis, moveable goods,
and other damages, be moved by the persons desijing the said re-
missions and discharge to the queen's majesty my sovereign, as to
the princes nearest both in Uood and habitation to the king of Scots.
And wbfttsoever her m^esty shall advise and councel touching the
said remission and discharge, the said lord regent, for the weil of
die king and universal quietness of the realm of Scotland, shall
perform, observe, and fulfill the same. And in likewise, the said
earl Hnnlly, and commendatour of Abirbrothock, being urged to
have delivered pledges and hostages for observation of the con-
ditions of the said accord and pacification, hath required me in place
thereof, in her majesty's name, by virtue of my commission, to pro-
mise for them, that they shall truly and faithfully observe and keep
the stud pacification, and all articles and conditions thereof, fw tiieir
parti, and that it would please her majesty to interpose herself, as
surety and cautioner for them to that effect, to the idng's majesty of
Scotland their sovereign and his said regent, which I have done,
and promise to do, by virtue of her majesty's commission, as by the
honourable and plain dealing of the said earl and lord, their inten-
tion to peace well appears, the same being most agreeable to the
mind of the queen's majesty my sovereign, which so long by her '
ministers hath travelled for the said pacification, and in the end, at
her motion and solicitaljon, the same is accorded, knowing her ma-
jeat/a godly desire, that the same may continue unviotate, and
that the noblemen and others now returning to the king's obedience
shall have sufficient surety for their lives, livings, honours,' and
goods. Therefore in her majesty's name, and by virtue of my com-
mission, I promise to the aforesaid eail Huntly and commendatour
of Abirbrodiock, that by her majesty's good means, the said remis-
sion and discharge shall be purchased and obtained to them, their
Google
308 SCOTLAND.
Iciurolka, friends, lervsnts, and partaken, now property depeodiBg
upon them (the psrsonB ipecified in the tint abitinatice always ex-
cepted), as also that dia said pacification shall be trul;f obserred
to thraa, and that her majeatjr ehal) interpose herself m coDserrm.
trix thereof, and epdeavoor herself to cause the same to be truly
and sincerely kept in ail points and articles thereof accordingly.
In vitneis whereof I have to this present subscribed with iny faandf
and sealed the same widi nine own seal, the 1 3di day of F«b. anao
Domini 1572. And thii to be perfonned by me, betwixt the date
hereof, and the parliament which shall be appointed for th«T resti-
tution, or at the furthest, before the end of the said parlmniMt.
Sic subscribitur.
Tie BifAop o/Glasgoxo't note concerning the Queen ofScotlond^t dowry,
1576. ^^^ queen of Scotland, dowager of France, bad for bar
Cottnb. dowry, besides other poseesMOM, the dukedom of IWcne,
Ctlif.s.4. ^)jj^^ ffj^g solemaly coatracted and ghrea to her by tba
king a]»l estates of parliament; wliidi dukedom she posMsied
peacefully till 1576, and then, upon the pacification betwixt the
king and Mods, bis broths, to augment ^ose appenage this dntdby
was given, to whidi the queen of Scotland yielded upon aeGCont of
princeB, who were her near relations, piorided the equiraleitt wUch
' was promised her should be faithfully perfonned. Ss th^ jeax,
after a great many solti citations, in lieu of that dutcliy, sbe had
granted her the county of Vennaudaise, with the IukIs aad baili-
wicks of Seuley and Vetrey ; tbo' 'tk known that county and tb»
other lands were not of equal value with Tnreoe, but was promiaeil
to have an addition of lands in the neig^boitf bood lo aa equal raUie.
Upon this lette^ patent were granted, wUch were confirmed in tbe
courts of parliament, dtamber of acconpti, court of aida, chaubw
of the treasury, and others necesaary: upon which she entered int»
possession of diat oonnty, JScc. Afterwu^s, by a valuation of ths
commLssioBen of the chamber of accompts, it was found dtat tha
revenne of that county, &c. did not amount to those of Tuieae, bjr
3000 livres. But instead of making up this d^cieucy aceordini;
to justice, some of the privy counc^, viz. M. de Cfaevemy, the pre-
sidents of Bellievte, Nicocholay, and St. Bonet, is dke qmrk of tk*
king, notwithitandii^ of her aforesaid losses, did sell and aUennte
the lands of Senlis, and the dutdiy of Estainpes, to Madam d«
Hontpensier, from whom the king received money; ot which uJa
the counsrilon aforesaid obliged liheouelves to be guaranttes, which
hath hindered tiie aforesaid ^een to have justice dose her. 8»
^at Madam de Moatpeasiar bath been put in posseasion of tkeae
lands <tf Senlis, contrary to all the declaratioo, proteMatioii, and
APPENDIX. 999
amirances of the king of France to queen Hary'i ambassadors. So
that the qneen of Scotland is dispoBseased of her dowry, contrary
to alt equity, irithout any regard to her quality.
No. XL. (Vol. II. p. 43.)
A Letter from the Lord of Locklcfm to the Rtgent Mortoun.
M MiMh, It will please your grace, I receired your grace's letter,
J^^^,"^and has conmdered the same. The parson of Camsey was
Archives, here at me before the receit thereof, directed fra my lord
atnd. B. Qf Mar, and the master anent my last written, which was
the answer ofthe wiitingthatthemastersent to me, which
I send to your grace, desiring me to come to Sterling to confer with
Aem. I had giTen my answer before the receit of your grace's
letter, thU I behuiffit to be besyd Sanct Androis, at one friend's
Iryat, ^icfa I might not omit ; I understand by my said cousin, that
the king's majesty is to write to divers of the nobility to come there,
tnent your lordship's trial, and that he had written before his de-
parting to my lord Monthrois. I undentand likewise, he will write
to yoni grace to come there for the same effect, which I tho't good
to make your grace foreseen of the same, ploying your grace, for
tiie love of God Almighty, to look upon the best, and not to sleep
ia security, but to turn yon with unfeigned heart to Ood, and to
consider with yourself, that when the king's majesty was very young,
God made him the instrument to divest his mother from her autho-
rity, who was natural princessi for offending of his Divine Majesty,
and that there ran no vice in her, bnt that the same is as largely in
you, except tiiat your grace condescended not to the destruction of
yoor wife. For as to harlotry and ambition, I think your grace has
M far offended God, and far more in avaritiousness, which ryds
God never loft unplagued, except speedy repentance, which I pray
God grant to your grace, for odierwise your grace can never have
the love of Ood nor man. I pray your grace flatter not yourself;
fet if your grace believes that ye hare the good-will of them that
are the king's good-willers ye deceive yourself; for surely I see per-
fectly that your own particulars are not contented, lat be the rest
and thatmost principally for your hard dealing. 1 pray your grace,
beir with me that I am thus hamlie, for certainly it proceeds from
DO gmdge, bnt from the very affection of my heart towards your
grace, which has continued since we were acquainted. And now I
see, becaase the matter stands in yoiir grace's handling with the
lung's majesty, for certainly if your grace fall forth with him now,
I see not how ye shall meet hereafter ; pray I your grace to call to
Ood, and look on the best, and cast from your grace both your
vices, to wk, ambition and averitionsness. I am riding this de^ to
^~.ooj;lc
400 SCOTLAND.
Sanct AndroU. and tnirt to return on Wedneiday at the fartheiL
If your grace will commaDd me in any offices that are bonest, that
■I may do your grace pleasure in at Sterling, advertise of your grace's
mind, and shall do to my power and knowledge, and tiiis Vitb my
heartlie, &c. &c.
To oar trutty Coutin the Lord LochUven.
From ibe TausTY couBin, after our most hearty commendations,
E. ofMor-^c received yourletterof tbeSdof March, andas ve take
ton'i V your plaionese therein in good part, as proceeding from a
Band! B. ''^end and kinsman, id wbose good a&ection towards as
No. 31. we never doubted, so ye may not think it strange that we
purge ourselves so far of your accusation, as in conscience we find
not ourselves to have offended in. . As touching our offence to Ood,
we intend not to excuse it, but to submit us to his mercy ; for am-
bition surely we think none can justly accuse us; for in our private
estate we could, and can live as well contented, as any of oar de-
gree in Scotland, without further aspiring. The bearing too the
-charge of the government of the realm, indeed, mon lead us, or any
other that shall occupy that place, not simply to respect ourself, but
his majesty's rowme, which we supply, and therein not transcendinf^
the bounds of measure, as we trust, it shall not be found we have
done, it ought not to be attributed to any ambiUon in us. For ai
HOou as ever his majesty shall think himself ready and able for hia
own government, none shall more willingly agree and advance the
same nor I, since I think never to set my face against him, whose
honour, safety, and preservation has been so dear unto me, nor I
will never believe to lind otherwise at bis hand than favour, although
all the unfiiends 1 have in the earth were about him, to persuade
him to the contrary. As we write unto you, out friendly dealing
and confidence in the house of Mar is not thankfirily acquit; as we
trust yourself considers ; but because the ambassadors of En^and,
my lord of Angus, the chancellor, treasurer, and some noblemen
rides west this day to see the king, we pray you heartily address
yourself to be there as soon as ye can, and as ye shall find the like-
lihood of all things, let us be advertised thereof with your own ad-
vice, by Alex'. Hay, whom we have thought good to send west,
seeing my lord of Angus from Sterling rides to Douglas. And so
we commit you in the protetftion of Qod. AtHolyrood-house, the
4th of-March, 1577.
For the avaritiousness laid to our obai^e, indeed it lies not in us
so liberally to deal the king's geare, as to satisfy all cravers, nOr
never shall any sovereign and native-born prince, let be any officer;
eschew the disdains of such, as thinks them judges, to their own
reward; in many causes I doubt not to find the assistance of iny
/.oogle
APPENDIX. 401
friemija, bat vbore mj Kctioa* ahaU Apt^u UDfaouatt, I Will not crave
ifasir BMietance, but 1st me bear my own bartben.
No. XLI. (Vol. 11. p. 66.)
Letter of Walttngliam' I to Randolph, FebniaryS, I580-I.
CMt-lib. SiK| — I have recei*«d from my lord lieutenant the copy
Gdig. C 6. of your letter of the 25th of the last directed unto his
lordship, containing a r«port of your negotiation with the king and
his council, in your second audience, wherewith haying made her
majesty acquainted, she seemed somewhat to vustike that you should
»o\oa%dtJi^tocie<Afortheel^rgemeiaoflxa^iio<it%. But 1 made
Miswer in your behalf, A&t I thought yon were directed by tba ad-
Tice of the SEud Empedodes's frkwb, in die solicitiDg of that caute,
«fao knew what time Was fittHt foi you to take to deal therein, with
ItiMt efibct, and best success, with which answer, her ntajesty did in
the «Bd rest very well eatiified, tonehing- tliat pwit.
four putting of u» in hope that D'Aubigny might easily be won
at her majesty's derotion, was at fitvt interpreted to have been
hitat spoke by you. But woce it seemeOt ynu inaGst upon it, t
cottM wish yon wet« otttcrwiae persuaded of t!te man, or at least
k(^ that opinion to yoursdf, fbv ctinsfaferiBg the end and purpose
of his «0D!^g into Scotland, as may be many ways sufficiently
proved, was only to adv«nce the qiveet^a liberty, and reception into
di&t g<3«erAinent, to overthrow region, and to procure a foreign
match with Tillenariua, wherein the iudosed copy, wtiich you may
we to good purpoM there, riiall partly give you soaie light ; there
ifl no malt here c*n be persnaded tbat be will change his purpose
fi>T BO small advantage as he is Ukdy to find by it, and ther^re
you shall do well to forbear to harp any »ore upon ttrat string, as
I have already wrfttes to you. Tte piiace <f OrMge sending, I
fear will not be in time that it may do any good ; for beshles that
Aese people are in themeeltes slow in their resolutions, thair own
^birs ere, at present, ao great, their state so confbsed, and the
prince's andiorityso small, that be cannot so aoos take order in it;
and' jet for my own part, I have not been negligent or careless in
the matteTi having move dian three weeks past, sent one about it,
from whom nevertheless 1 do yet bear nothing. The letters you
desire should be written thither by tite French ministers, I have
given order to Mr. Sillingrew to [procure, who, I doUbt not,
will carefully perform it, so Aat, 1 hope, I shall have tiiem to send
yen by the next. And so I commit yeu to Ood. At Whitehdl,
^ 3d of F^bniary 1560.
Youc very loving Cousiti and servant,
Fuji. WALsiveaAM.
VOL. ii; 2 D
vie
402 SCOTLAND.
The praKding letter is an orig^inal, and in some parts of it wrote
in cyphers, and explained by another hand. By Empedocles
19 understood Morton. By Villenarius, the Idng of Scots.
D'Aubigney is marked thus ,-, ' q .
3 Feb. 1S80.
Sundry notes gathered upon good diligence given, and in time to be
better manifested, being now thought meet to be in c<mvement tort
vied and laid against lyAvbigny, to prove Aim abuting Ike king, tie
mAilitg, and that state.
Cott.Lib. First, it hath been informed by credible means, that
An'iriiti- D'Aubig^ey was privy and acquainted with la Nari the
iial. king's mother's secretary, coming into Scotland, and of
his errand tiiere, tending chiefly to persuade the king, to think and
ettteem it an evil president for princes that subjects might hare
power to deprive their lawful soveieigns, as ihey did his mother,
who was not minded, by any mean, to defeat him, either ,of , the
present government of that realm, or yet of the possession of the
crown and inheritance thereof, but rather to assute the same to
him : and that for the accomplishment of that assurance, the kin^
should have been advised and drawn to have governed, for some
short time, as prince, calling D'Aubigny to rule as governor of
the prince, by commission from the queen his mother, until the
king's enemies were suppressed ; after which time D'Aubigny
should have power given to establish and resign that kingdom to
the king, by his mother's rolaotary consent, whereby all such, as
had betbre been in action against the queen jor her authority,
might be brought to stand in the king's mercy. And for that.lhe
king might live in more surety, D'Aubigny should be declared both
second person in succession of that crown, and also lieutenant ge-
neral of Scotland,. and that D'Aubigny before his departure out of
Fiance, received commission from the king's mother to the effects
remembered, or near the same. That in this behalf he had con-
ference with the bishops of Gla^ow, and Ross, and with Sir James
Baford, with which persons, and with the duke of Ouise, he had
and hath frequent intelligence, and by Sir James fiaford he was
advised to confer vrith the lord John Hamilton before his r^air into
Scotland, wheieunlo he agreed, and yet afterwards he sent one
John Hamiltop to the said lord John to excuse him in this part,
alledging,thathedid forbear to come tobim, lest thereby he should
marr or hiuder greater effects to be executed by him in Scotland. ■
That before his coming into that realm, the nobiUty and country
were well qdieted and united in good concord, with great love
betwixt the king and nobility, and amongst the noblesse, bnt he
Google
APPENDIX. 403
bath both drawn the king agdDSt Nundry of the chiefest of his
nobility, that have been most ready, and have expended their
blood and possessions to preserve religion, and defend the king's
person, his government and estate, and also hath given occasions
of great sUBpicions and offence to be engendered betwixt the
king and hii nobility, and especially with such as have been in
action againat the king's molJier, and her authority, who by force
and means of the said commission and practice, should have
been brought into most dangerous condition ; and who also may
find themselves in no small perill while he posBesses the king's
ear, abuseth his presence, and holdeth such of the principal keys
and ports of his realm, as he presently enjoyeth.
That he hath drawn the king not only to forget the great bene-
fits done to him and his realme, by the queen's majesty of Eng-
land, but also to requite the same with sundry sighs orgreat un-
thankfulness, and bounding therewith the honour of her majesty,
and thereby hath adventured to shake the happy amity long time
contmued betwixt those princes. >
And whereas these griefs were to be repaired by gentle letters
and good offers, to have passed and been doi>e betwixt them ': in
which respect the king and council having resolved to write to
her majesty, for her highness better satisfaction in the late negotia-
tion of Mr. Alexander Hume of Nwthberwick, had given order to
the king's secretary to frame that letter : He minding to break the
bond of amity in sunder, willed the secretary to be sure that no-
thing should be inserted in that letter whereby the king should
crave any thing at her bands, seeking thereby to cut off all loving
courtesies betwixt them, as by the declafatioii of the said secre-
tary may be better learned, and thereupon further approved.
*. That under the hope and encouragement of D'Aubigny's pro-
tection, Alexander King presumed with that boldness to make his
lewd harangue, and by his means bath hitherto escaped chastise-
ment and correction, due for his offence.
That Sir James Bafbrd, condemned of the slaughter of the king's
father, liath been called into the realm by Lennox, without the pri-
vity of the king. And whereas the said Sir James found in a green
velvet desk, late the earl of Bothwell's, and saw and had in his
hands the principal band of the conspirators in that murder, and
can best declare and witness who were authors and executors of
the same ; he is drawn by Lennox to supjn^s the troth, and to
accuse such as he himself knoweth to be innocent ; and as by order
of law, will be so fotmd, if they may have due trial, which, con-
trary to all justice, is by Lennox means denisd.
TUtii the charge agmntt D'Aubigny, mrntionti in the foregoing
Utter by Waltingham ; but by Baford Ihey meattSir Jamei Balfour.
No. XLII; (Vol. II. p. 80.)
The copg of the Kiw of France Au directiotu lent to Scotland mth
StvKvr de la Motte Fenelon. Translattd out of the FreacA.
Calderw. FiRBT, on thetr majeatys moat Ghrutiaii put, lie shall
toiy.Tol.S. oiA^c the most hooourable salatalion and nsidi^ to die
p. 308. most sereoe king of Scotland, tbar good brother and lit-
tle son, that in him is possable.
To give him their letters that are closed, such and soch like as -
they hare writtou to him with their hands, and to show expressly
the perfect friendship and singular affection, that their majesty
bear to him, and to bring back the answer.
To take heed to the things which touch near the most serene
king, to the effect that his person may he in no danger, bnt that it
may be most surely preserved.
And that he be not hindred in the honest Uherty that he ought
to have, and that no greater or stnuter guards be about him than
lie had before.
And such like, that he be not impeached in the authority, tiut
God bath given to him of Icing and prince sovereign above hia
subjects, to the effect he may as freely ordain and command in his
affairSf and in the affiurs of hia country, with his ordinary council,
as he was tised to do of before.
That his nobility, barons, and commonality of his country may
have theit free hberty to resort to his serene majesty without sus-
picion of greater guards or more armed men about his penon than
the use waa, that they be not afiraid and hindered to resort; and
further that the segnieur de la Motte Fenelon sail Uberally and
freely speak to the said serene king and council, requiring the re-
i^tabli^ing of that that may or hath been changed oi altered.
And that he may know if the principalis of the nobility and other
men of good behaviour of the towns and commonality of the con-
try conveeuB, and are coatentwith the form of government pre-
sently with the said serene king, to the end that if their he any
miscontent he may travaite to agree them together, and that he re-
turn not without the certainty of the sfunine.
And if he may understand that there be any who have not used
them so reverently towards the said serene king their sovereiga
lord, as the duty of their obedience required, that he may pr^ on
thisbehalf of his majesty most Christian the said serene tung bis
good brother, giving him conncill whrily to forget the same, and
eidiorting them to do their duty towards his majesty, in time, com-
ing, in all respects with the obedience atid true subjection they
ought him.
Do,:,7.dDyGoOglc
APPENDIX. 40$
And if the raid Begnieur de la Motte pwcevea the laid serene
king to be in any manner constraifLed of bis person, autiiority, U-
bert^, and disposition of fais affairs, than he used to be> and not
coBvenient for bis royal dignity, or as the soverdgnty of a princ*
doth require, that he use alt moyen lawful and honest to place him
in the samine, and that he employ as much as the credit of hiB
most Christian majesty may do toward the nobility and subjects of
that contry, and as much as may bis name, with the name of hit
crown towards the ScotUsh nation, the which he loves and con-
fides in as much as they were proper Frenchmen.
And that he wittness to the said serene king, and his estates, of
bis consent, and to all the nobility and principall personages of
the contry, that his moat Christian majestic will continue on his
part in the most ancient alliance and confedracy, which he hath
bad with the said serene king his good brother, praying his nobi-
lity and contry, with his principall subjects, to persevere in the sa-
mine, in all good understanding and friendship with him ; the
which, on his part, be shall do, observing the samine most utvio-
lahle.
Further bis most Christian majes^ understanding that the se-
rene king his good biother was contented with the duke of Lenox,
and his serviee, the said signieur de la Motte had charge to pray
his serene majesty that he might remaine beside bim to his con-
tentment, believing that be should more willing intertain the points
of lore and confedcrace, betwixt tiieir majestys and their contrys,
because he was a good subject to them both i and if be might not
remain, without some alteration of the tranquility of his estate,
that he might retire him to bis own house in the said contry, in
surenes, or if be pleased to return to France that he might surely
Hind if it pleases bis serene mcyesty, to cause cease and stay
the impeachments, tbat are made of new upon the frontiers, to ths
eSect that the natural Frenchmen may. enter as freely into the
contry, as tbey were wont to do of before.-:
And that there may he no purpose of diffamalion, nor no speech
but honourable of the most Christian king, in that contry, but
such like as is spoken most honourably of the serene king of Scot-
I^d in France.
He had another bead to propone, which he concealed till a little
before his depajrture, to wit, that the queen, the king's mother, was
cont^t to receive her son in association of the kingdom.
,y Google
406 SCOTLAND.
No. XLIII. (Vol. 11. p. 94.)
LardHtnudme to SirFrmicu WaUingham, Ike Utk o/Avgvtt, 1584,
Jrom Berwick.
Sir,
^dcrw. AccoRDiRO to my former letters, tonchiag my meet-
t«y,.oL 3. '"E ^i'h t^e earl of Arran upon Wednesday last, there
p. 37*. came hither to me from the earle, the justice clerk, and
Sir William Stuart, captain of Dumharton, both of the king's privie
council, to treat with me about the order of our meeting, referring
wholly to me to appoint the hour, and the number we should meet
withal ; so as we concluded the place to be Foulden, the hour to
be ten o'clock, and the number with ourselves to be 13 of a side ;
and the rest of our troops to stand each of them a mile from the
town ; the one on the one side, the other on the other side, so am
OUT troops were two miles asunder ; I waa not many horsemen,
but I supplied it with footmen, where I had lOO shot on horse, but
they were very near AOO horse well appointed : According to which
appointment, we met yesterday, and after some congratulations,
the earle fell in the like proteBtatione of his good will and readiness
to serve the queen's majesty, before any prince in the world, next
his Bovereign, as he had done heretofore by his letters, and rather
more ; with such earnest tows, as unless he be worse dian a
devil, her majesty may dispose of htm at her pleasure ; this being
ended, 1 entered with him touching the cause I had to deal with
him, and so near as 1 could, \e(t nothing nnrehearsed that I had to
charge the king or him with any unkind dealing toward her ma-
jesty, according to my instructions, which without any delay he
answered presently, as ye shall perceive by the said answers sent
herewith; but I replying unto him he amplified them with many
inoe circumstances, but to this effect. Then I dealt with him
touching the point of her majesty's satisfaction, for the uttering^
such practices as has been lately set on foot for the disquieting of
her majesty and her estate, who thereof made snndry discourses,
what marriages have been offered to his majestie by sundrie princes,
and by what means the earle has sought to divert them, and for
what causes; the one, for that be marriage with Spain or France,
he must also alter his religion, which as he is sure the kingwill
never doe, so will he never suffer him to hearken unto it, stklong
as he hath any credit with him ; he denys not but the king has
been dealt withal be practices to deal against her majesty, which
he has so far denied and refused to enter into, as they have left
dealing therein, but whatsoever the king or he knoweth therein,
there shall be nothing hidden from her majesty, as her majesty
APPENDIX. 407
sball knov very shortly; surely It seemi by liis speeches^ tHat if
the king would have yielded thereunto Ifaeie had been Uo small
company ot French m Scotland ere now to disquiet her mftjesty.
— !— This being ended, I dealt with him earaeetly for the stay of
this parliament, which now approacheth; or at die least that there
may be nothing done therein, to the prejudice of these noblemen
and others now in England, for the forfautting of thetr linags and
goods : hereupon he made a long discourse to me, jJrst of the earl
of Aiq^ns dealing about the eail of Morton, then of his going out,
notwithstanding of snndrie gracious offers the king had made him,
then of the road of Ruthren, how that presently after they had the
king's majesty in their hands, they imprisoned himself, dealt with
the king for putting of the duke oat of the realme, the king re-
fused so to do, they told him plainly that if he would not he should
have the earl of Arran's head in a dish ; the king asked what of-
fence' the earl bad made? and they answered it must be so, ^^
should be so ; heieupon for the safeguard of Arran's life, the king
was content to send away the duke, and yet Arnin afterwards
sundrie times in danger of his life ; I alledged unto him the king*)!
lettw to the queen's majesty, and his acts in council, that they
had done nothing but for his servise, and with his good liking and
'Contentment, who answered me, he durst do no otherwise, nor
could not do any thing but that which pleased them, with such a
number of other their deaUngs with the king whilest he was in their
hands as are too long to be written, and too bad if they were true;
I said the king might have let the queen's majesty's ambastador
have known his mind secretly, and her majesty would have reUeved
him ; he. answered, that the king was not ignorant that the appre-
hensions in that manner proceeded from Mr. Bow's practice, and
thereby durst not impart so much to him, and yet the king was
content, and did give remission to as many as would acknowledge
their faults, and ask remission, and such ns would not, be thought
fit to banish, to try their further loyalty, in which time tbey con-
spired the king's second apprehension, and the killing of the earle,
and others, and seduced the ministers to thdr faction, and yet not
saliBfied with these conspiracies and treasonable dealings (as he
terms them), are entered into a third, being in England under her
^majesty's jsotection to dishonour her majesty as far as in th^n
liethi or .at least to caose the king conceive some unkindnesf in her
jnsijeaty) for harbouring of them ; I wrote to you what the conspi-
^■acy was, the tailing of the king, the killing of the earle of Arran,
and some others, the taking of the castle of Edin', aiwl bringing
home the earles to take the chan;e of the king : idl which (says he)
.is by Drummond confessed, and by the provost of Glencudden not
greatly denied, and the constable of the castle therenpon flfcd ; tbe
ogle
40ft SCOTLAND.
Mil bnni^ Drwnnoad with hiv at fu u laagioa, wfane he iaji
to bne coDftwed the cowihtw^ before met bst h^rinf al Mi
li^^tiag Mceived ai blow aa his leg wUh n borse, m m he cmM
bring Un no further, I replied ihftt I Iboflgbt veril; they would aot
work an; wch practiGH in i««pect of the quteo'i majeBty, abi^ngr
witl^n her rnhne, and if there be any snoh pnctiees, diey hxn
proceeded from otbera, and they atA pitvie vnto them : and diat if
it be not apparently proved agtunet them, that it will be thosght te
be some pntctioe to ^^gmrate the hnh, and to make them the
ware odious to the king. He aMweied ane, diat it ahould h»
proved so aufficiently, that they ihould not be aide whh tniA td
deny it, for their own hands is to be showed to partof U, and theis-
fwe cooclvded, that if bei m^esty should so press the king fbrthem
(It this time that miuld rather binder this matter of amity, nor fhr-
dter it, and that since they seek ohiefly his life, he ooold not, inany
KMon, seek to do them any good ; and besides be assured me, that
if he would, hedarenot,thislastmatterbangfUlenoiit asitis; anrf
surely if this matter had not fkUo Mt, I would not bore doabted
the restoring of the earl of Mar very ehortly, if her majesty wonld
^« employed me therm, but for the eari ef Angus, I perceive A*
king is persuaded that both he, and the mt of the Donglasaes, htf*
conceived lo mortall an hatred against him ^id the eari of Amn;
idraut the death of the earl of Horton, as if they were at home, to*
morrow next, they would not leave to practise and oonsi^ th«
death of them both, and therefore a hard matter to do any thing for
bim ; finally, be concluded and reqoired me to assure her nutjettj
from the king, that there ehaH notiiiog be hid from her, nor aji;
ihiog left undone that may satisfie her majesty with reason, and that
the king shall never do any thing, nor consent to have any thing
done in her prqudice, so long as he had any credit with bim, or au-
thority under bim. Having this fer proceeded, he derired to Aew
me hie commicsioo, which is under die great seid, to bimsdf only,
which is as Is^e as may be, and yet saadiie of the privie counoiri
there with bun, but not one in commission, nor present, nor near ua
fd] this time, having spent almost five hours in these matters; be
presepted to me the master of Gmy, who delivered to me a leHer
£tom the kii^ in hia commendation, whom I petoeive the king ncana
to s*ndtober mfgesty. and tbereiwe require* a safe-oondactforhia
posMge, which I pray yow procure, and to send it so soon as yoti
V»J- I let him understand of the lord Seaton's negootadou wttli
the French king. He swore to me, that Seaton was bat a knave,
and that it was partly against his will, thathesholiM be sent tiridiec.
B«t bis comuHsaigo uid instroction being of no great importance,
be yielded the sooner ; and if Seaton has gone beyond bis iastrae^
Uona, whkhArran drew faimsrif, he will make SeaUm annrt forU.
,AFrENDJX. 40&
Touching Willitm Newgate and Hark Chdgftn. b« pioteikd be
Bevel heard of any such ; he bkjs there was a little poor soul, witli
« Uack boAcd, come diiUier a-be^ng, who imi be was an enemy
ta Denpfmd, (o whom be gtve a crouo, but never beaid of him
aince, and for any Scotj man piiDg into Ireland, he Bay* there ii no
(uofa matt«T; if there be, there may be some few rasfcals that bs
knowt not of; and touching the coming of any Jesuits into Scot-
land, be ■ayaitiabutthei1andeTonBdeviBeQfthelung'seB«iiyt)«nd
aooh aa would have the world believe the king were ready to rertAt
in religion, who the world absU well see will ointtnue as conitaat
dterm, a> what prince aoever professed it most ; and the eatie him*
■elf dos protest to me, that to his knowledge, he neTci saw a Jesuit
in his life, and did assure me if there was any in Scotland, tb«y
. should not do so much barm in Scotland, as their ministers would
do. if they prea^ such doctrine aa they did in Scotland ; and touch*
ing one Ball anden, of whom Iwrote toyow, IheardfromMr. Colvil,
the earle avows constantly that b« knows not, nor hath not heard of
any sqcb man, but he would inquire at the justice clerk, and would
infiinn me what he could learn of that ; thus I have made yow a*
sbwt a discourse as I can (tf so many matters, so long discoursed
upon, but these are tbe princ^al points of all our talk, so near as I
can remember it, and for this time I commit yaw to the Almigbtyi
At Berwick tbe 14th of August, 1584.
Thej king is very desirous to have
toy son Robert Carrie to come to him.
I pray you know her Majesty's pleasure.
Arrtm'i Annetn to thegriefft or arliclea proponed to the Lord Hmtdane,
set daam in another form.
As to the strait and severe persecution of all such, as have been
noted to have beeu well aflscted to the queen's majesty, it cannot
^pear they were either for that cause punished, or hardly dealt with,
since his nu^esty of late has been go careful and diligent to choice
out good instruments to deal betwixt her majesty and him, as bis
m^ifls^ has don^ in electing of your lordship and me ; besides that
ui ali their accusations, thrar good will and affection bom to her
m^ea^ was, at no time, laid to their charge, but capital actions of
treason many way tried now be the whole three estates, and roor«
Ihan manifiest to tbe world.
Afl for his rosjesty inhibiting, by public proclamation, such as were
banished, not to repair in England ; the bruits and whisperings that
came to his majesty's ears, of their conspiracies and treasons, which
ftince syn dtey accMt^lished, so far as in them lay, moved bis ma-
jesty to inbftiit tbcn to repair to any place, so near hie majesty's
realm, testth^ sboold have attnnpted these things, which shortly
410 SCOTLAND.
they did attempt, being farther off, and more distant both by sea and
land.
As for reception of Jesuits, and others, her majesty's ftigitires,
and not delirering them according to bis promise, as yonr lordship
propones, his majesty would be most gtad, that so it might tell out
by your lordship's traviles, that no fugitive of either realms shbuld
be received of either, and when so shall be, it shall not fail on his
DHJesty's part, albeit in very deed this time bygone his mt^esty has
been constrained to receipt her majesty's mean rebelb and fugitives,
contrar his good natnrall, since her majesty bath receipt, in efiect,
the \rhole and greatest rebells and traitors his majesty in his own
blood ever had ; as for the agreement with bis majesty's mother
anent their association, his majesty has, commanded me, in presence
of yonr lordship's servant, to assure her majesty and yonr lordship,
in his majesty's name, that it is altogether false, and an untrutbi nor
any such like matter done yet.
His majesty has also commanded me to assure your lordship, that
it is also false and nntnie, that his majesty has, by any means direct
orindirect, sent any message to thepope, or received any from him;
or that his mtuesty has dealt with Spain or any foreigners, to harm
' her majesty or her realm, which his mf^esty conld have no honour
to doj this good intelligence taking place, as I hope in God it shall.
As concerning the contemptuous usage of her majesty's ministers
sent unto his majesty, his majesty used none of them so, and if his
majesty had, sufficient cause was given by them, as some of their
own writs do yet testify ; as-I more particularly showed your lord-
ship at Foulden at our late meeting.
No. XLIV. (Vol. II. p. 98.)
TAe Scotlkh Queen's offtrt upon the tfect of her liberty propounded fry
her Secretary Now, November 15S4.
. Tb e queen my mistress being once well assured of your
C«lig.C8. majesty's amity;
^ ^"PJ- I. Will declare openly that she will (asit is sincerely
her meaning) strailly to join unto your majesty, and to the same to
yield and bear the chief honour and respect, before all other kings
and princes in Christendom.
2. She will swear, and protest solemnly, a sincere foigetfnllness
of ail wrongs iriiich she may pretend to'bave been done unto hw in
this realm, and will never in any sort or manner ''riiatsoever, shew
offence for the same.
3. She will avow and acknowledge, as well in her own particuUr
name, as also for her heirs and others descendmg of her for eTer^
youi majesty, for jnst, true, and lawful queen of England.
Google
APPENDIX. 411
- 4. And consequently, will reoounce, as well for herself as for ber
said heirs, alt riglita and pretences which she may claim to tlie crown
of Ei^land, dnring your m^esty's life, and oAer prejndice. '
5. She will revoke all acts and shews, by ber heretofore made, of
pretence to this said crown to the prejudice of your majesty, as may
be the taking of the arms and stile of queen of England, by the com-
maadmeut of king Francis her late lord and husband,
6. She will renounce the pope's bull for so much aa may be ex-
pounded to turn in her favour, or for her behoof, touching the de-
privation of your majesty, and will declare that she will never help
and serve herself with it.
7. She will not prosecute, during your majesty's life, by t^n force
or odierways, any puUic declaration of her right in the succeMion
of this realm, so as secret assurance be given unto her, or at the least
public promise, that no deciding thereof shall be made in the pre-
judice of ber, or of the king her son, during your majesty's life, nor
after your decease, untill such time as they have been heard there-
upon, in pnblick, free, and general assembly of the parliament of the
sud realm.
8> She will not practise, directly or indirectly, with any of your ma-
jesty's subjects, neither within nor out of your realm, any thing tend-
ing to war, civil or foreign, against your majesty and yout estate, be
it under pretext of religion, or for civil and politick government.
9. She win not maintain or support any of yoar subjects declared
rebels, and convicted of treason against yon.
10. She will «iter into the association, which was shewed her at
WingGeld for the surety of your majesty's life, so as there be mended
or right explicated some clauses which I will shew to your majesty,
when I shall have the copy thereof, as I have before time required.
11. She will not treat with foreign kings and princes, for any war
or trouble against this state, and will renounce, from this time, all en-
terprises made or to be made in her favour for that respect.
12. Furthermore, this realm being assailed by any civil or foreign
war, she will take part with your majesty, and will assist you in your
defence with all her forces andmeans, depending of herself and with
all her friends of Christendom.
