Skip to main content

Full text of "The works of William Robertson, D. D., with an account of his life and writings"

See other formats


This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http: //books .google .com/I 


:i2^t -^ . ik-i 

,;. Google 




.1 Google 

,y Google 



















j^^^ The \meacpected blow, by wticb tiw regent 
fKcuiMK was cat off, struck the king's party with the 
Mg^Vt utmost oonstematlou. Elizabeth bewailed his 
^^- death as the most fatal disaster which could 
have befallen her kingdom ; and was iiusonsolable to a 
degree that little suited her dignity. Mary!s adherents 
exulted, as if now her restoration were not only certaiUj 
but near at hand. The infamy of the crime naturally 
fell on those who expressed such indecent joy at the 
conunission of it ; and as the assaswi made his escape 
on a horse which belonged to lord Claud Hamilton, and 
fled directly to Hamilton, where he was received in .tri- 
iunpb« it wasconcluded that the regent had Mien a sacri- 
fice t» the resentment of the queen's par^, rather than 
to the revenge of a private man. On the day after the 
mttrder,.Scott of BuccleughandKer ofFemiherst,both 
zealous abettors of the queen's cause, entered ^England 
ina hostile mannei;. asdplmidered .and burnt the coun- 
tiy, the inhabitants of which expected no such outrage. 
If the regent had been alive, they would scarce have 
veotured on such an irreguUr incursion, nor could it 
well J}ave happened so soon after his death, unless they 
had been privy to the crime. 

This was not the only irregularity to which the an- 
archy that tcdlowed the regent's death gave occasion. 
During such general confusion, men hoped for univer- 
sal impuni^, and broke out into excesses of every kind. 



2 SCOTLAND. [1570. 

siepi -A^ ■'* ^^ impossible to restrain these without 
™rT *^ * settled form of government, a convention of 
eifcUDg the nobles was held, in order to deliberate con- 
npni! ceming the election of a regent. The queen's 
Feb. u. adherents refused to be present at the meeting, 
and protested against its proceedings. The king's own 
party was irresolute and divided in opinion. Maitland, 
whom Kirkaldy had set at liberty, and who obtained 
from the nobles then assembled a declaration acquitting 
him of the crime which had been laid to his charge, en- 
deavoured to bring about a coalition of the two parties, 
by proposing to admit the queen to the joint adminis-"" 
tration of government with her son, Elizabeth, adher- 
ing to her ancient system with regard to Scottish affairs, 
la:boured, notwithstanding the solicitations of Mary's 
friends,' to multiply, and to perpetuate the factions, 
which tore in pieces the kingdom. Randolph, whom she 
dispatched into Scotland on the first news of tiie regent's 
death, and who was her usual agent for such services, 
found all parties so exasperated by mutual injuries, and 
so full of irreconcilable rancour, that it cost him littie 
trouble to inflame their animosity. The convention 
broke up without coming to any agreement; and anew 
meeting, to which the nobles of all parties were in- 
vited, was appointed on the 1st of May.'' 
A eraiiiion Meantime, Maitland and Kirkaldy, who still 
of PBriiM continued to acknowledgce the kind's authority, 

atteiDpted ■ . * ° - r •" 

id laiD. were at the utmost pains to restore som6 degree 
of harmony among their countrymen. They procured 
for this purpose an amicable conference among the lead- 
ers of the two factions. But while the one demanded 
the restoration of the queen, as the only thing which 
could re-establish the public tranquillity; while the. 
other esteemed the king's authority to be so sacred, 
that it was, on no account, to be called in question or 
impaired ; and neither of them would recede in the least 

> Sre Appendii, No. XXXIV- >> Crawr.Mem. 131. CaM. ii. 157. 


1570.1 BOOK VI, 3 

point from their opinions, they separated without any 
prospect of concord. Both' were rendered more averse 
from reconcilement, by the hop&of foreign aid. "An 
envoy arrived from France with promises of powerful 
succour to the queen's adherents; and as the civil wars 
in that kingdom seemed to be on the point of terminat- 
ing in peace, it was expected that Charles would soon 
be at liberty to fulfil what he promised. On the other 
hand, the earl of Sussex was assembling a powerful 
army on the borders, and its operations could not fail 
of adding spirit and strength to the king's party.' 
QtLttu't Though the attempt towards a coalitibn of 
™™i(in *^® factions proved ineffectual, it contributed 
ofEdin- somewhat to moderate or suspend their rage; 
but they soon began to act with their usual vio- 
lence. Morton, the most vigilant and able leader on 
the king's side, solicited Elizabeth to interpose, widi- 
out delay, for the safety of a party so devoted to her 
interest, and which stood so much in need of her assist- 
ance. The chiefs of the queen's faction, assembling at 
Linlithgow, marched thence to Edinburgh ; and 
^ Kirkaldy, who was both governor of the casde 
and provost of the town, prevailed on the citizens,' 
though with some difficulty, to admit them within the 
gates. Together with Kirkaldy, the earl of Athol and 
Maitland acceded almost openly to their party.;' and 
the duke and lordHerries, having recovered their liberty 
by Kirkaldy's favour, resumed the places which they 
bad formerly held in their councils . Encouraged by the 
acquisition of persons so illustrious ,by their birfli, or 
so eminent for their abilities, they.' published a procla- 
mation, declaring their intention to support the queen's 
authority, and seemed resolved not to leave the city be- 
fore the meeting of the approaching convention, in which, 
by their numbers and influence, they did not doubt of 
s^niring a majority^ of voices on their side.' 

'Cnwf. Mem. 134. ' Ibid. 137. Ctld. i 

B 2 


4 SCOTLAND. [1570. 

EadeaniDT At the Same time they had formed a design 
iheTwioQ of kindling war between the two kingdoms. 
wiihT' ^^ *^®y could engine them in hoatilities, and 
lud. revive their ancient emulation and antipathy* 
they hoped, not only to dissolve a confederacy of great 
advantage to the king's cause, but to reconcile their 
countrymen to the queen, Elizabeth's natural and most 
dangerous rival. With diis view they had, imnsedi- 
ately after the murder of the regent, prompted Scott and 
Ker to commence hostilities, asd had since instigiUed 
them to continue and extend their depredations. As 
Elizabeth foresaw, on the one hand, the dangerous con- 
sequences of rendering this a national quarrel; and 
resoWed, on liie other, not to sufier such an insult on 
her govemment to pass with im^Hinity ; she issued a 
proclamation, declaring that she imputed the outrages 
which had been committed on the b<»ders not to the 
Scottish nation, but a few desperate and ill-designing 
persons; that, with the fonner, she was resolved to 
maintain an invioli^le friendi^ip, whereas the duty 
whichshe owed to her own subjects obliged her to chas- 
tise the licentiousness of ike latter.* Sussex and Scrope 
accordingly entered Scotland, the one on the east, the 
other on the west bcffders, and laid waste the adjacent 
countries with fire and sword.^ Fame magnified the 
number and progress of their troops, and Mary's adhe- 
rents, not thinking themselves safe in Edinburgh, the 
inhabitants whereof were ill-a£Gected to their cause, 
retired to Linlithgow. Tho'e, by a public pro- 
clamation, they asserted the queen's authori^, 
and forbade giving obedience to any but the duke, ot 
l^e earls of Argyle and HuBidy, whom she had consti- 
tuted her lieutoifmts in the kingdota. 
^^* The nobles who continued iaithiiil to the 
wrEdm- king, tiiough coauderably weakened by the de- 
if^i. fectionof somany of Iheir friends, assee&bledat 


15700 BOOK VI. & 

Edinbargfa on the day appointed. They issued a 
connter-proclamation, declaring such as appeared for 
the- queen enemies of their country; and charging 
them irith the mcrder both of the late king and of the 
regent. They could not, however, presume so much 
on their own strength as to venture either to elect a re- 
gent, or to take the field gainst the queen's party ; but 
the assistance which they received from Elizabeth, 
enabled them to do both. By her order Sir William 
Drury marched into Scotland, witti a thousand foot and 
three hundred horse; the king's adherents joined him 
with a considerable body of troops, and advancing 
towards Glasgow, where the adverse party had already 
begunhostilitiesbyattackingthe castle, they forced them 
to retire, plundered the neighbouring country, which be- 
longed to lieHamiltons,and, after seizing some of their 
castles, and rasing others, returned to Edinbui^h. 
Hotiin Under Drury's protection, the earl of Lennox 
b£^"on. returned into Scotiand. It was natural to com- 
^^^^^ mit the government of the kingdom to him 
(hem. during the minority of his grandson. Hie illus- 
trious birth, and alliance with the royal family of Eng- 
land, as well as of Scotland, rendered him worthy of 
that honour. His resentment against Mary being im- 
placable, and his estate lying in England, and his fa- 
mily residing there, Elizabeth considered him as a man, 
who, both from inclination and from interest, would act 
in concert with her, and ardently wished that he might 
succeed Murray in the office of regent. But on many 
accounts, she did not think it prudent to discover her - 
own sentiments, or to favour his pretensions too openly. 
The civil wars in France, which had been excited 
partly by real and partly by pretended zeal forreligion, 
and carried on with a fierceness that did it real dis- 
honour, appeared now to be on the point of coming to 
an issue ; and after shedding the best blood, and wast- 
ing the richest provinces in the kingdom, both parties 

SCOTLAND. [1570. 

desired peace with an ardour that facilitated the nego- 
tiations which were carryingon for thatpurpose. Charles 
IX. was known to be a passionate admirer of Mary's 
beauty. Nor could he, in honour, suffer a queen of 
France, and the most ancient ally of his crown, to lan- 
guish in her present cruel situation, without attenapting 
to procure her relief. He had hitherto been obliged to 
satisfy, himself with remonstrating, by his ambassadors, 
against the indignity with which she had been treated. 
But if he were once at full liberty to pursue his inclina- 
tions, Elizabeth would have every thing to dread from 
the impetuosity of his temper and the power of his arms. 
It therefore became necessary for her to act with some 
reserve, and not to appear avowedly to countenance the 
choice of a regent, in contempt of Mary's authority. 
The jealousy and prejudices of the Scots required no 
less management. Had she openly supported Lennox's 
claim ; had she recommended him to tiie convention, as 
the candidate of whom she approved ; this might have 
roused the independent spirit of the nobles, and by too 
plain a discovery of her intention, she might have de- 
feated its success. For these reasons she hesitated long 
and returned ambiguous answers to all the messages 
which she received from the king's party. A more ex- 
plicit declaration of her sentiments was at last obtain- 
ed, and an event of an extraordinary nature seems to 
have been the occasion of it. Pope Pius V. having 
issued a bull, whereby he excommunicated Elizabeth, 
deprived her of her kingdom, and absolved her subjects 
from their oath of allegiance, Felton, an Englishman^ 
bad the boldness to affix it on the gates of the bishop 
of London's palace. In former ages, a pope, moved by 
his own ambition, or pride, or bigotry, denounced this 
fatal sentence against the most'powerful monarchs ; but 
as the authority of the court of Rome was now less re- 
garded, its proceedings were more cautious ; and it was 
only when they were roused by some powerful prince', 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

1570.] BOOK VI. 7 

that the thunders of the'church were ever heard. EUza- 
betii, therefore, imputed this ste[)> which the pope had 
taken, to a corabination of the Roman Catholic princes 
against her, and suspected that some plot was formed in 
favour of the Scottish queen. In that event, she knew 
that the safety of her own kingdom depended on pre- 
serving her influence in Scotland ; and in order to 
strengthen this, she renewed her promises of protecting 
the king's adherents, encouraged them to proceed to 
the election "of a regent, and even ventured to point out 
the earl of Lennoi'as the person who had the best title. 
That honour was accordingly conferred upon him, in a 
convention of the whole party, held on the 12th of Jiily.' 
ijf„j^ax '^^ regent's first care was, to prevent the 
elected meeting of the parliament, which the queen's 
party had summoned to convene at Linlithgow. 
Having effected that, be marched against the earl of 
Huntly; Mary's lieutenant in the north, and forced the 
garrison which he had placed in Brechin to surrender at 
discretion. Soon after; he made himself master of some 
of the castles. Imboldened by this successful beginning 
of his administration, as well as by "the appearance 
of a considerable army, with which the earl of Sussex 
hovered on the borders, he deprived Maitland of his 
office of secretary, and proclaimed him, the duke, 
Huntly, and other leaders of the queen's party, traitors 
and enemies of their country*; , , 

M«ry's«(i- In this desperate situation of their affairs, the 
^'^ulie queen's adherents- had recourse to the king of 
with Spain, gpajn^' with whom Mary had held a close cor- 
respondence ever since her confinement in England. 
They prevailed on the duke of Alva to send two of 
his officers to take, a view of the country, and to ex- 
amine its coasts and harboiirs; and obtained from them 
a small supply of money and arms, whi<^ were sent to 


SCOTLAND. [1570, 

ibe eari of Huntly.'' But tbis aid, so dUpropor- 
^^"f ' tionate to their exigeftcies^ would have availed 
MMmno- them little. They were indebted for their safety 
betwecb to a treaty which Elizabeth was carrying on, 
berTn^ undet colour of restoring &c captive queen to 
^°^' her throne. The first steps in Hda negotiation 
hftd been taken in the month of May ; but hitherto lit* 
tie progress was made in it. The peace concluded be- 
tween the RomaD CatholicB and Hugonots in France, 
tmd her apprehen^ons that Charl«r would interpose 
with vigour in bc^lf of his sister-in-law, quifiened 
Elizabeth's motions^ She affected to treat her pridon^ 
with more indulgence, she listened more graciously to 
the solicitations of foreign ambassadors in her favour, 
and seemed tully determined to replace her on the 
throne of her ancestors. As a proof of her sincerity, 
she laboured to procure a cessation of arms between 
the two contending Actions in Scotland. Lennox, 
elated with the good fortune which had hitherto attend- 
ed his administration, and flattering himself with an easy 
triumph over enemies whose estates were wasted, and 
their forces dispirited, refused for some time to come into 
this measure. It Was not safe for him, however, to dis- 
pute the will of his protectress. A cessation of hostili- 
ties during two months, to commence onthe3d of Sep- 
tember, was agreed upon ; and, being renewed from time 
to time, itcontinued^till thcilst of April next year.' 

Soon after, Elizabeth dispatched Cecil and Sir Wal- 
ter Mildmay to the queen of Scots. The dignity of 
these ambassadors, the former her prime minister, the 
latter chancellor of the exchequer, and one of her ablest 
counsellors, convinced all parties that the negotiation 
was serious, and the hour (rf Mary's liberty was now 
approaching. The propositions which they made to 
her were advantageous to Elizabeth* but such as a 
prince in Mary's situation had reason to expect. The 

^ Anden. Ul itt. Cnwf. Mem. 153. ■ apouw. t43. 


le/ro.} BOOK VI. g 

ratification of the treaty of Edmlnirgb; the renoundimr 
sny pretensions to the English crown, during Eliza- 
beth's own life, or that of her poaf erity ; the adhering 
to ^e alliance between the two kingdoms ; the pardon- 
ing her subjects who had taken arms against herj and 
her promising to hold no correspondence, and to coun- 
tenance no enterprise, that might disturb Elizabeth's 
government; were among the chief articles. By way 
of security for Ihe accomplishment of these, they de- 
manded that some persons of rank should be given as 
hostage, that the prince, her son, should reside in Eng- 
land, and that a few castles on the border should be put 
into Elizabeth's hands. To some of these propositicms 
Mary consented; some she endeavoured to mitigate; 
and others she attempted to evade. In the mean time, 
she transmitted copies oi them to the pope, to the kings 
<^ France and Spain, and to the duke of Alva. She in- 
sinuated, that without some timely and vigorous inter- 
position in her behalf, she would be obliged to accept 
of these hard conditions, and to purchase liberty at any 
price. But the pope was a distant and feeble cdly, and 
by his great efforts at this time against tiie Turks, his 
freasury was entirely exhausted. Charles had already 
begun to meditate that conspiracy against the Hugo- 
uots, which marks his reign with such infamy; and it 
required much leisure, and perfect tranquillity, to bring 
that execrable plan to maturity. Philip was employed 
in fitting out that fleet which acquired so much renown 
to the Christian arms, by the victory over the infidels 
at Lepanto; the Moors in Spain threatened an insur- 
tection; and his subjects in the Netherlands, provoked 
by much oppression and many indignities, were break- 
ing out into open rebellion. All of them, for these dif- 
ferent reasons, advised Mary, without depending on 
their aid, to conclude the trea^ on the best terins she 
could procure." 


10 SCOTLAND. [1570. 

Eii^ Mary accordin^y consented to many of Eli- 

beth'aar- xabeth's demands, and discovered a facility of 
the con- disposition, which promised still farther conces- 
sions. But no concession she could have made, 
would have satisfied Elizabeth, who, in spite of her re- 
peated professions of sincerity to foreign ambassadors, 
and, notwithstanding the solemnity with which she car- 
ried on the treaty, had no other object in it, than to 
amuse Mary's allies, and to gain time." After having 
so long treated a queen, who fled to her for refuge, in so 
ungenerous a manner, she could not now dismiss her 
with safety. Under all the disadvant^es of a rigorous 
confinement, Mary had found means to excite commo- 
tions in England, which were extremely formidable. 
"What desperate efFectsof her just resentment might be 
expected, if she were set at liberty, and recovered her 
former power? What engagements could bind her 
not to revenge the wrongs which she had suffered, nor 
to take advantage of the favourable conjunctures that 
might present themselves? Was it possible for her to 
give such security for her behaviour, in times to come, 
as might remove all suspicions and fears? And was 
there not good cause to conclude, that no future bene- 
fits could ever obliterate the memory of past injuries? 
It was thus Elizabeth reasoned; though she continued 
to act as if her views had been entirely different. She 
appointed seven of her privy-counsellors to be com- 
missioners for settling the articles of the treaty; and, as 
Mary had already named the bishops of Ross and Gal- 
loway, and lord Livingston, for her ambassadors, she 
required the regent to empower proper persons to ap- 
.pear in behalf of the king. The earl of Mortonli 
Pitcairn abbot- of Dunfermline, and Sir James 
Macgill, were the persons chosen by the regent. They 
prepared for their journey as slowly as Elizabeth herself 
could have wished. At length they arrived at Lon- 

" Digget, Compl. Amb. 78. 


1571.] BOOK VI. Jl 

don, and met the commissioDeTS of the two 
queens. , Mary's ambassadors . discovered the 
strongest inclination to comply with every thing that 
would, remove the obstacles which stood in the way of 
their mistress's liberty. But when Morton and his as- 
sociates were called upon to vindicate their conduct, 
and to explain the sentiments of (heir party, they be- 
gan, in justification of their treatment of the queen, 
to advance such maxims concerning the limited pow- 
ers of princes, and the natural right of subjects to 
resist and to control them, as were extremely shocking 
to Elizabeth, whose notions of regal prerogative, as has 
been formerly observed, were very exalted. With re- 
gard to the authority which the king now possessed, 
they declared they neither had, nor could possibly re- 
ceive instructions, to consent to any treaty that tended 
to subvert, or even to impair it in the least degree." 
Nothing could be more trifling and ridiculous, than 
such a reply from the commissioners of the king of 
Scots to the queen of England. His party depended ab- 
solutely on her protection ; it was by persons devoted 
to her he had been seated on the throne, and to her 
power he owed the continuance of his reign. With the 
utmost ease she could have brought them to hold very 
different language; and whatever conditions she might 
have thought fit to subscribe, they would have had no 
itpioves other choice but to submit. This declaration, how- 
fraiifew. gyg].j she affected to consider as an insuperable 
difficulty ; and finding that there was no reason to dread 
any danger from the French king, who had not disco- 
vered that eagerness in support of Mary which was es- 
oected, the reply made by Morton furnished her 

Mafth Si *^ .^i . '^ '' c ^J \ X 4,1. 

with a pretence tor putting a stop to the nego- 
tiation, Until the regent should send ambassadors with 
more ample powers. .Thus, after being amused for ten 
months with the hopes of liberty, the unhappy queen 

•>Cdd. 0.934- DlggM, 51. H«;aei, 523, 5!4. 


18 SCOTLAND. [1571. 

of Scots remained under stricter custody than ever, 
and without any prospect of escaping irpm it; while 
those subjects who still adhered to her were exposed, 
without ally or protector, to the rage of enemies, whom 
their success in this negotiation rendered still more in- 
solent '' 

On the d^y after the expiration c^ the truce^ 

'ri^e'd^ which had been observed with litde exactnesB 
tha regenL QD either side, captain Crawford of Jordan- 
hill, a gallant and enterprising officer, performed a 
service of great importance to the regent, by surprising 
the castle of Dambarttm.' This was the only fortified 
place in the kingdom, of which the queen had kept 
possession ever since the commencement of the civil 
wars. Its situation, on the top of a high and almost 
inaccessible rock, which rises in the middle of a plain, 
rendered it extremely strong, and, in the opinion of 
that age, impregnable ; as it commanded the river 
Clyde, it was of great consequence, and was deemed 
the most proper place in the kingdom for landing any 
foreign troops that might come to Mary's aid. The 
strength of the place rendered lord Fleming, the go- 
vernor, more secure than be ought to have been, con- 
sidering its importance. A soldier who had served in 
the garrison, and had been disgusted by some ill-usage, 
proposed the scheme to the regent, endeavoured to 
demonstrate that it was practicable, and offered him- 
self to go the foremost man on the enterprise. It was 
thought prudent to risk any danger for so great a prize. 
Scaling-ladders, and whatever else might be necessary, 
were prepared with the utmost secrecy and dispatch. 
All the avenues to the castle were seized, that no in- 
telligence of the design might reach the governor. 
Towards evening Crawford marched from Glasffow 
with a small but determined band. By midnight they 
arrived at the bottom of the rock. The moon was set, 

' Anden. Hi. 91, &c. 


1571.] BOOK VI. 13 

and the sky, vhich had hitherto been extremely clear, 
was covered with a thick fog. It was where the rock 
was hig^hest that the assailants made their attempt, be- 
cause in that place there were few sentinels, and they 
hoped to find them least alert The first ladder was 
scarcely fixed, when the weight and eagerness of those 
who mounted brought it to the ground. None of the 
assailants were hurt by the fall, and none of the garri- 
son alarmed at the noise. Their guide and Crawford 
scrambled up the rock, and fastened the ladder to the 
roots of a tree which grew in a cleft. This place they 
all reached widi the utmost difficulty, but were still at 
a great distance from the foot of the wall. Their lad- 
der was made fiast a second time; but in tiie middle of 
the ascent, they met with an unforeseen difficulty. 
One of iheir companions was seized with some sadden 
fit, and dimg, seemingly without life, to ite ladder. 
All were at a stand. It was impossible to pass hhn. 
To tumble hi m headlong was cruel; and might occa^ 
BIOS a diacoTery. But Crawford's presence of mind 
did not forsake him. He ordered the soldier to be 
bound fast to the ladder, that he might not &il when 
tiie fit was over; and turning the other side of tbe 
ladder, they mounted with ease over his belly. Day 
DOW began to break, and th^re still remained a high wall 
to scale; but after snnoounting so many great difficul- 
ties, this was soon accomplished. A sentry observed 
the first m^ who appeared on the parapet, and had 
juat time to give the alarm, before be was knocked on 
the head. The officers and soldiers of the g^orison 
ran out naked, unarmed, and more solicitous about 
their own safety, than capable of making resistance. 
The assailants rushed forward, with repeated shoots, 
and widi the utmost fury; took possession of the 
nnigsziae ; seized the cacmon, and turned them against 
their enemies. Lord Fleming got into a small boat, 
and fled all alone into Argyleshire. Crawford, in re- 


14 SCOTLAND. [1571. 

ward of. his valour and good conduct, remained master 
of the castle ; and as he did not lose a single man in 
the enterprise, he enjoyed his success with unmixed 
pleasure. Lady Fleming, Verac the French envoy, and 
Hamilton archbishop of St Andrew's, were the pri- 
soners of greatest distinction.'' 

Archbi»bop Verac's character protected him from the 
rf St An- usage which he merited by his activity in 
to deethb; Stirring up enemies against the king. The re- 
gent treated the lady with great politeness and 
humanity. But a very different fate awaited the 
archbishop ; he was carried under a strong guard to 
Stifling; and as he had formerly been attainted by act 
of parliament, he was, without any formal trial, con- 
demned to be hanged; and, on the fourth day after be 
was taken, the sentence was executed. An attempt 
■WBS made to convict him of being accessary to the 
murder both of the king and regent, but these accusa- 
tions were supported by no proof. Our historians 
observe, that he was the first bishop in Scotland, who 
died by the hands of the executioner. The high of- 
fices he had enjoyed, both in church and state, ought to 
have exempted him from a punishment inflicted only 
on the lowest criminals. But his zeal for the queen, 
his abilities, and his profession, rendered him odious 
and formidable to the king's adherents. Lennox hated 
him as' the person by whose counsels the reputation 
and power of the house of Hamilton were supported; 
Party-rage and personal enmity dictated that indecent 
sentence, for which some colour was sought, by im- 
puting to him such odious crimes."' 
Kirkaidj The loss of Dumbarton, and the severe 
cwuS'lrf*''* treatment of the archbishop, perplexed no les^ 
Edinbuigh than they enraged the queen's party ; and bos- 
qneen'i tiUties Were renewed with all the fierceness' 
"""*' which disappointment and indignation can in- 

1 Bucb. 394. ' Spotiwood, !H. 

r,on7<-i.i Google. 

1571.] BOOK VI. 15 

spire. •Kirkaldy, whg, during the truce, had taken care 
to increase the number of his garrison, and to provide 
every thing necessary for his defence, issued a procla- 
mation declaring Lennox's authority to be unlawfiil 
and usurped ; commanded all who favoured his canse 
.to leave the town within six hours; seized the arms 
belonging to the citizens; planted a battery on the 
steeple of St. Giles's, repaired the walls, and fortified 
the gates of the cily ; and, though the afTections of the 
inhabitants leaned a different way, held out the metro- 
polis against the regent. The duke, Huntly, Home, 
Herries, and other chiefs of that faction, repaired to 
Edinburgh with their followers ; and having received 
a small sum of money and some ammunition from 
France, formed no contemptible army within the walls. 
On the other side, Morton seized Leith and fortified it; 
and the regent joined him with a considerable body of . 
men. While the armies lay so near each other, daily 
skirmishes happened, and with various success. The 
queen's party was not strong enough to take the field 
against' ^e regent, nor was his superiority so great as 
to undertake the siege of the castle or of the town.' 
Bothpst- Some time before Edinburgh fell into the 
^'i^}^ hands'ofhis enemies, the regent had summoned 
"=""■■ a parliament to meet in that place. In order 
to prevent any objection against the lawfulness of the 
meeting, the members obeyed the proclamation as ex- 
„ actly as possible, and assembled in a house at 

the head of the Cannongate, which, though 
without the walls, lies within the liberties of the city. 
Kirkaldy exerted himself to' the utmost to interrupt their 
meeting; but they were so strongly guarded, that all 
efforts were vain. They passed an act attainting 
Maitland and a few others, and then adjourned to the 
28th of August' ■ * 

The other party, in order that their proceedings might 

■ Cald. ii. 333, &«. " • Ci«wf. Mera. 177. 


16 SCOTLAND. 11571. 

be countenanced by the same show of leg:^ au£bc»i^, 
held a meeting of parliament soon afiter. Th»% vfa$ 
produced in this assembly a dedaratton by the queen 
oftheinvalidity of that deed whereby she had resigittd 
the crown, and consented to the coronation of her son. 
Conformable to this declaration, an act was passed pro- 
nonncing the resignation to have been extorted by fear; 
to be null in itself, and in all its consequences ; asd 
enjoining all good subjects to acknowledge the quei»i 
alone to be their lawful sovereign, and to support those 
who acted in her name. The present establishment 
of the Protestant religion was confirmed by another 
sliaitute; and, in imitation of the adverse party, a new 
meeting w^ appointed on the 26th of August." 
lOenbie Meanwhile all the mif^ries of civil war de- 
"f°^f " solated the kingdom. Fellow-citizens, firiends, 
Ungdou. i^oAers, took different sides, and ranged tbem- 
selves under the standards of the contending factions. 
In every county, and almost in eveiy town and village, 
kite's men and queen's men wia« names erf distmetion. 
Political hatred dissolved all natural ti^ and extin- 
guished the reciprocal good-will and confidence which 
holds mankind together in society. Religious zeal 
mingled itsdif with these civil distincticau, and con- 
tributed not a little to heighten and to inflaane them. 
State of I'lic factions which divided the lui^tHn were, 
fscaoiw. jjj appeanuMe, only two; but in both these 
there were persons with views and principles so dif- 
ferent from each other, that they oaght to be dis- 
tinguished. With some, considerationsiif'rdigiDn were 
predominant, and they either adhered io -&e queen, 
because they hoped by her meanslo re-establish Popery, 
or they defended the king's authority, as the best sup- 
port of lite Protestant faath. Among these the oppo- 
sition was violent and irreconcilable. Others were 
influenced by political motives only, or allured by views 

■ Cnwf. Mem. 177. 

r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google 

1S71.] BOOK VI. 17 

of mt^*e8t; the regent aimed at uniting these, and did 
not despair of gaining, by gentle arts, many of Mary's 
adherents to acknowledge the ting's authority. Mait- 
land and Kirkaldy had formed the same design of a 
coalition, bnt on such terms that, the queen might be 
restored to some share in the government, and the king- 
dom shake off its dependence upon England. Morton, 
the ablest, the most ambitious, and the most powerful 
man of the king's party, held a particular course; and 
moving only as he was prompted by the court of 
England, thwarted every measure that tended towards a 
reconcilement of the factions; and as he served Eliza- 
beth with much fidelity, he derived both power and 
credit from her avowed protection. 

The time appointed by both parties for the meeting 
of their parliaments now approaiched. Only three 
peers and two bishops appeared in that which was held 
in the queen's name at Edinburgh, But, contemptible 
as their numbers were, they passed an act for attainting 
upwards of two hundred of the adverse faction. The 
meeting at Stirling was numerous and splendid. The 
regent had prevailed on the earls of Argyle, Eglinton, 
Cassils, and lord Boyd, to acknowledge the king's au- 
thority. The three earls were among the most power- 
ful noblemen in the kingdom, and had hitherto been 
zealous in the queen's cause. Lord Boyd had been one 
of Mary's ccanmissioners at York and Westminster,- and 
since that time had been admitted into all her most se- 
cret counsels. But, during that turbulent period, the 
conduct of individuals, as well as the principles of fac- 
tions, varied so often, that the sense of honour, a chief 
preservative of consistence in character, was entirely 
lost ; and, without any regard to decorum^ men sud- 
denly abandoned one party," and adopted all the violent 
passions of the other. The defection, however, of so 
many persons of distinction, not only weakened the 
queen's par^, but added reputation to her adversaries. 


18 SCOTLAND. [1571. 

The king's After the example of the parliament at Edin- 
^^'(J," burgh, that at Stirling began with frami:^ acts 
sdrUng. agaiHst the opposite faction. But in the midst 
of all the security, whidl confidence' in their own num- 
bers or distance from danger could inspire, they 
were awakened early in the morning of Septem- 
ber the third, by the shouts of the eneAy in the heart 
of the town. In a mcMnent the houses of every prison 
of distinction were surrounded, and before they knew 
what to think of so strange an event, the regent, the 
carls of Argyle, Morton, Glencaim, Cassils, Eglinton, 
Montrose, Buchan, the lords Sempil, Cathcart, Ogilvie^ 
were all made prisoners, and mounted behind troopers, 
who were ready to carry them to Edinburgh. Kirkaldy 
was the author of this daring aiterprise ; and if he had 
not been induced, by the ill-timed solicitude of his 
friends about his safety, not to hazard his own person 
in conducting it, that day might have terminated the 
contest between- the two Actions, and have restored 
peace to his country. By his direction four hundred 
men, under the command of Huntly, lord Claud Hamil- 
ton, and Scott of Buccleugh, set out from Edinbure;h, 
and, the better to conceal their design, marched to- 
wards the south. But they^'soon wheeled to the right, 
and, horses having been provided for the infantry, rode 
straight to Stirling. By four in the mwning they ar- 
rived there; not one sentry was posted on the walls, 
not a single man was awake about the place. They 
met with no resistance from any person whom they at- 
tempted to seize, except Morton. He defended his 
house with obstinate valour; they were obliged to set 
it on fire, and he did not surrender till forced out of it 
by the flames. In perfonning this, some time was con- 
sumed; and the private men, unaccustomed to regular 
discipline, left their colours, and began to rifle the 
houses and shops of the citizens. The noise and. up- 
roar in the town reached the castle. The earl {^ Mar 

1571.] BOOK VI. 19 

sallied ont with thir^ soldiers; fired briskly upon the 
enemy, of whom almost none bnt the officers kept to- 
gether in a body. The townsmen took arms to assist 
their governor ; a sudden panic struck the assailants ; 
some fled, some surrendered themselves to their own 
prisoners; and had not the borderers, who followed 
Scott, prevented a pursuit, by carrying off all the horses 
widtin the place, not a man would have escaped. If 
Theregeni ^^ regent had not unfortunately' been killed, 
^^"^ the loss on the king's side would have been as 
inconsiderable as the alarm was great. ITiink on the 
archbishop of St. Andrew's^ was the word among the 
queen's soldiers; and Lennox fell a sacrifice to his 
memory. The officer to whom he surrendered, en- 
deavourir^ to protect him, lost his own life in his 
<l^ence. He was siain, according to the general 
opinion, by command of lord Claud Hamilton. Kirk- 
aldy had die glory of concerting this plan with great 
secrecy and prudence ; but Morton's fortunate obsti- 
nacy, and the want of discipline among his troops, 
deprived him of success, the only thing wanting to 
render diis equal to the most applauded military enter- 
prises of the kind.' 

Hareho- ^^ ^*^ laway o( the nobles were assembled, 
■«» regent, they proceeded without delay to the election of 
a regent. Argyle, Morton, and Mar, were can- 
didates for the office. Mar was chosen by a majority 
of voices. Amidst all the fierce dissensions which had 
prevailed so long in Scotland, he had distinguished 
himself by his moderation, his humanity, and his dis- 
interestedness. As his power was far inferior, to Ar- 
gyle's, and his abilities not so great as Morton's, he 
was, for these reasons, less formidable to the other 
nobles. His merit, too, in having so lately rescued the 
leaders of the party from imminent destruction, contri- 
buted not a litde to his prefennent. 

■ Mel*, tie. Crawf. Mem. iD4. 


.1 Google 

20 SCOTLAND. [1671. 

Proceed- While these things were carrying on in Scot- 
b^'l". land, the transactions in England were no less 
KtiMt interesting to Mary, and still more fatal to her 
'^' cause. The parliament of that kingdom, which 
met in April, passed an act, by which it was declared 
to be high-treason to claim any right to the crown 
during the life of the queen ; to affirm that the title 
of any other peraon was better than' hers, or to main- 
tain Aat the parliament had not power to settle and to 
limit the order of succession. This remarkable statute 
was intended not only for the security of their own so- 
yereign, but to curb the restless and intriguing spirit of 
the Scottish queen and her adherents.'' 
NmUge ^^ ^^ ^^^ ^ treaty of marriage between 
^^'^ Elizabeth and the duke of Anjou, the French 
Eiinbeth feiog's brother, was well advanced. Both courts 
duke of seemed to desire it with equal ardour, and gave 
■*"■'*'"■ out, with the utmost confidence, that it could not 
£ail of taking place. Neither of them, however, wished 
it success ; and they encouraged it for no other end, 
but because it served to cover or to promote their par- 
ticular designs. The whole policy of Catherine of Me- 
dicis was bent towards the accomplishment of her de- 
tes'table project for the destruction of the Hugonot 
chiefs; and by carrying on a negotiation for the mar- 
riage of. her son with a princess who was justly es- 
teemed the protectress of that party, by yielding some 
things in point of religion, and by discovering an in- 
.difference with regard to others, she hoped to amuse 
all the Protestants in Europe, and to lull asleep the jea- 
lousy even of the Hugonots themselves. Elizabeth 
flattered herself with reaping advantages of another 
kind. During the dependence of the negotiation, the 
French could not with decency give any open assistance 
to the Scottish queen ; if they conceived any hopes of 
success in the treaty of marriage, they would of course 

> Ckind. 436. 


1571.] BOOK VI. 21 

interest themselTes but coldly in her concenis ; Mary 
herself must be dejected at losing an ally, whom she 
had hitherto reckoned her most powerful protector ; 
and, by interrupting her correspondence wi& France, 
one source, at least, of the cabals and intrigues which 
disturbed the kingdom would be stopt. Both queens 
succeeded in their schemes. Catherine's artifices im- 
posed upon Elizabeth, and blinded the Hugonots. The 
French discovered the utmost indifference about the in- 
terest of the Scottish queen ; and Mary, considering 
that court as already united with her rival, turned for 
protection with more eagerness than ever towards the 
king of Spain.' Philip, whose dark and thoughtful 
mind delighted in the mystery of iQtrigue, had held a 
secret correspondence with Mary for some time, by 
means of the bishop of Ross, and had supplied both 
herself and her adherents in Scotland with small sums 
of money. Ridolphi, a Florentine gentleman, who re- 
sided at London under the character of a banker, and 
who acted privately, as an agent for the pope, was the 
person whom the bishop intrusted with this negotiation, 
Norfoik'i Mary thought it necessaiy lik&wise to commu- 
ta"£' nicate the secret to the duke of Norfolk, whom 
of Marj, Elizabeth had - lately restored to liberty, upon 
his solemn promise to have no &rther intercourse with 
the queen of Scots. This promise, however, he regarded 
Bo little, that he continued to keep a constant corre- 
spondence with the captive qiieen ; while she laboured 
to nourish his ambitious hopes, and to strengthen his 
iunorous attachment by letters written in the fondest 
caressing strain. Some of these he must have received 
at the very time when he made that solemn promise of 
holding no farther intercourse with her, in ctmsequence 
of which Elizabeth restored him to liberty. Mary, still 
considering him as her future husband, took no step in 
any matter of moment without his advice. She early 
* Viggts, 144. 148. Ctrnid. 434. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

23 SCOTLAND. [1571. 

commanicated to him her negotiations with Ridolphi ; 
and, in a long letter, which she wrote to him in ci- 
phers,* after complaining of the baseness with which the 
French court had abandoned her interest, she declared 
her intention of imploring the assistance of the Spanish 
monarch, which was now her only resource ; and re- 
commended Ridolphi to his confidence, as a person 
capable both of explaining and advancing the scheme. 
The duke commanded Hickford, his secretary, to deci- 
pher, and then to bum this letter; but, whether he had 
been already gained by the court, or resolved at that 
time to betray bis master, he disobeyed the latter part 
of the order, and hid the letter, together with other 
treasonable papers, under the duke's own bed. 

Ridolphi, in a conference with Norfolk, omitted none 
of those arguments, and spared none of those promises, 
which are the usual incentives to rebellion. The pope, 
he told him, had a great sum in readiness to bestow io 
so good a cause. The duke of Alva had undertaken 
to land ten thousand men not far from London. The 
Catholics, to a man, would rise in arms. Many of the 
nobles were ripe for a revolt, and wanted only a leader. 
Half the nation had turned their eyes towards him, 
and called on him to revenge the unmerited injuries 
which he bimfietf had suffered ; and to rescue an imfor- 
tunate queen, who offered him her hand and her crown, 
as the reward of his success. Norfolk approved of the 
design, and though he refused to give Ridolphi any let- 
ter of credit, allowed him to use his name in negotiat- 
ing with the pope and Alva." The bishop of Ross, 
who, from the violence of his temper, and impatience 
to procure relief for his mistress, was apt to run into 
rash and desperate designs, advised the duke to assem- 
ble secretly a few of his followers, and at once to seize 
Elizabeth's person. But this the duke rejected as a 

> Hajnei, 597, 598. Hudir. Stale Papen, i. 190, &c. Digm's Compleal 
Anbai. 147. * Asdcn. iii. 161. 


iWlJ BOOK VI. 23 

Diuarend sckei&e equally wild and hazardous. Mean- 
^'"^ while, the English court had received some im- 
Angoit perfect information of tlie plot, by intercepting 
one of Ridolphi's agents ; and an accident happened, 
which brought to light all the circumstances of it. The 
duke had employed Hickford to transmit to lord Ber- 
ries some money, which was to be distributed among 
Mary's friends in Scotland. A person not in the secret 
was intrusted with conveying it to the borders, and he, 
suspecting it from the weight to be .gold, whereas he 
had beeai told that it was silver, carried it directly to 
the privy-councO. The duke, his domestics, and all 
who were privy, or could be suspected of being privy, 
to the design, were taken into custody. Never did the 
accomplices in a conspiracy discover less firmness, or 
servantsbetrayanindulgent master with greater 
baseness. Every one confessed the whole of 
what he knew. Hickford gave directions how to find 
the papers which he had hidden. The duke himself 
relying at first on the fidelity of his associates, and be- 
lieving all dangerous papers to have been destroyed, 
confidently asserted his own innocence ; but when their 
depositions and the papers themselves were produced, 
astonished at their treachery, he acknowledged his 
guilt, and implored the queen's mercy. His ofience 
was too heinous, and too often repeated, to obtain par- 
don ; and Elizabeth thought it necessary to deter her 
subjects, by his punishment, from holding correspond- 
ence with the queen of Scots, or her emissaries. Being 
tried by his peers, he was found guilty of high-treason, 
and, ailer several delays, suffered death for the crime." 
The discovery of this conspiracy produced many 
effects extremely detrimental to Mary's interest. The 
bishop of Ross, who appeared, by the confession of all 
concerned, to be the prime mover in every cabal against 
Elizabeth, was taken into custody, bis papers searched, 

' Anden. iii. 119. Stale Trials, 165. 


24 SCOTLAND. [1671. 

himself committed to the Tower, treated with the utmost 
rigour, threatened with capital punishment, and, after 
a long conJinement, set at liber^, on condition that he 
should leave the kingdom. Mary was not only de- 
prived of a servant, equally eminent for his zeal and 
his abilities, but was denied from that time the privi- 
lege of having an ambassador at the English court 
The Spanish ambassador, whom the power and dignity 
of the prince he represented, exempted irom such in- 
sults as Ross had suffered, was commanded to leave 
England.*" As there was now the clearest evidence 
that Mary, from resentment of the wrongs she had suf- 
fered, and impatience of the captivity in which she was 
held, would not scruple to engage in the most hostile 
and desperate enterprises against the established go- 
vernment and religion, she began to be r^arded as a 
public enemy, and was kept untJer a stricter guard than 
formerly ; the number of her domestics was abridged, 
and no person permitted to see her, but in presence of 
her keepers.' 

Eiinbetb At the Same time, Elizabeth, foreseeing the 
openly* stofm which was gathering on the continent 
SS^°n'i''" against her kingdom, began to wish that tran- 
v»j- quillity were restored in Scotland ; and irritated 
by Mary's late attempt against heir government, she de- 
termined to act without disguise or ambiguity, in favour 
of the king's party. This resolution she intimated to 
the leaders of both factions. Mary, she told 
them, had held such a criminal correspondence 
with her avowed enemies, and had excited such dan- . 
gerous conspiracies both against her crown and her 
life, that she would henceforth consider her as unworthy 
of protection, and would never consent to restore her 
to liberty, iar less to replace her on her throne. ' She 
exhorted them, therefore, to unite in acknowledging 
the king's authority. She promised to procure, by her 

' Oiggu, 163. * Sirjpa, Ann. ii. 50. 


1571.] BOOK VI. 25 

mediation, equitable terms for those who had hitherto 
opposed it. But if they still continued refractory, she 
threatened to employ her utmost power to compel them 
to submit.^ Though this declaration did not produce 
an immediate effect; though hostilities continued in the 
neighbourhood of Edinburgh ; though Huntly's bro- 
ther, Sir Adam Gordon, by his bravery and good con- 
duct, had routed the king's adherents in the north in 
many encounters ; yet, such an explicit discovery of 
Elizabeth's sentiments contributed not a little to animate 
one party, and to depress the spirit and hopes of the 
137-^ As Morton, who commanded the regent's 
' ^i^dl^ forces, lay at Leith, and Kirkaldy still held out 
betveea the towu and castle of Edinburgh, scarce a day 
passed without a skirmish ; and while bo^ 
avoided any decisive action, they harassed each other 
by attacking small parties, beating up quarters, and ih- 
tercepting convoys. These operations, though little 
memorable in themselves, kept the passtoiLS of both fac- 
tions in perpetual exercise and agitation, and wrought 
them up, at last, to a degree of fiiry, which rendered 
them regardless, not only of the laws of war, but of the 
principles of humanity. Nor was it in the field alone, 
and during the heat of combat, that this implacable rage 
appeared ; both parties hanged the prisoners which they 
topk, of whatever rank or quality, without mercy, and 
without trial. Great numbers suffered in this shocking 
manner; the unhappy victims were led, by fifties at a 
time, to execution ; and it was not till both'sides had 
smarted severely, that they discontinued this barbarous 
practice, so reproachful to the character of the nation,'' 
Meanwhile, those in the town and castle, ' though they 
had receivedasupply of money Irom the duke of Alva,* 
began to suffer for want of provisions. As Morton had 


26 SCOTLAND. ' [1572. 

destroyed all die miUs in the neighbourhood of the city, 
and had planted small garrisons in all the houses of 
strength around it, scarcity daily increased. At last 
all the miseries of famine were felt, and they must have 
been soon reduced to such extremities, as would have 
forced them to capitulate, if the English and French 
ambassadors had not procured a suspension of hostili- 
ties between the two parties.* 

i^gno Though the negotiation for a marriage be- 
aJg^ tween Elizabeth and the duke of Anjou had 
™ been fruitless, both Charles and she were desir- 
ous of concluding a defensive alliance between 
the two crowns. He considered such a treaty not only 
as the best device for blinding the Protestants, against 
whom the conspiracy was now almost ripe for execu- 
tion ; but as a good precaution, likewise, against the 
dangerous consequences to which that atrocious mea- 
sure might expose him. Elizabedi, who had hitherto 
reigned wiUiout a single ally, now saw her kingdom 
so threatened with intestine commotions, or exposed to 
invasions from abroad, that she was extremely solicitous 
to secure the assistance of so powerful a neighbour. 
The difficulties arising from the situation of the Scottish 
queen were the chief occasions of any delay. Charles 
demanded some terms of advantage for Mary and her 
party. Elizabeth refused to listen to any proposition 
of that kmd. Her obstinacy overcame the faint efforts 
of the French monarch. Mary's name was not so much 
as mentioned in the treaty; and with regard to Scottish 
afiftirs, a short article was inserted, in general and am- 
biguous terms, to this purpose : " That the par- 
ties contracting shall make no innovations in 
Scotland, nor suffer any stranger to enter, and to fo- 
ment the factions there ; but it shall be lawful for the 
queen of England to chastise, by force of arms, those 
Scots who shall continue to harbour the English rebels 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

1572.] BOOK VI. 37 

now in Scotland."' In consequence of this treaty, 
France and England affected to act in concert with 
regard to Scotland, and Le Croc and Sir Willi am Drury 
appeared there, in the name of their respective sov^ 
reigns. By their mediation, a truce for two months 
was ^;reed upon,and during that time conferences were 
to be held between the leaders of the opposite factions, 
in order to accommodate their differences and restore 
peace to the kingdom. This truce afforded a seasonable 
interval of tranquiility to the queen's adherents in the 
south ; but in the north it proved fatal to her interest. 
Sir Adam Gordon had still maintained his reputation 
and superiority there. Several parties, under different 
officers, were sent against him. Some of them he at- 
tacked in the field ; against others he employed stra- 
tagem ; and as his courage and conduct were equal, 
none of his enterprises failed of success. He made war 
too with the humanity which became so gallant a man, 
and gained ground by that, no less than by the terror 
of his arms. If he had not been obliged by the truce 
to suspend his operations, he would in all probability 
have brought that part of the kingdom to submit en- 
tirely to the queen's authority." 
frecetA- Notwithstanding Gordon's bravery and suc- 
jS^^ cess, Mary's interest was on the decline, not 
•jp"^ only in her own kingdom, but among the Eng- 
lish. Nothing could be more offensive to that 
nation, jealous of foreigners, and terrified at the prospect 
of the Spanish yoke, than her negotiations with the duke 
of Alva. The parliament, which met in May, proceeded 
ag^nst her as the most dangerous enemy of the king- 
dom ; and, after a solemn conference between the lords 
and commons, both houses t^eed in bringing in a bill 
to declare her guilty of high-treason, and to deprive 
her of all right of succession to the crown. This great 
cause, as it was then called, occupied them during the 

I Diggei, 170. 191. Csmden, 444. = Ctswf. M«iii. 


28 SCOTLAND. [1672. 

whole session, and was carried on with much unani- 
mity. Elizabeth, though she applauded their zeal, and 
approved greatly of the course they were taking, was 
satisfied with shewing Mary what she might expect 
from the resentment of the nation ; but as she did not 
yet think it time to proceed to the most violent estre- 
mitf i^ainst her, she prorogued the parliament." 
The French These severe proceedings of theEngUsh par- 
negtectbn Hameut Were not more mortifying to Mary, 
than the coldness and neglect of her allies the 
French. The duke of Montmorency, indeed, who 
came over to ratify the league with Elizabeth, made a 
show of interesting himself in favour of the Scottish 
queen ; but, instead of soliciting for her liberty, or her 
restoration to her throne, all that he demanded was a 
slight mitigation of the rigour of her imprisonment. 
Even this small request he u^^d with so little warmth 
or importunity, that no regard was paid to it." 

The alliance with France afforded Elizabeth 
ncn of much satisfaction, and she expected from it a 
great increase of security. She now turned her 
whole attention towards Scotland, where the animosi- 
ties of the two factions were still so high, and so many 
interfering interests to be adjusted, that a general pa- 
cification seemed to be at a great distance. But while 
she laboured to bring them to some agreement, an 
event happened which filled a great part of Europe 
with astonishment and with' horror. This was the mas- 
sacre at Paris ; an attempt, to which there is no paral- 
lel in the history of mankind, either for the long train 
of craft and dissimulation with which it was contrived, 
or for the cruelty and barbarity with which it was car- 
ried into execution. By the most solenm promises of 
safety and of favour, the leaders of the Protestants were 
drawn to court ; and though doomed to destruction, 
they were received with caresses, loaded with honours, 

■ DXwea, Joum. f06, Sec. ' Jebb, u. 5lt. 


1673.] BOOK VI. 29 

and treated, for seven months, with every possible 
mark of &mitiarity and of confidence. In the 
midst of their security, the warrant for their 
destmction was issued by their sovereign, on whose 
word they had relied ; and, in obedience to it, their 
countrymen, their fellow-citizens, and companions, im- 
brued their hands in their blood. Ten thousand Pro- 
testants, without distinction of age, or sex, or condi- 
'tion, were murdered in Paris alone. The same bar- 
barous orders were sent to other parts of the kingdoin, 
and a like carnage ensued. This deed, which no Po- 
pish writer, in the present age, mentions without de- 
testation, was at that time applauded in Spain; and at 
Rome'solemn thanksgivings were ofiered to God for its 
success. But among the Protestants, it excited incre- 
dible horror ; a striking picture of which is drawn by 
the French ambassador at the court of England, in bis 
account of his first audience after the massacre. " A 
gloomy sorrow," says he, " sat on every face ; silence, 
as in the dead of night, reigned through all the cham- 
bers of the royal apartment ; the ladies and courtiers 
were ranged on each side, air clad in deep mourning, 
and, as' I passed through them, not one bestowed 
on me a civil look, or made the least return to my 

DMrimen- But horFor was not the only passion with 
uiioM»- frhich this event inspired the Protestants; it 
lett filled them with fear. They considered it as 

the prelude to some greater blow, and believed, not 
without much probability, that all the Popish princes 
had conspired the destruction of their sect. This opi- 
nion was of no small disservice to Mary's affairs in . 
ScotlaAd. Many of her adherents were Protestants ; 
and, though' they wished her restoration, were not will- 
ing, on that account, to sacrifice the faith which thfey 
pr^essed. They dreaded her attachment to a religion 

r Cortt, iii. SM. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

30 SCOTLAND. [1572. 

whtch allowed its votaries to violate the most solemn 
engagements, and prompted them to perpetrate the 
most barbarous crimes. A general confederacy of the 
Protestants seemed to them the only thing that could 
uphold the Reformation against the league which was 
formed to overturn it Nor could the present esta- 
blishment of religion be long maintained in Britain, 
but by a strict union with Elizabeth, and by the con- 
currence of both nations, in espousing the defence of 
it as a common cause.'' 

Encouraged by this general disposition to place con- 
£dence in her, Elizabeth xcsumed a scheme which she 
had formed during the r^ency of the earl of Murray, 
of sending Mary as a prisoner into Scotland. But her 
sentiments and situation were now very different from 
what they had been during her negotiation with Mur- 
ray. Her animosity against the queen of Scots was 
greatly augm«ited by recent experience, which taught 
her that she had inclination as well as power, not only 
to disturb the tranquillity of her reign, but to wrest 
from her the crown ; the party in Scotland favourable 
to Mary was almost entirdy broken ; and there was no 
reason to dread any danger from France, which still 
continued to court her friendship. She aimed, accord- 
ingly, at something very different from that which «he 
had in view three years before. Then she discovered 
a laudable solicitude, not only for the safety of Mary's 
life, but for securing to her treatment suited to her rank. 
Now she required, as an express condition, that imme- 
diately after Mary's arrival in Scotland, she should be 
brought to public trial ; and, having no doubt that sen- 
tence would be passed according to her deserts, she 
insisted that, for the good of both kingdoms, it should 
be executed without delay.' No transaction, perhaps, 
in Elizabeth's reign, merits more severe censure. Eager 
to cut short the days of a rival, the object both of her 

4 Dlg^, SM. 167. ' Mardin, 3S4. 


t£72,] BOOK VI. 31 

hatred and dread, end no less anxious to avoid the 
blame to which such a deed of violence might ex- 
pose her, she laboured, with timid and ungenerous ar- 
tifice, to transfer the odium of it from herself to Mary's 
own subjects. The earl of Mar, happily for the ho- 
nour of his country, had more virtue than to listen to 
such an ignominious proposal ;' and Elizabeth did not 
venture to renew it. 

The n- WhUe shc was engaged in pursuing this in- 
d^^^ sidious measure, the regent was more honour- 
J^^J^^. ably employed in endeavouring to n^;otiate a 
*«>• general peace among his countrymen. As he 
laboured for this purpose with the utmost zeal, and the 
adverse taction placed entire confidence in his inte- 
grity, his endeavours could hardly have failed of being 
successful. Maitland and Kiiialdy came so near to 
an agreement with him, that scarce any thing ranain- 
ed, except the formality of signing tbe treaty. But 
Morton bad not foi^tten the disappointment he met 
with in his pretensions to the regency ; his abilities^ 
his wealth, and die patront^ of the court of England, 
gave him greater sway with the party, than even the 
regent himself; and he took pleasure in thwarting 
every measure pursued by him. He was afraid that^ 
if Maitland and his associates recovered any share in 
the administration, his own influence would be consi- 
derably diminished ; and the regent, by dieir means, 
would acquire that ascendant which belonged to his 
station. With him concurred all those who were in 
possession of the lands which bel<Higed to tmy of tfa« 
queen's party. Hia ambition, and their avarice, fms* 
trated the regent's pious intentions, and retarded a 
blessing so necessary to the kingdom, as the establish- 
ment of peace,* 

Such a discovery of the selfishness and am- 
bition which reigned among his party, made 

■ MelT. S33. Cnwf. Mno. 337. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

32 SCOTLAND. [1572. 

a deep impression on the regent, who loved his coun- 
try, and wished for peace with much ardour. This in- 
ward grief broke his spirit, and by degrees brought on 
a settled melancholy, that ended in a distemper, of 
which he died on , the 29th of October. He was, per- 
haps, the only person in the kingdom who could have 
enjoyed the oflBce of regent without envy, and have 
left it without loss of reputation. Notwithstanding 
their mutual animosities, both factions acknowledged 
his views to be honourable, and his integrity to be 

HoiioD No competitor now appeared against Mor- 
re^S", **'°- The queen of England powerfully sup- 
Nov. 14. ported his claim, and notwithstanding the fears 
of the people, and the jealousy of the nobles, he was 
elected regent; the fourth who, in the space of five 
years, had held that dangerous office. 

As the truce had been prolonged to the 1st of Ja- 
nuary, this gave him an opportunity of continuing the 
negotiations with the opposite party, which had been ■ 
set on foot by his predecessor. They produced no ef- 
■fects, however, till the beginning of the next year. ■ 

Before we proceed to these, some events, hitherto 
untouched, deserve our notice. 

. The earl of Northumberland, who had been kept 
prisoner in Lochlevin ever since his flight into Scot- 
land, in the year 1569, *as given up to lord Hunsdon, 
governor of Berwick ; and being carried to York, suf- 
fered there the punishment of his rebellion. The king's 
party were so sensible of their dependence on Eliza- 
beth's protection, that it was scarcely possible for them 
to refuse putting into her hands a person who had 
taken up arms against her ; but, as a sum of money 
was paid on that account, and shared between Morton 
and Douglas of Lochlevin, the former of whom, during 
,his exile in Elngland, had been much indebted to Nor- 


r,on7<-i.i Google 

1572.] BOOK yi. 33 

&umbetlaDd'8 friendship, the abandooiag this unhappy 
□oblem&n, in such a maoner, to certain destruction, 
was universally condemned as a most ungrateful and 
mercenary action." 

AXutt ot This year was remarkable for a considerable 
the church, innovation in the government of the church. 
Soon after the Reformation, the Popish bishops had 
been confirmed by law in possession of part of their 
benefices; but the spiritual jurisdiction, which belonged 
to their order, was exercised by superintendents, though 
with more moderate authority. On the death of the 
archbishop of St. Andrew's, Morton obtained from the 
crown a grant of the temporalities of that see. But as 
it was thought indecent for a layman to hold a benefice 
to which the cure of souls was annexed, he procured 
Douglas, rector of the university of St. Andrew's, to be 
chosen archbishop ; and, allottdng him a small pension, 
out of the revenues of the see, retained the remainder in 
his own hands. The nobles, who saw the advanti^s 
.which they might reap from such a practice, supported 
him in the execution of his plan. It gave great offence, 
however, to the clergy, who, instead of perpetuating an 
order whose name and power were odious to them, 
wished that the revenues which had belonged to it 
might be employed in supplying such parishes as were 
still unprovided with settled pastors. But, on the one 
hand, it would have been rash in the clergy to have 
irritated too much noblemen, on whom the very exist- 
ence of the Protestant church in Scotland depended ; 
and Morton, on the other, conducted his scheme with 
such dexterity, and managed them with so much art, 
that it was at last agreed, in a convention composed of 
the leading men among the clergy, together with a 
committee of privy-council, " That the name and ofSce 
of archbishop and bishop should be continued during 
the king's minority, and these dignities be conferred 

• Cn«f. yem. 55. «a. Camd.MS. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

34 SCOTLAND. [1572. 

upon the best qualified among the Protestant ministers ; 
but that, with regard to their spiritual jurisdictionSj 
they should be subject to the general assembly of the 
church." The rules to be observed in their election, 
dnd the persons who were to supply the place, and 
enjoy the privileges which belonged to the dean and 
chapter in times of Popery, were likewise particularly 
specified/ The whole being laid before the general 
assembly, after some exceptions to the name of arch- 
Uihopfdean, chapter, &c. and a protestation that it should 
be considered only as a temporary constitution, until 
6ne more perfect Could be introduced, it obtained the 
approbation of that court/ Even Knox, who was pre- 
vented from attending the assembly by the ill state of 
his health, though he declaimed loudly against the 
simoniacal paction to which Douglas owed his prefer- 
ment, and blamed the nomination of a person worn out 
tvith age and infirmities, to an office which required 
unimpaired vigour both of body and mind, seems not 
to have condemned the proceedings of the convention; 
and, in a letter to the assembly, approved of some of 
the regulations with respect to the election of bishops, 
as worthy of being carefully observed." In consequence 
of the assembly's consent to the plan agreed upon in 
the convention, Douglas was installed in his office, and 
iit the same time an archbishop of Glasgow and a bi- 
shop of Dunkeld Were chosen from among the Protes- 
tant clei^. They were all admitted to the place in 
parliament which belonged to the ecclesiastical order. 
But in imitation of the example set by Morton, such 
bargains were made with them by different noblemen, 
as gave them possession only of a very small part of 
the revenues which belonged to their sees.' 
Nov. 87. Soon after the dissolution of this assembly, 
c^ractT' Knox, the prime instrument of spreading and 
of Knox, establishing the reformed religion in Scotland, 

» Cld. iu 309. r Id. SS4. ■ See App. N», XXXVllI. • Spciltw. «61. 

1572.] BOOK VI. 36 

ended his life, in the sixty-seventh year of his age. 
Zeal, intrepidity, disinterestednesa, were virtues which 
he possessed in an eminent degree. He was acqusunted 
too with the learning; cultivated among divines in that 
age ; and excelled in that species of eloquence which 
is calculated to rouse and to inflame." His maxims, 
however, were often too severe, and the impetuosity of 
his temper excessive. Rigid and- uncomplying himself 
he shewed no indulgence to the infirmities of others. 
Regardless of the distinctions of rank and character, h? 
uttered his admonitions witli an acrimony and vehe- 
mence, more apt to irritate than to reclaim. This often 
betrayed him into indecent and undutiful expressions 
with respect to the queen's person and conduct. Those 
very qualities, however, which now render his charac^ 
ter less amiable, fitted him to be the instrument of Pro* 
vidence for advancing the Reformation among a fierce 
people, and enabling him to face dangers, and to sur- 
mount opposition, from which a person of a more gen- 
tle spirit would have been apt to shrink back. By an 
unwearied application to study and to business, as well 
as by die frequency and fervour of his public discourses, 
he had worn out a constitution naturally nbust. During 
a lingering illness he discovered the utmost fortitude ; 
and met the approaches of death vtiih a magnanimity 

^ A ilrikxig deicriplioii of (hif apcciei of aloijiicnce for xhlch Knox wa> dittin- 
goiilied, is giTOa hy one of his contcmporariei, Mr. James Mel*ille, mmister of 
iumOwr. " Bnl ef bU tbe benefiu I bid tlui yen [1571], wu tba aining 
of that Diinl notable prophet aod spaitla of out nalioa, Mr. Jobn Knoi, to St. 
Andirw'a, who, hj Ait faction of the qaeefl occopTing the outle ud town ^ Ediik- 
horgh, iras comlieJIed to lemon tberefra vitb i cumber of the best, aitd chsied lo 
come to St. Andrew's. I beitd him teach there the piopbedes of Daniel tlwt hUd- 
mer and the iTwter following. I bad ny pen and little buke, and took away sic 
thing] a> I could comprehend. In tije opening of his text, he wag moderate the 
apace of half aa faonr ; but «h«li he eaterod to (pplJtalioB, he made ne if ta ff'Ul 

rtbrili] and tremble that I coald not bald the pen to write. He was very weak. 

I law him everyday of bh doetrinego hiJi< [alowlj] indbli, with a (nolDg itf tiat- 
ticki a.hoat bit neck, a atafi' in the cue hind, and g»ad ic>dlie BichaiC Ballendea 
holding bim op by the oiUr [under the arm], from the abbey lo the parish kirk ; 
nd be the aaad Riehin and another serranl lifted him up to (he pulpit, wbare be 
behoved to lean at bis Grtt enlrie ; bnt e're he wai done with his sermon, he was so 
active and Tiitmiua. that be waa like to ding thi pulpit Inbladt {hat the palpil tq 
pieces], and By oot of it." MS. Life of Mr. James Melville, commnnicaled to m« 
by Mr. Patm of the Cuitom-booie, Edinbuigb, p, 14, 31. 



'36 SCOTLAND. [1672. 

inseparable irom bis cbaracter. He was constantly em- 
ployed in acts of devotion, and comforted himself with 
those prospects of immortality which not only preserve 
good men from desponding, but fill them with exulta- 
tion in their last moments. The earl of Morton, who 
was present at his fiineral, pronounced his enlogium in 
a few words, the more honourable for Knox, as they 
came from one whom he had often censured with pecu- 
liar severity ; " There lies He, who never feared the 
-face of man."* 

■ isrs. Though Morton did not desire peace from 
Tbereient gudi generous motives^ as the former regent, he 
tieBUwitli , , ° , , . , , i. 1 

ibe qneen'i laboured, however, in good earnest, to establish 

^"^* it. The public confusions and calamities, to 
which be owed his power and importance when he was 
only the second person in the nation, were extremely 
detrimental to him now that he was raised to be the 
first. While so many of the nobles continued in arms 
against him, his authority as regent was partial, feeble, 
and precarious. Elizabeth was no less desirous of ex- 
tinguishing the flame which she had kindled and kept 
so long alive in Scotland.'^ She had discovered the 
alliance with France, from which she had expected such 
advantages, to be no foundation of security. Though 
appeiarances of friendship still subsisted between her 
and that court, and Charles daily renewed his protesta- 
tions of inviolable adherence to the treaty, she was con- 
vinced, by a fatal example, how little she ought to rely 
on the promises or oaths of that perfidious monarch. 
Her ambassador warned her that the French held secret 
correspondence with Mary's adherents in Scotland, and 
encouraged them in their obstinacy.* The duke of 
-Alva carried on his intrigues in that kii^dom with less 
disguise. She was persuaded that they would embrace 
the first serene interval, which the commotions in France 
and in the-Netherlands would allow them, and openly 

' Spotiw. 866. Cald. ii. STS. « Diggei, 499. ' Id. S96. 31J. 


1573.] BOOK VI. 37 

attempttolandabodyofmeninScotland. She resolved, 
therefore, to prevent their getting any footing in the 
island, and to cut off all their hopes of finding any as- 
sistance there, by uniting the two parties. 
Hb o*er- The situation of Mary's adherents enabled the 
jeetcd^v regent to carry on his negotiations with them to 
Md KTrk- ^^t advantage. They were now divided into 
ildj. two factions. At the head of the one were Cha- 
telherault and Huntly, Maitland and Kirkaldy were 
the leaders of the otHer. Their high rank, their ext^-^ 
sive property, and the numbers of their followers, ren- 
dered the former considerable. The latter were in- 
debted for their importance to their personal abilities, 
and to the strength of the castle of Edinburgh, which 
was in their possession. The regent had no intention 
to comprehend both in the same treaty; but as he 
dreaded that the queen's party, if it remained entire, 
would be able to thwart and embarrass his administra- 
tion, he resolved to divide and weaken it, by a separate 
negotiation. He made the- first overture to Kirkaldy 
and his associates, and endeavoured to renew the ne- 
gotiation with them, which, during the life of his pre- 
decessorj had been broken off by his own artifices. But 
Kirkaldy knew Morton's views, and system of govern- 
ment, to be very different from those of the former 
regent. Maitland considered him as a personal and 
impleu;able enemy. Theyreceived repeated assurances 
of protection Irom France ; and though the siege of 
Rochelle employed the French arms at that time, the 
same hopes, which had so often deceived the party, 
still amused them, and they expected that the obstinacy 
of the Hugonots would soon be subdued, and that 
Charles would then be' at liberty to act with vigour in 
Scotland. Meanwhile a supply of money was sentj 
and if the castle could be held out till Whitsunday, 
eflEectual tud was promised." Maitland'a genius de- 

*Digges, 314. 

' r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google 

38 SCOTLAND. [Ifi73. 

lighted in forming schemes that were dangerous ; and 
Ktrkaldy possessed the intrepidity necessary for put- 
ting them in- execution. The castle, they knew, waa 
so situated, that it might defy all the regent's power. 
Elizabeth, they hoped, would not violate the treaty with 
France, by saiding forces to his assistance ; and if the 
French should be able to land any considerable body 
of men, it might be possible to deliver the queen from 
captivity, or, at least, to balance the influence of France 
and England in such a manner, as to rescue Scotland 
from the dishonourable dependence upon the latter, 
under which it had fallen. This splendid but chime- 
rical project they preferred to the friendship of Morton. 
They encouraged the negotiation, however, because it 
served to gain time ; they proposed, for the same pur- 
pose, that the whole of the queen's party should be 
comprehended in it, and that Kirkaldy should retain the 
command of the castie six months after the trea^ was 
signed. His interest prompted the regent to reject the 
former ; his penetration discovered the danger of com- 
plying with the latter; and all hopes of accommodation 

As soon as the truce expired, Kirkaldy began to fire 
on the city of Edinburgh, which, by the return of the 
inhabitfmts whom he had expelled, was devoted as 
zealously as ever to the king's cause. But, as the regent 
had now set on foot a treaty with Chatelherault and 
Himtiy, the cessation of arms still continued with them. 
Accepted They were less scrupulous than the other 
hmnit m'd P^^rty, and listened eagerly to his overtures. 
Huniiy. fjjg Jute ^ag naturally unsteady, and the 
approach of old age increased his irresolntion, and 
aversion to action. The miseries of civil discord had 
afflicted Scotiand almost five years, a length of time Sai 
.beyond the duration of any former contest. The war, 
instead of doing service, had been detrimoital to ih» 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

J573.] BOOK VI. 39 

queen; and more ruinouE than any foreign invasiwi 
to the kmgdom. In prosecuting it, neither party had 
-gained much honour ; both had suffered great losses, 
and had exhausted their own estates in wasting those 
-of their adversaries. The commons were in the utmost 
misery, and longed ardently for a peace, which might 
terminate this fruiriess but destraetiye quarrel. 
Articiei oi ^ great step was taken towards this desirable 
rVss'^' ^*®^*' ^y ^^ treaty concluded at Perth, be- 
tween the regent on one hand, and Chatel- 
herault and Huntly on the other, under the mediation 
of Killegrew, Elizabeth's ambassador.* The chief ar- 
ticles in it were these : That all the parties comprehend- 
ed in the treaty should declare their approbation of the 
refonned religion now established in the kingdom ; 
that they should submit to the king's government, and 
own Morton's authority as regent; that they should ac- 
knowledge every thing done in oppoiition to the king, 
since his coronation, to be illegal ; lliat on both sides 
ike prisoners who had been taken should be set at li- 
berty, and the estates which had be^i forfeited should 
be restored to their proper owners ; that the act of at- 
tainder passed against ^e queen's adherents should be 
repealed, and indemni^ granted for all the crimes of 
which they had been guilty since the 15th of June, 
1567; and that the treaty should he ratiSed' by the 
common consent of both parties in parliament'' 
8leg«or Kirkaldy, though abandoned by his asso- 
S°^^ ciatea, who neither discovered solicitude nor 
''^- made provision for his safety, did not lose cou- 
Tage, nor entertain any liiixights of accommodation.^ 

( S«c Appendk. No. XXXIX. * Cmwl. Mem. 151. 

* MelTJI, kIiom brolhet, Sir Robert, w«i oneofthoie who joined mlh Kirkaldfia 
die defeoee of the mile, and nbo wu bjnuelf strongly atUched to tbei, part]', 
jiuriti thil Kirkilily o^ied to accepl of (nj reuaoKble (ermi of compaaitiDii, bat 
that all hli oSen were rejected bj tbe regenl. MeW. 340. Bui, ■> Elizabelb wat, 
•t that time, eitreniely deiirDiii of restoimg peace in Scotland, aud her ambauador 
Kitlegiew, R9 well aa the eail of Hothei, nsed their titmoiE endeamnrs to pennade 
£iikaidj to secede to the treat; of Pei|h, it teemi more credible tn impute the 
'coafinoance of hoatlHtiea to Kir\ald;'t obstinafy, his diitrusl of Moctoa, oc hk 

*" *- - s - ■' - - othercanae. 

U evideot from the postUve teslimDn; of SpoUir. 

. Co Ogle 

hope of fordgD aid, Ihso to an; other canae. 
That tUj waa lealiy Ihe cs ' ■ ' ■ - 

40 SCOTLAND. [1573. 

Though all Scotland had now submitted to the king, 
he stiH resolved to defend the castle in the queen's 
name, and to wait the arrival of the promised suceours. 
The regent was in want of every thing necessary for 
carrying on a siege. But Elizabeth, who, determined 
at any rate to bring the dissensions in Scotland to a 
period before the French could find leisure to take part 
in the quarrel, soon afforded him sufficient supplies. 
Sir William Drury marched into Scotland with fifteen 
hundred foot, and a considerable train of artillery. The 
regent joined him with all his forces ; and trenches 
were opened and approaches regularly carried on 
aframst the castle. Kirkaldy, though discou- 
raged by the loss oi a great sum oi money re- 
mitted to him from France, and which fell into the 
regent's hands through the treachery of Sir' James Bal- 
four, the most corrupt man of that age, defended him- 
self with bravery augmented by despair. Three-and- 
thirly days he resisted all the efforts of the Scotch and 
English, who pushed on their attacks with courage, 
and with emulation. Nor did he demand a pariey, till 
the fortifications were battered down, and one of the 
wells in the castle dried up, and the other choked with 
rubbish. Even then, his spirit was unsubdued, and 
he determiBed rather to fall gloriously behind the last 
intrenchment, than to yield to his inveterate enemies. 
But his garrison was not animated with the same heroic 
or desperate resolution,' and rising in a mutiny, forced 
him to capitulate. He surrendered himself to 
Drury, who promised, in the name of his mis- 
tress, that he should be favourably treated. Together 
with him, James Kirkaldy his brother, lordHome, Mait- 
land. Sir Robert Melvil, a few citizens of Edinbui^h, 
and about one hundred and sixty soldiers, were made 

969, sro. Camd. 44B. Johmt. Hut 3, 4. Digges, S34. Ciawford'i iccoaat 
(gnea, in the main, vitli Ihein, Mem. S63. 

k Gald. iu 408. M«It. 240. Crawf. Hen, 265, 


1673.] BOOK VI. 41 

Several of the officers, who had been kept in pay 
during the war, prevailed on their men to accompany 
them into the Low Countries, and entering into the 
service of the States, added, by their gallant behaviour, 
to the reputation for military virtue which has always 
been the characteristic of the Scottish nation, 
Keiiew of Thus by the treaty with Chatelherault and 
letofboib Huntly, and the surrender of the castle, the 
P"*"' civil wars in Scotland were brought to a period. 
Wben we review the state of the nation, and compare 
the strength of the two factions, Mary's partisans among 
the nobles appear, manifestly, to have been superior 
both in numbers and in power. But these advan- 
tages were more than counterbalanced by others, which 
their antagonists enjoyed. Political abilities, military 
skill, and all the talents which times of action form, or 
call forth, appeared chiefly on the king's side. Nor 
could their enemies boast of any man, who equalled 
the intrepidity of Murray, tempered with wisdom ; the 
profound sagacity of Morton ; the subtle genius, and 
insinuating address, of Maitland ; or the successful va- 
lour of Kirkaldy ; all of which were, at first, employed 
in laying the foundations of the kmg's authority. On 
the one side, measures were concerted with prudence, 
and executed with vigour ; on the other, their resolu- 
tions were rash, and their conduct feeble. The people, 
animated with zeal for religion, and prompted by indig- 
nation against the queen, warmly supported the king's 
cause. The clergy threw the whole weight of their ■ 
popularity into the same scale. By means of thes@, as 
well as by the powerful interposition of England, the. 
king's government was finally established. Mary lost 
even that shadow of sovereignty, which, amidst all her 
sufferings she had hitherto retained among part of her 
own subjects. As she was no longer have 
an ambassador at the court of England, the only mark 
of dignity which she had, for some time, enjoyed there, 


42 SCOTLAND. [1573. 

she must henceforth be considered as an exile stripped 
of all the ensigns of royalty ; guarded with anxiety iu 
the one kingdom, and totally deserted or forgotten in 
the other. 

KnkKid Kirkaldy and his associates remained in 
put to Driiry's custody, and were treated by him with 
. great humanity, until the queen of England, 
whoae prisoners they were, should determine their fate. 
Morton inaisted that they should suffer the punishment 
due to their rebellion and obstinacy; and declared 
that, so long as they were allowed to live, he did not 
reckon bis own person or authority secure ; and Eliza- 
beth, without regarding Drury's honour, or his pro- 
mises in her name, gave them up to the regent's dis- 
posal. He first confined them to separate prisons; 
and soon after, with Elisabeth's consent, con- 
' demned Kirkaldy, and his brother, to be hanged 
at the cross of Edinburgh. Maitland, who did not 
expect to be treated more favourably, prevented the 
ignominy of a public execution by a voluntary death, 
and " ended his days," says Melvil, " after the old Ro^ 
man fashion.'" 

While the regent was wreaking his vengeance on the 
, remains of her party in Scotland, Mary, incapable of 
affording them any relief, bewailed their misfortunes in 
the solitude of her prison. At the same time her health 
began to be much impaired by confinement and want 
of exercise. At the entreaty of the French ambassador, 
lord Shrewsbury, her keeper, was permitted to conduct 
her to Buxton-wells, not far from Tuthbury, the place 
of her imprisonment. Cecil, who had lately been 
created baron of Burleigh, and lord high treasurer of 
England, happened to be there at the same time. 
Though no minister ever entered more warmly into the 
views of a sovereign, or gave stronger proofs of his 
fidelity and attachment, than this great man, yet such 

r,on7<-i.;, Google 

1S73.] BOOK VI. 43 

was Elizabeth's distrust of every person who approached 
the quecE of Scots, that her suspicions, in consequence 
of this interview, seem to have extended even to him ; 
&nd while Mary justly reckoned him her most dan- 
gerous enemy, he found some difficult in persuading 
his oiTn mistress that he was not partial to that un- 
liappy queen." 

Tlie duke of Alva was this year recalled from the 
government of the Netherlands, where his haughty and 
oppressive administration roused a spirit, in attempting 
to subdue which, Spain exhausted its treasures, ruined 
its armies, and lost its glory. Requesens, who suc- 
ceeded him, was of a milder temper, and of a less euT 
terprising genius. This event delivered Elizabeth from 
the perpetual disquietude occasioned by Alva's nego- 
tiations with the Scottish queen, and his zeal for her 

j5,4_ Though Scotland was now settled in profound 
^f^,''- peace, many of the evils which accompany civil 
minutra- war wcre still felt. The restraints of law, which, 
^^^ in times of public confusion, are little regarded 
odioui. eyeu ]jy civilized nations, were totally despised 
by a fierce people, unaccustomed to a regular admi- 
nistration of justice. The disorders in every comer of 
the kingdom were become intolerable ; and, under the 
protection of the one or the other faction, crimes of 
every kind were committed with impunity. The regent 
set himself to redress these, and by his industry and 
vigour, order and security were re-established in the 
kingdom. But he lost the reputation due to this im- 
portant service, by the avarice which he discovered ia 
performing it; and his own exactions became more 
pernicious to the nation than all the irregularities 
which he restrained." Spies and informers were every 
where employed; the remembrance of old offences 
was revived ; imaginary crimes were invented ; petty 

».SI>ypc, ii. Z4S. 368. ° See Append. No. XL. 


44 SCOTLAND. [1574. 

trespasaes were aggravated ; and delioqueats were 
forced to compound for their lives by the payment of 
exorbitant fines. At the same time the current coin 
was debased ;" licences were sold for carrying on pro- 
hibited branches of commerce ; unusual taxes were im- 
posed on commodities ; and all the refinements in op- 
pression, from which nations so imperfectly polished 
as the Scots are usually exempted, were put in practice. 
None of these were complained of more loudly, or with 
greater reason, than his injustice towards the church. 
The thirds of benefices, out of which the clergy received 
their subsistence, had always been slowly and irregu- 
larly paid to collectors, appointed by the general as- 
sembly ; and during tbe civil wars, no payment could 
be obtained in several parts of the kingdom. Under 
colour of redressing this grievance, and upon a promise 
of assigning every minister a stipend within his own, 
parish, the regent extorted from the church the thirds 
to which they bad right by law. But the clergy, in- 
stead of reaping any advantage from this alteration, 
found that payments became more irregular and dila-- 
tory than ever. One minister was commonly bur- 
dened with the care of four or five parishes, a pitiful 
salary was allotted him, and the regent's insatiable 
avarice seized on the rest of the fund."" ■ 

The death of Charles IX. which happened this year, 
was a new misfortune to the Scottish queen. Henry 
III,, who succeeded him, had not the same attachment 
to her person; and his jealousy of the house of Guise, 
and obsequiousness to thequeen-mother, greatly ^alien-. 
ated him from her interest. 

" The comiplioQ of (he coin, during Morton's admiaiitraliDD, naa very peat. Al- 
dough the qaanti^ of catrent money coined ont of * pound of bullion, wu na- 
dnilly incTHBaed b? tbnner pnnce>, the standard or fineneii tuffered little alteratiOD, 
and the miituie of alloj wu nearl; the same with what ii now used. But Mortoa 
miied a fonitb part of iJloy with ever; pound of uItct, aod aunk, b; comequeucei 
the Talue of coin in propoition. Inthe veai 1581, all the money coined by bimwaa 
called in, and appointed to be recoined. Hie standard'Has reitond to the aame 
parity ai formeily. Buddim. Fratf. to Anden. Diplam. p. 74. 

p Cniwf. Mem, 27S. Spotsir. 373. Cald. ii. 420. ^tT. 


1675.] BOOK VI. 45 

ig75_ The death of the duke of Chatelherault must 
j«n. tt. likewise be -considered as some loss to Mary^ 
As the parliament had frequently declared him next 
heir to the crown, this entitled him to great respect 
among his cojintrymen, and enabled him, more than 
any other person in the kingdom, to counterbalance the 
regent's power. 

Soon after, at one of the usual interviews between 
the wardens of the Scottish and English marches, a 
scuffle happened, in which the English were worsted ;■ 
a few killed on the spot ; and Sir James Forrester, the 
warden, with several gentlemen who attended him, 
taken prisoners. But both Elizabeth and the regent 
were too sensible of the advantage which resulted from 
the good understanding that subsisted between the two 
kingdoms, to allow this slight accident to interrupt it. 
Attempt) The domestic tranquillity of the kingdom was 
Oagj in some danger of being disturbed by another 
S^mIiiw- cause. Though the persons raised to the dig- 
pd order, njty of bishops possessed very small revenues, 
and a very moderate degree of power, the clergy, to 
whom the regent and all his measures were become 
extremely odious, began to be jealous of that order. 
Knowing that corruptions steal into the church gra- 
dually, under honourable names and upon decent pre- 
tences, they were afraid that, irom such small begin- 
nings, the hierarchy might grow in time to be as 
powerful and oppressive as ever. The chief author of 
these suspicions was Mr. Andrew Melvil, a man dis- 
tinguished by his uncommon erudition, by the severity 
ofhis manners, and theintrepidityofhismind. But, bred 
up in the retirement of a college, he was unacquainted 
with the arts of life ; and being more attentive to the 
ends which he pursued, than to the means which he em- 
ployed for promoting them, be often defeated laudable 
designs by the impetuosity and imprudence with which 
he carried them on. A question was moved by him in 


46 SCOTLAND. [1575. 

the assembly, " whether the office of bishop, as now 
exercised in the kingdom, were agreeable to the word 
of God ?" In the ecclesiastical judicatories, continual 
complaints were made of the bishops for neglect of du^, 
many of which their known remissness too.well justified. 
The bishop of Dunkeld, being accused of dilapidating 
his benefice, was found guilty by the assembly. The 
regent, instead of checking, connived at these disputes 
about ecclesiastical government, as they diverted the 
zeal of the clergy from attending to his daily encroach- 
ments on the patrimony of the church.^ 

i57g_ The weight of the regent's oppressive admi- 
Bo im- nistration had, hitherto, fallen chiefly on those 
offl» in the lower and middle rank; but he began 
now to take such steps as convinced the nobles, 
thid: their digni^ would not long exempt them from feel- 
ing the effects of his power. An accident, which was a 
frequent cause of dissension among the Scottish nobles, 
occasioned a difference between the earls of Argyle and 
Athol. A vassal of the former had made some d^re- 
dations on the lands of the latter. Athol took arms to 
punish the offender; Argyle to protect him; and this 
ignoble quarrel they were ready to decide in the field, 
when the regent, by interposing his authority, obliged 
them to disband their forces. Both of them had been 
guilty of irregularities, which, though common, were 
contrary to the letter of the law. Of these the regent 
took advantage, and resolved to found on them a chai^ 
of treason. This design was revealed to the two earls 
by one of Morton's retainers. The common danger to 
which they were exposed, compelled them to forget old 
quarrels, and to unite in a close confederacy for their 
mutual defence. Their junction rendered them for- 
midable ; they despised the summons which the regent 
gave them to appear before a court of justice ; and he 
was obliged to desist from any farther prosecution. 