13. And to that effect, for the mutual defence and maintenance
of your majes^, and the two realms of this isle, she will enter with
. your majesty in a league defensive as shall be more particularly ad-
Tised, and will persuade as much as in her, the king her son to do
the like. The leagues with all parts abroad remaining firm, and espe-
cially the antient league between France and Scodand, in that which
shall not be against this presenL
14. She will enter into a league ofiensive, having good assurance
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
412 SCOTLANP.
or Moet dwltratioB and acknowledgement of her right in tlif mc-
peMion of this crown, andpronuM that h^qwning any breach bttwirt
France wid this realm (which she pra^eth God never to happen),
the joit vidiie of her dowry thall be placed for her in lands of the
rereDtte of the cniwa.
15. For aaauranoe of h^ promiaee and oovenanta, ihe doth o%r
to abide herself in this Teahn for a certain time (better hoitag« aan
she not give than her own person), to which, ao as she be kept in the
liberty here before propoundedt is not in case to escape secredy out
of this country, in the siddy state she is iii,aDd with the good order
which your mcgesty can take therein.
16. And in case your tn4iesty do agree to her full and whole de-
liverance, to retire herself at her will out of this realm, the said qneen
of Scots the will give sufficient hostage for sncb time as will ba
advised.
17. If she abide in this realmi^vrill promise not to depart oat
of it without your licence, so as it be pmnised unto her that her stata,
in such liberty aa shall be aooonled unto her, shall not be in any sort
altered, until! alter tryall to have attempted against your life, or
(^er trouble of your estate.
1 8. If she go into Scotiand, she will promise to alter nothing there
in the religicm which is now used there, she being sufiered to have
free eiccrciie of hers, for her and her household, as it was at her re-
turn out of France ; and farther, to pull out every root of new divi-
sion between the subjects, that none of the subjects of Scotland shall
be nfted for his cohscieDce, nor constrained to go to the service of
the contrary religion.
19. She will grant n general abolition of all offences, done against
her in Scotland, and things shall remain there as they are at this
present, for that respect, saviag that which hath been done against
her honour, which she meoneUi to have revoked and annulled.
20. She will travel to settle a sure and general reconciliation be>-
tweenthe nobility of the country, and to cauae to be appointed about
Ae Idng her son, and in his council, sack as shall be fit for the en-
tertsinraent of the peace and quiet of the ooontry, and the amity of
the realm.
21. She will doherbest tocontmtyMr m^tj, infevourof the
Scots lords banished and refuged hither, upon tfadr dae snbmission
to their princes, and your mi^esty's ^omise to assbt the said queen
and king of Scotland against them, if they happen to Ml into their
former faults.
22. She vrill proceed to the marriage of the king herstm, with the
advice and good council of your majesty.
23. As she will pass DOthiagwitboHtthe ludglierson,BDdolh'^
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
APPENDIX. 413
i^ire that he intervene conioihtly with hei in this tieftt;^ for tbe
greater and perfecter assurance thereof; for otherwise iUi^ thi^
can hardly be establi^ed to be sound and continue.
24. The Baid Scotdiqneentruateth.that the French lung, her good
brotfaei, according to the good affection which hehath always shewed
her* and hath been afresh testified unto me by MoIl8^ de AhnniMiere
fer this siud treaty, will very willingly intervene, and will auist her
for tbe surety of her promises.
35. And so will the princes of the house of Lorrais, {ailow'mg the
will of the said king, will bind themselves thereunto.
23. For other kings and princes of Christendom, she vill assay
to obtain the like of them, if for greater solemnity and approbation
of the treaty it be fonnd to be necessary.
27, She doth desire a speedy answer, and final conclusion of die
promsses, to the end to meet in time wiUi all inconveniences.
28. And in the mean time, themoie to strengthen the said treaty,
•a made by her of a pure and frank will, she desireth that demon-
■tratioD be made of some releasement of her captivityv
Ob}tctioiu agaioit the Scotiitk Queen, under Secretly IfabmgiaKtfy
Amid, Novtmber 1584,
Tbb queen of Scots is ambitious, and standeth ill affected to ber
mtyesty, and therefore it cannot be but that her liberty should bring
peril unto her majesty.
That her enlargement will give comfort to Pa[Hsts, and other ill
affected subjects, and greatly advance the opinion had of her title
as successor,
' That as long as she shall be continued in her majesty's poBsession,
she may serve as it were a gage of her majesty's surety, for that her
friends, for fear of the danger she may be thrown into, in case any
thing should be done in her favour, dare not attempt any thing in
tbe oKnce of her majesty.
Nooetnber t WktU coitrte mat Jit to be taken xaiti tie QlMim o^ Scoti,
1584, I eiiier to be adargtd or not.
-Cniblib. THECOursetobetakenwitbthe saidqueenmaybecon-
sidered of in three degrees : either,
1. To continue her under custody in that state she now is.
2. To restiidn her of thi present liberty she now hath.
3. Or to set her at liberty iqton caution.
1 . Touching the first, to continue her under custody in that state
she now is ; it is to be considered, that the princes that favour that
gnaent upon the complaint she maketh of hard usage, are greatly
moved with commiseration towards her, and promise to do their
Google
414 SCOTLAND.
eodMYOur for her liberty, for i^ch purpose her ministers soUcit
theni daily.
And to move them the more to pitf her cue, she aoquainteth them
vidt her oSbrs made to her majcBty, which appeared to be no less
profitahle than reason^le for her majesty, so as die refusal and re-
jecting giveth her friends and favourers caa&e to think her hardly
dealt withal, and therefore may, with the better ground and reason,
attempt somewhat for the setting of her at liberty.
It is also likely that the add queen, upon this refusal, finding her
case desperate, will continue her practice under hand, both at home
■ad almnd, not only for her delivery, but to obtain to the present
pOHesaion of this crown upon her pretended title, as she hath hi-
therto done, as appeareth, and is most manifest byletters and plots
mtercepted, and chiefly by that late alteration of Scotland, which
hath i^oceeded altogether by her direcdon, whereby a gap is laid
open for the malice of all her majesty's enemies, so as it appeUeth
that this manner c^ keeping her, with such number of persons as she
now hath and with liberty to write and receive letters (being dnly
considered), is offensive to the princes, the said qeeen's friends :
rather chargeable than profitable to her maj^ty ; and subject to all
such practices as may peril her majesty's person or estate, without
any provision for her majesty's safety, and therefore no way to be
fikedot
2. Touching the second, to restnun her in a more straighter de-
gree of the liberty she hadi hitherto enjoyed.
It may at first sight be thought a remedy very apt to stop the
course of the dangerous practices fostered heretofore by her: for
true it is, that this remedy might prove very proGtable, if the realm
of Scotland stood in that sort devoted to her m^esty, *as few years
past it did; and if the king of that reidm were not likely, as well for
the rdease of his mother, aa for the advancement of both their pro-
tended titles, to attempt somewhat against this realm and her ma-
jesty, wherein he should neither lack foreign assistance, nor a party
here within this realm : but the Idng and that realm standing af-
fected ts they do, this restraint, instead of remedying, is likely to
breed these inconveniences following :
First, It wUI increase the offence both in him, end in the rest of
the princes her friends, that misliked of her restraint.
Secondly, Itmll give them just cause to take some way of redress.
Lastly, It is to be doubted, that it may provoke some desperate
ill-disposed person, all hope of her liberty removed, to attempt
somewhat against her majesty's own person (a matter above all
others to be weighed), which inconreniency being duly considered,
it will appear manifesdy, that the restraint, in a straighter degiee,
is likely to prove a remedy suhjtet to vefy hard events.
Google
APPENDIX. 415
The latter deg^ree, whedwr it were fitto set die uid queen at
liberty, ministereth Aome cause of doubt, touching tbe raanner of
the liberty, in what Bort the same is to be performed, whether to be
continued here within the realm, or to be restored into her own
country.
6nt first, this proposition, before tbe particularities be weighed,
is to be considered in generality.
For it is veiy hard for a well-afiected subject, ttiat tendreth her
-majesty's surety, and weigbeth either the nature of the Scottish
queen, being inclined to ambition and revenge, or her former ac-
tions, what practices she hath set on foot most dangerous for her
majesty and this realm; to allow of her liberty, being not made ac-
quainted with such causes, as time hath wrought, to make it less
perilous than it bath been, nor with such cautions as may, in some
sort, be devised to' prevent both her ambition and malice; and there-
fore, to make this apparent,
It is to be considered, that the danger that. was in the molber.is
now grown to be in the son. He pretendeth tbe same title she
doth : such as do afiect her, both at home and abroad, do afiect
him (and he is the more dangerous for that he is unmarried, whid\.
may greatly advance his fortune ; ^d that he is a man,, whereby he
may enter into action in his own person) ; where she is restisined,
he is at liberty ; his own realm is now altogeUier at his devotion,
and the party affected to this crown abased ; so as the matter duly
considered, neither her liberty nor restraint doth greatly alter the
case for perils towards her m^esty, unless by such promises as
may be made by way of treaty with her, the danger likely to grow
from, the kiugher'sDn be .provided for.
But in this behalf it may he objected, that so long as the mother
remains In her majesty's hands, the king will attempt nothing for
fear of his mother's peril.
* To this objection it may be answered, first, That they hope that
her majesty, being a prince of justice, and indined to mercy, .will
not'punish the mother for the son's ofifence, unless she shall be
found by good proof, culpable. Secondarily, That men will not be
over hasty, conradering in what predicament the king standeth
toaching his ei^wctation of this crown, to advise any thing that in
time future may he dangerous to tbe giver of such council as may
reach to his mother's peril.
And lastly. The takingMway of his mother, he being strong in
the field through both foreign assistance, and a party here within
the realm, will appear so weak a remedy (which may rather exaspe-
rate both him and her party, to proceed with more courage and
heat to revenge, if any such hard measure should be offered unto
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
416 SCOTLAND.
her), H tltoy will st^xite, for the tcmoa aton speoifiad, tlitt do
mcli extrenulj wUl be Used.
It may alio be ot^ected> A&t the lettiiig of her at liberty will
greatly encourage tlw Papists both at home and abroad ; bat herein,
if the provUioQ be duly considered, that may be made by Parlta-
JBont both hero and there, they riiali rather find cauie of diactnOfort
than otherwise.
These two doubti being reaolved, and the perUt that waa in the
moAer appearing moit manifcatly to be seen in the son accompo^
nied with more danger, with doe consideratioii Iiad also of sa^ n^
medias a« may be provided for the preventing of the dangers, that
h« liberty may mini«ter just cause to donbt of; there wiU be good
cause of hope found, that the same will rather breed benefit dMB
perils.
Now it reateth, in what tott the aud liberty shall b« peribnncd ;
if it shall be thonght meet she shall be continned within th« t&AA
with SMne Umitation, e^cially in that place iriiere she now re-
ndeth, the country round about beii^ so infected in reKgioD b8 it
it, it is greatly to be doubted that will very much increase the oor-
«nption, and falling away in that behalf. Betides, she .should have
commodity, with much more ease and speed, to entertain practiEM
.within thtg realm, than by being in her own country.
. If abroad freely without liroiution ather in Scotland or France,
liu» shall her majesty lose the gages of her safety, tiien shall dte
be at hand to give advice in fiirtheiance of inch practices, as hacre
been lud for to stir trouble in this realm, wherein she htih been a
principal party.
For the first, it is answered as before, that the respect of any
perils that may befal unto her, will in no sort restmia ber son. For
the other, if it be considered what harm her advice will work nnto
herself, in respect of the violation of the treaty, and the provisioa
tiiat may be made in parliament here, it is to be thought, that she
will then be well advised, before she attempt any sndi eoatter,
which now she may do withoat peril!. Besides such princa, as
have interposed their faith and promise for her, cannot with hotHMt
assist her, wherein the French king will not be foand very ferwatd,
who, in moat friendly sort, hath lately r^ected al) soch reqnota,
proponndsd either by her, or her son's ministen, that might any
way offend her majesty. And so to condude, seeing the cause of
her grief shall be taken away ; the French king gratified, who is a
me^ator for her, and will mislike, that, by any Spamsh practice,
she should be drawn to violate her fvth, that the rest of the
princes shall have no just caose of offenoe, but rather to think ho-
aourably of her majesty, considering the Scottish queen's cairiaga
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
APPENBIX. 417
tomrdi her, wfaicb halh deserved no way my aoch faTonr; thfl-ao-
Uemea of ScotJand shall be restored, wbo wSl 'he a. good stay of
mch counsells as may tend to die troubling; of tfais realm, espe-
cially having ao good a ground of warrant as the parliament to
stand unto; the charges and perills which her practioea might have
bred to this realm shall be avoided ; and lastly, the hope of the
Papists shall be taken away, by such good provisions, as in bodi
the realms may be made, whereby the perills. that might fall into
her majesty's own persoo (a matter of all others to be weighed),
shall be avoided, when by the change that may grow by any sndt
wicked and ungodly practice, they shall see -their case no way re-
lieved in point of religion.
Reamiu to induce her Migesly to proceed in the treaty under
Secretary Wai^nghaais hand.
That such plots as have of late years been devised (tend-:
C«J. C S-' '"S ^ '^^ raising of trouble within this realm) have grown
from the Scot's queen's ministers and favourers, not with-
out her allowance and seeking : Or,
That the means used by the said ministers, to induce princes to
give ear to the said plots, is principally grounded upon some com-
miseration had of her restraint.
That tbe stay, why the said plots have not -been put in execution,
hath proceeded, for that the said princes have, for the most part
been entertained with home and domestic troubles.
That it is greatly to be doubted, that now their realms be^n to
be quiet, that somewhat will be attempted in her favours by the said
princes.
That it is also io be doubted, that somewhat may be attempted
• by some of her faotors in an extraordinary sort, to the perill of her
majesty.
lliat for the presecvation thereof, it shall be convenient for her
majesty to proceed to the finishing of the treaty, jiot long uthence
b^aa between her and the said i]ueen.
No. XLV. (Vol. 11. p. 106.)
Letter o/Q. Maiy to Q. Miabeth.
Madame ma bodne Seur,
M'assevrant que vons avez eu communication d'une
Col. B. * lettre de Gray que vostre homme Semer me livra iuet
'VIII' ^t^- lonhz le nom de mon fill, y recongnoissant qussi-denot a
flrigiiuj. 1^ ^°^ mesmes raiions que le dit Gray m'escrivit en chifre
- ' eitantdemierementpresdevouadesiiionstiRnttaairfGBance
VOL. u. 2 £
_'.ooglc
41S SCOTLANp,
JJe bonne intention du person*^, je Tpii& pn^y «^nlein«nt •qtr^uf
pe qtie Bi devf^it je Tons ay tmt init^uteiQent importune, que vonf
me permetti^Z 4es<;laircir lUuernent & quvertemcnt ce pcaut d^ I'ss:-
Bpciation 4'entFe nwy if n}pn ^ 4; me deMtei les mEuns pour pTO^
cedei avec lui comme je jugpn^y estr« cequia poui >on bien & le
mi^n. Et j'entieprendz quoy quQ Ton roua di^ & pui«4e en np~
porter de faire mentir ce petit bconillo^, qui persuade par aucuiu de
VDs ministrea a entepris cette separation eutre moy & mon enfant)
& pourycomniencerje tous aupplie m'octroyerqui je puisse puler
a ce justice-clerk qui von* a este Rouvellemeot envoy6 pour maader
par luy a mon SIk man intention sur cela. ce qui je me proniia qi|c
ne me refuserez, quant ce ne seroit que pgur deniontrer en effefst la
bonne intention que voub m'avez asseur^e avoir a I'sccord & entre-
tien de naturel devoir entre la mere & t'enfant qui dit en bonnes
tennes estie empeache pouc vous me tenant captive en un desert ce
que vous ne pourrez mieux desmentlr & faire paroitre vostre boa
desir a notre union que me donnant les moyens d'y proeeder, Sf noa
m'en retenir et empescher comme aucune des vos miniatres preten-
dent a fin de laiBser toujours Ken a leui mauvais Se sinistres prac-
tiquea entre nous. La lettre porte que I'asaociation n'est pas pass^e;
atiBsi ne luy ai je jamais dit, bien que mon filz avoit accept^ ; & que
nous en avions convenu ensemble, comme I'acte sigai de >a main,
& ces lettrea taut a moy, que en France en font foy, ayant donn^
ce meme temoignage de sa boucbe propre a plnsienni ambassadeurs
& personnesde credit, s'escusant denel'oser foire publierpar craiut
de vous BOulement, demandant forces pour vous resister d'avant de
ce declarer si ouvertement estant jonmellement persuade an con-
traire par vos ministres, qui luy prometoyent avecque une entreire a
Yorclc le faire declairer votie heretier. Au surplus, Madame, quand
mon enfant seroit si malheureuz que de s'opiniastrer en cette ex-
treme impiet^ & ingratitude vers moy, je ne puia penaer que vous '
non plus qu'ancun aultre prince de la Chretient^, le voulissiez eu
cela applaudir on meintenir pour luy fayre acquerir ma malediction
ains que plutos introviendrez pour luy faire recongnoitre la raiaon
trop juBte & evidant devant t)ieu .& les bommes. Helas & encorea
ne lui vouloier j'en ofter, mays donner avec droit ce qu'il tient par
usurpation. Je me suis du tout commise a voni, & fidelement
faites si il vous pleat que je ne en soye pis qu'aupravant, & que le
faulaete des una ne prevale desrant la verite des vous, pour biea
recevant rati, & la plus grande afQicdon que me soaurroit aniver a
soavoir la perte d« mon filz. Je vona supplie de me mander en caa
qu'it persiste en cette m'eaconnoiasance de son devoir, que de luf
ou de moy il vous plaist ftdvouer pour legitime ray o.n jojne
d'EcoBge, il t\ vous av^ agreable de pourauivre avec ^oy a part
la- tiftitfi commence entre nou* de qw>y je vous requien jwo^ ^iu
r.,j,-,-,-i-,v Google •
AFF£NJ)IX. 419
attOMbe iB ieaponse de ce mal gouTeme entaiit Toas en requemuit
avec antant d'affection que je sens mon c<ieur <q>Qress^ d'eniiuy.
Pour Dies sooTeneE rouB de la pTomesse q<ae m'avez faites de me
prendre en votre protection me rapportant de tout a voub & snr ce
piian Dieu qu'il vddb viueille preserver de touts voB enuemys &
dissimulei amys, comme je le desire de me consoler A de me venger
de ceuiz qui pourcdiaSsent un tel malhenr entre la mere & I'enfEUtt:
Je ceBBeray de vous troubler, mais nou a m'ennuier que je ne recoive
qiidque consolation de vous, & de Dieu encore un coup je le <up-
pUo de vons garder de tout peril. Fathbery xii Mars.
Votre £delement vouee soeur
& obeissant cousine,
Maris Q.
A la Reyne d'An^leteire,
Madame ma bonne sceur Sc
No. XLVI. (Vol. II. p. 106.)
A Teilammt bi/ Q. Maty.
N. B, The following paper was transcribed by the Rer*. Mr. Craw-
ford, late Regius Professor of Church History in the University
of Edinburgh. Part of this paper according to him, is written by
Nau4, Mary's Secretary, the rest with the Queen's own hand.
What is marked " is in the Queen's own hand.
CoHsiD£BANT par ma condition presente Testatdevie
Veipu, humaine, si incertain, que persoane ne s'en peust, on doibt
I* 14- asseurer, sinnon soubs la grande et infinie misericorde de
^ ' bieu. Et me voulaut prevaloir d'icelle contre toua let
' dangers et accidens, qui me pourroient inopinemcnt survenir en
cette captirit6, mesmes a cause des grandes et longaes maladfes,
ou j'ay el4 detenn4 jusques a present ; j'ay advis^ tandis que j'ay la
commodity, ou ruson en jugement, de pourvoir apres ma mort la
salut de mon ame, enterrement de mon corps, et disposition de mon
bien, estat, ic aSaires, par ce present mon testament et ordonftattce
■de mon demief volenti, qui s'ensuyt.
An nom dn Pere, du Filz, et du benoko St. Esprit. Premiere-'
ment, me recongnoissant indigne pecheressA avec plus d'offenCeB
envers mem Dieu, que de satisfaction par toutes les advetsites que
faysouffert; dont je la louesabont^. Etm'app4yantBurlAcrolsde
mon SauveuretRedempteur Jesus Christ. Jerecommendemtmam*
a la beooisteet individue Trinity, et aux prieresde la glorieuse Vterge
Marie, et de tons les anges saincts & sainctes de panidis, espera&l
par leur merites & inUrCession, estoe aydfee a obtenif de eitre (UMo
Google
420 SCOTLAND-
participante aT«c enU ia felicit4etemelle. Et ponr myacheoiiner
de cueUT plua net et entier despoaillant det a present tout nessenti-'
roent dea iiyures, oalomniei, rebeIlionB,< ^ aultrea offenses, qui me
pourroient avoir est^ factes durant ma vie, par mes snbjeta rebellea
et aultrea ennemis ; J'en retriet la vengeance a DieU) & le suppUe
leui pardonoer, de meime affection, que je luy requiera pardons a
mes faultes, et a tons ceuls et celles que je puis avoir offense de
Caicts on de parolles.
. Je veubt et ordonne, &c. [T^ two foilawitig paragraph cmtain
directions coiKerning ike place and ciraututance of her burial.}
Pour ne contrerenir a la gloire, honneur, et conservation de
KBglise catholique, ^oatolique et Romaine, en la quelle je veulx
rivre et mourlr, si le prince d'Eacosse men filz y pueat etre redniet
contre la mauvaise nonrritnre, qu'il a prise a mon tres grand
regret en lliereaie de Calvin entre mes rebellea, je le laiase seid eC
unique heretiet de mon royanme d'Eacosse, de droict que. je pre-
tende justement en ta couronne d'Angteterre et pays qui en depen-
dent, et generallement de tous et chacun mes meubles et immenbles
qui resteront aprea ma mort, et ez£Gutio4 de ce present testament.
Si non, et que mon dit filz continue a vivre en la dite heresie, Je
cede, tranaporte, et faicte don " de touts et chacuna mes droicts,
que je pretends & puis pretendre a la couronne d''Angleterre, et
aultrea droicts, seigneuries, on royaulmea en dependants, an roy
catholique, ou aultre de aiens qu'il luy plaira, aveaques advis, con-
sentement de aa aaintet^ ; tant pour le voyr aujourdbuy le seul
■eurs appui de la religion catboliqtte, que pour recotmoissance de
gratuitea.faweiira que moy, et lea miena recommandez par moy, ont
avonsreceu de luy en ma plua grand neceasit^ ; et resg:uBrd ausai
au droict que luy meame peut pretendre a ces ditz royaulmea et
pays, je le supplie qu'n recompence il preign alliance, de la maison
de Lorraine, etsi il ce pleut de celle de Guise, pour memeire de la
race de laquelle je suia sortie an coste de mere, n'a ayant de celay
de mon pere, que mon seul enfant, lequel estant catholique j'ay
tousJQura voui pour une de ses filles, si il luy plaisoit de I'acoepter,
ou faillaat une de sea jiiepees marine comme aa fille.
" Je laysae mon filz a la protection du roy, de prince, et duca
de Lorrayne et de Quite, et du Mayne, aux queb je recommende
et son estat.en Escosse, et mon droict en Angleterre, si il eat
catholique, et quelle le parlie de ceste royne."
Jft faita doB au " compt6 de Lenox" de c<fmpt6 de Lenox teira
par feU' son pere, et commande mon filtz, cotnme mon heretier et
successeuri d'obeyr en cest en droit a mon volenti.
Jareulxetordonnetouteslea sommea etdenieis, quite troraont
par moys deues, tien mis cause de droict eatre fbits "a Lohlhwi^
etre piomptemeat paji^ «t acquitt^, et tout tprt et griefs tepati*
■K Google
API^ENDIX. Affl
par les dit* executeurs desquelz J'en chai^ la cosscience. Oultre,
&c. {Folhto tm} ar three paragraphs conceniRg particular legacitt,
and then is added) Fdct an maaoir de Sheffield en Angletene \6 jour
de ' ■ ' Mil cinq cens aoixant Sc dix sept.
After a large biank pagefoUtmn in the queen'i hand:
" Si mon filz meurt, an cotnte de Lenox, an Claude HainiltoH'
lequel se ffiontrera le plus fidelle vers rooy, et plus constant en
reli^n, an jugetnent de dues de Lorridrre et de Guyse; ou je
le rapport sur ee de ceulx aque j'auray donnay la charge detrayter
avesque eux de par moy et ceuls, a condition de ce nuarrier on aUier
en la dite mayson ou par leur advis."
Follow near two pages of particular legacies-
"^tle remets ma tante de Lenox au droict quelle pent pretendre
a la cont6 d'Aogous avant I'acort fait par mon comroandement
entrs ma dite tante de Lenox et le comte de Morton, veu qui! a
est^ fait & par le fen roy mon Mary et moyi sur la promesse de aa
fidelle assistance, si lay et moy encourions dangiei et besoing '
d'ayde, ce qu'il rompit, s'eDtendant secretement au les nos ennemis.
rebelles, qu'attemtprient contre sa vie, et pour cest effect pris les
' armes, et ont porte les banieree desploieCB, contre nous, je revoque
ausu toute autre don que je luy ay iait de cont^ de Morton sui
promesses de tea bons services a advenir, et entends que la dite
contg soit reunie a la couronns, si ell se tronve y partenir, cemme
sea trahisons taut en la mort de mon feu Mary, que en mon
banissement, et poursuit de la mien ne t'ont merits. Et defends
a mon filz de ce jaraays servire de luy pour de luy pour la hayne
qu'il aye a ses parents, la quelle je craina ne s'estende jusques a
luy, ie coDEoisaBt du tout affectionn^ aux ennemis de mon droite
en ce royaume, dn quel it ea penconnaire.
" Je recominende mon nepveu Fiancoia Stuart a mon fiiz, et lay
commaude detenir pres de luy et s'enaervit, et je luy laisse le bien
du conte de Bodnel son oncle, en respect qu'|l est de moa sa^,
mon fiUeul, et ma est^ laisse en lutelle par son pere.
" Je declare que mon irere bastard Robert Abb^ de St, Croix
B'sen.queparcirconvention Orlcenay, et que le ne fntjamaysmon
intention, comme il ^iret par la revocation que j'ay fayte depuys,
et ete . ausu faite d'avant la a^e de xxv ani, oe que j'aimoia
delib^er si il ne m'eussent prenner par prison de se de defayre
aulx estats je reulx done que Orkena; soit reune a la couronne
comme une de plus necessaires pour mon fik, & sans mayson ne
pourra etre l»en tenue.
" Les filles de Morra ne parvieat accessi heriter, aina revieat la
conti a la Couronne, si il luy plest luy dooner sa oq fiUe en
marriage, et il nome I'eu sienne ligne."
r,on7<-i.i Google
4Si SCOTLAND.
Na.XLVII. (Vol. II. p. U6.)
A Litlet Jmn Mr. Arelubald Douglai to tie Qaetn i^Sadti.
April'—— Please your majeaty, J received youi letter of the
37. B. '9! ^^ '^ t^ I^^ 0^ ^<^- '"■^ "^ '^ .inanaer has seeo
tfi- Me. some part of the contents of one oilier of the same date,
directed to Moas'. de Movisir, ambassador for bis majes^ the
most Christian king, both which are agreeable to your priacelj
digni^' As. by the one your highness desires to know the true
cause of my banishment, and offers unto me all favour if I shall be
innocent of the heinons facta committed in the person of your
husband of good memory, so by the other the said ambassador is
willet to declare unto me, if your husband's murder could be laid
juaUy against me, that you eould not sollicit in my cause, neither
yet ioi any person that vas participant of that execrable fact, but
vould seek the revenge tJtereof, when you should have any means
to do it; your Baaiesty'» o^, if I b» innocent of that crime, is most
iavourable, and jronr desire to know the truth of the same is most
Equitable; and Aerefore that I should with alt my simplicity,
nncerity, and tmth, answer thereunto, is most reasonable, to the
end that your princely dignity may be my help, if my innocMica
shall sufficiently a[^ar, and procure my oondemnation if I be
culpaUe in any matter, except in the knowledge of the evil
disposed minds of the meat part ot your nobility agniDst youpsaid
husband, and not revealing of it ; which I am assured was suffici-
ently known to himself, and to ^1 that had judgment never so
fittle in that realm ; which, also I was constrained to understand,
as he, that was specially employed betwixt the eaH Morton,, sad s
good number of your nobility, that they might with Ul humility
intercede at your majesty's hand for his relief, insach matters as
are more specially contained in the declaration foUawing, which>I am
constrained'for my own justification, by this letter to call: to yoar ma-
jesty's remembrance. Notwithstanding that I am assured, to my grief,
the reading thereof will nofr smally offendyour princely mind. It omy
please yonrmajesty to- remember, that in the year of 6odil5%i tlie
Mid earl of Morton, with divers other nobility and gent, wnre
declhred rebels to your raajesty, and baniriied your realm fbr
insolent, murder committed in your majesty's own chamber, which
they alledged was done bycommandofyour husband, who noCwith-
Standing affirmed thet he was compelted by them to subscribe the
warrant ^ven far that effect, howsoever the truth of that matter
remains among them, it appertains not to me at this time to be
eurious; true it is (hat I was one of diat number, that heavily
offended against your majesty, and passed' in France the time of
our banishment, at the desire of the rest, to humbly pray yom*
brotlier, this mttit ChttstiAil fan^, to ifttei'cede tUat our dfl^ces migttt
be pardotKd, add yotir tabjesty 's ciemeiicy eiteAded teiwaidi us,
■Ibeit ^ers of ao Bmall repatation, in that ntHiai ina tif th^
OpinioD, that the said fact merited nei&ar to be requisite for, hot
yet patdoned. Always lueh was the careful mind of his majesty
towards the qoietoess of that realm, that the dealing in that canse
was committed to Moris', de Movisir, who was directed at that
time to go into Scotland, to congratulate the happy birth of your
son, whom Almighty God of his goodness may long preserve in
happy estate, and perpetual felicity ; the careful traTail of the said
de Movisir was so efiectual, and your majesty's mind so inclined to
mercyi that within short space thereafter, ] was permitted to repair
Id Scotland, to deal with earls Murray, Athol, Bodwel, Arguile,
and secretary Ledington, in the name sud behalf of the said earl
Morton, lords HeTcn, Lindsay, and remanent complesis, that Ihey
might make offer in the names of the said earl of any matter that
might satisfy your majesty's wrath, and procure your clemency to
be eitended in their ^vonrs ; at my coming to them, after I bad
opened the effect of my message, they declared that the marriage
betwixt yon and your busband had been the occasion already of
great evil in that realm; and if your husband should be suffered to
follow the appetite and mind of such as was about him, that kind
of dealing might produce with time worse effects; for helping ot
such inconvenience that might fall out by that kifld of dealing,
they had thought it convenient to join themselves in league and
band with some other noblemen, resolved to obey your majesty as
(heir natural sovereign, and have nothing to do vrith your husband's
command whatsoever, if the said earl would for himself enter into
that band and confederacy with them, they could be content to
huinbly request and travel by all means with yonr mcyes^ for his
pardon, but, before they could any farther proceed, they desired to
know the said earl's mind herein ; when I had answered, that he
nor his friends, at my departure, could not know that any such Hke
matter would be proponit, and therefore was not instructed what
. to ainswer therein, they desired tliat I should return sufBciently
instructed in this matter to Sterling, before the baptism of yout
son, whom Ood might preserve; this message was faithfully de-
livered by me at Newcastle in England, where the said earl then
remained, in presence of his friends and company, where they all
condescended to have no farther dealing with your hnaband, and
to enter into the smd band. With this deliberation I returned to
Sterling, where, at the request of the tBost Christian king and the
queen's majesty of England, by their ambassadors present, your
mtijesly'a gracious pardon was granted unto them all, mldercon-
diHon always that tiiey sfaocld remain banished forth of the realni,
L^.ooglc
434 SCOTLAND^
Hhm- ipwc of two yean, and fiirther doling yonr vajeatfa plettare-,
whicli liautatim wan Rfter mitignted at (be hnmble request of yowt
own BolnUty, >o that immediately after the uid eari of McmIdd re*
paired ioto Scotland to Qobittingaime, where the earl of Bod?ell
asd Kcretaiy Ledington come to him ; what speech passed there
amongst them, as God shall be my judge, I knew uolhiog at that
time, bat at thnr departure I was requested by the said earl
Morton to accompany the earl Bodvell and secretary to Edenborgh,
and to letam witii such answer as they should obtain of your ma-
jesty, winch being giren to me by the said persons, as God shall
be my judge, was no ether than these words, " Schaw to Uie eari
Morton that tlie <|aeen will hear no speech of that matter appointed
unto him :" when I crafit that the answer might be made noie
■ensible, secretary Ledington said, that the earl would sufficiently
understand it, alb^t few or none at that time understand what
passed amongst them. It is known to all men, als vetll be raiUing
letters passed betwixt the said earl and Ledington when they
become in divers factions, as also ane buck sett furtb by the
ministers, wherein they afBrm that the earl of Morton has con&ssed
to them, before his death, that the earl Bodvell come toQubitting-
aime to prepon the calling away off the king your husband, to the
which proposition the said earl of Morton affirms that he could
give no aiMwer unto such time he might know your majesty's nund
therein, which Jie never received. As to the abominable murder^ it
is Imown too by the depositions of many persons that were executed
to the death for the committing thereof, that the same was executed
by them, and at the command of snch of the nobility as had sub-
scrivit band for that effect; by this unpleasant declaration, the
most part thereof known to yourself, and the reminder may be
understood by the aforesaid witnesses that was examined in torture,
and that are extant in the custody of the ordinary judges in Scot -
land, my innocency, so far as may coitcem any fact, does appear
sufBdently to your majesty. And as for my deaUng aforesaid, I
can be no otherwise charged therdn, but as what would accuse the
vessel that preserves the vine from harm, for the intemperancy of
snch as immoderately use the same. As for the special cause of
my banishment, I think the same has proceeded upon ane opinion
conceived, that I was able to accuse the earl of Morton of so much
natter as they alledge himself to have confessed before he died,
and would not be induced, for loss of reputation, to perform any.
part thereof. If this be the occasion of my trouble, as 1 suppose
it is, what punishment I at^'^t'^ deserve, I remit me to your ma-
jesty's better judgment, who well knows how careful ever ilk
gentlemen should be of his fame, reputation and honour, and bow
ftr ever ilk mui should abhor the name of a pultrouoi and horn
. Google
APPENDIX. 43S
iDdeceat >t would have been to me to accuse the e^l of Uorton>
beini; so near of his kin, uDtwithstandiug; all the injuries I wais
coDstraiued to receive at his hand aU the time of his goveTomenti
and for no other cuuse, but for shewing of particular friendship to
particnlat friends in the time of the last cruel troubles in Scotland,
Sorry I be now to accuse him in any matter being dead, and mors
sorry that being on lyff, be such kind of dealing obtained that name
of Ingrate. Alwajrs for my own part, I have been banished my
native country ^Ibose three years and four months, living in anxiety
of mind, my boll guds in Scotland, which were not small, intfi-
mittit and disponit upon, and has continually since the time I was
relieved out of ray last troubles at the desire of Mods', de
Movisir, attended to kuow your majesty's pleasure, and to wait
upon what service it should please your majesty for to command.