1 CM. Aisembliei, 1574, &c. Johnst. Hist 15. 


1576.] BOOK VL 47 

Butthe injury he intended made a deep impression on 
their minds, and drew upon him .severe vengeeiace.' 

Nop was he more successful in an attempt which he 
made, to load lord Claud Hamilton with the guilt of 
having formed a conspiracy against his life. Though 
those who were supposed to be his accomplices were 
seized and tortured, no evidence of any thing criminal 
appeared ; but, on the contrary, many circumstances 
discovered his innocence, as well as the regent's secret 
views in imputing to him such an odious design.* 
- jj^^ . The Scottish nobles, who were almost equal 
Ttay (DID to their monarchs in power, and treated by them 
to-wd) with much distinction, observed these arbitrary 
°^' proceedings of a regent with the utmost indig- 
nation. The people, who, under a form of government 
extremely simple, had been little accustomed to the 
burden of taxes, complained loudly of the regent's 
rapacity. And all began to turn their eyes towards 
the young ting, from whom they expected the redress 
of all their grievances, and the return of a more gentle 
and more equal administration, 

Utati'a James Was now in the twelfth year of his 
Md'dh^ ^C- The queen, soon after his birtii, hadcom- 
P«"''°"- mitted him to the care of the earl of Mar, and 
during the civil wars he had resided securely in the . 
castle of Stirling. Alexander Erskine, that nobleman's 
brother, had the chief direction of his education. Un- 
der him, the famous Buchanan acted as preceptor, 
together with three other masters, the most eminent the 
nation afforded for skill in those sciences which were 
deemed necessary for a prince. As the young king 
shewed an uncommon passion for learUing, and made 
great progress in it, the Scots fancied that they al- 
ready discovered in him all those virtues which the 
fondness or credulity of subjectB usually ascribes to 
princes during their minority. But, as James was still 

' Crawf. Mem. 285. > Ibid. tB7. 


48 SCOTLAND. [1577. 

far irom that age at which die law permitted him to 
assume the reins of government, (he regent did not 
sufficiently attend to the sentiments of the people, nor 
reflect how naturally these prejudices in his favour 
might encourage the king to anticipate that period. He 
not only neglected to secure the friendship of those who 
were about the king's person, and who possessed his 
ear, but had even exasperated some of them by personal 
Heisnii- injuries. Their resentment concurred with the 
th^ "^ ambition of others, in infusing into the king 
goif' early suspicions of Morton's power and designs. 
A king, they told him, had often reason to fear, 
seldom to love, a regent Prompted by ambition, and 
by interest, he would endeavour to keep the prince in 
perpetual infancy, at a distance from his subjects, and 
unacquainted with business. A small degree of vigour, 
however, was sufficient to break the yoke. Subjects 
naturally reverence their sovereign, and become impa- 
tient of the temporary and delegated jurisdiction of a 
regent. Morton had governed with rigour unknown 
to the ancient monarchs of Scotland. The nation 
groaned under his oppressions, and would welcome 
the prospect of a milder administration. At present 
the king's name was barely mentioned in Scotland, his 
friends were without influence, and his favourites with- 
out honour. But one effort would discover Morton's 
power to be as feeble as it was arbitrary. The same 
attempt would put himself in possession of his just au- 
thority, and rescue the nation ftora intolerable tyranny. 
If he did not r^;aTd his own rights as a king, let him ' 
listen, at least, to the cries of his people.' 
A plot These suggestions made a deep impression 
^!^ rtia °™ *^^ young king, who was trained up in an 
regent, opinion that he was bom to command. His 
approbation of the design, however, was of small con- 
sequence, without the concurrence of the nobles. The 

< Melvil, }49. 


1577-3 BOOK VI. 49 

earls of Argyle and Atho], two of the most powerful of 
that body, were animated with implacable resentment 
against tiie regent. To them the cabal in Stirling-casUe 
communicated the plot which was on foot ; and they 
entering warmly into it, Alexander Erskine, who, since 
the death of his brother, and during the minority of 
his nephew, had the command of that fort, and the 
custody of the king's person, admitted them secretly 
into the king's presence. They gave- him the same 
account ofthe misery of his subjects, under the regent's 
arbitrary administration ; they complained loudly of 
the injustice with which themselves had been treated, 
and besought the king, as the only means for redressing 
the grievances of the nation, to call a council of all the 
nobles. James consented, and letters were issued in 
his name for that purpose ; but the two earls took care 
that they should be sent only to such as were known to 
bear no good-will to Morton," 

The number of these was, however, so considerable, 
that on the day appointed, far the greater part of the 
nobles assembled at Stirling ; and so highly were they 
incensed against Morton, that although, on receiving 
intelligence of Argyle and Athol's interview with the 
i57g. king, he had made a feint as if he would resign 
March 4. {jjg regency, they advised the king, without re- 
garding this offer, to deprive him of his office, and to 
take the administration of government into his own 
hands. Lord Glamis the chancellor, and Herries, wera 
appointed to signify this resolution to Morton, who 
was at that time' in Dalkeith, his usual place of resi- 
Hfrerigns dcncB. Nothing could equal the joy with 
big office, which this unexpected resolution filled the na- 
tion, but the surprise occasioned by the seem- 
ing alacrity with which the regent descended from' so 
high a station. He neither wanted sagacity to foresee 
the danger of resigning, nor inclination to keep posses- 

" Spotaw. *78. 
VOL. 11. E 


so SCOTLAND. [1578. 

sion of an ofKce, for the CKpiration of which the law 
had fixed so distant a term. But all 4he sources 
whence the faction of which he was head derived their 
streoglii, had either failed, or now supplied hia adver- 
saries with the means of bumbling him. The com- 
mons, the city of Edinburgh, the clergy, were all totally 
alienated from him, by hia multiplied oppressions. Eli- 
zabeth, having lately bound herself by treaty, to send 
a considerable body of troops to the assistance of the 
inhabitants of the Netherlands, who were struggling for 
liberty, had little leisure to attend to the affairs of Scot- 
land ; and as she had nothing to dread from France, 
in whose councils the princes of Lorrain had not at that 
time much influence, she was not displeased, perhaps, 
at the birth of new factions in the kingdom. Even 
those nobles, who had long been joined with Morton 
in faction, or whom he had attached to his person by 
benefits, Glamis, Lindsay, Ruthyen, Pitcaim the secre- 
tary, Murray of Tullibardin, comptroUar, all deserted 
his falling fortunes, and appeared in the council at 
Stirling. So many concurring circumstances convinced 
Morton of his own weakness, and determined him to 
give way to a torrent, wbich was too impetuous to be 
resisted. He attended the chancellor and Her* 

Much H. . r. , . 1 1 .1 1 , . , 

nee to Edinburgh ; was present when the king s 
acceptance of the government was proclaimed j and, 
in. the presence of the people, surrendered to the king 
all the authority to which he had any claiin in virtue 
of his office. This ceremony was accoippanied with 
such excessive joy and acclamations of the myltitude, 
as added, no doubt, to the anguish which an ambitious 
spirit must feel, when compelled to renounce supreme 
power ; and convinced Morton how entirely he had 
lost the afiections of his countrymen. He obtained^ 
however, from the king an act containing the appro- 
bation of every thing done by him in the exercise ofhis 
office, and a pardon, in the most ample form that his 


1678.] BOOK VI. 51 

fear or caution could devise, of all past offences, crimes, 
and treason^. The nobles, who adhered to the king, 
hound themselves under a great penalty, to procure the 
ratification of this act in the first parliament.' 
CoDtiniiea A couucil of twelvc peers was appointed to 
tite'mo' assist the king in the administration of afiairs. • 
tiie''Lwer8e ^orton, dcsertcd by his own party, and unable 
P«rty. to struggle with the faction which governed 
absolutely at court, retired to one of his seats, and 
seemed to enjoy the tranquillity, and to be occupied 
only in the amusements, of a country life. His mind, 
however, was deeply disquieted with all the uneasy 
reflections which accompany disappointed ambition, 
and intent on schemes for recovering his former gran- 
deur. Even in this retreat, which people called the 
Lion's Den, his wealth and abilities rendered him formi- 
dable ; and the new counsellors were so imprudent as 
to rouse him, by the precipitancy with which they 
hastened to s(Hp him of all the remains of power. 
They required him to surrender the castle of Edinburgh, 
which was stUI in his possession. He refused at first 
to do 80, and began to prepare for its defence ; but the 
citizens of Edinburgh having taken anas, and repulsed 
part. of the garrison, which was s«it out to guard a 
convoy of provisions, he was obliged to giveup that 
important fortress without resistance. This encouraged 
his adversaries to call a parliament to meet at Edin- 
bui^h, and to multiply their demands upon him, in such 
a manuer, as convinced him that nothing less than his 
utter ruin would satisfy their inveterate hatred. 

Their power and popularity, however, began already 
to dedine. The chancellor, the ablest and most mo- 
derate man in the party, having been killed' at Stiriii^, 
in an accidental rencounter between his followers and 
those of the. earl of Crawford ; Athol, who was ap- 
pointed his successor in that high office, the earls of 

■ Spotm. 378. CrBwf. Mem. !S9. CM. ii. 5il. 

■ e2 . ■ 


52 SCOTLAND. [1678. 

Eglinton, Caitfanessj and lore) Ogilvle, all the prime 
favourites at court, were either avowed Papists, or sus- 
pected of leaning to the opinions of that sect. In an 
^e when the return of Popery was so much and so 
justly dreaded, this gave universal alarm. As Morton 
■ had always treated the Papists with rigour, this unsea- 
sonable &vour to persons of that religion made all 
zealous Protestants remember that circumstance in his 
administration with great praise/ 
BeiQiuei Morton, to whom none of these particulars 
■''" fofp" were unknown, thought this the proper juncture 
for setting to work the instruments which he had 
been preparing. Having gained the confidence of the 
earl of Mar, and of the countess his mother, he insinu- 
ated to them, that Alexander Erskine had formed aplot 
to deprive his nephew of the government of Stirling- 
castle, and the custody of the king's person ; and easily 
induced an ambitious woman, and a youth of twenty, 
to employ force to prevent this supposed injury. The 
earl repairing suddenly to Stirling, and being 
admitted as usual into the castle with his at- 
tendants, seized the gates early in the morning, and 
turned out his uncle, who dreaded no danger from his 
hands. The soldiers of the garrison submitted to him 
as their governor, and, with little danger and no effusion 
of blood, he became master both of the king's person, 
and of the fortress." 

An event so unexpected occasioned great consterna- 
tion. Though Morton's band did not appear in the exe- 
cution, he was universally believed to be the author of 
the attempt. The new counsellors saw it to be neces- 
sary, for their own safety, to change their measures, 
and, instead of pursuing him with such implacable re- 
sentment, to enter into terms of accommodation with an 
adversary, still so capable of creating them trouble. 
Four were named, on each side, to adjust their differ- 

r SpoUw. 1B3. ' Cald. it. 533. 


1578.] BOOK VI. 53 

ences. They met not far from Dalkeith - and when 
they had brought matters near a conclusioD, MortODr 
who was too sagacious Dot to improve the advantage 
which their securi^ and their attention to the treaty 
afforded him, set out in the night-time for Stirling, ai^ 
having gained Murray of Tullibardin, Mar's 
uncle, was admitted by him into the castle ; and 
managing matters there with his usual dexterity, he soon 
had more entirely the command of the fort, than the earl 
himself. He was likewise admitted to a seat in the privy- 
council, and acquired as complete an ascendant in it' 

As the time appointed for the meeting of parliament 
at Edinburgh- now approached, this gave him some 
anxiety. He was afraid of conducting the young king 
to a city whose inhabitants were so much at the devo- 
tion of the adverse faction. He was no less unwilling 
to leave James behind at Stirling. In order to avoid 
this dilemma, he issued a proclamation in the king's 
name, chan^ng the place of meeting from Edinburgh . 
to Stirling-castle. This Athol and his party represented 
as- a step altogether unconstitutional. The king, said 
they, is Morton's prisoner ; the pretended counsellors 
are his slaves ; a parliament, to which all the nobles 
may repair without fear, and where they may deliberate 
with freedom, is absolutely necessary for settling the 
nation, after disorders of such long continuance. But 
in an assembly, called contrary to all form, held within 
the walls of a garrison, and overawed by armed men, 
what safety could members expect 1 what liberty could 
prevail in debate? or what benefit result to the public ? 
The parliament met, however, on the day ap- 
pointed, and, notwithstanding the protestaHoa 
of the earl of Montrose and lord Lindsay, in the name 
of their party, proceeded to business. The king's ac- 
ceptance of the government was confirmed ; the act 
granted to Morton, for his security, ratified ; some re- 

• Cald. ii. 536. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

£4 SCOTLAND. [1578. 

gulations with regard to the numbers and authori^ of 
the privy-council, were agreed upon ; and a pension for 
life granted to the countess of Mar, who had been so 
instrumental in bringing about the late revolution.'' 
Aigjie Meanwhile Argyle, Athol;and their foUow- 

take anni CTS, took atms, upou the specious pretence of 
igaiutum. rescuing theking from captivity, and the king- 
dom fixim oppression. James himself, impatient ofthe 
servitude in which he was held, by a man whom he had 
long been taught to hate, secretly encouraged their en- 
terprise ; though, at the same time, he was obliged not 
only to disavow them in public, but to levy forces against 
them, and evea to declare, by proclamation, that he was 
perfectly free from any constraint, either upon 
his person or his will. Both sides quickly took 
the field. Argyle and Athol were at the head of seven 
thousand men ; the earl of Angus, Morton's nephew, met 
them with an army five thousand strong ; neither party, 
however, was eager to engage. Morton distrusted the 
fidelity of his own troops. The two earls were swisi- 
ble that a single victory, however complete, would not 
be decisive ; and as they were in no condition to under- 
take the siege of Stirling-castle, where the king was 
kept, their strength would soon be exhausted, while 
Morton's own wealth, and the patron^;e of the queen 
of England, might tumisb him with endless resources. 
EiiMbeth By the mediation of Bowes, whoita EliEabeth 
m'»«™^ had sent into Scotland to negotiate an acccnn- 
CwMn" i^f^odatioo between the two factitms, a treaty was 
diem. concluded, in consequence of which, Argyle 
and Athol were admitted into the king's presence ; some 
of their party were added to the privy-council; and a 
convention of nobles called, in order to bring all re- 
mainir^ differences to an amicable isaue,'^ 

As soon as James assumed the goveniment into his 
own hands, he dispatched the abbot of Dunfermline to 

<• Cald. ii. 517. P.rl. 5. Jk. 6. ' Crawf. Mem. SOT. 


1578.] BOOK VI. ■ && 

inform Elizabeth of that event ; to offer to renew the 
ailiance between the two kingdoms; and to demand 
possession of the estate which had lately fallen to him 
by the death of his grandmother the countess of Lennox. 
That lady's second son had left one daughter, Arabella 
Stewart, who was bom in England. And as the chief 
objection against the pretensions of the Scottish line to 
the crown of England, was that maxim of English law, 
which excludes aliens from any right of inheritance 
within the kingdom, Elizabeth, by granting this de- 
mand, would have established a precedent in James's 
favour, that might have been deemed decisive with re* 
gard to a point which it had been her constant care to 
keep undecided. Without suffering this delicate ques- 
tion to be tried, or allowing any new light to be thrown 
oA that which she considered as the great mystery of 
her reign, she commanded lord Burleigh, master of the 
wards, to sequester the rents of the estate ; and by this 
method of proceeding, gave the Scottish king early 
warning how necessary it would be to court her favour, 
if ever he hoped for success in claims of greater im- 
portance, but equally liable to be controverted.'* 

After many delays, and with much difficulty, 
the contending- nobles were at last brought to 
some agreement. But it was followed by a tragical 
event. Morton, in tcJten of reconcilement, having in- 
vited the leaders of the opposite party to a great enter- 
tainment, Athol the chancellor was soon dier ' 
taken ill, and died within a few days. The 
symptoms and violence of the disease gave rise to strong 
suspicions of his being poisoned ; and though the phy- 
sicians, who opened his body, differed in opinion as to 
the cause of the distemper, the chancellor's relations' 
publicly accused Morton of that odious crime. The 
advantage which visibly accrued to him by the removal 
of a man of great abilities, and averse from all his mea- 

.;, Google 

«6 SCOTLAND. [1679. 

sures, was deemed a sufficient proof of his guilt by the 
peo[de, who are ever fond of imputing the death of 
eminent persons to extraordinary causes.* 

The office of chancellor was bestowed upon Argyle, 
whom fljia preferment reconciled, in fc great measure, 
Umtan't to Mortoo's administration. He had now reco- 
etSiB^ vered all the authority which he possessed dur- 
fSiiy'^^'^S his regency, and had entirely broken, or 
HMiiifain. baffled, the power and cabals of his enemies. 
None of the great families remained to be the objects 
of his jealousy or to obstruct his designs, but that of 
Hamilton. The earl of Arran, the eldest brother, had 
never recovered the s.hock which he received from the 
ill success of his passion for the queen, and had now 
altogether lost his reason. Lord John, the second bro- 
ther, was in possession of the family estate. Lord Claud 
was Gonmiendator of Paisley ; both of them young 
men, ambitious and enterprising. Morton dreaded their 
influence in the kingdom ; the courtiers hoped to share 
their spoils among them ; and as all princes naturally 
view their successors with jealousy and hatred, it was 
easy to infuse these passions into the mind of the young 
king. A pretence was at hand to justify the most vio- 
lent proceedings. The pardon, stipulated in the treaty 
of Perth, did not extend to such as were accessary to 
the murder of the regents Murray or Lennox. Lord 
John and his brother were suspected of being the au- 
thors of both these crimes, and had been included in a 
general act of attainder on that account. Without sum- 
moning them to trial, or examining a single witness to 
prove the charge, this attainder was now thought suffi- 
cient to subject them to all the penalties which they 
would have incurred by being formally convicted. The 
earls of Morton, Mar, and Eglinton, together with the 
lords Ruthven, Boyd, and Cathcart, received a com- 
mission to seize their persons and estates. On a few 

r, 31-17.-1 ^v.G^O^ 

I67&.] BOOK VI. 57 

hours' warning, a considerable body of troops was ready, 
and marched towards Hamilton in hostile array. Hap- 
pily the two brothers made their escape, though with 
great difficulty. But their lands were confiscated ; the 
castles of Hamilton and Draffan besieged ; those who 
defended them punished. The earl of Arrauj though 
incapable, from his situation, of committing any crime, 
was, involved, by a shameful abuse of law, in the com- 
mon ruin of his family ; and as if he, too, could have 
been guilty of rebellion, he was confined a close pri- 
soner. These proceedings, so contrary to the funda- 
mental principles of justice, were all ratified in the 
subsequent parliament.^ 

About this time Mary sent, by Nau^ her secretary, 
a letter to her son, together with some jewels of value, 
and a vest embroidered with hef own hands. But, as 
she gave hiiu only the title of prince of Scotland, the 
messenger was dismissed without being admitted into 
his presence.* 

Though Elizabeth had, at this time, no particular 
reason to fear any attempt of the Popish princes in 
Mary's favour, she still continued to guard her with 
the same anxious care. The acquisition of Portugal, 
OQ the one hand, and the defence of the Netherlands, 
on the other, fully employed the councils and arms of 
Spain, France, torn in pieces by intestine commotions, 
and under a weak and capricious prince, despised and 
distrusted by his own subjects, was in no condition to 
disturb its neighbours. Elizabeth had long 
lions for ■ amused that court by carrying on a treaty of 
^^^ marriage with the duke of Alen^on, the king's 
^dttl'^ brother. But whether, at the E^e of forty-five, 
dukeof shereally intended to .marry a prince oftwenty; 
whether the pleasure of being flattered and 
courted made her listen to the addresses of so young a 
lover, whom she allowed to visit her at two diflerent 

' Ciawt. Mem. 311. Sputiw. 306. f Cnwt. Mem. 314. 

« . Google 

58 SCOTLAND. [1579. 

times, and treated with the most distinguishing re- 
spect ; or whether consideratioas of interest predoini- 
nated in this as well as in erery other traosaGtion of 
her'teign, are problems in history which we are not 
concerned to resolve. During the progress of this ne- 
gotiation, which was drawn out to an extraordinary 
length, Mary could expect bo assistance from the 
French court, and seems to have held little correspond- 
ence with it ; and there was no period in her teign, 
wherein Elizabeth enjoyed more perfect security. 
Two fa. Morton seems at this time to have been 
vouritei equally secure ; but his security was not so well 
cendint fouuded. He had weathered out one storm, 
"'""'had crushed his adversaries, and was again in 
possession of the sole direction of affairs. But as the 
king -was now of an age when the character and dispo- 
sitions of the mind begin to unfold themselves, and to 
become visible, the smallest attentioa to these might 
have convinced him, that there was reason to expect new 
and more dai^rous attacks on his power. James eao-ly 
discovered that excessive attachraent to favourites, which 
accompanied him througU his whole life. Th» passion, 
which naturally arises from inexpetieuM, and youthftil 
warmth of heart, was, at his age, far from being cura- 
ble ; nor could it be well expected that the choice of 
the objects, on whom he ^aeed his affections, should 
be^ made with great skill. The most considerable of 
them was Esme Stewart, a native of France, and son 
ofa second brother of the earl of Lennox. He was dis- 
tinguished by the title of lord d'Aubign^, an estate in 
France, whit^ descended to him from his ancestors, cm 
whom it had been conferred, in reward of their valour 
and services to the French cn>wn. He arrived 
in Scotland about this time, on purpose to de- 
mand the estate and title of Leimox, to which, he pre- 
tended a legal right. He- was received at first by the 
king with the respect due to so near a relation. The 


1579.] BOOK VI. 59 

gracefulness of his person, the el^;aDce of his dress, 
ai^ his courtly behaviour, made a great impression on 
James, who, even in his more mature years, was little 
afalfe to resist these frivolous charms ; and his affection 
flawed with its usual rapidity and prolusion. Within . 
' a few days after Stewart's appearance at court, he was 
created lord Aberbrothock. soon after earl, and then 
duke of Lennox, governor of Dumbarton-castle, captain 
of the guard, £r&t lord of the bedchamber, and lord 
high chamberlain. At the same time, and without any 
of the envy or emulation which is usual among candi- 
dates for favour, captain James Stewart, the second son 
of lord Ochiltree, grew into great confidence. But, 
notwithstanding this union, Lennox and captain Stew* 
art were persons of very opposite characters. The 
former was naturally gentle, humane, candid; but, un- 
acquainted with the state of the country, and misled 
or misinformed by those whom he trusted ; not un- 
worthy to be the companion of the young king in his 
amusements, but utterly disqualified for acting as a 
miaister in directing his a&irs. The latter was re^ 
maxkable for all the vices which render a man formi- 
dable to his country, and a pernicious counsellor to hjs 
prince ; nor did he possess any one virtue to counter- 
balance these vices, unless dexterily in conducting his 
own designs, and an enterprising courage, superior to 
the eense of danger, may pass by that name. Unre- 
strained by religion, regardless of decMicy, and undis- 
mayed by opposition, he aimed at ol^ects seemingly 
unattainable ; but, under a prince void of experience, 
and blind to all the defects of those who had gained 
his favour, his andacily was successful ; and honours, 
wealth, and pow^, were the reward of his crimes. 
They 1^ Both the fevourrtes concurred in employing 
*""' ". their whole address to undermine Mort<H»*s cre- 
Morton'i dit, which alone obstructed their full possession 
nij. ^^ pQ^Qf, ^s James had been bred up with an 


eO SCOTLAND [1579, 

aversion for that nobleman, who endeavoured rather 
to maintain the authority of a tutor, than to act with 
the obsequiousness of a minister, they found it no diffi- 
cult matter to accomplish their design. Morton, 
who could no longer keep the king shut up 
within the walls of Stirling-castle, having called a par- 
liament to meet at Edinbu^h, brought him thither. 
James made his entry into the capital with great solem- 
nity ; the citizens received him with the loudest accla- 
mations of joy, and with many expensive pageants, 
according to the mode of that age. After a long period 
of thirty-seven years, during which Scotland had been 
subjected to the delegated power of regents, or to the 
' feeble government of a woman ; after having suffered 
all the miseries of civil war, and felt the insolence of 
foreign armies, the nation rejoiced to see the sceptre 
once more in the hands of a king. Fond even of that 
shadow of authority, which a prince of fifteen could 
possess, the Scots flattered themselves, that union, 
order, and tranquillity, would now be restored to the 
kingdom. James opened the parliament with extra- 
ordinary pomp, but nothing remarkable passed in it. 
These demonstrations, however, of the peo^ 
pie's love and attachment to their sovereign, en- 
couraged the favourites to continue their insinuations 
against Morton ; and as the king now resided in the 
palace of Holyrood-house, to which all his subjects had 
access, the cabal against the earl grew daily stronger, 
and the intrigue, which occasioned his ftdt, ripened 

Horton Morton began to be sensible of his danger, 
totre*™" ^^^ endeavoured to put a st»p to tlie career of 
tbem. Lennox's preferment, by representing him as a 
formidable enemy to the reformed religion, a secret 
agent in favour of Popery, and a known emissary of 
the house of Guise. The clergy, apt to believe every 
rumour of this kind, spread the alarm among the peo- 


1580.] BOOK VI. 61 

pie. But Lennox, either out of complaisance to his 
master, or convinced by the arguments of some learned 
divines whom the king appointed to instruct him in the 
principles of the Protestant religion, publicly renounced 
the errors of Popery, in the church of St. Giles, and 
declared himself a member of the church of Scotland, 
by signing her confession of faith. This, though it 
did not remove all suspicions, nor silence some zealous 
preachers, abated, in a great degree, the force of the 

On the other hand, a rumour prevailed that Morton 
was preparing to seize tie king's person, and to carry 
him into England. Whether despair of maintaining 
his power by any other means, had driven htm to make 
any overture of that kind to the English court, or whe- 
ther it was a calumny invented by his adversaries to 
render him odious, cannot now be determined with 
certainty. As he declared at his death that such a 
design had never entered into his thoughts, the latter 
seems to be most probable. It afforded a pretence, 
however, for reviving the office of lord-chamberlain, 
which had been for some time disused. That honour 
■ was conferred on Lennox. Alexander Erskine, Mor- 
ton's capital enemy, was his deputy ; they had under 
them a band of gentlemen, who were appointed con- 
stantly to attend the king, and to guard his person.' 
Eiuabeth Mortou was uot ignorant of what his enemies 
■"'hi'*b^ intended to insinuate by such unusual precau- 
baif. tions for the king's safety ; and, as his last 
resource, applied to Elizabeth, whose protection had 
often stood him in stead in his greatest difficulties. In 
consequence of this application, Bowes, her envoy, 
accused Lennox of practices against the peace of the 
two kingdoms, and insisted, in her name, that he should 
be removed from the privy-council. Such an unpre- 
cedented demand was considered by the counsellors as 

k Crswr. Mem. 319. Spaliw. 303. ' Crawf. Mem. 310. 


62 SCOTLAND. [1580. 

an affront to the king, and an encroachment on the in- 
dependence of the kingdom. They affected to call in 
question the envoy's powers, and upon that pretence 
recused him farther audience ; and he retiring in dis- 
gust, and without taking leave, Sir Alexander Home 
was Bent to expostulate with Elizabeth on the subject. 
After the treatment which her envoy had received, 
Elizabeth thought it below her dignity to admit Home 
into her presence. Burleigh, to whom he was com- 
manded to impart his commission, reproached him 
with his master's ingratitude towards a benefactress 
who had placed the crown on his head, and required 
him to advise the king to beware of sacrificing the 
friendship of so necessary an ally to the giddy humours 
of a young man, without experience, and strongly sus- 
pected of principles and attachments incompatible with 
the happiness of the Scottish nation. 
Morion This accusatiou of Lennox hastened, in all 

iiocHKd of probability, Morton's fall. The act of indem- 

the ranrder ^ , i-iiii.- .i i i 

df the uie nity, which he had obtained when he resigned 
""*' the regency, was worded with such scrupulous 
exactness, as almost screened him from any legal pro- 
secntipn. The murder of the late king was ibe only 
crime which could not, with decency, be inserted in a 
pardon granted by his son. Here Morton still lay 
open to the penalties of the law ; and captain Stewart, 
who shunned no action, however desperate, if it led to 
power or to favour, entered the council-chamber whUe 
the king and nobles were assembled, and falling 
on his knees, accused Morton of being accessary, 
or, according to the language of the Scottish law, art 
and part, in the conspiracy against the life of his ma- 
jesty's father, and offered, under the usoal penalties, 
to verify this charge by legal evidence. Morton, who 
was present, heard this accusation with firmness ; and 
replied with a disdainful smile, proceeding either from 
contempt of the infamous character of his accuser, or 


1580.] BOOK VI. ,63 

from consciousness of his own innocence, " that his 
known zeal in punishing those who were suspected of 
that detestable crime, might well exempt himself from 
any suspicion of being accessary to it ; nevertheless, he 
would cheerfully submit to a trial, either in that place 
or in any other court ; and doubted not but his own 
innocence, and the malice of his enemies, would then 
appear in the clearest light." Stewart, who was still on 
his knees, began to inquire how he would reconcile 
his bestowing so many honours on Archibald Douglas, 
whom he certainly knew to be one of the murderers, 
with his pretended zeal against that crime. Morton 
was ready to answer. But the king commanded both 
to be removed. The earl was confined, first of all to 
,5gi, his own house, and then committed to the cas- 
j>n. a. tig Qf Edinburgh, of which Alexander Erakine 
was governor ; ahd, as if it had not been a sufficient 
indignity to subject him to the power of one of his ene- 
mies, he was soon after carried to Dumbarton, of which 
Lennox had the command. A warrant was 
likewise issued for apprehending Archibald 
Douglas ; but he, having received timely intelligence 
of the approaching danger, fled into England.^ 

The earl of Angus, who imputed these violent pro- 
ceedings, not to hatred against Morton alone, but to 
the ancient enmity between the houses of Stewart and 
of Douglas, and who believed that a conspiracy was 
now formed for the destruction of all who bore that 
name, was ready to take arms in order to resbue his 
kinsman. But Morton absolutely forbade any such at- 
tempt, and declared that he would rather suffer ten 
thousand deaths, than bring an imputation upon his 
own character by seeming to decline a trial.' 
Eiiubeth'i Elizabeth did not fail to interpose, with 
^^Tto warmth, in behalf of a man who had contri- 
latehim. butcd SO much to preserve her influence over 

k Cmf. Hem. SIS. * Johut 64. Spots. 311. 


«4 SCOTLAND. [1581. 

Scotland. The late transactions in tliat kingdom had 
given her great uneasiness. The power which Lennox 
had acquired independent of her was dangerous ; the 
treatment her ambassadors had met with differed greatly 
^m the respect with which the Scots were in use to 
receive her ministers ; and the attack now made on 
Morton, fully convinced her that there was an intention 
to sow the seeds of discord between the two nations, 
Euid to seduce James into a new alliance with France, 
or into a marriage with some Popish princess. Full 
ofthese apprehensions, she ordered a considerable body * 
of troops to be assembled on the borders of Scotland, 
and dispatched Randolph as her ambassador into that 
kingdom. He addressed himself not only to James, 
and to his council, but to a convention of estates, met 
at that time. He began with enumerating the extra- 
ordinary benefits which Elizabeth had conferred on the 
Scottish nation : that without demanding a single foot 
of land for herself, without encroaching on the liberties 
of the kingdom in the smallest article, she had, at the 
expense of the blood of her subjects and the treasures 
of her crown, rescued the Scots from the dominion of 
France, established among them true religion, and put 
them in possession of their ancient rights : that frotn the 
beginning of civil dissensions in the kingdom, she had 
protected those who espoused the king's cause, and by 
her assistance alone, the crown had been preserved on 
bis head, and all the attempts of the adverse faction 
baffled : that a union, unknown to their ancestors, but 
equally beneficial to both kingdoms, had subsisted for 
a long period of years, and though so many Popish 
princes had combined to disturb this happy state of 
things, her care and her constancy had hitherto de- 
feated all these efforts : that she had observed of late 
an unusual coolness, distrust, and estrangement in the 
Scottish council, which she could impute to none but 
to Lennox, a subject of France, a retainerto the house 


1581.1 BOOK VI. 65 

of Guise, bred up in the errors of Popery, and still sus- 
pected of- favouring that superstition. Not satisfied 
with having mounted Jo fast to an uncommon height 
of power, which he exercised with all the rashness of 
youth, and all the ignorance of a strang'er ; nor thinking 
it enough to have deprived the earl of Morton of the 
authority due to his abilities and experience, he had 
conspired the ruin of that nobleman, who had ottsa 
exposed bis life in the king's cause, who had contri- 
buted more than any other subject to place him on the 
• dironcy to resist the encroachments of Popery, and to 
preserve the union between the two kingdoms. If any 
zeal for Religion remained among the nobles in Scot- 
land, if they wished for the continuance of amity with 
England, if they valued the privileges of their own order, 
he called upon them, in the name of his mistress, td 
remove such a pernicious counsellor as Lennox firom 
the presence of the young king, to rescue Morton out 
of the hands of his avowed enemy, and secure to him 
the benefit of a fair and impartial trial : and if force 
was necessary towards accomplishing a desigb so salu- 
tary to the king and kingdom, he promised them the 
protection of his mistress in the enterprise^ and what- 
ever assistance tbey should demand, either of men or 

But these extraordinary remoiistranCes, accompanied 
with such an unusual appeal from the king to his sub- 
jects, were not the cmly means employed by Elizabeth 
in favour of Morton, stnd against Lennox. She per- 
suaded the prince of Orange to send an agent into 
Scotland, and, under colour of complimenting James 
on account of the valour which many of his subjects 
had displayed in the service of the States, to enter into 
a long detail of the restless enterprises of the Popish 
princes against the Protestant religion ; to beseech him 
to adhere inviolably to the alliance with England, the 

" CM. iiL 6. Sbjpe. u. 621. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

66 SCOTLAND. . [1581, 

only barrier which secured his kingdom against their 
dangerous cabals ; and, above all things, to distrust the 
insinuatioiis of those who endeavoured to weaken or 
to dissolve that union between the British nations, 
which all the Protestants in Europe beheld with so 
much pleasure." 

jsmei de- Jamcs's counscllors were too intent upon the 
terminw to destruction of their enemy to listen to these re- 
■^ii monstrances. The officious interposition of the 
""■ prince of Orange, the haughty tone of Eliza- 

foeth's naessage, and her avowed attempt to excite sub-' 
jects to rebel against their sovereign, were considered 
as unexampled insults on the majesty and indepen- 
dence of a crowned head. A general and evasive an- 
swer was given to Randolph. James prepared to assert 
his own dignity with spirit. All those suspected of 
favouring Morton were turned out of office, some of 
them were required to surrender themselves prisoners ; 
the men capable of bearing arms throughout the king- 
dom were commanded to be in readiness to take the 
field ; and broops were levied and posted on the borders. 
The English ambassador, finding tiiat neither the public 
manifesto which he had delivered to the convention, 
nor his private cabals with the nobles, could excite 
them to arms, fled in the night-time out of Scotland, 
where libels against him had been daily published, and 
even attempts mjide upon his life. In both kingdoms 
every thing wore a hostile aspect But Elizabeth, 
though she wished to have intimidated the Scottish 
king by her preparations, had no inclination to enter 
into a war with him, and the troops on the borders, 
which had given such umbrage, were soon dispersed." 
The greater solicitude Elizabeth discovered for Mor- 
ton's safety, the more eagerly did his enemies drive 
on their schemes for his destruction. Captain Stewart, 


ISSl.] BOOK VI. 67 

his accuser, was first appointed tutor to the ear! of 
ArraD, and soon after both the tide and estate of his 
unhappy ward, to which he advanced some frivolous 
claim, were conferred upon him. The new-made peer 
was commanded to conduct Morton from Dumbarton 
to Edinburgh ; and by that choice the earl was not only 
warned what fate he might expect, but had the crdel 
-mortiiication of seeing his deadly enemy already loaded 
with honours, in reward of the malice with which he 
had contributed to his ruin. 

* He i. tried '^^ Tccords of the court oijitsticiary at this 
and COD- period are lost. The account which our histo- 

demned. . . p ttn j ■ i ■ . 

nans give oi Morton s tnal is inaccurate and 
unsatisfactory. The proceedings ^;aiiist him seem 
to have been carried on with violence. During the 
trial, great bodies of armed men were drawn up in 
different parts of the city. The jury was composed 
of the earl's known enemies; and though he chal- 
lenged several of them, his objections were overruled. 
After a short consulta:tion, his peers found him guilty 
of concealing, and of being art and part in the con- 
piracy against the life of the late king. The first part 
of the verdict did not surprise him ; but he twice re- 
peated the words art and part with some vehemeace, 
and added, " God knows it is not so." The doom 
which the law decrees against a traitor was pronounced. 
The king, however, remitted the cruel and ignominious 
part of ^e sentence, and appointed that he should suf- 
fer death next day, by being beheaded.'' 

During that awful interval, Morton possessed 

the utmost composure ot mind. He supped 
cheerfully ; slept a part of the night in his usual man- 
ner, and employed this rest of his time in religious con- 
ferences, and in acts of devotion with some ministers-of 
the city. The clergymeQ who attended him, dealt freely 

» Spouw.' 314. JaliDit.65. Cnvf. Mem. 3St. C*ld^iiu45. Araal'i Crimin. 
TiUi, 9S8. 


r,on7<-i.i Google 

6ff SCOTLAND. [1581. 

with his conscteHce^ asd pressed his crimes home upe« 
ItiEQ. What he coniessed with regard to the crime for 
which .he suffered, is remarkable, and supi^ies, in some 
measure, the imperfection of our reotuds. He acknow- 
ledged,! ^^^ onhis return frora England, aft» the dea& 
of Rizio, Bothwell had informed bimoftheeonspiraoy 
against theking, which the querai, ashettddhim, knew 
of .an4 approved ; that he solicited him to coiu^r in the 
exe,cution of it, which at that tioie he absolutely de- 
clined ; that soon after Bothwell himself, and Arehib^d 
Douglas, id his name, renewing their solicitations to 
the same .purpose, he had required a warrant under die 
queen's hand, authorizang the attempt, and as that had 
never been produced, iie had refused to be any farther 
concerned in the matter. " But," continued he, " a* 
I. nether consented to this treasonable act, nor assisted 
in the ocHnmitting of it, so it was impossible for me to 
reveal, or to prevent it. To whom could I make the 
discovery? The queen was the author of the enteiprise. 
Darnley was such a changeling, that no secret could be 
safely communicated to him. Huntly and Bothwell> 
who bore tite chief sway ia the kii^om, wea% th^n- 
selves the perpetratoi^ of the crime." These circum- 
stances^, it must be c(»ifessed, go some length towards 
^tenuating Morton's guilt; and though his apology for 
the favour he b»d shewn to Arohibdd Douglas, whom 
he knev? to be one of the conspirators, be far less satis- 
factory, OP uneasy reflections e«em^ to have disquieted 
his own mind on thataceoupt.^ When Ms keepers told 
hvn that the guards w^s att^ndiI^, and all things in 
re^iliess, " I pffuse my God," said he, " I am ready 
likewise." Arran commanded these guards; and even 
in those moments, when the most implacable hati%d is 
apt to relent, the malice of bis enemies could not for- 
bear this insult On the scalFold, his behaviour was 
calm ; his countenance and voice unaltered ; and, after 

t Crewf. Blem. App. iil. 


I58h] BOOK VI, C& 

some time spent in devotion, he suffered deadi wiA the 
intrepidi^ which becaroe the name of Douglas. His 
head Was placed on thepublic jail of Edinbuigh; aod 
his body, after lying till sunset on the scaffold, covered 
with a beggarly cloidc, was carried by common porters 
to Ae usual burial-pkee of criminals. None of his 
iriends durst accompany it to tiie grave, or discover 
titeir-gratitude and respect by any sympttrtns of sorrow/ 
~j.|ij^ Arr-an, no less profligate in private life, than 
owdoaior widaoious in his public conduct^ soon after drew 
the Intention of his coimttymeB, by his infamous 
marriage With- the ooimt^s of-Mareh. Bfefore he grew 
into &,vouc at court, he had been often enterfoined in 
her husband's house, and, without rt^rding the laws 
of hospitality or of g^titude, carried on a criminal in- 
trigue with' the wife of his benefactor, a woman young 
and beautiiul, but, according to the de^riptibn of a 
coatemporwy historian, " intolertJsle in all the imper- 
fections-incident to her sex." Impatient of anyrestraint 
iqion their mutufd desires, they^ with equal ardourj 
wished to avow tihieir tmion publicly, and to legitimate* 
t^ a> mamage, Uie offspring of their unlawful passion. 
The coHntess petitioned to be divorced from her hus- 
band, foB a reason which no modest woman will ever 
plead. The judges, overawed by Arran, passed sen- 
t^ice without d^ay. This in&mous scene was con- 
eluded by a' marriage, solemnised with great 
" ^ ' pomp, and beheld by all ranks of men with the 
utmost hoiTor.' 

A parliament washeld this year, at the open- 
mg of which some disputes arose between Arran 
and the new' created duke of Lennox. Arran, haughty 
by nature, and pushed on by his wife's ambition segan 
to affect an equality with the duke, under whds^ pro- 
tection he had hitherto been contented to place himself. 
Aftu' -various attempts to form a party in the council 

' Cnlwf. Men. 334. Siio[>«. 314. 'Sputiw.Sie. 


70 SCOTLAND. [1581. 

against Lennox, he found him fixed so fimdy in -die 
king's affections, that it was impossible to shake him ; 
and, rather than lose all interest at court, from whidi 
he was banished, he made the most humble submissions 
to the favourite, and again recovered his former credit. 
This rupture contributed, however, to render, the duke 
still more odious to the nation. During the continu- 
ance of it, Arran affected to court the clergy, .pretended 
an extraordinary zeal for the Protestant religion, and 
laboured to confirm the suspicions which were enter- 
tained of.his rival, as an emissary of the bouse of Guise, 
and a favourer of Popery. As he was supposed to be- 
acquainted with the duke's most secret designs, his ca- 
lumnies were listened to with greater credit than was 
due to his character. To this rivalship between Lennox 
and Arran, duripg the continuance of which each en- 
deavoured to conciliate the good-will of the clei^, we , 
must ascribe several acts of this parliament uncommonly 
favourable to the church, particularly one which abo-, 
lished the practice introduced by Morton, of appoint- 
ing but one minister to several parishes. 
EcciMiuU- No notice hath been taken for several years 
ciiaffiiira. of ecclesiastical affairs. While the civil govern- 
ment underwent so many extraordinary revolutions, the . 
church was not free from convulsions. Two objects 
chiefly engrossed the attention of the clergy. The one 
was, the forming a system of discipline, or ecclesiastical 
polity. After long labour, and many difficulties, this 
system was at last brought to some degree of perfection. 
The assembly solemnly approved of it, and appointed it 
to be laid before the privy-council in order to obtain 
the ratification of it in parliament But Morton, during 
his administration, and those who, after his fall, go- 
vemedthe king, were equally unwilling to see it car-, 
ried into execution; and by starting difficulties and 
throwing in objections, prevented it from receiving a 
legal sanction. The other point in view was, the abo- 


1S8I.] BOOK VI. 71 

lition of the episcopal order. The bishops were so de- 
voted to the king, to whom they owed their promotion, 
that ihe function itself was by some reckoned danger- 
ous to civil liberty. Being allowed a seat in parliament,- 
and distinguished by titles of honour, these not only 
occasioned many avocations from their spiritual func- 
tions, but soon rendered their character and manners 
extremely different firom those of the clergy in that age. 
The nobles viewed their power with jealousy ; the popu- 
lace considered their lives as profane ; and both wished 
their downfal with equal ardour. The personal emu- 
lation between Melvil and Adamson, a man of learning 
and eminent for. bis popular eloquence, who was pro- 
moted, oil the death of Douglas, to be archbishop of 
St. Andrew's, mingled itself with thep^sioDS on each 
side, and heightened them. Attacks were made in every 
assembly on the order of bishops ; their privileges were 
gradually circumscribed ; .$iid at last an act was passed, 
declaring the office of bishop, as it was then exercised 
within the realm, to have neither foundation nor .war- 
rant in the word of God ; and requiring, under pain of 
excommunication, all who now possessed that office, 
in^andy to resign it, and to abstain from preaching or 
administering the sacraments, until tbey should receive 
permission from the general assembly. The court did 
not acquiesce in this decree. A vacancy happened soon 
atter in the see of Glasgow, Monlgomery, minister at 
Stirling, a man vain, fickle, presumptuous, and more 
apt, by the blemishes in his character, to have alienated 
the people from an order already beloved, than to 
reconcile them to one which was the object of their 
hatred, made an infamous simoniacal .bargain with 
Lennox, and on;his recommendation was chosen arch- 
bishop. The presbytery of Stirling, of which he was a 
.member, the presbytery of Glasgow, whither he was to 
be translated, the general assembly, vied with each 
other in prosecuting him on that account. In order to 


72 SCOTLAND. [1582. 

screen Moii%omeiy, James made trial both of gentle 
and of rigorous measores, and both were equally 
ineffectual. The general assembly was just 
ready to prtmounce against him the sentence of excom- 
munication, when a herald entered, and commanded 
them in the king's name, and under pain of rebellion, 
to stop farther proceedings. Even this injunction they 
demised ; and though Mon^omery, by his tears and 
seeming penitence^ procured a short respite, the sen- 
tence was at last issued by their appointment, jmd pub- 
lished in all the churches throughout the kingdom. 

The firmness of the clergy in a collective body was 
not greater than the boldness c^ some individuals, par- 
ticularly of the ministers of Edinburgh. They inveighed 
daily against the corruptions inthe administration ; and, 
with the freedom of speech admitted into the pulpit in 
that age, named Lennox and Arran as the chief authors 
of Ihe grievances under which the church and kingdom 
groaned. The courtiers, in their turn, complained to 
the king of the iosol^it and seditious spirit of the 
clergy. In ordec to check the boldness of their dis- 
courses, James islued a proclamation, commanding 
Dury, one of the most pt^Hilar ministers, not only to 
leave the town, but to abstain from preaching in any 
other place. Dury complained to the judicatories of 
this encroachment upon the immunities of his office. 
They approved of the doctrine which>he had delivered ; 
and he determined to disregard the royal proclama- 
tion. But the magisti-ates being determined to compel 
■bim to leave the city, according to the king's orders, 
he was obliged to abandon his charge, after protesting 
publicly, at the cross of Edinburgh, against the vio- 
lence which was put upon him. The people accom- 
panied him to the gates with tears and lamentations ; 
and the clergy denounced the vengeance of Heaven 
against the authors of this outrage.* 

> C«ld. Aucm. 157e— IMS. Sp<X>w.t77,&c. 


1582.] BOOK VI. 73 

In this perilous situation stood the churchy the au- 
thority of its judicators called in question, and the 
liberty of the pulpit restrained, when a sudden revolu- 
tion of the civil government procured them unexpected 

Hii favour- '^^ ^'^^ fevouritcs, by &ea ascendant over 
ijM engage the king, possessed uncontrolled power in the 
BDpoputu' kingdom, and exercised it with die utmost 
"*"■"*** wantonness. James usually resided at Dal^ 
keith, or Kinneil, the seats of Lennox and of Airan, and 
was attended by such company, and employed in siich 
amusements, as did not suit his dignity. The services 
of those who had oootribnted most to place the crown 
on his head 'were but little remembered. Many who 
had opposed him with the greatest virulence;, enjoyed 
the rewards and honours to which the others were en- 
titled. Exalted aotioos of regd prerogilive, utteriy 
inconsistent with the constitution of Scotland, being 
instilled by his favourites into the toind of the young ' 
monarch, unfortunately made, at that early age, a deep 
impression there, and became the source of almost all- 
his subsequent envrs in the government of both king- 
doms." Courts of justice were held in almost every 
county, the proprietors of land were called before Ihem, 
and upon the slightest neglect of any of the numerous 
forms which ore peculiar to the feudal holdings, Aey 
were fined with unusual and intolerable rigour. The 
lord chamberlain revived the obsolete jurisdiction of 
his office over the boroughs, and they were subjected 
to actions no less grievous. A'design seemed likewise 
to have been formed to exasperate Elizabeth, and to 
dissolve the alliance with her, which all good Pro- 
testants esteemed the chief security of their religion in 
Scotland. A close correspondence was carried on be- 
tween the king and his mother, and considerable pro- 
gress made towards uniting their titles to die crown, 

,y Google 

74 SCOTLAND. [1582. 

by such a treaty of association as MaiUand had pro- 
jected; which could not fail of endangeriog or dimi- 
nishing his authority, and must have proved fatal to 
those who had acted against her with the greatest vi- 

The mUei AH these circumstances irritated the impa- 
^^J' tient spirit of the Scottish nobles, who resolved 
them. ,(0 tolerate no longer the iDSolence of the two 
minions, or to stand by, while their presumption and 
inexperience ruined both the king and the kingdom. 
Elizabeth, who, during the administration of the four 
regents, had the entire direction of the affairs of Scot- 
land, felt herself deprived of all iniluence in that king- 
dom ever since the death of Morton, and was ready to 
countenance any attempt to rescue the king out of the 
bands of favourites who were leading him into measures 
so repugnant to all her views. The earls of Mar and 
Glencaim, lord Ruthven, lately created earl of Gowrie, 
lord Lindsay, lord Boyd, the tutor of Glamis, the eldest 
son of lord Oliphant, with several barons and gentle- 
men of distinction, entered into a combination for that 
purpose; and as changes in administration, which, 
among polished nations, are brought about slowly and 
silently, by artifice and intrigue, were in that rude age 
effected suddenly and by violence, the king's situation, 
, and the security of the favourites, encouraged the con- 
spirators to have immediate recourse to force. 
Seize the Jamcs, after having resided for some time in 
Ln^t^'* Athol; where he enjoyed his favourite amuse- 
Ruihren. ment of hunting, was now returning towards 
Edinburgh with a small train. He was invited to 
Ruthven-casUe, which lay in his way ; and as he sus- 
pected no danger, he went thither in hopes of farther 
sport. The multitude of strangers whom he 
found there gave him some uneasiness ; and as 
those who were in the secret arrived every moment from 

« CM. iu. $yT. 


1582.] BOOK VI. 75 

different parts, tbe t^pearance of so many new faces 
increased his fears. He concealed his uneasiness, how- 
erer, with the utmost care ; and next morning pre- 
pared for the field, expecting to find there some oppor- 
tunity of making his escape. But just as he was ready ■ 
to depart, the nobles entered his bed-chamber in a body, 
and presented a memorial against the illegal and op- 
pressive actions of his two favourites, whom they repre- 
sented as most dangerous enemies to the religion and 
liberties of the nation. James, though he received this 
remonstrance with the complaisance which was neces- 
sary in his present situation, was extremely impatient 
to be gone ; but as he approached the door of his 
^artment, the tutor of Glamis rudely stopped him. 
The king complained, exjpostulated, threatenedj and 
finding all these without eifect, burst into tears : " No 
matter," said Glamis fiercely, " better children weep 
than bearded men." These words made a deep im- 
pression on the king's mind, and were never forgotten. 
The conspirators, without regarding his tears or indig- 
nation, dismissed such of his followers as they suspect- 
ed ; allowed none but persons of their own party to 
have access to him ; and, though they treated him with 
great respect, guarded his person with the utmost care. 
This enterprise is usually called, by our historians, The 
Raid of Ruthven.' 

Lennox and Arran were astonished to the last 


Anan to degree at an event so unexpected, and so fatal 
'"^°' to their power. The former endeavoured, but 
without success, to excite the inhabitants of Edinburgh 
to take arms in order to rescue their sovereign from 
captivity. The latter, with bis usual impetuosity,- 
mounted on horseback the moment he heard what had 
befallen the king, and with a few followers rode to- 
wards Ruthven-castle ; and as a considerable body of 
the conspirators, under the command of the earl of Mar, 

» C«kl. iii. 1S4. Si«l!i». 380. McU. 357. 


76 Scotland. [issa. 

lay in hia way ready to oppose him, lie separated him- 
self from his compfuiions, and with two attendants ar- 
rived at the gate of the casde. At the sight of a man 
so odious to his country, the indi^iation of the con- 
apirators rc»e, and instant death must kave been the 
punishment of hia raahnesis, if tlw friendship of Gowrie, 
or some other cwse not explained by our historians, 
had not saTed a life so pernicious to the kingdom. He 
was confined, however, to the castle of Stirling, with- 
out being admitted into the king's presence. 
ComiMnd The king, though really the prisoner of hi& 
fc^'the" *"™ subjects, with whose conduct he could not 
^y>^<»^- help discovering many symptoms of disgust, 
was obliged to pirijlish a proclamation, signifying his 
approbation of their enterprise, declaring that he was 
at full Hber^, without any restraint or Violence offered 
to his person ; and forbidding any attempt ^;ainst 
diose <K>ncemed in the Raid of Ruthven, under pre- 
tence of rescuing him out of their hands. At 
. ^' ' the same time, he commanded Lennox to leave 
Scotland before the 20th of September.* 
The con- Soou aftcF, Sir George Carey and Robert 
>[Hi»tqn Bowes arrived as ambassadors from Elizabeth. 
iMQced h; Hie pretext of th^iir embassy was to mquire 
"" ' after the king's safety ; to encour^e and coun- 
tenance the conspirators was the real motive of it. By 
their iuteiCessioh, the earl of Angus, who, evw sincethe 
death of his uncle Morton, had lived in exile, obtained 
leave to return. And the accession of a nobleman so 
powerfiil and so pc^ular strengthened the faction.' 

I^nnox, whose amiable and gentle qualities had pro- 
cured faim many friends, and who received private as- 
surances that the king's favour towards him was in no 
degree abated, seemed resolved, at-first, to- pay no regard 
to a command extorted by violence, and no less disagree- 
able to James, than it was rigorous with regard to bim- 

< Odd. m. 135. 13B. ' Ilnd. iu. 151. 


158J.1 BOOK VI. 77 

self. Bat the power of hia enemies, who were masters 
of the king's person, who were secretly supported by 
Elizabeth, and openly applauded by the clergy, deter- 
red him from any enterprise, the success of which was 
dubious, and the danger certain, both to himSelf and his 
soTereigD. He put otF the time of his departure, how- 
ever, by various artifices, in expectation either that James 
might make his escape from the conspirators, or that for- 
tune might present some more favourable opportunity 
of taking arms for his relief, 

Thsir COB- On the other hand, the conspirators were .ex- 
p^.^^ tremely solicitous not only to secure the E^pro- 
K^\r'' hation of their countrymen, but to obtain some 
xod ■ con- l^al sanction of their enterprise. For this pur- 
eititcs. pose they published a long declaration, contain- 
ing the motives which had induced them to venture on 
such an irregular step, and endeavoured to heighten 
the public indignation against the favourites, by repre- 
senting, in the strongest colours, their inexperience and 
insolence, their contempt of the nobles, their violation 
of the privileges of the church, and their oppression of 
the people. They obliged the king, who could not with 
safety refuse any of their demands^ to grant thein a 
remission in the most. ample form;- and not satisfied 
with that, they applied to the ass^bly of the chorch, 
and easily procured an act, declaring, " that they had 
done good and acceptable service to God, td 
their sovereign, and to their native country ;** 
and requiring aU sincere Protestants to concur with 
them in carrying forward such a laudable enterprise. In 
order to add the greater weight to this act, every mi- 
nister was enjoined to read it in his own pulpit, and to 
inflict the censures of the church on those who set them- 
selves in opposition to so good a cause. A convention 
of estates assembled a few days after, passed an act to 
the same effect, and granted fuU indemnity to the con- 
spirators for every thing they had done." 

»Ca)d.Jii. 17T.lSr. 900. Spobw. SSt. 


78 SCOTLAND. [1582. 

Lg„no^., James was conducted by them, first to Stir- 
dep«rture jjpg^ j^^ afterward to tfee palace of Holyrood- 
Jand. bouse ; and thougb be was received every where 
with the external marks of respect due to bis dignity, 
bis motions were carefully observed, and he was under 
a restraint no less strict than at the first moment when 
be was seized by the conspirators. Lennox, after elud- 
ing many comm^ids to depart out of the kingdom, 
was at last obliged to begin his journey. He lingered 
however for some time in the neighbourhood of Edin- 
burgh, as if he had still intended to make some effort 
towards restoring the king to liberty. But either from 
the gentleness of bis own disposition, averse to blood- 
shed and the disorders of civil war, or from some other 
cause unknown to us, be abandoned the design, and 
■ set out forFrance, by the way of England. The 
king issued the order for his departure with no 
less reluctance than the duke obeyed it ; and both 
mourned a separation, which neither of them bad power 
to prevent. Soon after his arrival in France, the fa- 
tigue of the journey, or the anguish of his mind, threw ■ 
him into a fever. In bis last moments he discovered 
such a firm adherence to the Protestont faith, as fully 
vindicates bis memory from the imputation of an attach- 
ment to Popery, with whiqh be bad been uncharitably 
loaded in Scotland." As he was the earliest, and best 
beloved, he was, perhaps, the most deserving, though 
not the most able of all James's favourites. The warmth 
and tenderness of bis master's EifiFection for him were 
not abated by death itself. By many acts of kindness 
and generosity towards his posterity, the king not only 
did great honour to the memory of Lennox, but set bis 
own character in one of its most favourable points of 

Muj'i The success of the conspiracy which de- 
^'L prived James of liberty made great noise over 
•on. ^ Europe, and at last reached the ears of Mary 

' Spotiw. 324. C«ld. iii. 171. 


1582.] BOOK VI. 79 

in the prison to which she was confined. As her own ex- 
perience had taught her what injuries a captive prince 
is exposed to suffer; and as many of those who were 
now concerned in the enterprise against her son, were 
the same persons whom slie considered as the chief au- 
thors of her own misfortunes, it was natural for the ten- 
derness of a mother to apprehend that the same calami- 
ties were ready to fall on his head ; and such a prospect 
did not fiiil of adding to the distress and horror of her 
own situation. In the anguish of her heart, she wrote 
to Elizabeth, complaining in the bitterest terms of the 
unprecedented rigour with which she herself had been 
treated, and beaeechingher not to abandon her son to the 
mercy of his rebellious subjects; nor permit him to be 
involved in the same misfortunes under which she had 
so long groaned. The peculiar vigour and acrimony 
of s^le, for which this letter is remarkable, discover both 
the high spirit of the Scottish queen, unsubdued by her 
sufieriogs, and the violence of her indignation at Eliza- 
beth's artifices and severity. But it was ill adapted, to 
gain the end which she had in view, and accordingly it 
neither procured any mitigation of the rigour of her own 
confinement, nor any interposition in favourof the king.** 
,583. Henry III. who, though he feared and hated 
Aral**- the princes of Guise, was often obliged to court 
rive fnxD their favour, interposed with warmth, in order 
•^'e^k- to extricate James out of the hands . of a party 
'"''■ so entirely devoted to the English interest. He 
commanded M. de la Motte Fenelon, .his ambassaijor 
at the court of England, to repair to Edinburgh, and to 
contribute hisutmost endeavours towards placing James 
in a situation more suitable to his dignity. As Eliza- 
beth could not, with decency, refuse him liberty to exe- 
cute his commission, she appointed Davison to attend 
him into Scotland as her envoy, under colour of concur- 
ring with him in the negotiation, but in reality to be aspy 

.. 'Cinid.489.. 


8» SCOTLAND. (1683. 

upon his motions, and to obstruct his success. James, 
whose title to the crown had not hitherto been recog- 
nised by any o£ the princes on the continent, was ex- 
tremely fond of such an honourable embassy from the 
French monarch ; and, on that account, as well as for the 
sake of the errand on which Jie came, received Fenelon 
with ffreat respect. The nobles, in whose power 

Jan. 7. I , . .. 1 1- 1 1 ■ ■ - ■ 

the king was, did not rehsh tois interposition of 
the Freiich court, which had long lost its ancient in- 
fluence over the aflfairs of Scotland. The clergy were 
alarmed at the danger to which rdigion would be ex- 
posed, if the princes of Guise should recover tmy ascen- 
dant over the public counsels. Though the king tried 
every method for restraining them within &.e bounds of 
decency, they declaimed against the court of France, 
against the princes of Guise, G^ainst the ambassador, 
against entering into any alliance with such notorious 
perf^cutors of the church of God, with a vehemence 
which no regular government would now tolerate, but 
which was then extremely common The ambassador, 
watched by Davison, distrusted by the nobles, and eic- 
posed. to the insults of the clergy and of the people, re- 
turned into England without procuring, any change in 
the king's situation, or receivii^. any answer to a pro- 
posal which he made, th^t the goTeroment should be 
carried on in the joint uamAs of James.and the queen 
his mother.' 

jMOf . Meanwhile James, though he dissembled with 

ont'^ie 8T^^t ^''^ became every day more uneasy under 
handiof his confinement.; his uneasiness rendered him 
tphabin. continually attentive to find out a proper oppor- 
tunity for making his escape; and to this attention he 
at last owed his liberty, which the king of France was 
not able, nor the queon of ^gland willing to procure 
for him. As the conspirators had forced Lemiox out 
of the kingdom, and kept Arrah at a distanceirom court, 

' Cald. iii. f07. Spotsw. 314. Ifaidis, 373, Sic. See Appendii, No. XLII. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

1583.] SCOTLAND. 81 

they grew secure; and imagining that time had recon- 
ciled the king to them, and to his situation, they watch- 
ed him with little care. Some occasions of discord had 
arisen among themselves ; and the French ambassador, 
by fomenting these during the time of his residence in 
Scotland, Had weakened the union, in which alone their 
safety consisted/ Colonel William Stewart, the com- 
mander of the band of gentlemen who guarded the king's 
person, being gained by James, had the principal 
merit in the scheme for restoring his master to liberty. 

Under pretence of pavine a visit to the earl of 

5unee7. ,, , '^, . , , T . ■. 

March, his grand-uncle, James was permitted 

to go from Falkland to St. Andrew's. That he might 
not create any suspicion, he lodged at first in an open 
defenceless house in the town, but pretending a curio- 
sity, to see the castle, no sooner was he entered with 
some of his attendants whom he could trust, than co- 
lonel Stewart commanded the gates to be shut, and ex- 
cluded all the rest of his train. Nextmomingthe earls 
of Argyle, Huntly, Crawford, Montrose, Rothes, with 
others to whom the secret had been communicated, en- 
tered the town with their followers ; and though Mar, 
with several of the leaders of the faction, appeared in 
arms, they found themselves so far outnumbered, that 
it was in vain to think of recovering possession of the 
king's person, which had been in their power somewhat 
longer than ten months. James was naturally of so sofl 
and ductile a temper, that those who were near his per- 
son comnjonly made a deep impression on his heart, 
which was. formed to be under the sway of favourites. 
As he remained implacable and unreconciled to. the 
conspirators dufing so long a time, and at a period of 
.life when resentments are rather violent than lasting, 
they must either have improved the opportunities of in- 
.sinuating themselves into favour with little dexterity, 
or the indignation, with which this first insult to hid 

' Cimd. 4B3. 

VOL. II, e 

r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google 

83 SCOTLAND. [t£83. 

person and authority Bited him, must have been very 

Rttoha. His joy at his escape was youthful and ex- 
to b^r* cessive. He resolved, however, by the advice 
!i^m "" ^^ ®^ James Melvil, and his wisest counsellors, 
Hod. to act With the utmost moderation. Having 
called into his presence the leaders of both factions, 
the neighbouring gentry, the deputies of the adja- 
cent boroughs, the ministers, and the heads of col- 
leges, he declared, that although he had be^i held 
under restraint for some time by violence, he would not 
impute that as a crime to any man, but, without remem- 
bering the irregularities which had been so frequent 
durmg his minority, would pass a general act of 
oblivion, and govern all his subjects with undistin- 
guishing and equal affection. As an evidence of his 
sincerity, he visited the earl of Gowrie, at Ruthven- 
casde, and granted him a full pardon of any guilt he had 
contracted, by the crime committed in that very place.' 
Bat Anui But Jamcs did not adhere long to this pru- 
i^"da?" dent and moderate plan. His former favour- 
o»ef tim; jte, the earl of Arran, had been permitted for 
some time to reside at Kinneil, one of his country-seats. 
As soon as the king felt himself at liberty, his love for 
him began to revive, and he expressed a strong desire 
-to see him. The eourtiers violently opposed the return 
of a minion, whose insolent and overbearing temper they 
dreaded, as much as the nation detested his crimes. 
James, however, continued his importunity, and pro- 
mising that he should continue with him no longer 
than one day, they were obliged to yield. This inter- 
view rekindled ancient afi'ection ; the. king forgot his 
.promise ; Arran regained his ascendant over him ; and, 
within a few days, resumed the exercise of power, with 
all the arrogance of an undeserving ^vourite,- and> all 
the rashness peculiar to hin^lf.*' 


1588.] BOOK VI. 83 

And lbs The first eSect of his influence was a procla- 
^^ mation with regard to those concerned in the 
Om ptan. Raid of Ruthven. They were required to ac- 
knowledge their crime in the humblest manner ; and 
the king promised to grant them a fall pardon, pro- 
vided their future conduct were such as did not oblige 
him to remember past mi8cajri^;e3. The tenor of this 
proclamation was extremely different from the act of 
oblivion which the conspirators had been encouraged 
to expect. Nor did any of them reckon it safe to rely 
on a promise clogged with such an equivocal condi- 
tion, and granted by a young prince under the domi- 
nion of a minister void of faith, regardless of decency, 
and transported by the desire of revenge even beyond 
the usual ferocity of his temper. Many of the leaders, 
who had at first appeared openly at court, retired to 
their own houses ; and, foreseeing the dangerous storm 
which was gathering, began to look out for a retreat 
in foreign coantries.* 

£i;^ Elizabeth, who had all along protected the 

betb^iJKiu- conspirators, was extremely disgusted with 
bebaHot measures which tended so visibly to their de- 
imto^^' struction, and wrote to the king a harsh and 
A^-T. haughty letter, reproaching him, in a style 
very uncommon among princes, with breach of faith 
in recalling Arran to court, and with imprudence in 
proceeding so rigorously i^inst his best and most 
feithfal subjects. Jsunes, with a becoming dignity, re- 
plied, that promises extorted by violence, and condl- 
tioiis yielded out of fear, were no longer binding, when 
these were removed; that it belonged to him alone to 
choose what ministers he would employ in his service ; 
and that though he resolved to treat the conspirators 
at Ru^ven with the utmost clemency, it was necessary, 
for the support c^ his authority, that such an insult on 
his person should not pass altogether uncensured.^ 

< HtlT. 378. Spobv. 316. Cald. iii. SSQ. ^ Melv. t79. 



84 SCOTLAND. [1583. 

g^^j^ J Elizabeth's letter was quickly followed by 

w»iui>g- Waisingham her secretary, whom she appoint- 
btu>; into ed her ambassador to James, and who appeared 
®°*'''^'^- at the Scottish court with a splendour and mag- 
nificence well calculated to please and dazzle a young 
prince. Waisingham was admitted to several confe- 
rences with James himself, in'which he insisted on the 
same topics contained in the letter, and the king re- 
peated his former uiswers. 

After suffering several indignities from the arro- 
gance of Arran and his creatures, he returned to Eng- 
land, without concluding any new treaty with the king. 
Waisingham was, next to Burleigh, the minister on 
whom the chief weight of the English administration 
rested; and whenapersoa ofhis rank steptsofaroutof 
the ordinary road of business, as to undertake a long 
journey in his old age, and under a declining state of 
health, some affair of consequence was supposed to be 
the cause, or some important event was expected to be 
the effect, of this measure. But as nothing conspi- 
cuous either occasioned or followed this embassy, it is 
probable that Elizabeth had no other intention in em- 
ploying this sagacious minister, than to discover, with 
exactness, the capacity and disposition of the Scottish 
king, who was now arrived at a time of life when, with 
some degree of certainty, conjectures might be formed 
concerning his character and future conduct. As James 
possessed talents of that kind, which make a better 
figure in conversation than in action, he gained a great 
deal by this interview with the English secretary, who, 
notwithstanding the cold reception which he met with, 
gave such an advantageous repfesentation of his abili- 
ties, as determined Elizabeth to treat him, hencefor- 
ward, with greater decency and respect." 

Elizabeth's eagerness to protect the conspirators, 
rendered James more violent in his proceedings againist 

IMelT.wa. Ciild. iu. 258. Jebh, U. 536. 


1683.] BOOK- VI. 85 

them. As they had all refiised to accept of pardon 
upon the terms which he had offered, they were re- 
quired, by a new proclamation, to surrender themselves 
prisoners. The . earl of Angus alone complied ; the 
rest either fled into England, or obtained the king's 
licence to retire into foreign parts. A con- 
vention of estates was held, the members of 
which, deceived by an unworthy artifice of Arran's, 
declared those concerned in the Raid of Rutkven to 
have been, guilty of high-treason ; appointed the act . 
passed last year approving of their conduct to be ex- 
punged out of the records ; and engaged to support 
the. king in prosecuting the fugitives with the utmost 
rigour of law. 

The conspirators, though far from having done any 
thing that was uucommon in that age, among mutinous 
nobles, and under an unsettled state of government, 
must be acknowledged to have been guilty of an act 
of treason against their sovereign ; and James, who 
considered their conduct in this light, had good rea- 
son. to boast of his clemency, when he offered to par- 
don them upon. their confessing their crime. But, on 
the other hand, it must be allowed that, after the king's 
voluntary promise of a general oblivion, they had some 
reason to complun of breach of iaith, and, without the 
most impardonable imprudence, could not have put 
their lives in Arran's power. 

1584. '^^ interest of the church was considerably 
ft^ "^"^ affected by these contrary revolutions. While 
compii*- the conspirators kept possession. of power,' the 
iiriute the clcrgy not only recovered, but extended, their 
^"8- privileges. As they had formerly declared the 
hierarchy to be unlawful, they took some bold mea- 
sures towards exterminating the episcopal order out of 
the church ; and it was owing more to Adamson's' dex- 
terity in perplexing and lengthening out. the process 
for tiiat purpose, than to their own want of zeal, that 

86 SCOTLAND. [1584. 

they did not deprive, and perhaps excommunicate, aJl 
the bishops in Scotland. When the king recovered 
his liberty, things put on a very different aspect. The 
favour bestowed upon Arran, the enemy of every thing 
decent and sacred, and the rigorous prosecution of 
those nobles who had been the most zealous defenders 
of die Protestant cause, were considered as sure pre- 
sages of the approaching ruin of the church. The 
clergy could not conceal their apprehensions, nor view 
. this impending danger in silence. Dury, who had 
been restored to his office as one of the ministers of 
Edinburgh, openly applauded the Raid of Ruthven in 
the pulpit, at which the king was so enn^d, that, not* 
withstanding some symptoms of his submission, he 
commanded him to resign his charge in the ci^. Mr. 
Andrew Melvil, being summoned before the privy- 
council, to answer for the doctrine which he had ut- 
tered in a sermon at St. Andrew's, and accused of com- 
paring the present grievances of the nation with those 
under James III., and of intimating obliquely that they 
ought to be redressed in the same manner, diought it 
incumbent on him to behave wiA great firmness. He 
declined the jurisdiction of a civil court, in a cause 
which he maintained to be purely ecclesiastical ; the 
presbytery, of which he was a member, had, as he con- 
tended, the sole right to call him to account for words 
spioken in the pulpit; and neither the king nor council 
eould judge, in the Brst instance, of the doctrine deli- 
vered by pi«achers, without violating the immunities 
of the church. This exemption ik>m civil jurisdiction 
was a privilege which the Popish ecclesiastics, admira- 
ble judges of whatever contributed to increase the lustre 
or power of Iheir body, had long struggled for, and 
had at last obtained. If the same pleahad now been 
admitted, &e Protestant clergy would have become in- 
dependent of the civil mt^istrate ; and an order of 
men extremely useful to aociely, while they inculcate 


1484.] BOOK VI. 8T 

diose duties which tend to promote its happiness' and 
tranquilli^, might have become no less pernicious, by 
teaching, without fear or control, the moat dangerous 
principles, or by exciting their hearers to the most des- 
perate and lawless actions. The king, jealous to ex- 
cess of his prerogative, was alarmed at this daring en- 
croachment on it ; and as Melvil, by his learning and 
zeal, had acquired the reputation and authority of head 
of the party, he resolved to punish him with the rigour 
which that pre-eminence rendered necessary, and to 
discourage, by a timely severity, the revival of such a 
dangerous claim. Melvil, however, avoided his rage, by 
flying into England ; and the pulpits resounded with 
complaints that the king had extinguished the light of 
learning in the kingdom, and deprived the church of 
the ablest and most faithful guardian of it liberties and 

These violent declamations of the clei^ against the 
measures of the court were extremely acceptable to the 
people. The conspirators, though driven out of the 
kingdom, still possessed great influence there ; and as 
they had every thing to fear from the resentment of a 
young prince, irritated by the fiirious counsels of Arran, 
they never ceased soliciting their adherents to take 
arms in their defence. Gowrie, the only person among 
them who had submitted to the king, and accepted of 
a pardon, soon repented of a step which lost him the 
esteem of one party, without gaining the confidence of 
the other ; and, after suffering many mortifications from 
the king's neglect and the haughtiness of Arran, he was 
at last coDunanded to leave Scotland, and to reside in 
France. While he waited at Dundee for an opportu- 
ni^ to embark, he was informed that the earls of Angus, 
Mar, and the tutor of Glamis, had concerted a scheme 
for surprising the castle of Stirling. In his situation, 
little persuasion was necessary to draw him to engage 

"> Spoil*. 930. Cdd. iiu 301. 

r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google 

88 SCOTLAND. [1584, 

iait. Under various pretexts he put off his voyage, 
and lay ready to take arms on the day fixed by the con- 
spirators for the execution of their enterprise. His lin- 
gering 80 loi^ at Dundee, without any apparent reason, 
awakened the suspicion of the court, proved fatal to 
himself, and disappointed the success of the conspi- 
racy. Colonel William Stewart surrounded the house 
where he lodged with a body of soldiers, and, in spite 
of bis resistance, took him prisoner. Two days aAerj 
Angus, Mar, and Glamis seized the castle of Stirling, 
and erecting their standard there, published a mani- 
festo, declaring that they took arms for no other reason 
but to remove from the king's presence a minion who 
had acquired power by the most unworthy actions, and 
who exercised it with the most intolerable insolence. 
The account of Gowrie's imprisonment struck a damp 
upon their spirits. They imputed it to treachery on 
his part, and suspected, that as he had formerly desert- 
ed, he had now betrayed them. At the same time Eli- 
zabeth having neglected to supply them in good time 
with a sum of money, which she had promised to them, 
and their friends and vassals cojning in sJowly, they 
appeared irresolute and disheartened ; and as the king, 
who acted with great vigour, advanced towards them 
at the head of twenty thousand men, they fled preci- 
pitately towards England, and with difficulty made their 
escape." This rash and feeble attempt produced such 
effects as usually follow disappointed conspiracies.. It 
not only hurt the cause for which it was undertaken, 
but added strength and reputation to the king; con- 
finned Arran's pqwer ; and enabled them to pursue 
their measures with more boldness and greater suc- 
cess. Gowrie was the first victim of their resentment. 
After a very informal trial, a jury of peers found him 
guilty of treason, and he was publicly beheaded at 

• Home'a Hiil. ot Home of Dou^ai, 376. Spotsw. 330. Cald. iif. Sti, &c 


M«v8a '^^ humble the church was the king's next- 
A puiis- step. . But as it became necessary, for this pur- 
' pose, to call in the aid. of the legislative autho-r 
rity, a parliament was hastily- summoned : and while 
so many of the nobles were banished out of the king- 
dom, or forbidden to appear in the king's presence; 
while Arran's haughtiness kept some at a distance, and 
intimidated others ; the meeting consisted only of such 
Sereio as were absolutely, at the devotion of the court., 
^lui iha In order to conceal the laws which were framing 
cKuroh. from the knowledge of the clergy, the lords oif 
the articles were sworn to secrecy ;■ and when some of 
the ministers, who either suspected or were informed 
of the danger, deputed one of their number to declare 
their apprehensions to the king, he was seized at the 
palace-gate, and carried to a distant prison. Others, . 
attempting to enter the parliament-house, were refused 
admittance ;" and such laws were passed, as totally 
overturned the constitution and discipline of the church. 
The refusing to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the 
privy-council ; the pretending an exemption from the 
authority of the civil courts ; the attempting to dimi- 
nish the rights and privileges of any of the three estates 
in parliament, were declared to be high-treason. The 
holding assemblies, whether civil or ecclesiastical, with- 
out the king's permission or appointment; the uttering, 
either privately or publicly, in sermons, or in declama- 
tions, any false and scandalous reports against the king, 
■his ancestors, or ministers, were pronounced capital 

When these laws were published at the cross of Edin- 
burgh, according to the ancient custom, Mr. Robert 
Pont, minister of St. Cuthbert's and one of the lords of 
session, solemnly protested against them, in the name 
of his brethren, because they had been passed wilhout 
the knowledge or consent of the church. Ever since 

" Cald. ill 365. p Pari. 8. Jae. VI. 


90 SCOTLAND. [1684. 

die Reformation, the pulpits and ecclesiastical judica- 
tories Had both been esteemed sacred. In the former, 
the clergy had been accustomed to censure and admo- 
nish with unbounded liberty. In the latter, they exer- 
cised an uncontrolled and independent jurisdiction. 
The blow was now aimed at both these privileges. 
These new statutes were calculated to render chiuch- 
men as inconsiderable as they were indigent ; and as 
the avarice of the nobles had stripped them of the 
wealth, the king's ambition was about to deprive them 
of the power, which once belonged to their order. No 
wonder the alarm was universal, and the complaints 
loud. All the ministers of Edinburgh forsook their 
charge, and fled into England. The most eminent 
clergymen throughout the kingdom imitated their ex- 
.ample. Desolation and astonishment appeared in every 
part of the Scottish church ; the people bewailed the 
loss of pastors whom they esteemed ; and, full of con- 
sternation at an event so unexpected, openly expressed 
their rage against Arran, and began to suspect the king 
himself to be an enemy to the reformed religion.'^ 

4 SpoUw. S33. 

,y Google 



1S84. ** HiLE Scotland was torn by intestine factions, 
ten*, c^" Elizabeth was alarmed with the rumour of a 
J^^y project in agitation for setting Mary at liberty. 
««»ke»i- Francis Throkmorton, a Cheshire gentleman, 
was suspected of being deeply concerned in the design, 
and <»i ^at suspicion he was taken into custody. Among 
his papers were found two lists; one, of the principal 
harbours in the kingdom, with an account of their situ- 
ation, and of the depth of water in each ; the other, of 
all the eminent Roman Catholics in England. This 
clrcumstanoe confirmed the suspicion against him, and 
some dark and desperate conspiracy was supposed just 
ready to break out. At first he boldly avowed his in- 
nocence, and declared that the two papers were forged 
by the queen's ministers, in order to intimidate or in- 
snare him; and he even endured the rack with the 
utmost fortitude. But being brought a second time to 
the place of torture, his resolution failed him, and he 
not only acknowledged that he had held a secret cor- 
respondence with the queen of Scots, but discovered a 
design that was formed to invade England. The duke 
of Guise, he said, undertook to furnish troops, and to 
conduct the enterprise. The pope and king of Spain 
were to supply the money necessary for carrying it on ; 
all the English exiles were ready to take arms ; many 
of the Caliolics at home would be ready to join them 
at their landing ; Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador. 

92 SCOTLAND. [15B4. 

who was the life of the conspiracy, spared no pains in 
fomenting the spirit of disaffection among the English, 
or in hastening the preparations on the continent ; and 
by his command, he made the two lists, the copies 
whereof had been found in his possession. This con- 
fession he retracted at his trial ; returned to it again 
after sentence was passed on him ; and retracted it once 
more at the place of execution.* 

To us in the present ^e who are assisted in forming 
our opinion of this matter by the light which time and 
history have thrown upon the designs and characters 
of the princes of Guise, many circumstances of Throk- 
morton's confession appear to be extremely remote 
from truth, or even from probability. The duke of 
Guise was, at that juncture, far from being in a situa- 
tion to undertake foreign conquests. Without either 
power or o£Bce at court ; hated by the king, and per- 
secuted by the favourites; he had no leisure for any 
thoughts of disturbing the quiet of neighbouring states ; 
his vast and ambitious mind was wholly occupied in 
laying the foundation of that famous league which 
shook the throne of France. But at the time when 
Elizabeth detected this conspiracy, the close union 
between the house of Guise and Philip was remarkable 
to all Europe ; and as their great enterprise against 
Henry III. was not yet disclosed, as they endeavoured 
to conceal that under their threatenings to, invade 
England, Throkmorton's discovery appeared to be 
extremely probable ; and Elizabeth, who knew how 
ardently all the parties mentioned by him wished her 
downfall, thought that she could not guard her kingdom 
Deiign. ^'^ *^'^ much carc. The indiscreet zeal of the. 
ofMsry'. English exiles increased her fears. Not satis- 

■dheren(s „ r , , . . , 

B^nit tied With incessant outcries against her seventy 

' to the Scottish queen, and her cruel persecution 

of her Catholic subjects, not thinking it enough that 

• Uollingshed, 1370. 