Upon the 8lh of April inst. your good friend secretary Walsing-
hwie has declared unto me, that her highness tho't it expedient
that I should retire myself where I pleased, I declared unto him I
had no means whereby I might perform that desire, until such time
as I should receive it from your majesty. Neither knew I where it
would please your highness to direct me, until such time as I should
have received further information from you. Upon this occasion,
and partly by permission, I have taken thchanlress to write this
present letter, whereby your majesty may understand any part of
my troubles past, and strait present. As to my intention future,
1 will never deny that I am fully resolved to spend the rest of my
days in your majesty's service, and the king your son's, wheresoever
I shall be directed by your majesty, and for the better performing
thereof, it so shall be her majesty''3 pleasure, to recommend the
tryal of my innocency, and examination of the verity of the pre-
ceding narra^on, to the king your son, with request that I may be
pardoned for such offences as concerned your majesty's servioe*
and var common to all men the time of his les aige and perdonit to
all, except to me, I should be the bearer thereof mysdf, and be
directed in whatsoever service it should please youi majesty for to
command. Most humble I beseech your majesty to consider
thereof, and to be so gracious as to give order,- that I may have
means to serve your majesty according to the sincerity of my
meaning, and so expecting your majesty's answer, after the kissing
yont hand with all humility, I take leave from London.
No. XLVIII. (Vol II. p. 122.)
A Letter from Sir Amw Ptrakt,
Sin,
OiieiD ^ ""* forbear, according to your direction signified
Ctl.c! 9. <u your letters of the 4th of this present, to proceed
486 SCOTLAND.
to the execntian of (be contentB of Hi. Waade's letten onto ifon,
fbr the dispersing; of this lady's nmiecesiary serradts, and for the
ceasing; of her money, wherein 1 was bold to write onto you my
simple opinion (although in vain as it now fklleth out) by my letters
of the 7th of this instant, which, I doubt not, are with you befoire
this time ; but upon the receipt of your letters of the 5th, whi*^
came not into my hands until the 8th in the evening, by reason, as
did appear by indorsement, tbat they had been tois^en, and weie
sent back to Windsor, after they were entered into theway towaids
me, I considered that being accompanied only with my own ser-
vants, it might be thought that they would be intreated to say as I
would command them ; and therefore I thought good, for my bet-
ter dischai^ in these money matters, to crave the assistance of
Mr. Richard Bagott, who repairing unto me the next morning, we
had access to this queen, whom we found ia her bed, troubled after
the old maimer with a defiusion, which was fallen down into the
side of her neck, and had bereft her of the useof one of her hands,
nnto whom I declared, that upon occasion of her former practices,
doubting lest she would persist therein by corrupting underhand
some bad members of this State, I was expressly commanded to take
her money into my hands, and to rest answerable for it, when it
shtfll be required ; advising her to deUver the said money onto roe
vrith quietness. After many denials, many exclamations, and many
bitter words against you (I say nothing of her railing against my-
self); with flat affirmation that her majesty might have her body, but
her heart she should never have, refusing to deKver tie key of the
cabinet, I called my servants, and sent for barrs to break open the
door, whereupon she yielded', and causing the door to be opened, I
found there in the coffers, mentioned in Mr. Waade's remembrance^
five rolls of canvass, containing five thousand French crowns, and
two leather bags, whereof the one had, in gold, one hundred and
four pounds two shillings, and the other had three pounds in silver,
which bag of silver was left with her, affirming that she had no more
money in this house, and that she was indebted to her servants for
„ theirwages. Mr. Waade's note maketh mention of three
tell vou the "^^^^ ^^ft in Curie's chamber, wherein, no doubt, he was
trnttiafthia misreckoned, which is evident, as well by tbe testimonies
^ ' and oaths of diverse persons, as also by probable conjec-
tures ; so as in truth we found only two rolls, every of which con-
taineth one thousand crowns, which was this queen's gifte to Curie's
wife at her m&rriage. There is found in Naw's chamber, in a
■ cabinet, a chain worth by estimation one hundred pounds, and in
money, in one bag nine hundred pounds, in a second bag two hun-
dred fourscore and six pounds eighteen shillings. All the fbresaid
parcels of money are bestowed in bags, and sealed by Mr. Richard
Ba^t, saving five hundred pounds of Kaw's money, whicb I reserve
APPENDIX. 427
in, my badi, for the use of ihii bonsehold, and may be reptid M
hoadon, wbete her majettyaWl appoint, aiUof thcinoMeyiaceiTad
lately by oae of my scrTanU,OBt oftbcexebeqim. I£a«redksttlN
people wgbt have dispMied this money nt all thii time, or have
tttddra .the same in some secret eomers ; for doubt whereof I had
caased all this qneen's family, from the hi^test to the loweit, to b«
guuded in the Beveral places vbcFe I found then, to as yff I bad
not found the money with quietness, I had bee* forced to hove
searched first all tiieir lodging, and dten their own persons. I
thank Ood with all my heart, as for a singular blessing, that that
feUeth out so well, fearing lest a contrary success might have nored
some hard conceits in ber majesty.
Touching; the dispening of this queen's servants, I trust I have
done 10 much, as may suffice to satisfy her majesty for the time,
wbereinl could not t^e any absolute course, until I heard again
from you, partly because her majesty, by Mr. Waade's letter, doth
refer to your consideration to return such as shall be discharged to
their several dwellings and countries, wherein, as it seemeth, you
have forgotten todeliver your opinion; partly, for that as yet, Ihave
received no answer from you of your resolution, upon the view of the
Scottish ftmiily sent unto you, what persons you will ^point to be
dismUt ; only this I hare done, I have bestowed all sueh as are
mentioned in this bill, inclosed in three or four several rooms, as the
same may suffice to contain them, and (bat their meat and drink
shall be brought unto tbem by my servants. It may please you, to
adrertise me by your next letters, in what sort, and for what course,
I shall make their passports, as also, if they shall say that they are^
nnpEUdoftbeir w^es, whati shall do therein. Ytissmd
bath jnx^ ^^ ^*I ^*'^ hten accustomed to be paid of their wages
store of at Christmas, for the whole year. Her majesty's charge
^^°^'* willbesomewhat diminished by the departure of this peo- '
the French pie, and my chai^ by this occasion will be the more easy,
■mbiiu- But the persons, all save Bastiau, are such nlly and sim-
pie souls, as there was no great cause to fear their prac-
tices, and upon this ground, I was of opinion, in my former letters^
that all this dismissed train should have followed their mistress antil
the next remove, and there to have been dischai^d upon the sud-
den, tor doubt that the said remove might be delayed, yf she did
fear, or expect any hard measure.
Others shall excuse their foolish pity as they may ; but, for my
part,Irenoiincemypart ofthe joys of heaven, yf in any thing that I
have said, written, or done, I have had any other respect than the
furtherance of ber majesty's service; and so I shall most earnestly
pray you to alBrui for me, as likewise for the not seasing of the mo-
ney by Mr. Manners, the other commissioners, and myself. I trust.
13B SCOTLAND.
Mr. Waade hath RDiwered, Id bU humble dudei, far tiie whole com-
pany, that no one of n> did so much as think that our commisMoa
leacbisg only to thepapen, we might be bold to touch the money,
so BM there was no speech of that all to my knowledge, and as you
know I was no commissioner in this search, but had my hands full
at Tyxall, discreet serr&nts are not hastily to deal in ^at matters,
witfaont warrant, and especially where tl^ cause is such as the de-
I^ of it carrieth no dan^r.
Yonr advertisement of that happy remove hath been greatly c(hd-
fortable onto me^ I wilt not say, in respect of myself, because my
private interest hath no measure of comparison with her majesty's
safety, and with the quiet of this realm. God grant a happy and.
speedy yssue to these good and g;odly counsels; and so I commit
you to his merciful protection,. From Chartley, the 10th of Sep-
tember 1586.
No. XLIX. (Vol. 11. p. 133.)
Letter from the King of Scots to Mr. ArcHbaid Douglas hit ambaeta-
dor in England, OctobeVj 1586.
f^^ J.. RxsERVB up yourself nalanger in the earnest dealing
CaUg. C 9. fot my mother, for ye have done it too long ; and think
Anortpiml not that any your traveltis can do goode if hir lyfe be
^Q^_ '"^^ takin, for then adenwithmy dealing with thaime that are
the special instrumentis thairof ; and theirfore, gif yelooke
for the contineuance of my favour towartis you, spair na pains nor
plainnes in this cace, but reade my letter wrettin to Williame
Keiti), and conform yourself quhollie to the contentis thairof, and in
this requeist let me reap the fruictis of youre great credit there, ather
now or never. Fairwell. October l£86.
Letter to Sir William Keith, amhasiodor in England, protabfy/hm
Secretary Maitland. Nov. 27, 1586.
J. . Bt yonr letters sent by tiae bearer (albeit concerning
ibe^lect no pleasant sulject), his majesty thinks well of your ear-
<^SiiA. nestness and 6delity in your negotiations, as also of Mr.
A. fill. *i9i Archibald's acdvity and diligence, whom jou so greatly
praise and recommend, I wish the issue correspond to
bis majesty's opinion, your care and travell, and his great diligence
as you write. His majesty takes this rigorous proceeding against
his mother deeply in heart, as a matter greatly concerning him both
in honour and otherwise. His highnesses actions and behaviour
utter plainly not only how far nature prevdls, but also how he ap-
prehends of the sequel of that process, and of what moment he es-
teems it. There is an ambassade shortly to be directed, wherein
will be emplt^ed an earl and two counsellors, on whose answer will
Google
APPENDIX. 429
depend. the contiDnance or diBsdutlon of the amity and good ii^-
ligence between the princes of this isle, hi the mean season, if
farther extremity be used, and his majesty's suit and request dis'
daiaed, his highness will thiak himself di^onouied and contemned-
far besides his expectation and deserts. Ye may perceive his ma^
jesty's disposition by his letter to you, which you shall impart to
Mr. Archibald, and both deal according thereto. I need not to
recommend to you care, concerning your master's service botb in
weilland in honour.' As you and your colleague shall behave yoai-
self in ^S' behalf, so for my own part will I interpret your afiection
tO' your master. I am glad of that I hear of yourself, and 1 do fully
credit that you write of Mr. Archibald, whose friends here make
great account of his professed devotion to the queen, besides the
duty he owes to the king's majesty her son. Farther I am con-
strained to remit to next occasion, having scarce time to scribble
these few lines, (which of themselves may bear witness of my baste.)
Wishing you a prosperous issue of your negotiation, I commit you,
&c. HalyruiUiouBe, Nov. 27th, 1586.
The people, and all estates ber^ are so for moved by the rigorous
proceedings against the q^een, that his m^esty, aod all that have
credit are impoituned, and may not go abroad for exclamations
against them, and imprecations agtunst the queen of Engluid.
No. L. (Vol. II. p. 136.)
To the Kin^t Maje*ty,Jrom Mr. Archibald Dovglat,
iGih OcL Pi-bask your majesty, I received your letter of the date
1586. the 26th of September, the 5th of October, which waa
Frnniihe ti,e game day that 1 directed W". Murray towards
ibe Collect. y<>nT highness ; by such letters as he canied, and others
of Sir A. of several dates, your majesty may perceive tb&t 1 had
slVhsi*. otnitted nothing so far as my travel might reach unto„
anent the performing of the two chief points contaioed in
the said letter before the receipt thereof, which by these presents I
mustrepeat for answering of the saidis. As to the first, so &r as
may concern the interceding for the queen your majesty's mother
hei life, 1 have divers times, and In every audience, travelled with
this queen in that matter, specially to know what her full determing».
tion must be in that point, and could never bring her to any further
answer, but that this proceeding against her by orderofjusticewa*
no less against her mind, than gainst their will that loved her best:
as towards her life she could give no answer tlfbreunto, untill such
time as the law hath declared whether she was innocent or guilty*
Herewithal it was her pleasure thus far to inform me, that it was »
number of the aasociants that eamastly pressed- het that the law
r.,j,-,-,-i-,;. Google
430 SCOTLAND.
taight proceed against her, giving; reasoiu that bo t(mg as' she wiA
■nfiered to deal in matters, bo lon^ would never thia re^m be in
quiet, neither this state in assurance, and in the end they nsed thifl
protestation, that if ahe would not in this matter follow their advice,,
that they should remain without all blame whatsoever should fall
out; whereupon she had granted them liberty to [»oceed, lest BOch,
aa had made the request might hereafter have charged henelf with
inconvenience if any should happen.
And by myielf I know this her speech to be true, because both
Papist and Ftotestant has behaved them, as it hath been her plea-
sure to declare, but upon divers respects, the one to avoid suspicion
that otherwise vsui concaved against them, the other upon zeal, and
care that they will be known to have for preaerration of their sore-
rogn's life and state in this perilous time, upon consideration where-
of^ I have been constrained to enter into some dealing with both,
wherewith I made her majesty acquainted ; the Protestants, and such
«s in other matters will be known to bear no small favour unto your
majesty's service, hath prayed that they may be excused from any
dealing in the contrary of that, which by their oaih tbey faaveavowed,
and by their speech to their sovereigD requested for, and that before
my coming in this country ; if they shonld now otherwise do, it
would produce no better eSect but to make them subject to the ac-
cusation of their sovereign, when it ahould please her to do it, of
their inconstancy, in giving councell whereby they might incur the
danger of ill councellors, and be consequent worthy of punishment.
Such of the Papists as I did deal with, went immediately, and told
her majesty what I had spoken to them, who albeit ahe understood
Ihematter of before, sent forme, and declared tome my own speech
that I had uttered to them, willing me for the weil of my maister's
service to abstain from dealing withsach, as were hot yet sufficiently
moved tcf think of my master as she did. I craved leave of her ma-
jesty, that 1 might inform them of your majesty's late behaviour to-
wards her, and the state of this realm, whereunto with some diffi-
culty she gave her consent. At my late departure from court,
which was upon the 5th of this instant, and the day after that the
lords of this grand jury had taken their leaves of her majesty to go
northward to Fothringham, it wfts her pleasure to promise to have
further speech in this matter at the returning of the said lords, and
to give full answer according to your majesty's contentment to tbe
remainder matters, that I had proponit in name of your majesty. As
to the 2d part concerning the association, and desire that thepromise
made to the master ipf Gray concerning your majesty's tide may be
fulfilled ; it appears by the said letter, that the very point where-
upon the question that may bring yourmtyeBty's title in doubt, hath
not bein rightly at the writiug sf die laid lettfir considered, v^iich I
Google
APPENDIX. 481.
tak* to have proceeded for lack of readtnj^of the act of parliamentf
whereia ia fulfilled all the promiae made by the queen to the aaicl
master, and nothing may now cause any deubt to arise agunst your
said title, except that an opimon should be conceived by these lords
of this parliament that are so vehement at this time against tho
queen your majesty's mother, that your majesty is, or may be proved
hereafter assenting to her proceedings, and some that love your
majes^'s service were of that opinion that too earnest request might
more a ground whereupon suspicions might grow in men so ill af^
fected in that matter, which I Uio't might he helped by obtainmg of
a declaration in parliament of your majesty's innocence at this time,
and by reason that good nature and pubUc honesty would constrain
you to intercede foi the qaeen yoor mother, which would carry with
itself, without any further, some suspicion that might move ill afiect*
ed men to doubt. In my former letters I humbly craved of your
majesty that some learned men in the laws might be moved to ad-
vise with the words of the associadon, and the mitigation contained
in the act of parliament, and witfaall to advise what suspicious effects
your majesty's request might work in these choleric men at this
time, and how their minds might be best moved to receive reason ;
and upon all these considerations they might have formed the word*
of a declarator of yoqr majesty's innocence to be obtained ia this
parhament, and failing thereof, the very words of a protestation for
the same effect that might best serve for your majesty's service, and
fbr my better information. Albeit this was my simple opinion, I
•hall be contented to follow any direction it shall please your ma-
jetty to give; I have already opened the substance hereof to the
qaeen of this realm, who seems not to be offended herewith, and
bath granted liberty to deal therein with such of the parliament as
may remain in any doubt of mind. litis being the sum of my pro-
ceedings in this matter, besides the remainder, contained in other
letters of several dates, I am constrdaed to lay the whole open be-
fore youK msjesty, and to humbly pray that full information may be
aent unto me what further to do therein ; in this middle time, while
I shall receive more ample direction I shall proceed and be doing
tecording to such direction as 1 have already received. And so,
most gracious aorereign, wishing qsto your majesty all happy suc-
ceM in your affairs, I humbly take my leave from London, this I6th
of October, 1586, Your majesty's most humble subject and obe-
dient aervant.
A Memorial for Hit Majaty hy the Matter of Greuf.
iiih Jul. It will please your majesty I have tho't meeter to set
eridosl^ down all things as they occur, and all advertisements as
Uf em they cams to my ears, then jointly in a lettie.
r,on7<-i.i Google
432 SeOTLANI>.
Iinid,iiitbe I ctune to Vare the 24tli of Dec. and lent to W".
8ii A.Dick. ^^^^ ^'"^ ^'' Archibald Douglas to advertise the qneen
Vol. A. fal. of it, like as they did at their audience. She promised
*"' the queen your majesty's mother's life should be spared
till we were heard. The 27th they came to Vare to me, the which
day Sit Rob', came to Vare, where they shewed us how far they
had already gone ia their negociation, but for that the discourse of
it ii set down in our general letter, 1 remit me to it, only this far I
will testily unto your majesty that W. Keith hath used himself
right honestly and wisely till our coming, respecting all circum-
stances, and chiefly his colleague his dealing, which indeed is not
better than your majesty Icnowa already.
The 2Sth day of Dec. we came to London, where we were no
vays friendly received, nor after the honest sort it had pleased
your majesty use bei ambassadors; never man sent to welcome or
convey us. The same day we understood of Mr. de BeUievre bis
leave taking, and for tiiat the custom permitted not we sent our
excuses by Mr. Geoi^ Young.
The Ht day of Jan. W. Keith and his colleague according
to the custom sent to crave our audience. We received the
answer contained in the general letter, and could not have answer
till the 6th day, what was done that day your majesty has it in the
general, yet we was not out of esperance at that time, albdt we
received hard answers.
The 8th day we speak with the earl of Leicester, v^ere our con-
ferrence was, as is set down in the general. I remarked this, that
he that day said plainly the detaining of the queen of Scotland
prisoner was for that she pretended a succession to this crown.
Judge then by this what is tho't of your majesty, as ye shall hear
a little after.
The 9th day we speak with the French ambassador, whom we
find very plain in making to us a wise discourse of all his pro-
ceedings, and Mr. de Bellievre we thanked him in yonr majesty's
name, and opened such things as we had to treat with this queen,
save the last point, as more largely set down by our general.
It is tho't here, and some friends of your majesty's advised me.
that Belhevre his negociation was not effectual, and diat the re-
sident was not privy to it, as indeed I think is true, for since
Bellievre his perting, there is a talk of this Chasteauneuf his
servants taken with his whole papers and pacquets, which he was
sending in France, for that they charge bim with a conspiracy of
Jate against the queen here her life. It is alledged bis servant bag
confessed the matter, but whom I shall trust 1 know not, but till I
«ee proof 1 shall account him an honest man, for indeed so he
appears, add one (wi^out doubt) tf ho hath been very inaUmt in
APPENDIX. "493
this matter. I show him that the queen 'ftod earl of Leicester had
desired to speak with me in private, and craved his opinioo; he
gare it freely that he tfao't it meetest, I shew him the reason why
I communicate that to him, for that I had been suspected by
some of her majesty's friends in France to have done evil offices in
bet seEvice, that he should be my witness that my earnest deahng
in this should be a sufficient testimony that all was lies, and that
this knave Nau4 who now had betrayed her, had in that done evil
offices: .he desired me, seeing she saw only with other folks eyes^
that I should no ways impute it to her, for the like'she, had done
to himself by Naue his pecsuasion. I answered he should' be my
witness in that. .
. The 9th day we sent to court to crave audience, which we got
the lOtb day ; at the first, she scud a thing long looked for should
be welcome when it comes, I would now see your master's ofisrs^
I answered, no man makes offers but for some cause ; we would^
find like your m^gesty, first know the cause to be extant for which
we offer, and likewise that it be extant till your majesty has'heard
UB. I think it be extant yet, but I will not promise for an hour,
but you think to shift in that sort. I answered, . we mind -not to
shift, but to offer from our sovereign all things that with reason
may be; and in special, we offered as is set down in our general,
all was refused, and tho't nothing. She called on the three that
were in the hoUse, the earl of Leicesterj my lord admiral, and
chamberlain, and very despitefully repeated all our offers in pre*
sence of them all.' I opened the last part, and said', tnadam, for
what respect is it thatmeu'dealagainst your person or estate for
her cause? She answered, because they think she shall succeed
tome, and for that she is a P^i«t; appearingly'said I boththe
causes may be removed, she said she wduld be glad to understand
it. If, madam, said I, all that she has of right, of succegBion were
la the kii^ our sovereign's person,- were not all-hope of Papists
removed? Sheanswered, Ihope so. Then, madam, t diink the
queen :hiB mother shall willingly demit all -her rights in-his person.
She: answered,' she hath no- right, for:'she Is declared: uBhatnl.
Then I said, if she have no right, appearingly the hope' ceasek
already; so:.that:it ia not to be feared that any man atteopffor her.
.The queen answered, but the .Papists allow not Our dedaratitm;
then let it fall, says I, in the king's person by-her assignadodi
-The earl of Leicester answered,- she it a prisoner, ; how ^can she
demit? I answered, the demission is to her aou, by the advice of
all tjie fiieads she has in Europe, and in case, as- God forbid, ' that
Any attempt cuttis the queen here away, who shall party with her
to prove the demission or assignation to be ine^tual, her ton
)Hiag opposite party, and having all the princes her friends^
VOL. II. 2 r
ogle
434 SCOTLANa
him, hari^ bonded for the efiEcacy of h nith Ml majesty of before;
The qneen maA» «■ sbe oonld not comprehend my meaning, and
Sic Riob'. opened the matter agam, she yet made as tho' she im<
deratood not. So the ead of Leiceiter answend that ooi meanmp
was, that the king should be put in bis mother's place. Is it so;
the qoeao answered, dien 1 put myself in a worse case thaa of
b^re : by Ood's passbn, that were to cut mjr own thro^ and for
a datdiy or an earldom to younelf, yon or such as yon would causa
aone of yovr desperate Imares kill me. No, by God, he shdl
wtmtt be in that place. I answered, he cnTea nothing of yo6r
mtjeatf bnt only of his mother. The eail of Leicester aafweredt
that were to make bim party to the queen my mistress, I said, be
will be far more party, if he be in her place throngh her death.
She would stay no longer, but said she would not have a worse in
lus mother's place. And said, tell yonr king what good I have
done for him in holding the crown oB his head since he was boni,
and that I mbid to keep the league that now stands between ut,
•nd if be break it shall be a double fault, and with this minded to
iane bidden us a farewell ; but we achevit Q. e. finished arguii^
■pon this point). And I spake craving of her that her life may be
spared for 15 days ; she refused. Sir Rob', craved fi>r only eight
iUys; she said, not for an hour; and so geid her away. Yost
aiajetty sees we have delivered all we had for ofiers, bat all is for
Boibing, for she and her councel has laid a determination that di^
mind to fbllow forth, and J see it comes rather of her coancU than
hers^, wUdt I lika the worse ; for without doubt, sb, it shall cot
•ff all friendship ye had here. Alttto' it were that once they had
aae^Md w^ to your msjesty, yet rememberutg themselvea, diat
they hare meddled with your mother's blood, good faith they
caonothope great good of yourself, a thing in truth I am sorry for t
faiUier your m^sty may perceive by this last discourse of that I
fifi^nit, if they had meaued well to your majeity, they had used
it o^rwise than they hare done, for reason has bound them.
But I dare not write all. I mind something to speak in this
mattM-, because we look shurly our letters shall be tnisait by
^way.
For that I see private credit nor no meuis can alter their de-
Urmination, altho' the quten again and the ewl of Leiceatat baa
devred to speak with me in particular ; 1- mind not to speak, nor
shall not ; bnt assuredly shall let all man see that I in particular
was no ways tyed to England, but for the re^>ect of your majeatyM
aervice. So ^beit, at^is time I oonld not eSbotuate that I dement
yat my upright de{^ii|^ in it shall be manifested to the world. We
are, God willing, then to crave audience, where we mind to me
abarpljr our instnicUons, whkh hitheito we have used vnycakUys
APPENDIX. 435
for we can, for yonr honour's cause, aaj no lesi for ;<Mr majeitj,
than tbeFrench andiaisadoT ha> aaid for his master.
So I pray your majeitf consider my upright dealing in your
aerrice, and not die e^ot; ftt had it been dooUe (i. e. possible to
be done) by aaj I mt^t hare here had credit ; but being I cam
only for that cause, I will not my credit shall serve here to ajtf
ftirther purpose. I pray God pieienre your msjesty, and send you
a true and sincere Erienddiip. From London tUs 12th (rf Jan,
-. I itnderstand the queen is to sand oneof her own to your tni^ty.
To the Right Hon. my Lord Vice-CkanceUor and Secretary to Hit
Majeity,from the Master of Grm/.
itihJiB. Mt lord, I send you these lines with this inclosed to
M^ia in" '"' o^iesty, whereby your lordship shall understand how
00 Col- matters goes here. And before all tHmgs I pray your
^P*n^3" lordship move his majesty to respect my diligence, and -
VaLA. not the effect in this negMiation, for I swear if it had
f>I- 179. be^ fof tiie crown of Ei^^land to myself 1 CQuld do no
morC) and let not unfriends have advantage of me, for tbe world
shall see that I loved England foi his majesty's suvice only,
1 look shortly to find your lordship friend as ye made promise, and
by God I shall be to you if I can. W", Keith and I devyset,
a mUtera had gone well, to have rua a course that your lordship
night have here been in credit and othen disappointed, but now
I will do for you u for myself; which is to care for qo credit here,
for is coaaeieace they mean not honesty to the king our soverei^»
aiid if tbey may, be will go the get his mother is gooa, or shortly
to. go, therefore my. lord, without all kind of scruple I [way you to
ftdvise Iwn th« best is not this way. They say here, that it has
beea said by one who heard it fiom you, that ye desired not the
king ond.&igland to agree, became it would rack the noblemfla;
utd gave an example of it by king James the Fourtb, I answered io
your naae that I was assured you never had spoken it. lie
Andiibald is the speaker of it, wlu> I assure your loid^p baa been
ft poison in this matter, for they lean very mickle to his opinion.
Be cares not he says, for at length the king will be &in to deal
this way, either by &ir meaw or neoesai^. so that .when he deda
itm course he ii assured to be welcome ; to set down ell ^at is
past of thQ like puivosea, it woald.omsume more paper than I have
bare, ao 1 defer it to meeting. There it a new cotu^ruy alledged
■igBinatthe.()Heen to have been intended, for the Frenoh ambasaador
mideiitthreaof hismen tajcen, buti tiiinkin the end. it shall prove
nothing. Mr. Stafibrd, who ia ambassador for this qneca in Fnaoa,
MkiDudbed with it, bit brother is talnn. beie, idwaya it hM d«M thi»
436 SCOTLAND.
harm in our negotiation, that tUl this fcouncil wovld ilot move thiii
queen to medle vith the queen of Scotland's blood, till this inTen^
tion was found forth. I remit all other tilings to the inclosed.
We minded to have sent to his majestj a discourse, which we have
set down of all our proceedings since our hither coming, but' we
are surely advertized that the bearer is to be tmssed by the way
for our pacquets, bo that we defer it till our own coming ; this I
have put in a privy part beside the pacquet. We shall, 1 think;
take leave on Fryday the 13th day, where we mind exactly td
follow the rigour of our instructions, for it cannot stand with the
king's honour that we say less than the French ambassador, which
was, te toy man maistce ne pault moins faire que se resentir. So
that about the 24th I think we shall, God willing, be at borne,
except that some stay come which we look not for. The queen and
the earl of Leicester has desired to speak with me. I refused save
in presence of my colleagues, by reason I see a determination
' which particular credit cannot help, and I crave no credit buf for
that cause. It will please your lordihip retire the inclosed from
his majesty and keep it. So aAer my service commended to
yourself and bedfellow, I commit you to God. From London the
12thof Jan. 1586.
To the King's Majesty, frm Sir Robert Mehil.
lOih Jan. It may please your majesty, since the diiecliou of our
ofSn»l in fo'D'^r letters, we had aui^ence, and her majesty appeared
bis own to take our overtures in good part in presence of her
]i»nd. m council ; albeit no o&rs could take place with themi
the Ijoileot- , . - , , . ■ . - ,
of Sir A- having taken resolution to proceed with extremity, not
?'*fci ^'^' '^^ ^^^^ '' P'^^*^^ ^^' majesty to desire us to stay for
' ' ' ' two days on taking out leave, until she had advised upon
our propositions; since which time, her majesty is become more
hard by some letters (as we are informed) has come from Scotland^
mduDg some hope to believe' that yonr majesty takes not this
matter, to heart, as we know the contrary in effect,' and had' of
before removed the like opinion out of her majesty's mind, which
by sinister iiiformation was credited, their reports h&s hindered our
commission, and abused this queen, fearing in the like manner we
shall be stayed until answer come from Scotland by such persons
as they have intelligence of. And albeit that it nil) be well enough
known to all men bow heavily your m^esty takes this proceeding
to heart, the truth is, that tbey have by this occasion so persuaded
the queen, that it is like to hinder our negotiation. As also
Aldunder (i. e. Alexander) Steward is to be directed la their
party, by onr knowledge, who has awantyt more of his credit, than
I believe he mayperform, and we willed him to' desist 'from &i|
APPENDIX. 437
jdealtng, say ing.it. does harm,' and he is not meet for that purpose,
remitting to your majesty's good discretion to take order herein as
■we shall be answerable to your majesty not to omit any point we
Jiave in char^, as the truth is, the master of Grhaye has behaved
himself very uprightly and discreetly in this charge, and evil tayne
with be divers in these parts who were of before his friends. We
iiave been behalding to the menstrals who has. born us best com-
pany, but has not been troubled with oUiers, Wylzeme Kethe
Jiath left nothing undone that he had in .charge. As for master
Archibald he has promised at all times to do his dewoyr, wherein
he. shall find true report made to your majesty, craving pardon of
your majesty that I have heeo so tedious, after I have-kissed your
majesty's hand I humbly take my leave. Fraying God to grant
your majesty many good days and happy, in whose protection I
commit your majesty at London, the 20th of Jan. 1586.
SlB, ■
' Albeit master George has not been in commission, he is not
inferior in his service to any of us, as well by his good advice and
dihgent care he takes for the advancement of your service, wherein
we have not been a tittle furthered.
jo the King's Majesty, from the Master of Gray and Sir Robert
\ . . -'>'«^^''-
Slat Jan. Plkase it your majesty in the last audience we had,
1586. An since our last advertisement by W. Murray, we find her
'ih^r\\ "\ i"*j^^'y ^^ '^^ resuming our offers something mitigated,
of Sir A. and inclined to consider more deeply of them, before we
.Diet. Vol. got our leave, at our reasoning, ceitain of the council,
. ■ ■ ■ namely, my lord of Leicester, Sir Christopher Hayton, my,
lord Hunsdon, and my lord Ha wart being present in the chamber,
gave little show of any great contentment to have her from her
former resolution, now cassin in perplexilie what she should do
always we left her in that state, and since have daily pressed con-
ference with the whole council, which to this hour we have not yet
obtained, This day we have sent down to crave our leave.- The
greatest' hinder which our negotiatioii has found hitherto is a per-
suasion they have here that either your majesty deals superficially
in this matter, or that with time ye may be moved to digest it,
which when with great difficulty' we had expugnit, we find anew
that certain letters written to them of late from Scotland has found
some pl^e of credit with them In our cootrare. So that resolving
now to clear them of that doubt by a special message, they have
made. choice of Sir Alexander ' Stewart -to try your highness's
meaning in it, and to persuade your majesty to like of their pro-
ceedings, wherefrom no terror we can lay out unto him is able to
Google
438 SCOTLAND.
divert iwa, he hu given oat that bt tea credit with jvu majeM^
tad that he doubte oot to help thii tuttar at you higihAeaa's hand.
If he come tbeic that errand, we think your m^esty will not overeee
the great diigrace that hia attempts ahall give ui here, if he he not
tane order with before that hs be further heard, and if lo be thtf
aoy other be directed (as our intelligeBca girea na there riiall) out
Jliimble niit ia to your majesty, that it may pleaM yoar highneai t4
hear of US what we find here, and at what point we leave lUa
matter with her majesty, before that they find accidence, tbe conaes
whweof remitting to ovr private letters. We commit yoar majesty
for tbe present to Qod's eternal protection. Front LondoB this
Slat <rf' Jan. 1586.
No. LI. (Vol. II. p. 142.)
Copy of a Utter from the EarU ofShrewiburg and Kent, ^, IomUi^
their proceedingt tidfh regard to the death of the Scottish Qjieen, to
Her Majeitg'a council.
It may please your Hon^ good lordships to be advwtized, ihax,
on Saturday the 4th of this present, 1 Robert Beale came to the
house of me the earl of Kent, in the coun^ of , to whom yoor
lordship's letter and message was delivered, and her mqesty'a
commission shewn ; whereupon I the earl forthwith sent precepts
for the staying of such hues and cries aa had troubled the country,
requiring the officers to make stay of all such persons, as should
bring any such warrants without names, fts before bad been Aaos,
and to bring them to the next justice of peace, to the intent that
upon their examination, the oocasion and causes of such aeditioaB
bruites might be bolted out and known. It was also resolved that
I the siud earl of Kent should, on the Monday foUowing, come t«
Lylford to Mr. Elmet, to be the nearer and readier to confer witk
my lord of Shrewsbury. Sonday at night, I Robert Beale came
to Fotheringay, where after the communicating the coiiuniasioB>
&C. unto us Sir Amice Pawlet and Sir Dree Drury, by reason that
Sir A.Fawlet was but late recovered and not able to repair to tbe
earl of Shrewrtiury, being then at Uiton, six miles «ff; it was
thought good that we Sir Drue Drury and Robert Beale shoiild g9
unto him, which wa <Ud on morning; wid tt^iether with tbe
delivery of her majesty's commission, and your lordship's letter im>
parted unto him what both the eorl of Kent and we thought meet
to be drae in the cause, praying his lordslup hither the day foUoW'^
ing, to confer with me the said earl, concerning the-same ; which
bis lordship promised. And for the better colouring of the malter,
I the said earl of Shrewsbury sent to Mr. Beale, a justice of -peace
of tbe county of Huntingdon next adjoining, to whom I Communir
r,on7<-i.i Google
APPENDIX. 4a»
rated that wamnt, which Robert Beale had under yon lordahip'a
bands, for the AtaTuig of the hues and dies, Tequiring him to give
notice thereof to the town of Petsrborough, and especially mt«
ihe jafiiicea of peace of HuntiiigdonBhire, uid to cauee the.p«nnen
and briogenof such wamintB to be stayed, and brought to di»
next justice of peace ; and to bring us word to Follienngay cuUc
on Wedoesday morning what he had done, and what he should ia
the mean time undeisttnd of the authoTS of such bruites. Which
like order, I also Sir Amias Pawlet had taken on Monday morning
m this town, and other places adjinmng. The same night the
Aeriff of the coaiity of Northampton upon the receipt t^your lord-
ship's letter came to Arandd, and letters were sent to me the eail
of Kent of the earl of Sbrewsbnry's intenticm ftsd meeting hers on
Tuesday by noon ; and other letters were aUo sent with their lord-
ship's assrait to Sn Edward Mont&go, Sir Richard Knightly, Mr.