J5840 BOOK Vn. 93 

one pope had thrcEttened her with the sentence of ex- 
communication, and another had. actually pronounced 
it, they now began to disperse books and writings, in 
which they endeavoured to persuade their disciples, 
that it would be a meritorious action to take away her 
life ; they openly exhorted the maids of honour to treat 
her as Judith did Holofemes, and, by such an illus- 
trious deed^ to render their own names honourable and 
sacred in the church throughout all future ages.'' For 
all these reasons, Elizabeth not only inflicted the punish- 
ment of a traitor on Throkmorton, but commanded the 
Spafiish ambassador instantly to leave England ; and 
that she might be in no danger of being attacked within 
the island, she determined to use her utmost efibrts, in 
order to recover that influence over the Scottish coun- 
cils, which she had for some time entirely lost. 
sh« endea- Thcrc wcrc three difierent methods by which 
le-eatabiiih Elizabeth might hope to accomplish this ; either 
^"^''' by furnishing such effectual aid to the banished 
s<=°''^? nobles, as would enable them to resume the 

by gaining i p \ ^ n> 

Arna. chief direction of aflairs ; or by entering into 
such A. treaty with Mary, as might intimidate her son, 
who, being now accustomed to govern, would not be 
averse from agreeing to any terms rather than resign 
the sceptJe, or admit an associate in the throne ; or 
by gaining the earl of Arran, to secure the ' direction 
of the king his roaster. The last was not only the 
easiest and speediest, but most likely to be successful. 
This Elizabeth resolved to pursue ; but without laying 
the other two altogether aside. With this view she 
sent Davison, one of her principal secretaries, a man 
of abilities and address, into Scotland. A minister so 
venal as Arran, hated by his own countrymen, and 
holding his power by the most precarious of all tenures, 
the favour of a young prince, accepted Elizabeth's 
ofiers without hesitation, and deemed the acquisition of 

!• Ctrnd. 497, 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

04 SCOTLAND. [1584- 

her protection to be the most solid foundation of his 
own greatness. Soon after he consented to an 
interview with lord Uunsdon, the governor of 
Berwick, and being honoured with the pompous title 
of lieutenant-general for the king, he appeared at the 
place appointed with a splendid train. In Hunsdon's 
presence he renewed his promises of an inviolable and 
feithfiil attachment to the English interest, and assured 
him that James should enter into no negotiation which 
might tend to interrupt the peace between the two 
kingdoms; and as Elizabeth began to entertain the 
aame fears and je^ousies concerning the king's mo- 
rtage, which had formerly disquieted her with regard 
to his mother's, he undertook to prevent James from 
listening to any overture of that kind, until he had 
previously obtained the queen of England's consent.' 
Severe "^^ bamshcd lords and their adherents soon 

proceed- fglt the cffccts of Arran's friendship with Eng- 
tbe buiiib- land. As Elizabeth had permitted them to take 
' refuge in her dominions, and several of her 
ministers were of opinion that she ought to employ her 
arms in the defence of their cause, the fear of this was 
the only thing which restrained James and his favourite 
from proceeding to such extremities against them, a& 
might have excited the pily or indignation of the Eng- 
lish, and have prompted them to exert themselves with 
vigour in their behalf. But every apprehension 
of this kind being now removed, they ventured 
to call a parliament, in which an act was passed, at- 
tainting Angus, Mar, Glamis, and a great number of 
their followers. Their estates devolved to the crown, 
and according to the practice of the Scottish monarchs, 
who were obliged to reward the faction which adhered 
to them, by dividing with it the spoils of the vanquished, 
James dectlt out the greater part of these to Arran and 
his associates.** 

< Csld. UL 491. Melr. 315. See Append. No. XLIII. ' Cdd. iE StT. 

IT'. i-uCooglc 

Ifi84.] BOOK ril. 9fi 

Agtiiuttba Nor was the freataieat of the clergy less 
'^'SJ- rigorous. Ail ministers, readers, and professors 
in colleges, were enjoined to subscribe, within forty- 
days, a paper testifying their approbation of the laws 
concerning the church enacted in last parliament. 
Many, overawed or corrupted by the court, jrielded 
obedience ; others stood out. The stipends of the latter 
were sequestered, some of the more active committed 
to prison, and numbers compelled to fly the kingdom. 
Such as complied, fell under the suspicion of acting 
from mercenary or ambitious motives. Such as ad- 
hered to their principles, and suffered- ia consequence 
of it, acquired a high reputation, by giving this con- 
vincing evidence of their firmness and sincerity. The 
judicatories of the church were almost entirely sup- 
pressed. In some places scarce as many ministers 
remained, as to perform the duties of religious worship; 
they soon sunk in reputation among the people, and 
being prohibited not only (torn discoursing of public 
afiairs, i)ut obliged, by the jealousy of the adminis- 
tration, to frame every sentiment and expression in such 
a manner as to give the court no offence, their sermons 
were deemed languid, insipid, and contemptible ; and 
it became the general opinion, that, together with the 
most virtuous of the nobles and the most faithful of the 
<Aetgy, the power and vigour of religion were now 
banished out of the kingdom.' 

Meanwhile, Elizabeth was carrying on one of those 
fruitless negotiations with the queen of Scots, which it 
had become almost matter of form to renew every year. 
They served not only to amuse that unhappy princess 
with some prospect of liberty ; but furnished an apo- 
logy for eluding the solicitations of foreign powers 
on her behalf; and were of use to overawe James, 
hy shewing him that she could at any time set free 
a dangerous rival to dispute his authority. These 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

96 SCOTLAND. [1584. 

treaties she suffered to proceed to what length she 
pleased, and never wanted a pretence for breaking 
them off, when they became no longer necessary. The 
treaty now on foot was not, perhaps, more sincere 
than many which preceded it ; the reasons, however, 
which rendered it ineffectual were far from being 
frivolous, . 

New ci»- As Crichton, a Jesuit, was sailing from Flan- 
■SSS ^^^ towards Scodand, the ship on board of 
Kiwbeih. which he was a passenger happened to . be 
chased by pirates, who, in that age, often infested the 
narrow seas. Crichton, in great confusion, tore in 
pieces some papers in his custody, and threw them 
away; but, by a very extraordinary accident, the wind 
blew them back into the ship, and they were immedi- 
ately taken up by some of the passengers, who carried 
them to Wade, the clerk of the privy-council. He, wiUi 
great industry and patience, joined them together, and 
they were found to contain the account of a plot, said 
to have been formed by the king of Spain and the duke 
of Guise, for invading England. The people were not 
yet recovered from the fear and anxiety occasioned by 
the conspiracy in which Throkmorton had been engaged, 
■and as his discoveries appeared now to be confirmed 
by additional evidence, not only all their former appre- 
hensions recurred, but the consternation became general 
and excessive. As all the dangers with which ^gland 
had been threatened for some years, flowed either im- 
mediately from Mary herself, or from such as made use 
.of her name to justify their insurrections and con- 
spiracies, this gradually diminished the compassion due 
to her situation, and the English, instead of pitying, 
began to fear and to hate her. Elizabeth^ under whose 
wise and pacific reign the English enjoyed tranquillity, 
and had opened sources of wealth unknown to their 
ancestors, was extremely beloved by all her people j and 
regard to her safety, not less than to their own interest 

1584.] BOOK VII. fyj 

animated them against die Scottish queen. In 
' order to discourage' her adherents, it was 
opptHiODQ thought necessary to convince them,' by some 
•»M«^i public deed, of the attachment of the English 
to dieir own sovereign, and that any attempt against 
Oei. 19 ^^^ ^^^ would prove fatal to her rival. With this 
view an association was framed, the subscribers 
of which bound themselves by the most solemn oaths, 
" to defead the queen ^jainst all her enemies, foreign" 
and domestic ; and if violence should be offered to her 
life, in order to favour the title of any pretender to the 
cro'wn, they not only engaged never to allow or ac- 
knowledge the person or persons by whom, or for 
whom, such a detestable act should be committed, but 
vowed, in the presence of the eternal God, to prosecute 
such person or persons to the death, and to pursue them, 
with their utmost vengeance, to their utter overthrow 
and extirpation."^ Persons of all ranks subscribed this 
combination with the greatest eagerness and unanimity.^ 
ohicb Mary considered this association, not only 

grutij as an avowed design to exclude her from all 
right of succession, but as the certain and im- 
mediate forerunner of her destruction. In order to avert 
this, she made such feeble efforts as were still in her 
power, and sent Nau^, her secretary, to court, with offers 
of more entire resignation to the will of Elizabeth, in 
every point, which had been the occasion of their long 
enmity, than all her sufferings hitherto had been able 
to extort.'' But whether Mary adhered inflexibly to her 
privileges as an independent sovereign, or, yielding to 
the necessity of her situation, endeavoured, by conces- 
sions, to soothe her Ti\'al, she was equally unsuccessful. 
Her firmness was imputed to obstinacy, or to the secret 
hope of foreign assistance ; her concessions w;ere either 
believed to be insincere, or to flow from the fear of some 
imminent danger. Her present willingness, however, 

'SuteTri^, lift. ( Cund. 499. <> Id. ib. . 

VOL.11. H 


98 SCOTLAND. [1584. 

to comply with any terms was so great, that Walsing- 
ham warmly urged his mistress to come to a final agree- 
ment with her.' But Elizabeth was persuaded, that it 
was the spirit raised by the association which had ren- 
dered her so passive and compliant, ^e always ima- 
gined that there Was something mysterious and deceit- 
ful in all Mary's actions, and suspected her of carrying 
on a dangerous correspondence with the English Catho^ 
lies, both within and without the kingdom. Nor were 
her suspicions altogether void of foundation, Mary had, 
about this time, written a letter to Sir Francis Inglefield, 
urging him to hasten the execution of what she calls the 
Grecit Plot or Designment, without hesitating on ac- 
count of any danger in which it might involve her life, 
which she would most willingly part with, if by that 
sacrifice she could procure relief for so great a number 
g^^ .^ of the oppressed children of the church.'' In- 
tMRted stead, therefore, of hearkening to die overtures 
^•t« which the Scottish queen made, or granting any 
^^^" mitigation of the hardships of which she com- 
plained, Elizabeth resolved to take her out of the hands 
of the earl of Shrewsbury, and to appoint Sir Amias 
Paulet and Sir Drue Drury to be her keepers. Shrews- 
bury had discha^d his trust with great fidelity, during 
fifteen years, but, at the same time, had treated Mary 
with gentleness and respect, and had always sweetened 
harsh commands by the humanity with which he put 
them in execution. The same politeness was not to be 
expected from men of an inferior rank, whose severe 
tigUance perhaps was their chief recommendation to 
that employment, and the only merit by which they 
could pretend to gain favour or preferment.' 
Graj, a As James was no less eager than ever to de- 
""riw'of P"^^ *^*= banished nobles of Elizabeth's protec- 
Oe king's, tion, hc appointed the master of Gray his am- 
bassador to the court of England, and intrusted him 

' See App. No. XUV. * Sirjrpe, iir. 84fi. ' CMd. 500. 


1584.] BOOK Vn. &9 

widi die condact of a negotiation for that purpose. For 
&is honour he was indebted to the envy and jealousy 
of the earl of Arran. Gray possessed all the talents of 
a courtier ; a graceful person, an insinuating address, 
boundless ambition, and a restless and intriguing spirit 
During his residence in France, he had been admitted 
into die most intimate familiarity with the duke of Guise, 
' and, in order to gain his favour, had renounced the Pro- 
testant religion, and professed the utmost zeal for the 
caplare queen, who carried on a secret correspondence 
with him» from which she expected great advantages. 
On his return into Scodand, he paid court to James 
with extraordinary assiduity, and his accomplishments 
did not fail to make their usual impression on the king's 
heart. Arran, who had introduced him, began quickly 
to dread his growing favour ; and flattering himself, 
that absence would efktx any sentiments of tenderness, 
which were forming in the mind of a young prince, 
pointed him out by his malicious praises, as dte most 
proper person in die kingdom for an embassy of such 
importance ; and contributed to raise him to that high 
digni^, in order to hasten his fall. Elizabeth, who had 
an admir^a dexterity in discovering the proper in- 
struments for carrying on her designs, endeavoured, by 
caresses and by {Hresents, to secure Gray to her interest. 
The former flattered his vanity, which was great ; the 
latter st^plied his proftiseness, which was still greater. 
He abandoned himself without reserve to Elitabeth's 
directioQ, and not only undertook to retain the king 
under the influence of England, but acted as a spy upon 
die ScottUh queen, and betrayed to her rival every 
secret that he could draw from her by his high preten- 
sions of leal in her service ° 

HU kierwi Gray 's credit widi the Ekiglish court was ex- 
J^*f tremely galling to the banished nobles. Eliza- 
^■^^ beth no longer thought of employing her power 

'Sbjft,m-30a. H«lr.SI6. 
H 2 


1,00 SCOTLAND. [16S4. 

to restore them; she found it easier to govern Scotland 
by corrupting the king's favourites ; and, in compliance 
with Gray's solicitations, she commanded the 
exiles to leave the north of England, and to re- 
move into the heart of the kingdom. This rendered it 
difScult for them to hold any correspondence with their 
partisans in Scotland,, and almost impossible to return 
thither without her permission. Gray, by gaining a 
point which James had so much at- heart, riveted him- 
self, more firmly than ever, in his favour ; and, by ac- 
quiring greater reputation, became capable of serving 
Elizabeth with greater success." 

i5Qif, Arran.had now possessed for some time all 
■*™"'». the power, the riches, and the honours, that his 
Mi inn- immoderate ambition could desire, or the fond- 
ness of a prince, who set no limits to his liberality 
towards his favourites, could bestow. The office of lord- 
chancellor, the highest and most important in the king- 
dom, was conferred upon him, even during the life of the 
earl of Aigyle, who succeeded Athol in that dignity ;* 
and the public beheld, with astonishment and indigna- 
tion, a man educated as a soldier of fortune, ignorant of 
law, and a contemner of justice, appointed to preside in 
parlisiment, in the privy-council, in the court of session,- 
and intrusted with the supreme disposal of the property 
of his feJlow-subjects. He was, at the same time, go- 
vernor of the castles of Stirling and Edinburgh, the two 
principal forts in Scotland ; provost of the city of Edin- 
burgh ; and as if by all these accumulated dignities his 
merits were not sufficiently recompensed, he had been 
created lieutenant-general over the whole kingdom. No 
person was admitted into the king's presence without 
his permission ; no favour could be obtained but by his 
mediation. James, occupied with youthiiil amusements, 
devolved upon him the whole regal authority. Such 
unnJerited elevation increased his natural arrogance, 

■ CM. ili. 643. " Crawf. Offic. of Sute, App. VO". 


1585.] BOOK Vir. 101 

and rendered it intolerable. He was no longer content 
with the coDdition of a subject, but pretended to derive 
his pedigree from Murdo duke of Albany ; and boasted 
openly, that his title to the crown was preferable to that 
of the king himself. But, together with these thoughts 
of royalty, he retained the meanness suitable to his pri- 
mitive indigence. His venality as a judge was scan- 
dalous, and was exceeded only by that of his wife, who, 
in defiance of decency, made herself a party in almost 
every suit which came to be decided, employed her in- 
fluence to corrupt or overawe the judges, and almost 
openly dictated their decisions.^ His rapaciousness as 
a minister was insatiable. Not satisfied with the re- 
venues of so many offices ; with the estate and honours 
which belonged to the family of Hamilton ; or with the . 
greater part of Gowrie's lands, which had fallen to his 
share ; he grasped at the possessions of several of the 
hobles. He required lord Maxwell to exchange part of 
his estate for the forfeited lands of Kinneil ; and be- 
cause he was unwilling to quit an ancient inheritance 
for a possession so precarious, he stirred up gainst him 
his hereditaryrival, the laird of Johnston, and involved 
that comer of the kingdom in a civil war. He com- 
mitted to prison the earl of Athol, lord Home, and the 
master of Cassils ; the first, because he would not di- 
vorce his wife, the daughter of the earl of Gowrie, and 
entail his estate on him ; the second, because he Was 
\mwilUng to part with some lands adjacent to one of 
Arran's estates ; and the third, for refusing to lend him 
money. His spies and informers filled the whole coun- 
try^ and intruded themselves into every company. The 
nearest neighboiirs distrusted and feared each othet. 
All familiar society was at aa end. Even the common 
intercourses of humanity were interrupted, no nlan know- 
ing in whom to confide or where to utter his complaints. 
There is not perhaps in history an example of a ini- 

V Cdd. ill. 331. Scotitenet'i Staggering State, 7. 


lOa SCOTLAND. [158$. 

nister so universally detaatable to a nation^ or who more 
ju£tly deseived its detestation.*! 

Arraji, notwithstanding, regardless of the sentiments 
and despising the murmurs of the p^ple, gave a loose 
to his natural temper, and proceeded to acts still more 
violent. David Home of Argaty, and Patrick bis bro- 
ther, having received letters from one of the banished 
lords about private business, were condemned and put 
to death, for holding correspondence with rebels. Cun- 
nlnghame of Drumwhasel, and Douglas of Mains, two 
gentlemen of honour and reputation, were accused of 
having conspired with the exiled nobles to seize the 
king's person; a single witness only appeared; the 
evidence they produced of their innocence was unan- 
swerable; their accuser himself not long after acknow* 
ledged that he had been suborned by Arran ; and all 
men believed the charge against them to be groundless; 
they were found guilty, notwithstanding, and 
suffered the death of traitors/ 
Vmy'i About the same time that these genUemen 
^b!I["'were punished for a pretended conspiracy, 
i:tiubeth. Elizabeth's life was endangered by a real one. 
Parry, a doctor of laws, and a member of the house of 
commons, a man vain and fantastic, but of a resolute 
spirit, had lately been reconciled to the church of Rome; 
and fraught with the zeal of a new convert, he offered 
to demonstrate the sinc^ty o£ his attachment to the 
religion which he had embraced, by killing Elizabeth: 
Cardinal Allen had published a book, to prove the nmr^ 
der of an excommunicated prince to be not only lawful, 
but a meritorious action. The pope's nuncio at Venice, 
iSm Jesuits both there and at Paris, the ^i^ish exiles, 
all approved of the design. The pope himself exhorted 
him to persevere ; and granted him for his encour^e- 
ment a plenary indulgence, and remission of his sins. 
Cardinal di Como wrote to him a letter to the same 

1 Spoww. 357, 338. 'IbW. SSB. Caid. iii. 79*. 


1585.] BOOK Vlf. 103 

purpose; but though he often got access to the queen, 
fear, or som'e remBiDiDg sense of duty, restrained him 
from perpetrating the enme. Happily his inteittioa 
was at last discovered by Nevil, the only person in l^ag- 
land to whom he had communicated it ; and 
having himself Tt^untarily confessed his guilt, 
he suffered the punishment which it deserved.' 
A KTtn These repeated conspiracies i^inst their so- 
th*kb°' vereign awakened the indignation of the Eng- 
FatoTw ^*^^ parliament, and produced a very extraor- 
Uvy. dinary statute, which, in the end, proved fatal 
to the queen of Scots. By this law the association in 
defence of Elizabeth's life was ratified, and it was far* 
ther enacted, " That if any rebellion shall be excited 
in the kingdom, or any thing attempted to the hurt of 
her majesty's person, by or for any person pretending 
a title to the crown, the queen shall empower twenty- 
four persons, by a commission under the great seal, to 
examine into, and pass sentence upon such offences ; 
and after judgment given, a proclamation shall be issued, 
declaring the persons whom they find guilty excluded 
from any right to the crown ; and her majesty's subr 
jects may lawfully pursue every one of them to the 
death, with all their aiders and abettors;, and if any 
design against the life of the queen take effect, the per- 
sons bif or for whom such a detestable act is executed, 
and their issues, being in any wise assenting or privy 
to the same, shall be disabled for. evw from pretending 
to the crown, and be pursued to death in the like man- 
ner.'" This act was plainly leirelled at the queen of 
Scots ; and, whether we consider it as a vcduntary ex 
pression of the zeal and concern of the nation for Eli 
zabeth's stie^, or whether we impute it to the influence 
which diat' artful princess preserved over her parlia*- 
ments, it is no easy matter to reconcile it with the 
general principles of justice or humanity. . Mary wa^ 

• SUIe Trials, i. 103. > VavA. %. 123. 


104 , SCOTLAND. [1586, 

thereby rendered accountable not only for her own 
actions, but for those of others ; in consequence of 
which she might forfeit her right of succession, and 
even her life itself. 

The lieoot Mary justly considered this act as a warning 
^^'' to prepare for the worst extremities. Eliza- 
trrated in- bcth's ministers, it is probable, had resolved by 
this time to take away her life ; and suffered 
books to be published, in order to persuade the nation 
that this cruel and unprecedented measure was not 
only necessary but just." Even that short period of her 
days which remEiinedj they rendered uncomfortable, by 
every hardship and indignity which it was in their 
power to inflict Almost all her servants were dis- 
missed, "she was treated no longer with the respect'due 
to a queen ; and, though the rigour of seventeen years' 
imprisonment had broken her constitution, she was 
Confined to two ruinous chambers, scarcely habitable, 
even in the middle of summer, by reason of cold. Notr 
withstanding the scantiness of her revenue, she had 
been accustomed to distribute regularly some alms 
among the poor in the village adjoining to the castle. 
Paulet now refused her liber^ to perfonn tim pious 
and humane office, which had EJTorded her great consor 
lation amidst her own sufferings. The castle in which 
she resided was converted into a common prison ; and 
a young man, suspected of Popery, was confined there, 
and treated under her eye withsuch rigour, that he died 
of the ill usage. She often complained to Elizabeth of 
these multiplied injuries, and expostulated as became 
a woman and a. queen ; but as no political reason now 
obliged that princess to amuse her any longer with 
fallacious hopes, far from granting her any redress, she 
did not even deigpn to give her any answer. The king 
of France, closely allied to Elizabeth, on whom he de- 
pended for assistance against his rebellious subjects, 

■ Stripe, iii. 199. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

.1585.] BOOK Vn. 105 

was afraid of espousing Mary's cause with any warmth ; 
and all his solicitations in her behalf were feeble, foF- 
mal, and inefficacious. But Castelnau, the French ain-<. 
bassador, whose compassion and zeal for the.imhappy 
queen supplied the defects in his instnictionB, remon-^ 
strated with such vigour against the indignities to which 
she was exposed, that by his importunity, he prevailed 
at length to have her removed to Tuthbury ; though 
she was confined the greater part of another winter in 
her present wretched habitation." 
A bieich Neither the insults of her enemies, aor the 
ulT/^ neglect of her friends, made such an impression 
her sop. qu Mary as the ingratitude of her son. James 
had hitherto treated his mother with filial respect, and 
had even entered into negotiations with her, which 
gave umbrf^ to Elizabeth. But as it wa.s not the inte- 
rest of the English queen that his'good correspondency 
should continue. Gray, who, on his return to Scotland, 
found his favour with the king greatly increased by the 
success of his embassy, persuaded him to write a harsh 
and undutifiil letter to his mother, in which he ex- 
pressly refused to acknowledge her to be queen of Scot.!- 
knd, or to consider his affairs as connected, in any 
wise, with hers. This cruel requital of her maternal 
tenderness overwhelmed Mary with sorrow and de- 
spair. " Was it for this," said she, in a letter 
to the French ambassador, " that I have en- 
dured 80 much, in order to preserve for him the inhe- 
ritance to which I have a just right ? I am far from 
envying his authority in Scotland. I desire no power 
there ; nor wish to set my foot in that kingdom, if it 
were not for the pleasure of once embracing a son, 
whom I have hithertp loved with too tender affection. 
Whatever he either enjoys or expects, he derived it 
from me. From him I never received assistance, sup- 
ply, or benefit of any kind. Let not my allies treat hini 

" Jebb, ToL ii. 5T6— 598. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

100 SCOTLAND. [1585. 

any longer as a king : he holds that digni^ by my 
consent ; and if a speedy repentance do not appease 
my just resentment, I will load him with a parent's 
curse, and surrender my crown, with all my preten- 
sions, to one who will receive them with gratitude, and 
defend them with vigour."' The love which James 
bore to his mother, whom he had never known, and 
whom he had been early taught to consider as one (^ 
the most abandoned persons of her sex, cannot be sup- 
posed ever to have been ardent ; and he did not now take . 
any pains to regain her favour. But whether her in- 
dignation at his undutiful behaviour, added to her 
bigotted attachment to Popery, prompted Mary at any 
time to think seriously of disinheriting, her son; or 
whether these threatenings were uttered in a sudden 
sally of disappointed affection, it is now no easy mat- 
ter to determine. Some papers which are still extant 
seem to render the former not improbable.* 
Dangeniai Carcs of anothet kind, and no less disquiet- 
"fEJ^ ing, occupied Elizabeth's thoughts. The calm 
^"^i which she had long enjoyed, seemed now to 
be at an end ; and such storms were gathering in every 
quarter, as filled her wi& just alarm. All the neigh- 
bouring nations had undei^ne revolutions extremely 
to her disadvantage. The great qualities which Henry 
III. had displayed in his youth, and which raised the 
expectations of his subjects so high, vanished on his 
ascending the throne ; and his acquiring supreme 
power seems not only to have corrupted his heart, but 
to have impaired his understanding. He soon lost the 
esteem and affection of the nation ; and a life ^ivided 
between the austerities of a superstitious devotion, and 
the extravagancies of the most dissolute debauchery, 
rendered him as contemptible as he wag odious on ac- 
count of his rapaciousness, his profusion, and the fond- 
ness with which he doated on many unworthy mmions. 

>Manlin,56e. Jebb, ii. 5T1. See App. No. XLV. - ' See App. No. XLVI. 


1585.) BOOK VH. 107 

On the death of his only brother, those sentiments of 
the people burst out with violence. Heiuy had no 
chUdreu, and though but thirty-two years of age, the 
Buoceasion of the crown was already considered as open. 
The king of NavaTFe, a distant descendant of the royal 
femjly, but the undoubted heir to the crown, was a 
Fnatbe ceilous Protestaot. The prospect of an event 
^"^ so &tal to their religion, as his ascending the 
i«*i>o; throne of France, alarmed all the Catholics of 
Europe; and induced the duke of Guise, countenanced 
by the pope, and aided by the king of Spain, to appear 
as the defender of ike Romish faith, and the asserter 
of the cardinal of Bourbon's right to the crown. In 
order to unite the party, a bond of confederacy was 
formed, distinguished by the name of the Hob/ League, 
All ranks of men joined in it with emulation. The 
spirit spread with the irresistible rapidity which was 
natural to religious passions in that age. The destruc- 
tion of the Reformation, not only in France, but all over 
Europe, seemed to be the object and wish of the whole 
party ; and the duke of Guise, the head of this mighty 
and zealous body, acquired authority in the kingdom, 
far superior to that which the king himself possessed. 
Philip IL, by the conquest of Portugal, had 
gower of greatly increased the naval power of Spain, and 
'' ' had at last reduced under his dominion all that 
portion of the continent which lies beyond the Pyre- 
nean mountains, and which nature seems to have des- 
tined to form one great monarchy. William prince of 
Orange, who first encouraged the inhabitants of the 
Netherlands to assert their liberties, and whose wisdom 
and valour formed and protected the rising common- 
wealth, had fallen by the hands of an assassin. The 
superior genius of the prince of Parma had given an 
entire turn to the fate of war in the Low Countries ; all 
his enterprises, concerted with consummate skill, and 
executed with equal bravery, had been attended with 
success ; and the Dutch, reduced to the last extremity, 

108 SCOTLAND. [1585. 

-were on the point of falling under the dominion of their 
ancient master. 

Her Kiu None of those circumstances, to which Eli- 
om ^'" zabeth had hitherto owed her security, existed 
duel. any longer. She could derive no advantage 
from the jealousy which had subsisted between France 
and Spain ; Philip, by means of his confederacy with 
■ the duke of Guise, had an equal sway in the councils 
of both kingdoms. The Hugonots were unable to con- 
tend with the power of the league ; and little could be 
expected from any diversion which they might create. 
Nor was it probable that the Netherlands could long 
employ the arms, or divide the strength of Spain. In 
this situation of the affairs of Europe, it became neces- 
sary for Elizabeth to form a new plan of conduct ; and 
her wisdom in forming it was not greater than the vi- 
gour with which she carried it on. The measures most 
suitable to . her natural temper, and which she had 
hitherto pursued, were cautious and safe ; those which 
she now adopted were enterprising and hazardous. 
She preferred peace, but was not afraid of war ; and 
was capable, when compelled by necessity, not only 
of defending herself with spirit, but of attacking her 
enemies with a boldness which averted danger from her 
own dominions. She immediately furnished the Hu- 
gonots with a considerable supply in money. She car- 
ried on a private negotiation with Henry HI., who, 
though compelled to join the le^;ue, hated the leaders 
of it, and wished for their destruction. She openly 
undertook the protection of the Dutch commonwealth, 
and sent a powerful army to its assistance. She en- 
deavoured to form a general confederacy of the Protes- . 
j(^,^^j tant princes, in Opposition to the Popish league. 
to punish She determined to proceed with the utmost ri- 
lo gwi"" gour ^fainst the queen of Scots, whose suffer- 
the king. ^^^ ^^^ rights afforded her enemies a specious 
pretence for invading her dominions. She resolved to 
redouble her endeavours, in order to effect a closer 

1585.] BOOK^Ii; 109 

union with Scotland,, and to extend and perpetuate^ her' 
influence over the counsels of that nation. 

She' found it no difficult matter to induce most of the' 
Scottish courtiers to promote all her designs. Gray, 
Sir. John JVfaitland, who had been advanced to the office 
of secretary, which his brother formerly held. Sir Lewis" 
Belleuden the justice clerk, who had succeeded Gray 
as the king's resident at London, were the persons in 
whom she chiefly confided. In order to direct 
and quicken their motions, she di^atched Sir 
Edward Wotton along with Bellenden into Scodand. 
This man was gay, well-bred, and entertaining; he 
excelled in all. the exercises for which James had a 
passion, and amtised the young king by relating the 
adventures which he had met with, and the observa- 
tions he had made, during a long residence in foreign 
coimtries ; but, under the veil of these superficial qua- 
lities, he concealed a dangerous and intriguing spirit. 
He soon grew into high favour with James,. and while 
he was seemingly attentive only to pleasure and diver- 
sions, he acquired influence over the public counsels, 
to a degp-ee which was indecent for a stranger to 

PropoMi Nothing, however, could be more acceptable 
ii*^^ to the nation, than the proposal which he made 
luid. of a strict alliance between the two kingdoms, 
in defence of the reformed religion. The rapid and 
alarming progress of the Popish league seemed to call 
on all Protestant princes to unite for the preservation of : 
their common faith. James embraced the overture wltli 
warmth, and a convention of estates empowered 
him to conclude such a treaty, and engaged to 
ratify it in parliament.'' The alacrity with which James 
concurred in this measure must not be wholly ascribed 
either to his own zeal, or to Wotton's address ; it waS' 
owing in part to Elizabeth's liberality. As a mark of 

• MelT. sir. " Spotsw. 339. 


110 SCOTLAND. [1686. 

her motherly a%ctid» for the yoang kin^, she settled 
on him an annual pension of five thousand pounds ; 
the Same «um which her father had allotted her before 
she dJceoded the throne. This oircumstance, which 
she took care to mention, rendered a sum, wluch in that 
ag;e Was fer from being inconsiderable, a very accept^ 
able pnesent to the king, whose revenues, during a long 
minority, had been almost totally dissipated." 
iJBdef- But the chief object of Wotton's intrigues was 
2^., to ruin Arran. While a minion so odious to the 
p"*"*- nation continued to govern the king, his assist- 
ance could be of little advanb^ to Eluabeth. And 
though Arran, ever since his interview with Httnkton, 
had afipeared extremely for her interest, she could place 
no great confidence in a man whose conduct was so 
o^riciouB and irr^;ulaT, and who, notwithstanding his 
^ote^ations to the contrary, still continued a secret 
correspondence both with Mary and with the duke of 
Guise. The banished lords were attached to England 
from affection as well as principle, and were the only 
persons among tiie Scots whom, in any dangerous exi- 
gency, she could thorougUy trust. Before Bellenden 
left London, they had been summoned thither, under 
colour of vindicating themselves from his accusations, 
but, in reality, to Concert trith him the most proper 
measures for restoring them to their country. Wotton 
piiTsued this i^an, and endeavoured to ripen it for exe- 
cution ; and it was greatly focilitated by an event nei- 
ther uncommon nor coiuiderable. Sir John Forster^ 
tmd Ker of Femiherst, the English and Scottish war- 
dens of the middle marches, having met, according to 
the custom of &e borders, about midsummer, a fray 
arose, and lord Rnssel, the earl of Bedford's eldest son, 
happened to be killed. This scuffie was purely acci- 
dental, but Elizabeth chose to consider it as a design 
fonned by Ker, at the instigatioa of Arran, to involve 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

1685.] BOOK Vri. Ill 

the two kingdoms in war. She insisted that both ahoold 
be delivered up to her; and, thoagh James eluded that 
demand, he was obliged to confine Arran in St An- 
drew's, and Ker in Aberdeen. During his absence 
from court, Wotton and bis associates carried on their 

. intrigues withoQt interruption. By their advice, 
bniubed the banished nobles endeavoured to accommo- 
*""*** date their differences with lord John and lord 
Claud, the duke of Chatelherault's two sons, whom 
Morton's violence had driven out of Ae king- 
dom. Their common sufferings, and common 
interest, induced both parties to bury in oblivion the 
ancient discord which had subsisted between the houses 
of Hamilton and Douglas. By Elizabeth's permission, 
they returned in a body to the borders of Scotland. 
Arran, who had again recovered favour, insisted on 
putting the kingdom in a posture of defence ; but Gray, 
Bellenden, and Maitland, secretly ^warted all his 
measures. Some necessary orders they prevented irom 
being issued ; others they rendered ineffectual by &e 
manner of execution; and all of them were obeyed 
slowly, and wiA reluctance.'' 

"Wotton's fertile brain was, at the same time, big with 
another and more dangerous plot He had contrived 
to seize the king, and to carry him by force into Eng- 
land. But the design was hapjuly discovered ; and, 
in order to avoid the punishment which his treachery 
merited, he departed without taking leave.* 
TVjre- Meanwhile the bamshed lords hastened tiie 
s<?tt!^<i, execution oftheirenterprise;and,astheirfrienda 
^^riiHi'M ^^^ vassals were now ready to join them, they 
the king, entered Scotland. Wherever ihey came, they 
were welcomed as the deliverers of their country, and 
the most fervent prayers were addressed to Heaven 
for the success of their arms. They advtmced, without 
losing a moment, towards Stirling, at the head <^ ten 


il2 SCOTLAND. [1585. 

thousand men. Tlie king, though he bad assembled 
tm' army superior in number, could not venture to 
meet them in the field, with troops whose loyalty was 
extremely dubious, and who at best were far from being 
hearty in the cause ; nor was either the town or castle 
provided for a siege. The gates, however, of both were 
shut, and the nobles encamped at St. Ninian's. 
That same night they surprised the town, or, 
more probably, it was betrayed into their hands ; .and 
Arran, who had undertaken to defend it, was obliged 
to save himself by a precipitate flight. Next morning 
they invested the castle, in which there were not pro- 
visions for twenty-four hours.; and James was necessi- 
tated immediately to hearken to terms of accommoda- 
tion. They were not so elated with success as to urge 
extravagant demands, nor was the king unwilling to 
make every reasonable concession. They obtiuned a 
pardon in the most ample form, of all the offences which 
they had committed ; the principal forts in the kingdom 
were, by way of security, put into their hands ; Craw- 
ford, Montrose, and colonel Stewart, were removed from 
the king's presence ; and a parliament was called, in 
order to establish tranquilli^ in the nation.' 
j^ ^_ Though a great majority in this parliament 
DMot. cdnsisted of the confederate nobles and their 
adherents, they were far from discovering a vin- 
dictive spirit. Satisfied with procuring an act, restor- 
ing them to their ancient honours and estates, and rati- 
fying the pardon granted by the king, they seemed will- 
ing to forget all past errors in the administration, and 
spared James the mortification of seeing his ministers 
branded with any public note of in&my. Arran alone, 
deprived of all his honours, stripped of his borrowed 
spoils, and declared an enemy to his country by public 
proclamation, sunk back into obscurity, and must hence- 
forth be mentioned by his primitive title of captain 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

1585.] BOOK VII. 113 

James Stewart. As he had been, dunag his unmerited 
prosperity, the object of the hatred and indignation of 
his countrymen, they beheld his fell without pity, nor 
did all his sufferings mitigate their resentment in the 
least degree. 

Church "^6 clergy were the only body of men who 
■**'^ obtained' no. redress of their grievances by this 
revolutiop. The confederate nobles had all along af- 
fecjed to be considered as guardians of the privileges 
and discipline of the church. In- all their manifestos 
they had declared their resolution to restore these, and 
by that popular pretencehad gained many friends. . It 
was now natural to expect some fruit of these promises,- 
and some returns of gratitude towards many of the most 
eminent preachers who had suffered in their cause,* and 
who demanded the repeal of the laws passed the pre- 
ceding year. The king, however, was resolute to main- 
tain' these laws in fiill authori^ ; and as the nobles 
were extremely solicitous not to disgust him, by in- 
sisting on any disagreeable request, the claims of the 
church in this, as wdl as in many other instances, were 
sacrificed to the interest of the laity. The ministers 
gave vent to their indignation in the pulpit, and their 
impatience under the disappointment broke out in some 
expressions extreinely disrespectful even towards the 
king himself." 

The archbishop of St Andrew's, too, felt the 
effects of their anger. The provincicd synod ot 
Fife summoned him to appear, and to answer for his 
contempt of the decrees of former assemblies, in pre- 
soming to exercise the functions of a bishop. Though 
be reused to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the court, 
and appealed from it to the king, a sentence of excom- 
munication, equally indecent and irregular, was pro- 
nounced against him. Adamson, with no less iode- 

( Spcbw. 343, 


114 SCOTtAMD. [1S86. 

cency, thundered his archiepiscopal flxcommunication 
against MelTi],«nd some otlLeT of his opponents. 

Soon after, a general assembly weis held, ia 
which the king, with some difficulty, obtained 
an act, permitting the name and office of bishop still to 
continue in the church. The power of the order, how- 
ever, was considerably retrenched. The exercise of 
discipline, and the inspection of the life and doctrine 
of the clei^, were committed to presbyteries, in whjch 
uishops should be allowed no other pre-eminence but 
that of presiding as perpetual moderators. <They them- 
selves were declared to be subject, in the same manner 
as other pastors, to ilie jurisdiction of &e. general as- 
sembly. As die discussion of the archbishop's appeal 
might have kindled mnisual heats in the assembly, that 
aflair was tenninated by a compromise. He renounced 
any claim of supremacy over the church, and promised 
to demean himself suitably to the character of a bishop^ 
as described by St. Paul. The assembly, without exa*- 
mining the foundations of the sentence of excommimi>- 
CBCtion, declared that it should be held of no effect, and 
restored him to all &e privileges which he enjoyed be- 
fore' it was' pronounced. Notwithstanding die extraor- 
dinary tenderness shewn for the honour of the synod, 
and the delicacyand respectwith which its jurisdiction 
was treated, several members were so zealous as to 
protest against this; decision.*^ 

A tMjrao 

The court of Scotland was now filled with 

Uai a^ persons so warmly attached to Elizabedi, ihat 
'^"^^^ the league between the two kingdoms, which 
had' been proposed last year, met witti no interruption, 
but from D'Esneval, the French envoy. James himself 
first offered to renew the negotiations. Elizabeth did 
not suffer such a favourable opportunity to slip, and 
instantly di^atched Randolph to conclude a treaty, 

k Catd. Hi. 894. Spotn>. 346. 


ifiee.] BOOK VII. 115 

which she so much desired. The danger to 
which the Protestant religion was exposed, by 
the late combination of the Popish powers for its de- 
struction, and the necesaily c^astrict confederacy among 
those who had embraced the Reformation, in order to 
obstruct their pernicious designs, were mentioned as 
the foundation of the league. The chief articles in it 
were, that both parties should bind themselves to de- 
fenfl the eTangelical religion ; that'the lea^e should 
be offensiTe and defensive against all who sl^dl endea- 
vour to disturb the exercise cfrc^gidn- in either kii^ 
dom ; that if' one of the two [Parties be. ijivaded,' the 
other, notwithstanding any former alliance, should not, 
directly or iridirfectly, assist the invader ; that if Er^- 
IsBid be invaded in aby part remote from Scotland, 
Jsdnes should assist the- queen With Wo iJiousand horse 
and five thouSadud foot ; that if the enemy- landed or ap* 
proached within sixty miles of Scotland, the king ^ould 
take the-fiddwith'his whole forces, in the same manner 
as he would do in defence df hisown kingdom. Eli- 
z&be^ in ' retiifn, undertook to act in 'defence of Scot- 
land, if it' should be iAraded... Atthe sftme'time she 
assured the^kingtimtiiO step should h* taken,, which 
JDMght derbgate in any degree izom his .'pretensions to 
the English crown.' Elizabeth'expressed great satis- 
faction with a treaty, which rendered Scotland a useful 
ally instead of a dangeroiia neighbour, and horded 
her a degree of security on that side, which all her ah-- 
cestors had aitfted af; but irone of' them had been able 
to obtain^ Zeal for religion, together with the bless- 
ings of peace which both kingdoms had enjoyed during 
a considerable period, had so far abated the violence 
ofnational antipathy, that the king's conduct was uni- 
■ versally acceptable to his own people.*^ 
■ The-Elcqmttal'of 'Archibald Douglas, at this time, ex- 
posed James to much and deserved censure. This man 


lie SCOTLAND. [4586. 

was deeply engaged in the conspiracy f^aittst the life 
of the king hir father. Both Morton, and Binny one 
of his own servants, who suffered for that crime, had 
accused him of being present at the murder.' He had 
escaped panishment by flying into England, and James 
had often required Elizabeth to deliver up a person so 
unworthy of her protection. He now obtained a li- 
cence, from theking himself, to return into Scotland ; 
and, after undergoing a moclc trial, calculated to cpn- 
ceal, rather than to detect his guilt, he wus not only 
taken into iavour by the king, but sent back to the court 
of England, wifli tiie honourable character of his am- 
bassador. James was now of such an age, that his 
youth and inexperience cannot be pleaded in excuse 
for this indecent transaction. It must be imputed to 
the excessive facility of his temper, which often led him 
to gratify his- courtiers at the expense of his own dig- 
nity and reputation." 

Kilo of Not long after, the inconsiderate affection of 
toii'i"(i^. the English Catholics towards Mary, and their 
'^d^t implacable resentment against Elizabeth, gave 
Eiinbeth. rise to a conspiracy which proved fatal to the 
one queen, left an indelible stain on the reputation of 
die other, and presented a spectacle to Europe, of 
which there had been hitherto no example in the his- 
tory of niankind. 

Doctor Gifford, Gilbert Gifford, and Hodgson, priests . 
educated in the seminary at Rheims, had adopted an 
extravagant and enthusiastic notion, that the bull of 
Pius V. against Elizabeth was dictated immediately by 
the Holy Ghost This wild opinion they instilled into 
Savi^, an officer in the Spanish army, noted for his 
furious zeal and daring courage ; and persuaded him' 
that no service could be so acceptable to heaven, as to 
take away the life of an excommunicated heretic. Sa- 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

1586^ BOOK VH. 117 

rage, eager to obtain the cft}wn of martyrdoin, bound 
^ .i himself by a aolemn tow to iill Elizabeth. 

Ballard, a pragmatical priest of that seminary, 
had at that time come over to Paris, and solicited Men- 
doza, the Spanish ambassador there, to procure an in- 
vasion of England, while the aflairs of the league were 
so prosperous, and the kingdom left naked by sending 
so maiiy of the queen's best troops into the Netherlands. 
Paget and the English exiles demonstrated the fruit- 
lessness of such an attempt, unless Elizabeth were first 
cut off, or the invaders secured of a powerftil concur- 
rence on their landing. If it could be hoped that either 
of these events would happen, effectual aid was pro- 
mised; and in the mean time Ballard was sent back to 
renew his intrigues. 
. He ' communicated his designs to Anthony 

Babington, a young gentleman in Derbyshire, 
of a large fortune and many amiable qualities, who 
heaving contracted, during his residence in France, a 
familiarity with the archbishop of Glasgow, had been 
recommended by him to the queen of Scots. He con- 
curred with Paget, in considering the death of Eliza- 
beth as ft necessary preliminary to any invasion. Bal- 
lard gave him hopes that an end would' soon be put 
to her days, and imparted to bim Savage's vow, who 
was now in London waiting for an opportunity to strike 
the blow. But Babington tbought the attempt of too 
much importance, to rely on a single hand for the ex^ 
cution of it, and proposed that five resolute gentlemen 
should be joined with Savage in an enterprise, the suc- 
cess of which was the foundation of all their hopes. 
He offered to find out persons willing to undertake the 
service; whose honour, secrecy, and courage, they might 
safely trust. He accordingly Opened the matter to Ed- 
ward Windsor, Thomas Salisbury, Charles Tinley^ Chi- 
dioc Tichboume, Robert Gage, John Travers, Robert 
Barnwell, John Chamock, Henry Dun^ John Jooes^ 


lie BCOttAND. [1M«. 

and Robert PoHy ; all of them, excsept Polly, whose 
bilstling forward zeal introdtieeiJ Him .into thrir society, 
gentlemen of good families, united togfetl»*T in the bonds 
of private fnendahip, strengthened by the more power- 
ful tie of religious zeal. Many constiltations were hel« ; 
their plan of operations' was at last settled ; afld their 

■ June. diffa-ent parts assigned. Babington hinJself 
Jtih^on-' was appointed to^ rescue the queen of Scots ; 
^jiMSn. Salisbury, with some others, undertook to^x- 
cite several counties to take arms ; the murder of the 
queen, the most dangerous and important service of 
Bi\, fell to Tichboume and Savage, with four associates. 
So totally had their bigotted prejudices extinguished 
the principies of honour, and the sentiments of huma- 
nity suitable to their rank, that, without scruple or com- 
punction, they undertook an action which is viewed 
.with horror, even when Committed by the meanest and 
most profligate of mankind. This attempt, On the con- 
trary, speared to them no less honourable than it was 
desperate ; and, in order to perpetuate the memory of 
it, they had a picture drawn, containing the portraits 
of the six assassins, with that ci Babington in the 
middle, and a motto" iotimating that they were jointly 
embarked ih some hazardous design. 

Ditcoter- '^^ coHspirators, as appears by this wanton 
ed by Wat- and imprudent instance of vanity, seem to have 

■ thought adiscovery hardly possible, and neither 
distrusted the fidelity of their companions, nor' doubts 
thfe success of their undertaking. But while diey be- 
lieved ihat their machinations were carried on witfi the 
most profound and impenietraWe secrecy, every Step - 
they took wais folly known to WiJsingham. Polly was 
one of his spies, and had entered ittto the conspiracy, 
with no other design than to betray his cissociates. 
Gilbert Gifford too, having been sent over to England 
to quicket) the motions of the conspirators, had been 
gained by Walaingham, and gave him sure intelligence 

Co Ogle 

1586.] BOOK VII. IIP 

of all their projects. That vigUant minister imme- 
diately imparted the discoveries wbich he had made 
to Elizabeth ; and, without communicating the matter 
to any other of the counsellora, they agreed, in order 
to understand the plot more perfectly, to wait until it 
was ripened into some form, .and brought near the 
point of execution. 

The; wo At last, Elizabeth thought it dangerous and 
pn^sti'd. criminal to expose her own life, and to tempt 
August*. Providence any farther. Ballard, the prime 
mover in the whole ^conspiracy, was arrested. His as- 
sociates, disconcerted and struck with astonishment, 
endeavoured to save themselves by flight. But within 
a few days, all of them, except Windsor, were seirad 
in different places of the kingdom, and committed to 
the Tower. Though they had undertaken the part, they 
wanted the firm and determined spirit of assassins ; 
and, influenced by fear or by bope, at once confessed all 
that they knew> The indignation of the people,and their 
impatience to revenge such -an execrable combination 
against the life of their sovereign, hastened their 
' irial,andallofthemsufi'eredfthedeathoftraitor8- 
Mujuae- Thus far EHizabeth's conduct may 
beiog ID nounced both prudent and laudable, nor can 
^■JS^^ she be aocused of violating any law of hu- 
'P*™=T- manity, or of taking any precautions beyond 
what were necessaay for her own safety. But a tr^- 
cal scene followed, with regard to which postaity will 
pass a very different judgment. 

The frantic zeal of a few rash young men accounts 
sufficiently for all the wild and wicked designs which 
they bad formed. But this was not the light in which 
Elizabeth and her ministers chose to place the con- 
spiracy. They wished to persuade the nation, that 
Babington and his associates should be considered 
merely as instilments employed by the queen of Scots, 

••Caind.515. Sttte Truls, voL i. 110. 

r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google 


the real though secret author of so many attempts 
against the life of Elizabeth, and the peace of her 
kingdoms. They produced letters, which they ascribed 
to her, in support of this charge. These, aa they gave 
out, had come into their hands by the following singular 
and mysterious method of conveyance. Gifford, on his 
return into England, had been trusted by some of the 
exiles with letters to Mary; but, in order to make a 
trial of his fidelity and address, they were only blank 
papers made up in that form. These being safely de- 
livered by him, he was afterward employed without 
farther scruple. Walsingham having found means to 
gain this man, he, by the permission of that minister, 
and the connivance of Paulet, bribed a tradesman in 
the neighbourhood of Chartley, whither Mary had been 
conveyed, who deposited the letters in a hole in the 
wall of the castle, covered with a loose stone. Thence 
they were taken by the queen, and in the same manner 
her answers returned. All these were carried to Wal- 
singham, opened by him, deciphered, sealed again sq 
dexterously that the fraud could not be perceived, and 
then transmitted to the persons to whom they were 
directed. Two letters to Babington, with several to 
Mendoza, Paget, Englefield, and the English fugitives, 
were.procured .by this artifice. It was given out, that 
in these letters Mary approved of the conspiracy, and 
even of the assassination; that she directed them to 
proceed with the utmost circumspection, and not to 
take arms until foreign auxiliaries were ready to join 
them; thatshe recommended the earl of Arundel, his 
brothers, and the young earl of Northumberland, as 
proper persons to conduct and to add reputation to 
their enterprise ; that she advised them, if possible, to 
excite at the same time some commotion in Ireland ; 
and, above all, besought them to concert with care the 
means of her own escape, suggesting to them sever^ 
expedients for that purpose. 


1586.] BOOK VII. 121 

Tbeindig- All these circumstfoices were opehedat the 
the English trial of the conspirators; and while the nation 
o^at '^ ^^ under the influence of those terrors which 
«»'"•■ the association had raised, and the late danger 
had augmented, they were believed without hesitation 
or inquiry, and spread a general alarm. Mary's zeal 
for her religion was well known ; and in that age, ex- 
amples of the violent and sanguinary spirit which it 
inspired were numerous. All the cabals against the 
peace of the kingdom for many years had been carried 
on in her name; and it now appears evidently, said the 
English, that the safety of the one queen is incompati- 
ble with that of the other. Why then, added they, 
should the tranquillity of England be sacrificed for the 
sake of a stranger? Why is a life so dear to the nation, 
exposed to the repeated assaults of an exasperated 
rival? The case supposed in the association has now 
happened, the sacred person of our sovereign has been 
threatened, and why should not an injured people ex- 
ecute that just vengeance which they had vowed? 
Eiinbeth No sentiments could be more agreeable than 
Jl^^to these to Elizabeth and her ministers. They 
M^emmes *hemselves had at first propagated them among 
■gninither. the people, and they now served both as an 
apology and a motive for their proceeding to such ex- 
tremities against the Scottish queen as they had long 
meditated. The more numerous the injuries were which 
Elizabeth had heaped on Mary, the more she feared 
and hated that unhappy queen, and came at last to be 
persuaded that there could be no other security for her 
own life, but the death of her rival; Burleigh and 
Walsingham had promoted so zealously all Elizabeth's 
measures with regard to Scottish affairs, and had acted 
with so little reserve in opposition to Mary, that they 
had reason to dread the most violent effects of her 
resentment, if ever she should mount the throne of 
England. From this additional consideration they eu- 


128 SCOTLAND. [1586. 

deavoured, yrith the' utmost earnestness, to hinder an 
event so fatal to themselves, hy coiiiirming their mis- 
tress's fear and hatred of the Scottish queen. 
Het do- Meanwhile, Maty was guarded with unusual 
p^e'"'&c. vigilance, and great care was tsikea to keep her 
■eiied. ignorant of the discovery of the conspiracy. 
Sir Thomas Gorges was at last sent from court to ac- 
quaint her both of it, and of the imputation with which 
she was loaded as accessary to that crime, and he sur- 
prised her with the account just as she had got on horse- 
back to ride out along with her keepers. She was 
struck with astonishment, and would have returned to 
her apartment, ba,t she was not p^mitted ; and, in her 
absence, her private closet was broke open, her cabinet 
and papers were seized, sealed, and sent up to court. 
Her prinoipal domestics too were arrested, and com- 
mitted to diffet«it keepers. Nau^and Curie, her two 
secretaries, the one a native of France, the other of 
Scotland, were carried prisoners to London. All t^e 
money in her custody, amounting to little more, than 
two thousand pounds, was secured." And, after lead- 
ing her about for some days, from one gentleman's 
house to another, she wa^ conveyed to Fotheringay, a 
strong castle in Northamptonshire.'' 
Deiiberaiei ^'^ ferther cvideuce could now be expected 
concerning agaiust MaTy, and nothing remained but to 
ot F«w£d- decide what should be her firfe. With reg«rd 
"'^' to this, Elizabeth, and those ministers in whom 

she chiefly confided, seem to have taken their, jresolu- 
tion; but there was atilt great variety of seatiments 
among her other c<mnaellors. Some thought it siwffi- 
cient to dismiss all Mary's attendants, and to keep her 
under such close restraint, as would cut off all pos- 
sibility of corresponding with the enemies of the king- 
dom ; and as her constitution, broken by long confine- 
ment, and her spirit, dejiected with so many sorrows, 

"See ApptDdix, So, XLVIIL ' C*Bid. 517. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

I5S6.] BOOK VII. IfiS 

could not long support such an additional load, ^the 
queen and nation Trould soon be ddivered from all 
dieir fears. But thougK it imight be easy to secure 
Mary's own person, it wds impossible lo diminish the 
rerei-ence which theitomeai'Catholics had for her name, 
or>to extinguish the compassion with which they viewed 
h» 8ufi«ings; while such sentiments continued, insur- 
rections and invasions would never be wanting for her 
relief, and tbeonly effect of any new rigour would be 
to reader- these attempts more frequent and more dan- 
gerous. For this reason the expedient was rejected. 
Q . A public and' legal trial, though' the most 
towjhet unexampled, was judged themostunexception- 
pnwjc J. ^y^ method of proceeding ; and it had at the 
same time, a semblance of justice, accompanied with 
an air of dignity. It was in vain to search the andent 
records for any statute or precedent to justify such an 
uncommon step, as the trial of a foreign prince, wfao 
had not entered the kingdom in arms, but had fled 
thither for refage. The proceedings i^inst her were 
founded on the act of last paiiiam^it, and by applying 
it in this manner, the intention of those who had fnuned 
that severe statute became more apparent.'' 

Elizabedi resolved that no circumstance of pomp or 
sol^nnity should be wanting, which could render this 
transaction such as became the dignity of the person 
to be tried. She appointed, by a commission under 
the great seal, forty persons, the most illustrious in the 
kingdom by their birth or offices, together with five of 
the judges, to hear and decide this great cause. Many 
difficulties were started by the lawyers about the nam© 
and title by which Mary should be arraigned; and, 
while the essentids of justice were so grossly violated> 
the empty forms of it were the objects of their care. 
They at length agreed that she should be styled " Mary, 
daughter and heir of Jan^s V. late king of Scots, 

4 CuDd. 519. Johnat. Uiat. %1S. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

134 SCOTLAND, [1686. 

commonly -called queen of Scots and dow^;er of 

After the many indignities which she had lately suf- 
fered, Mary could no longer doobt but that her destnic- 
tion was determined. She expected every moment to 
end her days by poison, or by some of those secret 
meanis usually employed against captive princes. Lest 
the malice of her enemies, at the same time that it de- 
prived her of life, should endeavour likewise to blast 
her reputation, she wrote to the duke of Ciuise, and 
vindicated herself, in the strongest terms, from the im- 
putation of encouraging or of being accessary to the 
conspiracy for assassinating Elizabeth.' In the solitude 
of her prison, the strange resolution of bringing het to 
a public trial had not reached her ears, nor did the idea 
of any thing so unprecedented, and so repugnant to 
regal majesty, once enter into her thoughts. 
Yhe^^i On the Uth of October, the commissioners- 
it Foiber- appointed by Elizabeth arrived at Fotheringay. 
''^''^' Next morning they delivered a letter from their 
sovereign to Mary, in which, after the bitterest re- 
proaches and accusations, she informed her, that regard 
for the happiness of the, nation had at last rendered it 
necessary to make a public inquiry into h^r conduct, 
and therefore required her, as she had lived so long 
under the protection of the laws of England, to submit 
now to thie trial which they ordained to be taken of her 
Mar; re- crimes. Mary, though Surprised at this mcssage, 
fi"^ to' ■"ss neither appalled at the danger, nor unmind- 
pieid. fjji of her own dignity. She protested, in the 
most soJemnmanner, that she was innocent of the crime 
laid to her charge, and had never countenanced any 
attempt against the life of the queen of England ; but 
at the same time, refused to acknowledge the jurisdiction 
of her commissioners. " I came into the kingdom," 
said she, " an independent sovereign, to implore the 

' Sta^pe, iii. set. ' Jebb, ii. KS. 


1S86.3 BOOK VII. 125 

queen's assistance, not to subject myself to her authority. 
Nor is my spirit so broken by its past misfortunes, orso 
intimidated by present dangers, as to stoop to any thing 
unbecoming the majesty of a crowned head, or that 
will disgrace the ancestors from whom I am descended, 
and the son to whom I shall leave my throne. If I must 
be tried, princes alone' can be my peers. The queen 
of England's subjects, however noble their birth may 
be, are of a rank inferior to mine. Ever since my 
arrival in this kingdom I have been confined as a pri- 
soner. Its laws never afforded me any protection. 
Let them not now be perverted in order to take away 
my life." 

The commissioners employed arguments and entrea- 
ties to overcome Mary's resolution. They even threat^ 
ened to proceed according to the forms of law, and to 
pass sentence against her on account of her contumacy 
in refusing to plead ; she persisted, however, for two - 
day?, todecline their jurisdiction. An ai^;ument, used 
by Hatton, Ihe vice-chamberlaiu, at last prevailed. He 
told her, that by avoiding a trial, she injured Her own 
reputation, and deprived herself of the only opportunity 
of setting her innocence in. a clear light ; and that no- 
thing would be more agreeable to tbem^ or more accept- 
able to the queen their mistress, than to be convinced, 
by undoubted evidence, that she had been unjustly load- 
ed with foul aspersions. 

jj^j^j^j^ No wonder pretexts so plausible shouldimpose 
howma OD the unwary .queen, or that she, unassisted 
at that time by any friend or counsellor, should 
not be able to detect and elude air the artifices ofEliza- 
beth's ablest ministers. In a situation equally melan- 
choly, and under circumstances nearly similar, her grand- 
son, Charles I. refused, with the utmost firmness, to 
acknowledge the usurped jurisdiction of the high court 
of justice ; and posterity has approved his conduct, as 
suitable to the dignity of a king. IfMaiywasiesacom 


lae SCOTLAND. [1686. 

staht in lier resolution, it must be imputed solely to her 
tmxious desire of vindicating her own honour, 
■ AtherappearancebeforethejudgeSjWhowere 

'. ' seated in the great hall of the castle, where they 
received her with much ceremony, die took care to 
protest, that by condescending to hear and to give an 
answer to the accusations which should be brought 
against her, she neither acknowledged the jurisdiction 
of the court, nor admitted the validi^ and jus tice of -those 
acts by which they pretended to try her. 

The chancellor, by a counter-protestation, endeavour- 
ed to vindicate the authority of the court. 
Hw mcd- Then Elizabeth's attorney and solicitor opened 
tgttott flw charge .against ber, with all the circum- 
*"■ stances of the late conepwacy. Gc^ies of Mary's 
letters to Mendoze, Babington, Englefield, and Pagetj 
were produced. Babingtwi's confession, those of BbI* 
lard. Savage, and the other conspirators, together with 
the declarations of Nau^ and Curlcj her secretaries, were 
read, and the whole: ranged in the moist specious order 
which the art of the lawyers coiild devise,i-aDd heigbt* 
enedjjy every colour thar eloqutoce could add. 

Mary listened to their. harangues attentively, and 
without emotion. But at the mentiCTi of the earl of 
Arundel's name, who was then confined in- ihe Tower, 
she broke out into this tender and got^rous exclamation ; 
" Alas, how much has the noble rboose of Howard strf* 
fered fot my sake !" 

When the queen's counsel had finished, Mary stood 
up( and with great magnanimityi and equal presence of 
niiiid> began ber defence. She bewailed the unhappt-i 
nesB of her own situation^' that after b captivity of nine- 
ttgaxyeoxa, dimng which she had-sul^^d freatment ifo 
lesf^ cruel thao unmeritfid, she was at 'last loaded with 
am aecusaticm, which tended not only toTob herofhet 
right of sucecflsioB, and to deprive her of iifeitse!f,'tut 
to Irananit her name with infiuny io- firture ages : tln^ 


1586.] BOOK VII. 137 

without regarding the sacred rights of sovereignty, she 
was now subjected to laws framed against private pei^ 
sons ; though an ajiointed queen, commanded to appeiu: 
before the tribunal of subjects ; and, like a common cri- 
minal, her honour exposed to the petulant tongues of 
lawyers, capable of wresting her words, aad of misre- 
presenting her actions: that, even in this dishonourable 
situation, she was denied the privileges usually granted 
to criminals, and obliged to undertake her own defence, 
without the presence of any friend with whonl to advise, 
without the aid of counsel, and without the use of her 
own papers. • . 

She then proceeded to the particular articles in the 
accusation. She absolutely denied any correspondence 
Widi Babington or Ballard : copies only of her pretend- 
ed' letters to them were produced; though nothing less 
than her handwriting or subscription was sufficient to 
convict her of such an odious crime; no proof could be 
brought that their letters were delivered into her hands, 
or that any answer was returned by her direction ; the 
confessions of wretches condemned and executed, for 
such a detestable action^ were of little weight ; fear or 
hope n^ght extort from them many things inconsistent 
with tPUthj nor ought the honour of a queen to be stain* 
ed-by such vile testimony. The declaration of her s&- 
tiretaries was not more conclusive : promises andlhreatE 
might' easily overcome the resolution of two strangers; 
in order to screen themselves, they might throw thp 
blame oh'her; but they could discoyer nothing to her 
prejudice, without violating, in the Gret p]sK;e, the oatb 
of fidelity which they had sworn to. her ; ^d their per- 
jury, in one instance, rendered them unworthy of credit 
in another : the lettei^ to the Spanish ambassador were 
either nothing more than copies, or contained only whiyt 
was perfectly innocent': "I have often," continued she, 
*'made such eiforts for the recovery of ifl^lHierty, as 
are natural to a human creature. Convinced, by the 


128 SCOTLAND. [1588. 

sad experience of so many years, that tt was vain to 
expect it from the justice or generosity of the queen of 
England, I have frequently solicited foreign princes, 
and called upon all ray friends to employ their whole' 
interest for my relief. I have likewise endeavoured to 
procure for the English Catholics some mitigation of 
the rigour with which they are now treated ; and if I 
could hope, by my death, to deliver them from oppres- 
sion, I am willing to die for their sake. I wish, however, 
to imitate the example of Esther, not of Judith, and- 
would rather make intercession for my people, than shed 
the blood of the meanest creature, in order to save them, 
I have often checked the intemperate zeal of my adhe- 
rents, when eitherjthe severity of their own persecutions, 
or indignation at the unheard-of injuries which I have 
endured, were apt to precipitate them into violent coun- 
sels. I have even warned the queen of dangers to which 
these harsh proceedings exposed herself. And worn 
out,. as I now am, with cares and sufferings, the pros- 
pect of a crown is not so inviting, that I should ruin my 
soul in order to obtain it. I am no stranger to the feel- 
ings of humanity, nor unacquainted with the duties of 
religion, and abhor the detestable crime of assassination, 
as. equally repugnant to both. And, if ever I have given 
consent by my words, or even by my thoughts, to any 
attempt against the life of the queen of England, far 
from declining the judgment of men, I shall not evien 
pray for the mercy of God.'" 

Two differentdays did Mary appear before the judges, 
and in. every part of her behaviour maintained the 
magnanimity of a queen, tempered with the gentleness 
and modesty of a woman. 

Sentence The commissioncrs, by Elizabeth's express 
^™ command, adjourned, without pronouncing any 
Oct-ss- sentence, to the star-chamber in Westminster. 
When assembled in that place, Nau^ and Curie were 


r,o,:,..i.i.i Google 

brought into court, and conBnned their fonner decla- 
ration upon oath ; and after reviewing all their proceed- 
ings, the coiamissioners unanimously declared Mary 
" to be accessary to Babington's conspiracy, and to 
have imagined divsra matters tending to the hurt, death, 
and destruction of Elizabeth, contrary to the express 
words of the statute made for the security of the queen's 

It is no easymatterto determine whetherthein- 

Irregulan- ... .. i--i i. 

tin in the justicc ID appointing this trial, or the irregula- 
*"* ' rity in conducting it, were greatest and most fla- 
grant. By whatright did Elizabeth claim authority over 
an independent queen ? Was Mary bound to comply with 
thelaws of a foreign kingdom? How could the subjects of 
another prince become her judges ? or, if such an insult 
on royalty were allowed, ought not the common forms 
of justice to have been observed? If the testimony of 
-Babington and his associates were so explicit, why did 
-not Elizabeth spare them for a few weeks, and by con- 
fronting them with Mary, overwhelm her with the full 
conviction of her crimes? Nau^ and Curie were both 
alive ; wherefore did not tliey appear at Fotheringay, and 
for what reason were they produced in the star-chamber, 
where Mary was not present tp hear what they deposed ? 
Was this suspicious evidence enough to condemn a 
queen ? Ought the meanest criminal to have been found 
guilty upon such feeble and inconclusive proofs? 

It was not, however, on the evidence produced at 
her trial, that the sentence against Mary was founded. 
That served as a pretence to justify, but was not the 
cause of the violent steps taken by Elizabeth and her 
ministers towards her destruction ; and was employed 
to give some appearance of justice to what was the oflF- 
spring of jealousy and fear. The nation, blinded with 
resentment against Mary, and solicitous to secure the 
life of its own sovereign from every danger, observed 

• Camd. Stb. 


130 SCOTLAND. [1586. 

no irregularities in the proceedings, and attended to no 
defects in the proof, but grasped at the suspicions and 
probabilities, as if they had been irrefragable demon- 

The pirtia- The parliament met a few^days ^^r sentence 
fora'th^"^ was pronounced against Mary. In that illus- 
jentence, trious assembly more temper and discernment 
than are to be found among the people might have 
been expected. Both lords and commons, however, 
were equ^y under the dominion of popular preju^ 
dices and passions, and the same excess of zeal, or 
of fear, which prevailed in the nation, are apparrait in 
all their proceedipgs. They entered with impatience 
upon Ein inquiry into the conspiracy, and the danger 
which threatened the queen's life, as well as the peace 
of the kingdom. All the papers which had been pro- 
duced at Fotheringay were laid before them ; and, 
after many violent invectives against the queen of Scots, 
both houses unanimously ratified the proceedings of the 
commissioners by whom she had been tried, and de- 
clared the sentence against her to be just and well- 
andde- foundcd. Not satisfied with this, they pre- 
"i^tion rented a joint address to the queen, beseeching 
"^i*- her, as she regarded her own safety, the preser- 
vation of the Protestant religion, the welfare and wishes 
of her peoi^e, to publish the sentence ; and, without 
farther delay, to inflict on a rival, no less irreclaimable 
than dangerous, the punishment which she had merited 
by so many crimes. This request, dictated by fears 
unworthy of that great assembly, was enforced by rea- 
sons still more unworthy. They were drawn, not from 
justice, but from conveniency. The most rigorous 
confinwnent, it was pretended, could not curb Mary's 
intriguing spirit ; her address was found, by long exr 
perience, to be an overmatch for the vigilance and 
jealousy of all her keepers ; the severest penal lami 
could not restrain her adherents, who> while they be- 


1596.] BOOK VII. 131 

lieved her person to be sacred, would despise any danger 
to which themselves alone were exposed : several fo- 
reign princes were ready to second their attempts, and 
waited only a proper opportuni^ for invading the 
kingdom, and asserting the Scottislk queen's title to the 
crown. Her life, they contended, was, for these rea- 
sons, incompatible with Elizabeth's safety ; and if she 
were spared out of a false clemency, the queen's per- 
son, the religion and liberties of the kingdom, could not 
be one moment secure. Necessity required that she 
should be sacrificed io order to preserve these ; and to 
prove this sacrifice to be no less just than necessary, 
several examples in history were produced, and many 
texts of Scripture quoted ; but both the one and the 
other were misapplied, and distorted from their true 

Eiuabeih'i Nothing, however, could be more acceptable 
disumoia- to Elizabeth, than an address in this strain. It 
extricated her out of a situation extremely em- 
barrassing ; and, without depriving her of the power 
of sparing, it enabled her to punish her rival witii less 
appearance of blame. If she chose the former, the 
whole honour would redound to her own clemency. If 
she determined on the latter, whatever was rigorous 
might now seem to be extorted by the solicitations of 
her people, rather than to flow from her own inclina- 
tion. Her answer, however, was in a style which she 
often used, ambiguous and evasive, under the appear- 
ance of openness and candour ; fiill of such professions 
of regard for her people, as served to heighten their 
loyal^ ; of such complaints of Mary's ingratitude, as 
were calculated to excite their indignation ; and of such 
insinuations that her own life was in danger, as could 
not &il to keep alive their fears. In the end, she be- 
sought them to save her the infamy and the pain of 
delivering up a queen, her nearest kinswoman, to pu- 
nishment ; and to consider whether it might not still be 
K 2 


132 SCOTLAND. [1586. 

possible to provide for the public security, without 
forcing her to imbrue her hands in royal blood. 

The true meaning of this reply was easily understood. 
The lords and commons renewed their former request 
with additional importunity, which was far from being 
either unexpected or offensive. Elizabeth did not re- 
turn any answer more explicit ; and having obtained 
such a public sanction of her proceedings, there was no 
longer any reason for protracting this scene of dissimu- 
lation ; there was even some danger that her feigned 
difficulties might at last be treated as real ones ; she 
therefore prorogued the parliament, and reserved in her 
own hands the sole disposal of her rival's fate." 
France ip- ^^^ *^® pHnces iu Europe observed the pro- 
Ksrpoies ccedings against Mary with astonishment and 
i^LilJir horror; and even Henry III., notwithstanding' 

'^' his known aversion to the house of Guise, was 
obliged to interpose on her behalf, and to appear in de- 
fence of the common rights of royalty. Aubespine, his 
resident ambassador, and Bellievre, who was sent with 
an extraordinary commission to the same purpose, in- 
terceded for Mary with great appearance of warmth. 
They employed all the arguments which the cause na- 
turally suggested ; they pleaded from justice, from gene- 
rosity, and humanity; they intermingled reproaches and 
threats : but to all these Elizabeth continued deaf and 
inexorable; and having received some intimation of 
Henry's real unconcern about the fate of the Scottish 
queen, and knowing his antipathy to all the race of 
Guise, she trusted that litese loud remonstrances would 
be followed by no violent resentment.' 
j«incii en- ^he paid no greater regard to the solicita- 
dtiroDTita tions of the Scottish king, which, as they 
ibeibet'i were urged with greater sincerity, merited 
more attention. Though her commissioners 
bad been extremely careful to soothe James, by publish- 

■ Camd, 5186. p'Ewes, 3T5, J CiokU flSl. 


1S86.] BOOK VII. 133 

iag a declaration that their senteace against Mary did^. 
in no degree, derogate from his honour, or invalidate 
any title which he formerly possessed ; he beheld the 
indignities to which his motiier had been exposed with 
filial concern, and with the sentiments which became a 
king. The pride of the Scottish nation was roused by 
the insult offered to the blood of their monarchs, and 
called upon him to employ the most vigorous efforts, in 
order to prevent or to revenge the queen's death. 

At first, he could hardly believe that Elizabeth would 
venture upon an action so unprecedented, which tended 
so. visibly to. reader the persons of princes less sacred 
in the eyes of the people, and which degraded the regal 
dignity, of*which, at other times, she was so remark- 
ably jealous. But as soon as the extraordinary steps 
which she took discovered her intention, he dispatch- 
ed Sir William Keith to London, who, together with 
Douglas, his ambassador in ordinary, remonstrated, 
in the strongest terms, against the injury done to an 
independent queen, in subjecting her to be tried like a 
private person, and by laws to which she owed no obe- 
dience; and besought Elizabeth not to add to this 
injury by suffering a sentence unjust in itself, as well 
as dishonourable to the king of Scots, to be put into 

Elizabeth returning no answer to these remonstrances 
of his ambassador, James wrote to her with his own 
hand, complaining in the bitterest terms of her conduct, 
not without threats that both his duty and his honour 
would oblige him to renounce her friendship, and to 
act as became a son when called to revenge his mother's 
wrongs.* At the same time he assembled the nobles, 
who promised to stand by him in so good a cause. He 
appointed ambassadors to France, Spain, and Denmark, 
in order to implore the aid of these courts ; and took 


134 SCOTI.AND. {1586. 

other steps towards execating hia threats with vigour. 
The high strain of his letter enraged EUrabeth to such 
a degree, that she was readjr to dismiss his ambassadors 
without any reply. But his preparations alarmed and 
embarrassed her ministers, and at their entrea^ she 
returned a soft sind evasive answer, promising to listen 
to any overture from the king, that tended to his mother's 
safety; and to suspend the execution of the sentence, 
until the arrival of new ambassadors from Scotland.'' 
Dec. 6. Meanwhile, she commanded the sentence 
lei^e"*^ against Mary to be pablished, and forgot not 
X?"'ub- *° inform the people, that this was extorted 
lobed. trom her by die repeatedentreatyof both houses 
of parliament. At the same time, she disftatched lord 
Buckhurst and Beale to acquaint Mary with the sen- 
tence, and how importunately the nation demanded the 
execution of it; and though she had not hitherto yielded 
to these solicitations, she advised her to prepare for an 
event which might become necessary for securing the 
Protestant religion, as well as quieting the minds of the 
people. Mary received the message not only without 
symptoms of fear, but with expressions of triumph. 
" No wonder," said she, " the English should now 
thirst for the blood of a foreign prince, they have often 
offered violence to their own monarchs. But after so 
many sufferings, death comes to me as a welcome deli- 
verer. I am proud to think that my life is deemed of 
importance to the Cathc^ic religion, and as a martyr 
for it I am now willing to die."* 
g,^ ,, After the publication of the sentence, Mary 
•fMied fras stripped of every remaining mark of roy^- 
uim«t ty. The canopy of state in her apartment was 
"""' pulled dovra ; Paulet entered her chamber, and 
approached her person without any ceremony ; and 
even appeared covered in her presence. Shodted 
with these indignities, and offended at this gross 

K Spulsn. 551. did, iv. 5. ' C«nid.ai8. Jebb, «9I. 


1586.] BOOK VII. 13& 

fiuniliarify, to which she had never been accustomed, 
Mary once more complained to Elizabeth; add, 
'at the same time, as her last request, entreated 
thatshcwould permit her servants to carry her dead body 
into France, to be laid among her ancestors in hallowed 
ground ; that some of her domestics might be present at 
her death, to bear witness of her innocence, and firm 
adherence to the Catholic faith ; that all her servants 
might be suffered to leave the kingdom, and to enjoy 
those smdl legacies which she should bestow on them, 
as testimonies of her affection; and that, in the mean 
time, her almoner, or some other Catholic priest, might 
be allowed to attend her, and to assist her in preparing 
for an eternal world. She besought her, in the name 
of Jesus, by the soul and memory of Henry VII., their 
common progenitor, by their consanguinity, and the 
royal dignity with which they were both invested, to 
gratify her in these particulars, and to indulge her so 
far as to signify her compliance by a letter under her 
Own hand. Whether Mary's letter was ever delivered 
to Elizabeth, is uncertain. No answer was returned, 
and no regard paid to her requests. She was offered 
a Protestant bishop or dean to attend her. Them she 
rejected, and without any clergyman to direct her de- 
votions, she prepared, in great tranquillity, for the ap- 
proach of death, which she now believed to be at no 
great distance.^ 

1597, James, without losing a moment, sent new 
^T^'h" ambassadors to London. These were the mas- 
Miieiu- ter of Gray, and Sir Robert Melvil. In order 
iier°bih»K. to remove Elizabeth's fears, they offered that 
''^'- their master would become bound that no con- 
spiracy should be undertaken against her person, or the 
peace of the kingdom, with Mary's consent; and for 
the feithfiil performance of this, would deliver some 
of the most considerable of the Scottish nobles as hos- 

<> Cimd. 5<S. Jebb, U. (95. 


135 SCOTX-ANB. [1587; 

t3.ges. If this were not thought' sufficient, they pro- 
posed that Mary should resign all her rights- and pre- 
tensions to her son, from whom nothing injurious to 
the Protestant religion, or inconsistent with Elizabeth's 
safety, could be feared. The former proposal Elizabeth 
rejected as insecure; the latter, as dangerous. The 
ambassadors were then instructed to talk in a higher 
tone; and Melvil executed the commission with 6delity 
and with zeal. But Gray, with bis usual perfidy, de- 
ceived his master, who trusted him with a negotiation 
of so much importance, and betrayed the queen whom 
he was employed to save. He encouraged and urged 
Elizabeth to execute the sentence against her rival. He 
often repeated the old proverbial sentence, "The dead 
cannot bite.'* And whatever should happen, he under- 
took to pacify the king's rage, or at least to prevent 
any violent effects of his resentoieut.* 
£ji£abeth'9 Elizabeth, meanwhile, discovered all the 
di!^mui^ symptoms of the most violent agitation and 
**""■ disquietudeof mind. She shunned society, she 

was often found in a melancholy and musing posture, 
and repeating with much emphasis these sentences^ ■ 
which she borrowed from some of the devices then in 
vogue; Autfer autferi; ne feriare, feri. Much, no 
doubt, of this apparent uneasiness must be imputed 
to dissimulation ; it was impossible, however, that a 
princess, naturally so cautious as Elizabeth, should 
venture on an action, which might expose her memory 
to infaioy, and her life and kingdom to danger, with- 
out reflecting deeply, and hesitating long. The people 
waited her determination in suspense and anxiety ; and 
lest their fear or their zeal should subside, rumours of 
danger were artfully invented and propagated with the 
utmost industry. Aubespine, the French ambassador, 
was accused of having suborned an assassin to murder 
the queen. The Spanish fleet was said by some to be 

' Spolsw, Sde. Muidin, 568. See App. No. L. 


1587.] BOOK VII. 137 

already arrived at Milford-haven. Others affirmed that 
the duke of Guise had landed with a strong army in 
Sussex. Now, it was reported that the northern coun- 
ties were up in arms ; next day, that the Scots had 
entered England with all their forces; and a conspi- 
racy, it was whispered, was on foot, for seizing the 
queen and burning the city. The panic grew every day 
more violent ; and the people, astonished and enraged, 
called for the execution of the sentence against Mary, 
as the only thing which could restore tranquillity to the 

While these sentiments prevailed among her sub- 
jects, Elizabeth thought she might safely venture to 
strike the blow which she had so long medifated. 
w»n«Dt_ She commanded Davison, one of the secretaries 
^otilra' of state, to bring to her the fatal warrant ; and 
v^'f her behaviour on that occasion plainly shewed', 
that it is not to humanity that we must ascribe 
her forbearance hitherto. At the very moment she was 
signing the writ which gave up a woman, a queen, and 
her own nearest relation, into the hands of the execu- 
tioner, she was capable of jesting. " Go," says she to 
Davison, '* and tellWalsingham what I have now done, 
though I am afraid he will die for grief when he hears 
it." Her chief anxiety was how to secure the advan- 
tages which would arise from Mary's death, without 
appearing to have given her consent to a deed so 
odious. She often hinted to Paulet and Drury, as well 
as to some other courtiers, that now was the time to 
discover the sincerity of their concern for her safety, 
and that she expected their zeal would extricate her out 
of her present perplexity. But they were wise enough 
-to seem not to understand her meaning. Even after 
the warrant was signed, she commanded a letter to be 
written to Paulet in less ambiguous terms, complaining 
of his remissness in sparing so long the life of her ca- 

' Cunb. 533, 5S4. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

138 SCOTLAND. [1587. 

pital enemy, and begging bim to remember at last what 
was incumbent on bim as an affectionate subject, as 
well as wbat be was bound to do by the oath of asso- 
ciation, and to deliver his soverei^ from continual 
fear and danger, by shortening the days of his prisoner. 
Paulet, though rigorous and harsh, and often brutal ta 
the discharge of what he thought his duty, as Mary's 
keeper, was nevertheless a man of honour and inte- 
grity. He rejected the proposal with disdaii^ ; and la- 
menting that be should ever have been deemed capa- 
ble of acting the part of an assassin, he declared that 
the queen might dispose of his life at her pleasure, but 
that he would never stain his owri honour, nor leave 
an eVferlasting mark, of infamy on his posterity, by lend- 
ing his hand to perpetrate so foul a crime. On the 
receipt of diis letter, Elizabeth became extremely pee- 
vish; and calling him a dainty 2Ji& precise fellow, who 
would promise much but perform nothing, she pro- 
posed to employ one Wingfield, who had both courage 
and inclination to strike the blow.* But Davison re- 
monstrating against this, as a deed dishonourable in 
itself, and of dangerous example, she again declared 
her intention that the sentence pronounced by the 
commissioners should be executed according to law ; 
and as she had already signed the warrant, she begged 
that no farther application itiight be made to her on 
Ijiat head. By this, the privy-counsellors thought them- 
selves sufficiently authorized to proceed ; and prompt- 
ed, as they pretended, by zeal for the queen's safety, or 
instigated, as is more probable, by the apprehension of 
the danger to which they would themselves be exposed, 
if the life of the queen of Scots were spared, they as- 
sembled in the council-chamber; and by a letter under 
all their hands, empowwed the earla of Shrewsbury" and 
Kent, together wiUi the high sheriff of the coua^, to 
see the sentence put in execution.'' 

f Biug. Britan. arlide DmiKn, * Omd. 534. Slrjpc, Ui, Sfil. 3fi4. 


1587.] BOOR VII. 139 

, On Tuesday the 7th of FebniMry, the two 

ittTiourat earls arriTed at Fotheringay, and demanded 
access to the queen, read in her presence the 
warrant for execution, and required her to prepare to 
die next morning. Mary heard them to the end with- 
out emotion, and crossing herself in the name of the 
Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, " That 
soul," said she, " is not worthy the joys of heaven, 
which repines because the body must endure the stroke 
of the executioner ; and though I did not expect that 
the queen of England would set the first example of 
violating the sacred person of a sovereign prince, I 
■willingly submit to that which Providence hag decreed 
to be my lot ; " and laying her hand on a Bible, which 
happened to be near her, she solemnly protested tiiat 
she was innocent of that conspiracy which Babington 
had carried on against Elizabeth's life.' She then men- 
tioned the requests contained in hel* letter to Elizabeth, 
but obt^ned no satisfactory answer. She entreated, 
with particular earnestness, that now in her iast mo- 
ments her almoner might be suffered to attend her, and 
that she might enjoy the consolation of those pious in- 
stitutions presmbed by her religion. Even this favour, 
which is usually granted to the vilest criminal, was ab^ 
solutely denied. 

Her attendants, during this conversation, were bathed 
in tears, suad though overawed by the presence of the 
two earls, with difficulty suppressed their uiguish ; but 
no sooner did Kent and Shrewsbury withdraw, than 
they ran to their mistress, and burst out into the most 
passionate expressions of tenderness and sorrow. Mary, 
however, not wily retained perfect composure of mind 
herself, but Mideavoured to moderate their excessive 
grief; and falling on her knees with all her domestics 
round her, she thanked Heaven that her sufferings were 
now so near an otd, and prayed that she might be en- 

>Jebb,ii. 301. 


140 SCOTLAND. {1587. 

abled to endure what still remained with decency and 
with fortitude. The greater part of the evening she 
employed in settling her worldly affairs. She wrote 
her testament with her own hand. Her money, her 
jewels, and her clothes^ she distributed among her ser- 
vants, according to their rank or merit. She wrote a 
short letter to the king of France, and another to the 
duke of Guise^ full of tender but magnanimous senti- 
ments, and recommended her soul to their prayers, and 
her a£Bicted servants to their protection. At supper 
she ate temperately, as usual, and conversed not only 
with ease, but with cheerfulness ; she drank to every 
one of her servants, and asked their forgiveness, if ever 
she had failed in any part of her duty towards them. 
At her wonted time she went to bed, and slept calmly 
a few hours. Early in the morning she retired into her 
closet, and employed a considerable time in devotion. 
At eight o'clock the high sheriff and his officers entered 
her chamber, and found h^ still kneeUng at the altar. 
She immediately started up, and, with a majestic mien^ 
and a countenance undismayed, and even cheerful, 
advanced towards the place of execution, leaning on 
two of Paulet's attendants. She was dressed in a 
mourning habit, but with an elegance and splendour 
which she bad long laid aside, except on a few festival 
days. An Agnus Dei hung by a pomander chain at 
her neck ; her beads at her girdle; and in her hand she 
carried a crucifix of ivory. At the bottom of the stairs 
the two earls, attended by several gentlemen from the 
neighbouring counties, received her ; and there Sir An- 
drew Melvil, the master of her household, who had been 
secluded, for some weeks from her presence, was per- 
mitted to take his last farewell. At the sight of a mis- 
tress whom he tenderly loved, in such a situation, he 
melted into tears ; and as he was bevrailing her condi- 
tion, and complaining of his own hard fate, in being 
appointed to carry the account of such a mournful event 


15870 ' BOOK VII. 141 

into Scotland, Maiy replied, " Weep not, good Melvil, 
there.isatpresentgreatcauseforrejoicing. Thou shalt 
this day see Mary Stewart delivered from all her cares, 
and such an end put to her tedious sufferings, as she 
has long expected. Bear -witness that I die constant 
in my religion ; firm in my fidelity towards Scotland ; 
and unchanged in my affection to France. Commend 
roe to my son. Tell him I have done nothing injurious 
to his kingdom, to his honour, or to his rights; and 
God forgive all those who have thirsted, without cause, 
for my blood." 

With much difficulty, and after many entreaties, she 
prevailed on the two earls to allow Melvil, together 
with three of her men servants and two -of her maids, 
to attend her to the scaffold. It was erected in the 
same hall where she had been tried, raised a little above 
the fioor, and covered, as well as a chair, the cushion, 
and block, with black cloth. Mary mounted the steps 
with alacrity, beheld all this apparatus of death with 
an unaltered countenance, and signing herself with the 
cross, she sat down in the chair. Beale read the war- 
rant for execution with a loud voice, to which she lis- 
teoed with a careless air, and like one occupied in other 
thoughts. Then the dean of Peterborough began a 
devout discourse, suitable to her present condition, and 
offered up prayers to Heaven in her behalf; but she 
declared that she could not in conscience hearken to 
the one, nor join with the other; and kneeling down, 
repeated a Latin prayer. When the dean had finished 
his devotions, she, with an audible voice, and in the 
English tongue, recommended unto God the afflicted 
state of the church, and prayed for prosperity to her 
son, and for a long life and peaceable reign to Eliza- 
beth. She declared that she hoped for mercy only 
through the death of Christ, at the foot of whose image 
she now willingly shed her blood ; and lifting up and 
kissing the crucifix, she thus addressed it : " As thy 

Co Ogle 

142 SCOTLAND. [1687; 

arms, O Jesus, were extended on the cross ; so with 
the outstretched arms of thy mercy receive me, and 
forgive my sins." 

She then prepared for the block, by taking off her 
veil and upper garments ; and one of the executioners 
rudely endeavounng to assist, she gently checked him, 
and said with a smile, that she had not been accustomed 
to undress before so many spectators, nor to be served 
by such valets. With calm but undaunted fortitude, 
she laid her neck on the block ; and while one execu- 
tioner held her hands, the other, at the second stroke, 
cut off her head, which falling out of its attire, disco- 
vered her hair already grown quite gray with cares and 
sorrows. The executioner held it up still streaming 
with blood, and the dean crying out, " So perish all 
queen Elizabeth's enemies," ^e earl of Kent alone an- 
swered " Amen." The rest of the spectators continued 
silent, and drowned in tears ; being incapable, at that 
moment, of any other sentiments but those of pity or 

SeoUiiKnii Such was the tragical death of Mary, queen 
^^'^ng' of Scots, after a life of forty-four years and two 
'^' months, almost nineteen years of which she 

passed in captivity. The political parties which were 
formed in the kingdom, during her reign, have subsisted 
under various denominations ever since that time. The 
rancour with, which they were at first animated, hath 
descended to succeeding ages, and their prejudices, as 
well as their rage, have been perpetuated, and even 
augmented. Among historians, who were under the 
dominion of all these passions, and who have either 
ascribed to her every virtuous and amiable quality, or 
have imputed to her all the vices of which the human 
heart is susceptible, we search in vain for Mary's real 
character. She neither merited the exaggerated praises 

StTTpe, iii. 3S3. See Append. 


ise?.] BOOK VII. 148 

of the one, nor the undistinguished censure of the 

Uir cbm- '^^ ^^ ^^ charms of beauty, and the utmost 
"e'er- elegance of external form, she added those ac- 
complishments which render their impression irresisti- 
ble. Polite, a&ble, insinuating, sprightly, and capa- 
ble of speaking and of writing with equal ease and 
dignity. Sudden, however, and violent in all her at- 
tachments ; because her heart was warm and unsuspi- 
cious. Impatient of contradiction ; because she had 
been accustomed from her infancy to be treated as a 
queen. No stranger, on some occasions, to dissimula- 
tion ; which, in that perfidious court where she received 
her education, was reckoned among the necessary arts 
of government. Not insensible of flattery, or uncon- 
scious of that pleasure with which almost every woman 
beholds the influence of her own beauty. Formed with 
the qualities which we lovo, not with the talents that 
we admire ; she was an agreeable woman, rather than 
an illustrious queen. The vivacity of her spirit, not 
mfficiently tempered with sound judgment, and the 
warmth of her heart, which was not at all times under 
the restraint of discretion, betrayed her both into errors 
and into crimes. To say that she was always unfortu- 
nate, will not account for that long and almost uninter- 
rupted succession of calamities which befel her ; we 
nuist likewise add, that she was often imprudent. Her 
passion for Damley was rash, youthful, and excessive ; 
and though the sudden transition to the opposite ex- 
treme, was the natural effect of her ill-requited love, 
and of his ingratitude, insolence, and brutality ; yet 
neither these, nor Bothwell'a artful address and impor- 
tant services, can justify her attachment to that noble- 
man. Even the manners of the ^e, licentious as they 
were, are no apology for this unhappy passion ; nor can 
they induce us to look on that tragical and infamous 
scene which followed upon it with less abhorrence. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

144 SCOTLAND. [1587. 

Humanity will draw a veil over this part of Her character 
which it caQnot approve, and may, perhaps, promptsome 
to impute some of her actions to her situation, more than 
to her dispositions ; and to lament the unhappiness of 
the former, rather than accuse the perverseness of the 
latter. Mary's sufferings exceed, both in degree and 
in duration, those tragical distresses which fancy has 
feigned to excite sorrow and commiseration; and while 
we survey them, we are apt altogether to forget her 
frailties, we think of her faults with less indignation, 
and approve of our tears, as if they were ahed for a 
person who had attained much nearer to pure virtue. 

With regard to the queen s person, a circumstance 
not to be omitted in writing the history of a female 
reign, all contemporary authors agree in ascribing to 
Mary the utmost beauty of countenance, and elegance 
of shape, of which the human form is capable. Her 
hair was black, though, according to the fashion of that 
age, she frequently wore borrowed locks, and of dif- 
ferent colours. Her eyes were a dark gray ; her com- 
plexion was exquisitely fine ; and her hands and arms 
remarkably delicate, both as to shape and colour. Her 
stature was of an height that rose to the majestic. She 
danced, she walked, and rode with equal grace. Her 
taste for music was just, and she both sung and played 
upon the lute with uncommon skill. Towards the end 
of her life, long confinement, and the coldness of the 
houses in which she had been imprisoned, brought on 
a rheumatism, which often deprived her of the use of 
her limbs. No man, says Brantome, ever beheld her 
f>erson without admiration and love, or will read her 
history without sorrow. 

None of her women were suffered to come near her 
dead body, which was carried into a room adjoining to 
the place of execution, where it lay for some days, 
covered with a coarse cloth torn from a billiard-table. 
The block, the scaffold, the aprons of the executioners, 


1587.] BOOK VII. 145 

and every thing stained with her blood, Trere reduced 
to ashes. Not long after, Elizabeth appointed her body 
to be buried in the cathedral of Peterborough wiUi 
royal m^;iiificence. But this vulgar artifice was em- 
ployed in vain; the pageantry of a pompous funera! 
did not efface the memory of those injuries which laid 
Mary in her grave. James, soon after his accession to 
the English throne, ordered her body to be removed to 
Westminster-abbey, and to be deposited among the 
monarchs of England. 

Eiiubeih Elizabeth affected to receive the accounts of 
mffecb to Mary's death with the most violent emotions of 
Haiy's surprise and concern. Sighs, tears, lamenta- 
tions, and mourning, were all employed to dis- 
play the reality and greatness of her sorrow. Evident 
marks of dissimulation and artifice may be traced through ' 
every period of Elizabeth's proceedings against the life 
of the Scottish queen. The commission for bringing 
Mary to a public trial was seemingly extorted from her 
by the entreaties of her privy-counsellors. She delayed 
puUishing the sentence against her till she was twice 
solicited by both houses of parliament. Nor did she 
sign the wjurant for execution without the utmost ap- 
parent reluctance. One scene more of the boldest and 
most solemn deceit remained to be exhibited. She un- 
dertook to make the world believe that Mary had been 
put. to death without her knowledge, and against her 
will. Davison, who neither suspected her intention nor 
Lis own danger,- was her instrument in carrying on this 
artifice, and fell a victim to it. 

It was his duty, as secretary of state, to lay before 
her the warrant for execution, in order to be signed ; 
uid, by her command, he carried it to the great seal. 
She pretended, however, that she had charged hiin not 
to communicate what she had done to any person, nor 
to suffer the warrant to go out of hU hands, without 
her express permission ; that, in contempt of this order, 

VOL. ir. I. 

140 SCOTLAND. [1687. 

he had not only revealed the matter to several of her 

ministers, but had, in concert with them, assembled her 
privy-counsellors, by whom, without her consent or 
knowledge, the warrant was issued, and ihe earls of 
Shrewsbury and Kent empowered to put it in execu- 
tion. Though Davison denied all this, and with cir- 
cumstances which bear the stroi^est marks of truth 
and cpedihili^ ; though it can scarcely be conceived 
that her privy-council, composed of the persons in 
whom she most confided, of her ministers and favour- 
ites, would assemble within the walls of her palace, and 
Venture to transact a matter of so much importance 
without her privity, and contrary to her inclination ; 
yet so far did she cany her dissimulation, that with all 
the signs of displeasure and of rage, she banished most 
' of her counsellors out of her presence ; and treated 
Burleigh, in particular, so harshly, and with such marks 
of disgust, that he gave himself up for lost, and in the 
deepest affliction wrote to the queen, begging leave to 
resign all his places, that he might retire to his own 
estate. Davison she instantly deprived of his office, and 
„ ^ committed him a close prisoner to the Tower. 

Marcn. __ i> i i i ■ i . 

He was soon atter brought to a solemn trial m 
the star-chamber, condemned to pay a fine of ten thou- 
sand pounds, and to be imprisoned during the queen's 
pleasure. He languished several years in confinem^t, 
and never recovered any de^i-ee of favoiur or of power. 
As her jealousy and fear had bereaved the queen of 
Scots of life, in order to paUiate this pEUt of her con- 
duct, Elizabeth made no scruple of sacrificing the re- 
putation and happiness of one of the most virtuous and 
able men in her kingdtHU.' 

EUubeth Thls solemu farce, for it deserves no better 
u*!^^'* name» furnished Elizabeth, however, with an 
jaaei. apolt^ to the king of Scots. As the prospect 
of his mother's danger had excited the king's filial care 

■C>Bd.5S6. fttype,M,SIO. Sm Append, No. UL CUiImU, t», &e. 


1587.] BOOK VII. M7 

and concern, the. account of her death filled him vitb 
grief and resentment His subjects felt the diahonom 
done to him and to the nation. In order to soothe both, 
Elizabeth instantly dispatched Robert Gary, one of lord 
Hunsdon's sons, with a letter expressing her ei^treoiQ 
affliction on account of that miserable accident, which, 
as she pretended, had happened far oonteary to her ap* 
pomtment or intention. James would not permit her 
messengN to enter Scotland, and with some difhculty 
received a memorial which he aent fironj Berwick. It 
contained the tale concerning DaviBon, dressed up with 
all the circumstances which tended to eiculpate Eliga-* 
beth, and to throw the whole blame on hi« rashness or 
treachery. Such a de&nce gave little satisfaction, and 
was considered as mockery added to insult; sad many 
of the nobles, as well as Ihe king, l»e^bed nothing but 
revenge. BlizabetiL was extremely soltcitous to pacify 
Uiem, and she wanted neither able injitnuneati not 
plausible reasons, in order to accomplish this. l4eice8-> 
ter wrote to the king, and Walsingham to secretary 
Majtland. They represented tiie certiiia destrnction to 
which Jam^s would expose himself, if, wi^ the forces 
of Scotland alone, he should yenlure to atta^ ft king- 
dom so far superior in power ; that the history of pwt 
agea« as well as his master's sad experiertcc, might con^ 
vince him, &at nothing £Ould be more dangierous, or 
deceitful, than dependenceonforeign aid; thai the kii^ 
of France would never wi^ to see the British kingdoqu 
united und«r' one monarch nor contribute to invest % 
prince so nearly allied to the house of Guise with such 
jonnidaUe power ; that Philq» might be a more active 
ally, but would certfunly prove a. more .dang»x>u$ oba; 
and, undi^ preteQce of assisting him, would .aaaert his 
own right to the E^i^ish. jsrown, -wimih be akefldy be^ 
gan openly to claim ; Ihat the samt statute, on which 
the sentence of death against his ipo&er had he«l 
founded, wc^d justifyth^ ^cludjn^ him firom the suc- 


14* SCOTLAND. [1687: 

cession to the crown ; that the English, naturally averse 
irom the dominion of strangers, would not fail, if ex- 
asperated 1]^ his hostilities, to apply it in that maimer ; 
that Elizabeth was disposed to repair ihe wrongs which 
the mother had suffered, by her tenderness and affection 
towards the son ; and that, by engaging in a fruitless 
war, he would deprive himself of a noble inheritance, 
which, by cultivating her frieDdship,.he must infallibly 
obtain. These representations, added to the conscious* 
ness of his own weakness, to the smallness of his reve- 
nues,'to the mutinous spirit of some of thenoblesj to 
the dubious fidelity of others, and to. the influence of 
that faction which was entirely at Elizabeth's devotion, 
convinced James that a war with England, however 
just, would in the present juncture be altogether impo- 
litical. All these considerations -induced him to stifle 
his resentment; to appear satisfied with die punishment 
inflicted on Davison ; and to preserve all the semblances 
of friendship iwith the English court."", In this manner 
did the cloud which threat^ed such a storm 'paaa away; 
Mary's death, like that of a common criminal, remained 
unavenged by any prince ; and, whatever infemy Eliza- 
beth might incur, she was exposed to no new danger on 
that account. 

DiigracB Mary's death, however, proved fatal to the 
^iwrof ™*ster of Gray, and lost him Ae king's favour, 
O'ay- which he had for some time possessed. He was 
become as odious to the nation, as &vourites, who 
acquire power without merit, and exercise it Without 
discretion, usually are. The treacherous part which 
he had acted during his late embassy was no secret^ 
and filled James, who at length came to the knowledge 
of it, with astonishment. The courtiers observed the 
symptoms of disgust arising in the king's mind, his eoe- 
mies seized this opportunity, and Sir William Stewart, 
in revenge of the perfidy with which Gray had betrayed 

" Spotsw. 36S. OJd. iv. 13, 14, Strjpe,3TT. 


1587.3 BODX VrL (149 

.' his brother captain James, ' publicly accused hi^ 

before a convention of nobles, not only-ofrhav- 
iag contributed, by his advice and suggestions, to take 
away. the life of the queen, but of holding correspon^dv 
ence with Popish princes, in order to subvert the reli- 
gion established in the kingdom. Gray, unsupported 
by the king, deserted by all, and conscious of his own 
■guilt, made a feeble defence. ,He was condemned to 
perpetual banishment, a punishment very unequal to 
his crimes. But the king was; unwilling* to abandon 
■one whom he had once favoured so highly, to the rigour 
of justice, and lord Hamilton, his near relation, and the 
other nobles, who had lately returned from exile, in 
gratitude for the zeal with which he had served then), 
interceded warmly in his behalf. 

Having thus caccomplished th.e destruction of one of 
■his enemies, captain James Stewart thought .the junc> 
ture favourable for prosecuting his revenge onth^emall. 
■He singled out secretary Maitland, the most eminent 
both for abilities and enmity to him; and offered to 
prove that he was no less accessary tban. Gray to the 
queen's death, and. had-even formed a design of deli- 
•vering up the king himself into the hands of the Engr 
lish. But time and absence had, in a great measure, 
extinguished the king's affection for a minion who so 
little deserved it All the courtiers combined aga-nst 
him as a common enemy; and, instead of gaining his 
point, he hadthe morti6cation to see the office of chan- 
cellor conferred upon Maidand, who, together with 
that dignity, enjoyed all the power' and -infiuenee of a 
■prime (minister. 

■ ^In the assembly of the church, which met this year, 
.the same hatred to the order of bishops, and the sam^ 
jealousyandfearbftheir encroachments, appeared. But 
^as the king wais now of full ^e, and a parliament was 
summoned on that occasiOUjthe clergy remained satis^ 
fied with appointing some of their number to represent 

160 SCOTLAND. [1587. 

tketr gilevistc^ to that oonirt, from wfaieh great things 
were eitpMted, 

Tbe KiDK PwnottS to tfais mectiiig of parliament, James 
to^C Attempted a work worthy of a king. The deadly 
"'•■»'** fduds which tnibsiBted between many of the 
great ftmilies, and which were transmitted from one 
generation t» aaother, weakened the afrei^;th of die 
kingdom ; ctmthbuted, more than any other drcum- 
stattce, to preserve a fierce and barbarouB spirit among 
the nobles ; and proved the occasion of many disasters 
to themeelTes and to their country. After many pre- 
paratory negotiations, he invited tiie contending parties 
to e. roy^ entertMnment in the palace of Holyrood' 
hoasi ; and partly by his authority, pattiy by his en* 
treaties, obtained their prortiise to bury their dissensions 
in p«rpetaal oblivion. From thence he conducted 
them, in lioluitn processicm, throQgh tiic streets of Edin- 
burgh, marching by pairs, each hand in hand with his 
enemy. A collation of wine and sweetmeats was pre- 
pared at the public Cross, and there they drank to «tch 
oth» with aU the sigm of reciprocal forgiveness and 
of fiiture friendBhip. The people, who were presait 
ftt b spectacle so unusual, conceited the most sanguine 
hopes of seeing concord and tranquillity eirtablished in 
ev^ pattof the kingd<H», and testified their satis&cticm 
by repeated acclamations." Unhappily, the e£fects of 
this reconciliation were not correspondent either to the 
pious 'endeavours of the king, or to the fond wishes of 
the people. 

The fiMt core of the parliament was the «ecuriQr of 
the Protestant religion. All the laws passed in its fit- 
Vour* smce the Reformati'Trii, were ratified ; and a new 
end severe one was enadted against seminary priests 
and Jesuits, whose restless industry in making prose- 
lytes, brought mtmy of them into Scotiand about this 
time. Two acts of this parli«mient deserve more par- 

• Spois*. IM. CUd.U.lS. 

r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google 

1S87.1 BOOK VII. 151 

ticular notice on aooount of the consequenoes with 
which they were followed. 

Qfoeni '^^ 0^^ respected the lands of the church. 
S™^ As the public revenues were not sufficient for 
ofamch- defraying the king's ordinary charges ; as the 
administration of the government became more 
complicated and more expensive ; as Janie§ was natu- 
rally profuse, and a strai^r to economy ; it was ne- 
C9Bsa7y, on all these accounts, to provide some fund 
proportioned to his exigencies. But no considerable 
sum could be levied on the coaunons, who did not 
enjoy the benefit of an extensive commerce. The no- 
bles were unaccustomed to bear the burden of heavy 
taxes. The revenues of the church were the only source 
whence a proper supply could be drawn. Notwith- 
standing all the depredations of the laity since the 
Heformation, and the various devices which they had 
^nployed to seize the church-lands, some considerable 
portion of them remained still unalienated, and were 
held either by the bishops who possessed the benefices, 
or were gninted to laymen during pleasure. All these 
lands were, in this parliament, annexed, by one general 
law," to the crown, and the king was empowered to 
apply the rents of them to his own use. The tithes 
alone were reserved for the maintenance of the persons 
who served the cure, and the principal mansion-house, 
with afew acres of land, byway of glebe, allotted for 
their residence. By this great accession of property, 
it is natural to conclude that the king must have acquired 
a vast increase of power, and the influence of the nobles 
have su&red a proportional diminution. The very 
reverse of this seems, however, to have been the case. 
Almost all grants of church-lands, prior to this aot, were 
thereby confirmed ; and titles, which were formerly 
reckemed precarious, derived thence the sanction of 
parUamentary authority. James was likewise autho- 

• P«I.1I. Jm.VI.c29. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

152 SCOTLAND. [1687. 

rized, during a limited time, to make new alienations ; 
and such was tlie facility of .his temper, ever ready to 
yield to ihe solicitations of his servants, and to gratify 
their most extravagant demands, :that not only during 
the time limited, but throughout his whole reign, he 
was continually employed in bestowing, and. his par- 
liament iu ratifying, ,grants of this kind to his nobles; 
hence little advantage accrued to the crovni from that 
which might have been so valuable an addition to its 
revenues. The bishops, however, were great sufferere 
by the law. But at this juncture neither the king nor 
his ministers were solicitous about the interests of iin 
order of men, odious to the people, and persecuted by 
the clei^. Their enemies promoted the law wit^ the 
utmost zeal. The prospect of sharing in their spoils 
induced all parties td consentto it ; and after a Step'sb 
fatal to the wealth and. power of. the 'dignified clergy, 
it was no difficult matter to introduce that change in 
the government of the church which soon after took 

Zeaetbi- The chaogc which the other statute produced 
".^V*." in the civil constitution was no less remarkable, 
piriiament Under the feudal system, every freeholder, or 
r/pres^- immediate vassal' of the crown, had a right to 
taiiTei. jjg present in parliament. These freeholders 
were originally few in number, but possessed of great 
and extensive property. By degrees these vast pos- 
sessions were divided by the proprietors themselves, or 
parcelled out by the prince, or split by other accidents. 
The number of freeholders became greater, and their 
condition more unequal ; besides the ancient barons, 
who preserved their estates and their power- unim- 
paired, there arose another order, whose rights were 
the same, though their wealth and influence were far 
inferior. But, in rude ages, when the art of govern- 
ment was extremely imperfect, when parliaments were 

f Spotjw. SM. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

1587.] BOOK VII. 153 

seldom assembled, and deliberated od matters- little 
interesting to a martial people, few of the lesser barons 
took their seats, and tbe whole parliamentary juris- 
diction was exercised by the greater barons, in con- 
junction with the ecclesiastical order, James I., fond 
«f imitating the forms of the English constitution, to 
wlneb he had been long accustomed, and desirous of 
providbig a counterpoise to the power of the great 
nobles, procured an. act in the year 1427, dispensing 
with tbejiersonal attendance of the lesser barons, and 
empowering those in each county to choose two com- 
missioners to represent them in parliament. This law, 
like many other regulations of that wise prince, pro- 
duced little effect. All the king's vassals continued, 
as formerly, possessed of a right to be present in par- 
liament ; but, unless in some extraordinary conjunc- 
tures, the greater barons alone attended. But, by 
means of the Reformation, the constitution had under- 
gone a great change. The aristocratical.power of the 
nobles had been much increased, and the influence of the 
ecclesiastical order, which the crown usually employed 
to check their usurpation, and to balance their au- 
thority, had diminished in proportion. Many of the 
abbeys and priories had been erected into temporal 
peerages; arid the Protestant bishops, an indigent race 
of men, and odious to the nation, were far from pos- 
sessing the weight and credit which their predecessors 
lierived ^from their own exorbitant wealth and the su- 
perstitious reverence of the people. In this situation, 
the king had recourse, to the expedient employed ,by 
James. I.,-and obtained a law reviving the statute of 
1427 ; and from that time the commons of Scotland 
have. sent their representatives to parliament. An act, 
Vhich tended so visibly to.abridge.their authority, did 
not pass without opposition from many of the nobles. 
^But as the king had a right to summon thelesser barons 
to attend in person, others-were apprehensive of seeing 

1S4 SCOTLAND. [1S88. 

the House filled with a multitude of his dependants, 
. and consented the more willingly to a law which laid 
them under the restriction of appearing only hy their 

1586. The year 1588 began with a universal ex- 
proadrof pectation throughout all Europe, that it was to 
thha^-' ^^ distinguished by wonderful events and revo' 
™«d». lutions. Several astrologers, according to the 
accounts of contemporary historians, had predicted 
this ; and the situation of affairs in the two principal 
kingdoms of Europe was such, that a sagacious ob- 
server, without any supernatural intelligence, might 
have hazarded the prediction, and have foreseen the 
approach of some grand crisis. In France, it was 
evident, from the astonishing progress of the league, 
conducted by a leader whose ambition was restrained 
by no scruples, and whose genius had hitherto sur- 
mounted all difficulties; as well as from the timid, 
variable, and impolitic counsels of Henry IIL, that 
either that monarch must submit to abandon the throne, 
of which he was unworthy, or by some sudden and 
daring blow cut off his formidable rival. Accordii^ly, 
in the banning of the year, the duke of Guise drove 
his master out of his capital city, and forced him to 
conclude a peace, which left bim only the shadow of 
royalty ; and before the year expired, he himself fell a 
victim to the resentment and fear of Henry, and to his 
own security. In Spain the operations were such as 
promised something still more uncommon. During 
three years Philip had employed all the power of his 
European dominions, and exhausted the treasures of 
the Indies, m.vast pr^arations for war. A fleet, the 
greatest that had ever appeared in the ocean, was ready 
to sail from Lid>on, and a numerous land army was 
assembled to embark on bojurd of it. Its destination 
was still unknown, though many circumstances made 
it probable that the Mow was aimed, in the first place, 

1S88.] ^ b;ook vir, 165 

against Eng^d. Elizabeth had long given secret aid 
to the revolted provinces in the Low Countries, and 
now openly afforded them her protection. A numerous 
body of her troops was in their service ; the earl of 
Leicester commanded their armies ; she had great sway 
in the civil government of the republic ; and some of 
its most considerable towns were in her possession. 
Her fleets had insulted lie coasts of Spain, intercepted 
the galleons from the West Indies, and threatened the 
colonies there. Roused by so many injuries, allured 
by views of ambition, and animated by a superstitious 
zeal for propagating the Romish religion, Philip re- 
solved not only to invade, but to conquer England, to 
which his descent from the house of Lancaster, and the 
donation of pope SixtusV. gave him in his own opinion 
a double title. 

Condoet of Elizabeth saw the danger approach, and pre- 
J^k"^- P^^^ *** encounter it. The measures for the 
»<«>• defence of her kingdom were concerted and car- 
ried on with the wisdom and vigour which distinguished 
her reign. Her chief care was to secure the friendship 
of the king of Scots. She had treated the queen his 
mother with a rigour unknown among princes; she 
had often used himself harshly, and widi contempt ; 
and though he had hitherto prudently suppressed his 
resentment of these injuries, she did not believe it to 
be altogether extinguished, and was a&aid that, in her 
present situation, it might burst out with fatal violence. 
Philip, sensible bow much an alliance with Scotland 
would Militate his enterprise, courted James with the 
utmost assiduity. He excited him to revenge his mo- 
ther's wrong ; he flattered him with the hope of sharing 
his conquests ; ^id offered him in marriage his daugh- 
ter the Infenta Isabella. At the same time Scotland 
swarmed with priests, his emissaries, who seduced some 
Tip the nobles to Popery, and corrupted others with 
brihes and promises. Hundy, Errol, Crawford, were 

156 SCOTLAND. [1689, 

the heads of a faction which openiy.espoused.the in- 
terest of Spain. Lord Maxwell, arriving from that 
court, began ,to assemble his followers, and to take 
arms that he might be ready to join the Spaniards. In 
order to counterbalance all these, Elizabeth made the 
warmest professions of friendship to the king ; and 
Ashby, her ambassador, entertained him with magni- 
ficent hopes and promises. He assured him, that his 
right of succession to the crown should be publicly 
acknowledged in England ; that he should be created 
a duke in ihaX kingdom; and he shtjidd be admitted 
to some share in the government ; and receive a con- 
siderable pension annually. James, it is probable, was 
too well acquainted with Elizabeth's arts, to rely en- 
tirely on these promises. But he understood his own 
interest in the present juncture, and pursued it with 
much steadiness. He rejected an alliance with Spain, 
as dangerous. He refused to admit into his presence 
an ambassador from the pope. He seized colonel Sem- 
ple, an agent of the prince of Parma. He drove many 
of the seminary priests out of the kingdom. He marched 
suddenly to Dumfries, dispersed. Maxwell's followers, 
end took him prisoner. In a convention of the nobles, 
he declared his resolution to adhere inviolably to:the 
-league with England ; and without listening to the 
suggestions of . revenge, deterijiined to act in concert 
with Elizabeth, against the common enemy of the 
Protestant fsiitb. He put the kingdom in a posture of 
defence, and levied troops to obstruct lie landing of 
:the .Spaniards. He offered to send an army to Eliza- 
beth's assistance, and told her ambassador that he ex- 
pected no other favour from the king of Spain; but 
that -which Polyphemus had promised to Ulysses, that 
when he had devoured all his companions, he ■ would 
.make him his -last morsel.'' 

The zeal "of the people, on this occasion, was not in- 

1 C»qid. 544. JohilsM39. Spolsw. 369. 


1588.] BOOK Vir. 157 

A nation*! ferio' to diat of the king ; and the extraordir 
kd^L "^'y danger with which they were threatened, 
of religion, suggested to them an extraordinary expedient for 
their security. A bond was framed for the maintenance 
of true religion, as well as the defence of the king's 
person and government, in opposition to all enemiesj 
foreign and domestic. This contained a confession-of 
the -Protestant faith, a particular renunciation of the 
errors of Popery, and the most solemn promises, in the 
name, and through the strength of God, of adhering to 
each other in supporting the former, and contending 
against the latter, to the utmost of their power.' The 
king, the nobles, the clergy, and the people, subscribed 
with equal alacrity. Strange or uncommon as such a 
combination may now appear, many ciicumstances con- 
tributed at that time to recommend it, and to render 
the idea familiar to the Scots. When roused by an ex- 
traordinary event, or alarmed by any public danger, the 
people of Israel were accustomed to bind themselves> 
by a solemn covenant, to adhere to that religion which 
tiie Almighty had established- among them; this the 
Scots considered as a sacred precedent, which it be- 
came them to imitate. In that age, no considerable 
enterprise was undertaken in Scotiand, without a bond 
of mutual defence, which all concerned reckoned ne- 
cessary for their security. The form of this reli^ous 
confederacy is plainly borrowed from those political 
ones, of which so many instances have occurred ; the 
articles, stipulations, and peculiar modes of expression, 
are exactly the same in both. Almost all the consi- 
derable Popish princes were then joined in a league for 
extirpating the reformed religion, and nothing could 
be more natural, or seemed more etHcacious, than to 
enter into a counter-association, in order to oppose 
the progress of that formidable conspiracy. To these 
causes did ^e covenant, which is become. so famous in 

<^ Duntop'i Collect, of Confess, vol. ii. 108. 



history, owe its origm. It was renewed at different 
times during the reign of James.* It was revived wiA 
great solemnity, though with considerable alterations, 
in the year 1638. It was adopted by the English in 
the year 1643, and enforced by the civil and ecclesi- 
astical authority of both kingdoms. The political pur- 
poses to which it was then made subservient, and the 
violent and unconstitutional measures which it was then 
employed to promote, it is not our province to explain. 
But at the juncture in which it was first introduced, we 
may pronounce it to have been a prudent analaudable 
device for the defence of the religion and liberties of 
the nation ; nor were the terms in which it was cob- 
ceived, other than might have been expected from men 
alarmed with the impending danger of Popery, and 
threatened with an invasion by the most bigotted and 
most powerful prince in Europe. 

Philip's eageniess to conquer England did not in- 
spire him either with the vigour or dispatch necessary 
to ensure the success of so migh^ an enterprise. His 
fleet, which ought to have sailed in April, did not enter 
the English channel till the middle of July. It hovered 
many days on the coast, in expectation of being joined 
by the prince of Parma, who was blocked up in the 
ports of Flanders by a Dutch squadron. Coa- 
madide- tiuual disasters pursued the Sp»ijard6 dnriog 
^^''^ that time ; successive storms and battles, which 
are well known, conspired with their own iU-conduct 
to disappoint their enterprise. And, by the blessing of 
Providence, which watched with remarkaWe care over 
the Protestant religion and the liberties of Britain, the 
English valour scattered and destroyed the armada, on 
which Philip had arrogantly bestowed die name of in- 
vincible. After being driven out of the £ng^h seas, 
their shattered ships were forced to steer their covrse 
towards Spain, round Scotland and Irefaud. Mkny of 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

1^80 BOOK VII. 159 

them sulTered shipwreck on these dangerous and un- 
known coasts. Though James kept his subjects tinder 
arms, to watch the motions of the Spaniards, and to 
prevent their landing in a hostile manner, he received 
with great humanity seven hundred who were forced 
ashore by a tempest, and, after supplying them with 
necessaries, permitted them to return into their own 

On the retreat of the Spaniards, Elizabeth sent an 
ambassador to con^atulate with James, and to compli- 
ment him on the firmness and generosity he had disco- 
vered during a conjuncture so dangerous. But none of 
Ashby's promises were any longer remembered ; that 
minister was even accused of having exceeded his 
powers, by his too liberal offers ; and conscious of his 
own falsehood, or ashamed of being disowned by his 
court, he withdrew secretly out of Scotland.' 

1589. Philip, convinced by fatal experience of his 
PhiUp'.in-o^pn rashness in attempting the conquest of 
ScDtJuid, England, by a naval armament, equipped at so 
great a distance, and subjected, in all its operations, to 
the delays, and dangers, and uncertainties, arising from 
seas and wind, resolved to make his attack in another 
form, and to adopt the plan which the princes of Lor- 
rain had long meditated, of invading England through 
Scotland. A body of his troops, he imagined, might 
be easily wafted over from the Low Countries to that 
kingdom, and if they could once obtain footing, or 
procure assistance there, the frontier of England was 
open, and defenceless, and the northern counties lull of 
Roman Catholics, who would receive them with open 
arms. Meanwhile a descent might be threatened on 
the southern coast, which would divide the English 
army, distract their counsels, and throw the whole king- 
dom into terrible convulsions. In order to prepare the 
way for the execution of this design, he remitted- a 

• JohDit lU. Ctund. 548. Mivdin, 635. 788. 


160 SCOTLAND. [1589. 

considerable sum of money to Bruce, a seminary priest 
in Scotland, and. employed him, toother with' Hay, 
Crichton, and Tyrie, Scottish Jesuits, to gain over as 
many persons of distinction as possible to his interest, 
p -ii^Zeal for Popery, and the artful insinuations of 
Wes con- these emissaries, induced several noblemen to 
gunstthe favour a mcasurc which tended so manifestly to 
"'^' the destruction of their country. Huntly, though 
the king had lately given him in .marriage the daughter 
of his favourite the dilke of Lennox, continued warmly 
attached to the Romish church. Crawford and Errol 
were animated with the zeal of new converts. They all 
engaged in a correspondence with the prince of Parma, 
and, in their letters to him, offered their service to the 
king of Spain, and undertook, with the aid of six thou- 
sand men, to render him master of Scotland, and to 
bring so many of their vassals into the field, that he 
should he able to enter England with a numerous 
army. Francis. Stewart, grandson of James V.,''whom 
the king had created earl of Bothwell, though in- 
fluenced by no motive of religion, for he still adhered to 
the Protestant faith, was prompted merely by caprice, 
and the restlessness of his nature, to join in this treason- 
able correspondence. 

_ All these letters were intercepted in England, 

Elizabeth, alarmed at the danger which threat- 
ened her own kingdom, sent them immediately to the 
king, and, reproaching him with his former lenity to- 
wards the Popish party, called upon him to check this 
Theking'. formidable Conspiracy by aproper sevcrity. But 
™h regard J^'OiGS, though firmly attached to the Protestant 
lo juperjr. religion, though profoundly versed in the theo- 
logical controversies between the reformers and the 
church of Rome, though he had employed. himself,. at 
that early period of life, in writing a commentary on the 
Revelations, in which he laboured to prove the pope to 

" He was tlie s»n of John, prior of Coldingliam, one ot Jamei's natural cUldien. . 

, Co Ogle 

16890 flOOK VII, 161 

be antichrist, had nevertheless adopted already those 
piaxims concerning the treatment of the Roman Catho- 
lics, to which he adhered through the rest of his life. 
The Roman Catholics were at tl^t time a powerful anij 
active party in England ; they were far from being an 
inconsiderable Action in his own kingdgm. The pope 
and the king of Spain were ready to take part in all their 
machinations, and to second every effort of their bigotry. 
The opposition of su^h a body to his succession to the 
crown of England, added to the averseness of the Eng- 
lish from the government of strangers, might create him 
many difficulties. In order to avoid these, he thought 
it necessary to soothe rather than to irritate the Roman 
Catholics, and to reconcile tiiem to his succession, by 
the hopes of gentler treatment, and some mitigation of 
the rigour of those laws, which were now in force against 
them- This attempt to gain one party by promises of 
indulgenpe and acts of clemency, while he adhered widi 
all the obstinacy pf a disputant to the doctrines and 
tenets of the other, has given an air of mystery, and even 
<>f coptradiction, to this part of the king's character. 
The Papists, with the credulity of a sect struggling 
to obtain power, believed his heart to be wholly 
theirs ; and the Protestants, with the jealousy, insepa- 
Fable from those who are already in possession of 
power, viewed every act of lenity as a mark of iqdif- 
feren<c^) or a symptom of apostacy. In order to please 
both, James often aimed at an excessive refinement, 
mingled with dissimulation, in which he imagined 
tha perfipc^O ^f government and of king-craft to 

jfw tufpi- Etis behaviour on this occasion was agreeable 
taTul^'n- ^ these general maxims. Notwithstanding the 
•j»«v»>. solicitations of the queen of England, enforced 
by the zealous remonstrances of his own clergy, a short 
imprisonment was th^ only punishment he inflicted upon 
VOL. II. - u 


I^ SCOTLAND. [1689. 

HuDtly and his associates. But lie soon had reason to 
repent an act of clemency so inconsistent with the dig- 
nity of government. The first use which the conspira- 
tors made of their liberty was to assemble their follow- 
ers, and under pretence of removing chancellor Mait- 
land, an able minister, but warmly devoted to the Eng- 
lish interest, from the king's council and presence, they 
attempted to seize James himself. This attempt being 
defeated, partly by Maitland's vigilance, and partly by 
their own ill conduct, they were forced to retire to the 
north, where they openly erected the standard of rebel- 
lion. But as the king's government was not generally 
unpopular, or his ministers odious, their own vassals 
joined them slowly, and discovered no zeal in the cause. 
The king, in person, advancing against them with such 
forces as he could suddenly levy, they durst not rely so 
much on the fidelity of the troops, which, though supe- 
rior in number, followed them with reluctance, as to 
hazard a batde ; but suffering them to disperse, they 
surrendered to the king, and threw themselves on his 
mercy. Huntly, Errol, Crawford, and Bothwell, were 
all brought to a public trial. Repeated acts of treason 
were easily proved against them. The king, however, 
did not permit aqy sentence to be pronounced; and 
after keeping them a few- months in confinement, 
he took occasion, amidst the public festivity and re- 
joicings at the approach of his marriage, to set them at 

The king'. ^^ James was the only descendant of the an- 
oarnAgp cient monarchs of Scotland in the direct line: 

with Aiuie ,, , -..» «T 

otDen- as all hopes of unitmg the crowns of the two 
""'* kingdoms would have expired with him ; as the 
earl of Arran, the presumptive heir to the throne, was 
lunatic ; the king's marriage was, on all these accounts, 
an event which the nation wished for with the utmost 

' Sp«U«. 973. Gald. it. lOS— ISO. 


1389.] BOOK VII. 168 

ardour. He himself was no less desirous of accomplish- . 
ing it ; and had made overtures for that purpose to the 
eldest daughterofFrederickll.kingof Denmark. But 
Elizabeth, jealous of every thing that would render the 
Bccessionof the house of Stewart more acceptable to the 
English, endeavoured to perplex James, in the same 
manner 'she had done Mary ; find employed as many 
artifices to defeat or to retard his marriage. His minis- 
ters, gained by bribes and promises, seconded her in- 
tention ; and though several different ambassadors were . 
sent from Scotland to Denmark, they produced powers 
so limited, or insisted on conditions so extravagant, that 
Frederick could not believe the king to be in earnest ; 
and suspecting that there was some. design to deceive 
or amuse him, gave his daughter in marriage to the duke 
of BranswicL Not discouraged by this disappointment, 
which he imputed entirely to the conduct of his own 
ministers, James made addresses to the princess Anne, 
Frederick's second daughter. Though Elizabeth en- 
deavoured to divert him from this by recommending 
Catherine, the king of Navarre's sister, as a more ad- 
vantageous match ; though she prevailed on the privy- 
council of Scotland to declare against the alliance with 
Denmark, he persisted in his choice ; and despairing of 
overcoming the obstinacy of bis own ministers in any 
other manner, he secretly encouraged the citizens of 
Edinburgh to take arms. They threatened to tear in 
pieces the chancellor, whom they accused as the person 
whose artifices had hitherto disappointed the wishes of 
the king and the expectations of his people. In conse- . 
quence of this, the earl Marischal was sent into Den- 
mark at the head of a splendid embassy. He received 
ample powers and instructions, drawn with the king's 
own hand. The marriage articles were quickly agreed 
upon, and the young queen set sail towards Scotland: 
James made great preparations for her reception, and 


1(J4 SCOTLAND. [l«9. 

waited her landuig witb all the impatience of a lov«>, 
when the unwelcome account arrived, that a violent 
tempest had arisen, which drove back her fleet to Nor- 
way, in a condition so shattered, that there was little 
hope of its putting again to sea before the spring. This 
unexpected disappointment he felt with the utmost sen- 
sibility. He instantly fitted out some ships, and, with- 
out communicating his intention to any of his council, 
sailed in person, attended by the chanoellor, several 
nobleoien, and a train of three hundred persons, in quest 
of his bride. He arrived safely in a small hai^ 
bout neviUpslo, where the queen then resided. 
Not. S4. There the nmrriage was solemnized ; and as it 
would have been rash to trust those boisterous seas in 
the winter season, James accepted the invitation of the 
court of Denmark, and repairing to Copenhagen, passed 
several moniba there, amidst continual feasting and 
amujiements, in which both the queen and himself had 
^at delight.' 

No event in the king's life appears to be a wider de- 
viation from his general character than this sudden sally. 
His son Charles I. was capable of that excessive admira- 
tion of the other sex, which arises from great sensibility 
of heart, heightened by el^ance of taste ; and the ro- 
m<mtic air of his journey to Spain suited siich a dif^o- 
^ition. But James was not susceptible of any refined 
gallantry, and always expressed that contempt for the 
female character which a pedantic erudition, unac- 
quainted with politeness, is apt to inspire. He was 
exasperated, however, and rendered impatient by the 
many obstacles which had been laid in his way. He was 
anxious to secure the political advantages which he ex. 
pected from marrif^ ; and fearing that a delay might 
afford Elizabeth and his own ministers an opportunity 
of thwarting him by new intrigues, he suddenly took 

TMelTil,3». 8[wtair.a?r. Uni<fia,6ST. 


1589.] BOOK VII. 165 

the resolution of preventing them, by a voyage from 
which he expected to return ui a few weeks. The nation 
seemed to applaud his conduct, and to be pleased with 
this appearance of amorous ardour in a young prince. 
Notwi^tanding his absence so long beyond the time 
he expected, the nobles, the clergy, and the people, vied 
with one another in loyalty and obedience ; and no 
period of the king's reign was more remarkable for 
tranquilli^, or more free from any eruption of those 
fitctions which so often disturbed the kingdom. 





1590. On the 1st of May tbe king and queen arrived 
^ Jnlfn ^* Leith,and were received by their subjects with 
smjein evciy posslblc cxpressiou "oif joy. The solem- 
nity of the queen's coronation was conducted 
with great magnificence ; but so low had the order of 
bishops fallen in the opinion of the public, that none of 
them were present on that occasion ; and Mr. Robert 
Bruce, a presbyterian minister of great reputation, set 
the crown on her head, administered the sacred unction, 
and performed the other customary ceremonies. 

The zeal and success with which many of the clo^ 
had contributed towards preserving peace and order in 
the kingdom, during his absence, reconciled James, in 
a great degree, to their persons, and even to the pres- 
byterian form of government. In presence of 
an assembly which met this year, he made high 
encomiums on the discipline as well as the doctrine of 
the church, promised to adhere inviolably to both, and 
permitted the assembly to frame such acts as gradually 
abolished all the remains of episcopal jurisdiction, and 
paved the way for a fiill and legal estsjblishment of the 
presbyterian model.' 

An event happened soon after, which afforded 
the clergy no small triumph. Archbishop Adam- 
son, their ancient opponent, having fallen under the 
king's displeasure, havingbeendeprived of the revenues 

■ Clld. IT. tot. 


1591.] BOOK. Vlir. 167 

of his see in consequence of the act of annexation, and 
being oppressed wtth age, with povertjr, and diseases, 
made the meanest submission to the clergy, and deH- 
vered to the assembly a formal recantation of all his 
opinions concerning church government, which had 
been matter of offence to the presbyterians. Such a 
confession,. from the most learned person of the epis- 
copal order, was considered as a testimony which the 
force of truth had extorted from an adversary.'' 
Diioiden Meanwhile, the king's excessive clemency to- 
il?''? wards offenders multiplied crimes of all kinds, 

and encouraged such acts of violence, as brought 
his government under contempt, and proved fatal to 
many of his subjects. The history of several years, 
about this time, is Blled with accounts of the deadly 
quarrels between the great families, and of murders 
and assassinations perpetrated in the most audacious 
manner, and with circumstances of the utmost barba- 
rify. All the defects in the feudal aristocracy were 
now felt more sensibly, perhaps, than at any other pe- 
riod in the history of Scotland, and universal licence 
aqd anarchy prevailed to a degree scarce consistent 
with the preservation of socie^ : while the king, too 
gentle to punish, or too feeble to act with vigour, suf- 
fered all Ihese enormities to pass with impunity. 
An attempt B"* though James connived at real crimes, 
weH^"'" witchcraft, which is commonly an imaginary 
■fjunitiiis one, engrossed his attention, and those sus- 

pected of it felt the whole weight of his autho- 
rity. Many persons, neither extremely old nor wretch- 
edly poor, which were \isually held to be certain indi- 
cations of this crime, but masters of families, and ma- 
trons of a decent rank, and in the middle Sige of life, 
were seized and tortured. Though their confessions 
ccmtained the most absurd and incredible circumstances, 
the kill's prejudices, those, of the clergy and of the 


r,on7<-i.i Google 

166 SCOTLAKD. [1591. 

ped[Je, Conspired in belierii^ their eztran^ances 
without hesitation, and in pnnishiag Adr pers(»is with- 
out mercy. Some of diese unhaf^y au^rera accused 
BothweU of having consulted them, in order to knoyt 
the time of the king's death, end of having employed 
tiieir art to raise ihe storms which had endangered the 
queen's life, and had detained James so long in Den- 
maril. UpcHi this evidence that nobleman was com^ 
mitted to prison. His turbulent and haughty spirit 
could ueittier submit to die restraint, nor brook such 
an indi^iify. Haviiig gained his keepers, he made his 
escape, and imputing the accusation to the artifices of 
his enemy the chancellor, he assembled his followers, 
under pretence of driving him from the king's councils. 
Being favoured by some of the king's attendants, he 
*as admitted by a secret passage, under cloud of night, 
into the court of the palace of Holyrood-house. He 
advanced directly towards the royal apartment, but 
happily before he entered, the alann v^as taken, and 
the doors shut Wbile he attempted to burst 
open some of them, and set fire to others, the 
citizens of Edinburgh had time to run to tiieir arms, 
and he escaped With the utmost difficult ; Owing his 
safety to the darkness of the night, and the precipi- 
tancy with which he fied.^ 

He retired towards the north, and the king 
having unadvisedly given a commissicoi to die 
earl of Huntiy to pursue htm and his followers vrith 
fire and sword, he, under colour of executing that com- 
mission, gratified his private revenge, and surrounded 
the house of tiie earl of Murray, bnmt it to the ground, 
and slew Murray himself. The murder of a 
young nobleman of such promising virtues, and 
the heir of the regent Murray, the darling of the people, 
excited universal indignation. The citizens of Edin-^ 
burgh rose in a tumultuous manner ; and, Ihou^ they 

'KdT.SSB. Spotiw. 386. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

1599.1 BOOK Vlit, 16^ 

were resb^ned by tke cate e^ the AiagiSti^tes Irom any 
act of Tiolenee, tl^y tlu%it' aside all rSspei:^ f^ &e kltig 
emd his liimisters, and openly instilted and threatened 
both. While this mutinous ajHtit continued, Jairfes 
thought it prudeut to withdraw from the city, and fixed 
his residence fof some time at Glasgow. There Huiitly 
surrendered himself to justice j and, Notwithstanding 
Ijie atrociousness of his cnme^ and the clamours of the 
people, the power of the chwicdlor, with whom he Was 
now closely confederated, and the king's reg&rd for the 
memory of the dukedf Lenuoxj whose daughter he had 
muried, not only protected him froin the sentenice which 
such an odious action merited, but exempted him even 
from the fonuEility of a public trial*"* 
ptMbj- A step of tnuch importance was taken soon 
S^hgo- after with regard to the government of Ae 
^"J^^ (Aureh. The clergy had long coinplained of 
Viair. the encroachmenta made upon their privileges 
and jurisdiction by the acts of the parliament 1584, 
and though these laws bad now lost mueh of their 
force, they resolved to petition the parliamfentj which 
wtis approaching, to repeal them in fonn. The junc- 
ture for pushing such a measure was well chosen* The 
king had lost much of the public favour by his lenity 
towards the Popish faction, and stUl more by his re- ■ 
missness in pursuing the murderers of the e^l of Mur- 
ray. The chancellor had hot only a powerful party of 
&e courtiers combined against him, but was become 
odious to the people, who itnputed to him every false 
step in the king's conduct. Bothwell still lurked in 
the kingdom, and being secretly supported by all the 
enemies of Maidand's administration, was ready every 
moment to renew his audacious enterprises. James, 
for all these reasons, was extremely willing to indulge 
the clergy in their request, and not only consented to 
a law, whereby the acts of 1684 were rescinded or ex- 

* SpMjw. SVT. 

r,o,:,..i.i.i Google 

170 SCOTLAND. [I5&3. 

plained, but he carried his complaisance: still farther, 
and permitted the parliament to establish the presby- 
terian goTemment, in its general assemblies, provincial 
synods, presbyteries, and kirk sessions, with all the dif- 
ferent branches of their discipline and jurisdiction, in 
the most ample manner. All the zeal and authority of 
the clergy, even under the administration of regents, 
from whom they might have expected the most parti^ 
favour, could not obtain the sanction of law, in con- 
firmation of their mode of ecclesiastical government 
No prince was ever less disposed than James to ap- 
prove a system, the republican genius of which inspired 
a passion for liberty extremely repugnant to his exalted 
notions of royal prerogative. Nor could any aversion 
be more inveterate than his, to the austere and uncom- 
plying character of the presbyterian clergy in that age ; 
who, more eminent for zeal than for policy, often con- 
tradicted his opinions, and censured his conduct, with 
a freedom equally offensive to his dogmatism as a theo- 
logian, and to his pride as a king. His situation, how- 
ever, obliged him frequently to conceal, or to dissem- 
ble, his sentiments ; and, as he ofren disgusted his sub- 
jects, by indulging the Popish faction more than they 
approved, he endeavoured to atone for this by conces- 
sions to the presbyterian clergy, more liberal than he 
himself would otherwise have chosen to grant.' 

In this parliament, Bothwell and all his adherents 
were attainted. But he soon made a new attempt to 
seize the king at Falkland ; and James, betrayed by some 
of his courtiers, and feebly defended by others, who 
wished well to Bothwell, as the chancellor's avowed 
enemy, owed his safety to the fidelity and vigilance of 
Sir Robert Melvil, and to the irresolution of Bothwell's 

A new con- Scarcely was this danger over, when the na- 
apuMj of tJQnwas alarmed with the discovery of aoewand 

• CJd. i*. t4«. tSi. SpoUw. 3S8. ' Melv. 40Z. 


1592.] BOOK Vin. 171 

the PopSA more fpnnidable conspiraey. George Ker, the 

*' lord Newbottle's brother, being seized as he was 
ready to set sail for Spain, many suspicioiis papers were 
found in his custody, and among these several blanks 
signed by the earls of Angus, Huntly,.and Errol. By 
this extraordinary precaution they hoped* tO escape . any 
danger .of discovery. But Ker's resolution shrinking 
wh^i torture was threatened, he confessed that he was 
employed b^ these noblemen to carry on a negotiation 
with the king of Spain ; &at the blaiJis subscribed with 
their names were to be filled up by Crichton and Tyrie; 
that they were instructed to offer the faithful service of 
the three earls to that monareh ; and to solicit liim to 
land a body of his troops, either in Galloway, or at the 
mouth of Clyde, with which they undertook, in the first 
place, to establish the Roman Catholic religion in Scot- 
land, and then to invade Elngland with the wholeforces 
.of the kingdom. David Graham of Fintry, and Barclay 
of Ladyland, whom he accused of being privy to the 
conspiracy, were taken into custody, arid confirmed all 
the circumstances of his confession.' 

jjgj^ The nation having been kept for some time 
z«ii of iiie in continual terror and agitation by so many 
successive conspiracies, the discovery ot this 
new danger completed the panic. All ranks of. men, 
as if the enemy had already been at their gates, thought 
themselves called upon to stand forth in defence of their 
country. The nainisters of Edinburgh, without waiting 
for any warrant from the king, who happened at that 
time to be absent from the Capital, and without having 
received any legal commission, assembled a consider- 
able number of peers and barons, in order to provide 
an instant security against the impending danger. They 
seized the earl of Angus, and committed him to the 
castle; they examined Ker; and prepared a remon- 
strance to be laid before the king, concerning the stale 

» Rymer, ivi. 190. 


173 SCOTLAND. 116931 

of the Batioii, md tlie netiegait^ of frosecutiag the cen- 
ii^™^ Bpiratorswitib becoming vigour. JjHiies, though 
■T"^^'"' jedous of every encroachment on his preroga- 
•gdHit tive, and offended with his subjects, Who, in- 
*'"^' stead of petitioning, seined to [H-eseribe to 
him, found it necessary, during the viol^ice of the fer- 
weat, not only to adopt their plan, but even to declare 
tiiat no consideration should ever induce him to pardon 
such as had been guilty of so odious a tjreason; He 
suinrntHied the earls of Huntly knd Errol to surrend^t- 
- themselves to justice. Graham of Fintry, whc«n 

his peers pronounced to be guilty of treason, he 
commanded to be publicly beheaded ; ahd muching 
into the aorth at the head of an army, the two euls, 
together with Atigus, Who had escaped out of prison, 
retired to the mountains. He placed garrisons in the 
oastles Whieh belo&ged to tkem ; compelled their vas- 
sals, and tiie bkrons in the adjacent countries, to sub- 
scribe & bobd, ccmtaining professions of their loyalty 
towards him, tmd of dieir firm adherence to ibe Protes- 
tant faith ; and the better to seture the tranquillity c^ 
that part of the kingdom, constituted &e earls of Athol 
and Marischal bis lieutenants Aere.'' 
Hhich le. Having Bnished this expeditioti, James re- 
Kflicito bib tumcd to Edinbu^b, where he found lord Bor- 
ihen^ith ""ough, an extraordinary ambassador from the 
^DT. court of England. Elizabeth, alarmed at the 
discovery of a conspiracy which she considered as no 
less formidable to her own kingdom than to Scot^d, 
r^roached JameS with his former remissnesSj and 
urged himy as he regarded the preservation of the Pro- 
testant religion, or the digni^ of his own crown, to 
punish this repeated treason with rigour ; and if he 
could not apprehend the persons, at least to confiscate 
the estates, of such audacious rebels. She weakened, 
however, the force of these requests, by interceding at 

* Spotiw. 3dl. CM. IT. S91. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

1593-1 90QR Vni. 175 

the same tiise ia b«1ialf of Bothwell, whom, apooniMig 
to h^ UMta] poUej', ia aourishmg a factiova ^Ht 
among the Soofetish nob}«s, she had taken under her 
protection. Jamea absolutely refused to listen to any 
lotereession in favour of one who had sq ot^ten, and with 
lo much outrage, insul^d both hia goremment and his 
person. With regard to the Popish conapirators, he 
(bclared his resolution to prosecute ^em with vigour ; 
but that he might be the better able to do so, he de- 
manded a small sum of money from Elii^abeth, which 
she, distrustful perhaps of the manner in which he might 
apply it, shewed no inclination to grtmt. The zeal, 
however, and importunity of his own subjects, obliged 
him to call a parliament, in order to pass an act of 
attainder against the three earls. But before it me^ 
Ker made his escape out of prison ; apd, on pretence 
that legal evidence of &eir guilt could not be produced* 
nothing was concluded against them. The king him^ 
self was Tmiveraally suspected of luiving ooBtrived thk 
artifice, on purpose to elude the requests of the queen 
of England, and to disappoint the wishes of his own 
people; and therefore, in order to soothe the clergy, 
who exclaimed loudly gainst his conduct, he gare way 
to the passing of an act, which ordained such as obsti- 
nately contemned the censures of the church, to be 
declared outiaws.' 

Boihweu While the terror excited by the Popish con- 
«av^\ spiracy possessed the nation, the court had be^ 
divided by two rival factions, which contended 
for the chief direction of affairs. At the head of one 
was the ehancellor, in whom the king reposed entire 
confidence. For that very reason, perhaps, he had 
ihllen early under the queen's displeasure. The duke 
of Lennox, the earl of Athol, lord Ochiltree, and aU the 
name of Stewart, espoused her quarrel, and widened 

' Cild. IT. 543. Spotsw. 3?3. Pari. 13 Ju. VI. c. 164. 


m SCOTLAND. [1593. 

the breach. James, fond no less of domestic tranquil- 
lity ihaxL of public peace, advised his favourite to retire, 
for some time, in hopes that the queen's resentment 
would subside. But as he stood in need, in the present 
juncture, of the assistance of an able minister, he had 
recalled him to court. In order to prevent him from 
recovering his former power, the Stewarts had recourse 

to an expedient no less illegal than desperate. . 

Having combined with Bofliwell, who was of 
the same name, they brought him back secretly into . 
Scotland ; and seizing the gates of the palace, intro- 
duced him into the royal apartment with a numerous 
train of armed followers. James, though deserted by 
all his courtiers, and incapable of resistance, discovered 
more indignation than fear, and reproaching ^hem for 
their treachery, called on the earl to finish his treasons, 
by piercing his sovereign to the heart. . But Bothwell 
fell on his knees, and implored pardon. The king was 
not in a condition to refuse his demands. A few days 
^er.he signed a capitulation with this successful trai- 
tor, to whom he was really a prisoner,' whereby he bound 
himself to grant him a remission for all past ofiences, 
and to procure the ratification of it in parliament ; and 
in the mean time to dismiss the chancellor, the master 
of Glamis, lord Home, and Sir George Home, from his 
councils and presence. Bothwell, on his part, con- 
sented to remove from court, though he left there as 
many of his associates as he thought sufficient to pre- . 
vent the return of the adverse faction. 
Ositeo- But it was now no easy matter to keep the 
J^J^ "' king under the same kind of bondage to which 
Sept 7. he had been often subject during his minority. 
He discovered so much impatience to shake off his fet- 
ters, that those who had imposed, durst not continue 
the restraint They permitted him to call a convention 
of the nobles at Stirling, and to repair thither himself. 


1593] BOOK Vni. 175 

All Bothwell's enemies, and all who were desirous of 
gaining the king's favour by appearing to be so, obeyed 
ihe summons. They pronounced the insult offered to 
the king's person and authority to be high-treason, and 
declared him absolved from any obligation to observe 
conditions extofted by force, and which violated so es- ■ 
sentially his royal prerogative. James, however, still 
proffered him a pardon, provided he would sue for it as 
an act of mercy, and promise to retire out of the king- 
dom. These conditions Bothwell rejected with disdain, 
iand, betaking himself once more to arms, attempted to 
surprise the Ung; but finding him on his guard, fled to 
the borders.'' 

suntecied The king'sardouTagaiostBothwell, compsjed 
ing ^Pa. 'with his slow and evasive proceedings against 
piihiordi. the Popish lords, occasioned a general disgust 
among his subjects : and was imputed either to an ex- 
cessive attachment to the persons of those conspirators, 
or to a secret partiality towards their opinions; botii 
which gave rise to no unreasonable fears. The cleigy; 
as the immediate guardians of the Protestant religion, 
thought themselves bound, in such a juncture, to take ex- 
traordinary steps for its preservation. The pro- 
vincial synod of Fife happening to meet at that 
time, a motion was made to excommunicate all con- 
cerned in the late conspiracy, as obstinate and irre- 
claimable Papists; and, though none of the conspira- 
tors resided within the bounds of the synod, or were 
subject to its jurisdiction, such was the zeal of the mem- 
bers, that, overlooking this irregularity, they pronoun- 
'ced against them the sentence of excommunication, to 
which the act of last parliament added new terrors. 
Lest this should be imputed to a few men, and account- 
ed the act of a small part of the church, deputies were 
^pointed to attend the adjacent synods, and to desire 
fteir ^probation and concurrence. 

k CM. JT. 316. SpoUw. 393. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

IT0 SCQTI,A?(I). [1593. 

Hu hdtr Aa event happened a few weeks after, which 
^^' inereased the people's suipicions of the king. 
Oct. 17. As he was marching ob an expedition agaijost 
the borderers, the three Popish eails coming suddenly 
into his presencej offered to submit themselves to a 
- legal trial ; and Jaraes, without cominitting them to cus- 
tody, appointed a day for that purpose. They prepared 
tQ appea): with a formidable train of their friends and 
vassals. But in the o^ean time the clergy, together with 
many peerEi and barons, assembled at Edinbui^h, re- 
monstrated against the king's extreme indulgence, with 
great boldness, aqd demanded of him, according to the 
regular course of justice, to commit to sure custody per- 
sons charged with the highest acts of treason, who could 
not be brought to a legal trial, until they were absolved 
from the censures of the church; and to call a oonven- 
tion of estates, to deliberate concerning the method of 
proceeding against them. At the same tiine they offered 
to accompany him in anns to the place of trial, lest such 
audacious and powerful criminals should overawe jus- 
tice, and dictate to thejudgea,to whom they pretended 
to submit James, though extremely oSended, both 
with the irregul^ity of their proceedings, and the pre- 
sumption of their demands, &un(} it expedient to put 
ofTthe day of trial, and to call a convention of estate^, 
in order to quiet the fears and jealousies of the people. 
By being humoiu'ed in thi^ point, their sQspipions be- 
gf^ gradually to abate, aad the chancellor managed 
tt^e convention so artfully, that he himself, together with 
a few other members, were empowered to pronounce a 
final sentence upon the conspiratpra> After 
much deliberation they ordained, that the three 
earls and theip associates should be exempted from all 
farther inquiry or prosecution, on account of their cor- 
respondence with Spain; that, before the first day of 
February, they should either submit to the church, and 
publicly renounce the errors of Popery, or remove out 


1693.] BOOK VIII. 177 

of the kingdom; that, before the 1st of January, Aey 
should declare which of these alternatives they would 
embrace; that they should find surety for their peace- 
able demeanour for the future ; and that if they failed to 
signify their choice in due time, they should lose the 
benefit of this act oiabolUiont and femain exposed to all 
the pains of law.' 

By this lenity towards the conspirators, James 
incurred much reproach, and gained no advan- 
tage. Devoted to the Popish superstition, submissive 
to all the dictates of their priests, and buoyed up with 
hopes and promises of foreign aid, the three earls re- 
fused to accept of the conditions, and continued their 
treasonable correspondence with the court of 
Spain. A convention of estates pronounced 
them to have forfeited the benefit of the articles which 
were offered ; and the king required them, by proclama- 
tion, to surrender themselves to justice. The presence 
of the English ambassador contributed, perhaps, to the 
vigour of these proceedings. Elizabeth, ever attentive 
to James's motions, and imputing his reluctance to. 
punish the Popish jords to a secret approbation of 
their designs, had sent lord Zouche to represent, once 
more, the danger 'to which he exposed himself, by 
this false moderation; and to require hi(n to exercise 
that rigour which, their crimes, as well as the posture 
of affairs, rendered necessary. Though the steps now 
taken by the king silenced all complaints on that head, 
yet Zouche, forgetful of his character as an ambassa- 
dor, entered into private negotiations with such of the 
Scottish nobles as disapproved of the king's measures, 
and held almost an open correspondence with Both- 
well, who,. according to the usutd artifice of malecon- 
tents, pretended much solicitude for reforming the dis- 
orders of the commonweal^; and covered his own amr 
bition with the specious veil of zeal against those coutt> 

•CaM.iT.S30. 8potiw.39r. 

, r,o,:,7H:,yGoO<^lc 

178 SCOTLAND. [1594. 

sellers who restrained &e king from pursuing the 
avowed enemies of the Protestant ^th. Zouche en- 
court^d him, in the name of his mistress, to take arms 
against his sovereign. 

^ ^ Meanwhile, the king and the clergy were 

tempt of _ filled with mutual distrust of each other. They 
were jealous, perhaps, to excess, that James's 
aifections leaned too much towards the Popish faction ; 
he suspected them, without good reason, of prompting 
Bothwell to rebellion, and even of supplying him with 
money for that purpose. Litde instigation, indeed, was 
wanting to rouse such a turbulent spirit as Bothweirs 
to any daring enterprise. He appeared suddenly within 
a mile of Edinburgh, at the head of four hundred horse. 
The pretences, by which he endeavoured to justify this 
insurrection, were extremely popular; zeal for religion, 
enmity to Popery, concern for the king's honour, and 
for the liberties of the nation. James was totally un- 
provided for his own defence ; he had no infantry, and 
was accompanied only with a few horsemen of lord 
Home's train. In this extremity, he inxplored the aid 
of the citizens of Edinburgh, and, in order to encou- 
rage them to act with zeal, he promised to proceed 
against the Popish lords with the utmost rigour of 1 aw. 
Animated by their ministers, the citizens ran cheer- 
fully td their arms, and advanced, with the king at their 
head, against Bothwell;- but he, notwithstanding his 
success in putting to flight lord Home, who had rashly 
charged him with a far inferior number of cavalry, re- 
tired to Dalkeith without daring to attack the king. 
His followers abandoned him soon after, and discou- 
raged by so many svceessive disappointments, could 
never afterward be brought to venture into the field. 
He betook himself to his usual lurking places in the 
librth of England ; butElizabeth, in compliance with the 
king's remonstrances, obliged him to quit his retreat." 

■ Spotiw. 403. CM. iT. 339. 

r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google 

Ifi94;] BOOK VIIL 179 

Frnh No soQDer was the.kin^ delivered from one 

fi^iE'e danger, .than he was cdled to attend to another. 
bX"* '^^^ Popish lords, in consequence of their ne- 
Aprii 3. gotiations with Spain, received,- in the spring, 
a supply of money firom Philip. What bold designs 
this might inspire, it was no easy matter to conjecture. 
From men under the dominion of bigotry, and whom 
indulgence could not reclaim^ the most desperate .ac- 
tions were to be dreaded. The ass^nbly of the church 
immediately took the alarm ; reuMnstrated ^;ain8t them 
with more bitterness than ever; and' unanimously rati- 
fied the sentence of excommunication pronounced by 
the synod of Fife. James himself, provoked by their 
obstinacy and ingratitude, and afraid that his long for- 
bearaiice would not only be generally displeasing to 
his own subjects, hut give rise to unfavourable suspi-' 
cioDS among the English, exerted himself with unusual 
vigour. He called a parliament; laid before it 
alt liie circumstances and aggravations of the 
conspiracy; and though there were but few membeis 
present, and several of these connected with the con* 
apirators, by blood or friendship, he prevailed on them, 
by his influence and impdrtiinity, to pronounce the 
most rigorous sentence which the law can iuilict They 
were declared to be guilty of high-treason, and their 
estates and honours forfeited. At the same time, sta- 
tutes, more severe than evu, were enacted against the 
professors of the Popish reUgion. 
B,i,io of How to put this sentence in execution, was 
GteDiiMt. ^ matter of great difftculty. Three powerfiil 
barons, cantoned in a part oC.'the country of difficult 
access, surromided wi& numerous vassals, aiid sup- 
ported by aid from a foreign prince, were more than 
an overmatch for a Scottish monarch. No entreaty 
could' prevail on Elizabeth to advance* the mooey, ne- 
cessary for defraying the expenses of oa ^cpedition 
against them. To attack them in person, with his own 
N 2 


180 SCOTLAND. [1694. 

forces alone, might have exposed Jamea both to dis- 
grace and to danger. He had recourse to the only 
expedient which remained in such a situation, for aid- 
ing the impotence of sovereign authority ; he delegated 
his authority to .the earl of Argyle and lord Forbes, 
the leaders of two clans at enmity with the conspira- 
tors; and gave them a commission to invade their 
lands, and to seize the castles which belonged to them. 
Bothwell, notwithstanding all his high pretensions of 
zeal . for the Protestant religion, having now entered 
into a close confederacy with them, the danger be- 
came every day more urging. Argyle, solicited by 
the king, and roused- by the clergy, took the field at 
the head of seven thousand men. Huntly and Errol 
met him at Gleolivat, with an army far inferior in 
number, but composed chiefly of gentlemen of the low 
countries, mounted on horseback, and who brought 
along with them a train of fieldipieces; They 
encountered each other with all the fiiry which 
hereditary enmity and ancient rivalship add to undis- 
ciplined courage. But the Highlanders, dis- 
concerted by the first discharge of the camion, 
to which they were little accustomed, and unable to 
resist the impression of cavalry, were soon put to 
flight; and Argyle, a gallant young man of eighteen, 
was carried by his friends out of the field, weeping 
with indignation at their disgrace, and calling on them 
to stEUid, and to vindicate the honour of their name." 
. On the first intelligence of this defeat, James, though 
obliged to pawn his jewels in order to raise money," 
assehibled a small body of troops, and marched to- 
wards the Qorth. He was joined by the Irvines, Keiths, 
Leslys, Forbeses, and other cltms at enmity with Huntly 
and Errol,'who having lost several of their principal 
followers at Glenlivat, and others refusiug to bear arms 
against the king in p^son, were obliged to retire to 

• Cild. W. 408. » Birch, Mem. i, 1B6.' 


1696.] BOOK Vin. 181 

the mountains. James wasted dieir lands ; put gar- 
risons in some of their castles ; burnt othera ; and left 
the duke of Lennox as his lieutenant in that part of 
the kingdom, frith a body of men sufficient to restrain 
them from gathering to any head there, or from infest- 
Popiih i°S ^c ^ow country. Reduced at last to ex- 
^o'^frf ^^^ distress by the rigour of the season, and 
Uw king- the desertion of their followers, they obtained 
the king's permission to go beyond seas, and 
gave securi^ that they should neither return without 
his licence, nor engage in any new intrigues against 
the 'Protestant religion, or the peace of the kingdom.'' 

By their exile, tranquillity was re-established in the 
north of Scotland ; and the firmness and vigour which 
James had displayed in bis last proceedings against 
them, regained him, in a great degree, the confidence 
of his Protestant subjects. But he sunk in the same 
proportion.andforthe same reason, in the esteem of the 
The Ro- Roman Catholics. They had asserted his mo- 
tbo^cibi- ther's right to the crown of England with so 
^™j^j much warmth, that they could not, with any 
j»diei. decency, reject his ; and the indulgence, with 
which he afiected to treat the professors of the Popish 
religion, inspired them with such hopes, that they 
viewed his accession to the throne as no undesirable 
event. But the rigour with which the king had lately 
pursued the conspirators, and the serere statutes against 
Popery to which he had given his consent, convinced 
them now that these hopes were visionary; and they 
began to look about in quest of some new successor, 
whose rights they might oppose to his. The Papists 
who resided in England, turned their eyes towards the 
earl of Essex, whose generous mindj though firmly 
established in the Protestant faith, abhorred the seve- 
rities inflicted in that age on account of religious opi- 
nions. ThoM of the same sect, who were in exile» 

r Spotnr. 404. Cald. 373, &c 


^82 SCOTLAND. [1595. 

fohned a bolder scheme, and one more suitable to their 
situation. They advanced the claim of the infanta of 
Spain ; and Parsons the Jesuit published a book, in 
which, by false quotations from history, by fabulous 
genealogies, ' and .absurd arguments, intermingled with 
bitter invectives against the king of Scots, he endea- 
vouted to prove the infanta's title to the English crown 
to be preferable to his. Philip, though involved al- 
ready in a war both with France and England, and 
scarce able to defend the remains of the Burgundiaa 
provinces against the Dutch commonwealth, eagerly 
grasped at this airy project. The dread of a Spanish 
pretender to the crown," aiid the opposition which the 
Papists began to form against the king's succession, 
contributed not a little to remove the prejudices of the 
Protestants, a^d to prepare the way for that event. 
Bflthweu Bothwell, whose name has been so often 
fl^nto*" mentioned as the disturber of the king's tran- 
Sp»iD. quillity, and of the peace of the kingdom, was 
now in a wretched condition. Abandoned by the 
queen of England, on account of his confederacy with 
the Popish lords ; excommunicated by the church for 
the same reason ; and deserted, in his distress, by his 
own followers ; he was obliged to fly for safety to 
France, and thence to Spain and Italy, where, after 
renouncing the Protestant faith, he led many years 
an obscure and indigent life, remarkable only for a 
low and infamous debauchery. The king, though ex- 
tremely ready to sacrifice the strongest resentment to 
the slightest acknowledgments, could never be softened 
by his submission, nor be induced to listen to any in- 
tercession in his behalf.^ 

This year the kitig lost chancellor Maittand, an able 
minister, on whom he had long devolved the whole 
"weight of public affairs. As James loved him while 
•alive, he wrote in honour of his memory, a copy of 

1 Wlnw, Meni. i. SpuUw. 410. 


1596] BOOK VIII. 183 

veraes, which, when compared with the compositions 
of dtat age, are far from being in^legaDt.^ 
A change SooD after his deadi, a considerable change 
Jfainiim- was made in the administration. At that time, 
**^' the annual charges of government far exceed- 
ed the king's revenues. The queen was fond of expen- 
sive amusements. James himself was a stranger to 
economy. It became necessary, for all these reasons, 
to levy the public revenues with greater order and ri- 
gour, and to husband them with more care. This im- 
portant trust was committed to eight gentlemen of the 
law,* who, from their number, were called Octavians. 
The powers vested in them were ample, and almost 
unlimited. The king bound himself neither to add to 
their number, nor to supply any vacancy that might 
happen, without their consent : and, knowing the fa- 
cility of his own temper, agreed that no alienation of 
his revenue, no grant of a pension, or order on the 
treasury, should be held valid, unless it were ratified 
by the subscription of five of the commissioners ; all 
their acts and decisions were- declared to be of 
force with the sentence of judges iti civil courts ; and 
in consequence of them, and without any other warnrnt, 
any person might be arrested, or their goods seized. 
Such extensive jurisdiction, together with the absolute 
disposal of the public money, drew the whole execu- 
tive part of government into their hands. United 
among themselves they gradually undermined the rest 
of the king's ministers, and seized- on every lucrative 
or honourable office. The ancient servants of the 
crown repined at being obliged to quit their stations 
to new men. The favourites and young cour- 
tiers murmured at seeing the kings liberality 
stinted by their prescriptions. And the clergy ex- 

' Spotiw, 411. 
Aleundei Seston piCNdent of tbe aeuioD, Walter StewBit CQBHncndator of 
ElaDtjie, lord privj seal, David Coniegy, John IJndiaj, James ElpUngitaite, 
Thrauaa HamUtoD, John Skene cleck icgislcr, lad pEtei YouDgelemMyiiar. 


184 SCOTLAND. [1596. 

- claimed against some . of them as : known {^>ostates to 
Popery, and suspected others of secretly farouring it 
They retained their power, howerer, uotwithstandi^ 
this general combination against them ; and they owed 
it entirely to the order and economy which they in- 
troduced into the administration of the finances, by 
which the necessary expenses of government were 
more easUy defrayed than in any other period of the 
king's r«gn.' 

viofeneB of Th^ rumour of vast preparations which Phi- 
^'iMtto ''P ^^ ^^^ *° ^^ carrying on at this time, 
PopUb filled both England and Scotland with the 
dread of a new invasion. James took proper 
measures for the defence of his kingdom. But these 
did not satisfy the zeal of the clergy, whose suspicions 
of the king's sincerity began to revive ; and as he had 
permitted the wives of the banished peers to levy the 
rents of their estates, and to live in their houses, they 
charged him with rendering the act of forfeiture ia- 
' effectual, by supporting the avowed enemies of the 
.... Protestant faith. The assembly of the church 

March M. .■ •' ~ ■ , - 

took under consideration the state oi the king- 
dom^ and having appointed a day of public fasting, 
they solemnly renewed the covenant by which the na- 
tion was bound to adhere to the Protestant faith, and 
to defend it against all ag^;ressors. A committee, con- 
sisting of the most eminent clergymen, and of many 
barons and ~ gentlemen of distinction, waited on the 
king, and laid before him a plan for the security of the 
kingdom, and the preservation of religion. They ui^ed 
him to appropriate the estates of the banished lords 
as a fund for the maintenance of soldiers ; to take the 
strictest precautions for preventing the return of such 
turbulent subjects into the country ; and to pursue all 
who were suspected of being their adherents with the 
utmost rigour. 

> Spotiw. 41S. 435. 

Dgr 7.-1 -.;. Google 

.1596.] BOOK Vni. 185 

Theking-i Nothing, could be more repugDant to the 
reini.ane» kjng'j schcmes, ot morc disagreeable to his 
Ruato inclination, than these propositioDS. Averse, 
through his whole life, to any course where he 
expected opposition or danger ; and fond of attaining 
his ends wi& the character of moderation, and by the 
arts of policy, he observed with concern the prejudices 
8^;ainst him which were growing among fhe Roman 
Catholics^ and resolved to make some atonement for 
that part of his conduct which had drawn upon him 
their indignation. Elizabeth was now well advanced 
in years; her life had lately been . in danger; if any 
Popish ;competitor should arise to dispute his right of 
succession, a faction so power&l as that of the banished 
lords might be extremely formidable ; and any division 
among his own subjects might prove fatal at a juncture 
.which would require their united and most vigorous 

. .efforts. Instead, therefore, of the additional severities 
which the assembly proposed, James had thoughts of 
mitigating the punishment which they already suffered. 
And as they were surrounded, during their residence 
in.foreign parts, by Philip's emissaries; as resentment 
might dispose them to listen more favourably than ever 
to their suggestions ; as despair might drive them to 
still more atrocious actions ; he resolved to recall them, 
under certain conditions, into their native country. 
Encouraged by these sentiments of the king in their 

. fe,vour, of which they did not want intelligence, and 
wearied already of. the dependent and anxious life of 
exiles, they ventured to return secretly into Scotland. 
Soon after, they presented a petition to the king, beg- 
ging his perttiission to reside at their own houses, and 
offering to g^ve security for their peaceable and dutiful 
behaviour. James called a convention of estates to 
deliberate on a matter of such importance, and by their 
advice he granted the petition. 
The members of a committee appointed by the last 


186 SCOTLAND. [1596. 

general assembly, as soon as tbey were informed 
proceed- of this, tHet at EdlDburgh, and wtth all the pre- 
d«uaiid cipitancy of fear and of 2eal, took such reso- 
peopk. lutions as they thought necessary for the safety 
of the kingdom. They wrote circuit letters to all the 
presbyteries in Scotland; they warned them of the ap- 
proaching danger ; they exhorted them to stir up their 
people to the defence of their just rights ; they com- 
manded them to publish, in all their pulpits, the act 
excommunicatiDg the Popish lords ; and enjoined them 
to lay all those who were suspected of favouring Popery 
under the same censure by a summary sentence, and 
without observing the usual formalities of trial. As 
the danger seemed too pressing to wait for the stated 
meetings of the judicatories of the church, they made 
choice of the most eminent clergymen in different cor- 
ners of the kingdom, appointed them to reside con- 
stantly at Edinburgh, and to meet every day with the 
ministers of that city, under the name of the standing 
council of the church, and vested in this body the su- 
preme authority, by enjoining it,' in imitation of the 
ancient Roman form, to take care that the church should 
receive no detriment. 