Tlio. Brudenell, &c, to be here on Wednesday by eight of the dock
in the morning, at which time it was thouf^t meet that the ex-
ecution shoald be. So upon Tuesday, we the ewb came hither,
^ere die sheriff met us ; and upon conference between w it wa«
resolved, that the oaiu for the sending for the surgeons, and other
■eeessary provision should be conunitted imto him against the
fimC And we forthwith repaired ui^ her, and first in the
pwsesc* of herself and her folks, to the intent that they might sea
and report hereafter diat she was not otl^erwtBe ^oceeded with
dian according to law, and the form of the statute made in the
S7th year of her majesty's rei^, it was thought conreuient that
her majesty's commission should be read unto her, and afterwards
she was by sundry speeches willed to prepare herself against dift
next morning. She was also put m remembrance of her fault, the
honorable manner of proceeding with her, and the necessity dtat
was imposed upon her majes^ to proceed to execution, ior that
otherwise it was found that they could not both stand together;
and however, silbeBce the lord Bnekburst's his being here new
ooDB|nraciea were attempted, and bo would be still; wherefore
since she had now a good while aiace warning, by the said lord
«nd Robert BetUe, to think upon and prepare herself to cUe, we
doubted not but that she was, before this, settled, and therefbn
would acG^t this message in good port And to the effect &tt no
Christiaii duty might be said to be omitted, that might be for her'
mmfort, and tend to the salvation both of her body and soitf in the
world to come, we o%red unto her that if it would please her to
confer wiA fha bishop and dean of Peterborough, she might ;
which dean, we had, for that purpose, appointed to be lodged
within one mile' of that place. Hereto shereplied, crossing bei^If
in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, sa^ng
.Cookie
440 SCOTLAND.
that she wu ready to die in the Catholic ftomiyi bid), wUeh ber
ancestorB had profesaed, from which she would not be remored.
And albeit we used nutny persnasiona to the contrary, yet wepre-^
vailed nt^ing ; and therefore, when she demanded the admittance
of her priest, we utterly denied that unto her, Hereupon she de-
manded to understand what answer we liad .touching her former
petitioo to her majesty, concerning her papers of accounts, and the
bestowing ofher body. To the first we had none other answer to
make, but that we thought if they were not sent before, the same
might be in Mr, Waade's custody, who was now in France, and
seeing her' papers could not any wise pleasure her- majesty, we
doubted not but that the same would be delivered unto such as sbe
should appoint. For, for our own parts, we undoubtedly thought
that .her majesty would not make any profit of her things, and
therefore (in our opinions) she might set down what she would
have done, and the same should be imparted unto ber majesty, of
whom bolh she and others might expect all courtesy. Touciiing
her .body, we knew not her .majesty's pleasure, and. therefore could
neither say that her petition should be denied, or granted. .For
the practice of BahingtoQ, she utterly denied it, and would have'
inferred it that her death was for her religion ; whereunto it waa
eftsoons by us replied, that for many years she. was not .touched'
for religion, nor should have been now, but that thi^ proceeding
against her was for treason, iu that she was culpable of that horrid,
conspiracy for destrojiog her majesty.'s person ;■ which she again
denied, adding further that albeit. she for herself foi^ve them that
were the procurers of her deatli, yet she doubted not but that God
would take vengeance thereof. And being charged with the de-
positions of. Nau4 and Curie to prove it gainst her, she replied,
tiiat she accused none, but that hereafter when she shall he dead,
and they. remain alive, it shall.be seen how indifferently she had
been dealt with, and what measure had been used unto her ; and
aaked whether it had been heard before .this, that servants had
been practis.ed to accuse their mistress, and hereupon also required
what vaa become of them, and where they remuned.
Upon our departure from her, for that it seefned by the com-
miasioo, that the charge of her .was inthe disposition, of :US the
earls, we required S. Amias Pawlet and.S. Drue.Drurie, to receive
for that night the charge which they had before, and to cause the
whole number of soldiers to watch that night, and that her folka.
should be put up, and take order that only four of them should be
at the execution, remaining aloof of and guarded with certain per-,
sons, so as they should not come near unto, her, which wefe Melril-
faer steward, the, physician, surgeon, and apothecary.
Wednesday morning,, after that we the earls were repaired -unto
Google
APPEND1X\ 441
the castle, and the sheriff bad prepared alVthings ib th^batl'forthe
execution, he was commanded to go into the chandwr, and to
bring her down to the place where were present, we which -have
signed this letter, Mr. Henry Talbot, esq., Sir Edward Mont^ue^
knU, his son and heir apparent, and William Montague his brotiier^
Sir Richa^ Knichtly, knt., Mr. Thomas Brudenell, Mr. BeuUli
Mr. Robert and John WingeBeld, Mr. Forrest, find Rayner,
Benjamin Pi^;ot, Mr. Dean of Peterborough, and others. i
At the stairfold, she paused to speak to Melvil in our hearingi'
which was to this effect, " Melvil, as thou bast been an hoOest
servant to me, so I pray thee continue to my Bon, and. coitiDteifd
me unto him. I have not impugn'd his r^igion, nor the religion
of others, but wish him well. And as I forgive all that have
offended me in Scotland, so I would that he should also; and
beseech God, that he would send him bis Holy Spirit, and illuminate
him." Melvil's answer was, that he would so do, and at that
instant, be would beseech God to assist him with his Spirit. Then
she demanded to speak with her priest, which was denied unto
ber, the rather for that she came with a superstitious pair of beads
and a crucifix. She then desired to have her woman to help her|
and upon her earnest request; and saying that when other get^e~-
women were executed, she had read in chronicles that they had
women allowed unto them, it was permitted that she should faave
two named by herself, which were Mrs. Curie and Eennedy;
After she came to the acaSbld, first in presence of them all, her
majestie's commission was openly read; and afterwards Mr. Dean
of Peterborough, according to a direction which he had recefVedi
the night before, fronj us the earls, wou'd bave made a godly
admonition to her, to repent and <Ue well in the fear of God and
charity to the world. But at the first entry, she utterly refused it,
saying that she was a Catholique, and that it were a' folly to move
her being so resolutely minded, and that our prayers would little
avail her. Whereupon, to the intent it might appear that we, and
the whole assembly, had a Christian desire to have her die well, a
godly prayer, conceived by Mr. Dean, was read and pronbunce'd by
us all, "■ That it would please Almighty God to send her bis Hbly
Spirit and-grace, and also, if it were bis will.to pardon all her
pffences, and of his mercy to receive ^er ' into his heavenly "imd
everlasting kingdom, and finally -to bless ber majesty, aiidicon-
found all her enemies ;" whereof Mr. Dean, minding to repair up
shortly, can shew your lordship a copy.
This done, she pronounced a prayer upon her knees to this eSect,
" to beseech God to send her bis Holy Spirit, and that she trusted
to receive her salvation in his blood, and of his grace to be received
into his kingdom, besought God to forgive her enemies, at she for-
#4S SCOTLAND.
gavtdinn'; and to tnra hli msth from tbi> land, to bleis the queen'a
majeatie, that afae migifat serve him. Likewise to be mercifnl to her
son, to haire compasBion of bi> church, and altho' she was not wor-
thy to be hewd, yet she had acoofidence io his mercy, and prayed
ail the uinti to pray unto her Sariour to recdve her." After this
(taming towards her servants) she denred them to pray for ber, that
her Saviour would receive her. Then, upon petition made by the
ezecutioDSrs, shepardoned them ; and said, she was glad that the
end of allber sorrows was bo near. Then she misUked the whioning
Itnd we^sping of her women, saying that they rather ought to thank
Ood for her resolution, and kissing them, willed them to depart
from the 8caffi>ld, and farewell. And bo resolutely kneeled down,
tad having a kerchief banded about her eyes, laid down her neck,
v4>ereiipon the executioner proceeded. Her servants were inconti-
nently removed, and order taken that none should approach unto
her coips, but that it should be embalmed by the surgeon appointed.
And further her crosse, apparel, and other things are retfdned here;
*nd not yielded nnto tbe executioner far ineonvenieacies that
night follow, bat be is remitted to be rewarded by such as sent him
bilber.
This hath been the manner of our dealings ia this service, where-
^Webavethot^tgoftd to advertise your lordships, as partjcnlarly
as we could, for the time, and furtber have thought good to signify
unto your lordsbipa besides, that for the avoiding of all sinister and
slanderous reports that may be raised to the contrary, we have
caused a note thereof to be conceived to the sttme efiect in wrttingi
which vre the said lords have subscribed, with die hands of sudi
ether there the knights and gentlemen above named that were pre-
tent at die action. And bo beseeching Almighty God long to bless
her majesty with a most prosperous reign, and to confound aU his;
wd her enemies, we take our leaves. From Folheringay-castle,'
the 8th of February 1586, inhait.
Your lordships at commandment.
N. B. Thii, as well as several other papers in this Appendix, i»
taken firan a collection made by Mr. Crawfbrd, of Drumsoy;
bislorii^praidier to queen Anne, now in the library of the facirity
: of advocates. Mr. Crawfard's transcriber has omitted to men-
'tioQ the book m the Cott, Lib. where it is to be found.
Do,:,7.dDyGoOglc
APPENPIX. -MS
No. HI. (Vol. II. p. 146.)
The otffectioHs agamtt Mr. Davison, in the caiue vf the laie Scottith
Queen, nuttt concent iiings done either, 1 . Before her trial at Fotier-
ingag, 1. During that session. Z. After the satae.
■ 1. Beforb her tiial, he neithei ii, nor c&n be charged
Ctl.C 1. ^ ^«ye had any hand at all .in the came of the. said
queen, or done any thing whatsoever concerning the
same directly or indirectly.
2. During that sessitHi, he remained at court, where the only in^
t£FeBt he had therein, was as her maj^ty's secretary, 4o reodte the
Jetters from the commissioners, impart theia to her highness, and
return them her answers.
3. After the return thence, of the caid commissioners, it is well
known to all her council,
1. That he never was at any deliberation or meeting wfaatsoeveiv
in parliameat, ot council, coaceroing the caule of the said queen*
till the sending down of het majesty's warrant unto the commis-
sioners, by the lords and others of Iki council.
2. That he was no party in signing the sentoice passed against
her. ,
3. That he niever penned either the proclamittion publisUng the
same, the warrant after her death, nor any other tetter, fx thing
whatsoever concerning the same. And,
That the oaly thing which cui be specially and truly imputed to
him, is the carrying up the said wurant unto her majesty to he
signed. She sending a great counseUor unto turn, with her pleasure
to that end, and carrying it to thegreatsealof England, by herown
special direction sod commandment
For the better clearing of which truth, it is evident,
1. That Uie letter, being penned by the lord treasurer, was de<
Jivered by faim unto Mr. Davison, with her majesty's own privity,te
be ready for to sign when she should be pleased to call for it
2. That being in bis hands, he retained it at the least for five or
six vr6eks unpresentcd, nor once <^riiig to cany it up, till she sent
a great counsellor unto him for the same, and was sharply reproved
therefore by a great peer, in her majesty's own presence.
3. Tbathaving Bignedit.Bhegavefaimanexpresscominandment,
to carry it to the seal, and being sealed to send it immediately away
unto the commissioners, according to the direction. Herself xfr
pointing the hall of Foth«ingaj for the place of execution, mis-
UluDg the court-yard, in divers respects, and in conclusion ' abso^
lutely forbad him to trouble her any further, ot let her hear any miwe
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
444 SCOTLAND.
hereof, till it wai done. She, for her part, baviDg(aB she said) per-
formed all that, in law or reoaon, could be required of her.
4. Which directions notwithitaading, he kept the warrant sealed
all that,nig;ht, and the greatest part of the next day in his hands,
Irought it back with him to the court, acquainted her majesty withal,
and finding her majesty resolved to proceed therein, according to
tier former directions, and yetdeuroustocarry the matter so, as she
might throw the burthen from herself, be absolutely resolved to quit
ilia hands thereof.
5. And hereupon went over unto the lord treasurer's chamber^
together with Mr. vice -chamberlain Hatton, and in his presence
restored the sa^e into the'hands of tHe sdd lord treasurer, of whom
he had before received it, whom from thenceforth kept it, till him-
self and the rest of the council sent it away.
Which, in substance and truth, ia all the part and interest the
said Davison had in tiiis cause, whatsoever is, or raky be pretended
to the contrary.
Toudtii^the sending down thereof unto the commissioners, that
it was the general act of her ' majesty's council (as is before men-
t4oned] and not any private act of his, may appear by,
1. Their ownconfesston.' 2. Their ownletters sentdown there-
with to the commissioners. 3. The testimonies of the lords and
Others to whom they were directed. As also, 4. of Mr. Beale,'by
whom they were sent 5. The tenor of her raajes^'e first commis^
sion for their calling to the star-chamber for the same, and private
appearance and submission afterward instead thereof before the lord
cbEmcellor Bromley. 6. The confession of Mr. attorney-general
jn open court affirmed. 7. By the sentence itself upon record. Si
Cesides a common act of council, containing en answer to be ver-
bally delivered to the Scottish ambassador then reinainiiig here,
avowing and justifying the same.
Nowwhere some suppose him to have given some extraordinary
•furtherance thereunto, the contrary may evidently appear by,
1. His former absolute refusal to sign the band of association,
-being earnestly pressed thereunto by her majesty's self.
2. His excusing of hirngelf from being used as a commissioner,
in the examination of Babington and his complices, and avoiding
the same by a journey to the Bath. - .
, 3. Mis being a mean to stay the commissioners from pronouncing
of the sentence at Fotheringay, and deferring it tjll they should
^etuiii to her majesty's presence. . .
~ 4. His keeping the warrant in his hands six weeks unpresentedj
without once oSerihg to carry it up, till her majesty sent expressly
for th« Same to signJ
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
.APPENDIX. 44S
5. His deferring to send it away after it vas sealed nnto the eomv
missioners, as he waa specially coianianded, staying it all that night,
and the greatest part of the next day in his hands.
6. Andfinally, his restoring thereof into the hands of the lord
treasurer, of whom he had before received the same.
. Which are clear and evident proofs, that the said Davison did
nothing in this cause whatsoever, contrary to the duty of the place
he then held in het majesty's service.
Cal.C. 9.
This seems to be an original. On the back is this title,
- The inhocency of Mr. Davison in the cause of the late Scottish
qiieen.
No. LIII. (Vol. II. p. 227.)
Letter fiom 0, to His Majesty King James.''
From the MosT worthy prince, the depending dangers Upon your
ori^iul. affectionate s, have been such, as hath inforced silence io
Jur.Ediii. ^''°' ^^° '^ faithfully devoted to your person, and In due
A. 1. 34. time of trial, will undergo all hazards of fortune for the
maintenance of the just regal rights, that, by the laws di^
vine, of nature and of nations, is invested in your royal person. Fall
not then, most noble and renowned prince, from lum whose provi^
dencehatb in many dangers preserved you, no doubt to be an, in-
strument of his glory, and the good of his people. Some secrets, I
&ii],have been revealed to your prejudice, which must proceed from
some ambitious violent spirited person near your majesty in council
and favour; no man in particular will I accuse, but I am sure it
hath no foundation from any with whom, for your service, I have
held correspondence ; otherwise I had, long since, been disabled
from performance of those duties, that the thoughts of my heart en-
.deavoureth; being only known to this worthy nobleman bearer
hereof, one noted in all parts of Christendom for his fidelity to your
person and state, and to Mr. David Fowlis your most loyal servant
my first and faithAil correspondent ; and unto James Hudsone,
whom 1 have found in all things that concern you, most secret and
assured. It may, therefore, please your majesty, at the humble
motion of 0, which ja^on I desire to be the indorsement of youi
commands unto me, that, by some token of yonr favour, he may
derstand in what terms you regard his fidelity, secrecy, and service.
- ^ la the fomier edllioai, I printed tbi> as. * letter trota Sir Bobeil Cecil, but ■«
now unified that 1 wu miatakea in forming Ihii oplnioii. See Sir D. Daljvmple'i
Rem. on the Hist, of Scot. p. IS3. As thSlelteriB cariooi, I lepubtiih il, though I
cumot preleBd to u; to which of the kug*! nametoiu coriMpoiidenti in England it
ibqnUI P* Mcribed. ; ' , l
,y Google
448 SCOTLAND.
Hy paiiboBte aflbction to ;four ptnon (not u you are a kingt but
■1 f OQ are a good king, and hate just title, after my BOToreign, to
be a great king) doth transport me to presnmption. Coademn not,
moitnobU prince^ die motives of care and loV», altho* mixed irith
defects in judgment.
1. I, therefwe, first bneechyoui majesty, that for the good of
those whom Qod, by dirioe Proridence.hatfa deadned to your chai^,
that you will be pleased to have an extnwrdinary care of all pnc-
ticen or practices, against your person ; for it is not to be donlMed,
but that in both kingdoms, either out of ambition) facUon, or fear,
diare are manylhat deairc to have their sovereign in minority, where-
by the sovereignty and stale might be swayed by partiality of snb>
altem^e persons, rather than by true rule of power and justice.
Preserve your person, and fsai not the practices of man upon the
point of your right, which will be preserred and maintained against
all assaults of competition whatever. Thus I leave the protection
of your person and royal posterity to the Almighty God of heaven,
who bless and preserve you and all yours, in all regal happiness to
to his glory.
2. Nest to the preservation of your person, is tlie conservation
and secret keeping of your couocells, which, as I have said, are
often betrayed and discovered, either out of pretended zeal in re-
ligion, turbulent faction, orbase conception, the which yonr majes-
ty is to regard with all circumspection, as a matter most dangerous
to your person and state, and the only means to ruin and destroy
alt those that stand faithfully devoted to your majesty's service.
Some particulars, and persons ofthisnaturo, I make no doubt have
been discovered by the endeavours of this nobleman, the bearer
hereof, of whom your majesty may be further informed,
3. The third point considerable is that your majesty by all means
possible, secure yourself of the good affection of the French king
and states, by the negotiation of some faithful secret confident: the
French naturally distasting the union of the British islands under
one monarch. In Germany, I doubt not, but you have many alUes
bnd friends, bat by reason of their remote state they do not so much
importe this a&ir, which must be guided by a quick and sudden
motion.
4. When God, by whose providence, the period of all pertont
and times is determined, shall call to his kingdom of glory her ma-
jesty (although I do assuredly hope that there will not be any ques-
tion in competition, yet for that I hold it not fitting to give any
minnte entrance into a cause of so high t natare), I do humbly be-
seech your majesty to design a secret, faithful and experienced
confident servant of yours, being of an approved fidelity ud judg.
men^ continually to be here resident, whose negotiation, it were
APP^ENDIX. 447
oosvedeot your majesty should foilifie, irilhiucb-ucret trait tmi
powen, as there may not need 14daya respiU topostforauttutrity^
in a cause, that cannot endure ten hours reipUe, vithoqt vanetiea of
dai^er. In which it ii to be considered that- all such fta .pretend
least good to your eBtablishment, will not in public oppugn yotlc
title, but out of their cunning ambition will seek to gain time by
alledging their pretence of common good to the state, in propound?
ing of good conditions for disburthening the common veale, of di-
Mrs hard laws, beary unpositionB, corruptions, oppressions, &c.
irfaich is a main point to lead the popular, who are much di^^sted
with many particulars of this nature. It were tb^efore convenient,
that these mottrea,.ont of your majesty's providence should be pie^
vented by your free offer in these points following, viz.
1 . That your majesty would be pleased to abolish purveyors
and purveyance, being a matter iiifinitely offensive to tha com-
mon people, and. the whole kiagdoiB, and not i»oGtable to the
prince.
2.- That your majesty would be pleased to dissolve the court of
wards, being the ruin of all the noble and ancient families of this
realm, by base matches, and evil Education of their children, by
which no revenue of the crown will be defrayed.
3. The abrogating the multiplicity of penal laws, generally re-
pined aguDst by the subject, in regard of their uncertainty, being
many times altered from dieir tjue meaning, by variety of inter-
pretation.
4. That your majesty will be pleased to admit free outport
<tf the native commodities of this kingdom, now often restrained by
subaltemate persons for private profit, t>eing most prejudicial to
the commerce of all merchants, and a plain destruction to the true
industry and manufactaie of all kingdoms, andagunatthe profit of
the crown.
These, beingby your majesty's cortfidents in the point oftime pro-
pounded, will assuredly confirm unto your majesty the hearts and
affections of the whole kingdom, and absolutely prevent all insinu-
ations and devices of designed patriots, that, out of pretest of
common gqpd, would seek to patronize themselves in popular opi-
nion and power, and thereby to derogate from your majesty's bounty
and free favour by princely merit of your moderation, judgment, and
justice.
Your majesty's favour, thus granted to the subject, will no way
impeach the profits of the crown but advance them. The dispro-'
portionable giun of some chequer officent, with the base and mer-
cenary profits of the idle unnecessary clerks and attendants, will
only suffer some detriment ; but infinite vrill be the good unto the
.;, Google
448 SCOTLAND.
kh^DT,' Tfaich-will con6nn uBtb your majesty the uniTenal )ot4
and afieot!on of tb« people. Mid establishjouT renown in the high'
est eiteem to all posterity.
' The lord preserve your majestie, and make yon triumphant over
allyonr enemieB.
My care over his person, whose letters pass in this pacquet, , and
will die before he leave to be yours, shall be no less than of mine
own Ufe, and in like esteem will I hold all your faithful confidents,
notwithstanding I will bold myself reserved from being known unto
any of thera In my particultir devoted afiectious unto your m^esty,
only this extraordinary worthy -man, whose associate I am iniiis
misfortune, doth know my heart, and we both will pray for you, and
if we live you shall find us together,
■ I beseech your majesty bum this letter, and the others ; for ftltho'
itbe^n an nnueualhand, yet it may be discovered.
Your m^esty's most devoted,
and humble servant.
Do,1,7cdDyGoOglc
INDEX
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
N.B. Tht Numeral htUr* rtfer to the Volume, and the
Figures (o the Paget.
rifae
RcfD
Z
alio
.fhi
■^
,161
1. Artful
iri 1
lied
orbi
i"i
It]
rmiDe bim, ib.
lOB of Ibc de-
AniMaoN, ■rahbiihopnr Si. Andrew'!, 370. Ti taken priionei' in Dambailan
u exoammnnicMed bj (he sjnod of File, oaslle, and biDged, ii. 14.
iMlS. Hb eicomipnnicBted bia oppo- Andre*'>,Sl.,lheDaatle of, demoliahml
nenln, 114. Is imlored bj Ibe geneml by the Frepoh, i. 95.
Bjimnblj npoo conditions, ib. Hii ni«Bn . 'Ibe priur of, promotes >
■DbniiMion to tbe groenl Bs«emb1y. 167. ttentj between tbe qocen regent and Ibe
Albany, Aliiander, doke of, cabals witb tefurmers, i. 146. I» provnked lo iesTs
hianobleaagiiinitbia brotberkinzJamea tbe ooart, 148. Is one of tbe obief pro-
Ill. i. 45. Is made prisoner, bot escape. - '----'"—'--'':" s
to Fnmce, 46. CoDolndeii a treaty with
Edward IV. of England, ib. Proenres
(isisNuioe la iDvade Scotlaod on mean PresuisptioD of b
conditions, ib. Retnma to Scotland, and aigui charged on him, 168. la sent by
ia rcitored to tatonr, 47. Cabali again, the convention to iniile the queen (o
bnt is forced to fly to France, 48. Scolland, 206- I" reoeiTed by her wilh
, dake of, made regent dflring confidence and affeclion, SOT. Keslrains
the mineiily of kin; Jamea V. i. f9. SO. tbe larbnlent spirit cf the people agalnat
After seTeral nnsnooeisfnl slrngglea wilb Popery, 119. Ia sent lo restrain Ibe li-
the nnbility, be is foroed to retire to oenlioaa practices of Ihe borderers, 21S.
France, il. Eieootea his commission with ligour and
Alen^OB, dote of, qneeuEliisbelh long prndenoe, S!4. A conspiracy agamat
•mcna tbe cuort of France by oarrying bim disoovared, 831. Is created earl of
onalreatyotmarriagewithhim,!!. 5r. Mar, 333. Becomes obnonioBi to Iba
Allen, cardinal, publiahed a book pro.- earl of Hontly, 234. See Mar and Mnr-
ingthelawrulneaa of killing eicommaDJ- ray.
oated princes, ii. lOS. Angug, Gilbert de Umfraiille, earl of,
AWa, dnke of, hii inlrignea in ftronr was Ihe only man who aiaerted ihe inde-
nt qoeen Mary, ii. tS. S3. 36. Is re- pendence of bis coonlry, i, 9.
Billed from hisgUTernment of the Nether- , Douglas, earl of, assumes the
lands, 43. regency daring the minority uf kioj
Amhiasadcra, their ofBoe, i, 70. Jamea V., i. 30. 51- Is enable to gain
Andrew'i, St., tbe arohbilhop of, re- hi* affections, ib. Is attainted and flies
markably cared of adangornnadislEmper, into England, 5S. Obtains leate turelarn
i. Ill, The mnliveaof bis oppo&jtioa to into Scotland, ii. 76. Snrreudets himself
tbe qBden regent, 129. Hia great infia- lokiog James VI., 85. Be with aeteral
ence on Ihe bench of bishops and weigbt otbers aeiia Ibe caslle of Stirling to op-
inparliament, 13*. GOTemcd Ihe choreb poae Arran, SB. They are forced to By
wth great moderBlinn, 135. Persecalea into England at Ihe approach of Ihe king
the reformers, ib. Ia imprisoned for wilb an army, ib. He ia altaitated Bud
oelebrating mass, !t46. Ruins qneen bis estala rorfeiled, 94. Is coneenwd in
Mtvy'i aMr» by hif impradenl condBCl, ■ |ilot in fa.oor of Spaio, 171 . Ia teiiMd
4S0 INDEX.
ud coouaillad pri>oiwT to Ua outle Hii el<l«it ma Ii oanditioiiiflj e>oliifc^
at Bdinbnrgh, ib. Eerapei and fliei to til right of luccvinaa, 96. Hia imut
lb« moantaidc, 173. Offan to inbnit to oonoesiion lo Ibe cooit of Pnii«, lOZ.
k trill, 176. Smtsnoe ii pianonnonl Ceta tb« Utie ofChBlelhflniilt.ib. Ii n-
■(■JBit hkn, ib. Ha lefiiaei to aDbmit, darmiiisd by the qneen dawtgti, lOOr
177. 109. ^opoaali and ugamcDla foi his
AnjoB, duke or, a marriage piopoaed resigaatian, 110. Be OBoaentl to it, ib.
between liim and qnieo Elizabetb, ii. 10. Retnota by tbe iaBaenoe of the areb-
Aane, a prinoeia of DeDmark, married bigliop of St- Andrew'a, 111. It at laat
tokingjamea VI., ii.164. Ber arrival preniled on, and gets adtuilagenni
in Scotland and coronalion, 166. Heads lerrai, lit. Stt Cbalelheiult.
apartjihat opposea tba cfasiicellor, 173. Anui.eldeal aon oribe dake orCbalal'
ArehbiabopB, biabopi, deans, and keraall, jnirit in an laaocialion vilb the
ehaptora, reilTwl in Scotiaud during the reformen, i. 159- Nammlj eacapei in-
king'a miooritj, II. 33, 34. Tbia girea leaded tain at the coort of PniuB, ISO.
Krwt ofienae to maoj of the clergj, ib. la full of ntoBtmaat acainit the Freocb
Aaaot of aiaenblj. againal (bete o&iws, on that aooannt, ib. Tb< eoBeragatioB
7}. Biibopa nade gDbject to prnby- eolicit qn»n Etinbclh to marrf him, 199.
teriea and aaienbUea, 113. A great Hia gnat impnidenca with regaid lo
•ttokegiTGnlolbeiiiatbarit]', 151,151. qoeen Harj, 315. Diaooiera • oon-
Monenfiheo preientatlbe qoeeu'i ooro- tpinoj againat the qoeen'a bfooritsa,
■aliaii,16fi. S31. LoMk hi* towob, ii.5fi. la i»-
Argjle, earl of, ia ^pointMl to eatr; priaaned by Hoftm, ST.
tbe notrn matrimonial lo the danpbin of , late oapt. Btewart. geta that title
Fnaoa. i. 194. Uaes Ua inteiett wilb and eatatc, ii. 67. I< ap[>oiiiled to ooa-
tba rabmera to make a trealj'%itk tbs daat Mortoti froB Dambartnii to Edio-
^Beeo TBggnt, 146. Ijenn ber conrt in bnrgb. ib. Hia infanona iaania^e with
raientmenl of bet Ireaohety, 146. Re- tbo luiDnlaaa ofHarofa, G9. Htaiatia«w
fu«i lo aocede to a treaty with Mnrray irlih Lenooi, ib, la fmatiated in an at-
tke leganl, W3. la aooD after foroad (o tempt to reioue Iha king al Kuthrea, 75.
aubDil, 404, Acts aa lieuteBint lt> tbe Ii conGoed priaonet to tbe caatle of Stir-
qaveBaflerthe regent'a mordsT, ii. 1. It ling, 76. Kegains hit liberty and tba
|iretailed on to join the kJog'B party, 17. fciog'a regard, 81. Reaiuaea hi* poircr
Qoarreli with Athole, 46. CnnhdenOat and arrogance, ib. Gela the Rntfaien
with bim against Uarton the regeat for aontpiiatora declared giilty of high tre».
Itaut nntial defence, ib. They remoa- loa, 85. It deteated a* a>tbar of a par.
atrala ^[(init hints the king, 49. They aeoation againat the ole^y, 90: lagained
laiae forcei againat bim, 54. Negaliala oiet to qaeen Eliubeth't intareat, 93.
■ treaty with him by tbe mediation of Geta leTeial forfeited eitatei, 94. HU
qneen Eliabeth, ib. It promoted to the oormption and iuoienos. 100. Is made
office of ebanceUor, 56. Tbe king's ao' obaneellor, and baa unlimited power, ib.
tbotily delegated to bim and lard Forbea Hit (eaallty ia exceeded by that of bia
againat (he Popiib lords, 180. His foruea wife, 101. His nonatniaa tyranny aad
are defeated in an aagagement with them, oppreeaioa, ib. Hit power nndarwiineil
ih. by Wottoa, tbe £ng1Iah bbtoj, 110. Is
Aristoenoy, predominant in SooUand, confined in tbe castle of St. Asdr«w'i,faal
i. f 16. toon TecoTcn faionr, 1 11. Hia ialeceat
Armado, Spanish, preparationa for it, sinba mnoh, 113. Ia alripped of bin
ii. 154, 155. It ia defeated, 158. bononra and apoila, and ledooed In hut
Atran, eail, ia appointed regent dnnng original alation.ib.
the minorit J of qaeen Mary, i. 77. Hia Artiolea, lords of, Ibeir origin wd bsai-
eharacler, 78. Conaenta to tbo aehemet nea>,i. 66. By whom chosen, 67. Tba
of England, which disgnslB the public, BO. snbseqaeDt varialiona and political naa
Beoomea SHapicioas of the earl of Len- made of tbii insUlntion, ib.
■ea, 83. la forced to renounce tbe Arundel, earl of, is appointed a OOB-
friend^p with England, and deoiaro for mitaioner to the confereopa at Wettain-
Franoe, ib. And to perteonte tbe re- stet, i. 395.
fbinwis, 89. Pablicly abjurei tbe doc- Aahby, anbasaador from queen Biisn-
triaeioftheTefDnnera, ib. Ia conttmnrd belhto Scotland, ii. 156. Eiagreatpm-
by one bilf,and little treated bj tbeolber miaes to king James, ib. Hia promisaa
paH of the nation, 86. Heads tbe par- ate soon forgot, 159. He it aJiamed.
liMnaofFrance and defender! of Popery, and withdrawa prifately from Sco^Iaad,
ib. AUempU io «ain to seize the mur- ib.
derert of oardinal Beatono, 92. Jiforeed Aeaaaainaiion, tbe freqaenoy of U ia
lo make a trnoe with tbe eoBi];arators,ib. Soolland, how aoconnlad br, i. X95. &••
INDEX. 451
TMi^ laHuasi oF It h Fmiw, t9e. A tmtaet V. to moilHy tb* boUm, I, 55.
■top pat la it Aen and n Soatliad, 397, Hii pretenilaai ta Ika ntnaj «> lb*
ScTSfal gntl *CB approTa of h, ib. deatb of tkat priaoa, 7T, Fotf«amtMl><
PNnikdgmilfafterwaH, 11.167. meBt W lb« IMe kinc, IL Hii *inn Iww
Aiaanbly of ths ohnrcfa of Soodaiid, diiif>p«Bt«d, ih. Hi* cinnctcr, ]b. (^
thsSnt batfceblsawlim^ar, f. SOS. poaaa Uw nri of Aina, ngwt, 80. Bi-
Aaotker auemblj.lheirdeinandi frsmllre ette* moat «f Aa nativa againat tb*
«avnatiM, tSS, SS6. Two other auam- EB|ligtar BS. SeiaM the j<raii( qgaem
Uiaa !■ nia aolioil aa lajtnaBtatim of and bar nothai, ib. Cijdn ttia Mwi of
ttaufe*aaas«,S40. Tbcy addrcHqaem Lbdboi, 83. OUigM (Iw nfMit to i»
Htrjb htgfa Hniiia of eDinplarata,.S78. aoaaea Ba^ud, ud JaolaMfbr Ftiin»,
Al mw tbly prooeeda at Glaigoit, not- ib. Aad to penooaU (bo nUnutt, W.
wHbataadiag tha kiaic'a iBtfrdiotion. ii. Eagroiaaa tha chief dinolioB of dhlrt,
71, 71. Two taaenblici jieU minj of 06. Hii doahla dsalios oilh tha «ari af
tbe piiTitegsi of tha (Annti Id (he king, Lanaos raaeoled, ib. 87. la udTdand,
195,196. Daolare it hurrd br tninistari 91. Hii daatb fatri tolha CalbaHoa, 9*.
to A in parikawnt, 199. Bee CitTfj. A *aia altcoipt ta rerenje it, ib. Baa-
Aiaoeiitiaa, foiaiod bdefamo ofqaeaa dalana raporti ooaoan^^E him, IfO.
Blisaheth agahiat qiaon Mary, ii. 9T. Bcdibid, oarl of, aomea u anbaiaador
Atbola, aut oF, tbe oecaaign of hii from igaMa Biiaibetb to wilaaaa tbo bi^
qaUTri with tbo oarl at Argjle, ii. 46. tittn af JaMM VI., i. 313. ITii iMlTao.
Jolni wilb ttim in oppoiing Marlon, the tiona, 314. Hii leltai to Sir W. Onil,
regent, ib. Dies aoun after an enlerldii- Appeni}. ii. 336. 340. S«3.
■eat at Morlon'a, 55. Siipisiooa of hii BdenlaB, Sir Lewit, jiftieo olaA,
being paiaaaod, ib. kiag jMnat'i rtudaat it LeadoD, il. 109.
AnlugiM, lord da, lOfiond ion of tbe Joiai ii proBotiag qmoaa ElinlMlb'i b-
lord I<aaai, nrive* in SooHand ftnn tOTHtio Sootland, ib. la lant with bar
FiaaiW, ii. 08. Bmomea aaoB a giaat fk- earoj iato tliat noaBlTj, ib.
Toorite of kJagJuBBi, 5S- High tltlM Bluik, Mr. Darid, aialalar of SI.
Md potia baMnrad aa him, ib, Notaa Andnw'i, Ui ridieatoai aod laditiaaa
ap ia i l Mb, iM>P™<l"' U- <(»■ Bee esprwrioaa h the pnJpt.ii. 187. Being
Le oMH . aapportad bj the clergj, be decline* tbe
AaalriiB bri J, their orfpn aad power, cirilJariidiatloD, 168. Ii otndaanod by
L 70. the pii*j oaaacil, 169. la aaDlaaead by
tbe blDC to reaidebejaod 8paf , 190.
Baaixmm, AaAonj, eoaa'a tw otal of Blaokaddar, capuin, and tbm otberi,
hiB,ii.ll7. n* liae of iu( ooMpitac J MaoatedbrtlieBioid«rorDaiiile7,LS51.
^aiaat qaam EbabeO, ft. Tba luan* BoMhiu, Hoator, UaUatoijof Soot-
B>d aabeaa of opaiatioM of hia uao. land, toaM aoeoaat of, i. 4.