These proceedings, no less unconstitutional than un- 
precedented, were manifest encroachments on the royal 
prerogative, and bold steps towards open rebellion. 
The king's conduct, however, justified in some degree 
such excesses. His lenity towards the Papists, so re- 
pugnant to the principles of that age ; his pardoning 
the conspirators, notwithstanding repeated promises to 
the contrary ; the respect he paid to lady Huntly, who 
was attached to the Romish religion no less than her 
husband-; hia committing the care of his daughter, the 
princess Elizabeth, to lady Levingston, who was infected 
with the same superstition ; the contempt with which 
be talked on all occasions, both of the chaFacter of mi- 
nistersj and of their fimction, were circumstatfces which 


1596.] BOOK VIII. 187 

migbt have filled minds, not prone by natare to jealousy, 
with some suspicions; and might have precipitated 
into rash counsels those who were far removed from 
intemperate zeal. But, howfever powerful the motives 
might be which inflaenced the clergy, or however 
laudable the end they had in view, tbey conducted 
their measures with no address, and even with litde 
prudence. James discovered a strong inclination to 
avoid a rupture with the church, and, jealous as he was 
of his prerogative, would willingly have made many 
concessions for die sake of peace. By his command, 
some of the privy'-couflsellors -had an interview with the 
more moderate among the clergy, and inquired whe- 
ther Htitttly and his associates might not, upon making 
proper acknowledgments, be again received into the 
bosom of the church, and be exempted from any farther 
punishment on account of their past apostacy and trea- . 
sons. They replied, that though the gate of mercy 
stood always open for those who repented and returned, 
yet as these noblemen had been guilty of idolatry, a 
crime deserving death both by the law of God and of 
man, the civil magistrate could not legally grant them 
a pardon ; and even though the church should absolve 
them, it was his duly to inilict punishment upon ihem. ' 
This in6exibility in those who were reckoiied the most 
compliant of the order, filled the king with indignation, 
which the imprudence and obstinacy of a private cler- 
gyman heightened into rage. 

Seditiaiu Mr. David Black, minister of St Andrew's, 
JwJity discoursing in one of his sermons, according to 
Biack. custom, concerning the state of the nation, af-- 
firmed that the king had permitted the Popish lords to 
return into Scotland, and by that action had discovered 
the treachery of his own heart ; that all kings were the 
devil's children ; that Satan had now the guidance of 
the court; that the queen of England was an atheist; 
that the judges were miscreants and bribers ; the nobi- 

188 SCOTLAND. 11696. 

lity godless and degenerate ; the privy-^ounsellors cor- 
morants and men of no religion ; and in his prayer 
for the queen he used these words, We must pray for 
her for fashion-sake, but we. have no cause, she will 
never do us good. James commanded him'to 
The ciei^ be summoncd before the privy-council, to answer 
Sfd^ for such seditious expressions ; aind the clei^, 
^"^' instead of abandoning him to the punishmeht 
which such a petulant and criminal attack on his su- 
periors deserved, were so imprudent as to espouse his 
cause, as if it had been the common one of the whole 
' order. Tlje controversy concerning the immunities of 
the pulpit, and the rights of the clergy to testify against 
vices of every kind, which had been agitated in 1584, 
was now revived. It was pretended that, with regard 
to their sacred function, ministers were subject to the 
church alone ; that it belonged only to their ecclesias- 
tical superiors to judge of the truth or falsehood of doc- 
trines delivered in the pulpit ; that if, upcai any pre- 
tence whatever, the king Usurped this jurisdiction, the 
church would from that moment, sink under servitude 
to the civil magistrate ; that, insteaid of reproving vice 
with that honest boldness which had often been of ad- 
vantage to individuals, and salutary to the kingdom, the 
clergy would leam to flatter the passions of the prince, 
. and to connive at the vices of others ; that the king's 
eagerness to punish the indiscretion of a Protestant 
minister, while he vras so ready to pardon the crimes 
of Popish ponspirators, called on them to stand upon 
their guard, and that now was the time to contend for 
their privileges, and to prevent any encroachment on 
those rights, of which the church had been in posses- 
sion ever since the Reformation. Influenced by these 
considerations, the council of the church enjoined Black 
to decline the jurisdiction of the privy-council. Proud 
of such an opportunity to display his zeal, he presented 
a paper to that purpose, and with the utmost firmness 


1696.] BOOK VIII. 189 

refiised to plead, or to answer the questions which were 
put to him. In order to add greater weight to these 
proceedings, the council of the church transmitted the 
declinature to all the presbyteries throughout the king- 
dom, and enjoined every minister to subscribe it in tes- 
timony of his approbation. 

James defended his rights with no less vigour than 
they were attacked. Sensible of the contempt under 
which his authori^' must fall, if the clergy should be 
permitted publicly, and with impuni^, to calunmiate 
his ministers, and even to censure himself; and know- 
, ing, by former examples, what unequal reparation for 
such offences he might expect from the judicatories of 
the church, he urged on the inquiry into Black's con- 
duct, and issued a proclamatioD, commanding the mem- 
bers of the council of the church to leave Edinbui^h, 
and to return to their own parishes. Black, instead of 
submitting, renewed his declinature; and the members 
of the council, in defiance of the proclamation, declared, 
that' as they met by the authority of the church, obe- 
dience to it was a duty still more sacred than that which 
they owed to the king himself. The privy-council, not- 
withstanding Black's .reiusing to plead, proceeded in 
die trial'; and, after a solemn inquiry, pronounced him 
guilty of the crimes of which he had been accused; 
but referred it to the kinig to appoint what punishment 
he should suffer. 

Meanwhile, many endeavours were used to bring 
matters to accommodation. Almost every day pro- 
duced some new scheme of reconcilement; but, through 
the king's fickleness, the obstinacy of the clergy, or the 
intrigues of the courtiers, they all proved ineffectud. 
Both parties appealed to the people, and by reciprocal 
and ex^^rated accusations endeavoured to render 
each other odious. Insolence, sedition, treason, were 
the crimes with which James charged the clergy; while 
they made the pulpits resound with complaints of his 

19Q SCOTLAND. [159& 

excegsivelenify'towards Papists, and of the no less exf 
cessive rigour with which he oppressed the established 
church. Exasperated by their bold invectives, he^ at 
last, sentenced Black to retire beyond the river Spey, 
and to reside there during his pleasure ; and once more 
commanding the members of the standing council to 
depart frc«Q Edinburgh, he required all the ministers 
of the kingdom to subscribe a bond, obliging themr 
selves to submit, in the same manner as other subjects^ 
to the jurisdiction, of the civil courts in" matters of a 
civil nature. 

A tnnniiiii This decisive measure excited all the violent 
Edinburgh. pgggjQtjg ^hich possess disappointed factions ; 
and deeds no less violent immediately followed. These 
must be imputed in part to the artifices of some courtiers 
who expected to reap advantage from the cal^nities of 
their country, or who hoped to lessen the authority of 
the Oetavians, by ei^ging them'io hostilities with the 
church. " On one hand, they informed the king that the 
citizens of Edinburgh were under arms' every night, 
tmd.bad planteda strcHig guard round the houses of 
their ministers. James, in order to put a stop to this 
imaginary' insult on his gcrveriiment, issued a procla- 
mafi6n, commanding twenty-four of the principal do- 
zens to leave, the town within six hours. On the other 
hand, they wrote to the ministers, advising them t6 
look to their own safety, as Huntly had been secretly 
admitted to an interview with the king, and had been 
the author. of the severe proclamation against the Citi- 
zens of Edinburgh." They doubted no more of the 
truth of this intelligence, than the king' had done of 
that which he received, and fell as blindly into' the 
saare. The letter came to their hands just as oner of 

• Thoagh mttllen were indoitrlooilj sggnivftted by persons who wiihed both 
partlm (□ panne Tiolent measures, neitbet of Uiese.reporli was altogcllier deitinu 
of foundation. As thcit miniBten were supposed to be in danger, some of the more 
Iraloui dtizeos bad deCeriniaed fa defend them bj force of aims. Birch, Mem. ii. 
350. Hunt]; had been priTatel; in Edinburgh, wbere he had an inteniew, i[ not 
with the king, at If ait whh some of Ins mipiBlen. Birch. Ibid. tSO. 


1596;] BOOK VIII. Ifll 

their number Tras going- to mount the pulpit. They 
resolved that he should acquaint the people of their 
danger; and he painted it with all the strong 
colours which men naturally employ in describ- 
ing any dreadful and- instant calamity. When the ser- 
mon was over, he desired the nobles and gentlemen to 
assemble in the LUtte Church. The whole multitude, 
terrified at what they had heard, crowded thither; they 
promised and vowed to "stand by the clergy ; they drew 
up a petition to the king, craving the redress of tiiosie 
grievances, of which the church complained, and be- 
seeching him to deliver them from all future apprehen- 
sions of danger, by removing such of his counsellors as 
were known to be enemies of the Protestant religion; 
Two peers, two genliemen, two burgesses, and two 
The king ministers, were appointed to present it. The 
in dwger. ^uig happened to be. in the great hall of the 
Tolbooth, where the court of session was sitting. The 
manner in which the petition was delivered, as well, as 
its contents, offended him. He gave a haughty reply; 
the petitioners insisted with warmth; and a promis- 
cuous multitude pressing into the room, James retired 
abnlpdy into anotheip apartment,- and oominanded tiie 
gates to be shut behind him. The deputies returned 
to the miUtitude, who were still affiembled, and to whom 
a minister had been reading, in their absence, the story 
of Haiflan. When they reported that the king had re- 
fused to listen to their petitions, the church was filled 
in a moment with noise, threatening^, execrations, and 
all the outrage and confusion of a popular tumult. 
Bome called for their arms, some- to bring out Ihe 
wicked Haman; others cried, the sword of the Lord 
and of Gideon'; and rushing out with the most furious 
impetuosity, surrounded the Tolbooth, threatening the 
king himself, and demanding some of his counsellors, 
whom they named, that they might tear them in pieces. 
The magistrates of the city, partly by authority, partly 

IM SCOTLAND. [1596. 

by force, endeavbured to qiiell the tumult ; the king 
attempted to soothe the malecontents, by promising to 
receive their petitioos, when presented in a regular 
mamier; the ministers, sensible of their own rashness 
in kindling such a flame, seconded both; and the rage 
of the populace subsiding as suddenly as it had risen, 
they ail dispersed, and the king returned to the palace; 
happy in having escaped lirom an insurrection, which, 
through the instantaneous and unconcerted effect of 
popular fury, had exposed his life to imminent danger, 
and was considered by him as an unpardonable aflront 
to his authority.' 

As soon as he retired, the leaders of the malecontents 
assembled, in order to prepare their petition. The 
punishment of the Popish lords; the removal of those 
counsellors who were suspected of favouring their per- 
sons or opinions; the repeal of all the late acts of coun- 
cil, subversive of the authority of the church; together 
with an act approving the proceedings of the standing 
council ; were the chief of their demands. But the 
king's indignation was still so high, that the deputies, 
chosen for this purpose, durst not venture that night to 
present requests which could not fail of kindling his 
Hb imtoi r^g® anew. Before next morning, James, with 
^nbai^h, jjt hig attendants, withdrew to Linlithgow ; 
ceedsirith the scssion, and other courts of justice, were 
R^nittbe required to leave a city where it was no longer 
"'^ consistent either with their safety, or their 

dig^i^, to remain ; and the noblemen and barons were 
commanded to return to their own houses, and not to 
reassemble without the king's permission. The vigour 
with which the king acted, .struck a damp upon the 
spirits of his adversaries. ■ The citizens, sensible how 
ranch they would suffer by his absence, and the re- 
moval of the courts of justice, repented already of 
their conduct The ministers alone resolved to main- 

- SpMaw. 41T, &c C»id. ». 5*, Ste. Biich. Mem. U. »».' 


1S96.] BOOK VIII. 103 

taiD the contest. They endeavoured to prevent the 
noUes from dispersing ; they inflamed the people by 
Tiolent invectives against the king ; they laboured to 
procure subscriptions to an association for their mutual 
defence; and conscious what lustre and power the 
junction of some of the greater nobles would add to 
their cause, the ministers of Edinburgh wrote to lord 
Hamilton, that the people, moved by the word of God, 
and provoked by the injuries oflered to the church, 
had taken arms; that many of the nobles had deter- 
mined to protect the Protestant religion, which owed 
its establishment to the piety and valour of their an- 
cestors ; that they wanted only a leader to unite them, 
and to inspire them with vigour; that his zeal. for the 
good cause, no less than his noble birth, entitled him 
to that honour ; they conjured him, therefore, not to 
disappoint their hopes and wishes, nor to refuse the 
suflering church that aid which she so much 
needed. Lord Hamilton, instead of comply- 
ing with their desire, carried the letter directly to Ihe 
king, whom this new insult irritated to such a degree, 
that he commaoded the magistrates of Edinburgh in-, 
stantly to seize their ministers, as manifest incendiaries, 
and encour^ers of rebellion. The magistrates, in 
order to regain the king's favour, were preparing to 
obey; and the ministers, who saw no other hope of 
safety, ^ed towards England.' 

The king "^^'^ unsuccessfiil insurrectioH, instead of 
bumhkiiha overturning, established the king's authority, 
the church. Thosc conccmed in it were confounded and 
"* ■ dispersed. The rest of James's subjects, in 
order to avoid suspicion, or to gain his favour, con- 
tended who .should be most forward to execute his 
vengeance. A convention of estates being called, 
pronoimced the late insurrection to be high-treason ; 
ordained every minister to .subscribe a declaration of 

J SpoUw. 451 . Cald. *, 1S6. 

vol,. II. o 


184 SCOTLAND. [1597. 

his submissioD to the kiDg's jurisdiction, in all matters 
civil and criminal ; empowered magistrates to commit, 
instantly, to prison, any minister, who, in his sermons, 
should utter any indecent reflections on the king's con- 
duct ; prohibited atiy ecclesiastical judicatory to meet 
without the king's licence ; commanded that no person 
should be elected a magistrate of Edinburgh, for the 
future, without the king's approbation; and that, in 
the mean time, the present magistrates should either 
discover and inflict condign punishment on the authors 
of the late tumult, or the city itself shotdd be subjected 
to all the penalties of that treasonable action.* 
Abndw. Armed with the authority of these decrees, 
u' irf' J^™fis resolved to crush entirely the mutinous 
the dti. spirit of his subjects. As the clergy had, hi- 
Ediu. therto, derived their chief credit and sti*ength 
^o'tf'- from the favour and zeal of the citizens of Edin- 
bu^h, his first care was to humble them. Though the 
magistrates submitted to him in the most abject terms ; 
though they vindicated themselves, and their fellow- 
citizens, from the most distant intention of violating his 
royal person or authority ; though, after the strictest 
scrutiny, no circumstances that could fix on them the 
suspicion of premeditated rebellion had been discovered ; 
though many of the nobles, and such of the clergy as 
still retained any degree of favour, interceded in Iheir 
behalf; neither acknowledgments nor intercessions 
were of the least avail.' The king continued 
inexorable ; the city was- declared to have for- 
feited its privileges as a corporation, and to be liable to 
all the penalties of treason. The capital of the king- 
dom, deprived of magistrates, deserted by its ministers, 
abandoned by the courts of justice, and proscribed 
by the king, remained in desolation and despair. The 
courtiers even threatened to rase the city to the foun- 
dation, and to erect a pUlEU* wher'e it stood, as an ever^ 

' Cdd. *. Iff. • ma. T. 149: 


1597] BOOK VIII. J06 

lasting mctttnmeiit of the king's vengeance, and of the 
guilt of its inhabitalits. At lost, in compliance with 
Klizabeth, who interposed in their ftivour, and mortjd 
M hsi ^y *'*® continual solicitations of the nobles, 

James absolved the citizens from the penalties 
of law, but at the same time he stripped theifi of 
their moat important privileges ; they werfe nfeithef al- 
lowed to elect their own magistrates nor their own 
ministers ; many new burdens were imposed ofi them ; 
and a considerable sum cff money was exacted by way 
of peace-offering." 

Jiewregu- Jaines was, meanwhile, equally assiduous, 
»uh^ and no less successiul, in circnmscribing the 
eiidtoihe jnrisdiction of the church. Experience had 

discovered^ that to attempt &is by acts of par- 
liament, and sentences of privy-conncil, was both in- 
effectual and odious. He had recourse now to an ex- 
pedient more artful, and better calculated for obtaining 
his end. The ecclesiastical judicatories were cctoposed 
of many members ; the majority of the clergy #ere ex- 
tremely indigent, aiid unprovided of legal stipends; the 
ministers in the fieighbourhood of Bdiilburgh, notwith- 
standing the parity established by thepreabyterian go- 
vernment, bad assumed a leading in the church, which 
filled their brethren with envy; every numerous body 
of men is susceptible of sudden and sti'ong impi-egsioiis, 
and liable to be influenced, corrupted, dr overafred. 
Induced by these considerations, James thought itpofs- 
sible to gain the clergy, whom hfe bad ih vain attempt- 
ed to subdue. Proper agents were set to work all oVer 
the kingdom ; promises, flattery, and ttreats wete em- 
ployed; Ihe usurpations of the brethren near the capi- 
tal were aggravated ; the jealousy of their poWet, which 
was growing in the distant provinces, was augmented ; 
and two different general assemblies were held, in f)Oth 
which, notwithstanding the zeal and boldness ^here- 

* Spotsw. 434. 444. 



196 SCOTLAND. tlSffT. 

with a few leading clei^m'en defendiog the privileges 
of the church, a majority declared in favour of those 
lueasures which were agreeable to the king. Many 
practices, which had contiuued since the Reformation, 
were condemned ; many points of discipline, which had 
hitherto been reckoned sacred and uncontroverted, were 
given up ; the licence with which ministers discoursed 
of political matters was restrained ; the ireedom with 
which they inveighed against particular persons was 
censured ; sentences of summary excommunication were 
declared unlawful ; the convoking a general assembly, 
witholit the king's permission, was prohibited ; and the 
right of nominating jninisters to the principal towns, 
was vested in the crown. Thus, the clergy diemselves 
surrendered privileges, which it would have been dan- 
gerous to invade, and voluntarily submitted to a yoke 
more intolerable than any James would have ventured 
to impose by force ; while such as continued to oppose 
his measures, instead of their former popular topic of 
the king's violent encroachments on a jurisdiction which 
did not belong to him, were obliged to turn their out- 
cries against the corruptions of their own order.' 
p<vi>ii By the authority of these general assembli^, 
^jonrf!""" the Popish earls were allowed to make a public 
recantation of their errors ; were absolved from the sen- 
tence of excommunication ; and received into the bosom 
of the church. But, not many years after, they relapsed 
into their former errors, were again reconciled to the 
church of Rome, and by their apostacy justified, in some 
degree, the fears and scruples of the clergy with regard 
to tiieir absolution. 

' The ministers of Edinburgh owed to the intercession 
of these assemblies the liberty of returning to their 
charges in the city. But this liberty was clogged in 
such a manner as greatly abridged their power. The 
city was divided into distinct parishes ; the number of 

' Spntjw. 433. Cdd. v. 189. tS3. 


1697] BOOK. VIII. 197 

ministers doubled ; persons on whose fidelity the king 
could rely were fixed in the new parishes ; and these 
circumstances, added to the authority of the late decrees 
of the church, contributed to confirm that absolute do- 
minion in ecclesiastical affairs, which James possessed 
during the remainder of his reign. 

The king was so intent on new modelling the church, 
that the other transactions of this period scarce' deserve^ 
to be remembered. The Octaviana, envied by the other 
courtiers, and splitting into factions among themselves, 
resigped their commission; and the administration of 
the revenue, returning into its former channel, Taoth the 
king and the nation were deprived of the benefit of their 
regular and frugal economy. 

Towards the end of the year, a parliament 
was held in order to restore Hautly and his as- 
sociates to their estates and honours, by repealing the 
act of forfeiture passed against them. The authority of 
this supreme court was likewise employed to introduce 
a farther innovation into the church ; but, conformable 
to the system which the king had now adopted, the 
motion for this purpose . took its rise from the clergy 
Ecdniu- thcmselves. As the act of general annexation, 
^J^y, and that establishing the presbyterian govern- 
asntin meut, bad reduced the few bishops, who still 
ment. survivcd, to poverty and contempt; asthosewho 
possessed the abbeys and priories were mere laymen, and 
many of them temporal peers, few or none of the eccle- 
siastical order remained to vote in parliament, and by 
means of that, the influence of the crown was consider- 
ably diminished there, and a proper balance to the 
power and number of the nobles was wantii^. But 
the prejudices which the nation had conceived against 
the name and character of bishops were so violent, that 
James was obliged, with the utmost care, to avoid the 
appearance of a design to revive that order. He pre.- 
vailed, therefore, on the commission appointed by the last 


198 SCOTLAND. [1598. 

general assemUy to complain to the pEurliament, that 
the church was the only body in Uie kingdom destitute 
of its representatives in that supreme court, where it so 
nearly concerned every order to have some who were 
bound to defend its rights ; and to crave that a compe- 
tent number of the clergy should be admitted, accord- 
ing to ancient custom, to a seat there. In compliance 
. with this request, an act was passed, by which those 
ministers on whom the king should confer the vacant 
bishoprics and abbeys, were entitled to a vote in parlia- 
ment ; and that the clergy might conceive no jealousy 
of any eucroachmeat upon their privileges, it was remit- 
ted to the general assembly, to determine what spiritual 
jurisdiction or authority in the government of the church 
these persons should possess.'' 

The king, however, found it no tiaay matter to obtain 
the concurrence of the ecclesiastical judicatories, in 
which the act of parliament met with a fierce oppositioQ. 
Though the clergy perceived how much lustre this new 
privilege would reflect upon their order ; though they 
were not insensible of the great accession of personal 
power and dignify which many of them would acquire, 
by being admitted into the supreme council of the nation, 
their abhorrence of episcopacy was extreme ; and to 
that they sacrificed every consideration of interest or 
ambition. All the king's professions of regard for the 
present constitution of the church did not convince 
them of his sincerity; all die devices that could be in- 
vented for restraining and circumscribing the jurisdic- 
tion of such as were to be raised to this new honour, 
did not diminish their jealousy and fear. Their ovtu 
experience had taught them, with what insinuating pro- 
gress the hierarchy advances, and though admitted at 
first with moderate authority, and under specious pre- 
tences, how rapidly it extends its dominion. !! Varnish 
ovfer this scheme," said one of the leading clergymen, 

' Spolsw. 450. F»l. 15lb lie. VI. c. OH. 


1598.] BOOK VIII. 1»9 

" with what colours you please ;.deck the. intruder with 
the utmost art ; under all this disguise, I see the horns 
of his mitre." The same sentiments prevailed among 
many of his brethren, and induced them to reject power 
and honours with as much zeal as ever those of their 
order courted them. Many, however, were allured by 
the hopes of preferment; the king himself and his 
nynisters employed the same arts which they had tried 
so successAiUy last year : and, after long debates, and 
much opposition, the general assembly declared that it 
was lawful for ministers to accept of a seat in parlia- 
-, ^ „ ment; that it would be highly beneficial to the 
church, to have its representatives in that su- 
preme court ; and that fifty-one persons, a number near- 
ly equal ' to that of the ecclesiastics who were, anciently 
called to parliament, should be chosen from among the 
clergy for that purpose. The manner of their election, 
together with ike powers to be vested in them, were 
lefl; undecided for the present, and furnished matter of 
future deliberation.' 

1599. As the prospect of succeeding to the crown 
jwDCT en- of England drew nearer, James multiplied pre- 
with IDC- cautions in order to render it certtun. As he 
r^^" was allied to many of the princes of Germany 
En^»ai- \yy jjjg marriage, he sent tunbassadors extra- 
ordinary to their several courts, in ord^ to explain the 
justness of his title to the English throne, and to desire 
their assistance, if any competitor should arise to dis- 
pute his undoubted rights. These princes readily ac^ 
knowledged the equity of his claim ; but tiie aid which 
they could afford him was distant and feeble. At the 
same time, Edward Bruce, abbot of Kinloss, his am- 
bassador at the English court, solicited Elizabeth, with 
the utmost warmth, to recognise his title by some pub- 
lic deed, and to deliver her own subjects from the cala- 
mities which are occasioned by an uncertain or dis- 

• SpoUw. 4.«)- CbM. 1. S7B, 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

200 SCOTLAND. [1399. 

puted succession. But age htid strengthened atl the 
passions which had hitherto induced Elizabeth to keep 
this great question obscure and undecided; and a 
general and evasire answer was all that James coold 
obtain. As no impression could be made on the queen, 
the ambassador was commanded to sound the disposi- 
ticm of her subjects^ and to try what progress he coold 
make in gaining them. Bruce possessed all the taloits 
of secrecy, judgment, and address, requisite for con- 
ducting a negotiation no less delicate than important. 
A minister of this character was entitled to the confi- 
dence of die English. Many of the highest rank un- 
bosomed themselves to him without reserve, and gave 
him repeated assurances of their resolution to assert his 
master's right, in opposition to every pretender/ As 
several pamphlets were dispersed, at this time, in Eng- 
land, contaiuiog objections to his tide, James employed 
some learned men in his kingdom to answer these ca- 
villers, and to explain the advantages which would 
result to both kingdoms by the union of the crowns. 
These books were eagerly read, and contributed not a 
little to reconcile the English to that event. A book 
published this year by the king himself, produced an 
effect still more favourable. It was eutided BasUicon 
Dorm, and contained precepts concerning the art of 
government, addressed to prince Henry his son. Not- 
withstanding the great alterations and refinements in 
national taste since that time, we miist allow this to be 
no contemptible performance, and not to be inferior to 
the works of most contemporary writers, either in purity 
of style or justness of composition. Even the vain pa* 
rade of erudition with which it abounds, and which now 
disgusts us, raised the admiration of that age ; and as 
it was filled with diose general rules which speculative 
authors deliver for rendering a nation h&ppy, and of 
which James could discourse with great plausibility, 

' JohML J4S, 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

1599.] BOOK Vllt. 201 

though often incapable of putting theifl in practice, the 
English conceived a high opinion of his abilities, and 
expected an iQcrease of national honour and prospe- 
rity, under a prince so profoundly skilled in politics, 
and who gave such a specimen both of his wisdom and 
of his love to his people.* 

The queen of EngUmd's sentiments concerning James 
were very different from Ihose of her subjects. His 
excessive indulgence towards the Popish lords ; the 
facility with which lie pardoned their repeated treasons ; 
his restoring Beaton, the Popish archbishop of Glasgow, 
who had fled out of Scotland at the time of the Refor- 
mation, to the possession of the temporalities of that 
benefice; the appointing him his ambassador at the 
court of France ; the applause he bestowed, in the Ba- 
siltcon Doron, on those who adhered to the queen his 
mother ; Elizabeth considered as so many indications 
of a mind alienated from the Protestant religion; and 
suspected that he would soon revolt from the profession 
ActMc* ^^ **• These suspicions seemed to be fiiUy 
bin of on- confirmed by a discovery which came from the 
ni^sui'"' master of Gray, who resided at that time in 
•"•^ Italy, and who, rather than suffer his intriguing 
spirit to be idle, demeaned himself so &r as to act as a 
spy for the English court. He conveyed to Elizabeth 
the copy of a letter written by James to pope Clement 
Vin., in which the king, after many expressions of re- 
gard for that pontiff, and of gratitude for his favours, 
declared his firm resolution to treat the Roman Catho- 
lics with indulgence ; and, in order to render the inter- 
course between the courts of Rome and Scotland more 
frequent and familiar, he solicited the pope to promote 
Drummond, bishop of Vaison, a Scotsman, to the dig- 
nity of a cardinal.'' Elizabeth, who had received by 
another channel' some imperfect intelligence of this 
correspondence, was filled with Just surprise, and im- 

f Cund. Spotaw. ii7. k did. 333. ' Win*. Men. *at. L 37. H. 


802 SCOTLAND. [1599. 

mediately dispatched Bowes into Scotland, to inquire 
more fully the matter, and to reproach 
James for an action so unbecoming a Protestant prince. 
He was astonished at the accusation, and with a confi* 
dence which nothing but the consciousness of inno- 
cence could inspire, affirmed the whole to be a mere 
calumny, and the letter itself to be forged by his ene- 
mies, on purpose to bring his sincerity in religion to be 
suspected. Elphingston, the secretary of state, denied 
the matter with equal solemnity. It came, however, to 
be known by a very singular accident, which happened 
some years after, that the information which Elizabeth 
had received was well-founded, though at the same 
time the king's declarations of his own innocence were 
perfectly consistent with truth.. Cardinal Bellarmine, 
in a reply which he published to a controversial trea-> 
tise, of which the king was the author, accused him of 
havii^ abandoned the lavourable sentiments which he 
had once entertained of the Roman Catholic religion, 
and, as a proof of this, quoted his letter to Clement VIII . 
It was impossible, any longer, to believe this to be a 
fiction ; and it was a matter too delicate to be passed 
over without strict inquiry. James immediately ex- 
amined ElphingstoD, and his confession unravelled the 
whole mystery. He acknowledged that he had shuffled 
in this letter among other pf^ers which he bad laid 
before the king to he. signed, who suspecting no such 
deceit, subscribed it together with the rest, and without 
knowing what it contained ; that he had no other motive, 
however, to this action, but zeal for his majesty's ser- 
vice ; and, by flattering the Roman Catholics widi hopes 
of indulgence undet the king's govemment, he ima- 
gined that he was pavii^ the way for his more, easy 
accession to the English throne. The privy-council of 
England entertained very diflerent sentiments of the 
secretary's conduct. In their opinion, not only the 
king's reputation had been exposed to reproach, but hb 


1599.] BOOK Vlli. 203 

life to danger, by this rash imposture ; they even im- 
puted the gunpowder treason to the r^;e and disap-r 
pointment of the Papists, upon finding that the hopes 
which this letter inspired were frustrated. The se- 
crettuy was sent a prisoner into Scotland, to be tried 
for high-treason. Hia peers found him guilty ; but, 
by the queen's interoession, he obtained a pardon.^ 

According to the account of other historians, James 
himself was no stranger to this correspondence with the 
p(^e ; and if we believe them, Elphingston, being inti- 
midated by the ihreats of the English council, and de- 
ceived by the artifices of the earl of Dunbar, concealed 
some circumstances in his narrative of this transactton,. 
and falsified oth««; and at the expense of his own 
fame, and with the danger of his life, endeavoured to 
draw a veil ovei- this part of his master's conduct.' 
SiuMt Bt ^*^* whether we impute die writing of this 
peatpuiu letter to the secretary's officious zeal, or to the 

to gun tbe,., ,.. .1 , >. 

Bomin King s commaud, it is certain, that, about this 
Biho icii. j^mg^ James was at the utmost pains to gain 
the friendship of the Roman Catholic princes, as a 
necessary precaution towards feicilitatiDg his accession 
to the English throne. Lord Home, who weis himself 
a Papist, was intrusted with a secret commission to the 
pope ;" the archbishop of Glasgow was an active in- 
strument with those of his own religion." The pope 
expressed such £Eivourable sentiments both of the king, 
and of his rights to the ctown of England, that James 
thought himself bound, some years after, to acknow- 
ledge the obligation in a public manner." Sir James 
Lindsay made great progress in gaining the English 
Papists to acknowledge his majes^'s title. Of all these 
intrigues Elizabeth received obscure hints from dif- 
ferent quarters. The more imperfectly she knew, the 

i. 4t9. SpoUw. 496. 507. Juhnsl. 448. 
■ Winw. Mem-foLii. 57. ' • Cald. toI. vi. 147. 
• Ihid. toL T. 604. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

204 SCOTLAND. [1599. 

more violently she suspected the king's designs ; and the 
natural jealousy of her temper increasing with age, she 
observed his conduct with greater solicitude than ever. 
1600. The questions widi regard to the election 
HiTre^i- arid power of the representatives of the church, 
tl*""d'to' ^®^6 finally decided this year by the general 
the ebmci. assembly, which met at Montrose. That place 
was chosen as most convenient for the ministers of the 
north, among whom the king's influence chiefly lay. 
Although great numbers resorted from tiie northern 
provinces, and the king employed his whole interest^ 
and the author!^ of his own presence, to gain a ma- 
jority, (he following regulations were with difficulty 
agreed on. That die general assembly shall recom- 
mend six persons to everyvacant benefice which gave 
a title to a seat in parliament, out of whom the king 
shall nominate one ; that the person so elected, after 
obtaining his seat in parliament, shall neither propose 
nor consent to any thing there, that may affect the in- 
terest of the church, without special instructions to that 
purpose ; that he shall be answerable for his conduct 
to every general assembly, and submit to its censure, 
without appeal, upon pain of infamy and excommuni- 
cation ; that he shall discharge the duties of a pastor 
in a particular congregation ; that he shall not usurp 
any ecclesiastical jurisdiction superior to that of his 
other brethren ; that if the church inflict on him the 
censure of deprivation^ he shall thereby forfeit his seat 
in parliament ; that he shall annually resign his com- 
mission to the general assembly, which may be restored 
to him, or not, as the assembly, with the king's appro- 
bation, shall judge most expedient for the good of the 
church.)' Nothing could be more repugnant to the idea 
of episcopal government than these regulations. It 
was not in consequence of rights derived from their 
office, but of powers conferred by a commission, tliat 

P Spots-. 453. 457. CtJd.vol. ». 368. 


1600.] BOOK Vlir. 305 

tbe ecclesiastical persoos were to be admitted to a seat 
in parliameat ; they were the representatives, not the 
superiors, of the clergy. Destitute of all spiritual autho- 
rity, even th^rciviljurisdiction was temporary. James, 
however, flattered himself that they would soon be able 
to shake off these fetters, and gradually acquire all the 
privileges which belonged to the episcopal order. The 
clergy dreaded the same thing ; and of course he con- 
tended for the nomination of these commissioners, and 
they opposed it, not so much on account of the powers 
then vested in them, as of those to which it was believed 
they would soon attain.'^ 

QowMt During this summer the kingdom enjoyed an 
«n»i*a>!j- unusual tranquillity. The clergy, after many 
struggles, were brought under great subjection; the 
Popish earls were restored to their estates and honours, 
hj the authority of parliament, and with the consent of 
the church; the rest of the nobles were at peace among 
themselves, and obedient to the royal authority; when, 
in the midst of this secunty, the king's life was exposed 
to the utmost danger, by a conspiracy altogether unex- 
pected, and almost inexplicable. The authors of it 
were John Ruthven, earl of Gowrie, and his brother 
Alexander, the sons of that earl who was beheaded in 
the year 1584. Nature had adorned both these young 
men, especially the elder brother, with many accom<- 
plishments, to which education had added its most 
elegant improvements. More learned than is usual 
among persons of their rank ; more religious than is 
common at their age of life ; generous, brave, popu- 
lar ; their countrymen, far from thinking them capable 
of any atrocious crime, conceived the most sanguine 
hopes of their early virtues. Notwithstanding all these 
noble qualities, some unknown motive engaged them in 
a conspiracy, which, if we adhere to the account com- 
monly received, must be transmitted to posterity as one 

<■ Spotiw. 451. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

aoe SCOTLAND. (1600. 

bf tiie most nHcked, as well as one of the worst con- 
certed, of wHich history makes any mention. 

On die 5th of August, as the king, who resided dur- 
ing the hunting season in his palace of Falkland, Was 
going 6nt to his sport eariy in the momirig, he was 
accosted by Mr. Alexander Ruthven, whb, with an air 
of great importance, told the king, that the evening 
before he had met an unknown man, of a suspicious 
aspect, walking alone in a by-path near his brother's 
house at Perth ; and on searching him h^d found, un- 
der his cloak, a pot filled with a great quantity of foreign 
gold ; that he had immediately seized both him and his 
treasure, and without communicating the matter to any 
person, had Jiept him confined and bound in a solitary 
house ; and that he thought it his dilty to impart snch 
a singular event first of all to his majesty. Janies im- 
mcidiately suspected this unknown person to be a semi- 
nary priest, supplied with foreign coin, id order to ex- 
cite new commotions in the kingdom ; and resolved t6 
empower the magistrates of Perth to call the person 
before them, and inquirfe into all the circumstances of 
the story. Ruthven violently opposed this resolution, 
and widi many ailments ui^d the king to ride di- 
rectly to Perth, and to ejcamine the matter in person. 
Meanwhile the chase began ; and James, notwithstand- 
ing his pELSsion for that amusement, could not help 
ruminating upon the strangeness of the tale, and on 
Ruthven's importunify. At last he called him, and 
promised when the sport was over to set out for Perth. 
The chase, however, continued long; and Ruthven, who 
all the while kept close by the king, was still urging 
him to make haSte. At the death of the buck he tFould 
not allow James to stay till a fresh horse was brought 
him; and observing the duke of Lennox and the earl of 
Mar preparing to accompany the khig, he entreated 
him to countermand them. This James refused ; and 
though Ruthven's impatience and anxiety, as well as 

1600.] BOOK VIII. 207 

the apparent perturbation in his whole behaviour, raised 
some suspicions in his mind, yet his own cunosi^, 
and Ruthven's solicitations, prevailed on him to set out 
for Perth. When within a mile of the town, Ruthven 
rode fdr^tard to inform his brother of the king's arrival, 
though he had already dispatched two messengers for 
that purpose. At a little distsuice from the town, the 
earl, attended by several of the citizens, met the king, 
who had only twenty persons iii his train. No prepa- 
l^tions were made for the king's entertainment'; the 
earl appeared pensive and embarrassed, and was at no 
pains to atone, by his courtesy or hospitality, for the 
bad fare with which he treated his guests. When the 
king's repast was over, his attendants were led to dine 
in another rofim, and he being left almost alone, Ruth- 
ven whispered him, that now was the time to go to the 
chamber where the unknown person was kept James 
commanded him to bring Sir Thomas Erskine along 
with them ; but instead of that, Ruthven ordered him 
not to foHow; and conducting the king up a staircase, 
and then through several apartments, the doors of 
which he locked behind him, led him at last into a 
small study, in which there stood a man clad in armour, 
with a sword and dag^r by his side. The king, who 
expected to have found one disarmed and bound, started 
at the sight, and inquired if this was the person ; but 
Ruthven snatching the dagger from the girdle of the 
man in armour, and holding it to the king's breas^ 
" Remember," said he, " how unjustly my father suf- 
fered by your command ; you are now my prisoner ; 
submit to my disposal without resistance or outcry; or 
this dagger shall instantly avenge his blood." James 
expostulated with Ruthven, entreated, and flattered him. 
The man whom he found in the study stood, all the 
while, trembling and dismayed, without courage either 
to aid the king, or to second his aggressor. Ruthven 
protested, that if the king raised no outcry, his life 

, Google 

208 SCOTLAND. 11600. 

should iie safe ; and, moved by some unknown reason, 
retired in order to call his brother, leaving to the man 
in armour the care of the king, whom he bound by oath 
not to make any noise during his absence. 

While the king was in this dangerous aitaation, his 
attendants growing impatient to know whither he had 
retired, one of Gowrie's domestics entered the roc»n 
hastily, and told them that the king had just rode away, 
towards Falkland. All of them rushed out into the 
streets; and the earl, in the utmost hurry, called for their 
horses. But by this time his brother had returned to 
the king, and swearing that now there was no remedy, 
he must die, . ofiered to bind his hands. Unarmed as 
James was, he scorned to submit to that indignity; and 
closing with the assassin, a fierce struggle ensued> The 
man in armour stood, as formerly, amazed and motion- 
less ; and the king, dragging Ruthven towards a win- 
dow, which during his fJjsence he had persuaded the 
person with whom he was left to open, cried with a wild 
and affrighted voice, "Treason! Treason! Help! lam 
murdered ! " His attendants heard, and knew tiie voice, 
and saw at the window a hand which grasped the king's 
neck with violence. They flew with precipitation to his 
assistance. Lennox and Mar, with the greater number, 
ran up the principal staircase, where they found all the 
doors shut, which they battered with the utmost fury, 
endeavouring to burst them open. But Sir John Ram- 
say, entering by a back-stair which led to the apart- 
ment where the king was, found the door open ; and 
rushing upon Ruthven, who was still struggling with 
the king, struck him twice with his dagger, and thrust 
him towards the staircase, where Sir Thomas Erskine 
and Sir Hugh Herries met and killed him ; he crying 
:with his last breath, "Alas! I am not to blame for this 
action." During this scuffle the man who had beea 
concealed in the study escaped unobserved. Together 
with Ramsay, Erskine, and Herries, one Wilson, a foot- 


reoo:] BOOK vnr. 209 

man, entered the room where the king was, and before 
they had time to shut the door, Gowrie rushed in with 
a drawn sword in each hand, followed by seven of his 
attendants well armed, and with a loud voice threatened 
them all with instant death. They immediately thrust 
the Icing into the little study, and shutting the door 
upon him, encountered the earl. Notwithstanding the 
inequality of numbers, Sir John Ramsay pierced Gowrie 
through the heart, and he fell down dead without ut- 
tering a word; his followers having received several 
wounds, immediately fled. Three of the king's defend- , 
ers were likewise hurt in tiie conflict. A dreadfiil noise 
continued still at the opposite dOor, where many per- 
sons laboured in vain to force a passage; and the king 
being assured that they were Lennox, Mar, and his 
other friends, it was opened on the inside. They ran 
to the king, whom they unexpectedly found safe, with' 
transports of congratulation ; and he, falling on his 
knees, with all his attendants around him, ofl'ered so- 
lemn thanks to God for such a wonderful deliverance. 
The danger, however, was not yet over. The inhabi- 
tants of the town, whose provost GfOwrie was, and by 
whom he was extremely beloved, hearing the fate of 
the two brothers, ran to their arms, and surrounded the 
house, threatening revenge, with many insolent and 
opprobrious speeches s^lnst the king. James endea- 
voured to pacify the enraged multitude, by speaking to 
them from the window ; he admitted their magistrates 
into the house; related to them all the circumstances 
of the fact ; and their fury subsiding by degrees, they 
dispersed. On searching the earl's pockets for papers 
that might discover his designs and accomplices, no- 
thing was found but a sinall parchment bag, fiitl of 
m^ical characters and words of enchantment ; and, if, 
we may believe the account of the conspiracy published 
by the king, " while these were about him the wound 
of which he died bled not; but as soon as they were 

VOL. II. p 

tut SCOTLAND!. [IMft 

takes away, the blood gushed out in great abundance." 
After all the dangerous adventures of this busy day, the 
king returned in the evening to Falkland, having com* 
mitted the dead bodies of the two brothers to the cus- 
tody of the magistrates of Perth. 

The mo- Notwithstanding the minute detail which 
^^!^' the king gave of all the circumstances of this 
"li"*!.. conspiracy against his life, the motives which 
ptaised, induced the two brothers to attempt an action 
so detestable, the end they had in view, and the ac* 
complices on whose aid they depended, were {dtoge^ 
ther unknown. The words of Ruthven to the king 
. gave some grounds to think that the desire of revenging 
their lather's death had instigated them to this attempt. 
But, whatever injuries their father had suffered, it is 
scarcely probable that they could impute them to the 
king, whose youth, as well as his subjection at that time 
to the violence of a ftiction, exempted him from being 
the object of resentment, on account of actions which 
were not.done by his command. James had even en- 
deavoured to repair the wrongs which the father had 
su£fered, by benefits to his children; and Gowrie him- 
self, sensible of his favour, had acknowledged it with 
the wannest expressions of gratitude. Three of the 
earVs attendants, being convicted of assisting him in 
this assault on the king's servants, were executed ai 
Perth; but they could give no light into the motives 
which had prompted their master to an action so re^ 
pugnant to 'these acknowledgments. Diligent search 
was made for the person concealed in the study, and 
from him great discoveries were expected. But An- 
drew Henderson, the earl's steward, who, upon a pro^ 
mise of pardon, confessed himself to be the man, wafj 
as much a stranger to his master's design as the rest; 
and though placed in the study by Gowrie's command; 
he did not even know for what end that station had 
been assigned him. The whole transaction remained 

4«»,) BOOK VIIL 211 

as impenetrably dark as ever; and the two brothers, it 
was concluded, had concerted their scheme without 
either confidant or accomplice, with unexampled se- 
crecy as well as wickedness. 

Sjtrot'i An accident no less strange than the other 

c^^™' circranstancefl of the story, and which happen- 
'°B "- ed nine years after, discovered that this opi- 
nion, however plausible, was ill-founded ; and that the 
two brothers had not carried on their machinations all 
alone. One Sprot, a notary, having whispered among 
several persons that he knew some secrets relating to 
Gowrie'a conspiracy, the privy-council thoaght the 
matter worthy of their attention, and ordered him to ■ 
be seized. His confession was partly voluntary, and 
partly forced from him by torture. According to his 
account, Logan of Restalrig, a gentleman of an opulent 
fortune, but of dissolute morals, was privy to all Gow- 
rie's intentions, and an accomplice in his crimes. Mr. 
Ruthven, he said, had frequent interviews with Logan 
in order to concert the plan of their operations ; the 
earl had corresponded with him to the same purpose; 
and one Bour, Logan's confidant, was trusted with the 
secret, and carried the letters between them. Both 
Log^ and Hour were now dead. But Sprot affirmed 
that he had read letters written both by Gowrie and 
Logan en that occasion ; and in confirmation of his tes- 
timony, several of Logah's letters, which a curiosity • 
fatal to himself had prompted Sprot to steal from among 
Bout's papers, were produced.' Tliese were compared, 

' Lngui'* letten were Gie in namber. Ooe to Boar, anotlier ta-Gowiie, and three of 
them without arty direction ; nor could Sprot diseoierthenanieof Ihe person lo wiiorii 
tbe^ were written. Log«n givea him the appeJIition of right ktHumriJile. It appean 
from this, however, aad from other word) in the letler, Crom. 95. that there were 
MTcraJ penoDi piiv; to the consplrBCjr. The date of the first letter U July IBth. 
Mr. Huthren bad cotnmuoilBUed the mBtler to Logan onlj Stt daji before. Ibid. 
It appears from the original mmmimseJ'foifauUurt against Logan's hein, that Bour, 
though he had letten addressed to him with regard to a compiraej equally danger- 
ous and inrpartant, was *o illiteiale that Iw could not read. " Jacobus Bour, Iilc- 
laram piorsui igoariu, dicti Geor^pi opera ih legeodis omnibus scriptii ad cum mis- 
aia, Tel pertinentibui ulebatur." Tbis is altogether strange i and notlung but the 
capilcicmi character of .Logtn caa account for his choosing siich a coofidut. 


212 SCOTLAND. [1600. 

by the privy-council, with papers of Logan's hand- 
writing, and the resemblance was manifest Persons 
of nndoubted credit, and well qualiBed to judge of the 
matter, examined them, and swore to their authenti- 
city. Death itself did not exempt Logan from prose- 
cution ; his bones were dug up and tried for high-trea- 
son, and, by a sentence, equally odious and illegal,' 
his lands were forfeited, and his posterity declared in- 
famous. Sprot was condemned to be hanged for mis- 
prision of treason. He adhered to his confession to the 
last, and having promised on the scaffold, to give the 
spectators a sign in confirmation of the truth of what 
he had deposed, he thrice clapped his hands after he 
was thrown off the ladder by the executioner.' 

• Bj Ihe Roman lin, pcnons guilt; of tbe aime of bigli-beason might be tried 
eim after dolb. Thii practice wis sdopted bv tbe Scoti without in; limittitton. 
Pari. 1540. c 69. But the unlimited eierciie of IhU power was soon conceived to 
be dangeroui ; and the crown wu laid under proper reitiictioni, by an act A. D. 
iSit, which hat aever been printed. Tbe wordi of it are. " And becauie the said 
lordi ^i. e. (he lords of articles) think the said act (tit, in IMO) too general, i 

— -..J. -1.1 .. .1.-1. :_ .1 1_ .1 — I — s statutes and oidains that the iiid 

St tbe heirs of them that nutuHouslj 
le king's pcnon, agaiust the lealoi tn 
, and against them that ihall happen to heliaj the king's army 
■Uenarlj, and being notoriousl; known in their lime ■ and the heir* of these persons 
to be called and judged within £v« jean ailer Ihe decease of the said persons com- ' 
mitten of the said crimes ; and Ihe said time being bj-past< the laid beirs neiet to 
be pursued for Ihe ume." Tbe sentence against Logan violated Ibis statute io two 
particulars. He was not notoriously known during his life to be an accomplice in 
the crime for which be was tried ; and bis heir was called in question more than five 
jears after his death. It is remarkable that this statute seems not to haie been at- 
tended to in tbe parliament which forfeited Logan. Another ungnlar circumstance' 
deserras notice. As it is a maxim of Joslice ibat no person can be tried in alneDCe; 
and as lawyers are atwajs tenacious of their /onni, and often absurd in their de. 
vices for preierring tbem, tiie; contrived that, in any process againsta dead person, 
bis corpse or bones shall tie presented at tbe bar. Euniples of Ibis occur frequent- 
ly in the Scottish bistorj. After Ihe battle of Corrichie, tbe dead bod; of the eiri 
ofHunllywas presetited in parhameot, befare sentence oiforfmJtuTt was pm- 
nounced against bim. For the same reason the bodies of Gowrie and his brother 
were preserved, in order that they might be produced in parliament. Logan's bones, 
in compliance with tbe same mte, were dug up. Mackena. Crim. Lav, Book i. 
tit 6. f. it. 

'It appears that archbishop Spotswood was present at the execution ofSprol, 
Crom. 116, and yet he seems to have giwn no credit to his discoveries. The man- 
ner in which be speaks of him is remarkable : " WhutLer or not 1 should mention 
tha arraignment and eiecotion of George Sprot, who (offered at Edinburgh, I aoi 
doabtfol; his confession, Ibough voluntary and constaitt', carry mg small probability. 
The man deposed, &c. It seemed to be a very fiction, and a mere inveDtlon of the 
mail's own brain, for neither did he shen the letter, nor could any wise man think 
that Gowrie, who went eliout the treasMl so secretly, would have communicated the 
matter to such a man as Logan was known to be," p. 508. Spotswood couJd not be 
ignorant of the solemnity with which Logau had been tried, and of the proof 
brought of the anihcnticity of hia letters. He himself was probably present in pai- 

prejudicial to the barons iti tbe realm, therefore statutes and ordains Ibat tbe said act 
shall have no place in time coming, hut against tbe heirs of them that nutuHously 
mil or shall commit lese majesty against the king's penon, agaiust the lealoi tn 

1600.} BOOK viir. 213 

But though it be thus unexpectedly discovered that 
Gowrie did not act without associates, little additional 
light is thrown, by this discovery, on the motives and 
intentions of his conduct. It appears almost incredible 
that two young men of such distinguished virtue should 
revolt all at once from their duty, and attempt a crime 
so atrocious as the murder of their sovereign. It 
appears still more improbable, that they should have 
concerted their undertaking with so little foresight • 
and prudence. If they intended that the deed should 
have remained concealed, they could not have chosen 
a more improper scene for executing it, than their own 
ho\ise. If they intended that Henderson should have 
struck the blow, they could not have pitched on a man 
more destitute of the cour^^ that must direct the hand 
of an assassin ; nor could they expect that he, unsoli- 
cited, and unacquainted with their purpose, would ven- 
ture on such a desperate action.' If Ruthven meant to 
stab the king with his own hand, why did he withdraw 
the dagger, after it was pointed at his breast? How 
could he leave the king after such a plain declaration 
of his intention ? Was it not preposterous to commit 
him to the keeping of such a timid associate as Hen- 
derson ? For what purpose did he waste time in bind- 
ing the hands of an unarmed man, whom he might ea- 
sily have dispatched with his sword ? Had Providence 
permitted them to imbrue their hands in the blood of 
their sovereign, what advantage could have accrued to 

jiimeutal the trUI. The earl ofDanbar.DrwhQm he alwayi tpedu with the higlint 
rapect, wmi the perun who directed the proceu igiuiul Logsa. Sach ■ peremplnrj 

declarslian agiiiut the trulh of Sprot'i evidence, notwitfaitiindiiig ill iheae ciicum- 
ttances, ii inrpiiiing, Sir Tbam*i Himiltoa, the biog'i idiocate ■! (hat time, and 
■fterwud earl of Haddington, represenls the proof prodDcad al Logan'i trixlai ei- 
Iietnetj coDvincing ; and in wi origjtial letter of hit lo the king, the Hit of Jane, 
1609 (la Bibl. Facult. Jurid.), afler mentloiiiag the manner 'm which the trial had 
been conducted, he thns goes on : 

" When the piobatiau of the lummoDs was referred to the lords of articlei' lotea, 
thej foand nnifarmlj. all in one loice, the laid ttnamoaa to be lO ciearlj prored, 
that Ihej seenied to contend who should be able most zealcusl; to express liie sa- 
tlsfactinnofhij heart, not onlj by the mpst pitbj words, but by tears of jo j ; diverse 
of the best ranli coufesting, that, that whereof they doobled at their entrj into ihe 
house was now to maoifeit, that Ihej behaved to esteem Iben trailora ulio should 
snj lunger refuse la declare iheir assured resolution of (be trutb of Ihat Ireaiom." 


314 SCOTLAND. (f6OT, 

them by his dea& ? And what Glaims or pretensions 
could they have opposed to the rights of his children?" 
Inevitable and instant vengeance, together with perpe- 
tual infamy, were Ae only consequences they could ex- 
pect to follow such a crime. 

On the other hand, it is impossible to believe that 
the kmg had formed any design against the life of the 
two brothers. They had not incurred his indignaliwi 
• by any crime ; and were in no degree the objects of his 
jealousy or hatred ;' nor was he of a spirit so sangui- 
nary, or so noted for rash and desperate valour, as to 
have attempted to murder them in their own house, where 
Aey were surrounded with many domestics, he only wife 
a slender and unarmed train ; where they could call t» 
their assistaice the inhabitants of a city, at the devorioD 
of their family, white he was at a distance from all aid ; 
and least of all wonld he have chosen for his asso- 
ciates in such an enterprise, thie earl of Mar and the 

o It his been UMrled, that, in ccHueqaence of Ibe king*! duth, the eul oS 
Qowrig nigbl hais pnteodtd to (be niiyna ot Eo^uid, u the Km of Dorotboa 
SCevarti danghter of lord Methiea. bj Margaret of England, oho, after her dimrce 
from (he eni of Aagiw, took that DsUeann Air ber third huiband. Bomet, Hiat. 
•f hisowoTinKs. But thii aiiertion isiU-Eouoded. ll appean, baa andbBbled 
endence, that lord Melhren had onlj one child bv qaeen Mirgaiet, which died iq 
iti infancy, aud Dorothea lad; Buthveii vu not the dioghler of queen Hsigpret. 
bnl of Janet Slevact, lord Methven'i second vife, a daughter of John earl of Alhol. 
CravF. Peer. 309. And tbon^ Gcmrie had icatly been descended fioB the blaod 
tojai of Eniland, the king at that lime had a son and a daughter; and beude* 
them, lady Arabella Stewart, daogbter of Chailei earl of Lennoi, had a preler^le 
title to the crown of Enghind. 

'Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to SirKalph Winwood, hnpirtes' the death of the 
two brothers to ■ ause nut iHenlicnied by any of our histoiiaiu. " Out of Scolluid 
we hear that there is no good agreement, but rather sn open diffidence> betwixt tha 
king and kii wife, and many are of opinioa liiat the diioeieiy uf boido affiKtisB 
between her and the eari of Gowrie't brother (who wai killed with him) xas Ibe 
(lueit cauK and motire of that tneedy." Winw. Mem. toI. 1. 17& Whetbei Ibe 
following pasMgoi in Nicbalson's Tetter be any confiimation of that stupicion, b 
Mibmilted to Ibe reader. In hia letter, Sept. ii, \6<)i, he men^ns the return of 
Gewile't two yooHgei brathetB into Scotland, and adds, " The coming ia of tbei* 
two, atul the queefi of Scots dealing with them, and sending away and fomisbing 
Mn. Beatrix [their siiter] with snch infmisation at Sir Thomas Enhiie bas give*, 
ti»th bred great swicion in the king of Scoti that they come not in but spon some 
dangeroua plot." In another letter, January 1, 1603. " The day of writing my 
last, Mra. Beatrix Ruthnn was brought by the lady Paisley, aud Mrs. of Angoi, 
none of theii gentle n amen, into the coiut in the cTeoing, and ituwed in a chamber 
prepared fur her by the queeu'i direction, wbeiE the queen had mach time and COB- 
ference with her. Of this the king got notice, aud sliewed his dislike thereof to the 
queen, gently reprDTing her for it, and eianihiing qulelly uf the queen's serranta of 
the tame, and of other matters theieunlu belonging, with such discretion and se- 
crecy ■■ requites such a matter." 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

leoo] BOOK VIII. ai5 

dbie of Lennox, the fcn-mer connected in cloise friend- 
ship with the house <rf Gowrie, Mid the latter married, 
to one of the earl's sisters. 

A conjee Whichsoever of these opposite systems we 
ture con- embrace ; whether we impute the intention of 
tiie iiiren- EQurdeF to Gowrie, or to the king ; insuperable 
coDipin- difficulties arise, and we are involved in dark- 
*""• ness, mystery, and contradicti<His. Perhaps the 
source of the whole conspiracy ought to be searched , 
for deeper, and by deriving it from a more retnote 
' cause, we may discover it to be less criminal. 

To keep the king of Scots in continual-dependence, 
was one great object of Elizabeth's policy. In order 
to this, she Sometimes soothed him, and sometimes 
bribed his ministers and favourites; and ,when she 
foiled of attaining her end by these means, she encou- 
raged the clergy to render any administration which 
she distrusted unpopular, by decrying it, or stirred up 
Some faction of the nobles to oppose and to overturn it 
In that fierce age, men little acquainted with the arts 
of undermining a ministry by intrigue, had recourse to 
the ruder practice of rendering themselves masters of 
the king's person, that they might thereby obtain the 
direction of his counsels. Those nobles who seized the 
king at the Maid of Ruthven, were instigated and sup' 
ported by ElizabetJi. Bothwell, in all his wild attempts, 
enjoyed her protection, and when they miscarried, he 
Was secure of a retreat in her dominions. The con- 
nexions which James had been forming of late with 
^t Roman Catholic princes, his secret negotiations in 
England with her subjects, and the maxims by which 
he governed his own kingdom, all contributed to excite 
her jealousy. She dreaded some great revolution in 
Scotland to be approaching, and it was her interest tb 
{xrevent it. The earl of Gowrie was one of the most 
powerful of the Scottish nobles, and descended from 
ancestors warmly attached to the English interest He 


316 SCOTLAND. [1600. 

bad adc^ted the same system, and believed the welfare 
of his country to be inseparably connected with the 
subsistence of the alliance between the two kingdoms. 
During his residence at Paris, he had contracted an in- 
timate friendship ivith Sir Henry Neville, the queen's 
ambassador there, and was recommended by him to 
his court as a person of whom great use might be made.' 
^izabeth received him as he passed through England 
with distinguished marks of respect and &rour. From 
all these circumstances a suspicion may arise, that the 
plan of the conspiracy ^^inst the king was formed at 
that time in concert with her. Such a suspicion pre- 
Tailed in that age, and from the letters of Nicholson, 
Elizabeth's i^ent in Scotiand, it appears not to be des- 
titute of foundation. An English ship was observed 
hovering for some time in the mouth of the frith of 
Forth. The earl's two younger brothers fled into Eng- 
land after the ill success of the conspiracy, and were 
protected by Elizabeth. James himself, though be 
prudently concealed it, took great umbra^ at her 
behaviour. None, however, of Elizabeth's intrigues in 
Scotland tended to hurt the king's person, but only to 
circumscribe bis authority, and to thwart his schemes. 
His life was the surest safeguard of her own, and re- 
strained the Popish pretenders to her crown, and their 
abettors, from desperate attempts, to which their impa- 
tience and bigotry might, otherwise, have ui^ed them, 
on. To have encouraged Gowrie to murder his sove- 
reign, would, on her part, have been an act of the ut- 
most imprudence. Nor does this seem to have been 
the intention of the two brothers. Mr. Ruthven, first 
of all, endeavoui-ed to decoy the king to Perth, without 
any attendants. When these proved more numerous 
than was expected, the eatl employed a stratagem in 
order to separate them from the king, by pretending 
that he had rode away towards Falkland, and by calU' 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

jeOOvl BOOKVIIt. 217 

iug hastily fdrthetr horses, that tbeyiiaight follow him. 
By their shutting James up, meanwhile, in :a distaiit 
comer of the house, and by attempting :to bind h^ 
hands, their designs seem to have been rather to aeia^ 
than to assassinate him. Though Gowrie had npt col- 
lected his followers in such numbers as to have been 
able to detain him long a prisoner, in that part of the 
kingdom, by .open force, he might soon have been con- 
veyed aboard the English ship, which waited, perhi^i 
to receive him ; and he might have been landed at Fast- 
castle, a house of Logan's, in which, according to many 
obscure hints in his letters, some rendezvous of the codt 
spiratoTB was to be held. Amidst the surprise and 
terror into which the king must have been thrown by 
the violence offered to him, it was extremely natural 
for him to conclude that his life was sought. It was 
the interest of all his followers to confirm him in this 
belief, and to magnify his danger, in order to add .to 
the importance and merit of their own services. Tlius 
his fear, and their vanity, aided by the creduli^ and 
wonder which the contemplation of any great and tra^ 
gical event, when not fully understood, is apt to inspire, 
augmented the whole transaction. On the other hand, 
the extravagance and improbability of the circumstances 
which were added^ detracted from the credit of those 
which really happened ; and even furnished pretences^ 
for calling in question the truth of the whole conspiracy. 
Hin; dii- The account of what had happened at Perth. 
,ci^"i * reached Edinburgh next morning. The privy- 
Ev'ih?^ council commanded the ministers, of that city 
k'ls- instantly to assemble their people ; and, after 
relating to them the circumstances of the conspiracy 
'formed against the king's life, to return public thanks to^ 
God for ihe protection which he had so visibly afforded 
him. But as the first accounts transmitted to £idinburgh„ 
written in a hurry, and while the circumstances of the* 
conspiracy were but imperfectly known, and the paa- 


318 8G0TLAND. [leWK 

sionsiriiich it excited strongly felt, were indistinct, ex- 
l^^entted, and conlradictoiy, &e ministers laid hold of 
&is ; and though they offered to give public thanks 
to God for the king's -safety, they refused to enter 
into any detail of particulars, or to utter from the 
<jtair of truth what ^^)eared to be still dubious and 

A few dajw after, the king returned to Edinburgh ; 
and, though Galloway, the minister of his own chapel, 
i^de a harangue to ihe people at the public cross, in 
which he recited all die circumstances c^tiie conspiracy ; 
llwu^ James himself in their hearing, confirmed his 
aceount ; though he commanded a narratiTe of the 
whole transaction to be jrablished ; the ministers of that 
city, as well as many of their brethren, still continued 
ittoiedulous and unconvinced. Their high esteem of 
GoWfie, their jealousy of every part of the king's con- 
duct, add6d to some false and many improbable circum- 
stances in the narrative, not only led them to suspect die 
whole, but gave their Auspicious an air of credibility. 
But at length, the king, partly by arguments, partly by 
threats, prevailed on all of them, except Mr. Robert 
Bruce, to own that they Were convinced of the truth of 
tiie conspiracy. He tsould be brought no farther than 
to declare, that he reverenced the king's account of the 
ttttn 6 action, but could not sa that he himself vvaa per- 
suaded of the truth of it. The scruples or obstinacy 
ef a single man would have been little regarded ; but 
as the same spirit of incredulity began to spread among 
the people, the example of one in so high reputation 
for integtify and abilities, was extremely dangerous^ 
The king W&s at the utmost pains to convince and to 
gain BruCe, but flndidg it impossible to i^move his' 
doubts, he deprived him of his benefice, and after re- 
peated delays, and many attempts towards a reconcile- 
ment, banished him the kingdom.' 

' A >Sp(Msw.461,&«. Cold. T. 507, &€. 

Dgr 7.-1 -.;. Google 

1600.] BOOK VIII. 319 

Proceed- Tfas proceedingB of paiiieriaeitt were not re- 
KS^"*"*' twded by aiijr scruples of thi$ sort. The dead 
'om°k.^'" lio^i^ of the two toothers were prodaced there, 
lora. according to law ; an indictment for high-trea- 
son was preferred against them; witnesses were ex- 
ftmined ; «ad, by a unanimons sestenfie, their «gt&tes feod 
hononrs were forfeited ; the pum^mest due to traitors 
was inflicted cm their de^ bodies ; and, aA if the pu- 
nishment hitherto in nse did not express suSdent de- 
te8tati(Hi of their .crimes, the pariiament enacted ^mt 
&e surname of Rathven should be aboli^ed ; and, in 
order to preserve the memory of the king's miraculous 
escape, and to declare the sense which the nation had 
of the divine goodness, to all tutnre «gcs, appcnnted the 
Sth of Augurt to be observed annually, as a day of pub- 
lic thanksgiving.' 

■ A ftw weeks after fhe death of the two broUien, tbe king pofalisbed a ^xmiTit 
_ lirfr etfa and nnnatitTat anupiraey aarinit hU life, bt Ste yew ■■— - "--- 
eati of Cioniirtie pnbliAed ut " Hntortral Account of the Co^ira 

tflhttrtHt and nnnatitTat anupiraey aarinit hU life, bt ttte yen ITIS, Geotge 
eatI of Cioniirtie pnbliAed ut " Hntortcal Account of the Co^iracT bj the E ' 
of Oowrie and Robert Logan of Reitahlg, againit King Jatoei Vl." He geens i 

ta have aeen the account vhkh the king himjelf bad ^Ten of that iiialli>r, and bor- 
nws tbe whole hUtorical part fiom Spodwood and odiei (nlhori ; but he baa ei- 
tneted fram the pidilic reconh die depodllons of Ibe whnesiea produced bj tbe 
king*! cooni^I, in order to make good (be charge against tbe two lirothers, and Logan 
tb^ aasodate. From these two treatiies onr kDOwledge of all the mateihil circniD' 
Hances of tbe coDspiracir is derired. The ertdence whidi they contain, one miuld 
eipect to be authentic and decisive. An accoontof a fact <tin recent, pobliibed b; 
niysil aathoritT, and tiie origraal depoiitions of penans examined in presence of the 
bigheit court m the nation, oagbt to confey a degree of eridence seldom attained in 
historical relationji, and to eiclnde aH remiiinSBg duul>t and uncertainty. But as 
eierj thing with regard to this iranaaclion is dark and prolileniaticB!, tbe king's ac- 
count and the depositions of the witnesses not only tary, hnt contradict each other 
nl to many circumstances, that mnch room is still left for hesitation and historical 
scepdcism. The testimony of Hendeison is the fullest and moit important, but in 
iereral partieaiars the king's account and his are Contredictoty. I. According to the 
king's account, ifhile Mr. RutbTen nas holding the dagger at his bteast, " tbe fet- 
kiw in llie rindy stood quaking and trembling. IKic 17. But Heuderson lays, 
that be himself wrested the dagger ont of Mr. Ruthren't hands. Disc. 53. Croni. 
90. Henderson likewise bsasted to his wife, (hat he had that day twice sated the 
Uag from being dabbed. Disc. Si. Croni. 53. II. Tbe king assetti that Hender- 
son opened the window during Mr. Rnthven's absence. Disc. 23. Henderson de- 
poses that he wai only attempting to open it when Mr. Rathven returned, and that 
daring the straggle between (he king and him, he opened it Disc. 53, 54. Crom. 
51, 53. III. n we may believe the king, the fellow in the study stood, during tbd 
■tmggte, behind the kiug'abBi:k,iDactive and trembtingaUthetime. Bnt 
Henderson affiims, that ho snatched away the garter with which Mr. Bulhven at- 
tempted to bind the king; that be pulled back Mr, Rnthven't hand, white he was 
endeavDuring lo slop the king's mouth, and that he opened the window. Disc. 54. 
Cmm. 5S. IV. By tbe kln^s account, Mr. RothveQ left him in tbe study, and 
Irenl away hi order to meet with his brother, and the earl came up the stairs for Iha 
same pnrponc. Disc. 33. Henderson deposes, tliat when Mr. Ruthven left the 


.220 SCOTLAND. [1601. 

;,g(,i_ Thougb Gowrie's conspiracy occasioned a 
£•«<" sudden and a oreat-alann, it was followed by no 
■Minit consequences of importance ; and having been 

'" concerted by the two brothers, either without any 
associates, -or with such as were unknown, the danger 
was over as soon as discovered. But not long after, a 
conspiracy broke out in England against Elizabeth', 
which, though the first danger was instantly dispelled, 
produced tragical effects, that rendered the close of that 
■queen's reign dismal and unhappy. As James was 
deeply interested in 'that -event, it merits our particulf^ 

)uag, "belielieTei thstta did not paw tram [be door." Crom. 61. It a appirent 
botb tiom (he aituation of the houM, Bnd from otha circnmstsncei, (hat then cauU 
not posiiblj have been aoj interriew between the brolhen i% thii time. Disc. 23. ^ 

HendenoD wm twice eiainined. firit at Fftlklaad before the priTv-eomicil in 
August, and next at Edinbuigk befora the pailiaraeot in November. Not to nien- 
tion some leiier variatiani between llieie depoiitiona, we ihalt point out two which 
are remarkable. In hii first deposition, Mr. Henderson relates tbe nioit material 
fiicumttance of the «bo1e in these vordii "Mr. Rnthven pulled out the deponent's 
jdagger, and held the same lo his majesty's breaat, saying. Remenbrr yon ofvt^ 
fatktT*t murder i yoti shall iuhd die for it : and pointiaa to hit bighness's heart with 
tiK dagger, the deponenl threw Aie ibiub out of Mr. Ruthren's hands, and swore, 
as God shoald judge his soul, that if Mr. Ruthven had retained iLe dagger in his 
hand, (he space a man may go aii slept, he woald hare stricken llie king to the 
hilts with it. Disc. Si. But at his Kcondeiamination he Taried from this in two 
material circumatancea. Ilrst, the words he at that dme pat in Mr. Ruthven'a oioulh 
while he held the dagger at the king's breait are, " Sir, tjou niut bt my priuncr; 
reiniinber oa mj fatluPi dtath." Secondly, when he threatened him with death, it 
was only (o deter him from making any noise. " Hold war tongiu, or by Ckriit yoa 
ihalt die." i. In bis ilrsl deposition, the itords of Mr. Ruthven, when he returned 
to the chamber where he had left the king, are, '* Thtrt U no rimedy, bg God you niul 
die." But in his second deposition, " By God (here is no remedy, and offered lo 
bind his majesty's hands." Crom. £>l. Tbe material words you muM dig are omitted. 
Ulie Hrsl deposition seems plainly to intimate that it was Ruthren's intention to 
murder tbe king. The second would lead ns (o conclude that he had no other de- 
sign than to detain him as a prisoner. 

There are likewise soma remarkable contradictions in the testimonies of the other 
witnesses. 1. In the diacourte puhliihed by autliority, it is inaimialeil that the tu- 
miiltof the inhabitants was raised against the king, and that it required some art to 
pacify them. Disc. 3S. The duke of Lennox confirms this in his deposition. 
Crom. 44. An act of privy-coundl aumnioning the magistrates of Perth lo answer 
for (bat riot it alill eitant. And yet Andrew Roy, one of the bailies of the town, 
deposes, that he himself raised the people, and that they look arms in order to assist 
tbe kiup. Crom. 66. 2. Henderson deposes,thatbe gave an eraiive answer to Mr. 
John Moncrief, who inquired where lie had been thai morning,, because the eail had 
commanded him not to let any man know that he had been at Falkland. Disc. 5A. 
Monccief deposes to tbe same purpote. Crom. 64. And yet George Hay, after- 
ward lord Kinnonl, and the diancelior of Scotland, and Peter Hay, depose, that the 
earl, in their presence, asked Henderson, " Whom he found with the king at Falk- 
landr Crom. 70^71. Which question eeema lo prove that he did not urn at 
keeping that journey a B«ret In the collection of criminal (rials, pubhshed by 
Mr. Arnot in 17S5, the evidence againat ilie two bruihert has been considered wiiU' 
jieal alleaUon. P. 20, &c 


1601.] BOOK VIII. 221 

■ The court of England was at this time divided be- 
tween two powerful factions, which contended for the 
supreme direction of affairs. The leader of the one 
was Robert D'Evreux earl of Essex ; Sir Robert Cecil, 
the son of lord-treasurer Burleigh, was at the head of 
the other. The former was the most accomplished and 
the most popular of all the English nobles ; brave, ge- 
nerous, affable ; though impetuous, yet willing to listen 
to the counsels of those whom "he loved; an avowed, 
but not an implacable enemy; a friend no less con- 
stant than warm ; incapable of disguising his own sen- 
timents, or of misrepresenting those of others; better 
fitted for a camp than for a court ; of a genius that 
qualified him for the first place in the administration^ 
with a spirit which scorned the second as below his 
merit. He was soon distinguished by the queen, who, 
with a profusion uncommon to her, conferred on him, 
even in his earliest youth, the highest honours. Nor . 
did this diminish the esteem and affection of his coun- 
trymen ; but, by a rare felicity, he was at once the fa- 
vourite of his sovereign, and the darling of the people. 
Cecil, on the other hand, educated in a court, and 
trained under a father deeply skilled in all its arts, 
was cra%, insinuating, industrious ; and though pos- 
sessed of talents which fitted him for the highest of- 
fices, he did not rely upon his merit alone for attaining 
them, but availed himself of every advantage, which 
his own address, or the mistakes of others, Ekfforded 
him. Two such men were formed to be rivals and 
enemies. Essex despised the arts of Cecil as low and 
base. To Cecil, the earl's magnanimity appeared to 
be presumption and folly. All the military men, ex- 
cept Raleigh, favoured- Essex. Most of the courtiers 
adhered to Cecil, whose manners more nearly resem- 
bled their own. 

' As Elizabeth advanced in years, the struggle between 
these factions became more violent. Essex, in order 


SaS SCOTLAND. [100). 

Hi»cor. *° Strengthen himself, had early courted the 
Mipoaf- friend^ip of the king of Scots, for whose rigirt 
Hu Scot- of succession he was a zealous advocate, find 
^^ '^'* held a close correspondence both with him and 
with his principal ministers. Cecil, devoted to the 
queen alone,, rose daily to new honours, by the assi- 
duity of his services, and the patience with which he 
expected the reward of them ; while the earl's high 
spirit and impetuosity sometimes exposed him to checks 
from a mistress, who, though partial in her affection to- 
wards him, could noteasily bear contradiction, and who 
conferred favours oft«i unwillingly, and always slowly. 
His own solicitations, however, seconded maliciously 
by his enemies, who wished to remove him at a dis- 
tance from court, advanced him to the command of the 
army employed in Ireland against Tjrronue, and to the 
office of lord-lieutenant of that kingdom, with a com- 
mission almost unlimited. His success in that expedi- 
tion did not equal either his own promises, or the ex- 
pectations of Elizabeth. The queen, peevish from her 
disappointment, and exasperated against Essex by the 
artifices of his enemies, wrote him a harsh letter, full 
of accusations and reproaches. These his impatient 
spirit could not bear, and in the first transports of his 
resentment, he proposed to carry over a part of his 
army into England, and, by driving his enemies from 
the queen's presence, to reinstate himself in favour and 
in power. But, upon more mature thoughts, he aban- 
doned this rash design, and setting sail with a few of- 
ficers devoted to his, person, landed in England, and 
posted directly to coart. Elizabeth received him with- 
out any symptom either of affection or of displeasure^ 
By proper com[Jiances and acknowledgments, he might 
have regained his former ascendant over the queen. 
But he thought himself too deeply injured to submit 
to these, Elizabeth, on the other hand, determined to 
subdue his haughty temper ; and, though her severity 

1661;] BOOK vni. 223 

dfew from liim the most faumble letten, she confined 
him to the lord-keeper's house> and appointed com- 
mission's to try him, both for his conduct during his 
government of Ireland, and for leaving that kingdom 
without her permission. By their sentence, he was 
suspended from all his offices, except that of master of 
the horse, aod continued a prisoner during the queen's 
pleasure. Satisfied with having mortified his pride 
thus fax, Elizabeth did not suffer the sentence to be re* 
corded, and soon after allowed him to retire to his owd 
house. During diese transactions, which occupied se- 
veral months, Essex fluctuated between the allegiance 
he owed to his sovereign, and the desire of revenge ; 
and sometimes leaned to the one, and sometimes to 
the other. In one of the intervab, when the latter 
prevailed, he sent a messenger into Scotland, to en- 
courage the king to assert his own right to the succes- 
sion by the force of arms, and to promise that, besides 
the assistance of the eari and all his friends in E^- 
land, lord Mountjoy, now lord-lieutenant of Ireland, 
would join him with five thousand men, from that king- 
, , dcHxt. But James did not choose to hazard the 
cautious losing of a kingdom, ofwhich he was just about 
"'" '"^ ' to obtain possession, by a pr^natore attempt to 
seize it. Monn^oy, too, declined the enterprise, and 
Essex adopted more dutiful schemes ; all thoughts of 
ambition appearing to be totally effaced out of his 

„ .,_, This moderation, which was merely die ef- 
■ueiBpti feet of disgust and dtsappomtment, was not of 
long continuance ; and the queen, having not 
only refos^ to renew a lucrative grant, which she had 
formerly bestowed, but even to admit him into her pre- 
sence, diat new injury drove a temper, naturally impa- 
tient, and now much fretted, to absolute despair. His 
friends, instead of soothing his rage, or restraining his 
impetuosity, added to both, by their imprudent and in- 
terested zeal. After many anxious consultations, he 

224 SCOTtAND. [1601. 

deteriDined to attempt to redress his wrongs by vio- 
lence. But being conscious how unpopular such an 
enterprise would be, if it appeared to proceed from 
motives of private revenge alone, he endeavoured to 
give it the semblance of public utility, by mingling the 
king of Scotland's interest with his own. He wrote to 
James, that the faction which now predominated in the 
English court had resolved to support the pretensions 
of the infanta of Spain to the crown ; that the places 
of the greatest importance in the kingdom were put 
into the hands of bis avowed enemies ; and that unless 
he sent ambassadors, without delay, to insist on the 
immediate declaration of his right of succession, their 
measures were so well concerted that all his hopes 
would be desperate. James, who knew how disagree- 
able such a proposal would be to the queen of Eng- 
landj was not willing rashly to expose himself to her 
displeasure. Essex, nevertheless, blinded by resent- 
ment, and impatient for revenge, abandoned himself 
to these passions, and acted like a man guided' by 
frenzy or despair. - With two or three hundred fol- 
lowers incompletely armed, he attempted to assault a 
throne the best established in Europe. - Sallying at 
their head out of his own house, he called on the citi- 
zens of London, if they either valued his life, or wished 
to preserve the kingdom from the dominion of the 
Spaniards, to take arms, and to follow his standard. 
He advanced towards the palace with an intention to 
drive Cecil and his faction out of the queen's presence, 
and to obtain a declaration of the Scottish king's right 
of succession." But, though almost adored by the 
citizens, not a man would join bim in this wild eater- 
prise. Dispirited by their indifierence, deserted by 
some' of his own attendants, and almost surrounded 
by the troops which marched against him under dif- 
ferent leaders into the city, he retreated to hts own 
house ; and without any bold effort, suitable to his 

>> Krch.Mtm. ii. 477. 

1601.] BOOK VIII. 225 

present condition, or worthy of his fomier reputation 
for courage, he surrendered to his enemies. 

As soon as James heard of Essex's ill success, he 
appointed the earl of Mar, and Bruce, abbot of Kin- 
loss, to repair as his ambassadors to the court of Eng- 
land, The former of these was the person by whose 
means Essex had carried on his correspondence with 
the king. He was a passionate admirer of the earl's 
character, and disposed to attempt every thing that 
could conb'ibute to his safety. Bruce, united in a 
' close friendship with Mar, was ready to second bim 
with equal zeal. Nor was the purpose of the embassy 
less friendly to Essex, than the choice of his ambassa- 
dors ; they were commanded to solicit, in the warmest 
manner, for the earl's life, and if they found that the 
king, by avowing his friends, could either promote 
their designs, or conti'ibute to their safety, they were 
empowered to lay aside all disguise, and to promise 
that he would put himself at their head, and claim 
what was due to him by force of arms.'' But 
' before the ambassadors could reach London, 
Essex had suffered the punishment which he merited 
by his treason. Perhaps the fear of their interposing, 
in order to obtain his pardon, hastened his death. 
Elizabeth continued, for some time, irresolute cod- 
ceming his fate, and could not bring herself to con- 
sign into the hands of the executioner, a man who had 
once possessed her &Tour so entirely, without a pain- 
ful struggle between her resentment against his late 
misconduct, and her ancient affection towards him. 
The distress to which she was now reduced^ tended 
naturally to soften the former, while it revived the lat- 
ter with new tenderness ; and the intercession of one 
faithful friend, who had interest with the queen, might 
perhaps have saved his life, and have procured him a 
remission, which, of herself, she was ashamed to grant. 

' Jobnit. >sg. Bircb, Men. ii. 510. 

r,o,-,7,-i.;, Google 

226 SCOTLAND. [160!. 

But this generous nobleman had at diat time no sach 
friend. Elizabeth, solicited incessantly by her minis- 
ters, and offended with the haughtiness of Essex, who, 
as she imagined, scorned to sue for pardcm, at last 
commanded the sentence to be put in execation. No 
Sooner was the blow struck, than she repented of her 
own rashness, and bewailed his death with the deepest 
sorrow. James always considered him as one who had 
fallen a martyr to his service, and, after fais accessitm 
to the English throne, restored his son to hia honours, 
as well as all his associates in the conspiracy, and dis- 
tinguished them with his favour.*' 
, The Scottish ambassadors, finding that tbey 

conjinnej had arrived too late to execute the chief busi- 
(ligncs in ness Committed to their Charge, not only con- 
^^"^- cealed that part of their instructions with the 
utmost care; but congratulated the queen, in their 
master's name, on her happy escape from such an au- 
dacious conspiracy. Elizabeth, though no stranger to 
the king's correspondence with Essex, or to that noble- 
man's intentions of asserting James's right to the crown, 
was not willing that these should be known to the 
people, and, for that reason, received the congratula- 
tions of the Scottish ambassadors with all possible 
marks of credit and good-will ; and in order to soothe 
James, and to preserve the appearances of union be- 
tween the two courts, increased the subsidy which she 
paid him annually. The ambassadors resided for some' 
time in England, and were employed with great suc- 
cess, in renewing and extending the intrigues, whidi 
Bruce had formerly entered into with the English no- 
bles. As Elizabeth advanced in years, the English 
turned their eyes more and more towards Scotland, 
and were eager to prevent each other in courting the 
favour of their future monarch. Assurances of attach- 
ment, professions of regard, and promises of support, 

' Camd. SpoUw, 464. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

1601.] BOOK VIII. 227 

were offered to James from every comer of the king- 
dom. Cecil himself, perceiring what hopes Essex had 
founded on the friendship of the Scottish king, and 
what advantages he might have derived from it, thought 
it prudent to stand do longer at a distance from a prince, 
who might so soon become his master. But being sen- 
sible at the same time how dangerous such an inter- 
course might prove, under a mistress naturally jealous, 
and whosejealousy grew stronger with old age; though 
be entered into a correspondence with him, he carried 
it on with all the secrecy and caution necessary in his 
situation, and peculiar to his character.'* James having 
gained the man whose opposition and influence he had 
hitherto chiefly dreaded, waited, in perfect security, 
till that event should happen which would open his 
way to the throne of England.* It was with some dif- 
ficulty that he restrained within proper bounds bis ad- 
herents in that kingdom, who, labouring to distinguish 
themselves by that officious zeal, with which a prince, 
who has a near prospect of mounting the throne, is 
always served, urged him to allow a motion to be made 
in parliament for declaring his right of succession to 
ihe crown. James prudentiy discouraged that design j 
but it was with no small satisfaction that he observed 
the ascendant he was acquiring in a court, the dictates 
of which he had* been so long obliged to obey ; and 
which had either prescribed or thwarted every step he 
had taken during the whole course of his reign/ 

ifioj. Notwithstanding the violent struggles of the 
to dii^M political factions which divided the court, and 
u^mf" die fiwjuent revolutions which had happened 

i See Appeaiii, No. IIII. 
■ Dc, B!rch, in lui lih o( prince Henry, p. S3S, hu ^Tcn Mate account of the 
nmterions mode in i>h!ch thii coneapoodence wm orried on, and how the lellen 
were coDfejed from Loudon h> Dublin, and from thenoe to Scotland. Notwilfa- 
ttinding the lolicitnde which Cecil repeatedly dijco»e" that hii letters should be 
dettiayed u iocim ai the king had road then, a cmiiderable Buniber of them hu 
been pre«er»ed, and published hy Sir DaTid Dalrynple in the year 1766. They 
ware written by lord Henr; Haward, under the inspection of Cecil, in a style af- 
fectedly obfcnre. The whole eon-eipondetice i> mora cnrioui than initrnctiTe. 
' Spotaw. 167. 471. Birch, Mem. ii. 514. 


228. SCOTLAND: [lfi02, 

there, since the king first took the reins of government 
into his own hands, Scotland had enjoyed unusual 
tranquillity, being undisturbed by any foreign enemy, 
and free from any intestine commotion of long conti- 
nuance. During this period, James endeavoured to civi- 
lize the Highlands and the Isles, a part of his dominions 
too much neglected by former monarchs, diough the 
reformation of it was an object highly worthy of their 
care. The long peace with England had afforded an 
opportunity of subduing the licentious spirit of the 
borderers, and of restraining their depredations, often 
no less ruinous to their countrymen than to their ene-' 
mies. The inhabitants of the low country began, gra- 
dually, to forget the use of arms, and to become atten- 
tive to the arts of peace. But the Highlanders, retain- 
ing their natural fierceness, averse from labour, and 
inured to rapine, infested their more industrious neigh- 
bours by their continual incursions. James, being so- 
licitous not only to repress their inroads, but to render 
them useful subjects,' had at different times enacted 
many wise laws extremely conducive to these ends. 
All landlords, or chiefs of clans, were enjoined to permit 
no persons to reside in their estates who could not find 
sufficient surety for their good behaviour ; they were 
required to make a list of all suspicious persons under 
their jurisdiction, to bind themselves to deliver them 
to justice, and to indemnify those who should suffer by 
their robberies; and, in order to ascertain the faithful 
performance of these articles, the chiefs themselves 
were obliged to give hostages to the king, or to put 
pledges in his hwids. Three towns, which might serve 
as a retreat for the industrious, and a nursery for artg 
and commerce, were appointed to be built in different 
parts of the Highlands; one in Cantire, another in 
Lochaber, and a third in the isle 'of Lewis ; and, in 
order to draw, inhabitants thither, all the privileges of 

( Basil. D«r. 139. 

I J ,1,. Google 

1602.] BOOK VIII. 229 

royal boroughs were to be conferred upon them. Find- 
ing it, however,to be no eaaymatter to inspirethe natives 
of those countries- with the love of industry, a resolution 
was taken to plant among them colonies of people from 
the more industrious counties. The first experiment 
was made on the isle of Lewis ; and as it was advaa- 
tageously situated for the fishing trade, a source from 
which Scotland ought naturally to derive great wealth, 
the colony transported thither was drawn out of Fife, 
the inhabitants of whicji were well skilled in that branch 
of commerce; But before they had remained there long 
enough to manifest the good effects of this institution, 
the islanders, enraged at seeing their country occupied 
by those intruders, took arms, and surprising them in 
the night-time, murdered some of them, and compelled 
the rest to abandon the settlement.* The king's atten- 
tion being soon after turned to other objects, we hear 
no more of this salutary project. Though James did 
not pursue the design with that steady application and 
perseverance, without which it is impossible. to change 
the manners of a whole people, he had the glory, how- 
ever, not only of having first conceived the thought, but 
of having first pointed out the proper method of intro- 
ducing the civil arts of life into that part of the island."" 
Eii„. After having long enjoyed a good state of 

^*^'J^J, health, the eflfect of a sound constitution, and 
deaih. the reward of uncommon regularity and tem- 
perance, Elizabeth began this winter to feel her vigour 
decrease, and to be sensible of the infirmities of old 
age. Having removed on a very stormy day from 
1603. Westminster to Richmond, whither she was im- 
im. 31. patient to retire, her complaints increased. She 
had no formed fever ; her pulse was good -; but she ate 
little and could not sleep. Her distemper seemed to 
proceed from a deep melancholy, which appeared both 
in her countenance and behaviour. She delighted in, 

>■ F«ri. 1587. 16M. 1397. SpoUw. 468. 


230 SCOTLAND. [1603. 

solitude, Bbe Bat constantly in the dark ; and was often 
dFowned in tears. 

No sooneriras the queen's indisposition known, than 
persons of all ranks, and of all difTerent sects and par- 
ties, redoubled their applications to the king of Scots, 
and vied wilt each other in professions of attach- 
ment to his person, and in promises of submission to 
his government. Even some of Elizabeth's own ser- 
vants, weaiy of the length of her reign, fond of novelty, 
impatient to get rid of the burden of gratitude for past 
benefits, and expecting to share in the liberality of a 
new prince, began to desert her : and crowds of people 
hurried towards Scotland, eager to pre-occupy the fa- 
vour of the successor, or afraid of being too late in pay- 
ing homage to him. 

Meanwhile, the queen's disease increased, and her 
melancholy appeared to be settled and incurable. Va- 
rious conjectures were fonned cooceming the causes of 
a disorder, from which she seemed to be exempted by 
the nabiral cheerfulness of her temper. Some imputed 
it to her being forced, contrary to her inclioation, to 
pardon the earl of Tyronne, whose rebellion had for 
many years created her much trouble. Othera ima- 
gined that it arose from observing the ingratitude of 
her courtiers, and the levity of het people, who beheld 
her health declining with most indecent indifference, 
and looked forward to the accession of the Scottish 
king, with an impatience which they cduld not conceal. 
The most common opinion, at that time, and perhaps 
the most probable, was, that It flowed from grief for the 
earl of Essex. She retained an extraordinary regard 
for the memory of that unfortunate nobleman ; and 
though she often complained of his obstinacy, seldom 
mentioned his name without tears.' An accident h^- 
pened soon after her retiring to Richmond, which re- 
vived her affection with new tenderness, and imbittered 


1603.] BOOK VIII. 231 

her sorrows. The countess of Nottinghani, being on her 
death-bed, desired to see the queen, in order to reveal 
something to her, without discovering which, she could 
not die in peace. When die queen came into her cham- 
ber, she told her, that while Essex lay under sentence of 
death, he was desirous of imploring pardon in the manner 
which the queen herself had prescribed, by returning a 
ring, which during the height of his fevour she had 
given him, with a promise that if, in any future distress, 
he sent that back to her as a token, it should entide him 
to her protection ; that lady Scrope was the person he 
intended to employ in order to present it ; that, by a 
mistake, it was put into her hands instead of lady 
Scrope's ; and, that she having communicated the mat- 
ter to her husband, one of Essex's most implacable ene- 
mies, he had forbid her either to carry the ring to the 
queen, or to return it to the earl. The countess having 
thus disclosed her secret, begged the queen's forgive- 
ness: but Elizabeth, who now saw both the malice of 
the earl's enemies, and how unjustly she had suspected 
him of inflexible obstinacy, replied, " God may forgive 
you, but I never can ;" and left the room in great emo- 
tion.'' From that moment, her spirit sunk entirely ; she 
cuuld scarce taste food ; she refused all the medicines 
prescribed by her physicians ; declaring that she wished 
to die, and would live no longer. No entreaty could 

l> This anecdote concerning Elizabeth nw first pnblished b; Oiborae, Mem. of 
Elix. p. 23 ; i> coafiinietl b; the teitimon; of De Maurier, Mem, SSO, and bj tbe 
tiaditional evidence cf lady Eliubelb Spetman, published bj Dr. Birch, Negoc. 
106. Camden meatioiu Ibe ijaeBn's grief for Essei > death as one of tbe canies of 
her melancholy. Some origiuij papers remain, wbicb jh'otb [bat this vas commonly 
bdicved at the lime. Birch, Mem. ii. 506. Euei, however, bad been beheaded 
two jeais before her deadi, and there leems la have been oo other reason, but that 
which we have assigned, *hi her gorrows should revive with so much violence at to 
great a dittuAe of lime. As tbe death of the coouteti of Nottinghani happened 
about a fortniglit before the queen's death, the coincidence of ^gc events, to- 
gether with the otber evidence mentioned, adds so much probability to tite atorj re- 
lated b; Osborne, as will entitle it to'a place in history. The only objection to tbe 
account we have given of Elizabeth's atlachment lo Essex, aiisei from bor great age. 
At the age of 6B, the amoions pasuons are commonly abundantly cool, and the vio- 
lence of all the passions, eicept one, is much abated. Bnl the force of this objec- 
tion is entirely lamoved by an author who has iltuatrated many passages in the 
English History, and adoined mote. Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors, 
Arlide Euti. 


232 SCOTLAND. [1603. 

prevail on h^ to go to bed ; she sat od cushions, dur- 
ing ten days and nights, pensive and silent, holdihg.her 
finger almost continually in her mouth, with her eyes 
open, and fixed on the ground. The only thing to 
which she seemed to give any attention, was the acts 
of devotion, performed in her apartment by the arch- 
bishop of Canterbury ; and in these she joined with 
great appearance of fervour. Wasted, at last, as well 
by anguish of mind, as by long abstinence, she expired, 
without a struggle, on Thursday, the 24th day of March, 
in the seventieth year of her ^e, and in the forty-fifth 
of her reign.' 

Herch». Foreigners often accuse the English of indif- 
'^""- fereuce and disrespect towards their princes ; 
but without reason. No people are more grateful than 
they to those monarchs who merit their gratitude. The 
names of Edward III. and Henry V. are mentioned by 
the English of this age with the same warmth as they 
were by those who shared -in the blessings and splen- 
dour of their reigns. The memory of Elizabeth is still 
adored in England. The historians of that kingdom, 
after celebrating her love, of her people ; her sagacity 
in discerning their true interest; her steadiness in pur- 
suing it ; her wisdom in the choice of her ministers ; 
the glory she acquired by arms ; the tranquillity she 
secured to her subjects ; and the increase of fame, of 
riches, and of commerce, which were the fruits of all 
these; justly rank her among the most illustrious 
princes. Even the defects in her character, they observe, 
were not of a kind pernicious to her people. Her ex- 
cessive frugality was not accompanied with the love of 
hoarding ; and, though it prevented some great under- 
takings, and rendered the success of others incomplete, 
it introduced economy ^nto her administration, and ex- 
empted the nation from many burdens, which a monarch, 
more profuse or more enterprising, must have imposed. 

I Camd. Birch, Mem. ii. ,Wfi, Blrcb, Negoc. 206. Sujpe, ir, 373. 


1603.] BOOK VIII. 233 

Her slowness in rewarding her servants sometimes dJ3- 
couraged useful merit; but it prevented the undeserving 
from acquiring power and wealth, to which they had 
no title. Her extreme jealousy of those princes who 
pretended to dispute her right to the crown, led her to 
take such precautions, as tended no less to the public 
safety, than to her own ; and to court the aCFections of 
her people, as the firmest support of her throne. Such is 
the picture which the English draw of this great queen. 
Whoever undertakes to write the history of Scotland, 
finds himself obliged, frequently, to view her in a very 
diiferent, and in a less amiable light. Her authority in 
that kingdom, during the greater part of her reign, was 
.little inferior to that which she 'possessed in her own. 
But this authority, acquired at first by a service of great 
importance to the nation, she exercised in a manner 
extremely pernicious to iU happiness. By her industry 
in fomenting the rage of the two contending factions ; 
by supplying the one with partial aid ; by feeding the 
other with false hopes ; by balancing their power so 
artfully, that each of them was able to distress, and 
neither of them to subdue the other ; she rendered Scot- 
land long the seat of discord, confusion, and bloodshed ; 
and hercraftandintrigues,effecting what the valour ofher 
ancestors could not accomplish, reduced that kingdom 
to a state of dependence on England. The maxims of 
policy, often little consonant to those of morality, may, 
perhaps, justify this conduct. But no apology can be 
offered, for her behaviour to queen Mary ; a scene of 
dissimulation without necessity ; and of severity beyond 
example. In almost all her other actions, Elizabeth is the 
object of our highest admiration ; in this we must allow 
that she not only laid aside the magnanimity which be- 
came a queen, but the feelings natural to a woman. 
JtjDKi pro- Though Elizabeth would never permit the 
kin^f question concemidg the right of succession to 
Kiigiapd. t]jg (.Yoy/n to be determined in parliament ; nor 


S34 SCOTLAND. [1603. 

declare her own sedtunentsconcUTiiDg a pointwhich she 
wished to remain ao impenetrable mystery ; she had, 
however, formed no design of excluding the Scottish 
king from an inheritance to which his title was ua- 
doTibted. A short time before her death, she broke the 
silence which she had so long preserved on that sub- 
ject, and told Cecil and the lord admiral, " That her 
throne was the Ihrone of kings ; that she would have 
no mean person to ascend it, and that her cousin the 
king of Scots should be her successor." This she con- 
firmed on her death-bed. As soon as she breathed her 
last, the lords of the privy-council proclaimed James ' 
king of England. All the intrigues carried on by fo- 
reigners in favour of the infanta, all the cabals formed 
within the kingdom to support the titles of lady Ara- 
bella and the earl of Hartford, disappeared in a moment'; 
the nobles and people, forgetting their ancient hostili- 
ties with Scotland, and their aversion for the dominion 
of strangers, testified their satisfaction with louder ac- 
clamations than were usual at the accession of their 
native princes. Amidst this tumult of joy, a motion 
made by a few patriots, who proposed to prescribe some 
conditions to the successor, and to exact from him tiie 
redress of some grievances, before they called him to 
the throne, was scarcely heard ; and Cecil, by stifling 
it, added to his stock of merit with his new master. Sir 
Charles Percy, brother of the earl of Northumberland, 
and Thomas Somerset, the earl of Worcester's son, were 
dispatched to Scotland, with a letter to the king, signed 
by all the peers and privy-coimsellors then in London; 
informing him of the queen's death, of his accession to 
the throne, of their care to recognise his title, and of 
the universal applause with which the public proclama^ 
tion of it had been attended. They made the ubnost 
haste to deliver this welcome message ; but were pre- 
vented by the zeal of Sir Robert Carey, lord Hunsdon's 
youngest son, who, setting out a few hoars aiier Eliza- 


1603.] BOOK VIII. 23S 

beth's deadi, arrived at Edioliurgh oa Saturday night, 
just as ike king bad gone to bed. He was immedi- 
ately admitted into the royal apartment, and kneeling 
by the king's bed, acquainted him with the death of 
Elizabeth, saluted him king of England, Scotland, 
France, and Ireland ; and as a token of the truth of the 
intelligence which he brought, presented him a ring, 
which his sister, lady Scrope, had taken irom the queen's 
finger after her death. James heard him with a decent 
composure. But as Carey was only a private messen- 
ger, the information which he brought was not made 
' public, and the king kept his apartment till the arrival 
of Percy and Somerset Then his titles were solemnly 
proclaimed ; and his own subjects expressed no less 
joy, than the English, at this increase of his dignity. 
As his presence was absolutely necessary in England, 
where the people were extremely impatient to see their 
new sovereign, he prepared to set out for that kingdom 
without delay. He appointed his queen to follow him 
within a few weeks. He committed the government of 
Scotland to his privy-council. He intrusted the care 
of his children to different noblemen. On the Sunday 
before his departure, he repaired to die church of St. . 
Giles, and after hearing a sermon, iq which the preacher 
displayed the greatness of the divine goodness in rais- 
ing him to the throne of such a powerful kingdom with~ 
out opposition or bloodshed, and exhorted him to ex- 
press his gratitude, by promoting, to the utmost, the 
happiness and prosperity of his subjects ; the king rose 
up, and addressing himself to the people, made many 
professions of unalterable affection towards them; pro- 
mised to visit. Scotland frequently; assured them that 
his Scottish subjects, notwithstanding his absence, 
should feel that he was their native prince, no less 
than when he resided among them ; and might still trust 
that his ears should be always open to their petitions, 
which he would answer with the alacrity and love of a 


236 SCOTLAND. [1603. 

parent. - His words were often interrupted by the tears 
of the whole audience ; who, though they exulted at 
the king's prosperity, were melted into sorrow by these 
tender declarations." 

T»kE. poi- *^^ *^^ ^tt ^^ April he began his journey, 
Kiiionof with a splendid, but- not a numerous train; and 

the (hrone. • 

next day he entered Berwick. Wherever he 
came, immense multitudes were assembled to welcome 
him ; and the principal persons in the different counties 
through which he passed, displayed all their wealth 
and m^fuificeDce in entertainments prepared for him 
at their houses. Elizabeth had reigned so long in 
England, that most of her subjects remembered no other 
court but hers, and their notions of the manners and 
decorums suitable to a prince were formed upon what 
they had observed there. It was natural to apply this 
standard to the behaviour and actions of their new 
monarch, and to compare him, at first sight, with the 
queen, on whose throne he was to be placed. James, 
whose manners were extremely different from hers, 
suffered by the comparison. He had not that flowing 
affability, by which Elizabeth captivated the hearts of 
her people ; and, though easy among a few whom he 
loved, his indolence could not bear the fatigue of ren- 
. dering himself agreeable to a mixed multitude. He 
■was no less a stranger to that dignity with which Eliza- 
beth tempered her familiarity. And, instead of that 
well-judged frugality with which she conferred tides 
of honour, he bestowed them with an undistinguishing 
profusion, that rendered them no longer marks of dis- 
tinction, or rewards of merit. But these were the re- 
flections of the few alone ; the multitude continued 
their acclamations; and, amidst these, James entered 
London on the 7th of May, and took peaceable pos- 
session of the throne of England. 
Coociuiion. Thus were united two kingdoms, divided 

■ "■ Spolsw, 47d. 


1603.] BOOK Vni. 237 

from the earliest accounts of time, but destined, by 
their situation, to form (jne great monarchy. By this 
junction of its whole native force, Great Britain hath 
risen to an eminence and authority in Europe, which 
England and Scotland, while separate, could never 
have attained. 

The Scots had so long considered their 
the'l^oJn- monarchs as next heirs to the English throne, 
^rutuiion that they had full leisure to reflect on all the 
<^scoiiBnd consequences of their being advanced to that 
MMijioni^ dignity. But, dazzled with the glory of giving 
'"*' ' a sovereign to their powerful enemy, relying 
on the partiality of their native prince, and in full ex- 
pectation of sharing liberally in the wealth and honours 
which he would now be able-to bestow, they attended 
little to the most obvious consequences of that great 
event, and rejoiced at his accession to the throne of 
England, as if it had been no less beneficial to the 
kingdom, than honourable to the king. They soon had 
reason, however, to adopt very different sentiments; and 
from that period we may date a total alteration in the 
political constitution of Scotland. 

The feudal aristocracy, which bad been subverted 
in most nations of Europe by the policy of their princes, 
or had been undermined by the progress of commerce, 
still subsisted with full force in Scotland. Many causes 
had contributed gradually to augment the power of the 
Scottish nobles ; and even the Reformation, which, in 
every other country where it prevailed, added to the 
authority of the monarch, had increased their wealth 
and influence. . A king possessed of a small revenue, 
with a prerogative extremely limited, and unsupported 
by a standing army, could not exercise much authority 
over such potent subjects. He was obliged to govern 
by expedients ; and the laws derived their force not 
from his power to execute them, but from the voluntary 
submission of the nobles. But though this produced 


a species of gOTemment extremely feeble and irrc^iilar ; 
though Scotland, under the name, and with all the otit- 
ward ensigns of a monarchy, was really subject to an 
aristocracy, the people were not altogether unhappy ; 
and, even in this wild form of a constitution, there were 
principles which tended to their security and advantage. 
The king, checked and overawed by the nobles, durst 
venture upon no act of arbitrary power. The nobles, 
jealous of the king, whose claims and pretensions were 
many, though his power was small, were afraid of 
irritating their dependants by unreasonable exactions, 
and tempered the rigour of aristocratical tyranny, with 
a mildness and equality to which it is naturally a 
stranger. As long as the military genius of the feudal 
government remained in vigour, the vassals both of the 
crown and of the barons were generally not only free 
. from oppression, but were courted by tbeir superiors, 
whose power and importance were founded on their 
attachment and love. 

But, by his accession to the throne of England, 
James acquired such an immense accession of wealth, 
of power, and of splendour, that the nobles, astonished 
and intimidated, thought' it vain to struggle for pri- 
vileges which they were now unable to defend. Nor 
was it from fear done that they submitted to the yoke; 
James, partial to his conntrymen, and willing that they 
should partake in his good fortune, loaded them witb 
riches and honours; and the hope of his favour con- 
curred with the dread of his power, in taming dieir 
fierce and independent spirits. The will of the prince 
became the supreme law in Scotland; and the nobles 
strove, with emulation, who should most impiiciUy 
obey commands which they had formerly been accus- 
tomed to contemn. Satisfied with having subjected the 
nobles to the crown, the king left them in full posses- 
sion of their ancieat jurisdiction over their own vassals. 
The extensive rights, vested in a feudal chief, became 

in their hands dreadful instmments of oppressiou, and 
the military ideas, on which these rights were founded, 
being gradually lost or disreg^arded, nothing remained 
to correct or to mitigate the rigour with which they 
were exercised. The nobles, exhausting their fortunes 
by the expense of frequent attendance upon the English 
court, and by attempts to imitate the manners and 
luxury of their more wealthy neighbours, multiplied 
exactions upon the people, who durst hardly utter com- 
plaints which they knew would never reach the ear 
of their sovereign, nor move him to grant them any re- 
dress. From the union of the crowns to the revolution 
in 1688, Scotland was placed in a political situation, 
of all others the most singular and the most unhappy; 
subjected at once to the absolute wilL of a monarch, 
and to the oppressive jurisdiction of an aristocracy, it 
suffered all the miseries peculiar to both these forms of 
government. Its kings were despotic; its nobles were 
slaves and tyrants; and the people groaned under the 
rigorous domination of both. 

During this period, the nobles, it is true, made one 
effort to shake off the yoke, and to regain their ancient 
independence. After the death of James, the Scottish 
nation was no longer viewed by our monarchs with 
any partial affection. Charles I., educated among the 
English, discovered no peculiar attachment to the king- 
dom of which he was a native. The nobles, perceiv- 
ing the sceptre to be now in hands less friendly, and 
swayed by a prince with whom they had little con- 
nexion, and over whose counsels they had little influence, 
no longer submitted with the same implicit obedience. 
Provoked by some encroachments of the king on their 
order, and apprehensive of others, the remains of their 
ancient spirit began to appear. They complained and 
remonstrated. The people being, at the same time, 
violently disgusted at the innovations in religion, the 
nobles secretly heightened this disgust; and their arti- 


fices, together with the ill-conduct of the court, raised 
such a spirit, that the whole nation took arms against 
their sovereign, with a union and animosity of which 
there had formerly been no example. Charles brought 
against them the forces of England, and, notwithstand- 
ing their own union, and the zeal of the people, the 
nobles must have sunk in the struggle. But the dis- 
affection which was growing among his English sub- 
jects prevented the king from acting with vigour. A 
civil war broke out in both kingdoms; and after many 
batdes and revolutions, which are well known, the 
Scottish nobles, who first begaji the war, were involved 
in the same ruin with the throne. At the restoratiou, 
Charles II. regained fiiU possession of the royal pre- 
rogative in Scotland; and the nobles, whose estates 
were wasted, or their spirit broken, by the calamities to 
which they had been exposed, were less able and less 
willing than ever to resist the power of the crown. 
During his reign, and that of James VII. the dictates 
of the monarch were received in Scotland with the most 
abject submission. The poverty to which many of the 
nobles were reduced, rendered them meaner slaves and 
more intolerable tyrants than ever. The people, always 
neglected, were now odious, and loaded with every 
injury, on- account of their attachment to religious 
and political principles, extremely repugnant to those 
adopted by their princes. 

The revolution intrtiduced other maxims into the 
government of Scotland. To increase the authority of 
the prince, or to secure the privileges of the nobles, had 
hitherto been almost the sole object of our laws. The 
rights of the people were hardly ever mentioned, were 
disregarded, or unknown. Attention began, hencefor- 
ward, to be paid to the welfare of the people. By the 
ciaim of right, their liberties were secured ; Mid the 
number of their representatives being increased, they 
gradually acquired new weight and consideration in- 

BOOK Till. 241 

paHiuaant. Aa th^ came to esgoy more security, and 
greater power, their minds began to open, and to fona 
more extensive plans of ccmamerce, of industry, and of 
police. But the aristocratical spirit, which still pre- 
dominated, together with many other acoid^ts, retarded 
the improvement and happiness of the natitfn. 

Another great event completed what the Revolution 
had began. The political power of the nobles, already 
broken by the union of the two crowns, was almost 
annihilated by the union of the two kingdoms. Instead 
of making a part, as formerly, of the supreme assembly 
of the nation, instead of bearing the most considerable 
sway there, the peers of Scotland are admitted into the 
British parliament by their represHitatJTes only, and 
form but an inconsiderable part of one of those bodies 
in which the legislative authority is vested . They them- 
selves are excluded absolutely irom l^e house of eoiQ- 
mons, and even their eldest sons are not permitted to 
represent their countrymen in that august assemUy. 
Nor have their feudal privileges remained, to compen- 
sate for this extinction of their poUtioal authority. As 
commerce advanced in its progress, and government 
attained nearer to perfection,' these were insensibly cir- 
cnnutcribed, and at last, by laws bo less satutaiy to the 
public ikaa &tal to the nobles, they have be»i almost 
totally abolished. As the nobles w»e deprived of power, 
the people acquired liberty. Elxempted &om burdens, 
to which they were fiarmerly subject, screened frcon op- 
pression to which they had been Itmg eaposed, and 
adopted iqto a cgnstituticm, whose genius and laws 
were more liberal than their own, they have extended 
their commerce, refined their manners, made imp^ve-r 
ments in the elegances of life, and cultivated the arts 
and sciences. 

This surv^ of the political state of Scotland, in 
which ev^ts and their causes have been mentioned 
rather tiian developed, enables us to point out three 

VOL. ir. R 


eras, from eackof which we may date some great altera- 
tion in one or other of the' three different members of 
which the supreme legislative assembly in our constitu- 
tion is composed,' At their accession to the throne of 
England, the kings of Scotland, once the most liraiited, 
became, .iA an instant, the most absolute princes in 
Kurope,:and exercised a despotic authcAity, which their 
parliaments were unable to control; or their' nobles to 
Tesist*; At- the umm of the, two kingdoms, the feudal 
aristocracy, which had. subsisted so many ages, and 
with power so exorbitant, was overturned, and the 
Scottish nobles, having surrendered rights and pre- 
eminences peculiar to their order, reduced themselves 
to a condition, which is no longer the terror and envy 
of other subjects. Since the union, the commons, an- 
ciently neglected by their kings, and seldom courted 
by the nobles, have emerged into dignity ; and, being 
admitted to a participation of all the privil^;es which 
the! English had purchased at the expense of so much 
blood, must now be deemed a body not less consider- 
able in the one kii^om, than they have long been in 
the other. 

The church felt the effects of the absolute power 
which the king acquired by his accession ; and its re- 
volutions, too, are worthy of notice. James, during 
the latter years of his administration in Scotland, had 
^vived the name and office of bishops. But they pos- 
sessed ho ecclesiastical jurisdiction or pre-eminence ; 
their revenues were inconsiderable, and thejr were 
scarcely distinguished by any thing but by their seat 
in parUament, and by being the object of the clergy's 
jealousy, and the people's hatred. The king, delighted 
with the splendour and authority which the English 
bishops enjoyed, and eager to effect a union in the 
ecclesiastical policy, which he had, in vain, attempted 
in &e civil govemment^of the two kingdoms, resolved 
to bring both churches to an. exact conformity with 



each other. . Three. Scotsmea were cdnsec'rated 'bishops 
at London. !Froni them their, brethren were com- 
manded to receive orders. Ceremonies unknown in 
Scotland ' were imposed ; and though the clergy, less 
obsequious than the nobles, boldly opposed these inno- 
vaticms, James^ long practised and well^skilled in the 
arts of managing them, obtained at length their .com- 
pliance. But Charles I., a superstitious prince, unac- 
quainted with £he genius of the Scots, imprudent and 
precipitant in all the measures he pursued in that king- 
dom, pressing too eagerly the reception of the English 
liturgy, and indiscreetly attempting a resumption of 
church lands, kindled the flames of civil war ; andthe 
people being leil at liberty to indulge their own wishes, 
the episcopal church was overturned, and the.presby-< 
terian government and discipline were re-established 
with new vigour. Together with monarchy, episcopacy 
was restored in Scotland. A form of government, so 
odious to the people, required force to uphold it ;, an^ 
though not only the whole rigour of authority, tut ail. 
the barbarity of persecution, were employed in its 
support, the! aversion of the nation was insurmountable, 
and it subsisted with difficulty.. At the Revolution, the 
inclinations of the people were thought worthy the at- 
tention of the legislature, the presbyterian government 
was again established, and, being ratified by the union, 
is still maintained in the kingdom. 

Nor did the influence of the accession extend to the 
civil and ecclesiastical constitutions alone ; the genius 
of the nation, its taste and spirit, things of a nature 
still more delicate, were sensibly aflected by that event. 
When learning revived -in the fltieenth and sixteenth 
centuries, all the modem languages were in a state ex- 
tremely barbarous, devoid of elegance, of vigour, and 
even of perspicuity. No author thought of writing in 
language so ill adapted to express and embellish his 
sentiiQents, or of erecting a work for immortality with 
11 2 


such nidfe and perish^le materials. As the spirit, whidi 
preratled at (hat time, did not owe its rise to aoy ori- 
ginal effort of the human mind, but iras excited chii^y 
by admiration of the ancients, which begaa then to be 
studied with attention in every part of Europe, Iheir 
compositions were deemed not only the standards of 
taste and of sentiment, but of style ; fuid eren the lan- 
gua^ in which they wrote were liiought to be pecu- 
liar, and almost consecrated to learning and the muses. 
Not only the manner of die ancients was imitated, but 
their language was adopted ; and extravagant as the 
attempt may appear to write in a dead tongue, in which 
men were not accustomed to think, and which they 
could not speak, or even pnmouuce, the success of it 
was astonishing. As they formed their style upon the 
purest models; as they were uninfected with those 
bariuirisms, which die inaccuracy of familiar conversa- 
tion, &e ^ectation of courts, intercourse with strangers, 
and a diousand other causes, introduce into living lan- 
guages ; many moderns have attained to a degree of 
elegance in their Lalin compositions, which the Romans 
themselves scarce possessed beyond the limits of th« 
Augustan age. While this was almost the only species 
of composition, and all authors, by using one common 
language, could be brought to a nearer comparison, the 
Scottish writers were not inferior to those of any otter 
nation. The happy genius of Buchanan, equally formed 
to excd in prose and in verse, more various, more ori- 
grnal, and more elegimt, than that of fdmoat any otibet 
modem who writes in Latin, reflects, with regard to 
this particular, Ae greatest lustre on his country. 

But the labour attending the study of a dead tongue 
was it^ome ; the unequal return for their industry 
which authors met ■wiih, who coidd be read and ad- 
mired only withm ^e narrow circle ctf the learned, was 
mortifying ; and men, instead of wasting half their lives 
in learning the language of the Romans, began to re-^ 

I ,C.oog[c 


fine and to polish their own. Ilie moduli toogues 
were found to be susceptible of beauties and graces, 
which, if not equal to those of the ancient ones, were 
at least more attainable. The Italians having first set 
the example, Latin was no longer used in works of 
taste ; it was confined to boohs of scieaice ; and tlie 
politer nations have banished it even from tiiese. The 
Scots, we may presume, would have had no cause to 
regret this change in the public taste, and would still 
have been able to maintain some equality with other 
nations, in their pursuit of literary honour. The English 
and ScoUish languages, derived from the same sources, 
were, at the end of the sixteenth century, in a state 
nearly similar, differing from one another somewhat in 
orthc^aphy, though not only Hue words, but the idioms, 
were much the same. The letters of several Scottish 
statesmen of that age are not ipferior in elegance, or in 
puri^, to those of the English ministers with whom 
they conesponded. James himself was master of a 
style fax from contemptible ; and by his example and 
encouragement, the Scottish language might have kept 
pace with the Ei^lish in refinement Scotland might 
have had a series of authors in its own, as well as in 
the Latin language, to boast of ; and the improvem^its 
in taste, in the arts, and in the sciences, which spread 
over the other polished nations of Europe, would not 
have been unknown there. 

But, at the very time when other nations were be- 
ginning to drop the use of Latin in works of taste, and 
to make trial of the strragth and compass of their own 
languages, Scotland ceased to be a kingdom. The 
transports of joy, which the accession' at first occa- 
8ioned> were soon over ; and the Scots, being at once 
deprived of all the objects that refine or animate a 
people I of the presence of their prince, of the con- 
course of nobles, of the splendour and elegance of a 
court, a universal dejection of spirit seems to have 



seized the nation, : The cotirt being 'Withdrawn, no do- 
mestic standard of prbprie^ and coTtectness of speech 
remained ; the few compositions' that Scotland pro- 
duced were tried by the English standard,. and every 
wordior phrase -that varied in .the least from that, was 
condemned as barbaious ; whereas, if the two nations 
had continued distinct, each might have retained idioms 
and fOTms of speech peculiar to itself; and these, ren- 
dered fashionable by the ezampleof a court, and sup- 
ported "by the' authority of writers of- reputation, might 
have been viewed -in the same light with the varieties 
occasioned by ithe -different -dialects in the -Greek 
tongue; they even- might .have been considered as 
beauties; and, in many cases, might have -been used 
promiscuously by the authors of both nations. But, by 
the accession, the English naturally became the sole 
judges and lawgivers in language; and rejected as 
solecisms every- form of speech to which their ear-was 
not accustomed. .Nor did the Scots, while the inter- 
course between the two nations was inconsiderable;'' 
and ancient prejudices were still soviolent as topre- 
vent imitation, possess the means of ^fining their own 
tongue according to the purity of the English standard. 
On the contrary, new corruptions flowed into it from 
every different source. The clergy of Scotland, in that 
age, were more eniinent for piety than for learning; 
and though there did not arise many authors among 
them, yet being: in possession of the privilege of dis- 
coursing .pubKcly to the people; and their sermons be- 
ing too long, and perhaps too frequent, such hasty pro-- 

■ A tetnatkibU pmof of the little interconne between the Eugliih aad Scoli 
bcrore the omon af thj ciowiia, ig to be fanud ia two ouciuni papers, one pnbliibed 
b^ Hayoei, the other by Stijpe, la the jear l.WJ", Elizabeth commancled tho 
bisbop of London to take a turvej of all the ttiangeis within the cities of Londott 
and Weitmituler. By. this report, which ia very minute, it appeal^ that the vfaole 
namber of Scats at that time «as Efty-eight. Haynei, 455. A survey of the satiK 
kiod WBi.niade bySirThomu Row, lord-miyor, A. D. 156B. . The Dumber of Scot* 
liad theaincreRsedta'eighty-e)ght.'Strype,iT. Snpplemcni, No.I. On the aceeaaion 
of Junes, a connderlibte number of Scots, especiillj of the liighei rank, retflrted tit 
Ea^and; bat it was not till Ibe anion that tbe inleicDDne between the two kingdom* 


ductions could not be elegant, and many slovenly and 
incorrect modes of expression may be traced back to 
that original. The pleadings of lawyers were equally 
loose and inaccurate,:andUiat profession having fur- 
nished more authors; and the matters of which they 
treat mingling daily in common discourse and business, 
many of those vicious formsof speech, which, are de- 
nominated Scstticisms, have been introduced by them 
into the language. Nor iKd either the langu^^ior 
public taste receive any improvement in parliament, 
where a more liberal and more correct eloquence might 
have been expected. All business was transacted there 
by the lords of articles, and they were so servilely' de- 
voted to the court, that few debates arose, and, prioi 
to the Revolution, none were conducted with the spirit 
and vi^ur natural to a popular assembly. 

Thus, during the whole seventeenth century, the Eng- 
lish were gradually refining their language and their 
taste; in. Scotland the former was much deba8ed,-and 
the latter almost entirely lost. In the beginning of that 
period, both nations were emerging out of barbarity ; 
but the distance between them, which was then incon- 
siderable, became, before the end of it, immense. Even 
after science had once dawned upon them, the Scots 
seemed to be sinking back into ignorance and obscu- 
rity ; and active and intelligent as they naturally are, 
they continued, while other nations were eager in the 
pursuit of feme and knowledge, in a state of languor. 
This, however, must be imputed to the unhappiness of 
their political situation, not to any defect of genius; 
for no sooner was the one removed in any degree, than 
the other beg^ to display itself The act Polishing 
the power of the lords of articles, and other salutary 
laws passed at the Revolution, having introduced free- 
dom of debate into the Scottish parliament, eloquence, 
with all the arts that accompany or perfect it, became 
immediate objects of attention; and the example of 



Fletcher of Salton aloae is snfficieot to shew that the 
Scots Were atill cnpuble of generoua sentimeiits, and, 
notwithstanding some peculiar idioms, were able to 
express themselves with enei^ and with elegance. 

At leiig;th the union having incorporated the two 
nations, &nd rendered them one people, the distinctions 
irikich hod Bubrailed Bit many ages gradually wear 
away; peoaliarities disappear; the same maimers pre- 
ndl m bodt parts of the island ; the same authors are 
read and admired; the same entertainments are fre- 
quented by the elegant and polite; and the same 
stamdard of taste and of purity in language, is est«^ 
Mished. The Scots, afiber being placed, during a whtde 
eentnry, in a situation no le^ fatal to the liberty than 
to the tute and genius of the nation, were at once put 
in possession of privileges more valuable than those 
which their ancestors had formerly enjoyed ; and every 
obstruction that had retarded their pursuit, or prevented 
dieir acquisiticm, of Uteraiy &me, was totally removed. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 




It is not my intention to engage in all the controversies 
to which the murder of king Henry, or the letters from 
queen Mary to Bodiwell, have given rise ; far less to 
appear as an adversary to any particular author, who 
hadi treated of them. To repeat and to expose all the 
ill-lbunded assertions, witli regard to these points, which 
Imve flowed from int^tention, from prejudice, from par- 
tiality, from malevolence, and from dishonesty, would 
be no less irksome to myself, than unacceptable to most 
of my readers. All I propose is, to assist others in 
forming some judgment concerning the facts in dispute, 
by stating the proo& produced on each side, with as 
much brevity as the case wUl admit, and with the same 
attention and impartiality which I have endeavoured to 
exercise in examining othenr controverted points in the 
Scottish history. 

In order to account for the king's murder, two dif- 
ferent «yBtems have been formed, llie one supposes 
Bothweli to have contrived and executed this crime. 
The other imputes it to the etuis of Murray, Morton, 
1^ their party. 

The decision of many controverted &cts in history, 
is a matter rather of curiosity than of use. They stand 
detached; and whatever we determine with regard to 



them, the fabric of the stoiy remains untouched. But 
the fact under dispute in this place is a fundamental 
and essential one, and according to the opimon which 
an historian adopts with regard to it, he must vary and 
dispose the whole of his subsequent narration. An 
historical system may be tried in two different ways, 
whether it be consistent with probability, and whether 
it be supported by proper evidence. 

Those who charge the king's murder upon Bothwell, 
argue in the following manner ; and, though their rea- 
sonings have been mentioned already in different parts 
of the narrative, it is necessary to repeat them here. 
Mary's love for Damley, say they, was a sudden and 
youtbful passion. The beauty pf his person, set off by 
some. external frivolous accomplishments, washis.chief 
merit,- and gained her affections. His capricious temper 
aoon.raised inthe, queen a disgust, whidibroke.out on 
different occasions. His engaging in the' conspiracy 
against Rizio; converted this disgust into an antipathy, 
which she was at no pains to conceal. This .bteac.h was, 
perhaps in its own nature irreparable,; the,fciqg;cer- 
tainly. wanted that art and. condescension; which alone 
c6uld haye repaired it. , It wid^ed every day, and, a 
.deep and settled hatred effaced all remains, of affection. 
Bpthwell observed this^'and was promptedjby ambition, 
and love, to found upou it a scheme, which 
proved fatal both to the queen and, to himself. . He had 
served Mary at different times with fidelity and success. 
He insinuated himself into her favour,, by address,and 
by flattery. By degrees he gained. her heart. In order 
to gratify his love, or atJeast his ambition, it was ne- 
cessary; to get rid of the king. Mary had rejected the 
proposal which, it is said,liad been made to her for ob- 
taining a divorce. The king was equally hated by the 
partisans of the house of Hamilton, a considerable party 
in the kingdom ; by Murray, one of the most pow;erful 
^nd popular persons in his country ; by Morton and bis 


associates, whomhe had deceived, and whom Bothwell 
had bound to his interest by a recent favour. Among 
the people Damley was fallen under extreme contempt. 
Bothwell might expect, for all these reasons, that the 
murder of the king wo\ild pass without any inquiry, and 
might trust to Mary's love, and to his own addressand 
good fortune, for the accomplishment of the rest of his 
wishes. What Bothwell expected really came to pass. 
Mary, if ikot privy herself to the design, connived at an 
action which rid her of a man whom she had such good 
reason to detest. A few months after the murder of her 
husband, she married the person who was both'auspeeted 
and accused of having perpetrated that odious crime. < . ; 

Those who charge the guilt upon Murray and his 
part^, retnoQ in this manner: Murray, they say, was a 
man of boui<Jless ambition. Notwithstanding the ille-. 
gitimacy of hi*. birth, he had early formed a design of 
usurping the crovn; On the queen's return into Scot- 
land, he insinuate^ himself into her fevour, and en- 
grossed the whole pi?*ei' into Vi^ own hands. He set 
himself against every proposal of carriage which .was' 
made to her, lest his own chance 61 succeeding to the. 
crown should be destroyed. Hehatbfit)anUey, and> 
was no less hated by him. - In order to bt revenged 
on him, he entered into a- sudden friendship wili Bothr 
well, his ancient and mortal enemy. He eniteq.Qg^d 
him to assassinate Henry, by giving him hopes of 'DB»ry_ 
ing the queen. All this was done with a design --^ 
throw upon the queen herself the imputation of being 
accessary to the murder, and, under thftt pretext, to de- 
stroy Bothwell, to depose and imprison her, and to seize 
the sceptre which he had wrested out of her hands. 

The former of these systems has an aif of probability, 
is consistent with itself, and solves appear^ances. In the 
latter, some assertions are ^se, some links are wanting 
in the chain, and effects appear, of which no sufficient 
cause is produced. Murray, on the queen's return into 

r,on7<-i.i Google 


Scotland, served her with great fidelity, and by his pru- 
dent administration rendered her so popular, and so 
powerful, as enabled her with ease to quash a formid- 
able insurrection raised by the party of which he was 
the leader in the year 1565. What motive could in- 
duce Murray to murder a prince without capacity, with- 
out followers, without influence over the nobles, whom 
the queen,by her n^Iect, had reduced to the lowest state 
of contempt, and who, after along disgrace, had regained 
(according to the most fevourable supposition) the pre- 
carious possession of her favour only a few days before 
his death ? It is difficult to conceive what Murray had 
to fear from the king's life. It is still a more difficult 
matter to guess what he could gain by his desih. If 
we suppose that the queen had no previous a^achment 
to Bothwell, nothing can appear more chi««rical than 
a scheme to persuade her to marry a m*"i whose wife 
was still alive, and who was not onV suspected, but 
accused, of murdering he^ former Msband. But that 
such a scheme should ^eally succeed is still more ex- 
traordinary. — If M'^'^y ^ad instigated Bothwell to 
commit the crioi» °^ ^^^ himself been accessary to the 
commission of'^' what hopes were there that Bothwell 
would silep^/ ^^^ fron* a- fellow-criminal all the pro- 
secution?'''^^*^^ ^^ suffered, without ever retorting upon 
jdim ^ accusation, or revealing the whole scene of ini- 
qvijt»f An ancient and deadly feud had subsisted be- 
j^en Murray and Bothwell ; the queen with difficulty 
i^d brought them to some terms of agreement. But, is 
' it probable, that Murray would choose an enemy, to 
whom he had been so lately reconciled, for his confi- 
dant in the commission of such an atrocious crime ? Or, 
on the other hand, would it ever enter into the imagina- 
tion of a wise man^ first to raise his rival to supreme 
power, in hopes that afterward he might render him 
odious, by accusing him of crimes which he had not 
committed, and, in coasequeace of this unjust charge, 



should be enabled to deprive liim of that power? The 
most adventurous politician never hazturded such a dan- 
gerous experiment. The most credulous folly never 
trusted such an uncertain chance. 

How strong soever these general reasonings may ap- 
pear to be, it is not upon them alone that we must decide, 
but according to the particular evidence that is pro- 
duced. This we now proceed to examine. 

That Bothwell was guilty of the king's murder, sp- 
pears, 1 , From the concurring testimony of all the con- 
temporary historians. 2. From the confession of those 
persons who suffered for assisting at the commission of 
the crime, and who entered into a minute detail of all 
its circumstances. Anders, ii. 165. 3. From the ac- 
knowledgment of Mary's own commissioners, who allow 
Bothwell to have been one of those who were guilty of 
this crime. Good. ii. 213. 4. From the express testi- 
mony of Lesly bishop of Ross, to the same effect with 
the former. Def. of Q. Mary's Hon. And. i. 76. Id. iii. 
p. 31. fi. Morton, at his death, declared that Bothwell 
had solicited him, at different limes, to concur in the 
conspiracy formed against the life of the king ; and that 
he was informed by Archibald Douglas, one of the con- 
spirators, that Bothwell was present at the murder. 
Crawf. Mem. App. 4. The letter from Douglas to the 
queen, which I have published in the Appendix, Vol. 
n. No. XLVII., confirms Morton's testimony. 6. Ix>rd 
Herriee promises, in his own name, and in the name of 
die nobles who adhered to the queen, that they would 
concur in puaishing Bothwell as the murderer of the 
king. Append. Vol. II. No. XXIV. 

The most direct charge ever brought against Mur- 
ray is in these words of bishop Lesly : " Is it unknown," 
addressing himself to the earl of Murray, " what the 
lord Herries said to your face openly, even at your 
own table, a few days alter the murder was committed? 
Did he not charge you with the foreknowledge of the 



same murder ? Did he jiot, nulla circutiom itsus, 'flatly 
and plainly Taxirden you, that riding in Fife, and com- 
ing with one of your moat assured, and trusty servants 
the same day whereon you departed firom Edinburgh, 
said. to him, among other talk. This night, ere morn- 
ing, lord Damley shall lose his life ?" Defence of Q. 
Mary, Anders, ii.. 75. But' the assertion of a man so 
heated with faotioa as Lesly, unless it were supported 
by~ pH^er evidence,' is of litde .weight. The servant to 
whom Murray is said to have spoken these words, is 
not named; nor the.manner in which this secret con- 
versation was brought to light mentioned. Lord Her- 
ries was one of the most zealous advocates for Mary, 
and it is remaikable that, in all his negotiations at the 
court of England, he never once repeated this accusa- 
tion of Murray. In answering the challenge given 
him by lord Lindsay, Herries had, a fair opportunity 
of mentioning Murray's knowledge of the murder ; but 
though he openly, accuses' of that crime some of those 
who adhered' to Murray,' he indnstriously^ avoids any 
insinuation against. Murray hunself. Keith, Pref. xii, 
Mary herself, in conversation with Six Francis Knolles, 
accused Morton and Maitland. of being privy to tiie 
murder; but does not mention Murray. ' And. iv. 56. 
Whenthe bishop of Ross and lord Herries appeared 
before 'the English council, January 11, 1569, they de- 
clared'themselves retidy, in obedience to .the.queen's 
command, to accuse Murray and his associates of being 
accessary to the murder, but " they being also required, 
whether- they, or any of them, as of themselves, ■ would 
accuse the said earl in special, .or any of his adherents, 
or thought. them guilty thereof,'' they answered, " that 
they took God to witness that. none of them did ever 
know anything of the^ conspiracy ;of that murder, or 
were in counsel and foreknowledge thereof; neither 
who were devisors, inventors, and executqrs.' of the 
same, till it was publicly 'discovered long- tiiereafter 


by some of the assassins, who suffered deadi on that 
account." Good. ii. 308. These words are taken out 
of a raster kept by Ross and Hemes themselves, and 
seem to be a direct confutation of the bishop's assertion. 
■ The earls of Huntly and Argyle, in their^Protestation 
touching the murder of the King -of Scots, after men- 
tioning the coiiferenoe at Craigmillar concerning a di- 
vorce, add, " So after these premises, the murder of 
&e king following, we judge, in our conscience8,and 
hold for certain and truth, that the earl of Murray and 
secretary Lethington were authors, inventors, counsel- 
lors, and causers of the same murder, in what manner, 
or by whatsoever persons the same was executed." 
Anders, iv. 188. But, 1. This is nothing more than 
the. private opinion or personal' affirmation of these two' 
noblemen. 2. The conclusion which they make has 
no connexion with the prembes on which they found 
it. Because Murray proposed to obtain for the queen 
a divorce from her husband with, her own consent, it 
does not follow that therefore he conimitted the mur-> 
der without her knowledge^ 3. Huritly and Argyle 
were at that time the leaders of that party opposite to 
Murray, and animated with all the rage of faction. 
A. Both of, them were Murray's personal enemies^ 
Huntly, on account of the treatment which his family 
and clan had received Irotn that nobleman. Argyle 
was desirous of being divorced from his. wife, with 
whom he lived on no good termsj Knox, 328, and by 
whom he had no children. Crawf. Peer.. 19. She was 
Murray's sister, and by his interest Argyle's design was 
obstmcted. Keith, 551. These circumstances would 
go ki towards invalidating a positive testimcmy ; they 
more thancountcEbalance an indeterminate suspicion. 
5. It is altogether uncertain whether Huntly and Ar- 
gyle ever subscribed this protestation. A copy of such 
a protestation as the queen thought would be of ad- 
vantage to her cause, was transmitted to them by her., 

r,on7<-i.i Google 


Anders, iv. b. ii. 186. The protestetioQ itaeUV pub- 
lished by Anderson, is taken from an unsub8crU>ed 
copy, with blanks for tbe date and place of subscrib- 
ing. On the back of this copy, there is pasted, in- 
deed, a paper, which Cecil has marked, " Answer of 
the Earl of Murray to a writing of the Earls of HunUy 
and Argyle." Anders. 194, 195. But it can hardly 
be deemed a reply to the above-mentioned protests- 
tion. Murray's answer bears date at London, Jan. 19, 
1568. The queen's letter, in which she enclosed the 
copy of the protestation, bears date at Bowton, Jan. 5, 
1568. Now it is scarce to be supposed that Ihe copy 
could be sent into Scotland, be subscribed by the two 
earls, and be seen and answered by Murray within so 
short a time. Murray's reply seems intended only to 
prevent the impression which the vague and uncertain 
accusations of his enemies might make in his absence. 
Cecil bad got the original of die queen's letter into his 
custody. Anders, iv. 186. This naturally leads us to 
conjecture that the letter itself, together with the en- 
closed protestation, were intercepted before they came 
to the hands of Huntly and Argyle. Nor is this mer^ 
conjecture alone. The letter to Huntly, in which the 
protestation was enclosed, is to be found, Cott Lib. 
Cal. C. 1. fol. 280, and is an original subscribed by 
Mary, though not written by her own hand, because 
she seldom chose to write in the English langui^. 
The protestetion is in the same volume, fol. 282, and 
is manifestly written by the same person who wrote ^ 
queen's letter. This seems to render it highly proba- 
ble thflt both were intercepted. So that much has been 
founded on a paper not subscribed by the two eaiis^ 
and. probably never seen by them. Besides, this m«> 
^od which the queen took of sending a copy to the 
two earls, of what was proper for them to declare with 
regard to a conference held in their own presence, ap- 
pears somewhat suspicious. It would have been mora 

KING BRNRT'ft MURDER, &c. 957 

oaturftl, and not so liftble to any mm&terpretatioD, to 
have desired th^m to wiite the most exact account, 
which {key could recollect, of what had puMd at thfe 
conveHation at Craigmillar. 0. But even if all this 
reasoning should be sdt aside, and the authentici^ of 
th« protestation fehould be admitted in its Inllest extent, 
it may still be a question, what degree of credit should 
be g^Tea to the assertion of the two earls, who were not 
only present in the first parliament held by Murray as 
recent in December, ld87,.ia which the one uirried the 
flceptfe, and the other dw sword of state, Spotsw. 341, 
but were both members of the committee of Ich^ of 
articles, and in that capacity assisted m framing all the 
acts by which the queen wm deprived of the crown, 
and her son seat^ oa the throne ; and in particular 
concurred in the act by which it was declared, that 
whatever had befhllen the queen " was in her awin de- 
f^It, in sa ihr as, be divers hir previe letters written 
halelie with hir awin hand, and send by hir to James 
flometyme .earle of Bothwell, cheif executour of the 
said horribill murthour, as weill befoir the committing 
thairof as thajraftir : and be hir ungodHe and disho'- 
nontabiU proceeding to ane pretendit marriage with 
htm, suddainlie and unprorisiUie thairattir, it is maist 
certane that sche was previe, airt and pairt, of the 
actual devise and deid of the foirnamtt murthour of the 
king her lauchlul husband, and thairfoir justlie deservis 
qnhatsmnevec hes bene dotie to hir In oOy tyme by- 
gaine, or that sal be ustt towiurds hir, for th« said 
cause." Anders, ii. 221. 

The queen's commissioners at the cm/ereMia itt Eng- 
land accused Murray and his associates of having mur- 
dered the king. Good. ii. 281. But this charge is to 
be considered as a recrimination, extorted by the accu- 
sation preferred agaitist the queen, and contains no- 
thing more than loose and general affirmations, with- 
out descending to such particular circumstances' as ei- 

VOL. II. s 



ther ascertain their truth, or discover their falsehood. 
The same accusation is repieated by the nobles assem- 
bled at Dumbarton, Sept 1568. Good. ii. 359. And 
the S!une observation .may. be made concerning it. 

All the queen's advocates have endeavoured to ac- 
count for Murray's murdering of theking by supposing 
that it was done on purpose that he might have the 
pretence of disturbing the queen's administration, and 
thereby rendering ineffectual her general revocation of 
crown lands, Which would have deprived him and his 
associates of the best part of their estates. Lesly, Def. 
of Mary's Hon. p. 73. Anders, iv. part ii. 130. But 
whoever considers the limited powers of a Scottish 
monarch, will see that such a revocation could not be 
very formidable to the nobles. Every king of Scotland 
began his reign with such a revocation ; and as often 
as it was renewed, the power of the nobles rendered it 
ineffectual. The best vindication of Murray and his 
party from this accusation, is that which they presented 
to the queen of Elngland, and which hath never hitherto 
been published. 

P,per Answers to the Objections and Alledgqnce of the 
°*~- Queen, aUedging the Earl of Murray, Lord 

Regent, the Earl of Morion, Marr, Glencaim, Hume, 

Ruthven, S^c. to have been moved to armour, for that 

they abhorred and might not abide her Revocation of 

the Alienation made of her Property. 

It is answered, that is, alledged, but [i. e. without] 
all appearance, and it appears God has bereft the al- 
ledgance of all wit and good remembrwice, for thir 
reasons following : 

Imprimis, as to my lord regent, he never had occa- 
sion to grudge thereat, in respect the queen made him 
privy to the same, and took resolution with him for the 
execution thereof, letting his lordship know she would 
assuredly in the samine except all things she had given 
to him, and ratefy them in the next parliament as she 



did indeed ; and for that cause wiahed my lord to leave 
behind him master John Wood, to attend upon the same, 
to whom she declared, that als well in that as in alt 
other her grants it should be provided, yea, of, free will 
did promise and offer before ever he demanded, as it 
came to pass without any let or impediment ; for all 
was ratl&ed by her command, and hand-write, at the 
parliament, but [i. e. without] any difficulty. 

Item, as to my lord of Morton, he could not grudge 
thereat quha never had of her property worth twenty 
dollars that ever I knew of. 

Item, the same may I say of my lord Glencaim. 

Item, the same I may say of my lord Hume. 
* Item, the same I may say of my lord Ruthven. 

Item, the same I may say of'my lord Lindsay. 

Only my lord of Marr, had ane little thing of the pro- 
perty quilk alsua was gladly and liberally confirmed to 
him, in the said parliament preceding a year; was never 
ane had any cause of miscoDtent of that revocation, far 
less to have put their lives and heritage to so opea and 
manifest ane danger as they did for sic ane frivole canse. 

Gyf ever any did make evill countenance, and show 
any miscontentment of the said revocation, it 
lord of Argyll in special, quha spak largely in ^e time 
of parliament thairanents to the queen herself, and did 
eomplain of the manifest corruption of ane act of par- 
liament past upon her majesty's return, and sa did lett 
any revocation at that time ; but the armour for revenge 
of the king's deid was not till twa months after, at quhat 
time there was no occasion given thereof, nor never a 
man had mind thereof. 

Having thus examined the evidence which has been 
produced against the earls of Murray and Bothwell ; 
we shall next proceed to inquire whether the queen her- 
self was accessary to the murder of her husband. 

No sooner was the violent death of Damley known, 


dian strong sm^icion arose, among some (^her subjects, 
that Mary had giren her consent to the ootnmission of 
that crime. Anders.ii. 156. We are infofmed, by her 
own ambassador in France, the archbishop of Glasgow, 
that the sentiments of foreigners, oo this head, were no 
less unfeiTourable to her. Keith, Pref. ix. Many of 
her nobles loudly accused her of that crime, and a: great 
part of the nation, by supporting them, seem to have 
allowed the accusation to be well founded. 

Some crimes, however, are of such a nature, that they 
hardly admit of a positive or direct proof. Deeds of 
darkness can seldom be brought perfectly to light. 
Where persons are accused not of being principals, but 
only of being accessaries in the commissiMi of a crime ; 
not of having perpetrated it themselves, but only of giv- 
ing, consent to the commisaicoi of it by others ; ihe proof 
becomes still more difficult : and unless when some ac- 
complice betrays the secret a proof by circumstances, 
or presumptiTe evidence, is all' that can be attained. 
Even in }udi<:ial trials, such evidence is sometimes 
held to be sufficient for condemning criminals. The 
degree ofconviction which such evidence carries along 
vrith it, is oi^en not inferior to that which arises from 
positive testimony -^ an'd a concurring series of ciicum- 
ftances satisfies the understanding no less than the ex- 
press declaration of witnesses. 

Evidence of both these kinds has been produced 
^fainst Mary. We shall first consider that which is 
founded upon circumstances alone. 

Some of these suspicious circumstances preceded the 
king's death ; others were subsequent to it. With re. 
gard to the former, we may observe that the queen's 
violent love of Damley was soon converted into sin aver- 
sion to him no less violent; and that his own ill conduct 
and excesses of every kind, were such, that if they did 
not justify, at least they account for this sudden change 
of her disposition towards him. The rise and progress 


of this domestic rupture, I have traced with great care ' 
in the history, and to the proofs of it which may be 
^und in papers published by other authors, I have 
added those contained in App. No. XVI. and XVII. 
Le Croc, the French ambassador, who was an eye- 
witness of what he describes, not only represents her 
aversion to Damley to be extreme, but declares that there 
could be no hopes of a reconcilement between them. 
Dec. 19. " The queen is in the hands of physicians, and 
*^^' I do assure you is not at all well ; and do be- 
lieve the principal part of her disease to consist in deep 
grief and sorrow ; nor does it seem possible to make 
her forget the same. Still she repeats these words, 
I could wish to be dead. You know very well that the 
injury she has received is exceeding great, and her ma- 
jes^ will never forget it — To speak my mind fireely to 
you, I do not expect, upon several accounts, any good 
understanding between them [i.e. the king and queen], 
unless God effectually put to his hand. — His 

Dec 43. , , , .-11 I 

bad deportment is incurable ; nor can there ever 
be any good expected from him, for several reasons, 
which I might tell you was I present with you. I can- 
not pretend to foretel how all may turn, but I will say, 
that matters cannot subsist long as they are, without 
being accompanied widi sundry bad consequences." 
Keith, Pref. vii. Had Henry died a natural death at 
this juncture, it must have been considered as a very 
fortunate event to the queen, and as a seasonable de- 
liverance from a husbabd who had become altogether 
odious to her. Now aa Henry was murdered a few 
weeks afterward, and as nothing had happened to ren- 
der the queen's aversion to him less violent, the opinion 
of those who consider Mary as the author of an event 
which was manifestly so ^eeable to her, will appear 
perhaps to some of our readers to be neither unnatural 
nor over re6ned. If we add to this, what has been ob? 
served in the history, that in proportion to the increase 


of Mary's hatred cpf her husband, Botbwell seema to 
have made progress in her favour, and that he became 
the object not only of her confidence but her attachment, 
that opinion acquires new strength. It is easy to ob- 
serve many advantages which might redound to Mary 
as well as to Bothwell from the king's death ; but ex- 
cepting them, DO person, and no party in the kingdom, 
could derive the least benefit from that event. Both- 
well, accordingly, murdered the king, and it was. Id 
that age, thought no unwarranted imputation on Mary's 
character, to suppose that she had consented to the deed. 
The steps which the queen took after her husband'« 
death add strength to that supposition. 1 . Metvii, who 
was in Edinburgh at the time of the king's death, asserts 
that " every body suspected the earl of Bothwell ; and 
those who durst speak freely to others, said plainly that 
it was he," p. 155. 2. Mary having issued a procla- 
mation, on the 12th of February, offering a reward to 
any person who should discover those who had mur- 
dered her husband. And. i. 36; a paper in conse- 
quence of this was affixed to the gates of the Tolbooth, 
February 16, in which Bothwell was named as the chief 
person guilty of that crime, and the queen herself was 
acciised of having given her consent toil And. ii. 156. 
3. Soon after, February 20, the earl of Lennox, the 
king's father, wrote to Mary, conjuring her, by every 
motive, to prosecute the murderers with the utmost ri- 
gour. He plainly declared his own suspicions of Both- 
well, and pointed out a method of proceeding against 
him, and of discovering the authors of that crime, no 
less obvious than equitable. He advised her to seize, 
and to commit to sure custody, Bothwell himself, and 
such as were already named as his accomplices; to call 
an assembly of the nobles ; to issue a proclamation^ 
inviting Bothwell's accusers to appear ; and if, on that 
encouragement, no person appeared to accuse them, to 
hold them as innocent, and to dismiss them without 


ferther trial. And. i. 40. 4. Archbishop Beatoan, her 
ambassador in France, in a letter to Mary, March 9tfa, 
employs arguments of the utmost weight to persuade 
her to prosecute the irmrderers with the greatest seve- 
rity. " I can conclude nathing (says he) by quhat zour 
majesty writes to me zourself, that sen it has plesit God 
to conserve zow to make a rigorous vengeance thereof, 
that rather than it be not actually taine, it appears to me 
better in this warld that ze bad lost life and all. I ask 
your majestie pardon, that I writ sa far, for I can heir 
nniM' nathing to zour prejudise,but I man constrainedly 
writ the samin, that all may come to zour knawledge ; 
for the better remede may be put therto. Heir it is 
needfull that ze fortK shaw now rather than ever of 
before, the greite vertue, mggnanimitie, and Constance 
that God has grantit zow, be quhais grace, I hope ze 
sail overcome this most heavy envie and displesir of 
the committing therof, and conserve that reputation in 
all godliness, ze have conquist of lang, quhich can ap- 
jucft pear na wayie mair dearie, than that zou do sick 
ujbit justice that the haill world may declare zour in- 
nocence, and give testimony for ever of thair treason 
^ihoM that has committed (but fear of God or man) so 
cruel and ungodlie a murther, quhairof there is sa 
nueA meikle ill spoken, that I am constrainit to ask 
zow mercy, that neither can I or will I make the re- 
i« hearsal thereof, which is owr odious. ' But alas ! 

madame, all over Europe this day, there is na purpose 
in head sa frequent as of zour majestie, and of the pre- 
sent state of zour realm, quhilk is in the most part in- 
terpretit sinisterly." Keith, Pref. ix. 5. Elizabeth, as 
appears from Append. Vol. I!. No. XIX., urged the 
same thing in strong terms. 6. The circumstances of 
the case itself, no less than these solicitations and re- 
monstrances, called for the utmost vigour in her pro 
ceedings. Her husband had been murdered in a cruel 
manner, almost in her own presence. Her subjects 


wer? fiUe4 with the utmost horror at the crime- Both- 
well, oae of her principal favourites, had been publicly 
aGci^e4 aa the author of it. Reflections, ei^tremely dis* 
honourable to herself, had hem titirown ont. If jndig- 
OAtion, and the love of justice, did not pronjpt her to 
fkurquie the murderers with ardour, decency, at least, 
and concern for vindica.ting her own ehstfacter, should 
have induced her to avoid w>y appearance of remissness 
or want of i{eal. 

But inajtestd of this, Mary ^ootinwd to d^cover, in 
all h^p ajCtioM, the u^noat partiality towards Botfawell- 
On the I5th of February, five days after the murder, 
»bq bftstoiwed on him the reversion *ti the superiority 
of the town ©f Leith, which, in th^ yeai 1565, »he had 
HiQrtgaged to th^ citizens of ^E^inhurg^. This grant 
wa^ of much isaportance, as it gave him not only the 
command of the pvincipal port in the kingdom, hut a 
g^eat, aecwdant over thft citizens of Edinburgh, whoi 
wiith^ Q^ttch to keep posaesision of it." 2. Bothwell 


HiriH, |)el t^i n«pn* ScMontn, onaikw pn>bn h^nbibiH iiiii ad qnei pi** 
leules lileriE perreueiUti )aluteiiir Sciati), quod pra *d memoriaiD reducentes mul- 
]j«hB,Ite^ilW rtgoi notlri. pio lenipor« in nosttaminDriWlcrHctuni «t impantum, 
TCninictiamitDUimet ipsts.taminlnpBrteiGillicequKRiintnhucnDsauBi rcgnua), 
■4 tfiai^oatw iwtn boBoiii et uwloiilBli* iii,)utait)oqe fcnim, nule&ctorHDi, el 
Iran^reagoram inftK iieai ft' noaliuia confliam canumgiiliicum et coniliariuiD 
JaMboH oomlUii Ifetlnic, ik>ra)aui|i Sb1!<, Cnrffiim, el Ijddiidale, (mj^ib mi~ 
ViiniillUB ^SfV uestri, coiumiiBiDneni el onerstioiitm Kd bnuc effectDm babentent, 
per qaai Ipie suunt ee^HM et Titan in magKu pcnouhi poasil; ac ctiua. in perfbr- 
qi^IioiM et eil^lidne vsnti' dicli teivilii, bubib bereditattni, lupia aummam ligiali 
inillmni mercarum bujus Doatri regnit aJleoaTlt ac Jnait £t noa cogtianlea quod, 
W naatn priacrpHji, honoce ct dewwi*, dietD*i ntilnint conGwiW MnawgajncuiD M, 
coDiiliariuDi cuni quodam sccideqte et ^tiludine lecompeimre et gtatiGcate io- 
cDubtt, qu« uoaeuntDode aibi coBceden fMlffiaHhiiiidf ipve iqa^babiUio<B*ibM 
l&viuria levparibijt esie poierit, el ad bijuimodi perfannuidaai in omMJbua cauiia 
■CD evenlibui: In rrcoinpenaationeii] quwam pmmlaSORin, aC pn dlnnti aMa 
uoa^ia FationibUi bua oavai* et coDsidentiDntbtta noa noveotibiMi t'ecijUM, (tc. dictwn 
Jacobnm conilecn Bolhuite, &c. ae auoi hsredea niBaculaaqiKnctiiDqueaastraalt^- 
Ijaioii 4(«> auig>«M« ia et ad litena raTer>io«'H &clai, j(G, pw E^DiBBfD VtalUm d* 
eodem militeni, paepoutmn, ball rot, contules, el com mua I tat em bujua Dosuj burgi 
dBEdlHbwgh, pra itlpua ac luia aucceuaiikaa, &c. nobs, iu>!lri«quB tttiedilw, 
aucutiuribii). e( fsajpialia, pro rederBptioiiE, Jic. soperiorilatis lo^niTillsde Lcich^ 
&c Impignorataj per noa dictis pnepmito, &c. aub leiersiaiie altenalj* eontinastji 
aiHDipaqi iecea EjiUiiKD maicuun taoiietiEpneicijpleiDiiraersDdain etcaiciUandujn 

iburgb, sup^rpreauinitlDuei|oadrigintadierDiii,Dlnioi 
i»lit«ga,&o,dft4*M8T«. Octob.1ii«5i4K> <Jk*tt 



beii^ e&tremely desirous to obtain the commatul of the 
castle of Edinburgh, the queen, in order to prevail on 
the earl of Mar to surrender the government of it, of- 
fered to commit the young prince to his custody. Mar 
consented ; and she instantly appointed Bothwell go- 
vernor of the caatle. Ani i. Pref 64. Keith, 379, 
note (d). 3. The inquiry into the murder, previous to 
Both well's trial, seems to have been conducted with the 
utmost remissness. Buchanan exclaims loudly against 
this. And. ii. 24, Nor was it without reason that he 
did so, as is evident irora a circumstance in the affida- 
vit of Thomas Nelson, one of the king's servants, who 
was in the house when his master was murdered, and 
was dug up alive out of the rubbish. Being examined 
on the Monday after the king's death, " This deponar 
s<^ew that Bonkle had the key of the sellare, aud the 
queenis servandis the keyis <^ her shalmii. Quhilk thg 
htird of TUlibardin hearing, said, Hald thair, here is 
ane ground. Efter quhilk words spokin, thai left of> 
and procedit na farther in the inquisition." And. iv. p. 
2. 167. Had there been any intention to search into 
the bottom of the matter, a circinnstance of so much 
importance merited the most careful inquiry. 4. Not- 
withstanding I.eQnox's repeated eoUcitations^ notwith- 
standiug the reasonableness of hia demands, and the 
necessity of com^ying with them, m order to encourage 
any accuser to appear against Bothwell, she not only 
refused to commit him to custody, or even to remove 
him Jiom her presence and councils, And. i. 42. 48 ; 
bat by the grants which we have menti(»ied, and by 
other circumstances, discovered an increase of attach- 
ment to him, 5. She could not av<».d briugiug Both- 
well to a public trial ; but she permitted him to sit a& 

ii (bnn, and cool^ni a ciau» ei ahaolute vimndice.) In cnini rei TuTiao- 
NiBK pnucntihas magnnai >igillam nustrDm (ppnoi fecimu. Apud Edinlwrgli. 
decimo quialo die meruit Februsrii, riiqu Domini nilJeaiim quingenleiimu wiage- 
dnw leilo, et le^ noMii vketimo qaioM. 

ThtBN*! ml entire. 


a member in that meeting of the privy-council which 
directed his own trial ; and the trial itself was carried 
on with such unnecessary precipitancy, and with so 
many other suspicious circumstances, as to render his 
acquittal rather an argument of his guilt than a proof 
of his innocence. These circumstances have all been 
menliioned at length in Book IV. and therefore are not 
repeated in this place. 6. Two days after the trial, 
Mary gave a public proof of her regard for Bothwell, 
by appointing him to carry the sceptre before her at the 
meeting of parliament. Keith, 378. 7. In that par- 
liament, she granted him a ratification of all the great 
possessions and honours which she had conferred upon 
him, in which was contained an ample enumeration of 
all the services he had performed. And. i. 117. 8. 
Though Melvil, who foresaw that her attachment to 
Bothwell would at length induce her to marry him, 
warned her of the infamy and danger which would at- 
tend tbataction, she not only disregarded thissalutary ad- 
monition,but discovered what had passed between them 
to Bothwell, which exposed Melvil to his, resentment. 
Melv. 156. 9. Bothwell seized Mary as she returned 
irom Stirling, April 24. If he had done this without, 
her knowledge and consent, such an insult could not 
have failed to have filled her with the most violent in- 
dignation. But according to the account of an old MS. 
" The friendly love was so highly contracted between 
this great princess and her enormous subject, that there 
was no end thereof (for it was constantly esteemed 
by all men, that either of them' loved other carnally), 
so that she suffered patiently to be led where the lover 
list, and all the way neither made obstacle, impediment, 
clamour, or resistance, as in such accidents use to be, 
or that she might have done by her princely authority, 
being accompanied with the noble earl of Huntly and 
secretary Maitland of Lethington." Keith, 383. Mel- 
vil, who was present, confirms this account, and tetls us 


that the officer, by whom he was seized, informed him 
that nothing was done without the queen's consent. 
Melv. 158. 10. On tiie 12th of May, a few days be- 
fore her marriage, Mary declared that she was then at 
full liberty, and that though Bothwell had offended her 
by seizing her person, she was so much satisfied with 
his dutiful behaviour since that time, and so indebted 
to him for past services, that she not only foi^ave that 
offence, but resolved to promote him to higher honours. 
And. i. 87. II. Even after the confederate nobles had 
driven Bothwell from the queen's presence, and though 
she saw that he was considered as the murderer of her 
former husband by so great a part of her subjects, her 
afiectioD did not in the least abate, and she continued 
to express the most unalterable attachment to him. *' I 
can perceive (says Sir N. Throkmorton) that the rigour 
with which the queen is kept proceedeth by order from 
these men, because that the queen will not by any means 
be induced to lend her authority to prosecute-the mur- 
derer ; nor will not consent by any persuasion to aban- 
don the lord Bothwell for her husband, but avowetb 
constantly that she will live and die with him ; and 
saitii, that if it were put toher choice to relinquish her 
crown and kingdom, or the lord Bothwell, she would 
leave her kingdom and dignity to go a simple damsel 
with him, and that she will never consent that he shall 
fare worse, or have more harm than herself." Append. 
Vol. II. No. XXII. In all their negotiations with 
Throkmorton, the confederates mention this unalterable 
attachment of the queen to Bothwell as a sufficient rea- 
son for rejecting his proposals of an accommodation 
with their sovereign. Keith, 419. 449. This assertion 
they renewed in the conferences at York. Anders, iv. 
part ii. p. 66. Murray, in his interview with Mary in 
Lochlevin, charged her with persisting in her inordinate 
affection to Bothwell. Keith, 446. All these, however, 
may be considered merely as accusations brought by 


the confederates, id order to vindicate their rigour to- 
wards the queen. But Throkmorton, who, by his 
residence in Edinburgh, and by his intercourse with 
the queen's partisans, as welt as with her enemies, had 
many opportunities of discovering whether or not Mary 
had expressed herself in such terms, and who was dis- 
posed to view her actions in the most favourable light, 
appears, by the passage which I have quoted from his 
letter of the 14th of July, to be persuaded that the con- 
federates had not misrepresented her sentiments. He 
had soon an opportuni^ of being confirmed with greater 
certainty in this opinion. Although the confederates 
had refused him access to the captive queeti, he found 
means of holding a secret correspondence with her, and 
endeavoured to persuade her to give her consent to have 
her marriage with Bothwell dissolved by a sentence of 
divorce, as the most probable means of regaining her 
liberty. "She hath sent meword that she will in no wise 
consent unto that, but rather die." Append. Vol. II. 
No. XXII. There is evidence of the continuance of 
Mary's attachment still more explicit. LOrd Herries, 
in the parliament held the 15th c^ December, 1567, 
acknowledged the queen's inordinate affection to that 
wicked man, and that she could not be induced by 
persuasion to leave him; and that in sequestering her 
within liochlevin, the confederates had done the duty 
of noblemen. Append. Vol. II. No. XXIV. In the 
year 1571, a conference was held by some deputies 
from a convention of clergy, with the duke of Chatel- 
herault, secretary Maitland, Sir James Balfour, and 
Kirkaldy; and an account of it written by Mr. Cra^, 
^ne of the ministers of Edinburgh, is extant in Gid- 
derwood's MSS. Hist. ii. 244. In presence of all 
tliese persons, most of whom were in Edinbui^h when 
the queen was taken at Carberry, Maitland, who was 
now an avowed partisan of Mary, declares, that on the 
same night she was brought to Edinbui^h, he himself 


had ctfered, that if she would abandon Bothwell, she 
should have as thankful obedience as ever she had since 
she came to Scotland. But in no Trise would she con- 
sent to leave Bothwdl. According to Sir James Melvil, 
the queen found means of writing a letter to Bothwell 
on the evening of that day, when she was conducted as 
a prisoner to Edinburgh, in which she declared her af- 
fe<^on to him in the most tender expressions, and her 
resolution never to abandon him. Iliis letter, he says, 
was intercepted by the confederates, and determined 
them to confine Mary in the castle of Lochlevin. But 
as neither Buchanan nor Knox, both abundantly dis- 
posed to avail themselves of every fact and report diat 
could be employed in order to represezit Mary's con- 
duct as improper and criminal, mention this letter; and. 
as the confederates themselves in their negotiation with 
llirokmortoQ, as well as in their accusations of the 
queen before the English comraissicHiers at York and 
'W'estiimister, maintain the same silence with regard to 
it, I am satisfied that Melvil, who wrote his memoirs 
for the information of his son in his old age^ and long 
after the events which he records happened, has been 
mistaken with regard to this particular. From this long 
enumeration of circumstances, we may, without vi<dence, 
draw the following conclusion : Had Mary really been 
accessary to the mufder of her husband; had Bothwell 
perpetrated the crime with her craisent, or at her com- 
mand; and had she intended to stifle the evidence 
against him, and to preveiit the discovery of his guilt, 
she could scarcely have taken any other steps than 
those which she took, nor could her conduct have 
been more repugnant to all the maxims of prudence 
and of decency. 

The positive evidence produced against Mary may 
be classed under two heads. 

1. The depositions of some persons who were em- 
ployed in committing themijrder,particularly ofNicho- 

C.o Ogle 


las Hubert, who, in the writings of that age, is called 
French Paris. This person, who was Bothwell's ser- 
vant, and much trusted by him, was twice examined, 
and the original of one of his depositions, and a copy 
of the other, are still extant. It is pretended that both 
these are notorious forgeries. But they are remarkable 
for a simplicity and naivete which it is almost impossi- 
ble to imitate; they abound with a number of minute 
lacts and particularities, which the most dexterous 
forger could not have easily assembled and connected 
together with any appearance of probability; and they 
are filled with circumstances which can scarcely be 
supposed to have entered the imagination of any man 
but one of Paris 's rank and character. But, at the 
Same time, it must be acknowledged, that his deposi- 
tions contain some improbable circumstances. - He 
seems to have been a foolish talkative fellow; the fear 
of death, the violence of tortiire, and the desire of 
pleasing those in whose power he was, tempted him, 
perhaps, to feign some circumstances, and to exag^rate 
others' To say that some circumstances in an affidavit 
are improbable or false, is very different from saying 
that the whole is foi^d. I suspect the former to be 
the case here; but I see no appearance of the latter. 
Be that as it will, some of the most material facts in 
Paris's affidavits rest upon fais single testimony; and 
ibr that reason, I have not in the history, nor shall I 
in this place, lay any stress upon them. 

2. The letters said to ' be written by Mary to Both- 
well. These have been frequently published. The 
accident by which the queen's enemies got them into 
their possession^ is related in Book V. When the 
authenticity of any ancient paper is dubious orcontested, 
it may be ascertained either by external or internal 
evidence. Both these have been produced in the pre- 
sent case. 

I. External prooCs of the genuineness of Mary's let- 


ters. 1. MiuTay, and the nobles who adhered to him, 
affirm upon their word and honour, that the letters were 
written with the queen'a own hand, with which they 
were well acquainted. Good. ii. 64.92. 2. The let- 
ters were publicly produced in the parliament of Scot- 
land, December, 1567; and were so far considered as 
genuine, that &ey are mentioned in the act against 
Mary, as one chief argument of her guilt Good. ii. 
66, 67. 3. They were shewn privately to the dake 
of Norfolk, the earl of Sussex, and Sir Ralph Sadler, 
Elizabeth's commissioners at York. In the account 
which they gave of this matter to their mistress, they 
seem to consider the letters as genuine, and express no 
suspicion of any forgery; they particularly observe, 
" that the matter contained in them is such, that it 
could hardly be invented and devised by any other than 
herself; for that they discourse of some things, which 
were unknown to any other than to herself and Both- 
well; and as it is hard to counterfeit so many, so the 
matter of them, and the manner how these men came 
by them is such, as it seemeth that God, in whose sight 
murder and bloodshed of the innocent is abominable, 
would not perlnit the same to be hid or concealed." 
Good. ii. 142. They seem to have made such an im- 
pression on the duke of Norfolk, that in a subsequent 
letter to Pembroke, Leicester, and Cecil, he has these 
words ; " if the matter shall be thought as detestable 
and manifest to you, as for ought we can perceive it 
seemeth here to us." Good. ii. 154. Nor did-Norfolk 
declare these to be his sentiments'only in public official 
letters, he expressed himself in the same manner to his 
most confidential friends. In a secret conference with 
the bishop of Ross at York, the duke informed him 
that he had seen the letters, &c. which the regent had 
to produce against the queen, whereby there would be 
such matter proved against her, as would dishonour 
her for ever. State Trials, edition ofHargrave, i. '91 . 