•latai, Ib. 118. The; are favtnjBd, Boltoa CMtto, qaeea Ifw; oooBiiad a
Mdaed, aadeiaoited, 119. priieaer tfaere, i. 381.
BaoDD, iir Niebohu, appointed one of BoBot, a tnelgoer, made prenor of
tbeooanuaaioReralotbe ooafcdentei at Ottaej, i. ItS.
WeiteiutOT, 1. 395. Borderen, an atteapl to reitniii tbnr
Bdiol, Joba, hii daim Id tbe omwa of liaaBliona praotioea, i. f>3. QaeaaHar;
Sootland, i. 8. la proEtried bj Edward viaila Ihem, 30d. A loiSo tliero, ib
I., 9. Soon breed bj bim to reiign, 10. which Iba BagUA wirdew, &c. wwe ntda
Ballard, a trafficking priest, loliaili IB prlionert, ii. 45.
innaion of ElngUnd Iron Spain, ii. 117. . Bartbwiok, lord, •aaiili lbs queen ra-
J«aa in a onngpiraey to mnrdar qeeen gent ill defending Leilb, i. 174.
Btiiabetb, ib. Ii diaeoTered, aad taken Botbwell, Jamea Hepbam, earl of, in-
iatooaalod;, 119. And euonted, ib. teroepls a iinB of mooej fron bghad to
BarOBi, Ibeir jariadlelio" rerj eitan- tbe congregntlon, i. 173. Faroan Iho
u«e, L I7. The diSBrenoe betweoa tlie qoaeo regent, bnt midei at hia owa
neMer and leaaer, trance, 63, Tbreo hoaia, 174. Ii b; tbe eul ef Hans;
««>ind af IfcaB romoBBtnte i^iinit the iDmiodned to a paWic trial, S66. Pn-
eoadaotof tha .qoeed dowager, IM. The venti it b; leiriagtba kingdon, ib. A
lenet admitted b; tb«r repreaeBtMiTei ■eateDea of ootlawrj agalnit Um pn-
is|>ailianieBt,ii. 153. PetHioaoftbelea- Tented bj Ibf qaeen, ib. Ii peraiilled to
■er baran to puUanent, Append, ii. 315. retam, t74. Buapej with bar after tba
See NoUai. nnrder of Riiio. 892. Seme aoeoaat of
BauMooB Doroa, a book pobUibed bj hii fomer bebanonr, t99, 900. Caa-
kbg Jaiaai VI„ atrei^tbani bli ktereit aeinei a JbHorite with the qneea, 300.
in Baglud, U. 100. She noonoilei him to aevend l«d<, with
Beatoaa, Dirdi>al, ■•doaieDfbjfciag whom be wai at Tuiaiwe, 901. Ha
Set
4S3 INDBS.
iuntMt im branr oith k«r, 30(. Cir- Ibtf UtoBpt to sOMa it lb« ki^, ib. . U
auituoM ooaoDrring in Ibia. 303. He rapalnd, ud oblipd to flj to Ike north
U nouBded iB atMBp^g to mEis one of of Englud, ib. 1* tbudoned by qaeoi
lkBiMrd«nn,S06. Tbaqnem'iextnor- Blinbelfe, ud faned lo flj inls Spain
dinwj nfud br hiB on tUi ooeuion, ib. uid Italj, 182. "— '-■ in indigent ob-
Ta (•one adbareDla he obluDi ■ pardon aenritj, ud i* naiar itln rsnonoilcd lo
InHoflOBawlUauaaDiatea, 316. Pro- ihelciDg.ib.
jMMci Ibe natoratioD of lb* Papitfa eoclo- Bolhi>sll,AdaiD,biibopofOrl[Be]r,p«r->
aiulioal jniiadialion, 318. Hiaiieiia ia fomi tlie oeramanj of niiiria|e of qae«B
tUi.ib. lantpeotodllieiaUKirofDara- Uuj lo Iba aarl oTBalbwall.iL 341.
lej'a ■nrdar,3«4. laehargad wilbilby Bolliwelihaagli. Sea HamilUo.
JjUhoi, 3t6. Bnt alill faioored ta; ibe Boatogne, wreiled bj tb« FrsDcli oat
qaaen.ib. Appoipled gOTarnor ^ Bdin- of llu baoda ottbaEDgliab.L 101. Tbaj
burgh oMtla, ib. Hi* trial iabnniad oa, oonitDt loiaitore it ud ita dapenduiuea
Xer. EUmarlitbla pvtialitT ia bii t*. to tb« Francb, IDS.
roar, 3(8. Lenaox uoaaai fain openij, Bowea, aaiuj from qnaen Eliubolk,
ib. Conea Id hia Irial niih a greal >e- amaaaa Lhboi afdlitnrbiog Ibe paaee.ii.
linaa.SO. 1> aeqoiltad bj a jnrj, 330. 61. larefasad an aiidicaoe,63. laaent
Thatrialaai*af*UjeeDBi]nd,lb. Cbal- to Bncoonga the coatpinton al Rntb-
lantea uj that waoid accnae bim, 331. Ten, 76, To inqoire aboat king Jaaoaa'i
Seranl acta of. pariiament paaaed in hia GorTsapoodedce irilb tha pope, ^02.
IhToor, ib. ■ Heproonna u aol in bivanr Bajd,lotd, hia ambiliaaa Tiewa in the
oflhaRaronBluH,53t. Pravaila on ae- time of king Jaraea III, fmatraled, L j!9.
TWal of tba Boblei to reoomnend bim oa ii pntaiiad on (o jiun the king'i
■ hubaod M tha queen, 335. Seiiea the pirtj igainal queen Maij, ii. 17. JotM
qian OB ■ Jonroe; from Sliding, and tha RDlhiaa eonipiratora, 74.
thia, ib. Obtain) a pardon under tba greal dor from France lo vitueaa tha biptlam of
aeal, ib. FroooiM ■ difnee from his king Jame* VI. i. 313.
i>ili>,339, CanieilheqBsan latfaeeatlie Bniee, Bobert, hia claim to Ihe eron -
nt Eaiobargb, 340. Ia emtnl Dnk* of of Scotland, i. B. Hia grandaon aaaerta
Ofkne^, ib.AndBMTiied totheqaBM,ib. hia right, and Tindicatea tba honour of
lanolaliowed thetilleofkiag,341. He hie eaiutrj, 10. He atlampla to radue
witoboi the qutoa Tttj eloaelj, 34C. thapower of the nnUlea, 37.
Badeatonra to get the prince into hi* , a prieat enplojed b; the king of
coatodj, ib. Ia alaimed aith an aaaooia- Spain toaedace Ibe Sooteb noblea, ii. 160.
tioD of llie noblea againtt tba qneen and , Mr. Robert, a preibjletiu mi-
bim,3M. Carrieatbaqueento tbeoulle nialar, perTorma ihe oeremonj of (he so-
afBorlhwick, 345. Baiiei foraea againat raoation of kingjamea'i qneen, ii. 166.
the ooafederate lordi, ib. He maiehea , Ediiaid, abbot of Kialoai, ao-
against them, 346. Propoaei a aingle qoita faimaelf vritb addreaa ud repala-
eombal, 347, Thia bow prerented, ib. lioa, aa ambauadoi at the soartoT Bng-
Takea hia laat farewell af (he qneen, ud iaod, iiL iOO.
ia forosd to fl j, 348, Send! iiir a oaaket — ~. Ur. Robert, a miniatnr, hia i«-
ofileUeri from qaesn Harj lo him, 351, BOlntioniD leriuiDg to pabliah the kinc'i '
Thaj are iateroepted bj (he earl ofUor- aoeonnt of Gowrie'* conapiias;, iii. 118.
ton, SSd, Hia miaerable fate, 361,363. Ia deprived and baniabed on that ao-
Reieotiona on hia oandact, ib. Cop; of oouat, ib.
bla :ditoree from iadj Jane Gordon, Ap- Bucbuan, George, big biatorj of floats
pendix, ii. 348. land, aaaae aoeonnt of, i. 4. Remarkaea
Batbwell, Fraooia Slaarl,. created earl bis dialogaa De Jqre RBgia,.150. Aloae
sf-Baihwell, ii. 160, la iuapriaOBed for aoenietqneen Marjofa criminal corn'
eonanltiDg witebe*, 168. Baoapaa and at- •poadence with Rido, 389. Approred of
lampta to broak into the king'a preaenee, uuaunation, 397. Allenda Ihe r^wit
ib. Betirea to Ihe north, ib. He ud into Englud when called on to aecnae
hia adhennta' an attainted, 170. Faib> qneen Marf , S85. Wa* one of (he prv
in an attempt lo aeiie the king, ib, la eeptora of king Jimea VI., ii. 47. Com-
taken under proleotion of qneen Bliia- mended for hit greet geuini,S44.
beth, whoaolicils for him, 173. Seiaei . Barleigh, See Cecil.
tha Jking'a penon, 174. Foroee bim to Borongbe, when firit icpreaanted ia >-
diHtiia> the chancellor, and biaother b- parlianenl, ii, 153.
Tcnritei, ib. And to grant him a remia-
aimt.ib. Hia bold ud inaolent bebaTieoi Caib, John, a deelaralioti of bia in nams
aftanaaid, 175. Ia Bnoonnged bj the ofqueenBliEabeth toihe lordsof Giauge,
' --> .^ j^g_ Hakea aD»- at liethiBglon, Appepdii, IL 394.
«•, nrl of, bis prolsil Kt Ihe i. 70, And miliinilad uiibrlioH, 71. If
-triUorBotiiwellfDrlhaDiarder of Dirn- ebeckcd bj Frumii I, ib.
Ia7,ii.330. Chuiei,kin; «f Fruioe, makeaa In^e
CalTin, tbepitrODUidieitDrctofFres- with qnesB' Elizibctfa, ii. S6.
bjleiiBncbarabgoianuaent,!. iOS. Chitclhoniill, dnka of, tb*t trile mn-
Gundm, ■ome miiiUkei oTbii, ii. 314. femd on ths eul of Arren, ngenl oC
336. ScoiUnd, i. lOt. HU rigbt ofiacoei-
Ctnongate, neir Edinbargfa, ■ parliH- sion to Ihe crown of Scotland iDUatUDad,
. menl held than, ii. 15. 119. Enten. a proteiUtion to ure hia
Cardan, aoma «icannt of blm, i. 111. right, ISi. Joias the Tfrformara, in andea-
Hia rainarkable ouia of the biibop of 81. Toaring to expel Ibe French amj, 1S6.
.Andrew'a, ib. Jolna in aiaociition with thein, 159. fa
Carej, Sir George, aenl ambauador looked on la the bead of Iba cnngrega-
from qaecn Elizabeth to anoonraEe the lion, 160. Hia pniilliDimilT, 171. Be-
oonipiiatoriat RalhKo, ii. 76. comes obnoxioua to qneen Harj, >S3.
, Bobart, tent bj qnaeo Elizabeth DepciTid uf bit Frenob penaion, S49, la
to aaolbe king Jamea after the death of alarmed at the earl of Lennoa'a retnrti
hia mother, ii. 147. I« not permitted lo to Scatland, 355. An accommudation
eater Scolliad, ib. Wu the first that broDghtabontbj tbei|aeen'BitiflBeiioe,ib.
faroaght king Jamei intelligence of the AdtaereatnMurrajinnppDiiagthaqneeo'a
death of qnean Elizabeth, 135. marriage, 175. la pardoned on hia faam-
' Casket of letlen from queen Uarj to ble applioilion, bat toned to reaida in
.Bothnell, wiaedby the earl of Morton, i. Fr«DOe, 977. Hia pirlizana grOmble at
35t. Herenemiea aiail themaelTeatniiob Harraj'a being advanced to the regenoj,
of them, ib. 366. Retnrni from France, and headi the
Caaaili, sarlof, joiBi the king's partj, qaeen'a adherent!, V)t. la made her liea-
ii. 17. tenant-gnaenl, ib. Hia reaolation waTar-
Caatdaaa, tbe French ambauador, is ing, the regent commit! bim priiener to
enplojed to prooore tbe coiiaMit of hib the csatla of EdinbDrgb,403. laaetalli-
•ooart to queen Mary's marriage with bert; b; Kirkaldj, and joina Ihe qneen'a
Damlaf, i. S60. Haeudearoora lomalu party, ii, 3, la proclaimed traitor by
up tbe differensea betneen the qaeenand Lennox Ibe new regent, 7. It reconciled
him, SOS. Hit iDterosiaion OD behalf of tu Morton the regent, 39. Articlea of a
qaeen Mary, ii. 105. treaty between them, ib. Hia death, 45.
Catherine of Uedioia, auomea Ihe go- t%nnib of Soolland, reiolnlioai in tt
aemment after Ibe death of Fianoia II. after tbe anion of the omwna, it. 341,
her son, i. 101. Her hanb treatneDt o( 343. See Assembly, Clergy.-
qnean Hary, ib. Her Tiewa in behaiing Chnrcb landa annexed to Ibe grown by
more friendly to her, 349. Bends her parliament, ii. 131.
whole endeavours to destroy the Proles- Cisns, Ibe institnticu and natnre'of,
tauta, ii. 10. Her artfal ccndncl with i. 32.
that tiaw, ib. Clergy, popish, Iheir greal riclieB and
Cecil, bit grtat capacity as a mintsler, pnwer, i. 54. 115. Were made use of- by
i. 189. 309. Is employed to negotiate a king Jamea V. lo anppreiis Ihe nubUs, 55.
peam with France, ib. Oiar-reaobes tiie Made a ccnsidertble body in parliament,
Frenob ambaiaador in the treaty of Bdin- 1 16. Their grest influence oier the Isitj,
bar§^,ib. A letter of his oiled to aheir 117. They angrosaed learning, ih. And
that qneen Elizabeth had no intention lo held many of the chief employments, ib.
intereept queen Mary, in her return lo IIB. Their power ioereased bycelibaoy,
ficollaad, 315. Is appointed a oommia- ib. They seized the eslalua of Ibeinteatola,
aioner to tbe oonferenoe at Weslminster, ib. And tried all matrimonial and lesla-
395. la aent by queen Elizabeth wilb menUry annaes, 119. Become obnoxious
proposals to queen Mary, ii. B. Has an lo tbe laity, ib. Their great corroptions,
iaterriew with her, nhioh ezoites qaeen whence, 130. Those of Soolland pirtiou-
Elizabelh'a jealonsy, 43. Is treated larly dissolute, ib. "nieir weak defaitae nf
harshly by queen Eliiabelh fur consent- their tanola. 111. Try In vain to impose
ing to queen Mary's death, 146. false miracles, ib. Their impel ilie conduct
. , Sir Robert, son to the former, lo the reformers, 137.
heads Ihe parly agunst Ess«i, ii. tSl. - — ., reformed, try in vain to recnrer
His obaiaoter, ib. His great assiduity, Ihe revenues of Ihe churcb, i. 205, 306.
333. Buten into a private oornspon- Proonre a demolilian of all relics of po-
riencewith kiugJamaa, 137. pery, 307. A new regulation oonoeming
- Cdihaoy of the popish olargy; ■ obief their retenoes, 306. 209. Tbey aia no
■npn* of their policy, i. 118. 141. gainers by it, 330. Tbeir slipend(> what
.. OwtImV., gnforor, bu graat power, in thoaa days, ib. Are oSbaded al Ibapo-
454 INDBX.
denttoD <d tbab Uadan, f46. Ocvoioii noh and ds^cnts attoapt ■>■ h^b, lod
atnmalt imu^ tha psople, 147. Uore ua rapnliud, ib. Are no lu* uifiuiuaie
oomplunti dC thai pdieitj, 356. 916. in a ■aoond skiimub, ib. An qaite di-
Ara jmIdu of ^dscb tluj, 317. Tba ipirited.ud iatn>tUi8lirliBs, 114. An
•miU (Dowusai Kppninted to mpport jmned bj Ibe bodj of tlie noblei, ib.
tbnn all, ib. Tfani apptiutiun Tnr pa;- llicir inn; dniodluawaj.l'e. Areani-
nutoftlmrilipnidf, otliltliefi'eot.ses. mated b}| Rnox, ib. Thej applj igaii! to
Kmb oanplainb of Ibe deSoiencj of tbie qaaen RlinbMli, ib. Tbeif partic* liuiaa
fonda (Dt tbrit maiaunanoe, 414. Ara Ibe Prenob, 181. Are auitled bj a Seat
pat off wilb fair worda and pramiiei, ib. (rooi Bnglaad, IBl. Conalnde a Ueatjat
AnbUsbupa, &0. inlradnced aiDOBf Uitn Berwick witb Iba dake of MMfolk, ib.
bj Mortoi, ii. $9. Their grierawit* ua- Ibe deiign and ■abilince of UJi treatj,
d*rbiiadBtaialTaliap,44> Tbej qipiora IBS. NegaliiU a pease oitb Fnioa, 189.
of Ibe BnthTaaeouapiialon, 77. Bj ih- Articlat of the traalj, 190, 191. lliaj
imriag tbam Ibe; piovoke Ibe king, 8£. reap sdTaatage* froo it, 19t. See Ba-
Seierelawanudeaguntt Ihem, 69. Tba; fonaation.
of Ediabnrgb B; iilo England, 90. Ai da Cstenant, natimat, (raned in defanoe
aertralolhar* Ibat wen noM eminent, ib. of Ibe Icing and gorerpncnt, ii. 157.. Tbe
Uora lignroni Deunm agaioitllieni, 9Q. nalure md reiaonableneH of it, ib. The
Thej obUio no Tsdreaa on tbe reiloralion piogieu of it unoe, 158.
oftheeailedludi, lift. RepreBtnl Ibeir Connet; ofSootland, vbat,i.lSO. .
gTieranoei Id parliaiaent, 149. A main- Cnig,aniiiHaler,bo]dl;tartiGeingai>Bt
lenanca piaiided lot tbem bjiparliuoeBl, queen Mar;'* -marriage wilh Botbwdl,
151. Tbej HrevBil to get preibjterian i. 341.
gaTernmeot establiifaed bj Uw, 169. Ciaitfard.optaiD.af Jordan Hill, aer- -
llieir seal igiinit Ibe popiib lordi, 17a. pritn DonbarlOB Catlle. ii. 13. Tbe dif-
134. Tbeir rub procaadingi, 186. Tbey £calties of that enlerpriae, IS.
creel a Manding oonnoil oflbe obnTeb,ib. , earl «f, one oflbe htldaaftha
Viadisale one of their nmnbar wbo de- flpaniib fnotion, ii. 155. 160. OfftntS*
clioed Iba diil jnriadielion, lAB. Their aerTioe to the king ef Spain, 160. J^M
atandipg ooniicil ordered lo Ibbtb Edin- in rebelliaa againat tbe Jung. 16S. I*
bo^b, 189. Tbi* (HwaiioDB a Ttolent In- forced to aubmit to bin, ib. And inpfi-
mnll tbere, 190, 191. The; nae their nl- aoned ■ abort tinte.ib.
moat eObrta to apirit the paopie, 19S. Ciicbton, regent dnrlnglbeMiiKiriljaf
'Are deaerted, and fl; to Englaod, lb. kingJuaeaIL,biab«TbBR>upalie7,L4t>
Tliair power greatlj redsoed, 194. Are , a JeaoU, a plot agaiut qMa«
prcTailad on to gifeapmae; of tbairpij- Slaaabatb diaoorerad b; UaBcana, u. 9&
TJlaget, 195. Ata raalored lo a aeat in CrininalB, a leamfcaUe tialniice of lb*
paiiiameDt, 197. Thii Tieleatl; oppoud diSoalljnf briagingtbenloJBntioe,i.l7.
bjmaDjof thsm,198. Bat oarried in their Cioo, Da, the ^eaoh aabaaaador, i»-
general aaaembtj, 199. TboBeenlilled to fiuad lo eoBnteoaaeaqMen Maijr'i aar^
Ihii priTilejca are laid under man; ragnia- rii^ with Rolhwelt, i. 341. Altenpta ua
tiona and reitiieliaDi, 304. The j . am * tin a naoncilialion between tbe qaeea
broogbl nsder great BubieclioB, ib. The and tbe sonredtiale lorda, 346. H«di-
reTolnliona aooag then ainoa tbe union ateaa Irnee iHlween theking and qoacn'a
oflhecrowni, 243,243. _ _ party in Seotland, ii. 27.
Clintan,lard,ippoinledaconiiniuionei Crown uiitrimoDial of SeoliaDd, righta
at Iheoonferenca nlWeitmniBler, i. 39S. oenTejed bj Ibe gmt ef, i. 130. Ii
Cookhnrn, orOnnialao, reoeiiea a anp- granted b; parliament to the danpbin of
plj of niODe; liani ibe Sngliahto tbecon- France, l32. Depoties appoioled to
gregatiou, i. 173. Ii intercepted and rob- carr; it. bnt are prevented, IM, Iado>
bed of it, ib. manded b; Dindej, tOB.
Coin in Seotlaod, aome (oeontil of, i. Cnnnin^sm, Robert, appean at tb*
163. ii. 44. trill ef Bolhwell in name of Ibe eul of
CDDOiiianriaa appointed lo trj eaaael Lennox, i. 3S9. Demandia delay, wbtdi
uiplaoeofthe|(iirilDalDonTt,i.l96. Thej ii refbBed,S30.
ara deprived of all aiAfaoritj, St7. Curie, one of qoeea Hat/'i inerelariea,
Conreaiion of failb b; tbe reformera i« Beised, and earned priaoner to Landon,
onnaemed lo by pariianeot, i. 195. ii. 121. Ii prodnoed in evideiioa aguaal
Congregation, the proleatanU distia- her, 118.
gBiBhed bj Ihat name, i. 143. Tbeir lead-
en enter into an aaaocialioD, ib. Are in- Darklit, Henrj lord, propoied at •
TolTedindiHealtiei,171. Ai^jloqneen hnabaad to queen Uar;,i.35t. Uia right
Elizabeth for aaaigtence, 172. Uonejrient of auaoeiHOn enoiidered, ib. 353. Iiper.,
them by hw intercepted, 173, Hake a milted to viail the court urScvllaiid,S5S.
Amrei the™, md quloklj gwM tho fwonr, 146. OliJMliani igtinil Uin in
^naea's heul, 959. Hi» ohirmoUr, »6i. the oiiue of the Ule Scottlah qMeo, Ap-
Di>guiU mtnl of Ihe nohlei, psilicu- peodix, 443.
taHf Mnmj. ib. CnltiiBln > familiuitj Daiu, Mob*, ii Knl nilk R "pplj
wilb D»id Ri»io, ib. Is daipis«d onlfail of forces to aiaiil tin French agiisat Ibe
■scoDDt,>6I. Grow«inlole™bljin»olsiit Gngliib in SooUiDd, i. 101. Hii »noce»i
■■dhUElilT, S68. SchemHloUMiiiiiitg Ihew, ib.
HDm;, 170. A plot to iiei» ud teitd Diioiplina in tba chnrcb. the Grsl book
bin (0 Eogiaiid, preTrotcd by lbs qcecii, of, corapoted, L iOS. Wby objected
ib. Eiidenoei of tbii, 871. Hi» mBiriiga 4g«in>l io e. codventicD of the sUUn, ilt.
with tile qoMB oelebnied, !7J. Ii be- Anolhor ittimpl in fiTonc c( chsrch di»-
floored with the title of king of aootland, cipline fronnted, ii. 10.
ib. I» inplKcdble with re.pect W the Dooglai, the power Uid property of
ciiied noblei, (80. Lo«8 the qoBtn'i that family, i. i8. They i»piro to inda-
•feotioohjhi. niitow»rdbeh»Tioar,I85. pendenoj,39. Willi«in,earlof,BiBnJered
DeiBudi tbe orown matrimoBial. JM, by liing JaBiea II., 43. Hit md eodM-
Become* iBipiaiooi of Ride's ill oaoee voars to raaeot it, 43. Ii foretd to fly
with the qnaen. ib. Hii raiolution to be into Bnglud, ib.
•ranged of himencoBngedbj the noblei, , WiUitm, qneeo MBry oom-
488. Arliolei agreed on batwoen them fiw >»illBd_» priwaar to hit o«.tla of Loch-
thai porpote, Z69. Heads Ibe eenapira- leTen, i. 351.
, tor* Wbo perpetnitfl tbe morder, 290. , Geo^a, brother to the «h»io,
Confitiai tbe qoeen Bftar il ia committed, "«i"t* lljo qoMR in making her eao^e,
S91. ProfaibitalhemeetiBgofthepuiiB- >.3^.^T. , ,
meat, ib, Hehta hia etCRpe with tbe --, Arebibdd, one of Dinleja
qoeen, 392. Her hatred to bin inoreaiaa, marderera, ii. 115. Uadergsei k moet
ess. la negieoted by her, and treated trial for th»l crime, and ia«otinitted, llfi.
with lilUa roapeot by the Doblea, SO*. I» aeot ambtiUBdar to Bngiapd, lb. Lot-
Reaolvei to le»e Scotland, 304. Hia lor from him lo the qoeen of SooU, Apr
wajward and caprioiooa bebaTionr, ib. pandii, 4«J. To Ibe king, «9.
He writes the reeaoea of hia condaot to Drnry. Sir William, entera Scotlln*
the qoeen, SOJ. Hia atnngebAaTioDr at with »n army to aBpporttbekiB(ap«rty,
d» bapliam of tbe prince, 313, A faiaa '>• S. They join bun, ud drwo of tbe
TeMo«aUegedforlhlioaDftiled,314. Re- qnaon'i, ib. He procBren Iroco b«weeB
Una to hia father at Glajgow, 316. Falls Iho king and queen'a partiei, N. ComM
«lek there, 318. Conjeolnraa oonceming ""th foroai lo auitt Morton in beii^iog
hit diitamper, ib. la neglected by tbe the oaatle of Bdinhnrgh, 40. ■Wbioh »
qneen, 319. She afterward liiiu and hrced to mrreodtr, ib.
exprMBCi iffeetion for bim. StO. He ii ■ . «' Drae, ia i4ipointed one of
prerailed on by ber lo come to Edin- qM"" Mary's krepere, ii. 9B.
horgh, Sil. Ib lodged ia > tepante bouie, Dodley, lord Robert, raooBmendsd by
ib. He ia Bordered Ihore, 3«3. Hii eb«- qoean Eliubelb ii a buband to qsMS
r»!ler, ib. A proclamation i«Ded for dla- Mary, i. «49. Why a fti»onrit« of qawn
axeriag (he monlerera, 3J4. A reuiaa Blittbelh'a, tSO. Ia highly promoted by
inqairy made into il, 3«S. Capt. Kaok- W, ib. Hia uloation entroraely delicate,
adder and three olhera ciecBUd on that SSI. Becomes saipioiou* of Cecil, J5J.
uouBl, 351. The ooofmaion of Morton, Dnmbirton DUtle, anrprited and taken
tke tegcnt, at his dealb, conomiing Ihe in tb* king's oi»B by tbe regent, ii. 11
BBrdar, ii. 58. A dissertation coBoeroing — 14,
Ut mnrder, «9. P^ier of abjeeUons of Dory, > njiaisWr of Edinburgh, ba>
lbs Goart of England agunst bu nurriasa niahed ftom his obu^ by king Jsmea for
wilb qneenHary, Appendix, S«5. hii free inyectlTes agaUat tbe ecnrliers,
David I, king of Scotland, bia profa- ii. 7S. After being restored, be ii driran
uon totlie charofa.i. 115. f"™ il « iwiond time, for ^proiing the
II. troiblea daring hia mine- Raid of RatbTon, 86.
rily, i. ST.
Darison, seol into Scotland by queen EnmnuROH, is token and burnt by tho
Eliubeth.aaaspyentheFrenobambaa- English, i. 89. A great fray there between
awlor, ii. 79. Ia lenl to gain Arran'a b- tbe Frencb and Seols, 105. Is aeiaed by
tereJt lo qnaen Kliubelb, 93. This he the reformers, 151. Its inhabitants are
toon looompliihes, ib. Brings the war- terribly alarmed by the French, 173. A
rant fbr qneen Mary's death at q'oeen Eli- treaty there with the French and EBg-
ubBth's desire, 137. Ia charged by ber lisb, 189, 190. A loan demanded of it
with disobeying ber orders, 1*5. Is by qneen Mary, *78- WUcb is granted
impritoud, tried, aod fined, and loses all for Ihesnperioiity orL«lb,ib. l%t Ireat;
'456 INDEX.
-of, iliiited 01 Irr queen Eliubelb, 314. roarilM^ 130. DIucmbltH vith <|Dun
la poiHHiid bj (he qnscu'i pulf. it, 3. .Mar; abant her muringe, 951. Asd
And failified bj than, 15. Tbe citj and likewise vilbrcgu^ lo lordDarnle^.aftt.
suite bold ODt a^il the kiog'i rorcea, AS'ronla queen Marj b; her inainuatiai
^. Are rednoed to great itraiLi bj tk- concernipg LsaDoa, ib. la perpleiiad
vme, f6. Are retJVTed bj a tmoe, ib. aboat Lha purriaco of the Seottiafa queea,
Tbe ailizena take op armi to proinule tlie ib7, 158. Pcrmifa DaTole; to ruil tbe
kio^t uarriage, 163. Tbej lite agaiti, conrt gf ScoiUad.SdB. Affi^ota la deslarc
■lid insDJt Ibe king and hi> niiiialerB on againat qneen Harj'a mariiaga to bin,
tbe mnrder of Ibe eacl of Marraj, 163. 963. Her reason) for tbia coudacl, 164.
Asaiatlke kiDg agaiiut Huntlj, 178. A HergreatdiuiniulatiaDiDlhalaBur,9G9.
Tialent tDmalt there on account of the Hei hliah and deoeitrnl bebaTionr to
clergj, 189. 191. Thej are seieielj pa- Mniraj and hia aaaooiatea, who had Bed
iiiihcdforitbjtheking, lyl. 194. Their lo her, i76. I> ilrnck at bearing of the
minineri relnni to their ohai^ea, 196. birlhorjaineaVI.,301. ConaeDtaloeland
Divided into pariahu, and number of mi- fioduialher to bini, 30t. The paiiiaaent
uialeri increaied, ib. Tbej decline pnb- addresi her Id letlle the wioeeaaian, 307.
liahiug Ihe aceotinl of Goirrie'a onnapi- Tbia greatly embatraMes her, 308. She
ran;, 318. All except one, itbo » ba- laolhea and gaina her parliunent, 310.
Diahed, aie perenadcid bj Ibe king lo do Endeatonra lo aceomnodale her diSer-
il, ib. eoces nitb Mar;, 315. Wrilei (D her !■
. Edxard T. of England, deatrajed Uic deli; tbe trial of Damlej'a mnrderen, ,
pDblicarchireaorSoolland.i, 3. la made ,3^9. Interpnaeain herbebalf whena pri-
ompirebetneenBrticoendBBliDl.S. Ha* toner, 353. Her amhoatador ia laftued
art to acqnlre Ihe auperlarit; orSoolland, aeoBM to qoeen Mar;, 355. She .olTen
9. His wan xilli Ibe SaJlaander Robert aaaiatanoe lo the other noblei, ib. Her
Brace, lU. 37. deliberalioDiconGcrDiog tfao diapoaal «f
Eglinton, oail of, ia preiailed on to qaeen Mar; on her arriial in Engla^,
join Ihe king's pari;, ii. 17. 374. Reaolfea to delain ber llieie, 37 .'S.
Eliubetb, her peaceable aoaetaion to Her inatiiea to lhi> oondael, ib. Senda
the crown of Bnglaad, i. 134. Supporla ber letlera of condolence, and g><e> or-
Ihe aangregalian in ScoUand, 17e. Ii dera Id watch ber ooDdnct. 376. She
aparing; in ber lappliea, ib. Reaoliea to KladljnccepIalheofGoeorampirebotiieen
■npport Ihem on a aecond application, her and her anbjecia, 377. ReceiTea a
177. HereoodoondnDtiainalteraarini- Tcr; preialng Utter from queen Mar;,
portance, ib. Molivei that determined bei 38U. Her preoautlona againat her, 381.
lo aasiat them, ib. 178, 179. Her deli- Appoint* conmiiaioneri to hear qneen
berate and resolata condnpt, 183. Sendi Mu; and ber accuiera, 386. HeT im-
olndet a treat; with Ibem, ib.l83. Her Her vieni in Ihia affair, 387. Reonrea
ngbt lolhecrowD of Bnglandagaeiled b; Ihe regenl'a demand!, 391. RemOTeaths
Prancii and Har; in France, 190. Ob- conference to Weatminaler, 39S. Her
taina adTanlageoaa terma far Ibe Scola, teean artificea to gel tbe efiJenoe of
ib. Ia lolioited b; the parliament ofScot- qaeen Har;'a gnill from the regent. 398.
land lo mair; the earl nf Arrau, 199. Treataberwitbgreat rigour, 599. Wrilaa
Thia ahe declinei, iOO. TLe aeeda of ber a harah letter tu qneen Mar;, ib. Sh«
diacunlent niib queen Mary, 108. Her diamiaiea tbe regent vilhonl approving
jeslonx; of Ibe sncceBMon, 110, Jll. or oondemniiig blm, 400. Bnt aeeretlj
Her eiceaaitg rsnit;, end jealoua; of anpporla faia part;, 101. Makea propo-
Mar;'a beaut;, 113. Her disaimolalion ^aaJHlolheregent inberbTaDr,404. Nor-
to ber, 114. Kefuaea her a aufe conduct, folk'a project concealed from ber, 407.
ib. Eiideacea thai sbe had noinleationlo Diacovera and defcati a rebellion in
molest Mai; in her pauaga to Scotland, queen Mar;'a farcinr, 411. ReaolTei to
315. Senda to conKratulale ber arrival in deliver ber np lo the regent, 414. Her
Scotland, till. Refuaea aeon oeaaiaa made great Doncem at hia deaUi, ii. 1. Contt-
b; qaeen Marj, ib. Her jealona; ot ber naea to enconraga rastiooa in. Scotlud,
right belra;ed her into mean aoli0D>,lil. 2. Her political conduct with regard to
Her reaemblanco to Hear; VH., ib. A LennoK, 5—7. Ia eacommanicaled, and
personal interview witli queen Mar; pro- deprived uf ber hlDj^dmn, be. b; lb»
poaed.asg. She artfall; decline) it, 340. pipe, 6. Snpparla tbe king't part; in
uatrlase, 143. Aaaumes a disagreeable 7. Fropoaes a treat; of aocnmmodalion
■ulbotit;, 144. Namea one for a boa- between queen Mar; and ber anhjectB,
band to queen Mar;, 149. Tbe differ^ 8. Procurea a ceaialion of hoatiUliet.ib.
eut qnaliBcatiau of ber miniiten and Ik- Senda propoaala lo qneen Hai;, ib. Her
■rtiSoM in tb* oondoct of thii mfiWir, 9. 316. Rcooina ■nbiiudarl tttm kia^
^poinli oamniuiaiitn lo Frune ft trutj, Ivan with rcgiid, *nd inomie*^ lii*
10. FiDdiipnteDcietorcnderlhBiiniBat- Mtuidr, ib. Her ImI illnni, tt9..Coa-
ing frnirlaH, 11. A inirrMge prapoied jmlurca conoatniog ili« oKaMt of her ma-
iMtwma fa» ud lb* dnke of Anjon, SO. laualialj, tS0,331. Her death, i3f. And
Declares opeulfiguDil ibeqeeen ipaitr, ohinotei.ib. DeoUred the king of SeoU
14. Conclades ■ treit; wUh Fnnoe, 16. her iBooeiior, 334. Same of her lelten.
Her iDoUiee for negoLindng > peuie be- Appendix, 3 18. 338. 346, 34T. 363. 36B.
tweenthel<rapartie])iBSBat1uid,36. Ii 374.376.379.390.
jeeloni of Ceeirn jnlerview wilh qneea £]phiD(tOD,Korelirr loking JamMVI.
.Hiry, 49. Negotiitei i Ireitj belwnn deeeiTei hint into i comipDndencB with
Moriun and bii idrerMriBi, 5-k. Her en- tbe pope, ii. SOf. 1> tried uid fnund gail-
swer to king Jamei's demeod nf n poa- tjof bigfa treuon.SOS. And perdoned on
UMion of an eitale in England, 55. A the (|iieen'i inleroeuioD, ib.
Biarria^ belweeB her and Ifae duke of Eogland, the Engliih aeice and detain
Alenfon pnipoied, ST. InteipOBei in be- kin^Jameil. ofiicDtlaed iongapriioaer,
hiJrofH<>rtOB,61. Hermeuareiiaorder i. SB. Tbe nDhIeatkeiebnnibled,31. Had
to Mie him, 63, 64. Countenancei ilie eeil; twa bonaei ot parliament, 65. Thej
ooaapiralora at Rnthren, 76. Ii alinned inrade Sonlland, B7. Their depredalion*
et a eeuapLiacj •gaiiul her, 93. The de- there, BB. A p«aoe between England,
.eigna of qseen Marj'a adbertnl* againet Franee, and Sootland, 90. Ia>ade 3col-
fcu, 91. EndeaTonra to iwwrer her inle- land again, 96. Gain a great victorf . 97.
rest in Soolland, and gaini Arran to bn- It praijei of little advantage to Ibeio, 99.
intereat, 93. Amnui qneeu Uar; with a Thej force the Scots into a cl<>»r union
frnilksi negoUalian, 95. A new eon<pi- with France, lOQ. Conclude ■ peace. 103.
raoj agunil her. 96. An aiioeiation An English Beet arriiei in Scotland to as.
.(ormed for her defence, 97. Her sntpi- lisl Ibe Congregation, IBI. A peace coa-
oionsorqaeenHii?, ib. Her life endan- eloded between tbem, 163. Thej enter
gered bj a conspiraoj. 10«. Thia bow Scotland, and beaiege the Frenoh id
diacoiered and prcfcxted, 103. Oeoa- I«itb,ib. Areic*eral tiDH»repulBed,1B5.
aionaaneitiaordinarf ataluterorher pre- Cames of tbeir bad aucceai, ib. Arlicles
aerration, ib. li in a dtngeroua sitaalion of a Irratj arpe>[:e,191. Thej qaitScol-
fromthepragTessoribehnl;leagiie,lD6. Iand,19«. Reflections op therightof tec-
En ijeaio en to forma confederacy of (he oestion to tbeir cronii, tlO— 31!. The
Protcatanl princeg, 108. And to prooeed parlianeul faiours qoeen Harj'a right of
with tigour agaioKt qseen Marj, ib. Ad- anceetaian, 307. A leagoe between £ng-
TUiiiBs her inloreat in Scotland, and pro- land and Prance, ii. 96, Between England
.pnaea a leafpie with it, 109. Setdea a and Scolland , 1 14. The nalional oorenant
pantioonponkipg James,110. Concladeii adopted in England, 15B.
a Irealj with Scotland, 114. Aooootit of Entails, wilh wbairiewintrodDccd.i. 18.
Babiefitnn'a oouapiraoj againat her, 116 Episcopal goTerninent in the oborch,
~-119, Her diasimoUliDn afler qneen some socoant of it, i. 30t. Anatlemptto
Harj'a ooDiiction, 131. Her aotwer to reriie il.ii. 33. It ii aboliabed by tbe aa-
king James'a inlecceisian tot her, 134. semblj, 71. Jarisdiction abolished, 169.
Her fartber dissimulation and aniiet;. See Ari^hbiabopa.
136. Signs tbe warnnt for bar eiecDtion, Errol, earl oF, one of the bead* of Ite
137. Her speecb to Daiiaon on that oc- Spaniafa faelion.ii.lSe. Hii oflenof ser-
caaion, ib. Affecla le lament qoeen Mark's nee to (he king of Spain. 160. Appean
death, 145. Sereral marks of her artiflne in rebellion, l6i. la forced to anbmit to
in (hat aJTair, 146. Sbe endeavoara to theking.ib. Imprisoned tor a short line,
aoolhe king James, 347. PrOTocatioaa ib. Jaina ia another conapiraoj, 171. Is
giren bj ber to Spain, 154. Prepares to anmmonad bj Ihe king lo sDrrender. 171.
meet ita resentment, 155. Bndeaioura to Offers to tubinit toa trial, 176. Senteom
•enure Scotland, 156. Triea (o proTCct pronounced egainat bim, ib, .
king James'a marriage, 163. SolioJU him Erskina of Dun, is enplojed bj the
goar, 171. Eiadea the deoiiion oF king i. 143. His reaentmeot oF (bis uiage, 144.
James's rigb( oF aitooestion to tbe crown — ~ — , lord, goreinor of Gdinburgh-
of England, SOO. Ia diagaated at several caslle, acts a neutral part betwaep lbs
of bis prooeedinga, SOI. Disoorers bia queen-regent and ihccongragaiioa.i, 175.
correspoadeiMie with the pope, ib. Fresh RecelTCi (be qcern-regent into tbe caatle,
gmuDdsoTbartnapieion, 121. Hereon- 18 1. la created earl of Mir, (37. See
doot with regud to the earl of Esaea, Mar.
&2t. fI5. Her irr^solalion concerning his , Aleiaiider, has (be chief O-
dea(h, ib. And great concern after it, reeliou of IheedecalioaarhingJaaeaVI.,
^~.ooj;lc
4fig INDEX.
0.47. AblmoBaDftbeMblutoBika Fnaoe, Oe ecwMquncai of A* nb-
ooBpUdU lo kin igiiait Hertaa the t«- *aniai> of lbs (endil gOTtnisnl llten,
E(Bl, 49. I* taiMd ant of Stiilbe-****)* '■ ^' ^ '>°^J "^ Frsnsh uriTa is SooC-
y hii BsidMr, Iha avi of Hu-, S(. >«id (6 nipport tha Catlitiliea, »1. IVf
Buwnl, llw French enTaj,eiid«*aan radMetbecudeof SL Andrei>'>,9S. Al-
to abttraet ■ treaty iMliraeii BagliBd ud olhar p«tj a( tfarin irriia tbara, 101.
Sootlud, iL 114. Tbair tnauoliaai Uai«, ib, Conolada >
BiMM, eul d^ aat Bp ij th» Sagiiih pnoa with EngUnI, t03. Tbair politic
Pl^Ill M 1 oudidlte foi tha amwa, ii. oondnot, ib. TbtJ lots SooUind, 104.
181. HudamputyiaBiglwid.Itl. His llieir utifioe* in ■ tiakt; of namaga ba-
>]iiaraata>, ib. [■ graally dinliitgiiiiilicd faj (vamlbedtapfain andlhaqneanof Saoti,
tbe^aaan.lb. Faioota tbe kinf; of Sooli, 118, 1 19. 1\t Pralestants CDdMronr to
t<f. ObtaiBtlbesfioMof iord-lieiKeBanl cipsi Iha Freocb ml of Sootluid, 156.
•BdoonaHaid«r.ia-<liiariBlratuid, ib. Is Aaolher partj of Ibera urirs Iliara. and
naifnairfrfla Ibat cipaditioo, ib. Re- fortlfi Leith, 162. Th«7 niiperala Iba
oairof a hanh tMter fron Ibe qatea, ib. paople bj their iDaoleDoe, ib. The; are
Ralnni lo Ea|laad,aBd U oonGned, its. Hnt aguBit the CoBgre^tioB, 180. Hmj
I* triad and acBisrad, ib, EDdeBiaun to deitroy aad piBiidar Fifs, lad are iBB«k
■pirit np iring Jomai, ib. His raah and harused b; partiei of tha „ ,
fnoUo ooBdaat, f 34. I) ag;iin l^aa iato 181. Art fnati; aUroied bj tho
OBstodT.faS. Hiidtalb.lb. Hii khi aid oftbe EoEliih BaM, 182. Tbn ral
BgucialBa an raitond to their boMBn LaiUi,grBatif bBnned isdaihiaaiea.ui.
after Ibe aoeanioi ofkiog Jama, It6. Are benegsd tbsis bj the Bogli* aad Iba
BBTopa, Ibe itale of, at lb* bepniuBg CoagregatiBn, 184. Tbaj giio tateial ad-
oflbeHXtecBlbeenlBrj, i. 68. TaBUgei, laS. tboir uoliTeB ka eaa-
BleoBUBiiinntioii, a terrible eagiBa of olpdin^ a pMoe, IBS. NegalialMB* for
(ba Po^ elergj, L tl9. that parpose, 189. Ailtclea of Iha treat;,
190,191. Tba; leave SoollaBd,19t. Tbe
FiLTOH, an Ea^abBua, £ie* the PrCBufa adrtaa qaaeo Harj lo w da-
po|M^ eiCMnannioBlioB of qfloea Bib- rate meaiorea, S06. ntir prapeaidt b;
Mb ODtho gate) of tbe bU<^ of London'! ananbaiHdsrnjocttd, M7. Tbey agre*
palace, ii.6i toquaenUarj'B aiairiage with lordDam-
FaDeiofl, H. do la Holte, leat bj Ibe Uj, 160. The JlDaBtioiWBaM of tbair bo-
n«ac)i king lo iBterpon for kiag JaHei lala, 311.
when coBHad bj Ibe RatbraB aoaapirB- ■ king of, a oqij of Ua dirae-
tvi,ii.79. laforoad lo ralBiB oilbaBl timii tent toSoatlnd, Appandii, ii.404.
aaooeMi ib. Franei* I. giTcs a cbeek tu tbe aabi-
Taodal gonrBUeat, it! origia and aria- lioon projeet* of Chailei V.. i. 71. Hia
toeratioal geoiaa, i.lt, 19. CanNiwhieb Maill; lo ibe Seoli, 90. Hit death, 94.
Hailed lhapowaroff<nddaiODarebi,14. II., come* lo the ennra of
PcmM Tae nia liaUo to raw taaea, ib. A Fieaee, i. im. His ebataetar, ib. la
uniaiWila JMtaPoa of Iba fiwblaneaa of g*Medb;IbedakaofOiiisaaBd aaidiMl
twdal gowi— aal, 17. Tbe ■art peifail ofLonaiBiSOO. HltrealslbaPrsteitaMa
Uaa aT Iba faadal tjsleu. baw attained, wilb great ligov, 18S. Hia deatk, fOO.
S5. Slate of it Ib En^aad, 64. And in
flaotlaad, 6»— 66. OiaioBDi, Dootor aad Gilbert, thoir
Fife, a popalava aad powarfal ooaBlj, Botiaa ooBoerniag Iha UwlUnaaa of UU-
aaaab derMad to (be CoBgragatioa, I. IM. iag heiMical asooauDBaioalad priMBaa, iL
ladaBlrejadaBdplfladandbjtbaFiaBeh, 116. The; joia la a eau^nu; to kBl
lb. Tba Jjoed of, exeoainBBioatai the qoeen Elinbeth, lb. Qilberl, beiag gai>-
■rebbiahop of St. Andrcw'i for ODBtana- ii b/Walaiagbui, belnj* Ida aiannialaa,
Dj,il.ll3. Ibej MooiiBBBioBte tbe Po- 118. li amplojed to oany oa a braiga
pab lorda, 175. eorreipoadeooe with iiBaen Harjr, 1I&
FlowdcD, the battle of, i. 50. Qlaaia,lad7,ta ooadaained to babamt
FoTbei,l«ni,WdlbeeariafArgjle,ii far wileboralt, i. 5S.
•aDlagaiBStlbaPopiikliitdt.ii.tSO. Aro , lord-ebaoaellor, iatitutea Iba
dalaalMl by tbeai, ib, kiag'a order to Hoftoa to suiraBdor the
Foidna, Jobs da, bi* hiilorj of Soot' ngeaoy , ii. 49. Is killed in a reaooaDlar
land, nbaa wmla, i. 4. at StiriiBg, 51.
FonteT, Sir John, wardea of tbe £ng- , the Inlor of, joiD^th* ooaqii-
lish border, a sonfle between him and ratorsof RnthTea, ii,74. His bold speinfc
IbaSooU, ii. 110. to king James, 75. Ha, wilb tbe otbor
Fa&eringay-oaitle, qsecn Marj'i im- Eaaapiraton, seiie the castle aT-Stirliag,
prisoaneol, trial, and death Ibere, ii. Its aad erect their ilanivd, 88. Ha ii at-
—143. tainled, wl Ui eitaU Ibrfeited, 94.
INDBX. 499
Olugoir, biabop at, a Data oT bU WD- th* lbgli«k, i. 100. !• nllaisd h; l)M
oeniog Uie qQ^cn o( Soatlmd^s dowrj, Fnni:ht 101.
A^iendix, li. 398. HuniltDn.UieriH of IhU^uulj. i-99.
Glsnowm, mcI of, juina the RDlh*«i Aibitnrj pisendingi <^ MarlM lln re-
ooDipinUiri, ii. 74. gsnt igwast il, ii. 56. Sea ehatallierBBlt.
Gtenliral, tlie battle of, ii. 180. : — of BolbneUbaHgh. taken pit-
GordoD, Sir JoliD, * aODlBg in (beatreeta laner-at Ibe halll« of Laagaide^ i. 3C1. la
of Edinbuiglibatwe<nfaimandlordOgit- tried aad cDodstnned for rebellioii, ih.
>j,i.£31. Beiflg'aNifiwd toiil, he n^ea ObtiiB* a pardan frera Marraj tberegtnt,
hia eaoape,ib. Wbeo ordered \ij the qasen bj tbe iiitoroea«<a of Kaoi, ib. An ac-
ta adirender binuelf, he takea up arma ooant of hia tauriariagUamj , il&,il6.
■gunat faer, 135, i36. la defeated, and, Mak« hia eecape, 416. Is roeeiied in
together with hia brother. Blade prisoner, tiianipbat HamiltOA, ii,.l.
«38. HeiabeheBded,iadkitbralherpBr- , Ui. Fatrisk, tbe Siat who
doeed, ib. aoflered in Scotland for lbs Prolealwi
' 1, aclat liberty, i. £73. religion, i. 135.
vt> hinielf for Hatfon, TJce-ohaniberlMn .of Enghnd,
la north, ii. 25. tbe ntgument bj whioh he prevailed OB
ni* olutnulcr and good condnct aa a aol- qoeeo Mtcj to plead at her trial, ii.
dier, ST. 185.
6o<nie, eaii of, joins in a cDnipiiaoj Uenij II. of Fninee, aenda forces to
to seize Ihe king at HutbTen, ii. 74. la aasist the Scola, i. 94. A marriage pro-
liiiled and pardoned bj llie king after hia poaed between his son the Danphia and
eao^e, 8S. Beoanes tiupacted, and aa the joitng queen of Scola, 100, 101. Ea-
ordered tut Franoa, B7. Delejs hia to;- cilea Ibe Scola to iarade Englwtd, ISS.
■ge, wkd ia takaa into oialodj, 88. He ia Hii iabtnoaB isipoiiitiOD on q*«*n Marj
tried ufd_^eeoled, lb, io tha treatj.of marriage, 139. Faranadaa
K JoliB niH Aleimder, sona of hia aon and queen Kuj to asaane (he
the *bof*,theliaheFaclcrBDdcDnapiracj> titles oTkiflg Ud queoD of Englnd, 139.
ii. SOS. The inrpriaiag oircBmatanees of Hia deadi, 157.
tint remarkable iruaactio*. £06—110. III. degenerates grvtly oa Us
Serenl diSannt caojfctiires ooneenuog aooeieioB to tba crown of ^aii<», U. 106.
it, 110 — S19. Their dead bodies broagbl Enters into ■ priTalo iMgntialion until
into pariiiueot aad eondaBined, S19. quan EUnbelh, 108. lattrpotea feebly
Their estates and hononn forfeilsd, and in bebilf Of qoeen Mary, 131.
Dame abvliahwl for enr, ib. Diflerent ae- VIU. of Eaglaod, bj his sjatea
oonntsoflhis nAir pnblisbed, bat not aa- ofrefomallon beosmesfbrBldable bath to
Itabotoi^, il9— atl'— See Rulhien. FafHsla awl ProtealnnU, i. 56. Pni|MMta
Gnhara, Sir David, of Fininj,aocHed an inleriiew wilb king jaaea V., 57. Ia
of a oonapirwij with Ike Popish lords, is dinsppoinled bj hin, and dedarsa war
&TaBr arSp»D,ij.l71. Is eoDvictedud agunst Sootland, 5& leiadaa it, bM ia
beheaded, 172. foreed to retreat, ib. 59. Hia ifaat— aa
Grtj, uastar of, aoma aooonnt of bin. w to the balaaaa of power iBBarofeirS.
ii. 98. He baooaes a fa*oflrite of king Hia inlnoaoe in Scolttad ban* obtaiaad,
Jamca VI., 99. Ia gained lo queen Eliu. 74. Hi* aahaniea with regwd to it M tba
belb's intareat, ib. Betrajs qoeen Mary, death of James V., 79. Were ill oondaet-
ib. Persuades king James to write a baiah ad bj himaatf , and odioas to tba Seals, ib.
and nndotifal letter to ker, 105. Joins His traMberoas •eizne of Soeli aUpa
withothersinpromatiogqBeenEliubetk'B ikat look shelter in Ua porta, 81. At-
Inlsreat inSoatlaBd,lll. Hia Ireacherj tsapta lo gain tbe regeot bj great pr»-
wbeB swt to intenede b' qaeea Varj, nOaea, 83. Inrwlea SeMlaod, 87. Thia
136. Ilia ba s aaaaa diacoTered, ba is diir> bong ill-oonducted toros to oo aoooual,
gnoad, 148. AolaiBlUljas ■ apj f ron 88. Beceivea and rewards Ibe sari ef
■ ' ... - -^^ BBoonragos the ■Bidersim of
tkeeoattof Eagla»d,»)l. A memorial of Lennox
Ua fiat Ua B^estj, Appaadii, 431. Te atrdiaa
tbe Moretary of state, 435. raeter, {
Goiae, doke of, hia liolent eouaaela Eidnded the Scateb Kna bj his testa-
wilb ragani to the Scots, i. 157. Ia nar- awnlj-ib.
derad at Ibeaisge ofOrleaas, >4). Hfrrias, lord, joint Chatalheraakinap-
> his intrignea against qaean Eli- posing tbe regent, i. 403. Coawa to a
■abeth, ii. 9S. It a principal pronoter of treat; with him, ib. He and Ihe dnke an
tbe holj Uagns, 107. 154. Drirea lbs oummitled prisooera lo Ihe eagtie of Bdia-
Trea^ king out of hia oapilil, ib. bnr^, 404. Inlimatea the kinf^t order to
MoitoB lo retigo lb* regeaej, ii. 49. Ae-
H^DDJHOiDUNi leized and fortified by cooat of hit beharidtrje parliaaieiit, Ap-
400 INDEX.
pandU, 367. A (dtar froa bin Id lord the DiwntUDa. 171. Offera to nbDit In
Scroop ud Sir F. Knollii, 371. trial, 176. ScntaDBe prtHKnnoed againat
Hartbid, mrl or, intadM Sootland wilb him, ib. lUrnaea to labinit, 177. Makn
■B Bagliak uaij, i. 87. iDati-ngtioaa of anuLfaar daipante allBinpl, bat ia forced
tbaprivf lOinailto. BS,89. Baraa Bdin- to It;, 179, ISO.
fcugh ud Leilh, 88. Ia mads doke of
Sotaaraat, aid proteolor of Bngland, 96. jAMia I. waa dstained loeg i priaoner
8w Sdiwnet. in England, i. 18. Tranblea jd Soolland
Hiokford.awmUTTlotludDkaoff'ar- dariogtfaattime.ib. Wu mnch improied
Iblk, batraji him bj diaooiariag bia in- b; an Bn)[Uah edaeatioD, S8. Hia policy
biltnea oitb queen Harj, ii. IS. oa hia ratoni to Scotland, 39. Hia cba-
Highludi ud Iilaa, u attempt to si- raoter, 40. Sappieaaet the power of llw
liliia (hem bj king Ja«ea VI., ii. 318. noblea, ib. 'niey.beingeiaiperated.cun-
RegnlalioiM for tbat porpoie, ib. Three apire againat, and marder bin. ib. 41.
lawDi eodoed ititb the priiilegea of nijal - — — — II., IrguUei in Scotland during
boroaghi orderad to be bnill there, ib. hia nuoiitT, i. IS.' Hia attempt! agunat
HodgaoD, a prieat of Riieimi, main, the noblea, '41. HniderdhBeRrl of Doas-
lained the lawfalneaa of killing heretical laa, 43. Procnrea aeveid gaud lawa to
exmiamanioaled priocaa, ii. 116. be paaacd, ib. 41. Redacea the power of
Home, Aleaaoder, lord, lliffarU the tbe ncblei, 44. Hi> death, ib.
nettarei anbedakeot Aibanj, regant, i. III., the stele of Scctland dor-
S9. ing bia lainaritT, i. t9. Hit impolitic con-
, lord, aent bj kjag Jamei VI. dnot, 45. Killa oaa of bit brotbera, and
with aaaoret embiiajiDlhepope, ii.203. ia iniaded by inotber,' 46. lagreatljin-
Howard. See Norfolk. aulled bj hia noble i, 47. Hia deapicabis
Hiiaidon, lord, gDiemor of Beraick, miniona, ib. Waa the Grit that appointed
hia inlerriew with Arran, il. 94. liclter a atanding gaard to hia pBraoD,'48. The
from bin. Appendix, 406. ooUea an pmioked to lake arma againat
Honllj, earl, tbangh a Catholic, jolna him,49. lakilled inabatJeagainalihem,
tbe reformera io oppoiing lbs Frenoh ib. Hia eharaoler, ib.
arm7,i. 156. .AaiiilB them ontj wilb fair IV., hia chineter, i. 49. Ii
promliea, 174. Hia faitfaer coDcnirenoe killed in a battle agtiait the Engtiah at
Tilb tbem, 186. SomeaccoBiitoftbatft- Flowdan, 50.
mily, S3«, 333. Hit eomitj againat (he V.,bii niooritj long and tor-
young qoeen'i miolMeri, (33. Hia re- bnlept, i. 19. Tranlaoticaa daring that
aentmiDt inflamed bj an accident, 334. time, 50. 51. Aaiotnei Ibe goTemmmt
Appeara in an open rebellion agwnit the while rery ^onng, S3. Hia oliaraoter, ib.
(|neen, 336. His plot again ttberiiiimKterB Hia acheitie for bumbling Ibe Doblea, 53
diiappointed, ib. Sreaki oat into open — 56, la direrted Trom it bj the clergj,
rebellion, 337. Ia trodden to death in 57,58. Take* arma for Ibe defence of bia
a battle, 138. Hia familf pioaeoated witb kingdom, 58. Hia noblea refoiing to M-
Iha ntmoil rigoor, ib. Seiend aneodotea low him, tbrowi him into a deep melan-
. and coajeetDrea concerning bia plot, 339. cholj, 59. Which ii inoreaied by a >ai>
,I> attainted bj pari iamenl, 345. Tbe at- priaingdehat ofhi>foTCei,60. Hia death,
taiader repealed, and the lamilj reatoied 61. Kefleoliona on his condnot, ib. He
(a eilate and liouoaii, 331. reftited an alliance wilb the empcniT
— — — , hia aliaohment to Botbwell.i. Charlea V., 73.
398.335. ReinaeatasabmittDtfaeregegt, ~ — — VI.,hia hinb,i. 301. His bap-
403.. Ia farced to do il, 404. Acta aa tiam, 313. The oare ofhim caiamitted to
lieateoant (a the qneen after the legent'a the earl of Mar, 336. Is bj him presented
marder, ii.4. Is proclaimed a traitor by from filtiog into ihe bauds of Bolfawelt,
.Lennox, Iho new T^nt, 7. ReceiTea aome 343. Is crowned, 35B. 'Hie nobiei.op-
money and promiie* of assigtinea from pressed b; Horton (he regent, Inrn Ibeir
Spwn.ib. Agreea (o a treat; with Ucrton eyes to him for redress, ii. 47.' Hia edn-
tbe regent, 39. Ia one of Ibe beads at tiie cation and dispoiitiona, ib. 48. He be-
prinoe oT Parma to sene Ibe king of ib. DiacoTera eariy a great attachment to
Spain, IGO. Is imprisoned for- a abort bvonritea, 5B. Adopts two of diBbvnt
lime, 161. Erects a atandard of rebellion, diipoaitions, 59. Bntcra Bdinbargb wilb
163. But forced to tabmit to (he liiog, great aolemnily, 60. Is by bia faToorites
■ib. Ia again imprisoned, ib. Ig goon get engaged in anpopoiai' meeaarei. 73. Ii
■at lib^ty, ib. Recoiiei a oommigaion aeixcd by n party of noblea at- Rntbeen,
Aon the king, 168. His baibaroda nnr- 74. And forced (a reenie. oomplaiata
* WortbeearlofMnirayiib. la anmmon- againat bis bTonrites, 75. Disaemblei
«d.la anirendar to jasliee, 169. Flies to with (bam, aid baniibas Lnmoi, 76. I*
INDEX. 461-
braogbl lo Stirling and Roljrood-baaie, olergj, 167.' GiT«i ordcn ignait tfaem,'
78. His concern for Lennox's deilb, 190. Is much intuited, and in gntX iiU'-
and regard for his memor;, ib. Reeeiies gti at Edinbnrgb, 131. LeBTei Editi-
the Frensh arabuudar wilb great raipHi, bnrgb. Bud proceeds with urerilf against
80. Uakes hii escape from Uis conspi- Ibe citiieni, ig«,193. .Acqairea absolnta
rators, ib. R««>l*ai to Iraat them with domiDiDnineccleaiaslioalaff>irs,195,19E.
■noderalion.SS. Visits Gdrrieiandgrants Strangthens bis interest in parliament b;
for Ami), ib. ' [a bj bin peisnaded to 197, 198. Endeaionrs with bdccbss to
TJolent tneasaree agtinattbeconapirBlDrs, esin * parlj in Kngland. 199. Increaieg
83. Hi« answer lo « baaghtj letter from his repntalion hjpubllshidghls Baiilieon
qoeCD Elizabelb on their behalf, ib. Is hj Doron, 900. Ii aceoied b; qoeen Eliza-
' her interposition rendered more fiolent betb of correspondinn' with the pope, lOI.
tgainsl them, 84. la provoked b; the This he denies, and how accoanled for,
olergj,86. His itepa to bumble Ibem, 89. £02. Other reports CDnoecning this, t03.
Uia prcfasion to Arran, 94. Sends a new Is at great pains to pin Ibe Roman Ca-
raTDurile Id England against the binisbed tbclioi, ib. His regulalions with regard
lords, 98. Oeiolres the whole regal an- lo the ohnTch,S04. The mjBlerions aC^ir
thorityonArran.IOO. Writes an ondnlifol of Cowrie's oonspiracj, JOS— «0. Hi*
letter to hia motber, 105. la threatened oanlions behatiuor in regard lo the earl
to be disinherited b; ber, ib. RaceiTes a of Bisex, Sf3. Sends ambasiadoTs Id
penaino fiom qaeen Elizabelh, 110. Is re- laTc bim, ?i5. Tie} arriie too late, ib.
onnciled lo tile exiled lords. 111. Be- He restores his aun and sssociales to
oomespopalarbf eonoladiogatreatjwith their honours after bis aoeession, 216.
England, 114. His soandBloa) behaiionr Continues his intrigues in England, lb.
with regard lo Arcbibeld Douglas, 115. His interest greallj alrengthened there,'
Hia eruieaTonrs to save fail mother's Ufe 327. BndeaTonTstaciTi|i»lbeHigfalandB
afleilongagndemnalion, 13!.' Is greatlj and Isles, 138. Is proDlaimed lung in
incensed at ber dealb, 146. Arguments England after Ibe death of queen Eliza--
Dted bf lb« English. mimaler lo paciFy belb,t34. TsproelBimed libeniseio Scol-
hiBi,147. Is forced to Btida hii resent- land, S95. Prepares for bis joamej lo
ment, 148. Altempta to unite the nobles, England, ib. Enters London, apd takea
150. Is courted both bj Spain and Bag- possession of the throne. 336. His oha-
land. 155. Resol.ea Tigoronslj to adhere racier how diflerenl from Ibal of queen
to tbe latter. 156. Takes seTersl steps Eliiubiith, ib. A letter from bim to Mr.
with that view. Jh. His skill in the Fo- Arehibald Donglaa. Appendix, 498. Ca-
pisb ooatroietsj, 160. Wrule a Dommen- licna letter lo bim from an nuknown Eng'
tar; on the Revelations, ib. His maxims liih correspondent, 445.
with regard to Poperj, 161. His exoet- Invemeis castle, refuses to surrender
UTe lanitjtooanspiraton agiiiislliim,ib. 'to queen Maty, i. !fS6. It is forced, and
ResolTes tomarrjlhe princess of Den- the governor punished, 337.
mark, 163. Arls osed to prevent il, ib. - Italy, the llberl; of, how prcaerred, i.
Tbe marriage iscoBsnmmated in Nurwaj, 69. .
164. Pnsaas several niDnlha in Denmark,
ib. Refieotiona on bia oondaot there, ib. Kbith, Sir William, sent to intercede
His afrivat in Scotland wilb his qaeen, for queen Harj when under sentence, ii.
166. Indolges tbe Presbjterians, ib, The 133.
ilJ cDDseqnenees of his len it;, 167. His - KeDl,earl of.appoinled losee Ibe sen-
■eal *giinstwilohoraft,ib. Is solicited bj tence against queen Harj execnted, ii.
qnaen Blizabelb lo treat tbe oonspiratois 138.
■gainst bim with rigooT, 173. Is sDapeol- Ker. of Ferniherst, ravages England on
ed of oonniving with tUem, 173. Is snr- the mnrder of Hnrraj ihe regent, ii. 1.
prised and seized b; Botbwell, 174, And Hia deugn, 4. Has a souffle with the
forced lo complj-wilb bis Urms, ib. Hia English, 110.
lenit; 10 Botbwell abased, 176. Is ins- _ — -. George, brollier to lord Xewbaltle,
peeled of favouring the Popish lords, ITT. is discoiered when readj lo sail to pro-
Ii in new danger from them. 178. Dele- mots a plot in Spain, ii. 171. His scbeme
gales Us aDlboritj' to Argjie and Fothei opened, ib. Escapes out of prison, 173.
againsttkem.lBO. Goes in person against Killigrew, Henrj, hia declaration on
Ibem, ib. Wastes their lands, and gairi- the peace, App«ndii, ii. 396.
SOBI their oaillea,' 181. His right of the Kings, feudal, the most limited of all
suooasitin to the crown of England op- princes, i. 13. General eanses of this, 13.
poaed b; the Papiata, ib. His lenity to 14. Tbeirrevenneiwerebnl amaU,14,I5.
thamiBoeiisei the clerg; aod people, 185. Had no standing armies, 15. And jnrie-
la mnrii provoked by tbe obsticaoy of the diolion limited, IT. Meioi need lo ex-
48S I N D B X.
tcndthtrayatiXborilj.St: IVlrjirii- pravad of m
dkliM •dUtKBiI, 33> Tfaa extnordiiwr; tin, £97. Agreti lo loue regalktiow
ioBaMraat tke SmUiib kbgi in pu-lU- (XKHenrins Us eleolioa oflHriiotii.U.Sl.
Bait,66.Tlieit««Maflhu,ib. Hii dratU aad cbu«tw,3S. Hi> calo-
KiiUd<r of Giuf*, DM of tb* mar- gian bf- Horton tha recent, 3& Ariiale*
dm»arBaaloui,i*taealledbjtliaqaBH Mat b; Wmtollie getter*) aaianUj, Ap-
domiar, i. 137. Ilii ilUiDdar nremd peodii, 395.
■B patUuMrt, MS. Obn t> fight Bolb- .
w*Ui>|iMglao«bat,34r. HIiiBtoriaw LiNOnoK, tba baMc of, ;. 3r0.
vitkqAaa.Marj.in the naMa of ths ooa- Laaraa, oudiaal, ii itnt ai ■ owwia
bderale lordi, S4B. Reaeaei Mntland (tob the pop* with ■ prwaat to qaeca
An* aaalMwaat, 411. I^bowa to tap- Mar; of Soollud, i. 311. la ati^pad at
port the lUag'i antborilj, ud reatiMra Paris, 313.
buaiaaj after tha amrdei of tha rageri, tirmfat, halj, ■ ooafsdaracy at tamm
ii. I. Aeaadas tm the qaean't pMj, 3. CatbaHea, so oalled, H. lOT. Waa aatoar-
FroTidw for • liaga bjr iDorcuing bia lallj agreed lo bj Oien Ul arer Saropa,
ganiaoa aad fortifying Bdinhargh, 15. ib.
Praohias Lewwi'i utharilj Unlawfiil Ijaaing, the rerinl of, proBOlea lb*
nd unyad.ib. AHanptatBTaia topra- RefcrBatiaB,i. 115.
nM a aaaibf of the parliaBeat, ib. Laieestar, aarl of, appoiotad a eaaMii-
Foma a aehaaa (an aupritiag the kiag'a rintar to tha MBfareasa at WeitaiiBster.
f^Xj.lS. Is at first ameaaafal, but at L 99S.
tarwud daiaalad, ib. Comai near to ao Lratfa bonit b; tb« Boglisb, i. 88. Por-
■peeBwit with Har Itaa ragenl, 31. A tiOsd b; tha Freaoh, 161. Beatogad by
tnatrvithHartoBbrealuiloff.ar. Fires tbeBnglish,lB3. QaeenHnjiaBdsthan
upoB Ediabuib Irom the oastle, 38. la bna FraBoe,S15. Tba sBparioiit; of it
baufed b7 Iha regeat, assisted by tha graalad bj her to Bdiaboi^, CTS. la
Baglish faroai, 40. If focmd b; molkj sei»d and bnUad h; Mortoa tha i^eal,
sf the garriaan to ospitalate, ib. Sornia- ii. 19.
denloDrnrrthoE^^llsh gea«ral,ib. Is, LfDDOi, ear) of, anirea im SoodMd
byofderaf qaaen ffiiaabMfa, dalirared ap froB Franoe, f. Bf . Ts Maoh comtad hj
to tbangaol, 4S. Haaadhis bmlhar aro cardinal Baatona, 83. HiapretanrfoRa to
•xaaBlod,ib. Uia BoaoassioB bon fonnded, S5. Rasaati
Kndlys, Sir.Fiauoii, aeat bj qoaan Baatoon'adeoAfalnasatohiB.Sfi. Ba^s
Blinboth with lattm of ooadirfaaca to tha refoiKara aad the adTontea br tho
qaaaa Harj oa her arrinl la Bagiaod, i. Baglisfa allisnM, ib. Sarprises the ro-
S76. Saau of hit latlors, Appwdii, ii, gent and oanlinal, BT. Ii ovtwittad by
370. 376. 381. tba andiaal, ib. ConliaDaa alMe ia tha
KboK, John, a Aanana rofomar, hU iotsratt of England, 89. Ii Ibroed to §y
abaiaatar, 1. 106. Aflar htSag aosa time ta that oonrt, where be ta lawardad, ib.