MordiQ, 52. The bishop o£ Roas, if he had known the 
letters to be a nobirioua foi^ry, must have been na- 
turally led, in consequence of this declaration, to un- 
deceive the duke, and to expose the imposture. But, 
instead of this, th& duke, and he, and Lethington, after 
consulting together, agreed, that the bishc^ should 
write to Mary, then at Bolton, and instruct her to make 
such a proposal to Elizabeth, as might prevent the 
public production of the letters and other evidence. 
State Trials, i. 94. Murdin, 45. Indeed, the whole 
of this secret conference seems to imply, that Lething- 
ton, Ross, and Norfolk, were conscious of some defect 
in Mary's cause, and therefore eierted all their in- 
genuity in order to avoid a public accusation. Mar- 
din, 52, 63. To Banister, whom the duke seems to 
have trusted more entirely than any other of his ser- 
vants, he expressed himself in similar terms with respect 
to the queen of Scots. State Trials, i. 98. The words 
of Banister's evidence are remarkabe : " I confess that 
I, waiting of myJord and master, when the earl of 
Sussex and Mr, Chancellor of the duchy that now is, 
were in commission at York, did hear his grace say, 
that upon examination of the matter of the murder, it 
did appear that the queen of Scots was guilty and privy 
to the murder of lord Damley, whereby I verily thought 
that his grace woald never join in marriage with her." 
Murdin, 134. Elizabeth, in her instructions to the 
earl of Shrewsbury and Beale, in 1583, asserts, that 
both the duke and earl of Arundel did declare to her- 
self, that the proof, by the view of her letters, did fall 
outsufficient against the queen of Scots; however, they 
were after drawn to cover her faults and pronounce her 
innocency. MS. Advoc. Library, A. iii. 28. p. 314, 
from Cot. Lib. CaJig. 9. 4. A similar impression was 
made upon other contemporaries of Mary by the pro- 
duction of the letters, which implies a full belief of 
their being genuine. Cecil, in his correspondence with 


Sir Henry Norris, the English ambassador in France, 
relates this transaction in terms which leave no room 
to doubt with respect to his own private opinioO' In 
his letter, December 14th, 1568, the very day on which 
the letters, &c. were laid before the meeting of privy- 
counsellors and peers, he informs him, " That the re- 
gent was driven, from his defence, to disclose a full 
fardel of the naughty matter, tending to convince the 
queen as adviser of the murther, and the earl of Both- 
well as her executour; and now the queen's parfy, so 
great, refuse to make any answer, and press that their 
mistress may come in person to answer the matter her- 
self before the queen's majesty, which is thought not 
iit to be granted until the great blot of the marriage 
with her husband's murtherer, and the evident charges, 
by letters of her own, to be deviser of the murther, be 
somewhat razed out or recovered ; for that as the mat- 
ters are exhibited against her, it is far unseemly foe 
any prince, or for chaste ears, to be annoyed with the 
BIthy noise thereof; and yet, as being a commissioner, 
I must and will forbear to pronounce any thing herein 
certainly, though as a private person I cannot but with 
horrour and trembling think thereof." Cabala, 156. 
5. From the correspondence of Bowes, the English re- 
sident in Scotland, with Walsingham, in the year 1582, 
published towards the close of this dissertation, it is 
manifest that both in England and Scotland, both by 
Elizabeth and James, both by the duke of Lennox ai^ 
earl of Gowrie, the letters were deemed to be genuine. 
The eagerness on one side to obtain, and on the other 
to keep, possession of the casket and letters, impUes^ 
th^t this was the belief of both. These sentiments of 
contemporaries, who were in a situation to be thoroughly 
informed, and who had abilities to judge with discern- 
ment, will, in the opinion of many of my readers, far 
outweigh theories, suppositions, and conjectures, formed 
at the distance .of two centuries. 6. The letters were 



subjected to a aolemD and judicial examination with 
respect to their authenticity, as far as that could be as- 
certained by resemblance of character and fashion of 
writing : for, after the conferences at York and West- 
minster were finished, Elizabeth, as I have related, as- 
sembled her privy-counsellors, and joining to them 
several of the most eminent noblemen in her kingdom, 
laid before them all the proceedings against the Scot- 
tish queen, and particularly ordered, that *' the letters 
and writings exhibited by the regent, as the queen of 
Scots' letters and writings, should also be showed, and 
conference [i. e. comparison] thereof made in their sight, 
with the letters of the said queen's, being extant, and 
heretofore written with her own hand, and sent to the 
queen's majesty ; whereby may be searched and ex- 
amined what dijference is betwixt them." Good. ii. 
252. They assembled accordingly, at Hampton-court, 
December 14 and 15, 1568; and, " The originals of 
the letters supposed to be written with the queen of 
Scots' own hand, were then also presently produced 
and perused; and, being read, were duly coi^erred and 
compared, for the manner of writing, and fashion of 
orthography, with sundry other letters long since here- 
tofore written, and sent by the said queen of Scots to 
the queen's majesty. In collation whereof no-difference 
was found." Good. ii. 256. 7. Mary having written 
an apologetical letter^ for her conduct to the countess 

* Kuy's lEllerhii nerer been pabliihed, and tn^bt to have ■ plioe bere, wbcre 
eridetice on all udei ■ fiurij produced. " Msdazn, if tfae wnnig and taiie reportia 

of rebellis, eneoieU weill luiawia Tor tnitourii lo low, and alacc to mucfae tmsled at 
me by loaic advice, liid not lo far inned joo aganb my imocaicy (and I mast 
JUT aganii all kjadneu, thai zow b&re not onelie a> it were coadempnil me wnuig- 
fonie, bol to hated me, aa some wordn and open deidciB bas tntifeit to all the 
waride, a manjful miiljkijt^ in sow aganu loureawn blude), I woJd not ha»e 
Tjniitfit thui lang my dewtie in wryting to low eicming me of thoie n&tnw hs- 
port^a made of mo. Bnt bopmg with uodla grace mdlymQ to bave my inmccBCf 
knawn to low, as I trust il is already lolhe maitt pairtof all indlfferenl perionli, I 
tbocfat it beat not u> trouble eo* for a ^uie till that SDcb a matter ii numd that 
tuicbls as bayth, quhlik it the transportiiig loure liltil ion, and my anelie child in : 
ihii coontrey. To (be quhilk albeit I be itc>et >a Hilling, I wald be gi^d to have ' 
Mure adnie (herein, a$ In all uther thingla tuicbioB him. I have born him, and 
God knawli vith <]uhat daungcr lu him and me boit^ ; and of lovr he is deicendit. 
So 1 meine not to forzet my dewtic -to nm, in tchevnn herein aay • ' * 



of I^iinox, July lOtli, 1570, she transniitted it to her 
husband then in Scodand; and he returned to the 
coantess tiie following answer : '* Seeing you have re- 
mittit to me, to answer die queen the king's mother's 
letters sent to you, what can I say but tiat I do not 
marvell to see hir writ the best she can for hirself, to 
seame to purge her of that, quhairof many besyde me 
are certainly persuadit of the contrary, and I not only 
assurit by my awin knawledge, but by her handwrit, 
the confessions of men gone to the death, and uther in- 
fallibil experience. It wull be lang tyme that is hable 
to put a mattir so notorious in obliTiOD, to male black 
quhyte, or innocency to appear quhair the contrary is 
sa Weill knawin. The maist indifferent, I trust, doubtis 
not of the equitie of zoure and my cause, and of the 
just occasioun of our mislyking. Her richt dewtie to 
zow and me, being the parteis interest, were hir trew 
coofessioun and unfeyned repentance of that lamentable 
fact, odious for hir to be reportif, and sorrowful! for us 
to think of. God is just, and will not in the end be' 
abused; bat as he has manifested he trewth, so will he 
puneise the iniquity." Lennoxes Orig. Regist. of Let-' 
ters. In tiieir public papers, the queen's enemies may 
be suspected of advancing what would be most sub- 
servient to their cause, not what was agreeable to truth, 
or what flowed from their own inward conviction. But 
in a private letter to his own wife, Lennox had no oc-' 
casion to dissemble; and it is plain, that he not only 
thought the queen guilty, but believed the authenticity 
of her letters to Bothwell. 8. In opposiUon to till these 

Mw> bow unkjndlie ihat ever le lure dell with me, but iiill lore ww u nijr awot, 
and relbecl ton u my moder in law. And gif jt plea to knaw fartber of m; 
BjDite ID that and alJ uther (biapa betiriit ua, nxj ambuudoi the b>sfaoi> of .Rait 
sail be readj to confer with mw. And <o after my hairtlie cominendalioaii, le- 
rnktiog ne to my laide ambtuador, and mai better conrndentioun, I coumii low 
to the protectioun ot Almyghly God, qahom I pray to pntene low and my brother 
Cbariei, aod cam lOw to knaw my pairl better dot a do.- from Chatiiworth (hia 
X l,( July 1570. 

" To my ladie Lemioi " Your natural gude luce and 

my ma^OT in law. loiynge doehlei." 




reasons for believing the letters, &c. to be autbentic^ 
the conduct of the nobles confederated against Mary, 
in not producing them directly as evidence against her, 
has been represented as an irrefragable proof of their 
being forged. According to the account of the con- 
federates themselTcs, the casket containing the letters 
was seized by them oti the 20tb of June 1567 ; but the 
first time that they were judicially stated as evidence 
against the queen was in a meeting of the regent's 
privy-council, December 4th, and they afterward served 
as the foundation of the acts made against her in the 
parliament held on the 15th of the same month. If 
the letters had been genuine, it is contended, that the 
obtaining possession of them must have afforded such 
matter of triumph to the confederates, ihdX they would 
instantly have proclaimed it to the whole world; and 
in their negotiations with the English and French 
ministers, or with such of their fellow-subjects as con-, 
demned their proceedings, they would have silenced, 
at once, every advocate for the queen, by exhibiting 
this convincing proof of her guilt. But in this reason- 
ing sufficient attention is not paid to the delicate and 
perilous situation of the confederates at that juncture. 
They had taken arms against their sovereign, had seized 
her pCTSon at Carberry-hill, and had confined her a 
prisoner at Lochlevin. A considerable number, how- 
ever, of their fellow-subjects, headed by some of the. 
most powerful noblemen in the. kingdom, was combined 
against them. This combination, they soon perceived, 
they could not hope to break or to vanquish without, 
aid either from France or England. In the former 
kingdom, Mary's uncles, the duke of Guise and cardinal 
of Lorrain, were, at that period,' all powerHd, and the 
king him^lf was devotedly attached to her. If the 
confederates confined their views to the dissolution of 
the marrit^ of the queen with Bothwell, and to the 
exclusion of him for ever from her presence, they might 

liope, perhaps, to be countenanced by Charles IX. and 
his ministers, who had sent an envoy into Scotland of 
purpose to dissuade Mary from that ill-fated match; 
Append. No. XXII. ; whereas the loading her publicly 
with the imputation of being accessary to the murder 
pf her husband, would be deemed such an inexpiable 
crime by the court of France, as must cut off every hope 
ofcoantenance or aid from that quarter. -From England, 
with which the principal confederates had been long 
and intimately connected, they had many reasons to 
expect more effectual support; but to their astonish- 
ment, Elizabeth condemned their proceedings with 
asperity, warmly espoused the cause of the captive 
qaeen, and was extremely solicitous to obtain her 
release and restoration. Nor was this only one of 
the artifices which Elizabeth often employed in her 
transactions with Scotland. Though her most saga- 
cious ministers considered it as the wisest policy to' 
support the confederate lords rather than the queen 
of Scots,' Elizabeth disregarded their counsel." Her 
high notions of royal authority, and of die submission 
due by subjects, induced her, on this occasion, to exert 
herself in behalf of Mary, not only with sincerity but 
with zeal ; she negotiated, she solicited, she threat- 
ened. Finding the confederates inBexible, she en- 
deavoured to procure Mary's release by means of 
that party in Scotland which continued faithiul to her, 
and instructed Throbmorton to correspond with the 
leaders of it, and to make overtures to that effect. 
Keith, 451, Append. No. XXIII. She even went so 

= This wa» the opinion of Throkmoiton, u sppears from an eitrsct of hii letter 
of Jul; llth, publiifaedin the AppEDd. No. XX [I- The »m<iwere (he sentimenls 
of Cecil, in his letter of Aug. 19(b, 1565, to Sir Henry Norris, Eliubeth'i anibu- 
stdor 10 France: " Yon thai] perceive," »;> he, " bj the queen's leller to joa, at 
Ihii preient, Iiow eimeitly ibe ii bent in faiouror (be queen of Scot>,and truly 
since tile beginning she hath been greatly offended with the lords; and, how- 
(oeier her najest; niighl make her profit by bearing with Ibe lords in this action, 
yel no counsel can slay her mijesty from manifesting her misliking of them." 
Cabala, 1«1. And in his letter of Sept. 3d. " The queen's majesty, our lOTereigir. 
lemaineih still offended with Ihe lords for the queeoi the eiample ino«elh her." 
lb. 141. Digges's Comp. Anib. 14. 

. r,on7<-i.iGoOglc 


far as to direct h^r ambaasador at Paris to concert 
measures with the French king how they, by their joint 
efforts, might persuade or' compel the Scots to " ac- 
knowledge the queen her good sister to be their sots- 
reign lady and queen, and renounce their obedience 
to her son." Keith, 463, 3, 4. From all these cir- 
cumstances, the confederates had every reason to ap- 
prehend that Mary would soon obtain liberty, and by 
some accommodation be restored to the whole, or at 
least to a considerable portion of her auth(»ity as sove- 
reign. In that event they foresaw, that if they should 
venture to accuse her publicly of a crime so atrocious 
as the murder of her husband, they must not only be 
excluded for ever from power and favour, but from any 
hope of personal safety. On this account they long 
confined themselves to that which was originally de-? 
clared to be the reason of their taking arms ; the aveng- 
ing the king's death, the dissolving the marriage with 
Botfawell, the inflicting on him condign punishment, 
or banishing him for ever from the queen's presence. 
It appears from the letters of Throkmorton, published 
by bishop Keith, and in my Appendix, that his s^^city 
early discovered that this would be the tenor of their 
conduct. In his letter frotn Edinburgh, dated Jnly 
14th, he'observes, that ". they do not forget their own 
peril conjoined with the danger of the prince, but, as 
far as I perceive, they intend not to touch the queeil 
eitlier in sure^ or in honour; for they eptxik of her 
with respect and reverence, and do affirm, as I do learn, 
that, the condition aforesaid accomplished [i. e. the 
separation from Bothwell], they will both put her to 
liberty, and restore her to her estate." Append. No. 
XXII. His letter of August 22d, contains a declara- 
tion made to him by Lethington, in name and in pre- 
sence of his associates, " that they never meant harm 
neither to the queen's person nor to her honour — that 
they have been contented hitherto to be condcanned, as 


it were, of all priaces, strangers, and, namely, of the 
queen of England, being charged of grievous and in- 
famous titles, as to be noted rebels, traitors, seditious, 
ingrate, and cruel, all which they suffer and bear upon 
their backs, because they will not justify themselves, 
nor proceed in any thing that may touch their sove- 
reign's honour. But in case they be with these defa- 
mations continually oppressed, or with the force, aid, 
and practices of other princes, and namely of the queen 
of England, put in danger, or to an extremity, they shall 
be compelled to deal otherwise with the queen than 
they intend, or than they desire; for, added he, you 
may be sure we will not lose our lives, have our lands 
forfeited, and be reputed rebels through the world, 
seeing we have the means to justify ourselves." Keith, 
448. From thisviewof the slippery ground on which 
they stood at that time, their conduct in not producing 
the letters for several months, appears not only to have 
been prudent, but essential to their own safety. 

But, at a subsequent period, when the confederates 
found it necessary to have the form of government, 
which they had established, confirmed by authori^ of 
parliament, a different mode of proceeding became re- 
quisite. All that had hitherto been done with respect 
to the queen's dismission, tke seating the young king 
upon the throne, and the appointment of the regent, was 
in reality nothing more than the deed of private men. 
It required the exhibition of some legal evidence to pro- 
cure a constitutional act giving the sanction of its ap- 
probation to such violent measures, and to obtain " a 
perfect law and security for all them that either by deed, 
counsel, or subscription, had entered into that cause 
since the beginning." Haynes, 453. This prevailed 
vidi the regent and his secret council, after long deli- 
bet^on, to agree to produce all the evidence of which 
they were possessed ; and upon that production parlia- 
ment passed the acts which were required. Such a 

I .Google 


change had happened in the state of the kingdom as in- 
duced the confederates to venture upon this change in 
their conduct. In June, a powerfijl combination was 
forming against them, under the leading of the Hamil- 
tons. In December, that combination was broken ; most 
of the members of it had acknowledged the king as their 
lawful sovereign, and had submitted to the regent's go- 
vernment. Huntly, Argyle, Herries, the most powerful 
noblemen of that party, were present in the parliament, 
and concurred in all its acts. Edinburgh, Dunbar, 
Dumbarton, and all the chief strong-holds in the king- 
dom were now in the hands of the regent ; the arms of 
France had full occupation in its civil war with the 
Hugonots. The ardour of Elizabeth's zeal in behalf of 
the captive queen seems to have abated. A step that 
would have been followed with ruin to the confederates 
in June, was attended with little danger in December. 
.From this long deduction it appears, that no proof of 
the letters being forged can be drawn from the circum- 
stances of their not having been produced immediately 
after the 20th of June ; but though no public accusation 
was brought instantly against the queen, in consequence 
of seizing the casket, hints were given by the confe- 
derates, that they possessed evidence sufficient ,to con- 
vict her. This is plainly^implied in a letter of Throk- 
morton, July 21, Keith, Pref. p. xii. and more clearly 
in the passage which I have quoted from his letter of 
August 22. In his letter of July 25, the papers con- 
tained in the casket are still more plainly pointed out. 
" They [i. e. the confederates] say, that they have as 
apparent proof against her as may be, as well by the 
testimony of her own hand-writing, which they have re- 
covered, as also by sufficient witnesses," Keith, 426. 
IL With regard to the internal proofs of the genuine- 
ness of the queen's letters to Bothwell, we may observe, 
1. That whenever a paper is forged with a, particular 
intention, the eagerness of the forger to establish the 

Co Ogle 


}>oint in view, bis soUcitnde to cut oif all doubts and 
cavils, and to avoid any appearance of uncertainty, sel- 
dom fail of prompting him to use expressions the most 
explicit and full to his purpose. The passages foistied 
into ancient authors by heretics in different ages ; the 
legendary miracles of the Romish saints ; the supposi- 
titious deeds in their own favour produced by monas- 
teries ; the false charters of homage mentioned Vol. L 
p. 3, are so many proofs of this assertion. No maxim 
seems to be more certain than this, that a forger is often 
apt to prove too much, but seldom falls into the errorof 
proving too little. The point which the queen's ene- 
mies had to establish was, " that as the earl of Bothwell 
was chief executor of the horrible and unworthy murder 
perpetrated, &c. so was she of the foreknowledge, coun- 
cil, devise, persuader, and commander of the said mur- 
der to be done." Good. ii. 207. But of this there are 
only imperfect hints, obscure intimations, and dark ex- 
pressions in the letters, which, however convincing evi- 
dence they might furnish if found in real letters, bear 
no resemblance to that glare and superfluity of evidence 
which forgeries commonly contain. All the advocates 
for Mary's innocence in her own age, contend that there 
is nothing in the letters which can serve as a proof of 
her guilt. Lesly, Blackwood, Turner, &c. abound with 
passages to this purpose ; nor are the sentiments of those 
in the present age different. " Yet still it might have 
been expected (says one of her ablest defenders), that 
some one or other of the points or articles of the accu- 
sation should be made out clearly by the proof. But 
nothing of that is to be seen in the present case. There 
is nothing in the letters that could plainly shew the 
writer to have been in the foreknowledge, counsel, or 
device of any murder, far less to have persuaded or 
commanded it ; and as little is there about maintaining 
or justifying any murders." Good. i. 76. How ill 
advised were Mary's adversaries, to contract so much 



gnilt, and to practise so many artifices, in order to 
forge letters, which are so ili contrived for establishing 
the conclusion they had in view ! Had they been so 
base as to have recourse to forgery, is it not natural to 
think that they would have produced something more 
explicit and decisive ? 2. It is almost impossible to in* 
vent a long nairation of fictitious events, consisting of 
various minute particulars, and to connect these in such 
a manner wil^ real fftcia, that no mark of fraud shall 
appear. For liiis reason, skilful forgers avoid any long 
detail of circnmstances, especially of foreign and super- 
fluous ones, well knowing Aat the more these are mul- 
tiplied, the more are the chances of detection increased. 
Now Mary's letters, especially the first, are filled with 
a multiplicity of circumstances, extremely natural in a 
real correspondence, but altogether foreign to the pur- 
pose of the queen's enemies, and which it would have 
been extreme folly to have inserted, if they had been 
altogether imaginary, and without foundation. 3. The 
truth and reality of several circumstances in the letters, 
and these, too, of no very public nature, are confirmed 
by undoubted collateral evidence. Lett. i. Good. ii. 
p. 1. The queen is said to have met one of Lennox's 
gentlemen, and to have had some conversation with 
him. Thomas Crawford, who was the person, appeared 
before EliEabeth's commissioners, and confirmed, upon 
oath, the truth of this circumstance. He likewise de- 
clared, that during the queen's stay at Glasgow, the king 
repeated to him, every night, whatever had passed 
through the day, between her majesty and him ; and 
that the account given of these conversations in the first 
letter, is nearly llie same with what the king communi- 
cated to him. Good. ii. 245. According to the same 
letter there was much discourse between the king and 
queen concerning Mynto, Hiegait, and Walcar. Good. 
ii. 8. 10, 11. What this might be, was altogether un- 
known, until a' letter of Mary's, preserved in the Scot- 


tkh college at Paris, and published, Keith, Pref. vii. 
discovered it to be an affair of so much importance as 
merited all the attention she paid to it at that time. It 
appears by a letter from the French ambassador, that 
Mary was subject to a violent pain in her side. Keith, 
ibid. This circumstance is mentioned, Lett. i. p. 30, in 
a manner so natural as can scarcely belong to any but 
a genuine production. 4. If we shall still think it pro< 
bable to suppose that so many real circumstances were 
artfully introduced into the letters by the forgers, in 
order to give an air of authenticity to their production ; 
it will hardly be possible to hold the same opinion con- 
cerning the following particular. Before the qneen 
began her first letter to Bothwell, she, as usual among 
those who write long letters containing a variety of sub- 
jects, made notes or memorandums of the particulars she 
wished. to remember; but as she sat up writing during 
a great part of the night, and after her attendants were 
asleep, her paper failed her, and she continued her let- 
ter upon the same sheet on which she bad formerly made 
her memorandum. This she herself takes notice of, and 
makes an apology for it ; " It is late ; I desire never to 
cease from writing unto you, yet now, after the kissing 
of your hands, I will end my letter. Excnse my evil 
writing, and read it twice over. Excuse that thing that 
is scriblit, for I had na paper zesterday, quhen I wraite 
that of the memorial." Good. ii. 28. These memoran- 
dums still appear in the middle of ^e letter ; and what 
we have said seems naturally to account for the manner 
how they might find their way into a real letter. It is 
scarce to be supposed, however, that any forger would 
' think of placing [aemoranduihs in the middle of a letter, ' 
where, at first sight, they make so absurd and so unna- 
tural an appearance. But if any shall still carry their 
refinement to such a length, as to suppose that the for- 
gers were so artful as to throw in this circumstance, in 
order tx) preserve the appearance of genuineness, they 

I .Google 


raost at least allow that the queen's enemies, who en3- 
picked these forgers, could not be ignorant of the design 
and meaning of these short notes and memorandums ; 
but we 0nd them mistaking them so far as to imagine 
that they were the credit of the bearer, i. e. points con- 
cerning which the queen had given him verbal instniC' 
tions. Good. ii. 152. This they cannot possibly be ;' 
for the queen herself writes with so much exactness con- 
cerning the different points in the memorandums, that 
there was no need of giving any credit or instructions 
to the bearer concerning them. The memorandums ace 
indeed the corUents of the letter. 5. Mary, mentioning 
her conversation with the king, about the affair of 
Mynto, Hiegait, &c. says, "The mome [i. e. to-mor- 
row] I will speik to him upon that point ;" and then 
adds, " As to the rest of Willie Hiegait's, he confessit 
it ; but it was the morne [i. e. the morning] after my 
coming or he did it." Good. ii. 9. This addition, 
which could not have been made till after the conversa- 
tion happened, seems either to have been inserted by 
the queen into the body of the letter, or, perhaps, she 
having written it on the margin, it was taken thence 
into the text If we suppose the letter to be a real one, 
and written at different times, as it plainly bears, this 
circumstance appears to be very natural : but no reason 
could have induced a forger to have ventured upon such 
an anachronism, for which there was no necessity. An 
addition perfectly similar to this, made to a genuine 
paper, may be found, Good. ii. 282. 

But, on the other hand, Mary herself, and the advor 
cates for her innocence, have contended, that these 
letters were forged by her enemies, on purpose to blast ' 
her reputation, and to justify their own rebellion. It 
is not necessary to take notice of the ailments which 
were produced, in her own age in support of this 
opinion ; the observations which we have already made, 
contain a full reply to them. An author, who has in-. 

Co Ogle 


quired into the affeirs of that period with gfeat industry, 
and who has acquired much knowledge of them, has 
published (as he affirms) a demonstration of the foi^ery 
of Mary's letters. This demODStratioa he founds upon 
evidence both internal and external. With regard to 
the former, he observes that the French copy of the 
queen's letters is plainly a translation of Buchanan's 
Latin copy ; which Latin copy is only a translation of 
the Scottish copy ; and, by consequence, the assertion 
of the queen's enemies, that she wrote them originally 
in'French, is altogether groundless, and the whole letters 
are gross forgeries. He accounts for this strange suc- 
cession of translations, by supposing thai when the for- 
gery was projected, no person could be found capable 
of writing originally in the French language letters 
which would pass for the quetn's ; for that reason they 
were 6r8t composed inScottish; but unluckily the French 
interpreter, as he conjectures, did not understand that 
langu^^; and therefore Buchanan translated them 
into Latin, and from this Latin tiiey were rendered into 
French. Good. i. 79, 80. 

• It is hardly necessary to observe, that no proof what- 
ever is produced of any of these suppositions. The 
manner of the Scots in that age, when almost every 
man of rank spent a part of his youth in France, and 
the intercourse between the two nations was great, ren- 
ders it altogether improbable that so many complicated 
operations should be necessary in order to procure a 
. few letters to be written in the French language. 

But without insisting farther on this, we may observe, 
that all this author's premises may be granted, and yet 
his conclusion will not follow, unless he likewise prove 
that the French letters, as we now have them,:are a true 
copy of .those which were produced by Murray and his 
party in the Scottish parliament, and at York and at 
Westminster, But this he has not attempted; and if 
we attend to the history of the letters, such an attempt, 
itis obvious, must have been unsuccesafuL Thelettecs 


werefimt putjlished at the end of Buchanan s Detection'. 
The first edition of this treatise was in Latin, in which 
Itmguage three <^ the queen's letters were subjoined to 
it; this Latin edition was printed A. D. 1571. Soon 
after, a Scottish translation of it was published, and at 
the end of it were printed, likewise in Scottish, the three 
letters which had formerly appeared in Latin, and five 
other letters in Scottish, which were not in the Latin 
edition. Next appeared a French translation of the De- 
tection, and of seven of the letters; this bears to have 
beat printed at Edinburgh by Thomas Waltem, 1572. 
The name of the place, as well as the printer, is allowed 
by all parties to be a- manifest impostnre. Our author, 
from observing the day of the month, from which the 
printing is said to have been finished, has asserted that 
this edition was printed>at London ; but no stress can 
belaid upon a date formd in a book, where every other 
circumstance with regard to the printing is allowed to be 
false. Blackwood, who (next to Lesly) was the best 
informed of all Mary's advocates in that ^e, alErms, 
that the French edition of the Detection was published 
in France : " II [Buchanan] a depuis adjoust^ a cette 
declamation un petit libelle du pretendu manage du 
Due de Norfolk, et de la fa^on de son proces, et la tout 
envoy^ aux Ireres a la Rochelle, lesquels voyants qu'il 
pouvoit servir k ia cause, I'ont traduit en Francois, et 
iceluy fot ' imprim^ h. Edinbourg, c'est k dire ^ 
Bodhelle par Thomas Waltem, nom apost6 et fait k 
plaisir. Martyre deMarie. Jebb ii. 256." Theauthw 
of the Irmecence de Marie goes farmer, and names the 
Frendi: tfMjdttfeor of the detection. "Et icelui pre- 
mierement conqras^ (conune il sembie) pax George 
Buchanan Escossoys, et dupnis traduit en langue 
Fran^oise par un Hugonot, Poiteven (advocat de voca- 
tion) Camuz. Boy disant gentilhomme, et un- de plus France. Jebb, i. 425. 448." The 
concurring testimony .of two contemporary authors, 
whos6 jresideuce in .France a&t^d tiiem Nifficiuit 


meanis of information, must outweigh a ^ight conjec- 
ture. The French translator does not pretend to publish 
the -original French letters as written by the queen her- 
self ; he expressly declares that he translated thenx 
from the Latin. Good. i..l03. Had our author at- 
tended to all these circumstances, he might have saved 
himself the labour of so many criticisms to prove that 
the present French copy of the letters is a trairalation 
from the Latin. The French editor himself acknowledges 
it, and, so far as I know, no person ever denied it. 

We may observe that the French translator was so 
ignorant as to affirm that Mary had written these letters, 
partly in French, partly in Scottish. Good. i. 103. Had 
this translation been published at London by Cecil, or 
had it been made by his direction, so gross an error 
would not have been admitted into it. This error, how- 
ever, was owing to an odd circumstance. In the Scot-? 
tish translation of the Petection, two or three sentences 
of the original French were prefixed to each letter, which 
breaking off with an &c. the Scottish translation- (tf the 
whole letter followed. This method of printing trans- 
lations was not uncommon in that age. The French 
editor observing this, foolishly concluded that the letters 
had been written partly in French, parUy in Scottish. 

If we carefully consider those few French sentences 
of each letter, which still remain, and apply to them 
that i^iecies of criticinn, by which our author has ex- 
amined the whole, a clear proof will arise, that there-was 
a French copy not translated fromthe Latin, but which 
was itself the original from which both the Latin and 
Scottish have been translated. This- minote -cntieism 
must necessarily be disagreeable -to many readers ; but 
luckily a fewsentences only are to be«xamined, which 
will render it ex.tremely short. 

In the iiTSt letter, the French sentence pcefix^d to it 
ends with these words, 5 fedsoH ben. It is plain this 
expression, vat cequepeut un corps stmscd&ir^ is by oq 

r,3ri7.-i^.! Google 


means a translation of cum plane perhtde assem atque 
corpus sine corde. The whole sentence has a spirit and 
elegance in the French, which neidier the Latin nor 
Scottish have retained. Jusques a la lUnie is not a 
translation of toto prandii tempore ; the Scottish trans- 
lation, qahile denner-titne, expresses the sense of the 
French more properly ; for anciently quhile signified 
until as well as daring. Je n'ay pas tenu grand prqpos 
is not justly rendered neque contulerim sermonem cum 
quoquam ; tiie phrase used in the French copy is one 
peculiar to that language, and gives a mOre probable 
account of her behaviour than the other. Jugeant biat 
quil rCy faisoit bon is not a translation of ut qui Judi- 
carent id non tsse ex usu. The French sentence pre- 
fixed to lett. 2. ends with apprendre. It is evident that 
both the Latin and Scottish translations have omitted' 
altogether these words, et toute/oisje Tie puis apprendre. 
The French sentence prefixed to lett. 3. ends with pre- 
senter. Xaye veiliipius tard la kaut is plainly no trans- 
lation oidiutius itlic morala sum; the sense of the French 
is better expressed by the Scottish, / have walkit later 
there up. Again, Pour excuser vostre affaire is very 
different from ad excusandam nostra negotia. The five 
remaining letters never appeared in Latin ; nor is there 
any proof of their being ever translated into that lan- 
guage. Four ofthem, however, are published in French. 
This entirely overturns our author's hypothesis concern- 
ing the necessity of a translation into Latin. 

In the Scottish edition of the Detection, the whole 
sonnet is printed in French as well as in Scottish. It 
is not possible to believe that this Scottish copy could 
be the original froin which the French was translated. 
The French consists of verses which hath both measure 
and rhyme, and which, in many places, are far from 
being inelegant. The Scottish consists of an equal 
number of lines, but without measure or rhyme. Novir 
no man could ever think of a thing so absurd and im- 


KING H£NRT'S MfJRDER, &c. 289 

practicable, as to require one to translate a certain given 
number of lines in prose, into an equal number of verses 
where both measure and rhyme were to be observed. 
-The Scottish, on the contrary, appears manifestly to be 
a translation of the French ; the phrases, the idioms, 
and many of the words are French, and not Scottish. 
Besides, the Scottish translator has, in several instances, 
mistaken the sense of the French, and in many more 
expresses the sense imperfectly. Had the sonnet been 
forged, this could not have happened. The directors 
of the fraud would. have understood their own work. 
I shall satisfy myself with one example, in which 
there is a proof of both my assertions. Stanza viii. 
ver. 9. 

Pour luy j'attendz toute bonne fortune. 
Pour luy je veux garder santA et vie. 
Pour luy tout vertu de suivre j'ay envie. 
For him I attend all good fortune, ' 
For him I will conserve helthe and life, 
For hira I desire to ensue courage. 

Attend in the first line is not a Scottish, but a French 
phrase ; the two other lines do not express the sense of 
the French, and the last is absolute nonsense. 

The eighth letter was never translated into French. 
It contains much refined mysticism about devices, a folly 
of that age, of which Mary was very fond, as appears 
from several other circumstances, particularly from a 
letter concerning impresas by Drummond of Hawthom- 
den. If Mary's adversaries foi^d her letters, they 
were certainly employed very idly when they produced 

From these observations it seems to be evident that 
there was a French copy of Mary's letters, of which the 
LaAin and Scottish were only translations. Nothing 
now remains of this copy but those few sentences which 
are prefixed to the Scottish ^anslation. The French 

VOL. II. iS 

r,on7<-i.i Google 


editor laid bold of these Sentences, and tacked his own 
translation to them, which, so far as it is his work, is a 
servile and a very wretched translation of Buchanan's 
Latin; whereas, in those introductory sentences, we 
liave discovered strot^ marks of their being originals, 
and certain proo& that they are not translated from 
the Latin. 

It is apparent, too, from comparing the Latin and 
Scottish translations with these sentences, that the 
Scottish translator has more perfectly attained the sense 
and spirit oi the French than the Latin. And as it ap- 
pears, that the letters were very early translated into 
Scottish, Good. ii. 76. it is probable that Buchanan 
made his translation, not from the French but from the 
Scottish copy. Were it necessary, several critical 
proofs of this might be produced. One that has been 
already mentioned seems decisive. Diutius illic morata 
sum bears pot the least resemblance to j'ay veilliplus 
tard la haul ; but if, instead of I walkit [i. e. watched] 
iaiter tkairup, we suppose that Buchanan read / vxiitit, 
&c. this mistake, into which he might so easily have 
^en, accounts for the error in his translation. 

These criticisms, however minute, appear to be well- 
founded. But whatever opinion may be formed con- 
cerning them, the other arguments^ with regard to the 
internal evidence, remain in full force.. 

The external proofs of the forgery of the queen's let- 
ters, which our author has produced, appear at first 
sight to be specious, but are not more solid tiian that 
which we have already examined. These proofs may 
be classed under two heads. 1. The erroneous and 
contradictory accounts which axe said to be given of 
ihe letters upon the first judicial production of them. 
In the secret council held December 4, 1567, they are 
described " as her privie letters written and subscrivit 
with her awin hand." Haynes, 454. Good. ii. 64. In 
^e act of parlifunent, passed on the 15th of ike same 



month, they are described as " her privie letters written 
halelie with her awin hand." Good. ib. 67. This di- 
versity of description has been considered as a strong 
'presumption of foi^ry. The manner in which Mr. 
Hume accounts for this is natural and plaasible, vol. v. 
p. 498. And several ingenious remarlcs, tending to 
confirm his observations, are made in a pamphlet lately 
published, entitled, Miscellaneotts Remarks on the En- 
^iry into the Evidence against Jdary Qfteen of Scots. 
To what they have observed it may be added, that the 
orig^al act of secret council does not now exist ; we 
have only a copy of it found among Cecil's papers, and 
the transcriber has been manifestly so ignorant, or so 
careless, that an ailment founded entirely upon the ■ 
supposition of his accuracy is of little force. Several 
errors into which he has fallen, we are enabled to point 
out, by comparing his copy of the act of secret council, 
with die act of parliament passed in consequence of it. 
The former contains a petition to parliament ; in the 
latter the real petition is resumed verbatim, and con- 
verted into a law. In the copy, the queen's marriage 
with Bothwell is called " a priveit marriage," which it 
certainly was not; for it was celebrated, after proclama- 
tion of banns, in St Giles's church three several days, 
and with public solemnity ; butin the act it is denomi- 
nated " ane pretendit marriage," which is the proper 
descripti(Hi of it, according to the ideas of the party. 
Id the copy, the qneen is said to be "so thrall and 
bludff afiectionat to the privat appetite of that tyran," 
wMch is nonsense, but in the act it is " blindly affec- 
tionat" In the copy it is said, " all nobill and virtuous 
maa abhorring ^ir tratne and company." In the act, 
" their tyrannic and c<Hnpanie," which is evidendy the 
true reading, as the other has eidier no meaning, or is 
a mere tautology. 2. The other proof of the forgery 
of the letters, is founded upon the impossibility of re- 
conciling the account, given of th^ time when, and the 

u2 . , 



places from which, the letters are supposed tohayebeeri 
written/with what is certainly known concerning the 
queen's motions. According to the paper published, 
Anders; ii. 269, which has been called Murray's Diary, 
and which is formed upon the authority of the letters, 
Mary set out from Edinbui^h to Glasgow, January 21, 
1567 ; she arrived there on the 23rd; lefi that place on 
the 27th; she, together with the king, reached Linlith- 
gow on the 28th, stayed in that town only one night, 
and returned to Edinburgh before the end of the month. 
But,- according to Mr. Goodall. the queen did not leave 
Edinburgh until Friday, January 24th; as she stayed a 
night at Callendar, she could not reach Glasgow sooner 
than the evening of Saturday the 25th, and she returned 
to Linlithgow on Tuesday the 28th. By consequence, 
the first letter, which supposes the queen to have been 
at leas.t four days in Glasgow, as well as the second 
letter, which bears date at Glasgow, Saturday morning, 
whereas she did not arrive there until the evening, must 
be forgeries. That the queen did not set out from 
Edinburgh sooner than tiie 24th of January, is evident 
(as; he contends) froni the public records, which con- 
tain a Precept of a confirmation of a life-rent by James 
Boyd to Margaret Chalmers, granted by the queen, on 
the 24th of January, at Edinburgh ; and likewise a let- 
ter of the queen's, dated at Edinburgh on the same day, 
a{>pointing Junes Inglis, taylor to the prince, her son.. 
That the king and queen had returned to Linlithgow 
on the 28th, appears from a deed, in which they ap- 
point Andrew Ferrier, . keeper of their palace tiiere, 
dated at Linlithgow, January 28^ - Good. i. 118. 

This has been represented to be not only a convinc- 
ing,- but a legal proof of the forgery of the letters said 
to-;be written by Mary; but how far it falls short of 
this, will appear from the following considerations : 

1. It is' evident from a:dedaration or confe^ion 
made by the bishop of Ross, that before the confe- 


recces at York; which were opened in the beginning of 
October, 1568, Mary had, by an artifice of Maitlarid's, 
got into her hands a copy of those letters which her 
subjects accused her of having written to Bothwell. 
Brown's Trial of the Duke of Norfolk, 31. 36. It is 
highly probable that the bishop of Ross ■ had seen the 
letters before he wrote the defence of queen Mary's 
honour in 1570. They were published to all the . 
world, together with Buchanan's Detection, A.D. 1571; 
Now, if they had contained an error so gross, and, at 
that time, so obvious to discovery, as the supposing 
the queen to have passed several days at Glasgow, 
while she. was really at Edinburgh; had they con- 
tained a letter dated at Glasgow, Saturday morning, 
though she did not arrive there till the evening ; is it 
possible that she herself, who knew her own motions, 
or the able and zealous advocates who appeared for 
her in that age, should not have published and ex- 
posed this contradiction, and, by so doing, have blasted 
at once the credit of such an imposture ? In disquisi- 
tions which are naturally abstruse and intricate, the in- 
genuity of the latest author may discover many things 
which have escaped the attention, or baffled the saga- 
city, of those who have formerly considered the same 
subject. But when a matter of fact lay so obvious to 
view, this circumstance of its being unobserved by the 
queen herself, or by any of her adherents, is almost a 
demonstration that there is some mistake or fallacy in 
our author's arguments. So far are any, either -of our . 
historians, or of Mary's defenders, from calling in 
question the common account concerning the time of 
Uie queen's setting out to. Glasgow, and her returning 
from it, that there is not the least appearance of any 
difierence among them with regard to this point. But 

2. Those papers in, the public records, on which our 
author rests the proof of his assertion concerning the 


queen's motions, are not &e originals subscribed by &e 
queen, but copies only, or translations of copies of 
those originals. It is not necessary, nor would it be 
very easy, to render this intelligible- to peisons unac- 
quainted with the forms of law in Scotland ; but every 
Scotsman conversant in business will understand me 
when I say, that the precept of confirmation of the life- 
rent to Boyd is only a Latin copy or note of a precept, 
which was sealed with the privy-seal, on a warrant 
from the signet-office, proceeding on a signature which 
bore date at Edinburgh, the 24th of January ; and that 
the deed in favour of Jcuiies Inglis is the copy of a let- 
ter, sealed with the privy-seal, proceeding on a signa- 
ture which bore date at Edinburgh, January 24. From 
all this we may argue with some degree of reason, that 
a proof founded on papers which are so many removes 
distant from the originals, cannot but be very lame 
and uncertain. 

3. At that time all public papers were issued in the 
name both of the kii^ and queen ; by law, the king's 
subscription was no less requisite to any paper than the 
queen's ; and therefore, unless the original signature 
be produced, in order to ascertain the particular day 
when each of them signed, or to prove that it was 
signed only by one of them, the legal proof aris- 
ing from these papers would be, that both the king 
and queen signed them at Edinbuigh on the 24th of 

4. The dates of the warrants or precepts issued by 
the sovereign in that age, seem to have been in a great 
measure arbitrary, and affixed at the pleasure of the 
writer ; and of consequence, these dates were seldom 
accurate, are often false, and can never be relied upon. 
This abuse became so frequent, and was found to be 
so pernicious, that an act of parliament, A.D. 1592, 
declared the fixing a Mse date to a signature to be 



5. There still remain, in tlie public records, a great 
number of papers, which prove the necessit)^ of this 
law, as well as the fallacy of our author's argumeuts. 
And thongh it be no easy matter, at the distance of 
two centuries, to prove any particular date to be 
false, yet surprising instances of this kind shall be pro- 
duced. Nothing is more certain from history, than 
that the king was at Glasgow, 24th January, 1567, 
and yet the record of signatures from 1565 to 1582, 
fol. 16th, contains the copy of a signature to Archi- 
bald Edmonston, said to have been subscribed by our 
sovereigns, i. e. the king and queen, at Edinburgh, 
- January 24, 1567 ; so that if we were to rely impli- 
citly upon the dates in the records of that age, or to 
hold our author's argument to be good, it would prove 
that not only the queen, but the king too was at Edin- 
bui^h on the 24th of January. 

It appears from an original letter of the bishop of 
Ross, that on the 25th of October, 1 566, Mary lay at 
the point of death ; Keith, App. 134 ; and yet a deed 
is to be found in the public records, which bears that 
it was signed by the queen that day. Privy seal, lib. 
36. fol. 89. Ouchterlony.^ 

Bothwell seized the queen, as she returned Irom 
Stirling, April 24, 1567, and (according to her own 
account) conducted her to Dunbar with all diligence. 
And. i. 95. But oar author, relying on the dates of 
some papers which he found in ^e records, supposes 
that Bolliwell allowed her to stop at Edinburgh, and 
to transact business there. Nothing can be more impro- 
bable than this supposition. We may tiierefore rank the 
date of the deed to Wright, Privy seal, lib. 36. fol. 43, 
and which is mentioned by our author, vol. i. 124, 

< N. B. In lome at the eadier editloni of thli Diiwrtalion, another initttnce of the 
Mine DBtnre Kith thaao which go before ind follox numenlioned; butthit.Mhu 
■inee been discorered, ou foanded on ■ miiuke of the penon emplaned lo Mtrch 
tberecords, utd iitbeiefoK omitted in tliii edition. Tbe reuoning, haii««e(> iu 
Ibe DigMrtalion, lUmdi itill In Force, notnithitandiDg lliii amisiinn. 



amoDg the instances of the false dates of papers which 
were issued in the ordinarjr course of business in that 
age. Our authot has mistaken the date of the other 
paper to Forbes, ibid. ; it is sigucd April 14th, not 
April 24th. 

If there be any point agreed upon in Mary's history, 
it is that she remained at Dunbar from the time that 
Bothwell carried her thither, till she returned to Edin- 
burgh along with him in the beginning of May. Our 
author himself allows tixzt she resided twelve days 
there, vol. i. 367. Now, though there are deeds in the 
records which bear that they Were signed by the queen 
at Dunbar during that time, yet there are others which 
bear that they were signed at Edinburgh ; e. g. there is 
one at Edinburgh, April 27tii, Privy se^, lib. 36. fol. 
97. There are others said to be signed at Dunbar on 
that day. Lib. 31. Chart. No. 524. 526. lb. lib. 32. 
No. 154. 157. There are some signed at Dunbar, April 
28th. Others at Edinburgh, April 30th, lib. 32, Chart. 
No.4i>2. Others at Dunbar, May 1st. Id. ibid. No. 
158. These different charters suppose the queen to 
have made so many unknown, improbable, and incon- 
sistent journeys, that they afford the clearest demon- 
stration that the dates in these records ought not to be 
depended on. 

This becomes more evident from the date of the 
charter said to be signed April 27th, which happened 
diat year to be a Sunday, which was not, at that time, 
a day of business in Scotland, as appears from the books 
of sederunt, then kept by the lords of session. 

From this short review of our author's proof of the 
forgery of the letters to Bothwell, it is evident, that his 
arguments are far from amounting to demonstration.' 

' Tlie unCMliinty of an; conclusion fonned merd; on the dale of public pspeia 
in that age, egpecisilj with respect to the kin^, is conGnned and illuttrated by a 
discuvctj which was made lately. Mr. Daiidgon (la whom I was indebted far much 
information when I composed this Disseftation thirty-lhree jeais ago) has, in ihe. 
coulM of bin ^searches into Ihe BQliquities of bis couDtrj, found an ociginal paper. 

r,o,:,..i.i.i Google 


Another argument against the genuineness of these 
letters is founded on IJie style and composition, Which 
are said to be altogether unworthy of the queen, and 
unlike her real productions. It is plain, both from the 
great accuracy of composition in most of Mary letters, 
and even from her>?olicitude to write them in a fair 
hand, that she valued herself on those accomplishments,* 
and was desirous of being esteemed an elegant writer. 
But when she wrote at any time in a hurry, then many 
marks of inaccuracy appear. A remarkable instance 
of this may be found in a paper published. Good. ii. 
301. Mary's letters to Bothwell were written in the 
utmost hurry ; and yet under all the disadvantages of a 
translation, they are not destitute either of spirit or 
energy. The manner in which she expresses her love 
to Bothwell has been pronounced indecent and even 
shocking. But Mary's temper led her to warm ex- 
pressions of her regard ; those refinements of delicacy, 
which now appear in all the commerce between the 
sexes, were, in that Sige, but little known, even among 
persons of the highest rank. AOiong the earl of Hfuid-' 
wicke's papers, there is a series of letters from 'Mary 
to the duke of Norfolk, copied from the Harleian li- 
brary, p. 37. b. 9. fol. 88, in which Mary declares her 
love to that nobleman in language which woiild now 
be reckoned extremely indelicate ; Hard. State Papersj 
i, 189, &c. 

Some of Mary's letters to Bothwell were written be- 

■rhSch mtut appeir cuiiam to Scottiih aDliqaarie*. Bnchanin iiieiti, thai OD >c- 
count of Ihe king's frcqaent absencei occuianed by bis disiipitioD and love of EeJd- 
■porti, a atclutu, or ilamp cut in meUl, "aa made, wiih vhich fail uame na> affixed 
U pnbtic deeds, la i( be had been praent. Hlit. Jib. irli. p. 343. edit. Ruddim. 
Kdoi relates the same thing, Hist. p. 393.- Hon much this maj hare lii retted tbe 
king of the consequence which he derived (romhaTJng hi) natne conjoined nith that 
of the queen in all public deeds, ai (be affiiing oF big oamenEis tberebj put entirely 
to the power of the perioR who had Ihe custody of the cuehitK, it manifest. The 
keeping of it, as both Bucbsnaa and Knox aiGrm, wai committed to Riiia. A lale 
defender of queui Mary calls in question what tbej relate, and seemi to consider it ' 
u one of their aaper«ons. Goodall, lol. i. p. t3S. The truth ot their assertion, 
boirever, is now fntlj established, by the original deed which I bate mentioned. 
This I haTO seen and eiamined with attention. Il it now lodged by Mr. Davidson 
in tbe signet-office. In it the subscriplloti <if the king's name bat evidently been - 
nwde by a tmhtili with ptiolei'i ink. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 


fore the mHtder of her husband ; stnoe of them after 
that event, and b^ore her marriage to Bothwell. Those 
which are prior to the death of her husband abound 
with the fondest expreBsions of her love to Bothwell, 
and excite sometiung mcH'e than a suspicion ^at their 
familiaritf had been extremely criminal. We find is 
them too, some dark expresBions, which her enemies 
employed to prove that she was no stranger to the 
schemes which were formed against her husband's life. 
Of this kind are the following passages : " Alace I I 
never dissavit ony body ; but I remit me altogidder to 
zour will. Send me advertisement quhat I sail do, 
and quhatsaever thing come thereof, I sail obey zow. 
Advise to with zoursetf, gif ze can find out ony mair 
secret inveutioon by medicine, for he suld tak medi- 
cine and the bath at Craigmillar." Good. ii. 22. "See 
not hir quhais fenzeit teiris suld not be Eia meikle 
praisitand estemil^ as the trew and faithfull travellis 
quhilk I snstene for to merit hir place. For obtaining 
of the quhitk, agfunis my natural, 1 betrayis thame that 
may impesche me. God forgive me," &c. Ibid. 27. "I 
have walkit later thairup, than I wald have done, gif 
it had not been, to draw something out of him, quhilk 
this berer will scbaw zow, quhilk is the ffiirest commo- 
di^ that can be ofTerit to excuse zour afiairs." Ibid. 32. 
From the letters posterior to the death of ber husband, 
it is evident that the scheme of Bothwell's seizing 
Mary by force, and carrying her along with him, was 
contrived in concert with herself, and with her ap- 

' Hut itWn of 10 ntuch importance u IhoM of Mar; to Bothwell should hare 
becD entirely loit, eppean to niiny altBgether DDaccoontible. After being pro- 
duced in Eogbnid b^ore Elisabelfa't commiwionen, Ihej were deliiered back bj 
them to the eul of Muinj. Good. ii. 135. He leemi to biTB kept them in hu 
poueaion daring life. Aflet hit death, the; fell into thebindt of Lennoi hii ■nc' 
ceator, liho tntoted Lhem to (be earl of Morton. Good. ii. 91. Thoagb it be not 
neceauuilj connected with any of the qnestioaa which gave occaaion to thli Diiier- 
tallan, it may perhip ntiifj the curioiity of aome of my reideri to ipfono Ihcni, 
that, after ■ Tery diligent aearch, which hii lately been made, oo copy of Mar^a 
lettera to Bothwell can be found iu any of the public librnriei iu Great BriUin. 
The odIj certain intelligence conceniing them, since the lime of their being deli- 
teted to Morton, waa communicated by Ibe accunte Dr. Birch. 



With respect to the sonnets, Sir David Dalryiaple 
has proved clearly, that they' must havie been wriUen 

Eitraet of Itaa lettcn ot Robnt Bottu, «gq. imbiiwdar iiraiD queen EllMfceUi to 
tbEkineofSoodjind, writteola SirFnaeia W>1ungb>iD,>MialM7Df ■Me.'fcOOi tbe 
origiiiw^Rguter book of Ur. Bovea't IcHen, from 15th of Angoil, ISSS. to SSth 
September, IftBS, U Uie polMnkiii «f Cliratai^ Htntter, U.D. of Dtitbui. 

1583, 8th November, from EiHnbdigh. 

Albeit I have been home in hand, TliRt the ccder itber^-tnrra'lbe originals of 
lutera betweoD Ae Scotthli ^aeen and Oie earl of Botfawdl, had boen deliveieil to 
nindty haiKli,and timvbj wai at preicDt wantine, aiu) ankiio voir ben it leBted.yel 
I hare kamed ceitunlj bj Ihe pnor of PhiBiiarayiie'i neani, that both tbe eama 
and also the mitiDgi are come, *Dd now icniaiii iiith tho earl of Qowrie, who, 1 
panovG, will be hardly entreated to make delivery to ber majaitj, accerdiDg to ber 
~^*itj'« desire. 

is time pail I bave expended In searclung vfaere (be ooffer end trritings were. 

maitsly'a desire. 

Tbis time part I ' , „ 

. irilboat ttie help of-the prior, I shoold have foand grvat dtfflently ; 
*U1 euaj Oowrie, «nd of my success yoa shsH be shortly advertised. 

l«h of November, 1S8S, from Gdlnbnigb. 

Became I hid both leiined, that the caikot and letters mentioned in mj last, 
before tbese were come to the possession of Ihe earl of Oowrie, and also fbnnd that 
no mean might prevail to win the same out of ba hutdi >rilhoi)tbi> ono consent and 
' privity ; in which behalf I had amplojed fit inslmmeats, that neverthelesi proGtias 
nothing; theiefoie [ attempted to esasy himself, letting him knon that the laid 
oaiket and letten ihoald have be«n brought to her majesty by the offer and good 
mean! of good friends, promising to have ddivered them to her majesty before Ih^ 
came into his hands and caitody, and knowing Ihat be did l>ear Ihe like afiection, 
and was ready to plealiire her majesty In all thinp, and chiefly in this thai had 
been tbas far tendered to her majesty, and vlncb thereby slKxild be well accepted 
and with princely thanks and gratuity be reijailedto hii comfort and contentment; I 
moved hiia that they might be a present to be sent to her majesty from him, and that 
I might cauls the lanie to lie conveyed to her majes^, adding hereunto snch wordi 
and argoments as might both stir up a hope of liberality, and also l>est effect Ihe 
pnrpoie. At the first he was loth to agree tfaat they were in hii possession ; but I 
let him plainly know that 1 was certainly informed that they were delivered to him 
by Saaoders Jardin ; whereupon he pressed to know vho did so inform me, inqnir- 
ing nhelber the sons of the earl of Morton liad dime it, or no. I did not otherwise 
in plun tenni deny or ansner thereunto, but that he might think that he had isld 
me as the prior is read; to avuoch, and well pleased that I shall give him to be the 
■athor thereof; after he had said [thongh] all these letters were in hit keeping 
(which he would neither grant nor deny), yet he might not deliver them to any 
person without the consents and privities, as well of the king, that had interesl 
therein, as also of the rest of the noblemen enterprisers of the actjon against the king's 
mother, and Ihatwonld have them kept as an evidence to warrant and make good 
(hat action. And albeit I replied, that thrir acliou in that part touching the assig' 
Dalion of the crown to the king by his mother, bad received such eitabliihmenl, 
coafirmation, and itrenglb, bj acts of parliaments and other public authority and 
instruments, as neither Mionld that case be lufiered to come in debate or question^ 
nor such scrolls and papers ought to be shewed toi Ihe gtrenglhenmg thereof, so as 
tliete migbC well be left and be tendered to the hands of tier majesty, to wh<nn they 
were destined belbre they fell in his keeping ; yet he would not be removed or 
■atisfied ; coucluding, after much reasoning, that the earl of Mutton, nor any other 
that had Ihe charge and keeping thereof, durst at any time make delivery ; and be- 
cause it was tfae brat time that I had moved bim therein, and Ibat be would gladly 

both answer her ra ' ' ' ' ' " 

to his soverrign i 

the laid casket and letters, at his relum to bis house, which he Ihongfat shonid be 
within a short time; and upon finding of Ihe same, and better advice and conii* 
deration had of the cause, he wOuld give farUier answer. Tbis resolution I have 
received as to the tbin^-, and for the present I could not better, leavin|; him to sire 
her majesty snch testimony of his good ifill towards her, by his frank desTing 


after the murder of the king and prior to Mary's mar- 
riage with Bothwell. But as: hardly any part of my 

: but I greallj diitnul the 

I4tb of Novemberi 158S, from Bjlinbnrgb. 
For the recOTGij of ihf lettcn ui the coSer. come to (lie handi of the earl of 
Gowiie, I have lately moved him e^nieitlj (berein. letting him knov the purpose 
of the Scottish qneen, JKMh by giving duI that Ibe lettera are coouteifeited bj out 
labels, and also seeking theteon lo have them delivered to bee or defkced, and tbat^ 
tbe meaiu vhkh she iball make in this behalf iball be so (reat and effectual, as tbese 
nritiDgi cannot be safely kept in that reabn without dangerous offence of him that 
hath the custody thereof, neither shall he that ii once knunn to hare them be luf- 
feied to bold tbem in his hands. Herewith I have at Urge opeDed the perils likely 
to fall to tliat action, and the .parties therein, and particularly M himself that is now, 
<^>eniy kaown to have the posaeMion of these writings, and 1 tave leitin him see 
what surely it shall bring to the said cause and all the pailiet therein, and to him- 
self, that these wiitingi may be with aecrecy and good order committed to tlie keep- 
ing of her majesty, that will have them read; wheoBoeier any ose shall be for them, 
uid by her highness's GouDtenance defend them and the parties from inch wrongful 
objections as shall be laid against them, ofiiEring at length to him, that if he be not 
fully satisGed therein, or doubt that the rest of the associates shall not like of the. 
delireiy of them to her majesty in this good manner, and for the intereil rehearsed, 
that I shall readily, upon meeting and conference with tbem, procure their assent 
in this part (a mailer more easy to offer than to perform) ; and lastly, moving him. 
thai (for the secrecy and benefit of the cause, and that her majesty's gnod opinion 
towftrds himself may be firmly settled and confirmed by his acceptable forwardneu 
therein) lie would, without needles: scruple, frankly commit these writiogs to her 
OMJeaty's good custody for tbe good uses received. After long debate he resolved, 
and Hid, that be Hoafd unleignedlj sheH and do to her majesty all the pleasnre that 
he might without offence to the king his sovereign, and prejudice to the associates in 
tbe action, and therefore he would first make search and view the sud lettera, and. 
berdn take advice what he might do, and how fai he might satisfy and content her. 
iDaJMt; ; pronusing thereon to j^ve more teiolate answer; and he concluded flatty 
■hat after he bad found and seen tlie writings, that he might not make delivery of 
them without the privity of tho king. Albeit I stood along with him against his 
resolution in this point, to acquaint the king with (his matter before tbe letters were 
in )he hands of her majesty, letting him lee that bis doings there should admit 
great danger to the cause -, yet I could not remove him from it. It may be that 
be meaneth to put over the matter from himself to the king, upon sight whereof I 
shall travel effectually to obtain tlie king's consent, that the letters may he committed 
to her majesty's' keep log, thinking it more easy lo prevail herein with the king, in the 
present love and affection that he.bearelh to her highness, tlian lo win any thing at the 
hands of the associates in the aolion, vihereofsome principal of them now come and 
remain at the devotion of the king's mathet; in this I shall sttll call on Gowrie, to 
search out the coffer, according to his promise ; and as 1 shall find him minded to 
' do therein, so shall I do my best and whole endeavour to effect the snccesa to her 
majesty's best conlcntmenl. 

id December, 1583, from Ediuburgb. 
Because I saw good opportunity offered to renew the matter to the earl of Gowrie 
for recoverv of (he letters in the coffer in his bands, therefore I put him in mind 
thereof; whereupon be laid me that the duke "of Lennox had sought eamesdy lo 
have had those letters, and that the Ling did know where they were, so as they could 
not he delivered to her majesty witbont the king's privily and consent, and he pre- 
tended to be still willing to pleasure lier majesty in the same, so far as be may with 
his duty to the king and to the rest of the associates in thai action ; but I greatly dis- 
trust to effect this to her majesty's pleasure, wherein, nevertheless, I shall da my 
utmost endeavours. 

Whether James VI., who put the earl of Gowrie to death, A.D. 1584, and seized, 
all his effects, look care lo destroy bii mother's letters, lor whose honour he waa at 
that time eitremely lealous; whether they have perished by some unknown acci- 
dent; or whether they may not sUll remain unobserved among the aicbives of some 
otoor great families, it is imposiible to determine. 



narrative is fouDded upon what is cotitained in the 
sonnets, and, as in this Dissertation I have been con- 
strainedto dwell longer upon minute and verbal criti- 
cisms, than may be interesting or agreeable to many of 
;ray readers, I shall rest satisfied with referring, for in- 
formation concerning every particular relative to the son- 
nets, to Remarks on the Histoiy of Scotland, Chap. XI. 

Having thus stated the proof on both sides; having 
examined at so great a length the diiferent systems with 
regard to the facts in controversy; it may be expected 
that I should now pronounce sentence. In my opinion, 
there are only two conclusions, which can be drawn 
from the facts which have been enumerated. 

One, that Bothwell, prompted by his ambition or 
love, encouraged by the queen's known aversion to her 
husband, and presuming on her attachment to himself, 
struck the blow without having concerted with her the 
manner or circumstances of perpetrating that crime. 
That Mary, instead of testifying much indignation at 
the deed, or discovering any resentment ^^nst Both- 
well, who was accused of having committed it, conti- 
nued to load him with marks of her regard, conducted 
his trial in such a manner as rendered it impossible to 
discover his guilt, and soon after, in opposition to all 
the maxims of decency or of prudence, voluntarily 
agreed to a marriage with him, which every considera- 
tion should have induced her to detest. By this ver- 
dict, Mary is not pronounced guilty of having contrived 
the murder of her husband, or even of having previously 
given her consent to his death ; but she is not acquitted 
of having discovered her approbation of the deed, by 
her behaviour towards him who was the author of it. 

The other conclusion is that which Murray and his 
adherents laboured to establish, " That James, some- 
tymme earl of Bothwile, was the chiefe executor of the 
horribill and unworthy murder, perpetrate in the person 
of umquhile king Henry of gude memory, fader to our 

, Co Ogle 


soveraine lord, and the queeois kuchfiill husband ; sa, 
was she of the foreknowledge, counsall, devise, per- 
swadar, and command of the said murder to be done." 
Good, it, 207. 

Which of these conclusions is most agreeable to the 
eridence that has been produced, I leave my readers 
to. determine. 



No. I. (Vol. I. p. 172.) 

A Memorial of certain points meet for the reitoring the realm of 
Scotland to the antient toeaU. 

5tb Aunrt ' it is to be noted, that the best worldly felicity 

1559, Col- that Scotland can have, is either to continue in a perpetual 
cSl B "lo P***^® "'''' '^^ kin^om of England, or to be made one 
[ol. IT. monarchy with England, as they both make but one 
From ■ island, divided from the rest of the world. 
CTBWiy " ^^ ^^ ^^^^ '^ sought, that is, to be in perpetual peace 
Cecil'! with England, then must it necessarily be provided, that 
Scotland be not so subject to the appointments of France 
as is presently, which, being an ancient enemy to England, seeketh 
always to make Scotland an instrument, to exercise, thereby, their 
malice upon England, and to make a footstool thereof to look over 
England aii they may. 

Therefore, when Scotland shall come into the hands of a mere 
Scottish man tn blood, then may there be hope of such accord; 
but as long as it is at the commandment of the French, there is no 
hope to have accord long between these two realms. 

Therefore, seeing it is at the french king's commandment by 
reason of his wife, it is to be considered for die weale of Scotland, 
that until she have children, and during her absence out of the 
realm, the next heirs to the crown, being the house of the Hamil- 
tQns, should have regard hereto, and to see that neither the crown 
be imposed nor wasted ; and, on the other side, the nobility and 
commonalty ought to force that the laws and the old customs of 
the realm be not altered, neither that the country be not impove- 
rished by taxes, emprest, or new imposts, after the manner of France : 
for provision wherein, both by the law of God and man, the Erendi 
king and his wife may be moved to reform their misgoremance of 
the land. 

And for this purpose it were good that the nobility and commons 
joined with the next heir to the crown, to seek due reformation of 
such great abuses as tend to theruin of their country, which must 
be done before the French grow too strong and insolent. 

First, that it noay ke provided by the consent of die three estate* 
of the land, that the land maybe free from idolatry like as England 


is : for juBtification whereof, if any free general coanc3 may be 
had where the pope of Rome have not the ^eat of judgment, they 
ma; offer to shew Uieir cause to be the most agreeable to Christ's 

Next, to provide that Scotland might be governed, in all rules 
and offices, by the ancient blood of the realm, without either cap- 
tiuni, lieutenants, or soldiers, as all other princes govern their coun- 
tries, and especially that the forts might be in the hands of mere 
Scottish men. 

Thirdly, that they might never be occasioned to enter into the 
wars against England, except England should give the first cause 
to ScoUand. 

Fourthly, that no nobleman of Scotland should receive pension 
of France, except it were whilst he did serve in France, for other- 
wise thereby the French wftnld shortly corrupt maoy to betray their 
own country. 

Fifthly, diat no office, abbey, living, or commodity, he ^ven to 
any but mere Scottish men, by the assent of the three estates of the 

Sixthly, that there be a council in Scotland appointed in the 
queen's absence, to govern the whole realm, and in those cases 
not to be directed by the French. 

Seventhly, that it be by the said &iee estates appointed how the 
queen's revenue of the realih shall be expended, how much the 
queen shall have for her portion and estate during her disencc, 
bow much shall be limited to the governance and defence of the 
realm, how much yearly appointed to be kept in treasure. 

In these, and such like points, if the French king and the queen 
be found unwilling, and will withstand these provisions for the 
weale of the land, then hath the three estates of the realm authority, 
forthwith to inUmate to the said king and queen their humble re- 
quests ; and if the same he not effectually granted, then humbly 
they may commit the governance thereof to the next heir of the 
crown, binding the same also to observe the laws and ancient rights 
of the realm. 

Finally, if the queen shall be unwilling to this, as it is likely she 
win, in respect of the greedy and tyrannous affection of France, 
then It is apparent that Almighty God is pleased to transfer from 
her the rule of the kingdom for the weale of it, and this time must 
be used with great circumspection to avoid the decepts and trompe- 
ries of the French. 

And then may the realm of Scotland consider, being once made 
free, what means may be devised by God's goodness, to accord the 
two realms, to endure for time to come at the pleasure of Almighty 
Ood, in whose hands the hearts of all princes be. 



No. II. (Vol. I. p. 179.) 

A Letter of Maithnd of J^hmgton's, thus directed:— 
To my )oTing friend James. Be this delivered at LondoD. 

soth J»- I UNDBRSTAMD by the last letter I received from yow, 
""'?• that discoursing with zour countrymen upon the matter of 
Cotu Lib. Scotland, and comoditeys may ensew to that realm here- 
CbLB. U. after, ziff le presently assist ws with zour forces, ze find 
nrigiruU in * nombre of the contrary advise. doHting that we sail not 
hi« own at length be found trusty frends, nor mean to contynew in 
constant ametye, albeit we promise, but only for avoyding 
the present danger make zow to serve our tume, and after being 
delivered, becum enemies as of before. For profe quhareof, they 
alledge things that have past betwixt ws heretofore, and a few pre- 
snmptioaes tending to the sam end, all grounded upon mistrust ; 
qnhilks, at the first sicht, have some shewe of apparence, gif men 
wey not the circumstances of the raatter; but gif they will confer 
the tyme past with the present, consider the nature of this cans, 
and estate of our contrey, I doubt not but jugement sal be able to 
banish mistrust. And first, I wad wish £e should examyne the 
causes off the old inmitye betwist the realms of England and Scot- 
^nd, and quhat moved our ancestours to enter into ligue with the 
Frenche ; quhilka by our storeys and registres of antiquiteys appear 
to be these. The princes of England, some tyme, alledging a cer- 
tain kynde of soveraintye over this realm ; some tyme upon bye 
courage, or incited by incursions off our bordourares, and semblable 
occasions, mooy times enterprised the conquest of ws,and sa farifurth 
preist it by force off armes, that we wer dryren to great CKtramiteys^ 
by loss of our princes, our noblemen, and a good part of our conn- 
trey, sa that experience taught ws tliat our owne strength was scarse 
sufficient to withstand the force of England. The Frenche zour 
auncient enemyes, considering well how nature had sa placed ws in 
a iland with zow, that na nation was able sa to annoye En^and as we 
being enemyes, soucht to joine ws to tliem in Ugue, tending by that 
meane to detoume zour armyes from the invasion of France, and 
occupy zow in the defence off zour country at hame, offering for 
that effect to bestowe some charges upon ws, and for compassing 
off theyr purpos, choysed a tyme to propone the matter, quhen the 
fresche .memory off injuris lately receaved at zour hands, was sa 
depely prented on our hartes, that all our myndes were occupied 
how to be revenged, and arme ourselfes with the power off a forayne 
prince against zour enterprises thereafier* 

This wes the beginning ofT our confederacy with Fnmoe. At 
qahilk time, our eronlcles maks mention, that some off the wysest 



80fl SCOTt.AND. 

foresaw the perril, and sniall frute should redcmnd to vb thereof at 
lenih : zit had afiection Ba Minded jugement, that the advise of the 
maist part overcame the best. The maist part of aH qnudla betwixt 
ws sltace that tyme, at least qvhen the ptovocation came on our syde, 
beg ever fallen out by theyr procurement rather than any one caus 
off ouTseUei : and quhensaever we bracic the peace> it come partly 
by theyr intyaements, partly to eschew the conquest intended by 
that realm. But now hes Ood's providence sa altered the case, zea 
' changed it to the plat CMitrary, that now hes the Frenche taken 
Knir place, and we, off very jugement, becum desyious to have w>w 
in theyr rowme. Our eyes are opened, we espy how-nncw«ful they 
have been of our weile at all tymes, how they made ws ever to serve 
theyr tume, drew us in must dangerous weys for theyr commodite, 
and nevertheless wad not s^ck, oft tymes, against the natour of 
the ligue, to contrak peace, leaving ws in weyr. We see that th^ 
support, off late zeres, wes not grantit for any afiection they bare 
to ws, for pytie they had off oar estate, for recompense off thelyke 
friendship schawin to them in tyme off theyr afflictiones, but Ust 
ambitioB, and inaadable cnpidite to reygne, and to mak Scotland 
«ne accessory to the crown of France. This waa na friendly office, 
but mercenary, craving byre fane exceeding the proportion of ibeyr 
deserving ; a hale realm far the defence of a part. We see theym 
manifestly attempt the thing we suspected off zow ; we feared ze mest 
the conquest off Scotland, and they are planely fallen to that work; 
webatedzowfordoabtwebadze ment evill towards ws, and sail we 
love theym, qufailks bearing the name off frendg, go about to bring 
ws in maist vile servitude? Gif by zoar frendly support at this 
tyme, se sail declare that not only sute ze not the ruyne off our 
country, but will preserve the liberde thereof from conquest by 
strangears, sail not the occasion off all inimitie with zow, and ligne 
with theym, be taken away ? The causes being removed, how stdl 
the effectes remane? The fear of conquest made w« to hate zow 
and love theym, the cus changed, quhen we see Ibeym planely 
attonpt conquest, and zow achaw ws ftendsbip, sail we not hate 
them, and favour zow ? Oif we have schaw&e sa great Constance, 
contintting sa mony seares in amity with theym, off quhome we had 
ta small commodite, quhat sail move us to breake with zow, that 
off all nUiones may do ws greatest plesonrt 

But ze will say, this mater may be reconcyled, and then frends 
aa off before. I think weill peace is the end of all wep, but off 
this ze may be assured, we will never sa far trust that reconciUation, 
fliat we will be content to foi^o the ametye of England, nor do any 
thing may bring ws in ssspicion widi zow. Oiff we wold at any 
tyme to please them, break with zow, should we not, besydes the 
loaie off ieatimation and discredilu^ of onrse^fei, perpetually ex- 


poDS ovr commcHi veill to a maist nmaifeat dangir, and becnm a 
pray to theyr tyranny? Qufaaia aid could we implore, bein^ dead* 
tnte of tour frendship, ^ff they off new wald attempt theyr formar 
enterpriie? Qnbat nstttm mygbt fadp ws pS they wald, or waM 
giff they might? and it is li^s eneuch, they will not stick hereafter 
to tak theyr time off wi, qufaen displeeour and grudge hei taken 
depe rute on baith aydes, seeing ambition has sa impyrit ower theyr 
reaaoa, that before we had ever done any thiog mygfat offend theyn, 
but by the contrary pleased theym by right and wrang, they did not 
stick to attempte the snbrersion of oar h^e state. I wald ze shoald 
not esteeme ws sa banyne of jugement, thit w« cannot farese o«r 
awne perril ; or sa fooiische, that we will not itndy by all gode means 
to entertayne that thing may be our safetye : quhtlk consistes all in 
die relaying of zour freud^ips. I pray tarn consider in lyke case, 
when, in the days of zoar princes off miust n<Aile memory, king 
Henry the VIIL and king Edward the VI, meanes wer opened off 
amytye betwixt baith lealms ; was not at all tymes the difference 
of religion the onley stay they wer not embraced ? Did not the 
craft of our Clergy tmd power of theyr adherents subvert the de- 
vises of the better sort? But now has Ood off fata mercy removed 
that block furdi of the way ; now is not theyr pnu^se lyke to tak 
place any mare, when we ar comme to a conformity off doctrine, 
«>d piofea die sanie religion with low, qubilk I take to be the 
Btraytest knot off amitye can be devised. Giff it may be Pledged 
that some off our countrymen, at any tyme violated theyr promis, 
giff ze liffto way the circu m stances, ze sell fynd the promis is rather 
brought on by necessite, after a great owerthraw off our men, then 
conune off fire will, and tending ever to oar great incommodite and 
decay off our haill state, at leist sa taken. But in this case, sail the 
preaeiTation off our libertie be inseperably joined with the keping 
off promeBse, and the violation off our fayth cast ws in must miser- 
able servitude. Sa that giff neyther the feare off Ood, reverence off 
man, religion, othe, promise, nor waridly bonestye wes sufficient to 
bynd ws, yet sail the seale off oar native conntrey, the maintenance 
off our owne state, tiie safety of our wyffee and childrene from ria- 
very, compell ws to kepe promisse. I am assared, it ts trewly and 
sincerely ment on our part to eontinew in perpetual ametye with 
zow, it sail be uttered by our proceedings. Giff ze be as desirous 
of it as we ar, assurances may be devysed, quharby all partyes will 
be out of doubte. There be gode meanes to do it, fit iostmroents 
for the pnrpofl, tyme serves wall, the inhabitants of batth realms 
wi^ it. God faes wrought in the people's hartes on bayth parties 
a certaine bUH agreement upon it, never did, tmy tyme, bo mooy 
things coneurre at ones to knyt it up, the diBposition off a few, 
qubais harts are in Godis hands, may mak up die hale. 1 hope he 


quhe hes begua th» woHc, and mainteyned h quhile now, by Ate 

expectation of man, sale perfyte it. 

I pray zow, let not zour men dryve time in conaultatioD, quhethei 
te lall auppoit ws or no, Seyiug the maUr speaVelb for itself, tliat 
Ee moB take upon zow the defence oS our cam, giff ze have any 
respect for zour awne weill. Their prepara^iveB in France, and 
levying of men in Germany (qabeyioff I am lately advertised), ar 
not altogydder ordeyned for as, ze ai the mark they shote at ; they 
•eke enrrealme, but for aoe entrey to zoutb. GifFthey should di- 
recllyechaw hostilite to zow, they kuaw zow wald msk redy for theyme, 
therefor they do, by iildirect meanes, to blind zow, the thbg they 
dare not as zit planely attempte. They seme to iavade as to th' 
end, that having aisembled theyr hale forces >a nere zour bordours, 
they may unlock it to attack zow : It is ane off their aid fetches, 
making a schew to one place, to lyght on ane other. Rememb« 
how covertly zour places about Boulougne were assaizeit, and car- 
ryed away, ze being in peace as now. How the enterprise of Calais 
was fynely dissembled, I think ze have not sa sone furgotten. 
Beware of the third, prevent theyr policy by prudence. Oiff ze se 
not the lyke disposition presently in theym, ze se nathing. It is a 
grosse ignorance to misknaw, what all nations planely speks oS*. 
Tak heed ze say not hereafter, " Had 1 wist ;" ane uncomely sen- 
tence to procede off a wyse man's mouth. That is onwaies chanced 
on to zow, quhilk zow commonly wissed, that this countrey might 
be divotsed from the Frensche, and is sa comme to pass as was 
maist expedient for zow. For giff by your intysement we had taken 
the matter in hand, ze myght have suspected we would have been 
ontrusty frenda, and na langer continued stedfaste, then perril had 
appeared. But now, quhen off our self, we have conceyved the 
hatered, provoked by private injuries, and that theyr evil dealing 
with W8 hes deserved our inimitye, let no man double but they sail 
iynd ws ennemyes in emest, that sa ungently hes demeyned our 
countrey, and at quhais hands we look for nathing but all extre- 
jnitye, giff ever they may get the upper hand. Let not this occa- 
sion, sa happely offered, escape zow : giff ze do, neglecting the 
present opportunite, and hoping to have ever gode luk, comme 
sleaping upon zow, it is to be feared zour enemye waxe so great, 
and sa Strang, that aAerwards quhen k wold, ze sail not be able to 
put him down ; and then, to zonr smart, after the tyme ze will acr 
knowledge zour error. Ze have felt, by experience, quhat hanne 
Cometh off oversight, and trusting to zoui euemyes promesse. We 
offer zow the occasion, quheyrby zour former losses may be re- 
payred. Quhilk gif ze let over slyde, suffering ws to be owerrun, 
quha then, 1 pray zow, sail stay the Frensche, that they sail not 
invade zow in zour own boundes, sic is their lust to leygne. 


that they can neyther be contest with dieyr fortune present, 
nor Test and be satisfied when they have gode lulc, but will atiU 
fbllow on, having in theyr awne brayne conceaved the image of aa 
great a conquest, quhat think ye bbI be the end ? Is ther any of sa 
small jufement, that he doth not foresee already, that theyr htul 
force sail then be bent agunst zow ? 

It sal not be amiss, now to consider in quhat case the Fiensche. 
be presently. Theyr estate is not always eacalme at bame as every 
manthinketh.- And trewly it wes not theyr great redines for weyr 
made theym to tak this mater on hand, at this tyme, but rather a 
vayne trnst in their awne policy, thinking to have found na resist- 
ance, theyr opinion hes deceaved them, and that makes them dow 
amased. The estates off the empire (as I heare) has sated restitn-i 
tion off th' imperial towns Metz, Toull, and Verdun, quhilk may 
grow to some besynes ; and all thing is not a calme within their 
awne countrey, the les fit they be presently for weyr, the mareopor- 
tune esteme ye the tyme for zow. Giff the lyke occasion wer of- 
fered to the Frenache against zow, wey, how gladly would they 
embrace it. Are ze not eschamed of your sleuth, to spare theym 
that hes already compassed your destruction,' giff they wer able? 
Consider with your self quhilk is to be choysed? To weyr against 
them outwith zour realme or within? Giff quhill ze sleape, we sal 
be OTertiirowne, then sal) they not fayle to fyte zow in zour own* 
countrey, and use ws as a fote-stole to overloke zow. But some will 
say, perhaps, they meane it not. It is foly to think they wald not 
giff they wer able, quhen before hand they stick not to giff zout 
armes, and usurpe the style of zour crown. Then quhat difference 
there is to camp within zowr awne bounds or without, it is manifest. 
Giff twa armyes should camp in your countrey, but a moneth ; albeit 
ye receared na other harme, zit should zowr losse be gieatar, nor 
all the charge ze will nede to bestow on our support will draw to, 
besydes the dishonour. 

Let not men, that eyther lack gode advise, or ar not for peiticu- 
lar respects Weill affected to the cans, move zow to subtract zour 
helping hand, by alleging things not apparent, for that they be pos- 
sible. It is not, 1 grant, unpossible that we may receave condi- 
tioues of peace ; but I see little lik(4yhode that our ennemyes will 
offer wa sik as will remove all mistrust, and giff we wald have ac- 
cepted others, the mater had bene lang or now compounded. Let 
zow not be moved for that they tenne ws rehetles, and diflames our 
juBtquerell with the name of conspiracy against our soverayne. It 
is hir hyenes ryght we raanetayne. It is the liberty of hir realme 
we study to preserve with the hazard of our lyves. We are not 
(God knaweth) comme to this poynt for wantones, as men impa- 
cient of rewll) or willing to schake of the zoke of govefnment, but 

Co Ogle 


ar drawna to H by Deceaaite, to aroyde the tyranny of itnageana, 
seaking to defraude ws off lawful goTerDment. Oiff we ahoald 
suffer Htrongeares to plant themaelffes peaceably in all llie Btrenthra 
of oar realme, fortify the sey-portes, and maist important places, 
as ane entre to a plain conque&t, now in the minorite of our so- 
verane, beyng fiirth of lie realme, sbonld we not be thongbt on- 
careful of the common weill, betrayers of our nattre conntrej, and 
evill subjects to her majeste? Quhat other opiEiion could scbe 
have offws ? Might she not justly hereafter call ws to accoropt, 
as negligent ministeres ? Giff itraogeares riiould be thus suffered 
to broke the chefe offices, beare the hail rewll, alter and perrert 
ouriawes and liberty at theyrplesour; mygbt not the people e&teem 
onr noblemen unworthy the place of counsaloun t We mean na 
tryse to anbtrak our obedience from oar aoverane, to defnnd hir 
hyenes of her dew reverence, rent* and revenuet (#hir crown. We 
seke nathing but that Scotland may remane, as of be&re, a fre 
realme, rewlit by hir hyenes and htr miniiteres botne men of tfae 
Bam ; and that the succession of the Crown ma^ remane with the 
lawful blode. 

I wald not ze sMild not sa lyttill esteme the friendship of Scot- 
land, that xe judged it not worthy to be embraced. It sail be na 
small Giunmodite for zowto be delivered off the anoyance of soneir 
ft nyghtbour, qubais inimitye may more trouble eow, then off any 
other nation albeit twyss as puisaant, not tyeng dry marche with 
zaw. Besydes that ze sa)l not nede to feare the invasion of any 
prince lackyng the commodtte to invade zow by land, on our hand. 
Consider quhat superfluous chaises ze beatowe on the fortification 
and ke[»ng of Barwick : qnhilk ze may reduce to a mean sowme, 
having ws to frendes. The realme of Ireland being of natour a 
l^e and ferlilt countrey, by reason of the continewalld unquietnea 
Utd lak of policy, ze knaw to be rather a burthen unto zow than 
great advantage ; and giff it were peaceable may be very commo- 
^ous. For pacification quhayroff, it is not nuknowne to zow quhat 
lervice we ar abill to do. Refuse not theyr commoditeya, besides 
mony ma qnhen they are ofired. Qnhilks albeit I study not to 
amplify and dilate, yet is na other countrey able to offer zow the 
lyke, and are the rather to be' embraced, for that zour anncestors, 
by all meanea, maist earnestly auted our amity, and yet it was not 
theyr hap to corae Ijy it. The mater hes almaist carryed me be- 
yond the boundes off a lettre, quharfor I will leave to trouble zow 
after I have geven you this note. I wald mts that ze, and they 
that ar learned, sould rede the^wa former orations of Demosthenes, 
called Olynthiacce, and considere quhat counsall that wyse orfttour 
gave to the Athenians, his countrymen, in a lyke case ; qnhilk hes 
so great affinitt with this cause of ours, that every word thereoff 


myght be applyed to our purpoa. There may se leame <rf him 
quhat advUe ii to be followed, when yout nyghbour's hous is on 
tyfe. Thus I bid zow hartely fareweill. From Sant Aadjewa. 
the 20th of January, 1559. 