>i>i«ad, he it reoalied bj the perseeated Ii married to ■ nieaeof liingHeary'a, bj
Frolesluts. 144. iDlsmes tfaa mnhitode wbioh bebeoBBiafathertoa ncaofkii^,
stPerthwitbrtgeagsiDsttbePapialsJb. ib. His dImM totJka aBiiM«ion, SM. I(
Hii notion concerning tfae government of impriwDed for a aein^ corte^oadoaoe
ircnnenwlientie,149. HiiresidBBce fied with qntao Marj,3&3. Is iaviled aaaratlj
ia Edinbargh, 153. Cenplain) of tbe b; liar to return to Scotland, t54. ArriTai
Inkewsrmnesa of the refonnera, 166. in Sootlsad, and is ram'Ted with gnai
His opinioa to tbe EooTanlion of lefonn- fiuniliarity bj her, i55. His foifeiliDv ia
era ttiat it Ia Jawfnl lo resist and deprive repealed, ud ha is restinvid to his estate
tjinnnlDBl princes, 16B. Animilei and re. and honoDn by the par]!*aart,856. Hia
vira* tba deapanding congregatian, 176. lady saot piisDaEr to the tower ef I«>-
Coraplaini of the neglect of Ibe relbnn- don, 165. And treated with rigoar, fi69.
era in providio); mUDteoance for tbeir He insists on tba prDseenlioD of hia bob
preBohers, 197. Recommend* tbe Gensn Osrnley'i marderers, 315. CbargeiBoth-
nodel of chnrcb gorernnisnl, 203. Pro- well with it, 336. Tha proseontioo ia
poaei mperiolendents in IbeclinTDb, S04. harried, 3t7. HeoraTai adelByrwhteb
Coniposesl]iafiratl»okofdiBcip1ine,S05. it refnaed, 338. He it left alom ia it, ib.
RsnooDoes frieadihip with Iha earl of Solioili qaeen Elbmbelli'i ialereat lo ah-
Hnrtsy for his moderation, 347. Ia tried lain adelsj, 329. laaitla an it ^ p<n>>7
fgr encoara^Bg a mutiny among the peo- si the trial, bat is overrvlad, 330. Ba-
plo, and soqnitted, 34S. Popish jodgea ing spprehentiae of dugar, ha fitaa ta-
conciu in Itaia deoiaioD, ib, la pabliely wvda England, 331. Hitaoaataaaannaaaa
aoontad by MutJand of praaetaing aedi- qneen Mary oftbeaardarlO'^aeaa KKw
tiou daotrina Gonoeming reualanne, 357. bet^STB.Heaf ' "-- '
Charsetor of tbe two ditpBlaati, ib. Ap-
INDEX. 488
of tb« mordor apoii o«a, 396. Brianii ITS. Mart ml Ua ieaktj to ikmm, 175.
to ScDtlud protscUd bj la En^iih uflij, Fradi dangna froin tbam, lT9. lt«j
ii. j. !• alcded ngept, T. Hia pragrafa rcoeiie Moaaj from Sp^n,ib. Zaal of
againat tbe qieen'i partf , ib. Appainta tlie olorgf afaiaat tbeai, ib. Ara deeUrad
eoDuniaiianci) la frana a Ircatj with goilly of treuon, and Ihair eatttea for*
. tboae of Ibe queen, 10. SorpiiatM Dob- . Inted, ib. Db(mI the kiag** amj, IBOi
bactini-caille, 13^14. Jaioi tb« earl of Are diapaned on Iba king*! approask, ib.
Uortoa at Loitb, 15. Hobji a parliaaaDl Go ^bmad, and ^te aeonril j to k«ep )h«
(■ the Cwoogata, ib. Aaotlier at Sticling, peaoe, IBl. IlelarB loSoolknd.aBdpati-
ir. Ha i> Burpriied aad killed Ihara, 19. lioD Tor Isafa to leaide in Ibair own
Iianaoi, lordAabignj.biickanotaFjii. boniai, IBS. Thii |mittd bj ■ omiraB-
58. Joiai with Ike kiag'i alW bow tiui at •■(al«, ib. Baaaal Ib^ erron,
raionrilB lo nBdctmlaa Mortoa, 60. Il«- and ara abaolved tnm •laoBawidBatiMi,
MHnsei Poperj, 61. Qneeo Eliaabelk da- 196. Ralapaa, asd wa a|i^ TeenmriUd
miDdi him to in mnaved from Iha prirj to Ibe ehnrck «f Bmb*. ». Ara teatorad
' scwBDil, ib. I( acoated hj ber aaibu- to Ihair eilatea aad hoooura, 197.
aador, 64. Arraa trlaa in TaJa to anpplant LarraiD, oardiaal, getaaoaieof thoboat
hiai,69. laconaUBdad b; kiag Jamea, baHioea is SootlaBd, 1. ISSi
■( tkc nqaoal of tke DoUei, to leara dw , princiai of, their aabitma
kiD(dina, 76. Fata off hia dapaxtu* on new*, i. 138. laatifal* tba daaphia aad
variooa prateaoea, ib, 77. Scimia inwil' qosaa Mary to lake the litlaiaddngaad
llB(l7 la Pranaa, wbara he aoan diei, 78. qoMa of Bnglaad, 199. Reaal** ta 'm-
Hia MOBoa; *bdt<Med, Md nnh re- vada BngUad, ib. Add bi ehaak tha ra-
gaidad by Ike king, ib. Died a Pnnaa- foraalion in Seotlaad, 140. Tha owdi-
Letlie.Nomaa.iBarderBeardiDBl Bes' llien, 188.
low, i. SI. He aad Ui aaKniatea kaap Inwpa fivB BaMla^.ib. Th*]' iaaalllha
poaaeialiMof ikasaatraofSt. A^rew'a, Sootdah ambauadw, 199. Hava graal
9S. Uaksa a iraea with tbe rafenl, ib, power otsc the jaaB| king aad qooaa.
Are erWooragad hf Haurj VIII., 9S. tOO. Are (breed lo ooatnol thair Tlewa
, biatiap of Boh, ia aeal bir the oa Ike death oF Iha kiaf , Ml.
CalboKoa in Scotland to engage qaen • Lather, a bold and prineipal pnnaoter
MmT ia their iaUaaal, i. SOG. Hia prO' ofthe Refotnalioti.Lllt. Tbtrapdpttt-
poadi lo kar njeelEd, ib. Hia nogotia. greaa of hii doeliiae, ib.
tkua h Bn^aad Ubtoarorqaeaa Mary,
ii. tl. laoanBaadlingiD the Tower, aad Hajw, Joba, hii hlrtorj of Seotlaad,
afterward U haniAed En^and, 93, M. aoaw aoeooBt <rf, i. 4,
Undaaj, lard, oairiea Ifaa propoaal Uailland of letbington, aoenrtary to
(rOBi tha ODDfaderatea lo qoeen Uarj, Mnj qnaen-rcgent, Imtei bar aerrios,
that aba ^ald reaign tba goreimneBl, i. and joint Iha ooagrtgation, i- ITS. Hia
367. Joina the ftnthren Doaa^atera, ii. oharaeler, ib. Is aenl bj UieaaiBbaiaadDr
74. to qaaan Eiinbeth, 176. Sandi than aa-
LooUarin oulle, qoaan Harj coBmit- annoaa* a( hta protaotion, 180. Ia aent
tod a piiauner there, >. 331. Her eacapa b; qaseD Mary to the ooart of England,
fhini theoee, 366. 811. Hakea a oonoeaaion to qoeea Bliai-
,lard,letteraloaiidfisDluni, batb.ib. Aeoompaaiei qitaen Mar; in a
Appen^i, ii. 399. progreis to Ibe oonk, S95' He ia emidoy-
Logan of ReaUrig, an aljaged aoeoai- ed by qaoen Mary to deaire a pcra<»al
ylieeiaeowTia'aoaBipiraey, ii. 111. Ii inteniew wilb qneen Siiabeth, £39.
tried, and hia eatata forfeited, long after FablJclTaeeaaea Knoxotpreaahing aedi-
kiadealb. Sit. • tioaa doctrine coDcerningreditaaae, 157.
Lordi, oonfedeiate*, UBocials againt Inllmatea lo qaeen Eibabetb tbo inten-
Bolfawell and qaean Mary, i. 343. Ruie tiou of qoeaD Mary to marry Daraley,
forcaa agaioat tbom, 345. Pntiliah the 163. Pmdently ooncaala her reaentment
motiiei o{ Ihur condaet, ib. Pierail on from queen Eliaabath, S6d. Propoaaa
Ike qnean to aorreader to them, 348. nodente meaanrea with regard to qnaan
Aaaame the title of lord a of tbe aaoret MeVy wbau inpr>Maed,356. Atlenda the
ooaaoil, aad Ihe royal aalborilj, 3,^1. regent when nailed on to aoMue her in
, Popish, oonipire againil king England, 385. He diaapproTca of thil
Jaoea, ii. 160. Ara treated by luai wilk neunre, ib. Hii intrigoa widi tha dak*
greatlaaily, 161. Form a new oonapiraoy, of Norfolk, 389- 405. Ia impriaooed by
171. Tbe kli^ prooeeda aguuat tbam, the rqeDl,411. Ii reliand by Kiikaldj,
d61 IMDBX.
•Bd m«ukI in tb« OMlle, ib. PropoMi ■ CaafanMrcnteBcnof traitgpoa dru-
WHtlilioa of tb« two putiM mttet tbi mDP- gan,lt3.Pn>poieiU)lBj>Ui upon Undi
4n of llw regoot, ii. (. Awsdai to Ui* Iti. Ii fbreed to drop it. ib. Tim ia
f DMJi'g part;. 3. Ia d*priT»d of liii oflke "(in to txmla • war with Bnglutd, 115.
OTMOratirj. u>d produmed tnilor, 7. Tb* loblei TigorODtlj ^pOM bur Be>-
]■ aluinted in « pariiusaBt oTlke klDf*! nirai, ItO, Tmla tha TeTomen with
putj, 15. Agrises witb Mju', 31. Hi* great rupecl, 127. Obiaina ■ oonwiuaB
Tiawa ia refBiisc ■ rMOMaliUMm with from tlia pscliaBeM in fk«oar of lbs daa-
Uorton tbarsgcM.37. Raiaela OTarlarM pLin, 13S. Her anfol managtBCDt oftba
of ■ traalT wllb Ub, 38. fa baai^ad bj rcroiniBn, ib. 1S3. Beitowa tbe TBsut
kim in Iba oulto of Bdiaboifb, 40. Ii banaGcea on foreman, 133. Sbe niteta
forced (o oapitnlale and aorroader to tba bar oondnol to tbc raformen, 137. Re-
Bagliibgeaanl, ib. To troid ths ragent'i msaitimlei apinit the Tiolant mciaaraa
icaeatnwDl be diapalobe* bioaair, 41. 8c. of tbe priBoea of LoiTBin, 140. Ia ps--
Teralof bji lettan, A[^Bdii, 30S. 3tS. madcd bj tbem to paraannta tbe re-
38a. fannan, 141. Bar nib uawer to tbair
Blailla»l, Sir John, ia maila uerelarj ramonilnaea, 14t. Sommoiia tbejr pnwcb-
for Scotland, ii. 109. Comar) witb olban en to iqtpear bafote bar, ib. Breaka ■
ia promoting qoean EUnbelli'a intareal pnuaiia aha had nuda tbem, 143. Harcbca
dwra, ib. AUanpta a^nat him bj sap- witb an am? againit Umid, 149. CoB-
tun Jinaa Stewart, late Arraa, 149. oladai a treat/ wilfa Ibcm, 146. TUa abe
Tbej prore aboctlTe, and be ii adianoed again breaki, 147. Heraateritjrat Paitb,
to be flhuiellor, ib. An attempt to re- ib. Her acbeme diaeoTered, ib. Sba goea
more hini from tbal office froitnlad, 16X. to attaok tfaem, 146. Ho again roooane
Hit deUb, 18i. A oop; of renaa in ho- to Dei[otiaIiau, 149. She it ataitled at
soar of bim wrote bj the king, ib. iLeir denasdi, and geU lime to aaawar
Mar, aarl of, tbat tille aonferred or tbe them, 150. Viglatca anolber trtatj, 151.
prior of 81. Andnw'i, i. 13S. Aoeonpa- I«aei Perth, asd forced to abandon 8dr-
uiea the queen in a progreutotbe north, ling and Edinborgb, aha relirea with
S33. He and bia aiaooiatea nairowl; preoipitalioa to Dnnbar, ib. Marcbaa to
aaoape auaaainaUoo, 336. Ia ornted earl allaok the raformeia at EdiDbnrgh, 154.
ofMBrrajr, SS7. See Afurray. Gaioa time bj bei artifice, ib. Mikea
, the title ia coufemd db lord another (realj with ibeni, 155. Her ar-
Enkine, i. 157. Tbe paraon gf the joang tifioei to andermine the prior of Sl An-
piinse put into bia liandi, SJ6. Hia re- drew'a,]61> Tbe abinrdil? of her aoheno,
aolaiianio presarriDghini from Botbwell, ib- Getaa reinforcemeal of Frmoh Iroopa,
34S. Ii ohoaen regent, ii. 19. Labonra who foilifj Leilh, 16t. Sbe diaregarda a
to bring aboni a general peaoe. 31. Ia rauonitrnuoe of tfao rerormera, 163. Ia
thwan^by UDrtonandhitBaaootatea.ifa. JoSaenced bj French coanaellors, and
Dietormetanelioly.Sf. Hit cbaraoter, ib. perauaded to rioleot maainrei, ib. 164.
fUa merit aod integritj wan acknowledged Retirei to lieilfa on the apprDaab (rf'tha
b/bolb partiea, ib. refonnari' tzmj, 165. Her pmdent and
, tbe joDOg oarl, being impoaed artful condaot Ikere, ib. Her hanghtj
m bj tfortori, lorna oat bia nmle from anawer to a freab renonatraoee from
the oialle of Slirliag, ii. 5i. Joiaa tbe Ibebi, 166. Ia, b> a conTention of them,
. Bothvan eonapiratora, 74. Ha witb Iha daprired of bar i^ca of regent, 168. Tie
other* aciie 8tir1ing.«aalle, and end foundation of thi* aentence, ib. Fomeata
their atandaid, 88. I> altiinted, and hi* diSerencea amongihem, 171. Ia deterted
eitata foifeited, 94. Ia pardoned, and re- bj faer f lindpat aeorelarj, Maittand of
Btored to aalate and bonouri. Hi. Lathington, 175. Send* Frenob troopa
JUartb, ooanleaa of, ber iiifamoaa mar- aguoit Ibo reformeri, 180. Retirei into
riage with Ibo earl of Arrao, ii. 69. the caalle of Edinbnrgh on tba approach
UarjotGniae, qneen-dowagerofSoot- of the Eogliib, 184. Her death and eha-
land, lakea a aoniideiable abare in tha racier, 1S6. Repented of her Ticlent
gDienunenl, i. 100. Ii maah addialed meaaorei, 1S7. Lialened to the inalno.
to the French inlereat, ib. Project* a tiona of a refonned preacher, ib.
marriagii of her daogbter to the danphin Mary, qcoen of England, her pene-
nf Franea.ib. 101. Beoomea inatrumeDliI outing reign, i. 111. Bar death, 134.
in promoting tbe reformation, 108. As- , qaecD of Scote, bora, i. 76. A
pirsa to the office of regent, ib. Promote* propoial to uarry her to Edward VI., 79.
diaaSeotioB to the preaent one, and fh- She i> demanded by Benry VIII., ib.
Toora tba reformer*, 109. Viait* tha Her naiiiage to the danptuo of France
conrt of Franoa, ih. Ratpm* to Sootlaod propoaed, 100. A. treaty fur that porpoaa.
to Ukt poaaeaaion of the leganoy, 111. conoladed, 101. She ia aeni to be eda-
Afler aome oppoiilion aba obtaina it, IIS. cated in Fraaoe, 101. The fatal eoaan-
IHDSX. . 4IB&
.qiwnoe of Ihia, !b. I* i^Med ob bj llu ^e noiU* Lentoi, $53, b (flroBted at
krlifioei oS Ihe Freacfa in tlw irwtj af b lotler of qBMB Bliolulh'i, 154. Hu
marriige, 1S8. H«r Duriige DBi«fanl>d pnijKdia* igalnittlie Bsfbrmed, md iskl
witb gntl pomp, 139. Tha/ take the fbr tke Citfiolio Teligion, a56> Ii taken
litis of king and n«tea oF Kigland, 139. witb Danlar U fini ugkt, «58. lagnallj
StasmakeicDBCHiiDoitoIlMaaiigragitioD, BO*ed at qoeaa Bliaabstii'a JBMlUog
190. Dedaret qneen Blicab^'i ijglil bmRimu, ib. NcgolUUon with Ike \
to tlHorawoorEiigUiid.ib. Sbcaoqairea sourt (rf R«M to B di^aitdoB Ut auny
*B nitirt aaoeodant one her hoiiiaiid, Suglej,9fiO.AB<ltb*oaMWlaftka«)Mit
£00. She ia oTerxbelmed with gnat af- ofPnBm.ib. lat^Maa OM Haadolpb, bat
flietiDn Dubia death,aiid retire! to Rhrima, appliea to qoMii Eliubalb lor eO nw nUn
301. Maia inrited b; tbs ODoreDtioa to her ndriage, S6S. WUdi ifaa ifbati ti
taScotlnd,Z06. Am " ' ... - . .
leCathoUMiaSaotiaiidpfQpoiedvioleat t
leaaurea tobsr.ib. SIieiadetaaniBedlo i
•ador.ib.
V her ntnra to Seotland, SOB. Canrti tbe pope'a prot
The origia of the diaoord belveea her a inbaidj from hiai,ib. Har grnt ad-
■Dd4iieeDBIiEabeth,ib.S09. HarpreloD- dfeaa in gUDUi(E the oooMinl of har nb-
saoi to Ihe orown of Engluid, 309. la jeoU, i6B, 169. PreTeola ■ plot aftkit
CDiied on locoaDt of her beaolj, ttS. Domlej, 370. Sbbd«b* bar *a>ads la
DemamU life ooDdnet froiD qoaeo Eliia- take «m>agMiutHiirraj,3Tl. Aod hbn
betta, whiofa ii nraged, 314. LeaTea to appear beliffa her, 373. HermaRtaKe
.FraDoe«ilbgr«atrelnetaa(ie,tlS. LiDda with Daivlej oalebiated, ib. She eoabrt
at Leilb, 916. la moiik aflaoled bf tbe tbe tille of king of Soots npoo hin, ib.
obarge or her litDatJon, ib. Sevenl dia- Thii itep eeaatued, 373. Her rcmt-
sdianlag;** Btleiidhig her aooeiiian, ib. meat agtiDit the malecoaleiiti, ib. She
Some oiicnniatancea to her adnntage, nardiea againrt than, 274. Rejects the
317. Her aocanipliihBKDti of bod? and interceiHan of qneen BUzabeth in their
uiidiSla. Tbe >err8iitjorberobapelin' behalf, 375. OoatiBnes her mamkagBinM
tolled, ib. Procarea the free eserdae of tbe lebeli.ib. Her condaotasd sonngs
her religion, 319. Itniea a proolamilion on that ooeadoD, ifr. Drirea them ont af
in rarODT of ^e Proteatanlg, 330. Em- SooUaDd, 376. Her farther TeWDtmeat
ftojt them loleljr in the adminiitiation, against them, 377. Hu reeonrae to te-
ib. Attempts to gain qneen Bliubelb's *eral deriees to raise atmtij, 378, Her
fsTonr, ib. Hakes a oonoeiuon to her, proapeiitj prOBOtas her rdJgioB, 879.
331. Wbieh is rejeoted,3I3. Sbe makai Her delibeialioiw eoBoeruog Ihe (oiled
ber pnblio enlT} into Edinburgh, ib. An lords, 380. Delwniiaeatotreattb^wilh
insoil olTered to her religion on that oe- ienil;, 363. Is diietted from this i^ ber
easiOD, 333. Diseoaragea the attempts of religion and Frenob inflneBoe, ib. IhU
the Papilla to gaiil ber fatoar, 3Z4. Her the soaroe of her after mislbrtnaaa, 38«.
STeraion to Ihe familj of Harailtoa, ib. Her intention to realore Popery, ib. Is
.Hakes a progreia into the North, 3S5. diagiuted wltii Damlej'a iasaleot beha-
Her miniiteni narrowlj esoape aasasuna- tioar, 3S5. Her familiaiilj with Ri^o
tion, 336. Ta refased aoeesi la Ihecaitio afienda Ihe king, 386. Vindloalad fivM
of InTerneas, when relieved bj^lhcMonroa anjorimlnal oorreipondence with Bian*, '
and other dans, ib. Her forces deft»t 388,389. Vseaberotanoat endea*OBTSlo
Rantiys rvbelLoD, 338. She deiirea an prerent bia marder, 391. Sbe it ooaflaod
laleniewwilhqneen Elizabeth, 339. Ne- bj the oonipintors, ib. Sbe gains tbe
gotittioas oomendog her msiriage, 340. king, and eioapas from then, 393. lare-
Is*olidledb7diirerentprinDea,341. Her oondled to tbe exiled no^es, 393. Her
deUberationaoonaenungit,343. Isforoed hatred to Daralej inoreates, 398k And fa-
in bear tSs sMberiMtve bebavionr of Tont for Bathwell commeHoes, 399. Es-
^een Bliaaheth, 344. To pleaie her anb- lingniahes some domeatio feads aniai^
jeott deleimines agilait a foreign allianee, the nablea, 301. It delivered of her sob,
ib. Delenuineaoot to relif; Uie trealj of James VI., in tbe castle of Bdlnba^, ib.
Bdinborgh, 345, Pariber negotialilUn (br Iniilet sereral foreignpiinoeitobie bap-
ber marriage, 348. DisoOTera the views tiim,303. Contionea IptrealDanilejwilh
ofCBlbarineofMediois,349. Lord Robert neg^eot, ib. Her Bitaofameat to Bothwdl
Dndlej reoomotended la her aa a hna- increi»a,ib. pTeTeott Damlejr'i inlendad
band bj qneen Elizabeth, ib. She ia Bight, SOS. Visits the borders, 306. An
bight; ofleuded at this, 350. Diasambles inataoea of ber regard Inr Bathwell on
with qneon Eliaabelh, 353. Entertains that oooaston, ib. Hoa >beti*BUed queen
tbonghtt of raarrring lord Daintej, ib. BtlHbetli, 307. Her right of inccDuiDn
466 INDBt.
btoand bj lb< btHafa pariliMMI, ib. bj lbs coalMtnlai, 570. tier prtcipl-
8be endHfOBn to uul berwlf of Ibat Ut« fli^t iatir Otllomj, 371. RuUf
'ap|>«iiBilj, 309. Sb* UkMUoKttaai^ daMnninntaratireto B(igl>iid,37I. Gon
Hamij itip in fiiTOor ot Pop«7, 310. tUtber agunat Um idviDE of her Bllnd-
Rmutu ■ pruut Cnita llw pop«, bat aata.STi. ArrirM*tCuli>le,ib. Wrilei
■(op* bit UBOiD al hrii, Sll. Bndti- la qn«> Blinbslb, iBploring bar giwd
*Mn to pmoara ■ batter ■■bartanea for aBaai.ib. (tHwirsi letten of oandaleiMe
Iba nfbiBMd «UTgy,31f. Bar iTanioo (roBbeT,iadilsaiwd*Bd)nitl4Boajiilobn'
(a Ibe iiag wteaaiiTa, baooBai nelui- pmanoe, 37G. Tbii rafaaed, uid wbj, ib.
dMtj, ib. Oow to StitUaf to oalalmta Oflhn to Mbnit bar ouia in qnaaa Hi-
)mt ana'* bapliui, 313. la gnulj of- nbatb, 377. la nasb daiaiTed is ber
Aodwl It Hm klBg'a hotakiion om tbal ■spaatUim horn tbia, 379. And oBeodtd
Mtuioa, 914. BaMoraa tbaPopisb w ou diacorering the anificM oTqnna Bli-
daaaitinl]Driadiolion,S17> Bcrne^eol udMtta.ib. Eanaitt; aolioili to be adinit-
«(bki^dDii>gkUaiduaai,319. He ted intober pre9etioe,3eo. Sbe is {oirlsd
btaMh baaraan Aan baeonai inepara- to BdIIob-ouUs, 383. Cha^Md at Gnd<
Ua, ib. Sbe riaiU Um >t Glugow, 3Z0. ia( benalf > priHiner, ib. Agre« to m
Hm aotirea of bet dianiBDiUioo on tbat iaqnirj into bei eavdnot, 3B3. Her dtn-
oeoaaion, ib. 311. Pravaita on him to nalatioD wilb regard la raligiog, ib.
oame to BdinbaTi^,3ii. Her ■napioions ConmiuionenappoiDlad loappauin ber
baWTioor to bin tbare, 3U. liioaa a name, 385. Hei chief view in this aanr,
pTMlaaatioo for dUaoiaiiac bii BPnlar- 3B6. Coaaenta la moiiiig tba oonfcreiKe
■r*. 314. It ioppeaad to have bean ao- -to WaitiBiaaler, 39S. Sbe is carried to
ceatarj Id it, ib. la cbarged with it Tatbbarj In Staffbrditaire, 393. Ii Boch
abroad a* «ell aa at hone, St&. Goaa to oibttdad at the te|wd abewo tba regeol,
eiat ber HOD at StirlUg, 337. Ii aaeKm and reeallt ber conaeDt Is tba oaaferwioe.
ber retam b; Bolbwell, who laiwi and 394. The acouutioni aguait bar pro-
«arrtei ber to Dnnbar, 338. lUa anp- doced b? tbe r«seat, 395. la acouied
poted with bar ODDient, ib. le oiKidiHited likewiaa b j liia eari of Letmox, 396. Her
to Bdinbn^, 340. ^od namfd to Both- oomKinioBen lafuas lo auwar, and de-
well, ib. Senda an apalogj U tba eoarta mand a penooal iolerriaw, S9t, llej
of Fraoce Bad Ba|jiiBd, 341. Her ao»- proleatagaiail future pR»eediiigi,ib. A
4aet eaaaaa a ganeni iadigBitioa afaiait mpioioDa eircamitaeoe BKaiiut ber, >b.
bar ^niad, 3&. It aUiaad at a ooaibi- Her ooamiauaiHrt wilbdraw (ran the
naUoB of Aa w>bl» agaiaat ber, 944. Beetloir, 398. Har leaotata aDawer to a
^im pobHibea a naoiicata to Tiadioale bar hanh pnqmal of qaeea Elicabelb, 400.
cooductiil]. Itondaeted to tkt oaatleof AToidi aoy firtfaii pn^reii id tbe ia-
Boitbwiok, 345. Marobaa wiUi Bothwell's qairj, ib. It anragad at tbe procMdiap,
fonat againat Uie oonlbderUs lordi, 346. ini propotat daapaials loaaurea, 401.
Aa atteDpl of an BocoBmadatioB |HOTet SpreadtcbimBrioal cODJeCFtarea wilh tbat
T«io, ib, 347. Ii foreed to aDrreoder to liew, ib. PropoKt a diione from Both-
Iba caafaderatee, 348. It iunlled by the wdl, 404. It influeooed bj iba dake of
sMien and mob, ib. It oanied to Bdin- Noirorik'a lobaoei, 40.5. Exohai^ea
barfh, wbara amy abntet are offered man; lettert aad lofe-tokeni with hia.
Imt, 349. Ii lent a pritooer la LoDbleTio- ib. CoDKata to propoiala from tho Brng-
«a(tle, 3»]. Qaeaa Elinbalb imarpotes litb aohlei, 407. Their *iewt ia Ibii
.ialMrbahair, 3Se. Tba B^Uth amhai- traattolitn, ib. 40a, A rebalUoa by her
aaidor it rehaad a e eaaa lo bar, 355. Va- adharaula againit qaeeB BUnbetb, 411.
rioat propotalt among tba oenfedentaa liramOTedto Co*entr},413. Qaeea Eli-
ooncemiog har, ib. Thej oblige har to aabelh tbinki of delivering her ap lo tbe
imign tbe gOTerameiit, 356. Diffio^ut regeBl,414. Tfaii project how diMppuat-
reaMHUOgi on Ihii meatHre, 358— 360. ed,415. AeoauioD of acTeral tober parlf
It mBoh DOTed with tbe freednii of Ibe aflartbo uurdei of the regent, ii.S. Tfaej
«arl of Marrtj, 3£1. Har panj among endeavoni la fomcBl ■ war wilb Bnglaod,
(beDoblai beoOMoa diipiriled, 363. Her 4. Her aulhoritj proolained at Uolith-
renpalion of the eiowD Rooepled bj tbe gow,ib. Her partiee'^ defeated bjtbe new
patUamenl, and her impriionnenl de- regeDt,7. Sheaniweripropaaalibiqaeea
olared lawfsl, 365. Her letlert to Botk- Hixabalh, 8. AtlempU in Tain to' gat fo-
wall read, tod ^a, daolarod aoeettor; to raiga auittan«e, 9. Appoint* oommia'
tba king's nvrder, ib. Bieipei from lionert la frame a treat; for her lihera-
Locbieiin,366. AniTEiatHuniitaii,367. Uon, 10. Thit proring fmitleit, the it
la ttleoded bj manir noblea and a Biime- more alrietlj confined, 11. Tbe ioTalidilj
nnt arrn;, ib. An aaawcialion tignod in ofher lenlgntiiondeoiered in sparliaoKBt
ber delcace.ib. Hot iBiptadeace in ha- held by her adherenta, 16. Aclofpiriia-
nrding a battle, 369. Her amy defeated mcnlia England tocorbbecBDdberpartjr,
INDEX. 46?'
90, Sbe looka for pratectioD from lis at PetsrbotanKb, and aflsnntd ia Wett-
king of Spun. II. Is deDied Ibe priTi' ninaler Abfacj, 145. Letlari from h«r,'
legcofuiunbMwdorBlllisooortorBiig- App«iidii,3S9. 368.374, 417. Hnwill,
land, 34. Ii mora sloid; oonfimd and 419. Objeolioai igaiHst her bjWalHng-'
VBtoked, ib. Proossdingn aguut faer in btin, 413. What ciHUie lo be Ukm wiUi
England, tT. Her intereit nej^lactsd hj bar, ib. A diHertatkiti on tha gamdnnnH
(he French. 18. I< hurt bj the munora of ber lettara to BolhweU, eod of *al. ii.
at Puia, 89. Har adberenU dirided into Huwell, lord, arriTu from Spain, and
two foclloni, 37. One of tbem joini wilh prepRrra tonses to join the Spaniaidi, ii.
Morion the regent, 39. Review of the ISti. Hi* fbUoven diipoTMd, be iitaksa
41. Her forloTB tituilion, ib. Ii carried Melvil ia leat bj Ibe French king to
In BnilDn Weill, 41. Loaas aerenl of obterTa the motion* ofthe qaeen regwit
her frienda bj deatb, 44. Sends a letter aod her idverurtaa, 1.157. Senltonuk*
andpreaenlB toherson, 57. Hermesaen- np a difference batwaen Eliubatb and
gar, whj diamiaied withont acting him, Marj, S55. Bring* abont an appearaDee
ib. Her oneuioeia at bit ooDfiaanient bj of friendihip batiiBenthem,ib, Iiientlo
the RnlbTen oonapinilort, 78. Coinplaiui iafonaqDeenBliEabethoflbe birth of king
to qneea Elizabeth of her bird niage, 79. Jamet VI., 301. Fata a lalUr into the
And begi hwinlerceaiiionfor the king her qaeen'* hand *gain*t ber marriage with
eon, ib. Throgmorlon'a conspincj in her Botbwell,337, la foroad toSjtrtimeotirt,
fiwoitr, 91, 93. A frnilleai negotiation ib. Adriiea king Jarae* lo moderate mea-
with qneen Elinabelb, 95. Is alarmed at anrea upon hia eaoape fnni the RuthTea
an aiiueialion in defenee of qneen Elisa- oonapinton, ii. at.
belh, 97. Is 'commit led tn more aeTere , Hr. Andiew, adergjman.hi*
keapera, 98. Betrajed bj lord Qraj, tlia obanioter, ii. 45. Zealoaalj opposei apia-
Scoloh ambasaador, 99. A slatnta fer the copaoj, ib. Deolinu thBairiljariadictioa
preierTalion of qneen Elizabvtb proiaa in eccleeiajlioal mUtara, 86. lafoioedt*'
faEat to bar, 103- la more ligoroaalj fl; into England to a*aidperaeoDlion,B7.
treated, 104. Her oomplainla In qnaen Ueltille, Mr. Jamea, miniiter of An-
EJizabalh diaregarded, ib. Ia bj the atratber, hia enoonunm on tfae eloqaeocc
Frenob ambasudar'i inlereat removed to of Kdoi the refonnar, ii. 33.
Tatbbnr;, lOS. Ia andnlifnll; treated b; ,8ir Robert, sent brking Jane*
(beklngber son, ib. Herpaaaionateoom- to interoede with qnem Elinbath for
plaint to the Frenob ambiissBdor en that qneen Harjr while nnderBantenae,iL 135.
occasion, ib. Threatens lo disinherit bio, Bxaontei his oommiasion wilh fidelitjand
106. Several disooteriea alleged against zeal, 136. A memorial of bis lo the kbg,
her, 119. She ia gnarded with nnnioal Appendix, 436.
Tigilance, Hi. Her dcnettiot, papers, , Haalar of tba Kouahold t»
&c. are aeiied, ib. She it eOBvejod to qnaen Marj, lakeshialastfarewellof her,
Folheringaj-oatUe, ib. Deliberalinn con- ii. 140. Her parting apeeeb lo him, 141.
oamiog the malbod of proeeeding against Uildoaj, Sir Waller, sent bj qaean
her, ib. I£3. Ia anapininna of poiaon or Ellmhalb with propotala to queen Marj,
prima morder, l!4. Vindioalea henelf ii. B.
to the dake of Qniae, ib. The ' commia- Monlnc, bishop of Valence, emplojed
sionera for trj^iag her arrive at Fotherin- by the Frenob to ccmalnda a peace with
Kay-oatlle, ib. Her apiriled Bpeeoh * hen England and Seolland, i. 1BE>. Tenaa
refutiDg 10 plead, ib. Ia at length pre- agreed lo b; bim, 190, 191.
vailed on, 185. She proteata against tha Montgomery appointed an
anlLoritj of the court, 136. The aoonsa- 6laagow, ii. 71. Ia refaaed a:
(tonagaintt ber, ib. Her dafenDe.ib.lST. mnnioated bj tha generd uiembly for
Her aantenee, 138. Irregnlaritiea in ber bia immoral life, 73.
trial, 189. Her sentanee it confiniMd bj Hontmorenaj,coBstable of Franne, eo-
parliament, 130. Who demand the eie- daavonrs lo prevent the danphin'i mar-
endon of it, lb. France inleiposea feeUj ri^^wilb qaean Mary, i. 13B. Hit pm-
iu her bdialf, 138. The Hmtence ageinal dent adviea to Hanr; II., ib. Hakea ■
faer paUithed, 134. Sbe ia treated with alender appeannca in fatonr of qoaen
Ibe Dimoatrigoar, ib. Her last request to Marj. ii. 18.
qneen Elizabeth, 135. Refnaealbe aaaiit- Morton, etrt of, hi a^nesolsla condnct
ance of a Froleatant bisbop or dean, ib. as to the Rerormation, i. 175. Acoom-
Arlifioe* Dsed to infiame tha people panics queen Mary in a progresa to the
■gainit ber, 136. Her bebavionr at her norlb, 335. Inatigataa Damlej lo be
dealh,139— 14I.aentimentaofhiBtoriana avenged of Rizio, 388. Take* the dirae-
ooDoerningbar,148. Her oharKler,143. tion of that antarprise, 390. I a admitted
|1m perton deieiibad, 144t la baried Snt into the queen's preaenoe, who pnuaiaa*
468 INDEX.
kin * p«i4«n, 391 . U Umti to Bjinto Homj, etrl of, Uls piior at St-
Eo^ud, S93. ObtHiDi bia pudoB on Aodrnt'i, ^oti with ■ hudEal of uea
BothwoH'i iutaoauinn, 315. Sum • aguiiBl Hnnll;, i. «37. Bj hii gnal
ouket villi lellcn bem qBosn Harf to akUl lod ooarag* be gutii a complete
Bolbwall, SH, HsiifajqaMDEliabalh'* liotorj, 3SS. His gnnt ii coiiEm«l bj
idtaipoHtioa. in fa*onr with tbe king"! pailiuneDt, 345. Cabili i^ut bin hj
pany^w Uianntder oftbersgeal, ii. S. Xieimoiwid Dmlaj, tfil.HiiiTenianta
i^pf^ntod DM of Uw aopiMiiNaiien to DunlejaDd other coact faiaantei, S66.
liMl wiA lb« qmeca*! ptrtj, 10. Hiide- CdliBolbwell to stud a tiki, ib. Hii
■Hid* IfiutrMe tfca na rt iag, 11. Is en. nawiu for oppanng Danilej'i nuniage
tiidy iDtnmaed b; tbe aaurt of Eogtaad, witb' tbe qneea, Sfir. He and hit uao-
17. Conmaadf tbski^ilta«MatL«th, oiitea ire made Ibe dope) of qneen
95. Baa wvacal tkindabw t* ilb Uw Elicabetb's polioj, 369. Conoerti to uiia
qoMD'a fbMaa, ib< Claid; baneeea Edio- Dainlej, and eairj bim to Engiand,
iM^.aBdcQBBlilagnat etaelUei,ib. A 170. This "— ~<-J »•- •!.-
loapeniion proonred bj tbt Eogliah and ib. Aroids i
Freaob aabaaaadnn, S€. A oaaiitien of bv Danil
paitiiK prereBted bj bin, 31. He is ploli, ib.
diOMif ngeottSI. Hiemeroenarrinmli- called to i
tade to tbe eul of Noithaiaberlaad, ib. HimmiHied to appear befure ber, 971. 1*
Obtaiiu tbe temponlitiei of the aroh- again iDmmoned and oatlaned on bta
biehopiio of St. Andrew'*, 3S. Labauia to non-appeanDoe, 273. Ig forced to flj
pnwBre a peaoe betwem tbe Ino paitiea, with bis auociatea into Argjieibire, ft4.
36. Attempts in vain to g^n MaiUand and Thej an inUiaeded for bj queen Bliza-
KhMd;, 37. Hakes ■ liealr vith Cha- betb, ib. Are paraned bj the qneen, and
talbnaalt and Bantly, 38. Gets possei- obliged to fl; into Bngland, 376. lliey
nonof tbe oaitle of BdiDburgh,40. His meet with aneipeoted itl-IieatineBt frm
•ereritj to Kirkaldj and bia brother, it. qneen Elinbeth, ib. Courts RioD to in-
His adiniBistralion beoomei, odiona, 43. teroede >*ith tbe qneen for him, 181.
His Tarioos metbods of gnilifjiDg bis Uaojotbis oldfriends solioit rorhim.ib.
BTarioa. lb. 44. Connives at tbe diipnte He qoeen'a fironr faoir intercepted, S8S.
otllieclargy,4!>. He irritalea tin noblea, A parliament is nailed to allainl ttaeai,!84.
46. Aq^leand Atbid refnsetoanawerhis lUs haw preTenled, 385. Heandbiiai-
■nmnoni, ib> HikM a Tiin attempt agiinit BOdates arriie at Edinbargb, 331. Are
Ind Clande Hamiltaii, 47. DiaeoTBii tbe graciooiljreoeiTedbythekingBndqaeeD,
' deHgiHof Aeioblesagaioatbiai.andpTo- ib. Are alarmed at the qneeo's eacape,
poses to im^ his ofies, 49. His reug- but toon reconciled la her, 393. He i>
nation Booepted bj the king ^lesaniveT' appointed regent dnring the minorilj of
Ml joy, ib. QbtUBS an approbation of bia king Jame>VI.,S61. His harab bebirioor
eoadaot, and a pardon in ample rom, 50. in a Tiut to tbe queen, ib. The anooesa of
ContiDaes to walob the notions of his ad- bis wiae sdministralimi, 363. Froonrea
versBfies, 51. Is ibtced to anrrender tbe man; of the queen's partjlo join him, ib.
eaatic of Ediabargh, ib. Beeumea bia Oeta the places of strength into bis banda,
anthorilj, 52. Gains the castle of Stirling, 364. Hia oEoe of regent eonSmed b;
and a seal in Ibo priTj-oouu»li S3. Pro- pai^iament, 365. Hisaerereand haugbtj
eares a awetiag of tbe pariiameol at Stir- bebaiioniiiiagnsts severa), 3$6. Hisad-
lii^, )b. Hia seonritj ralJGed in it, ib. beienia in great eonstemstion al tbe
PoTOesareiaised tbr a«dagaiasthim,54. qoeen'a esoapfl from LochleTio, 368. Hia
He i^ reoonoiled to bis adTsraaiiea by the prudent condnot on that ocoasioo, 369.
interoesnon of qneen Elimbetb, ib. Is Defeats the qneen'a annj' at I^ngside,
sn^eotad offool plajat auenLeilalument 370. He improres this Tiolorj, 381. Hia
at hia own bouae, 55. Hia illegal prO' lenitj to (he priauners, ib. He oalla a
oeediaga againtt the famiJ; of Hamilton, parliament, 383. Is called upon bj qneen
56. The king's new hTOntites DodetnuDe EUrabetb to t indicate his oooduct, 334.
bim, 59. He eodesTonra topierenttbem, He arrWes at Yoik, 386. His views in
60. Qneen Elizabeth interposes in his fa- this afisir, ib. Complaints of tbs qneen'a
iooi;,61. 1> dialed with being aocessar; commissianera agiinat bim, 388. He
to the late king's death, 62. He is confined behaves with great reserve on this a«a-
in different prisons, 63. Disooniages an sian,ib. Tbispattafbisconduot aoGonnteA
attempt to reSGDe bim, ib. All hia friends for, 389. lulrignea wilb the doke at
are turned oatof office, 66. He is triad Notfulk, ib. His demands from the Eog-
aitd condemned, 67. Uia reinlate calm lith eommiamonera, 390. Answer to (be
behaviouraudconfessiunbefbre and athii oomplainta of the qneen'a commisiioMra
dMtb, ib. 68. His bodj is treated with wiaont touching on the murder, 393.
Agrees to liaTe the conference Bored to
INDEX. 469
WmlmiiuUarA. IsvlREtioDatiljraceiied tbe dsrg;, 113. Tba kiagmHenpU to re*
bj qfl«D Eliiibelb, whish ofiwds qneai concile (hiir fsodg ud pnita ihen, 150.
Mirj, 394. Ii preiiiled on bj Elizabeth See Lord).
to ■ooDH Msrj of the murder, 395. Pro- Norblk, duka or, oppaiotsd a oom-
dnooi his etidBdcea, 398, Iidiamiuod bj miuioDar U> baar Iba cinae between
queen Bliskbetb vitbool approiiog « qaacD Harf and her aconwrs, L 336.
«0DdergDinghiioandaot,4O0. Hia parfj Pormiaachemeof mounliBg; the Ibroneof
il Morotl/ inppoited bjbei, 4i01. Re- Seotland, 389. JntrigDea with Ibc rageni
IDIDI to SootlaBd, and bj bit rigoroui' and Hailliwl with that rieo, ib. He re-
conduet br^ka the qaoen'i part;, 401. preienli Ifaa demandi ol the Seoli to
Ha iMsina propoula both from qoeen qaeen Eliisabalh, 391. Hii railfaer De-
Elizabeth and queen Uarj, 404. He dii- gntialiont wilb reipaot to qaaeB Mary,
appoinia Nortolk) 409. An acconnt of bia 40S. Eadeaieara to ouaoeal liii deiiga
Harder, 415, 416. Hi> charaotar, 417. from queen Elizabeth, ib. li imposed on
Hit death mach lamented bj qneen Elisa. bf tbs artifice of the regent, 406. Geti
beth and the king's part/, ii. 1. Mnob thesonaentDf maoj arttaeEngliibnobles,
anarohjtbeooDaeqnenceorit.ib. Partof 407. Hia project appiored at foreign
a letter of hii, App. 3B3. Ilia heir mur- conrta, 408. la diaooTered and defeated
dered b; lb) earl of Hnatlj, 168. bj qneen Elizabeth, 409. Fliea to Nor-
folk, 410. He anrrendars on a second
Nadb, ■aeratarj to qaeen Mar;, is seat snmmons, and is aent piiaaner to tbe
bj her with a letter and presanls to her tower, ib. ]> set st liberlj, and continnes
Bai,ii.5T. Whj diamiased vitfaont seeing bis intrigpes with queen Harj, ii. II, Is
bim.ib. t* lent with oflera of bonbla re- betrajed by bis aecrelarj, 3S. Is seized
ugoationtD qneen Elizabeth, 97. Iisaaed with hit dependants, and acouaed by tbeni,
and lent priionar to London, ISf. Is pro- 33. Is eieonted, ib.
dneedan erideBOe ^linat her, 118. Northumberland, eari of, allampta a re-
NoTi) diaeoTer* and preveati Fairy's hellion in favonr of qneen Mary, i. 411.
dutgnlonnrdcrqseeiiElizabeth, ii. 103, Hiasoheme defeated, 412. He is aeized
NoUaa, tbdt eilaniiie poiier, i. 18. bytne regent, 413. Is ddirered np to the
Becone turbalaht and fomidable, 19. goteinor of Berwiek, and pnt to death at
Tbeir power greater in SeoUaad tban in York, ii. 33.
any other lungdooi, SO. Tbe cauaei of Nottingham, oonnlaEi nf, aame aaonaDt
Ibis, ih. Their pouter of long duration, of tlie tranaactioD* ooncerniog the eail ot
31, 33. It bccomea intoleraUa to the Easei's ring, li. 231.
ptinoes,ib. Tbey are hambled in Fiance
ud England, ib. Bnt continue Tigoroina Octaviahi, their inttitalisn and ax-
in Scotland, ih. Diaeorda among tben en- tensire powera, ii. 183. They nndermina
oonraged, ib. Their jnriadiotjan cirodm- tbe king's miniitert, ib. Become odious,
soribed, S3. Are greatly mortified by aad^ combination is formed against tbem.
king James v., 53 — 56. Are disappointed ib. Beiug aplit intn tactions, and eniied
in a soheme to abew their resentment, 58. b; tbe courtiers, they resign their cont-
Refnse to attend Ifaa king into England, mission, 197.
59. Tbey seise thereTenaaaoftbeobureb, Ogiliie, lord, baa a acnffle wilh Sil
196. Refuse to part with tbes to the re- JobnGordon in the slraels of Edinbargb,
(armed olergy, 19T. Dissanuans among i. 334.
Ibem, 230, S31. A eontantion of them OlipbiDt.maslei of, joins Iba RulbTea
approTe the qneen'a mairiage to Darnle/, conspirators, ii. 76.
368. SoTenl of then Teoommend Orange, prinoe of, senda ay agent into
Bclbwell aaabnibsnd to her, 335. A Scotland, ii. 65. Hia inalructiona, ib.
alrange combination of Ibem on this do- Is asussiDated, 107.
carion, 336. A body of tbem aaaooiale b'Oysel, commander of Ibe Kreaeh
against fan and Bothwell, 343. Ilieir troopa in Scotland, endaaioura to pro-
different fiewB in this, 344. A part; of mote a war with England, i, 136. His
tbem ft'oara the qneen, 353. Thej ara design frastrated. ib. The nnnber of
nach dispirited by Ibc good condnat of troops Boder fajs command, 147. Inati-
MBmy,363, lliey aiemnohprofokedby gates the qoeaD-iegent to f iolant . inei-
Moitontheregent,iJ.46.Thinkofiedress sntea agaiast tba reromieis, 148. la
&om the king, 47. In&se saipidon of sent by queen Mary to demand a sals-
Ibc regent's power into him, 48. A meet- oondoot from qneen Bliiabeth, during Iwi
ingof them by lum, 49. A party of them voyage tn Scotland, 31 4.
eonapiie agunst Ibe klng'afaionrileB,74,
They seize his penon and driTe tbara olT, PaiBi.iV,abbDtor, arriTesiaScot^nd,
75. Their ne^eol of, and ingcttitnde to L 33. Cieatea a sospioioa of (ba aacl oC
Co Ogle
Lcawo in Ibc owl o( Amp refuit, ib. pluwd Iktri, ib. It boi^** Md liAan
1> mad* KDhbtsbop of SI. Agdrawa, 95. by Ibc Protnlula, 151. A gttt tauoll
Parii.tbe BUiaon of, il I8i t9. Bo- thcraoa •ouoBBt of Gowria't DODiptnej,
joiciB|) of IhB pi^ub p»rtj on ooooBot ii. J09.
tif iL, 39. Ths eoMtaruliom ud bonvr Philip II. of Spun, mirrW to Harj,
of thr PruloitBHlf . i!t. qMoa of EngUnd, i. Ill, ReinroRCi
hriitmiat, lb« ■aUro of tbdr orifiMl bii ira j witb bor troi^, 1 15. H» great
MMtitBlion, i. 61, 63. Putiedarl; that poirar, ii. lOT. Join! in tfae bo); ieagae,
ofSooUaad, 64 — 68. l!)l> A pariiMient ib. RmoUh to inrada and conquer Eag-
b«ld on an •lUaonlinarr ooouian, 193. land, 159. Bia pnparalioM for it diia-
A dilSoait; ilaited and uuiaied, 194. Uij, 158. Hia doaifn fnitraled, ib.
Tbeir piooaadinga nilb ngird loraligkni, Uedilatm an iniiiion orEagland tbron^
ib. 195. CanJtiaii tba popitb a*d ap- SeotlaDd, 159. Inlripn with hubs ScZl-
proiB Iba refoiwod dootnnei, ib, Sma- liah lordi wttb Ibil view, 160. Reaila
rat olbtt [>(BlBtiona of tbo aana ten- naaar lo tbem, 179.
denej, 196. Tbair rtlidit; called ia IHnlfej, IhebnUls of,i. 97.
qneitioB, 197. Enoesd Ibcir powen, l*iaa V., pt^, eicomniaDioalsi qneen
198. tieir prooeedingi Itid bsfim Ibe Eiiubctb, depclie* her of bnr kingdom;
kiag andqieen, ih. A parliament in fa- and abulrei hernbjecU, ii. 7.
*onr of Bothwall, 331. Patte* an not Poll;, ona of BabingilDn'i Dcraapiralon
in r*Tour Df Iba Rrfonnaticni, 33t. Coo- a«ain>[ qneeo Elinbeth, ii. 118. Diico-
fi(«i the prooeedinga of the confederalei, rari tlia plot, ib.
S64. Parliaaanti bold botb bj Ibe kii^a Potlrot, > franlio ualot, aauuinate*
and qnaen'i parliea, ii. 15. Anether of tbo dnke of Guise at tlieriegeDfOrleaBa,
tbe ineen'i adbenntl, 16. AtUint np- i. 24(.
waida of l«a bandrad of kbeir opponcnli. Font, Ur. Robert, a minialer, nod oae
17. A parliainenl at SlirUag by Iba of Ibe lordg of aeeiion, protaet* aguait
kiag'a party, ib. SnTniiedby the qneen'a lawa oppreaaiie lotba cbnroli.ii. 89.
adberenU, 18. Aoolber at Stirling, 53. Popar;, where moat Bogriatauc, i. 115.
Oae at Bdiubnrgfa, 60. And on Ibe Wbtt kind pretailnd io Sool^, ib.
king'a being of age, 150. Seieral Dew Waa partlj gnflsd on beUlieBiai, I5«.
lana made Ibne, 151—153. The le»ec la mnah bart bj the congregation, 19*.
barona admilled iattf parlianeiit, 153. llieir doetrinei oondemned bj parli^eal,
Parrj, Doelor, nndertakea lo Dordar 195. The jarisdiction of their courti
qoeen EliBbelh, ii. 103. I> enonoragad dioliriied, 196. Their worahip probi'
bj and geta abaolation from the pope, ib. bited, ib. Atlerapl in vain Id gain qnoea
Hia deaign how preventtd, 103. It eie- Uarji'a fiiour, IS4. Tbe great iuaaaiieB
culed,ib. of popery, 183.
Paraoaa, a Jeauit, paUifheB a book ia Power, tbe balance of, the great eoa-
faioor of Ihe ImfaBU of Spain'a right of leqaenoe of preaerrlng il, i. 70.
'» crown of England, ii. Preriijlei'
in Scotland, i. SOB. It DOOfinned
Patqniaadea and Piotnret, aconung bjkiog Jamea VI., u. 169.
BoUtwell of Daralej'a mnrder, i. 334. Protetfanti, in Franne, rioleDtlf per-
A Ian made agaiast tbein, 331. secuLed, i. 159. Are modenle on quesn
Patten, William, hit ncooant of the Mary's afriral from France, «19. An
Sootlith ancient mililarjditoiplino, i. 98, employed bj her in the adminiilration,
99, note. S*0. A ubena for auppreteing then all
Panlet, fir Amina,!! appointed one of oret Bunpe, S82. A leagoe formed for
quean Mary'i keepera, ii. 98. Hii rigid that porpose, u, 107. See Reformation.
tewity to bet, 104, DiaooTera her fo-
reigo ooireapondeDDe, 110. His rnda RAiim,aGiTDiiiiteofkingJanieBlir,
Irealaenl of her, 134. Refniet to be mrrawly etoapaa being banged with bis
oonoamed in piiTilely atiasainating ber, u>DoiaCe8,i. 47. Is nppiunted onptain «f
137. A lelterfcombim, Appendix, 415. the kiog'i guard. and created eari orBoIfa-
PelleT£,bithapo{Amiena,napp(nnled well, 48. See Both well.
to aupport the popish intereal in Sool- Randan, fiienr de, employed by the
land, L 164. Drires tbe queen-regent lo French to negotiate a peace with England
Tiolant meainres agvmt the Protestanlt, and Scotland, i. 169. Tanni agreed on bj
ib. bim,190.
Perth, aa insurrectioD of tbe reforraora Randolph, lant to oaoonrage tba con-
there against the Papislt, i. 144. lU gregation, i. 17S. Congratnlatei queen
Uhabitanlj are (erarelj Heated by tbe Mary's trrirnl in Soollnnd, ISl. Vigea
qiu<»40gcBt, 147. A French farrison tin latifioalion of lbs treat j of Ediabargb,
IKDEX. 471
ib. I( Impotei OB hj qaeen H vj In tk* RBpIidgiiiK, tbt priiilege of, to nhoai
iShir of hii iurrii{s nitli Dirnlej, 363. btJoDging, i. IT.
Sent inlD Seotlud on tbs muder orUor- Reicngg, enooimgcd bolh bj eDilom
nj, ii. 3, latHpowi for MortoD, 61. widJiw, i. 3S.
Pliea rronSoollud in lfa« Digbr, 66. li Beiennetof Ihs cbarcb.proaeedliipor
■sot agiin tbere, ud oonolodM ■ Inttj pirtUnignt ocmoaTniiig ihsm, i. 196.
wilbEogluid, 114. ScTcril of big lei- EUdoJpbi, id >gefitror tha |>ops it Ldd-
ten,.App. 311, 916, 330,SS1, 333,339, don oegolulei for qoien Muj, ii. 31.
344. Hii ugnmcnla *ri)b tbe dak* of Not- -
lUloliff. SceSaiMi. folk, M,
ReronaBlioa, ili progreu <■ SouUaod, Rino, Daiid, (oiae icconnt of bim and
i.lOS. AoooddI of iu fint pnieban, ifa. kitnie, i.361. Dirilej'ii coDDaiian nilli
la maoh iaflnenced b; Eogland, 106. him, S63. Uii gooc^ offioaa coortsd by .
TvareaiBrkahUinttraincDtiiorpraiiiDting Homj.iSl. Hii greil inleretlud f>-
il. 107, 108. It toakei great progreu, nlliaiiljvith Iba qneeu, S86. Inoori Iba
112. Caniea cootribntiDg lo pronale it, batrad of Dainty, lb. And of Iba frieodi
113. Iti ■dnnlages oTor Popcr;, ISl. oflbe aiilodlorda, tI87. Saieral eollonr•
I■ bTtnred hj Iba qDeeR-regenI,12T. Ad riag oaniai of Ihia, ib. A oombinilioii
inatanoaofregBrdrur ilinSootUnd.iai. formed lo mnrdar bim, 3BB. He ia mur-
Thewbolapirtj nolcbargeible wiLh oar- daiadintbe qaeaD'a pelico, 190, 191.
dinal BaatoDo'i raurdir, ib, A prjnit RDinina iovade BriLiin.i. «. (Jiic tbe
bornl for eubrtoieg il, ib. The refoniMri earliail aocounti of tbe SooU, ib.
(ioleoll; perieoal^ b; tbe arobbiabop of Ron, biibop of, leilonilj promole*
St. Andrew'a, ib. Are prolacted b; Ilia qeaan Maij'a inlerril *t Loodao, it. 11,
qiwcD-reganl, 136. Applj io lain to tbs 13. Ij oonfioed to lb«Tawer,ind Ibraal-
papiab clargj, ib. A paneontion agaiuat ened with capital puniibnient, 15, 31. Ii
tbem poabed on b; Ibe Frencb intereil, tel at liberty, aad baniabcd ibe kingdom,
iiO. The preachers ininmoDed before the ib. Some lelteri of hia, App, i. 377. 393.
legeot, 141. Tbej are deoeiTed and da- Rebaj, > foreigner, made beeper of the
elired oet-lawi bj bei, 143. A riolona greattealofScoUand, i. 119.
inanrreetioD of them at Perth agiinil Ibe Rulbtenjord, the murder of Riuo prn-
Papiila, 144. Prepare to defend ihem- posed to biiD bj Dimiej, i, IBB. Headi
aeliea agajnil the qaeen, 145. CoDDloda the oaoapiratOTI again|l him, 390. Hi*
■ Irealj with faer nhich ahe preaentlj pari in Ihil Inotaotion, ib. 191. la ad-
break*, 146. The/ take anna againalthe mitled ioto Ibe qneen'a pretence, wbn
qosen, 14S. Iniul on redreaiiog ciril aa piomitea him a pardon, S9t. Did not re-
wenaireligio<iB(rieiiDcea,149. Tbe in- peel ofit at hia death, 197.
BaCDoe of Ibe lUfonnation im libertj, ib. -. , created earl of Cioitrie, he aad
Tbe? beaiefeaad lake Perth, 151. lliaj hia aaaooiatet aeizo tbe king, aod remoo-
■eize Stirling and Bdinbiirgti,ib, CoMmit atrele agaioil bia faToniilea,ii.74. DriTe
great Tiolence on ohorchea aod monaata- Ihcm fmm him, 75. Their oondnot ap-
rieB,ib. Thejrcoiidncthoir icconntedfor, proved in an UMeinblj of the •Utea,77.
15S. AniatttDceDftheirmiH]erBlion,153. The king eacapei from tbem, BO. B? At-
Fii Iheir reiidenceal Edtnbnrgb, ib. The lan'a ioBoenoe •iolenlmeaaureaaredeter-
qveeo preparea to attack them, 154. mined againtl tbem. Ba Qneen Eliiabelb
Makaa inolber treitj with ber, 15.'i. Are ioteroedea in their behalf, ib. Are de-
forced lo abandon Edinborgb, &c. bal bI- dared goill; of bigb-treasoB, S5. Take
lowed the oiercjse of Ibeir ralJgipn, il>. rofage in foreign ooonlrics, ib. Are
Demand Iba cipuliion of Iho Frenoh barthlT treated bjr qoeeo Blinbeib, 99.
armjr, ib. AnBWireof their dangerfrom A rooonoiliation with ber brought aboBl,
Frai>ce,159. Theirpart; ■lrtDgtbened,ib. 110. Relora to SeotlAid.and are recon-
Remonatrate agaipit the Fraaoh fortifj' oiled to tbe king. 111. Their nHideritloti
ingLeitb, 163. Takearmiin their o*a on beiDgrvalonid to tbelrailalea and bo-
defenoe, 165. Remonalrata agun lo tbe noan. 111. Their neglecl of their frienda
regent, 166. Are bighlj inoenaed at her the olergj, 11.1.
imperiona anawer, ib. BjadTice ofacoo- RolbTon, Iliat name aboliahcd bf par-
TentJon dapriTelha qoeen-doOBgarof the IJameat, ii. 319. See Oomie.
oSca of regent, 168. llio hinndationi of RolhTen nid, wbal, ii. 75.
Ihia conduct, 168—170. Eiamioation of
the difieient principlea on which it waa Sat>t.IB, Sir Ralph, hiarepreBenlaliona
oondnctedin diflennt connlrie*,tOI. Tbo of Ibe reaontment of Iho ScoU, for the
.growth of it enoonraged bj paiUament, teicnra of their ahipa bj Uenrj Vill., i.
3(i5. See Congregation. Bf . Appointed a commiuioner to hear
Regalitiea, Ihe ample joiiBdtotioD oF, (lie oaaae belweenqnoea Uarj aad her
/.oogic
SmndilHA of CMtr, Itrd St Jobo, ifter the tnnrdcT of HniTtj. the regent, li,
teal to laj the praomdiigB of the «»- 1£. Slile of Ikcliopi M tbiit time id it,
' gregition pailiwHuit befon tbe king ud lb. A logne odnclnded' between Scol-
qiMCD in FrwHw, i. 19B. Ii ooldl^ re- iud tai Eaglaad, 114. A lieir of
ce!f ed, ind diamiiMd nitlieDt ■ ratiSw- the TeTnlntioni of Soiitln)d nice tbe lo-
liu bj tbeu, 199. CMtioD of June* TI., iST—tte. Ot the
SiTtge, > Spunih attoer, bti dupokte poliej of tha itite, S3T— 34S. Anddfllie
Teiolntion tokUlqneenBliiUieth.ii. 116, cburBb,Mff, S43. Of tb« genJoi and lute
117. u to hmaog, S43— «48.
SoDlluid its ueiMit hlstar; fRbaloni, Soott of Bncoloagb, oaten and ravsgea
T. 1. The origia ot Ibo Beoti, 3. Tbelr EnglMid iftortb* Border of Horraj llie
bialarj nb; remarktUj obuore, 3. Some refenl, it. 1. lite deiign oFlbia, 4.
acooDBl of the mitera of it, 4, !■ difjded Scrape, lord, Kot to oosdole k itb, and
into four perwdi, ib. A reTtew of tbe natch qneen Hirj on her arriml in En-
Ibird en, S. Some uiuidbI of tbe eoD< gland, i. 376. She ii cominilled to Mi
truTersj eaneeTPinK ite independevcj, onalodj at Bolton-CMlle, 38!. Wbj hia
6— 9. Thii the oaote of great aniuoaitiei fidelilj ia diitniitsd, and die qoms re-
and mecfa bloodahed, 10. Tba atals of moTed, 393.
ScoUai^ when Brace began hIa reign, Seaaion, lordi and oovrt of, by vbom
11. It begins to have ui iBflnenea tn the Grit appointed, i. 35. He preiident and
fate ofdiitlant naliona, 73. Inflaence ai one half of tbeir nnmber of ihe olergf,
to the balance of power, 74. Stale of 118.
Scotland at lbs trirth of qoeen Harj, 76. Selon, lord, aaiiiti tbe qneen-regent in
Is inraded b; the Engliah, and sereral defending Leith, i. 174.
places bamt and plnndered, B8. Hacb Shrewsbarj,- earl of, Ibe'obarge of
alienated frnm tba Eogliab, ib. 89. A peace qneen Harj's perwn eomniitted to him,
nenelnded belvreen Bnglaad, France, and i. 393. Why remoied from tbat office,
Scotland, 90. Campalation of damages !i. 98. Is appointed to see the sentence
done b; the Engtiili in Scotland, ib. A agunsl her eieenled, 138. Letter rrom
new breach with England, 95. It inrided bim and the eail of Kent, oonceniing her
bj a great Eogliah arm;, 9G, The Scots deatb, Appendix,438.
are defeated with great daa^ler, 97. Sbclair, bishop of Roas, a zealoDs
Their manner of figfatiog at tbat time. Papist, concert as president of tbe sei-
98. A marriage agreed of their jonng sion, in acquitting Knox of a charge of
qneen and the danphin of Franoc, 101. trcaton, i. iis.
Thej soon repent tbia ilep, 104. K ttfj . Somerset, dake of, enters Scotland,
al Edinhnrgh ncoastont Ibelr niter arer- with a powerfo) armj, i. 96. Is reduced
KioB Id the French, 105. This inlamed to a TCrj oritieal ailnation, 97. Defeats
by another incident, 1:3. Thej decline a the Scots wilb great slangbtCT, 98. lliis
war iiilh Bngland, 1!5. Send repreien- Tictorjwb]'orlitlleadrantage,99. Cabals
tatiret In witneis qneen Mary's marriage, against him at lbs court of Bngland foroe
lie. Their care as to tbe marriage arti- him to retdrn, ib. Is rained bj bis ene-
clea, ib. Thej refuse conaenl to Ihe de- mies, 103.
mand a of the French, 130. FonroFtbeir Spain, greatwarlike preparationslbare,
depntiea snipecled to be poiaoned, ISl. ii. 154. See Armado. Tbe Infanta of.
Which mnoh increases the arersion, ib. set op as candidate for the croon of
Grant tbe crown matrimooiil to Ihe dan- England, IB!.
phin, 133. lliejr applj to llie English Spanish ambaaaadors ordered In leBTe
for atustance against tiie French, 17S. An England, fur intrigoing InfaTDOr of queen
English fleet arrires for thatpnrpoie, 183. Marj, ii. 24.93.
CoodDde a pease with En^and, and re- Sprot, his discoTeries ooneaniing Gow-
ceiie an English annj, ib. 183. All rie's oonapiraej, ii. 311, 313. Is ex-
parlics agree in detesting tbe French, ecnled, ib.
186. A treaty between England, France, Stewart, James, prior of SI. Andrew!,
and Scotland, 189. Both Boglish and ia appointed to carrj Ihe crowo matrimo-
Franch anniea leave Scotland, 193. Tbej nial ID tho dauphin of Fianoe, i. 134. See
rejoice mDcb at the death of the jonng St. Andrews.
king of Prance, 301. Send la iniite the , Esrae, lord Anbigne, LIi ir-
qneen to Scotland, 30G. Reject piopo- riral in Scotland, ij. 58. See Anbigne.
sds of an ambaiiador from France, 307. ■ -, Captain Jamet, bis character.
Stale of SeollaDd on qneen Mary's ralnm ii. 59. Becomes ahToniiie of king James,
from France, 316. Great zeal of (ha na- ib. Accntcs Morton of the murder of tho
tion against Popery, 319. The Scots late king, 63. Is created earl of Arran.
bronght into oonlempt by qneen Mary's See Arran.
oondacl, 343. In a niserable condition , Col. William, cammander of
INDEX.
Uwkiif'ipuid.oratnbqtMtohil Hope
bam the Rnlfaran onqaiilon, it Bl. wlTuti|n ol
S«i>n tbs Biri irfOowil*, 88.
Slewwt, Fiuaif, fnUed Mil oT Both- W«i.ucs, ur Williui, bn*d; u
weU, U. 160. Ishi in « treuonibh MrtodUwIiUHjorUioomtrr,!. 10.
eoiTti|Dilwn with A* popMi lordi, lb. WalifagfaiB, Moialuy to ((Man Ulft
am ■■■■<■. balfa. *aM Mbnndar (o Urn Jum* VI.
< — ^, lUMTtM n
^uiiagtbacbuwallM.L _
8tiifinf,ubadbTtb*re{NaMn,i.l51. eaui| JaBM, ib. InlttpOMi ia iBrMi
A pariiuaeotOan b; tha kin^'* putf, ii. of qoaaa Harj, 90. Ditoof an Bablag-
17. Is mpriaad bj tta qnseB'i adha- iam't aou^raoj, IIS. Wb; a dctar-
nata, and ■ graat fri; aoinu, 18. nuuid and ipiatnata mmbj to qnMs
StioiB, IjaoB, oamaundi a bodj of Harj. Itl. A letter fron hiat, Appao'
Fnnofa lent into SooUud, 1. 94. Radnca* due, 401.
and d«icdlahMthBca>Uaof St Andrewa, Warmok, «arl of, inooaada SoaMiaet
95. Sm Franae. ia tbe goraniiuat of Bariaod, i. 103.
Saooeauon, a rcmaikable Matala son- WaaUniliiCsr, tbe oo^raDaai onaoara-
cnoing it, 1. 96. tog qaera Marj tbara, ii. 99S.
SapmalaDdaalipropaaadinlbaebBTeb WaAaaoikadi aarl of, atlampu a re-
of Sootlaod, i. SH. nmr hanoaaa, ib. bdUoa la ftTOor ef qieanHarj, i. 411.
Saiaax, earl of, one of tbe eoDBuuiaB- Hia ufteBaa dlMOrerod and defeated,
en to bear Iha oaoM between qaeai 41i, 41& Ho aaoapei to tbe Vetbcr-
HarTaDdberBooaHin,i.3e6. Aaiemblee Uada, ib.
a powerfal am; on tbe borian, iL S. Witbora, Am prior of, tMptiiwied lar
Ha and 8on^ entei and Tvng> Soot- odalaatiBg aaaa, i. S46.
Iand.4. WUkK, aBiiai«l«r,<lealBra>f<nreaiil-
aaaa and d^riratioa of Ijnoueal ralen.
Tax apon liad finl propoaod ia Soot- L 148. Ia sailed U aUeod IbaqaaoD-
laad, L 1S4. domcer on ber daatb-bed, 187.
TbroiaawloB, alt Webolai, laot aabaa- ^^bait, OaMva, bia illani eiecntioB
"■■ ■ -1 reToapd,L9I.
(llarj'a Banian widi WitoborafI, Tigorooilj proaaoaled b;
DaraiejF, L*S65. BU inlereaaitoa for biag lamea VL in Sootland, iL 167.
tbe exiled larda ti Hadi legitdad, fSl. Wottan,dean orCuterbaTy.aaploTod
Hia eaidljr to CecO, ib. !■ aent tone- toaegotialeBpeuie witb TnuKia.i. 189.
gBliale qaeeBHarr'a Ubeiafioii, 353. !■ , Sir Bdmrd, leot b; qoen
idbaedaeoeBclabarbjlbeaoBledenlei, Hiobeth ioto Scotbad, ii. 109. Jlia
355. Sena lettaraofhij. Appendix, ii. ebaraoter, ib. Soon gate into hj(b bTonr
351. 3SS, S5«. 365.381. with luag Jimi, lb. Praoone a leagae
, Vrandi, ii c&uj^ with betweea Oie two kingdom, ib. UadeT'
a oOBipinuiT agiiaat qoeen ffliabelb, iL Minai Amn'i pover, 110. Fonai a
91. At frit be denies, bet afterward plot so kieg Jiawe, and foraed to witk-
ooBlaiaei it, ib. R^eolioa) on bis oon- draw wilbont taking leaTO, 111.
bidaB,9t. Iaexeoated,ib.
Ctahboat— d eri gn* to aMaeainale qneen Yoai, tbe eaafeTaaeei Ibero eoBeem-
BUaabath, iL IIT. ing qaeeo Har;, I. 386.
" n naina. pa r inal gniltj'nf it, tried after
H^ dnalb bj the law of SeoUaod, ii. Zodobb, lord, aeat ambanador by
SIS. qaeni EDabelb to raawiutrate againU
king Jaoiei'a kailj lo tbe poplik lorai, iL
. ViLMoaT, • fardgDee, ntade oosp- 177. Hia traaebarron Ibal ooouioa, ib.
■ mViss.
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