No. III. (Vol. I. p. 186.) 

Part of a letter from Tha. RandolpA to Sir William Cecil, from the 

camp before Letth, 29th of Jpril, 1560. 
An ori- I wiLK Only, for this time, discharge myself of my pro- 

Sr'lCer "isc to "^^ earl of Huntly, who so desyretli to be recom- 
Offiee. mended to you, as one, who, with all his heart, fovoureth 
this cause, to the uttermost of bis pow«. Half the words that 
come of his month were able to persuade an unexperienced man to 
speak farther in his behalf, than I dare be bold to write. I leave 
it to your honour to judge of him, as of a man not unknown to 
you, and will myself always measure my thoughts, as he shall de- 
serve to be spoken of. With much difficulty, end great persua- 
sion, he hath subscribed with the rest of the lords to join with 
them in this action ; whatsomever he can invent to the furtherance 
of this cause, he hath promised to do with solemn protestation and 
many words ; he ttusteth to adjoin many to this cause ; and saith 
Burdy that no man shall lie where he taketh part. He hath this 
day subscribed a bond between England and this nation ; he saitb, 
that there was never thing that liked him better. 

No. IV. (Vol. I. p. 197.) 

Randolph to Cecil, lOth Augtat, 1560. From Edinburgh. 
An cKi|j. SiNCB the 29th of July, atWhattime 1 wrote last to your 
pLft Ot- Ironour, I have heard of nothing worth the reporting. At 
fice. this present it may please you to know, that the most part 
of the nobles are hete atrived, as your honour shall receive their 
names in writing, the e^l of Huntly excuseth himself by an in- 
firmity in his leg. Hi's lieutenant for this time is the lord of Lid- 
ington, chosen speaker of the parliament, or harangue-maker, as 
these men term it. The first day of their sittmg in parliament will 
be on Thursday next. Hitherto as many as have been present of 
the lords have communed and devised of certain heads then to be 
propounded, as, who shall be sent into France, who into England. 
It a much eawer to find them than the other. It seemeth almost 
to be resolved upon that for England the master of Maxwell, and 
laird of Lidington. For France, Pittarow and the justice -clerk. 
iUsothey have consulted whom they think meetest to namfe forthe 
XXIV. of the which the XII. counsellors must be chosen. They, 


iDtend very thartly to send away Dingwmll the herald into France, 
with the names of those they shall chuSe ; and also to require tfa6 
king and queen's consent unto this parliament. They have devised 
liow to have the contract with England confirmed by authority of 
parliament; how also to have the articles of the agreement between 
them and their king and queen ratified. These things yet hare 
only been bad in communication. For the confirmation of the con- 
tract with England I have no doubt; for that I hear many men 
very well like the same, as the earl of Athol, the earl of Sutherland, 
the L. Glamis, who dined yesterday with the L. James. The lord 
James requested me this present day. to bniig the contract unto 
htm. I intend, also, this day, to speak unto the Jj. Gray, in our L. 
Gray's name, for that he promised in my hearing to subscribe, and 
. then presently would have done it, if the contract could have been 
had. For the more oasurance against all inconvenients, I would, 
besides that, that I trust it shall be ratified in parliament, that every 
nobleman in Scodand had put his hand and set his seal, which 
may always remun as a notable monument, tho' the act of parlia- 
ment be hereafter disannulled. IF it might, therefore, stand with 
your advice, that the lords might be written unto, now that tbey 
are here present, to that effect, or that I might receive from your 
hon^. some earnest charge to travel herein, I doubt not but it would 
serve to good purpose. If It might be also known with what sub- 
stantial and effectious words or charge you desire to have it con- 
firmed, I think no great difficulty would be made. The eart mar- 
shall has often been moved to subscribe, he useth mo delays than 
men judged he would. His son told me yesterday, that he would 
speak with me at leisure, so 'did also Dntmlanrick ; I know not to 
what purpose : I have caused L. James to be the eamester with the 
L. Marshall, for his authority's sake, when of late it was in consulta- 
tion by what means it might be wrought, that the amity between 
these two realms might be perpetual ; and among diverse men's 
opinion, one said that he knew of no other, but by making them 
both one, and that in hope of that mo things were done, than 
would otherwise have ever been granted : the earl of Argyll ad- 
vised him earnestly to stick unto that that he bad promised, that it 
should pass his power and all the crafty knaves of his counsel (1 
am bold to use unto your h. his own words), to break so godly a 
purpose. This talk liked well the assisters, howsomever it pleased 
him to whom it was spoken unto. The barons, who in time past 
have been of the parliament, had yesterday a convention among 
themselves in the church, in very honest and quiet sort; they 
thought it good to require to be restored unto their ancient liberty, 
to have voice in parliament. They presented that day a bill unto 
the lords to that effect, a copy whereof shall be ^ent as ' soon as it 



can be had. It was answered unto gently, and taken in good put. 
It was referred unto the lords of the articles, when they are chosen, 

to resolve thereupon. -Here foUowi a Img paragraph concermng 

Ihe forlifieatioiu of Dunbar, &c. This present raoming, cii. the 

9tb, I understood, that the lords intended to be at the parliament, 
which caused me somewhat to stay my letter, to see what I could 
hear or learn worth the reportiug unto your hon'. The lords, at 
ten of the clock, assembled themselves at the palace, where the 
duke lieth ; from whence they departed towards the Tolbooth, as 
they were in dignity. Each oue being set in his seat, in such order 
as your h. shall receive them in this Ecroll. The crown, the mace, 
the sword, were laid in the queen's seat. Silence being com- 
manded, the L. of Lidington began his oration. He excused his 
insufficiency to occupy that place. He made a brief discourse of 
things past, end of what necessity men were forced unto for the 
defence of their country, what remedy and support it pleased God 
to send them in the time of their necessity, how much they were 
bound heartily to acknowledge it, and to require it. He took 
away the persuasion that was in many men's mind that lay back, 
that misdeemed other things to be meant than was attempted. He 
advised all estates to lay all particulars apart, and to bend them- 
selves wholly to the true service of God and of their country. H.e 
willed them to remember in what state it had been of long time 
for lack of government, and exercise of justice. In the end, he 
exhorted them to mutual amity and hearty friendship, and to live 

with one another as members all of one body. He prayed God 

long to maintain this peace and amity with all princes, especially 
betwixt the realms of England and Scotland, in the fear of God, 
and so ended. The clerk of register immediately stood up, and 
asked them to what matter they would proceed: it was thought 
necessary, that the articles of the peace should be confirmed with 
the common conEent, for that it was thought necessary to send them 
away with speed into France, and to receive the ratification of them .■ 
as soon as might be. The articles being read, were immediately 
agreed unto: a day was appointed to have certain of the nobles 
subscribe unto them, and to put to their seals, to be sent away by 
a herald, who shall also bring the ratification again with him. The 
barons, of whom I have above written, required an answer to their 
request; somewhat was said unto the contrary. The barons al> 
leged for ihem custom and authority. It was in the end resolved, 
that there should be chosen six to join with the lords of the arti- 
cles, and that if they, after good advisement, should find it right 
and necessary for the commonwealth, it should be ratified at this 
parliament for a perpetual law. The lords proceeded immediately 
hereupon, to the chnsiag of the lords of the articles. The order i;, 



tbat tha lordi apiritoal cfaiiu tke temporal, and the temporal the 
■piritual, and the burgeetea tWr own. There were chosen as in 
this other paper I have written. ThU being done, the lords de- 
pxited and accompanied the duke, all as far as the bow (which is 
the gate gtni^r out of the high street), and many down into the 
palace where he lieth. The town all in armour, the trumpets 
sounding, and oUier music such as they have. Thus much I re- 
port unto your honour of that I did both hear and see. Other lo- 
lemnities have not been used, saving in timei long past the lords 
have had parliament lobea, which are now with them wholly oat 
of use. 

The names of as many earls and lords spiritual and temporal as 
are assembled at this parliament. 

The duke of Chatelheranlt 



Lords spiritual. 



St. Andrews. 









The bishop of the Isles. 



Abbots end prion, I 



know not how many. 









Botbes. ' 




Tht lord, of 

tlu articUi. 



Barons elected to be of 
the articles. 


The duke. 





Lord Jamei. 














Tea pivrosUofthecbief 



towns, which also are 



of the articles. 

So that, with the subprior of St. Andtewi, the whole is 36. 



It nfln too long for ma to idieaiM putiouIiiTly tbft dkposidoa, 
and chiefiy t£fa affectioiu of these men, that aie at this time cho«en 
lord of the aitidea. Hay it satisfy your hoa'. for thii titae to know 
that, b; the comman c^nion of men, there was not a sabstsntialler 
or more suffident nnmbeT of ail sorts of men chosen in Scotland 
these many years, nor cf whom men had greater hope of good to 
ensue, lliis present morning, viz. the 10th, the L. of Lidingtoo 
made me priry anto your letter ; he intendeth, as much as may be, 
to follow yoar adnce. Some bard points there are. He himself 
is detennined not to go into France. He dl^eth many reasons, 
but speelceth least (^ that, that moTeth him most, whidi is the ex- 
ample of the last, that went on a more graiefnl message than he 
shall carry, and stood on other terms with dietr prince than he 
doth, and yet yovt hononr knoweth what the whole world jadgeth. 

Petition of the Lester Baront to the ParUament, held Jug. 1560. 

IncloMd Hy lords, unto your lordships, humbly means, and 
^pl,^" shows, we the barons and freeholders of this realm, your 
Icitet to brethren in Christ, That whereas the causes of true reli- 
A "rt ^'*' 6'°"' °°^ common well of this realm, are, in this present 
1560. ' parliament, to be treated, ordered, and establiihed, to the 
glory of Ood, and maintenance of the commonwealth ; and we 
being the greatest number in proportion, where the said causes 
concern, and has been, and yet are ready to bear the greatest part 
of the charge thereuntil, as well in peace as in war, both with out , 
bodies and with our goods ; and seeing there is no place where we 
may do better serrice now than in general councils and parliament, 
in giving onr best advice and reason, vote and councell for the 
fardierance thereof, for the maintenance of virtue and punishment 
of vice, as use and custom had been of old by ancient acts of par- 
liwnent observed in this realm ; and whereby we understand that 
we ought to be heard to reason and vote Ih all causes concerning 
the commonwealth, as well in councils as in parliament ; otherwise 
we tl>ink that whatsomever ordinances and statutes be made con- 
cerning n« and our estate, we not being required and suffered to 
reason and vote at the making thereof, that the same should not 
oblige us to stand thereto. Therefore it will please your lordships 
to take consideration thereof, and of the charge bom, and to be 
born by us, since we are willing to serve truly to the common well 
of this realm, after out estate, that ye will, in this present parlia- 
ment, and all counsells, where the comman well of the realm is to 
be treated, take our advice, counsell and vote, so that without the 
same, your lordships would suffer nothing to be passed and coa- 
doded in parliament or councils aforesaid; and that all acts of par- 


liament made, in times past, concerning ub for our place and estate, 
and in our i&ronr, be at this present parliament confirmed, approved; 
and ratified, and act of parliaraeat made thereupon. And yoni 
lordships angwer humbly beseeches. 

Of the succett of tkia petition, tke folhamg accmint it giwit by 
Randolph; Lett to Cecil, 19 Aug. 1660. #The matters concluded 
and past by common consent on Saturday last, in such soleotn sort 
as tiie first day that they assembled, are these: First, that the 
barons according- to an old act of parliament, made in. the time of 
James I., in the year of God 1427, shall have free voice in parlia- 
ment, this act passed. without any contradictiou. 

No. V. (Vol. I. p.,206.) 
/I Letter of Tkimas . Randolph, the English Resident, to lie Right 

Worshipful Sir William Cecil, Knt. principal Secretary to the 

Queen't Majetty. 

. I HAVE received your honour's letters of the first of 

1561. Colt, this month, written at Osyea in Essex ; and also a letter 
Lib. B. 10. unto the lord James, from his kinsman St. Come out of 
France ; in this they agree both that the queen of Scot- 
land is nothing changed of her purpose in home coming. I assure 
your honour that will be a stout adventure for a sick crazed woman, 
that may be doubted as well what may happen unto her upon the 
seas, as also how heartily she may be received when she cometh to 
land of a great number, who are utterly persuaded that she in- 
tendelh their ntter ruin, come when she will ; the preparance is 
very small whensoever that she arrive, scarcely any man can he 
persuaded that she hath any such thought in her head. I have 
shewn your honour's tetter unto the lord James, lord Morton, lord 
Lidington ; they wish, as your honour doth, that she might be 
stayed yet for a space, and if it were not for their obedience sake, 
some of them care not tho' they never saw her face. They 
travel what they can to prevent the wicked devices of those mis- 
chievous purposes of her ministers, but I fear that that will always 
be found that filij hujus seculi, they do what they can to stand mth 
the religion, and to maintain amity with their neighbours ; they bav« 
also need to look unto themselves, for their hazard is great, and 
that they see there is no remedy nor safety for themselves, but to 
repose themselves upon the queen's majesty, our sovereign's favour 
and support. Friends abroad they have none, nor many in whom 
they may trust at home. There are in mind shortly to try what 
they may be assured at of the queen's majesty, and what they may 
assuredly perform of that intend to offer for their parties. This the 
queen of Scotland above ali other things doubtcth; this she seeketh 
by all means to prevent; and hath caused St. Come, in her uanu^ 

APPENDlk. 3J7 

numeatly to write to char^ him that do soch things be attempted 
lierore her nnnin^ home ; for that it ib saidj that they too already 
arrived here out of Eagland for the purpose, what semblaace som- 
ever the noblemen do make, that they are grieved with their queen's 
refusal, that corocth far from their hearts. They intend to expos- 
tulate with me hereupon. I have my answer ready enough fii 
them. If she thrust Euglishmen all out of this country, 1 doubi 
not but there will be some of her own that will bear ue some 
kindness. Of me she shall be quit, so soon as it pleaseth the 
queen's majesty, my mietress, no longer to use my service tn 
this place. By such talk, as I have of late had with the lord 
James and lord of Udington, I perceive that they are of mind 
that immediately of the next convention, I shall repair towards 
you with their determinations, and resolutions, in all purposes, 
wherein your honour's advice is earnestly required, and shortly 
looked for. Wbatsamever I desire myself, I know my will 
ought to be subject unto the queen my sovereign's pleasure, but 
to content myself, would God I were so happy as to serve her ma- 
jesty in as mean a state as ever poor gentleman did, to be quit of 
this place ; not that 1 do in my heart wax weary of her majesty's 
service, but because my time and years require some place of more 
repose and quietness than 1 find in this country. I doubt also my 
insufiBcience when other troubles in this country arise, or ought 
shall be required of me to the advancement of her majesty's ser- 
vice, that either my wilt is not able to compass, or my credit suffi- 
cient to work to that effect, as perchance shall he looked for at my 
hands. As your honour bath been a means of my continuance in 
this room, so 1 trust that 1 shall find that continual favour at your 
hands, that so soon as it shall stand with the queen's majesty's plea- 
sure, I may give this place unto some far worthier than I am my- 
self, and in the mean season hare my course directed by your good 
advice how I may by my contrivance do some such service as may 
be ^:reeable to her majesty's will and pleasure. 

These few wwds, 1 am bold to vmte unto your honour of myself 
For the rest, where that is wished that the lords will stoutly conti- 
nue yet for one month, I assure your honour that there is yet no- 
thing omitted of their old and accustomed manner of doing, and 
seeing that they have brought that unto this point, and should now 
prevail, they were unworthy of their lives. 

I find not that they are purposed so to leave the matter. I doubt 
more her money than I do her fair words ; and yet can 1 not con- 
ceive what great things can be wrought with forty thousand crowns, 
and treasure of her own here 1 know there is no sure or ready means 
to get it. The lord of Lidiogton leavetb nothing at this time un- 
written, that he thinketh may be able tb satisfye your desire, in 



knowledge of the pnseut state of tUag> here. Wfaatsomerer 
cometli of that, he findeth it ever best, that the come not ; but if 
she do come, to let her luiow, at the first, what the shall Gnil, which 
is due obedience, and willit:^ Betvice, if she embrace Chriat, and 
desire to live in peace with her neighbours. By such letters aa yos 
have last received, your htMtour Mmewhat understandeth of Hr. 
Knox binwelf, and also of others, what is detennined, he himself 
to abide the uttermost, and other never to leave him until God have 
taken his life, and thua together with what oomfort somever it will 
please you to give him by your letters, that the queen's mi^es^ 
doth not utterly condemn him, or at the least in that point, tbatht 
is so sore charged with by his own queen, that her majeaty will not 
allow her doing. I doubt not but it wilL be a great comfort onto 
him, wd will content many othen : his daily prayer isforthemaio- 
tflnance of unity with Englwid, and that God will never suffer men 
to be so ungrate, as by any pemuasion to ma headlong unto the 
destruction ef them that have saved their lives, and restored their 
country to lUterty. I leave farther, at this time, to trouble your 
hohour, desiring God to send such an amity between these two 
realms, thiU God may be glorified to them of this world. — >At Eden- 
bourgh, the 9th of August, 1561 . 

No. VI. (Vol. I. p. 214.) 

A Letter ofQaeat Uix^betk to Qvee* Mary.* 

To the right excellent, right high, and mighty Frincesae, our right 
dear and well-beloved sister and cousin the Queen of Scotland. 
Right excellent, right high, and mighty princesse, our 
Aug. 1961. right dear and right well-beloved sister and cousin, we 
Piper Of. greet you well. The lord of Sl Cosme brought to ns 
M^!)p™ y^^ letters, dated the 8th of this present at Abbeville, 
whereby ye signify, that although by the answer brought 
to you by Monueur Doyzell, ye might have had occasion to have 
entered into some doubt of our amity, yet after certain purpdses 
passed betwixt you and our ambassador, you woilld assure us of 
your good meaning to live with us in amity, and for your purpose 
therein ye require us to give credit to the said St. Cosme. We have 
thereunto thought good toanswer as followeth: The same St. Cosme 
hath made like declaration unto us on your part, for your excuse in 
not ratiiyiDg the treaty, as yourself made to our ambassador, and we 
have briefly answered to every the same points, as he can shew yon : 

* Tfaii u the complete papei ot which thil indiiitrious and impuili] eolleclor, 
Blihop Keiih, hai paUiihed a fraemeat, from «h*t he calls hia aballered MS. 154. 
note (a) 181. 


APPENDIX. 310 . 

snd if ha shall not to do, jtA lest i& the mean leutm jou might 
be induced to dunic that yoar reasons had satisfied us, somendljr 
we assure you, that to ouc requests your answei cannot be reputed 
for a satis&ctioD. For we require no benefit of you, but that you 
will perform your promise wbereunto you are bound by your seal 
and your hand, for the refusal whereof we see no reason alledged 
can serve. Neither coret we any thing, but that which is in your 
own power as queen of Scotland, that which yonrseK in words and 
gpeech doth confess, that which your late husband's our good 
brother's ambassadors and you concluded, that which your own 
nobility and people were made privy unto, that which indeed made 
peace and quietness betwixt us, yea, that without which no perfect 
amity can eoutinue betwixt us, as if it be indifierently weighed, we 
doubt not but that ye will perceire, allow, and accomplish. Never- 
tbeless, perceiving, by the report of the bringer, that you mean 
furthwith upon your coming home, to follow herein the advice of 
your council in Scotland, we are f»>ntent to suspend our conceipt 
of all nokindnesB, and do assure you that webe fully resolved, upqp 
this being performed, to unite a sure band of amity, and to live in 
neighbourhood wiUi you as quietly, friendly, yea, as assuredly in 
the knot of friendship, as we be in the knot of nature and blood. 
And herein we be so earnestly determined, that the world should 
see if the contrary should follow (which God forbid I) the very occa- 
sion to be in you and not in us ; as the story witnesseth the like of 
the king your father, onr uncle, with whom our fotfaer sought to 
have knitt a perpetual bond by inviting to come in this re^ to 
York ; of which matter we know there remain with us, and we think 
with you, sundry witnesses df our father's earnest good meaning;, 
and of the error whereuuto divers evil coaocillors induced your 
father ; or finally where it seemeth that report hath been made nntO 
you, that we had seut our admiral lo the seas mth onr nayy to em- 
peacbe your passage, both your servants do well understand bow 
false that is, knowing for a truth that we have not any more than 
two or three small barks upon the seas, to apprehend certain pirates, 
being thereto entreated, and tdmost compelled, by the eameit com- 
plaint of the asabassador of our good brother the king of Spain, 
made of certaine Scottisbmen haunting our seas as pirates, under 
pretence of letters of marque, of which matter also we earnestly 
require you, at your coming to your realme, to have some good 
consider^ion, and the rather for respect that ought to be betwixt 
your realme and the countries of us, of France, of Spain, and of the 
house of Burgundy. And so, right excellent, right high, and mighty 
princess, we recommend ns to you with most earnest request, not to 
neglect these our friendly and sisterly ofiers of friendship, which, 
before Qod, we mean and intend to accomplish. Givea under our 



sigitet at HenyDgfaam, the 16th of Au^et, in the third year of our 

No. VII. (Vol. I. p. 241.) 

A Letter of Randolph to tie Right Honourable Sir William Cecil, 
Kttight, Principal Secretary to the Queen'* Majesty. 

isth of ^' ''^^' '"'^' ^^^ arrival of Monsieur Le Croch, I had 
Hay, nothing worth the writing unto your honour. — Before his 
MfofficV *=<""'°e w^ '■ad BO little to hint upon that we did nothing 
tntm tbe ' but pais our time in featts, bauquetting, masking, and 
oii^nal. running at the ring, and such like. He brought with him 
ancba number of letters, and such abundance of news, that, for the 
space of three days, we gave ourselTes to nothing else but to read- 
ing of writings, and hearing of tales, many so truly reported, that 
they might be compared to any that ever Luciane did write de veri$ 
narrattonibut. Among al] his tidinga, for the most assured, I send 
diis unto your honour as an undoubted truth, which is, that the 
cardinal of Lorraine, at his being with the emperor, moved a mar- 
riage between his youngest son, the duke of Austruche, and this 
queen ; wherein he hath so far travailed, that it hath already come 
unto this point, that if she find it good, the said duke will ont of 
hand send hither his ambassador, and tarther proceed to the con- 
aumm^on hereof, with as convenient speed as may be ; and to the 
intent her mind may be the better known, Le Croch is sent unto 
her with this message from the cardinal, who hath promised unto 
the emperor, to have word again before, the end of May ; and for 
this cause Le Crcn^ is ready for his departure, and his letters writ- 
ing both day and night. This queen being before advertised of bis 
towardness, by many means hath sought far off, to know my lord 
of Murray's mind herein, but would never so plainly deal with him, 
that he could learn what her meaning is, or how she is bent.' She 
nseth no man's council but only this man's that last arrived, and 
assuredly until the L. of Lidington's return, she will do what she can 
to keep that secret; and because resolution in his absence cannot 
be taken, she will, for this time, return Le Croch with request, to 
have longer time to devise; and after, with the most speed she can, 
ahe fully purposeth to advertise him, I mean, her uncle the cardi- 
nal, of her mind, or this matter the Li of Lidington is made privy. 
I know not whether by some intelligence that he had before his de- 
parture, or since his arrival in France, divers letters have passed 
between her grace and him, whereof as much as it imported not 
greatly the knowledge of, was communicated to some, as much as 
was written in sypher is kept unto themselves. Whether also the 
L. of Lidington ha^ had conference with the Spanish ambassador 

appendix: bu 

in Sngland of this matter or any like, I leare it unto your honour's 
good meam to get true knowledge thereof. Oueiaes or surmizes 
in ao grave matters, I would be loth to write for verities. This 
abo your honour may take for truth, that the emperor hath offered 
with his son, for this queen's dower, the county of Tyroll, which is 
said to be worth 30,000 franks by year. Of this matter also th% 
riiingrave wrote a letter unto this queen, out of France not long 
since. This is all that presently I can write unto your honour 
hereof; as I can come by &rther knowledge, your honour shall be 

I have received your honour's writings by the Scottish man tbat 
last came into these parts ; he brought also letters unto this queen 
friHn the L. of Lidington ; their date was old, and contained only 
the news of France. I perceive divers ways, ^at Newhaven is 
Borre closed, but 1 am not so ignorant of their nature, but that I 
know they will aay as much as they dare do, I will not say as the 
proverb doth ' cams timidus fortitu latrat.' From hence 1 do os- 
snre them, what means somever they make, or how pitiful somever 
their mone be, they are like to receive but small comfort for all 
their long allie. We stand daily in doubt what friendship we shall 
need ourself, except we put better order into our misruled Papists 
than yet we do, or know how to bring to pass that we may be void 
of their comber. * 

To-monow, the 15th of this instant, the queen departeth of this 
town, towards £denhorough. If my hap be good, you shall tho- 
roughly hear some merry tidings of the Bp. of St. Andrews ; upon 
Wednesday next he shall be arreigned, and£ve other priests, for 
thai massing at Easter last. Thus most humbly I take my leave ; 
at St. Andrews the 15th of May, 1563. 

No. VIII. (Vol. I. p. 249.) 

Letter of Randolph to the Right Honourable Sir WiUiam Cecil, 
Knight, Principal Secretary to tie Queen's Majesty, 

lOifaof Mat it please your honour, the 7th of this instant, 

Apn'li Sowlet, this queen's secretary, arrived here; he reportetl) 
peiOfficc, very honestly of his good usage, he brought with him 
froi^ the many letters unto the queen that came out of France, fuH 
W^own" of lamentation and sorrow. She received from the queen- 
buKi' mother two letters, the one contained only the rehearsal 
of her griefs, the other signify the state of France as then it was, as 
in what sort things were accorded, and what farther was intended 
for the appeasing of the discords there, not mistrusting but that if 
reastm cttuld not be had at the queen of England's hands, bnt that 




the realm of France bhould find her ready and vriliing to snptfoit 
and defend the ri^bt thereof, as by fnendship and old alliance 
between the tvo reaImB she is bound. 

How veil these words do agree wHh her doings yonr hooonr can 
well consider, and by her writings in this sort unto tiMs qnees 
(which I assure your honour is true), you may assuredly know 
that nothing shall be left undone of hei part, that may move delMite 
or controversie between this qneen and our sovereign. 

It was much mused by the queen herself, how this new kindness 
came about, that at this Ume she received two long letters written 
all with her own hand, saying, all the time since her return she 
never received half so many lines as were in one of the lettera, 
which I can myself testify by the queen's own saying, and other 
good assurance, where hitherto I have not been deceived. I can 
also farther assure your honour, that this queen hath sayed that she 
knoweth now, that the friendship of the queen's majesty my sove- 
reign may stand her more in stead, than that of her good mother in 
France, and as she is desirous of them both, bo will she not lose the 
one for the other. I may also farther assure your honour, that 
whatsomever the occasion is, this queen hath somewhat in hei 
heart that will burst out in time, which will manifest that some un* 
kindness hath passed between them, 4hat will not be easy fo^t- 
ten. In talk sometimes with myself, she saith that the queen- 
mother might have used the matter otherwise than she hath done, 
and doth much doubt what shall be the success of her great desire 
to govern alone, in all things to have her will. Seeing then that 
presenUy they stand in such terms one with the other, I tho't it bat- 
ter to confirm her in that mind (this queen 1 mean), than to speak 
any word that might cause her to conceive better of the oth». 
And yet I am assured she shall receive as friendly letters, and as 
many good words from this queen, as the other did write unto her. 
Whether the queen-mother will speak any thinguuto the L. of Lid- 
ington of that purpose she djd write unto this queen of, I know 
not ; but if she do, I think it hard if your honour can get no favour 
thereof, at his return, or I perchance by some means here. It may 
perchance be written only by that queen, to try what answer this 
queen will give, or understand what mind she beareth unto the 
queen's majesty our sovereign. The queen knoweth now that the 
earl Botfawell ig «eut for to London. She caused a gentleman of 
hers to inquire the cause; I answered that I knew none other, but 
that his takers were in controversy who took him, and that it should 
be judged there. 1 know that she thinketh much that he is not 
sent into Scotland. It is yet greatly doubted that if he were here, 
he would be reserved for an evil instrum ent. If the lord of Liding- 
ton have not been plain with your honour herein, he is in the wrong 


to those who are hii friends here, but most of allto himBeir. There 
comes a valtnre in this realm, if ever that man come again into 

No. IX. (Vol. I. p. 256.) 

Tie Oration jmde by William Maitland of Letkington, younger secre- 
tary for the time, in the parliament holden by our sovereign the 
King's mother, Queea of thii realm for the time, the time of the re- 
stilution of Umquile MaitkeTu Earl of Lenox. 

My lords, and others here convened. Albeit, be that it has 
pleased her majesty most gracionsiy to utter unto yOu, by her own 
mouth, ye may have sufficiently conceived the cause of this your 
present assembly; yet having her majesty's commandment to 
snpply my lord Chancellor's place, being presently as ye see de- 
ceased, I am willed to express the same somewhat more at large. 

Notour it isj how, in her highness's minority, b. process of for- 
faltour was decreed against my lord of Lennox, for certain offences 
alledged committed by him ; specified in the dome and censemeot 
of parliament given thereupon ; by reason whereof he has this long 
time been exiled, and absent forth of his native country; how 
grievous the same has been unto him, it has well appeared by diverii 
his suites, sundry ways brought unto her majesty's knowledge, not 
only containing most humble and due submission, but always bear- 
ing witness of his good devotion to her majesty, his natural princess, 
and earnest adeotion be bad to her highness most humble service, 
if it should please her majesty of her clemency to make him able to 
vayyy the benefit of a subject ; many respects might have moved her 
highness favourably to incline to his request, as the anciency of bis 
house, and the sirname be bears, the honour he has to appertain to 
her majesty by affinity, by reason of my lady Margaret her high- 
ness's aunt, and divers other his good considerations, as also the 
afiecbious request of her good sister the queen's majesty of England, 
whose earnest commendation was not of least moment, besides that 
of her own natural, her majesty has a certain inclination to pity the 
decay of noble houses, and as we heard, by her own report, has a 
gteitl deal more pleasure to be the instrument of the uphold, main' 
tenance, and advancement of the ancient blood, then to have matter 
ministered of the decay or overthrow^of any good race. Upon this 
occasion, her majesty the more tenderly looked upon his request, 
and her good sister the queen of England's favourable letter, written 
for recommendation of his cause, in consideration whereof not only 
has she granted unto him her letter of restitution, by way of grace, 
but aUo licensed him to pursue, by way of reduction, the -remedies 
provided by the law for such as think themselves grieved by any 



judgmeat, UDOrderly led, and to have the process reversed; tbrexa-- 
miD&tioa whereof, it haa plectsed her majesty presently to as8emble> 
jrou the three estates of this be^ realme, by whosa advice, delibera-' 
tion, and decision at her majesty's mind, to proceed forward upon 
his complaints, as the merits of the cause, laws of the realm, and 
practice observed in auob cases, will bear out The sum of all your 
proceedings at this time, being by that we have heard, thus as it 
were pointed out, 1 might here end, if the matter we have in band 
gave me not occasion to say a few more words, not far different 
from the same subject, wherein I would extend the circumstances 
more tai^ly, if I feared not to offend her highness, whose presence 
and modest nature abhors long speaking and adulation, and so will 
compel me to speak such things, as may seem to tend to any good 
and perfect point; and lest it should be campted to me, as that I 
were oblivious, if I should omit to put you in remembrance, in what 
part we may accept this, and the like demonstrations of her gentill 
nature ; whose gracious behaviour towards all her subjects, in gene- 
ral, may serve for a good proof of that felicity, we may look for 
under her happy government so long as it shall please God to grant 
her unto us ; for a good harmony to be had in the common weill) 
the offices between the prince and the subjects must be leciproque, 
Eis by her majesty's prudence we enjoy Uiis present peace with all 
foreign natiwis, and quietness among yourselves, in such sort, that 
I think justly it may be affirmed Scotland, in no man's Age, that pre- 
sently lives, was in greater tranquillity ; so is it the duty of all us 
faer loving subjects to acknowledge the same as a most high benefit, 
proceeding from the good government of her majesty, declaring 
ourselves thankful for the same, and rendering to her majesty such ' 
due obedience, as a just prince may look for at the hands of faith- 
ful and obedient subjects. I mean no forced nor unwilling obedi- 
ence,' which I know her nature does detest, but such as proceeds 
from the contemplation of her modest kind of regiment, will for love 
and duty sake produce the fruits thereof. A good proof have we 
^1 in general had of her majesty's benignity these three years, that 
she has lived in the government over you, and many of you have 
largely tasted of her large liberality and iirank dealing: on the 
other part her highness has had large ^pearance of your dntifiil 
obedience, so it becomes you to continue, as we have begun, in con- 
uderation of the many notable examples of hei clemency above 
others her godd qualities, and to abhor and detest all false bruites 
and rumours, which are ^e most pestilent evils that can be, in any 
common well, and the sowers and inventors thereof. Then may we 
be well assured to bdve of her an most gracious princesse, and she 
most faithful and loving subjects ; and so both the head and the 
members, being .encouraged to maintain the harmony and accord of 



the politic bodies, whereof I mEkde mention before, as the glory 
thereof shall partly appertain to her majesty, so shall no small praise 
and unspeakable commodity redound therethrough to you all uni>- 
venally her s objects. 

No. X. (Vol. I. p. 264.) 

Tie perils and troubles that Toa^ presently enrae, and in time to come 
JoUow, to the Queen's Majesty of England and state of this realnt, 
. upon the marriage of lie Queen of Scots to tie Lord Darnley. 

First, the minds of such as be a^cted to the queen of Scots, 
either for hecself, or for the opinion of her pretence to this crovn', 
or for the desire to have change of the forme of religion in this 
realm, or for the discontentation they have of the queen's majesty, 
or her Buccesaion, or of the succession of any other beside the queen 
of Scotts, shall be, by this marriage erected, comforted, and induced 
lo devise and labour how to bring their desires to pass: and to 
make some estimate what persons those are, to the intent the quan- 
tity of the danger may be weighed; the same may be compassed 
in those sorts either within the realm or without. 

The first are such as are specially devoted to the queen of Scotts, 
or to the lord Damley, by bond of blood and alliance ; as first, all 
the house of Lorrain and Guise for her part, and the earl of Lennox 
and his wife, all such in Scotland as be of their blood, and have re- 
ceived displeasures by the duke of Chatelheiault and the Hamiltons. 
The sec«nd are all manner of persons, both in this realm and other 
countries, that are devoted to the authority of Rome, and mislike 
of the rehgion now received ; and in these two sorts are the sub- 
stance of them comprehended, that shall take comfort in this mai> 

Next therefore to be considered what perils and troubles these 
kind of men shall intend to this realm. 

First, the general scope and mark of all their desires is, and 
always shall be, to bring the queen of Scotts to have the royal crown 
of this realm ; and therefore, though the devisees may vary among 
themselves for the compassing hereof, according to the accidents of 
the times, and according to the impediments which they shall find 
by means of the queen's majesty's actions and governments, yet all 
their purposes, 'drifts, devises, and practices, shall wholly and only 
'tend to make the queen of Scotts queen of this realm, and to deprive 
our sovereign lady thereof ; and in their proceedings, there are two 
manners to be considered, whereof the one is f^ worse than the 
• other; the one is intended by them, that either from malicioua 
blindness in religion, or for natural affection to the queen of Scotts, 
or the lord Darnley, do persuade themselves that the said qneen of 



Scotts hftth pTeBfiDtlj more right to the crown than our sovereign 
lady the queen, of which sort be all their kindred on both sides, and 
all Bucfa as aft devoted to Popery, either in England, Scotland, 
Ireland, or elsewhere; the other is meant by them, which, with leu 
malice are persuaded that the queen of Scotts hath only right to be 
the next heir to succeed the queen's majesty and her issue, of which 
sort few are without the redm, but here within, and yet of them, 
not so many aa are of the contrary, and from these two sorts shall 
the peril, devises, and practices proceed. From the iirst, which 
im^ine the queen of Scotts to have perpetually right are to be 
looked for these perils. First, is it to be doubted the devil will in- 
fect some of them to imagine the hurt of the life of our dear sove- 
reign lady, by such means as \he devil shall suggest to them, 
although it is to be assuredly hoped, that Almighty God will, as he 
has hitherto graciously protect and preserve her from such dangers ? 
Secondly, there will be attempted, by persuasions, by bruites, by 
rumours, and such like, to alienate the minds of good subjects from 
the queen's majesty, and to counciliate them to the queen of Scotts, 
and on thia behalf the froTitiers and the north will be much solicited 
and laboured. Thirdly, there will be attempted causes of some 
tumults aud rebellions, especially in the north toward Scotland, so 
as thereupon may follow some open enterprise set by violence. 
Fourthly, there will be, by the said queen's council and friends, a 
new league made with France, or Spain, that shall be offensive to 
this realm, and a furtherance to their title. And as it is also very 
likely, that they will set a foot as many practices as they can, both 
upon the fronUera and in Ireland, to occasion the queen's majesty 
to increase and continue her chaise thereby, to retain her from 
being mighty or potent, and for the attempting of all these things, 
many devises will be imagined from time to time, and no negligence 
will therein appear. 

From the second sort, which mean no other favour to the queen 
of Scotts, but that she should succeed in title to the queen's majesty, 
is not much to be feared, but Uiat they will content themselves to 
■ee not only the queen's miyesty not to marry, and so to impeach it, 
but to hope, that the queen of Scotts shall have issue, which they 
will think to be more pleasable to all men, because thereby tl^ 
crowns of England and Scotland shall be united in one, and thereby 
the occasion of war shall cease ; with which persuasion many people 
may be seduced, and abused to incline themaelvei to the partof the 
queen of Scotts. 

The remedies against these perils. 



A Duplicat. 

4,h rf ^ tummary of the consuliation and advkt given by the Lordt 
June.l5fi5. and of hert of the Prim/ Council. Collected out of the iun- 
SlM'^lO. '^ ""^ **'^'^''^ speeches oj the »aid fmeUors. 
(61. 890. 

Lord, Keeper, Mr. Comptroller, 

Lord Treasurer, Mr. Vice Chamberlain, 

f Derby, Mr. Secretary, 

Earls of \ Bedford, Cave, 

(Leicester. Peter, 

Lord Admiral, Mason. 

Lord Chamberldn, 

Questions propounded were these two : 
1. First what perils might ensue to the queen's majesty, or 
this realm, of the marriage betwixt the queen of Scolts and the lord 
" 2, What were meet to be done, to avoid or remedy the same. 

To the First. 
The perils being sundry, and very many, were reduced by some 
counsellors into only one. 

1 . First, That by this marriage, the qneen of Scotts (being not 
married), a great number in this realm, not of the worst subjects, 
might be'hlienated in their minds from their natural duties to her 
majesty, to depend upon the aacceas of this marriage of Scotland, 
as a mean to establish the succession of both the crowns in the issue 
of the same marriage, and so favour all devises and practices, that 
should tend to the advancement of the queen of Scotts. 

2. Secondly, That, considering the chief foundation of them, 
which furthered the marriage of lord Darntey, was laid upon the trust 
of suchaswerePapists.asthe onlymeansleft to restore the religion of 
Rome it was plainly to be seen,that, bothin this realm and Scotland, 
the Papists would most favour, msuntmn, and fortify this marriage 
of the lord Darley, and would, for furtherance of faction in religion, 
devise alt means and practices that could be within this realm, to 
isturb the estate of the queen's majesty, and the peace of the realm, 
and consequently to atchieve their purposes by force rather than fail. 
By some other, these perils having indeed many branches, were re- 
duced though somewhat otherwise, into two sorts, and these were 
in nature such as they could not be easily severed the one from the 
other but were knit and linked together, naturally for maintaining 
the one with the other. The first of these sort of perik was, that, 



by this marriage with the lord Damley, there was a plcJo intentioa 
to further the pretended title of the qneen of Ccotts, not only to sac- 
ceed the queen's majesty, as in her best amity she had professed, 
but that to occupy the queen'a estate, as when she was in power 
she did manifestly declare. 

The Hecoild was, that hereby the Romish rehgion should be 
erected, and increased daily in this realm, and these two were thug 
knit together, that the furtherance and maintenance of the title 
staid in furthering of the religion of Rome within this realm ; and 
in like manner the furtherance of the same religion stood by the 
tide, for otherwise the title had no foundation. 

Proves of the first.) And to prove that the intention to advance 
the title to disturb the queen's majesty must needs ensue, was con- 
sidered that always the intention and will of any person is most 
manifest, when thdrpoweris greatest, and contrary when their power 
is small ;' then the intention and will of every person is covered and 
less seen. So as when the queen of Scotts power was greatest, by 
her marriage with the dauphin of France, being afterwards French 
king, it manifestly appeared of what mind she and all her friends 
were ; using then manifestly all the means that could be devised 
to impeach and dispossess the queen's majesty, first by wiidug and 
publishing herself in ell countries queen of England ; by granting 
charters, patents, and commissions, vith that style, and with the 
arms of England, both the French and Scotts, which charters re- 
main still undefaced ; and to prosecute it with effect, it is known 
what preparations of war were made, and sent into Scotbnd ; and 
what other forces were assembled in foreign countries ', yea, in 
what manner a shameful peace was made by the French with king 
Philip, to employ all the forces of France to pursue all the matters 
by force, which by Ood's providence and the queen's iniyesty con- 
trary power, were repelled ; and afterwards, by her husband's 
death, her fortune and power being changed, the intention began 
to hide itself, and although by the Scottish queen's commissaries 
an accord was made at Edenbrough, to reform all those titles, and 
claims, and pretences, yet to this day, by delays and cavillationi, 
the ratification of that treaty has been deferred. And so now, as 
soon as she shall feel her power, she will set the same again abroad, 
and by considermg of such errors as were committed in the first, 
her friends and allies will amend the same, and proceed substan- 
tially to her purpose. By some it was thought plainly, that the 
peril was greater of this marriage with the lord Darnley, being a 
subject of ttus realm, than with the mightiest prince abroad, fm by 
this, he being of this realm, and having for the cause of retipon, 
and other respects, made a party here, should encrease by force 
with dinunution of the power of the realm ; in that whatsoeYer 



power he could make by the bction of the Pajdst, and other dia- 
contented pereons here, should it be as it were deducted out of the 
power of this realm ; and by the marriage of a stranger, she could 
-not be assured of any part here ; so as by this marriage she should 
have a portion of her own power to serve her turn, and a small 
portion of adversaries at home in our own bowels, always seem 
more dangerous than treble the like abroad, whereof the examples 
are in our own stories many, that foreign powers never prevailed in 
this realm, but with the help of some at home. It was also re- 
membered, that seeing how before this attempt of marriage, it Is 
-found, and manifestly seen, that in every comer of the realm, the 
faction that most favoureth the Scottish title, is grown stout and 
bold, yea seen manifestly in this court, both iu hall and chamber, 
it could not be but (except good heed were speedily- given to it) by 
this mamage, and by the practice of the fautora thereof, the same 
&ctioa would shortly increase, and grow so great and dangerous, 
as the redress thereof would be almost desperate. And to this 
purpose it was remembered, how of late in perusing of the sub- 
stance of the justices of the peace, iu all the countries of the realm, 
scantly a third was found fully assured to be trusted in the matter 
of religion, upon which only string the queen of Scotts title doth 
hang, and some doubt might be, that the friends of the earl of 
Lennox and his had more knowledge hereof than was thought, and 
thereby made avant now in Scotland, and their party was so great 
in England as the queen's majesty durst not attempt to . contrary 
his marriage. And in this sort, was the sum of the perils declared, 
being notwithstanding more largely and plainly set out, and made 
so apparent by many sure ailments, as no one of the council 
could deny them to be but many and very daugerons. 

Second Question. 
The question of this consultation was what were meet to be done 
toavoidtheseperils, or else to divert the force thereof from hurting 
the realm ; wherein there were a great nurnber of particular de- 
vises propounded, and yet the more part of them was reduced by 
some into three heads. 

1. The first thought necessary by all persons, as the only thing 
of the most moment and efficacy, to remedy all these perills, and 
many others, and such as vithoiit it, no other remedy could be 
found suffident, and that was to obtain that the queen's majesty 
would marry, and make therein no Joog delay. 

2. The second was, to advance, establish, and fOTtify indeed the 
profession of religion, both in Scotland and in England, and to di- 
minish, weaken, and feeble the contrary. 

3. The third was, to proceed in sundry things, either todiaap- 



point and break this iQtended iBarring«i or, at the least, thereby to 
procure the same not to be bo burtful to this realm as otherwise it 
will be. 

The first of these three hath uo particular rights in it, but an 
earnest and unfeigned desire and suite, with all humbleness, by 
prayer to Almighty God, and advice and council to the queen's 
majesty, that she would defer no more time from marriage, whereby 
the good subjects of the realm might stay their hearts, to depend 
upon her majesty, and the issue of her body, without which no 
surety can be deviled to .ascertain any person of continuance of 
their- families or posteritiee, to enjoy that which otherwise should 
come to them. 

Second, concerning the matters of religion, wherein both truth 
and policy were joined together, had these particulars. 

First, whereas of late the adVersaries of religion, in the realm, 
have taken occasion to comfort and increase their faction, both in 
England, Scotland, and abroad, with a rumour and expectation 
that the religion shall be shortly cbaOged in this realm, by means 
that ttio bishops, by the queen's majesty's commandment, have of 
late dealt streightly with -some persons of good religion, because 
fheyhad forboro to wear certab apparel, and sych like things; 
being more of form and accidents, than of any substance, for that 
it is well known that her m^csty had no meaning to comfort the 
sdversaiieB, but .only to maintain an uniformity as well in things 
external, as in the substance, nor yet hath any intention to make 
any change of the religion, as it is cBtablished by laws. It was 
thought by all men very necessary, for the suppressing of \he pride 
and arrogancy of the adversaries, indirectly hereby to notify, by 
her special letters to the two archbishops, that her former com- 
mandment was only to retain an uniformity, and not to give any 
occasion to any person to mbjudge of her majesty, in the change 
of any part of religion, but that she did determine firmly to main- 
tain the form of her religion, as it was established, and to punish 
such as did therein violate her laws. And in these points, some 
also wished that it might please her aichbishops, that if they 
should see that the adversaries continued in taking occasion to for- 
tify their faction, that in that case they should use a moderation 
therein, imtil the nest parliament, at which time, some good, uni- 
form, and decent ordermight be devised, and established, for such 
ceremonies, so as both uniformity and gravity might be retained 
amongst the clergy. - 

Ilie second means was, that the quondam bishops, and others, 
which had refused to ackaowledge the queen's majesty's power 
over them, according to the law, and were of late disperse in the 
plague lime to sundry places abroikd, where it is known they cease 

, Co Ogle 


tot b> advance their faction, might be returned to the Tower, or 
■ome other prison, where they might -not have sgch Uberty to se- 
duce and inveigle the queen's majesty's subjects, as they daily do. 

The third means was, that where the bishops do complain that 
they dare not execute the ecclesias ileal laws, to the furtherance of 
religion, for fear of the premuaire wherewith the judges and law- 
yers of the realm, being not best affected in religion, do threaten 
them, and in many cases lett not to pinch and deface them, tiiat 
upon such cases opened, some conveniept authority might be given 
tlum, from the queen's majesty, to continue during her pleasure. 

The fourth was, that there were daily lewd, injudicious, and un- 
lawful hooks in Englith, brought from beyond seas, and are boldly 
received, read, and kept, and especially in the north, seducing of 
great numbers of good subjects, the like boldness whereof was never 
suffered in anyotherprincess's time, that some streight order might 
be given to avoid the same, and that it might be considered by the 
judges, what manner of crime the same is, to maintain such books', 
made directly against her majesty's authority, and maintaining a 
foreign power, contrary to the laws of the realm. 

The fifth was, that where a great number of mopks, fryars, and 
Buch lewd persons, are fled out of Scotland, and do serve in Eng- 
land, especially in the north, as curates of churches, and all such of 
them as are not found honest and conformable, may be banished out 
of the realm, for th^ it appeareth they do sow sedition in the realm, 
in many places, and now will increase their doings. 

The sixth, where sundry having ecclesiastical livings, are on the 
Other side the sea, and from thence maintain sedition in the realm ; 
that livings may be better bestowed to the commodity of the realn^ 
upon good subjects. 

The seventh is, that the judges of the realm, having ao smaU 
authority in this realm, in govemaoce.of all property of the realm^ 
might be sworn to the queen's majesty, according to the laws of the 
tealm, and ao thereby tbey should for conscience sake maintain the 
queen's majesty's authority. 

The particulars of the third intention to break and avoid this 
marriage, or to divert the perils. 

First, to break this marriage, considering nothing can likely do 
if, but force, or fear of force, it is thought by some that these 
means following might occasion the breach of the marriage. 

1 . That the earl of Bedford repair to his charge. 

2. That the works at Berwidc be more advanced, 

3. That the garrison be there increased. 

4. That all the wardens put their frontiers in order with speed, 
' to be ready at an hour's warning. 



5. That some ngble person, as the dnke of Norfolk, or the earl 
of'Salop, or such other, be sent into Yorkshire, to be lieutenant- 
general ia the north. 

6. That preparationB be mada of a power, to be in readiness to 
serve, either at Berwick, or to invade Scotland. 

7. That presently lady Lennox be committed to some place, 
where she may be kept from giving or receiving of intelligence. 

9. That the earl of Lennox and his son may be sent for, and re- 
quired to be sent home by the qneen of Scotts, according to the 
treaty ; and if they shall not come, then to denounce to the queen 
of Scotts the breach of the treaty, and thereupon to enter with hos- 
tility; by which proceeding, hope is conceived (so the same be done 
in deeds and not in sbews) that the marriage will be avoided, or at 
the least that it may be qualified from many perils ; and whatsoever 
is to be (ione herein, is to be executed with speed, whilst she has 
a party in Scotland that favonreih' not the marriage, and before any 
league made by the queen of Scotts with France or Spain. ' 

Some other allows well of all these proceedings, saving of pro- 
ceeding to hostility, but all do agree in the rest, and also to these 
particularities following. 

10. That the earl's lands upon his refusal, or his son's refusing, 
should be seized, and bestowed in gift or custody, as shall |dease 
her majesty, npon good subjects. 

11. That all manifest favourers of the earl, in the north, or else- 
where, be inquired for, and that they be, by sundry means, well 
looked to. 

12. That inquiry be made in the north, who have the steward- 
ship of the queen's majesty's lands there, and that no person, de- 

. serving mistrust, be suffered to have governance or rule of any of 
her subjects or lands in the north, but only to retain thtit fees, and ' 
mote trusty persons have rule of the same people's lands. 

13. That all frequent passages into this realm, to and from Scot- 
land, be restrained to alt Scottish men, saving such as have safe 
conduct, or be especially recommended from Mr. Randolph, as 
favourers of the realm. 

14. That some intelligence be used with snch in Scotlimd, as 
favour not the marriage, and they comforted from time to time. 

15. That the queen's majesty's household, chamber, and pen- 
sioners, be better seen unto, to avoid broad and uncomely spee& 
used by si\ndry against the state of the realm. 

16. That the younger son of the earl of Lennoi, Mr. Charles, be 
removed to some place where he may be forthcoming. 

17. That considering the faction and title of the queen of Scotts, 
hath now of long time received grdat favour, and continued, by the 
queen's majesty's favour herein to the queen of Scotts and-lier lat- 

, Co Ogle 


niaters, and the lady Cathanne, whom the said queen of Scotts ac^ 
compted as a competitor unto her in ptetence of title, it may please 
the queen's tnajeaty, by gome exterior act to shew some remissioa 
of hei dtspleasme to the lady, and to the earl of Hartford, that the 
queen of Scotts thereby may find some change, and her friends put 
in doubt of further proceeding therein. 

18. That whosoever shall be lieutenant in the north. Sir Ralph 
Sadler may accompany him. 

19. That with speed the realm of Ireland may be committed to ft 
new governor. 

20. Finally, that these advices being considered by her majesty, 
it may please her to choose which of them she liketh, and to put 
them in execution in deeds, and not to pass them over in consulta- 
tions and speeches. 

For it is to be assured, that bei adversaries will use all means to 
put their intention in execution. Some by practice, some by force, 
when time shall serve, and no time can serve so well the queen's 
majesty to interrupt the perils as now at the first, before the queen 
of Scott's purposes be fully settled. 

No. XI. (Vol. I. p. 273.) 

Randolph to the Earl of Leictiter, from Edinburgh, 
the 3lst of July, 1565. 
Cott. Ub. Mat it please your lordship, I have received your lord- 
C»l. b. ii. ship's letter by my servant, sufficient testimony of your 
Aq ori^- lordship's favour towards me, whereof I think myself al- 
■ul- ways so assured, that what other mishap soever befal me, 

I have enough to comfort myself with ; though 1 have not at this, 
time received neither according to the need I stand', nor the neces- 
sity of the service that I am employed in, I will rather pass it, as I 
may with patience, than trouble youi lordship to be further suiter 
for me, when there is so little hope that any good will be done for 
me. I doubt not but your lordship hath heard by such information 
as I have given from hence, what the present state of this country 
. is, how this queen is now become a married wife, and her husband, 
the self'Same day of his marriage, made a king. In their desires, 
hitherto, they have found so much to their contentment, that if the 
rest succeed and prosper accordingly, they may think themselves 
much happier, than there is appearance that they shall be; so 
many discontented minds, so mnch misliking of the Bubjects to have 
these matters thus ordered, and in this sort to be brought to pass, 
I never heard of any marriage ; so .little hope, so little comfort aa 
men do talk was never seen, at any time, when men should most 
have shewed themselves to r^oice, if that consideration of her own 

, Co Ogle 


honour and veil of her conntiy had been bad aa appertained in ao 
weighty a caae. This is no4 their fear, the overthroir of religion, 
the breach of atnitie with the queen's raajesty, and the destruction 
of as many of the nobility as she hath mislildng of, or that be liketh 
to pitch a quarrel unto. To see all these incouTeniencys approach- 
ing', there are a good number that may sooner lament with them- 
aeVtet and complain to their neighbouts, than be able to find re- 
medie to help them, some attempt with all the force they hare, but 
are too weak to do any goad, what is required otherways, or what 
means there is made your lordship knoweth ; what will be answered, 
or what will be done, therein, we are in great doubt, and though 
your intent be never so good unto us, yet do we so much fear your 
delay, that our ruin shall prevent your support when council is once 
taken. Nothing so needful, as speedy exeeu^on. Upon the queen's 
najesty, we wholly depend, in her majesty's hands it standeth to 
save OUT IiTes, or to suffer us to perish ; greater honour ber ma- 
jesty cannot have, than in that which lieth in her majesty's power to 
do for us, the sums are not great, the numbers of men are not many 
that we desire ; many will dayly be found, tho" this will be some 
charge; men grow dayly, though, at this time, I think her majesty 
shall lose but few : her friends here being once taken away, where 
will her majesty find the like ? I speak least of that which I think is 
most earnestly intended by this queen, and her husband, when by 
him it was lately said, that he cared more for the Papists in Eng- 
land, than be did for the Protestants in Scotland; if therefore his 
bopes be so great in the Papists of England, what may your lord- . 
ship believe that he thioketh of the Protestants there; for his birth, 
for his nurritour, for the honour he hath' to be of kiae to the queen 
ny mistress, if in preferring those that are the queen's majesty's 
worst subjects to those that are her best, he declaretb what mind 
he beareth to the queen's majesty's self, any man may say it is ' 
slenderly revrarded, and his duty evil forgotten ; he would now seem 
to be indifferent to both the religions, she to use her mass, and he 
to come sometimes to the preaching ; they were married with all the 
iolemnities of the Popish tune, saving that he heard not the mass ; 
his speech and talk ai^eth his mind, and yet would he fain seem 
U> the world that he were of some religion ; his words to all men, 
against whom he conceiveth any displeasure how unjust soever it 
be, so proud and spiteful, that rather he seemeth a monarch of die 
world, than he that, not long since, we have seen and known the 
lord Damley ; he looketh now for reverence of many that have 
little will to give it him ; and some there are that do give iti that - 
4hink him little worth of it. All honour that may be attributed unto 
any man by a wife, he hath it wholly and fully ; all praises that 
may be spoken of him he lacketh not from herself; all dignities that 


■he can endue him nitfa, which are already given and granted ; no 
man pleaaeth hec that contenteth not him ; and what may I nay 
aioie, she hath given over to him her whole will, to be ruled and 
guided as himself best liketb ; she can as moch prevail with him, 
in any thing that is against his will, as your lordship may with me 
to persoade that I should bang myself; this last dignity out of hand 
to have been proclaimed king, she would have it deferred untill it 
were agreed by parliament, or he had been himself 21 years of agCj 
that things done in his name might have the better authority. He 
would, in no case, have it deferred one day, and either then or 
never; whereupon this doubt has rinen amongst our men of law 
whether she being clad with a husband, and her husband not 
twenty-one years, any thing without parliament can be of strength, 
thai is done between them; upon Saturday at afternoon these mat- 
ters were long in debating. And before they were well resolved 
upon, at nine hours at night, by three heralds, at sound of the 
trumpet be was proclaimed king. This was the night before the 
marriage; this day, Monday at twelve of the clock, the lords, all 
that were in die toun, were present at the proclaiming of him again, 
where no roan said so much as amen, saving his father, that cried 
oat aloud Ood save his queen J The manner of the marriage was in 
this sort ; upon Sunday in the morning between five and six, she 
was conveyed by divers of her nobles to the cbapell ; she had upon 
her hack the great mourning gown of black, with the great wide 
mourning hood, not unlike unto that which she wore the doulfull 
day of the burial of her husband : she was led into the cbapell, by 
the earl of Lennox and Atbol, and there was she left untill her hus- 
band came, who also-was conveyed by the same lords, the minister 
priests, two, do there receive tkem, the bands are asked the third 
time, and an instrument taken by a notour that do man said againit 
them, or alledged any cause why the marriage might not proceed. 
The words were spoken, the rings which were three, the middle a 
rich diamond, were put upon her finger ; they kneel together, and 
many prayers said over them, she tarrieth out the mass, and be 
taketh a kiss, and leaveth her there, and went to her chamber, 
whither within a space she followeth ; and being required , accord- 
ing to the solemnity, to cast off her cares, and leave aside those 
sorrowful garments, and give herself to a more pleasant life, after 
some pretty refusall, more I beUeve for manner sake than grief of 
heart, she suffered them that stood by, every man that could ap- 
proach, to take out a pin ; and so being committed to her ladies, 
changed her garments, but went not to bed, to signify to the world 
that it was not lust that moved them to marry, but only the necea- 
nity of her country, not, if God will, long to leave it destitute of an 
heir. Suspicious men, or such as are given of all things to mkkt 

Co Ogle 


the worst, w<m]d that it should be believed, that they Imev each 
other before that they came their ; I would not your lordship should 
BO believe it, the likelihoods are so great to the coutrary, that if it 
were possible to see such ao act done, I would not beL^ve it. After 
the marria^ followeth commonly great cheer and dancing : to their 
dinner they were conveyed by the whole nobility ; the trumpets 
sound; a largess cried; money thrown about the house in great 
abundance, to such as were happy to get any part ; they dine both 
at one table, ahe upon the upper band, there serve her these earls, 
Athole sewer, Morton carver, Cranfoord cup-beaier ; these serve 
him in like offices. Earls Eglington, Cassels, and Glenc^m ; after 
^niier they danced awhile, and then retired diemselves till the hour 
of supper ; and as they dined so do they sup, some dancing there 
was, and so they go to bed ; of all this 1 have written to your lord- 
ship I am not oculatus testis, to this, but of the verity your lordship 
shall not need to doubt, howsoever I came by it ; I was sent for to 
have been at the supper, but like a currish oi uncourtly ^arle I re- 
fused to be there ; and yet that which your lordship may think might 
move me much, to have had the sight of my mistress, of whom these 
eighteen days by just account I got not a sight, I am my lord taken 
by all that sort as a very evil person, which in my heart I do weU 
allow, and like of myself the better, for yet can I not find either 
honest or good that liketh their doings. I leaveat this time further 
to trouble your lordship, craving pardon for my long silence, I have 
more ado than I am able to dischaige, I walk now more abroad by 
nigbt than by day, and the day too little to dischai^ myseV of that 
which I conceive, or receive in the night. As your lordship, I am 
sure, is partaker of such letters ai I write to Mr. Secretary, so that 
I trust that he shall be to this, to save me of a little labour, to write 
the same again, most humbly 1 take my leave at Edinburgh, ^ 
last day of July, 1565. 

No. XII. (Vol. I. p. 276.) 
Letter of the Earl of Bedford to the Honotirahle Sir JVilUam CecU, 

Knt. her Majat^s Principal Secretary, and one of her Highteti't 

Prity Council. 
16 of Sept. Aster my hearty commendations, this day at uoon 

*'**5."^"" captain Brickwell came hither, who brought with him the 
pet Office, ^ , , , ' . . , ° , „ . . 

from ibe queen s majesty s letters containing her full resolution, 
otipnal. and pleasure for all things he had in charge to give in- 
formation of, saving that for the aid of the lords of the congr^ation 
there is nothing determined, or at the least espressed in the same 
letters, and for that purpose received 1 this morning, a letter sub- 
scribed by the duke, the earl of Murray, Gtencarne, and others, 


craving; to be holpea with 300 barquebusyers out of this garrison, 
for their better defence. And albeit I kaow right well the good- 
ness of their cause, and the queen's majesty our sorereign's good 
will and care towards them ; and do also undeTstand that it were 
very requisite to have them holpen, for that now their cause is to be 
in thia manner decided, and that it now standeth npon their utter 
overthrow and undoing, since the queen's party la at the least 5000, 
and they not much above 1000 ; besides that the queen hath 
harquebusyera, and they have none, and do yet want the power that 
the earl of Arguyle should bring to them, who is not yet joined with 
theirs ; I have thereupon thought good to pray you to be a. means 
to learn her majesty's pleasure in this behalf, what, and how, I 
shall answer them, or otherwise deal in this matter, now at thii 
their extreme necessity. For, on the one side, lyeth thereupon 
their utter ruin and overthrow, and the miserable aubveraion of re- 
tigion there; and, on the other aide, to adventure so great and 
weighty a matter as thia is, (albeit it be but of a few soldiers, for a 
small time,) without good warraunte, and thereby to bring, perad- 
venture, upon our heads some wilful warrs, and in the mean time 
to leave the place unfurnished, (having in the whole but 800,) with- 
out any grant of new supply for the same ; and by that means also 
to leave the marches here the more subject to invasion, While in the 
mean season new helps are preparing ; to this know not I what to 
say or how to do. And so much more I marvel thereof, as that 
having so many times written touching this matter, no resolute de- 
termination Cometh. And so between the writing and looking for 
answer, the occasion cannot pass, but must needs proceed and have 
■uccesa. God turn it to hia glory ; but surely all men's reason 
hath great cause to fear it. Such a puah it is now come unto, as 
this little supply would do much good to advance Ood's honour, to 
continue her majesty's great and careful memory of tbera, and to 
preserve a great many noblemen and gentlemen. If it be not vow 
helpeu it ia gone for ever. Your good will and affection that way 
I do notlung mistrust, and herein shall takesuch good advice as by 
any means I can. 1 received from these lords two papers inclosed, 
the effect whereof shall appeal' unto you. For those matters that 
captain Brlckwell brought, 1 shall answer you by my next, and 
herewith send you two letters from Mr. Randolph, both received 
this day. By him you shall hear that the Proteatanla are retired 
from Edenborough, further off. So I hope your resolution for their 
aid shall come in time, if it come with speed, for that they wilt not 
now so presently need them ; and. so with my hearty thanks com- 
mit you 10 God. From Berwick, this 2d of Sept. 1565. 



No. XIII. (Vol. I. p. 276.) 

The Queen to the Earl of Bedford. 

ij Sept, Upon the advertisements lately received from you, with 
1566. P«- such other things as came alao from the lord Scrope aad 
per Office. TTioojas Randolph, and upon the whole matter well consi- 
dered, we have thus determined. We will, with all the speed that 
we can, send to you 30001. to be thus used. If you flhfdl certainly 
understand that the earl of Murray hath such want of money, as the 
impresting to him of lOOOl. might stand him in stead for the help to 
defend himself, you shall presently let him secretly to understand, 
that you will, as of yourself, let him have so much, and so we will 
that you let him have, in the most secret sort that you can, when 
the said sum shall come to you, or if you can, by any good means, 
advance him some part thereof beforehand. 

The other 20001. you shall cause to be kept whole, unspent, if it be 
not that you shall see necessary cause to imprest some part thereof 
to the now numbers of the 600 footmen and lOOhorsemen; or to 
the casting out of wages of sucb workmen, as by sickness, or other- 
wise, ought to be discharged. And where we perceive, by your 
sundry letters, the earnest request of the said earl of Murray and bis 
associates, that they might have at the least 300 of our soldiers to 
aid them ; and that you also write, that tho' we would not com- 
mand you to give them aid, yet if we would hut wink at your doing; 
herein, and seem to blame you for attempting such things, as you 
with the help of others should bring about, you doubt not hut things 
would do well; you shall understand for a truth, that we have no 
intention, for many respects, to maintain any other prince's sub- 
jects to take arms against their sovereign ; neither would we will- 
ingly do any thing to give occasion to make wars betwixt us and 
that prince, which has caused us to forbear, hitherto, to give yo« 
any power to let them be aided with any men. But now, consider- 
ing we take it that they are pursued, notwithstanding tbeir humble 
submission and offer to be ordered and tried by law and justice, 
which being refused to them, they are retired to Dumfrese, a place 
near our west marches, as it seemeth there to defend themselves, 
and adding thereunto the good intention that presently the French 
king pretendeth, by sending one of his to join with some one of ours, 
and jointly to treat with that queen, and to induce her to forbear 
this manner of violent and rigorous proceeding against her sub- 
jects, for which purpose the French ambassador here with us has 
lately written to that queen, whereof answer is daily looked for ; to 
the intent in the mean time the said lords should not be oppressed 
and ruined for lack of some help to defend them, we are content 


and do atidiorize, if you shall see it necessary for their defencei to 
let tliem (as of your own adventure^ and without notifying that you 
have any direction therein from ua) to have the pumber of 300 sol- 
diers, to be taken, either in whole bands, or to be drawn outof all 
your bands, as you shall see cause- And to cover the matter the 
better, you shall send these numbers to Carlisle, as to be laid there 
in garrison, to defend that march, now in this time that audi powers 
are on the other part drawing to those frontiers, and so from thence, 
as you shall see cause to direct of, the same numbers, or any of 
them, may most covertly repair to the said lords, when you shall 
expressly advertize that you send them that aid Mily for their de- 
fence, and not therewith to make war against the queen, or to do 
any thing that may offend her person; wherein you shall so pre- 
daely deal with them, that they may perceive your care to be suoh 
as, if it should otherwise appear, your danger should be so great, 
as all the friends you have could not be able to save yon towwds 
ua. And so we assure you our ctHiscience moveth us to charge 
you so to proceed with them ; for otherwise than to preserve them 
from ruin, we do not yield to give ihem aid of money or men : 
And yet we would not that either of these were known to be our 
act, but rather to be covered with your own desire and attempt. 

No. XIV. (Vol. I. p. 284.) 
Randolph to Cecil, from Edit^rgh, Ifk Feb. 1 565-6. 
An ori- My humble duty conaidered ; what to wiite of the pre- 

euwt. ggnt state of the country lam so uncertain, by reason of 
the daily alterations ofmeu'sminds, that it maketh me much slower 
than otherwise 1 would. Within these few days there was some 
good hope, that this queen would have shewed some favour towards 
the lords, and that Robert Melvin should have returned unto them 
with comfort upon some conditions. Since that time, there are 
come out of France Clemau by land, and Thometon by sea t the 
one from the cardinal, the other fnuntheitbhop of Glasgow. Since 
whose arrival neither can there be good word gotten, nor appeu- 
aace of any good intended them, except that they be able to per- 
swade the queen's majesty, our sovereign, to make her heir appa- 
rent to the crouD of England. I write of this nothing less than 
I know that she hath spoken. And by all means that she thinketh 
the best doth travaile to bring it to pass. There is a band lately 
devised, in which the late pope, the emperor, the king of Spain, 
tite dnke of Savoy, with divers princes of Itfdy, and the queen-mo- 
ther suspected to be of the same confederacy to maintain Papistry 
throughout Christiandom ; this band was sent out of France by 
Thometon, and is subscribed by this queen, die copy thereof re- 
maining with her, and the principal to be returned very ahortlie, as 


I hear, by Mr. Stephen Willson, a fit minister for sacb a devilish 
devise; if the coppie hereof may be gotten, that shall be sent as I 
conveniently may. Monsieur RamboUet came to this toun upon 
Monday, he spoke that night to the queen and her husband, but 
not long; the next day be held long conferences with tliem both, 
hut nothing came to the knowledge of any whereof they intreated. 
I cannot speai with any that hath any hope that there will he any 
good done for the lords by him, though it is said that he hath very 
good will to do so to the uttermost of his power. He is lodged 
near to the court, and liveth upon the queen's charges. Upoa 
Sunday the order is given, whereat means made to many to be pre- 
sent that day at the mass. Upon Candlemas-day there carried 
their candles, with the queen, her husband, the earle of Lennox, 
and earle Athol ; divers other lords have been called together and 
required to be at the mass that day, some have promised, as Cassels, 
Montgomerie, Seton, Cathness. Others have refused, as Fleming, 
Levingston, Lindsay, Huntly, and Bothel ; and of them all Bothel 
is the stoutest, but worst thought of ; it was moved in council that 
mass should have been in St. Giles church, which I believe was ra- 
ther to tempt men's minds, than intended indeed : she was of late 
minded again to send Robert Melvin to negotiate with such as she 
trusteth in amongst the queen's majesty's subjects, of whose good 
willis this way I trust that the bruit is greater than the truth, but in 
these matters, her majesty is too vrise not in time to be ware, and 
provide for the worst; some in that country are thought to be privie 
unto the bands and confederacie of which I have written, whereof I 
am sure there is some things, tho' perchance of all I have not heard 
the truth ; in this court divers quarles, contentions, and debates, 
nothing so much sought as to maintain mischief and disorder. 
David yet retaineth still his place, not without heart-grief to many, 
that see their sovereign guided chiefly by such a fellow ; the queen 
hath utterly refused to do any good to my lord of Argyll, and it is 
said that shall be the first voyage that she will make after she is 
delivered of being with child ; the bruit is common that she is, but 
hardly believed of many, and of this, I can assure you, that there 
have of late appeared some tokens to the contrary. 

No. XV. (Vol. I. p. 291.) 

Part of a Letter from the Earl of Bedford and Mr. TAo. Rando^ to 
the Lords of the CouacU of England from Banuick, 27ti of March 
1566. An Origiiud in tht Cotton. Libraru, CaHguia, b. 10. fd. 
Hay it please your honours, 

srHucb, Heeiino of so maynie matters as we do, and fyndinge 
1556. juch varietie in the reports, we have myche ado to deceme 


the veritie ; which maketh us the slower and loother to put any 
thing in wry tinge to the entente we wold not that your honouTs, and 
by you the queen's majestie, our soveteigne, thould not be adver- 
tised but of the verie trothe as we can possible. To this end we 
thought good to send up capttun Carewe, who was in Edinbourge 
at the tyme of the last attetnptate, who spoke there with diverse, 
and after that with the queen's self and her husband, conforme to 
that, which we have learned by others and know by this reports, 
we send the same, confirmed by the parties self, that were there 
present and assysters unto these that were executors of the acte. 

This we fynde for certain, that the queen's husband being entered 
into a vehement suspicion of David, that by hym some thynge was 
committed, which was most agaynste the queen's honour, and not 
to be borne of his perte, fyrste communicated hia mynde to Geoi^ 
Duglas, who fynding his sorrowes so great sought all the means he 
coulde to put some remedie to his grieff; and communicating the 
•atne unto my lord Ruthen by the king's commandment, no other 
waye coulde be found then that David should be taken oat of the 
waye. Wherein he was so earnest and daylye pressed the same, 
that no Teste could be had untyll it was put in execution. To this 
that was found good, that the lord Morton, and lord Lindsaye should 
be made privie to th' intente, that theie might have their friends at 
hande, yf ueade required; which caused them to assemble so may- 
ny, as theie thought sufficient against the tyme, that this determi- 
nation of theirs should be put in executione; which was determined' 
the ixth of this instante 3 diues afore the parliament should begyne, 
at which time the sayde lordes were assured that the erles Argyle, 
Morraye, Rothes and their complyces sholde have been forfeited, yf 
the king could not ^e persuaded through this means to be their 
friends : who for the desyre he hade that this intent should take 
edect th' one waye was contente to yielde, without all difficultie to 
t'other, with this condition, that theie should give their consents, 
that he might have the crowne matrimonial. He was so impatient 
to see these things he saw, and were daylye brought to his eares, 
that he dayly pressed the sud Lord Ruthen, that there might be no 
longer delaye ; and to the intent that myght be manifeste unto the 
world that he approved the acte, was content to be at the doing of 
that himself. 

Upon Saturdaye at night, neire unto viii of the clock, the king 
conveyeth himself, the lord Ruthen, Geoi^ Duglass, and two 
others, throve his owne chamber by the privy stayers up to the 
queen's chamber, going to which there is a cabinet about xii foot 
square ; in the same a little low reposing bed and a table, at the 
which theyr were sitting at the supper the queene, the lady Argile, 
and David with his capp upon his head. Into t^e cabinet tiiere 

Co Ogle 


coraeth in the king and lotd Ruthen, who willed David to come 
forth, sayii^, that was no place for bim. The queen said, th«t it 
was her will. Her howsband answeicde, thet y' was against her 
honour. The lord Ruthen said, that Ke should leme better his du- 
tie, and o&ring to have taken him by the arm, David took the 
(joeen by the blychtes of her gown and put himself behind the 
queen who wolde giadlee have saved him ; but the king having 
loosed his hand, and holding her in his arms, David was thrust out 
of the cabinet throw the bed-chamber into the chamber of presens, 
whar were the lord Morton, lord Undsey, who inteodiog that night 
to have reserved htm, end die next day to hang him, so many 
bstng about him, that bore him evil will, one thrtiBt him into the 
boddie with a dagger, and ^er him a great many others, so that be 
had in his bodie above woods. It i> told for certayne, that the 
kioges own dagger was left sticking in him. Wheather he stack 
hiin or not We cannot here for certayn. He was not slayne in tjie 
queen's presens, as was said, bat going down the stayres out of the 
(Camber of presens. 

There remained a long tyme with the queen her howsband and 
the lord Ruthen. She made, as we here, great interceasioa that he 
Aold have no harm^. She btamed greatlee her bowsbaad that was 
the actor of so foul a deed. It is said that he did answer, that 
David had more companie of her boddie then be foi the space of 
two months ; and therefore for her honour and his own content- 
ment he gave his consent that he shonld be taken away. " It is 
not" (saytlie she) " the woman's part to seek fte hosband," and 
ther^ore in that the fault was his own. He said that when he 
came, she either wold not or made herse)f sick, " Well," saythe 
she, " yon have taken your last of me and your ftirewell." Then 
were pity, Sayth the lord Ruthen, he is your majesty's husband 
and must yield dutie to each other. ** Why may I not," saythe 
she, " leave him as well as your wife Aid her huibaitd ? Other 
hove dobfethe like." llie lord Ruthen satd that ahe was lawfirily 
drvoKed from h«r hosband, and fbr no such cause as the king fonnd 
himself greve. Sesydes this man Was mean, basse, enemie to the 
nobility, shame to her, and destruction fo herself and countiy. 
" Well," sftith she, " thai shall be dear blode to some of you, yf 
his be spylt." God forbid, sayth the lord Ruthen ; for the more 
your grace showe yourself offended, the world will judge the 

Her husband this time speaketh litle, herself continually weep- 
4th. The lord Ruthen being ill at ease and weak calleth for a 
dtink, and saythe, " This I must do with your majesties pardori," 
and persuadeth her in the best sort he could, that she would 
^cify herself. Nodiing that could be sud could pleue her. 



In diia meao time tbere rose a nombre in the court; to pacify 
which there went dovn the lord Rutbeo', who went strayt to the 
erlea Huntly, Bothwell, and Atholl, to quiet them, and to assure 
them for the king that nothing was intend against them. These 
not withstanding taking fear, when theie heard that my lord of Mur- 
ray wou)d be there the next day, and Argile meet them, Huntly and 
Bothwell both get out of a window and so depart. Atholl had leave 
of the king widi Flysh and Otandores (who was lately called Deys- 
ley the person of Owne) to go where they wold, and bring concorde 
out of the court by the lord of Lidington. Theie went that night 
to such places where they thought themselves in most lauftie. 

Before the king leaft talk with the queen, in the hering of the 
lord Ruthen she was contents that he shold lie with her that night. 
We know not how he * * himself, but came not at her, and ex- 
cused bymself to his friends, that he was so sleepie, that he could 
not wake in due season. 

There were in this companie two that came in with the king ; 
the one Andrewe Car of Fawdenside, whom the queen sayth would 
have stroken her with a dagger, and one Patrick Balentine, bro> 
ther to the justice-clerk, who also, her grace sayth, offered a dag 
against her belly with the cock down. We have been earnestly in 
band with the lord Ruthen to know the varitie ; but he assoureth 
us of the contrarie. There were In die queen's chamber the lord 
Robert, Arthur Arskin, one or two others. They at the first offerr 
ing to make a defence, the lord Ruthen drawd his dagger, and 4 
mo weapons then, that were not drawn nor seen in her presens, as 
we are by this lord assured. 

[The letter afterward gives an account of the flight to Dunbar 
castle, whither resorted unto the lords Huntly and Bothwell : That 
the earl of Mort&n and lord Authven find themselves left by the 
king for all hie fair promises, bonds, and subscriptions. That he 
had protested before the council, that he was never consenting to 
the death of David, and that it is sore against his will : " That of 
the great substance David had there is much spoken, some say in 
gold to the value of ll'f. . His apparel was very good, as it is 
said, 28 pair of velvet hose. His chamber well furnished, armour, 
dag^r, pyiUoletts, harquebuses, 22 swords. Of all this nothing 
■poyld or lacked saving 2 or 3 di^gen. He had the custody of aH 
the queen's letters, which all were delivered unlooked upon. We 
hear of a juill, that he had hanging about his neck of some price, 
that oannotbe heard of. He had upon bis back when he was slayn, 
a night gown of damuk furred, with a satten dublet, a hose of ms- 
let velvet."] 



No. XVI. (Vol. I. p. 298.) 

Part of a Utter from Randolph to Cecil, Jan. 16, 1565-6. 

1 CAMNOT tell what miHtiking of late there b&tti been be- 

tw n her grace and her husband, he presseth earnestly for die 
matrimonial crown, wKich she iB loth baatJly to ^rant, but nilling 
to keep somewhat in store, until she know bow well he is worth to 
enjoy sucb a soveieigot; ; and therefore it ig thought that the par- 
liament for a time shall be deferred, but hereof I can write no cer- 

From Mr. Randolph's Letter to Steretary Cecil, 

*j*P'*' The justice-clerk in hard terms, more for his bro- 

perOffice^ ther's canse than any desert, and as far as 1 can hear the 
Froni the king; of all other in worst, for neither hath the queen good 
origii . opinion of him for attempting of any thing that was against 
her will, nor the people that he hath denied so manifest a matter, 
being proved to be done by his commandmebt, and now himself to 
be the accuser and pursuer of them that did as he willed them. 
This Scott, that was executed, and Murray that was yesterday ar- 
reigned, were both accused by him. It is written to me, for cer- 
tain, by one that upon Monday last spoke with the queen, that she 
is determined that the house of Lennox shall be as poor in Scot- 
land as ever it was. The earl continueth sick, sore troubled in 
mind ; he staith in the abby, his son has been once with him, and 
he once with the queen, since she came to the castle. The queen 
hath now seen all the covenants and bands that passed between the 
king and the lords, and now findeth that bis declaration, before 
her and council, of his innocency of the death of David, was false ; 
ftnd grievously ofiended that, by their means, he should seek to 
come to the crown matrimonial. - 

Part of a Letter from Randolph to CeeU, fi-om Berwick, 25th April, 

— ;— Thekb is continually very much speech of the discord between 
the queen and her husband, so fer that, that is commonly said and 
believed of himself, that Mr. James Thornton is gone to Rome to sue 
for a divorce between them. It is very certain that Malevasier had 
not spoken with him within these three days. He is neither ac- 
company 'd nor looked upon of any nobleman : attended upon by 
certain of his own servants, and six or seven of the guard ; at li- 
berty to do, and go where and what he will, they have no hope 
yet among themselves of quietness. 

— — David's brother, named Joseph, who came this way with 



Malevuier, onknowii to any man here, is become secretary in his 
brother's f\wx. 

No. XVII. (Vol. I. p. 302.) 
7%e Earl of Bedford to Cecil, 3d August, 1566. 
The queea and her husband agree after the old manner, or 
rather worse. She eateth but very seldom with him, lieth not, nor 
keepeth company with him, nor loveth any such as love him. He 
is 80 far out of her books, as at her going' out of the castle of Edin- 
burgh, to remove abroad, he knew nothing thereof. It cannot for 
modesty, nor with the honour of a queen, be reported what she 
said of him. One Hickman, an English merchant there, having a 
water spaniel, which was very good, gave him to Mr. James Mel- 
vil, who afterward, for the pleasure which he saw the king have 
in such kind of dogs, gave him to the king. The queen therenpos 
fell marvellously out with Melvil, and called him dissembler and 
flatterer, and said she could not trust one, who would give any 
thing to such a one as she loved not. 

Tke Earl of Bedford to Cecil, Aug. 8. 
The disagreement between the queen and her husband conti- 
nueth, or rather increaseth. Robert Melvill drawing homewarda, 
within twelve miles of Edinburgh, could not tell where to find the 
queen ; sith which time she is come to Edinburgh, and had not 
twelve horses attending on her. There was not then, nor that I 
can bear of since, any lord, baron, or other nobleman in her com- 
pany. The king her husband is gone to Dubifermling, and passeth 
his time as well as he may ; having at his farewell such counte- 
nance as would make a husband heavy at the heart. 

Sir Join Fonler to Cecil, Stk Sept. from Berwick. 
The queen hath her husband in small estimation, and the earl of 
Lennox came not in the queen's sight since the death of Davy. 

Sir John Foriter to Cecil, llth Dec. 
The earl of Bothwell ia appointed to receive the ambassadors, and 
all thmgs for the christening are at his lordship's appointment, and 
the same is scarcely well liked of the nobility, as is said. The king 
and queen is presently at CiaigmiDar, but in little greater familiarity 
than he was all the while past. 

Advertiaementt out of Scotland from the Earl of Bedford. 
Angoit That the king and queen agreed well together two days 

1566. p«. after her coming from , and after my lord of Murray's 

^^ Q^ ' coming to Edinburgh, some new discord baa happened, 
i^pntl. The queen hath declared to my lord of Murray that the 



Lin^ bean hira evil will, and has said to her that he is determioed 
to kill bim, finding fault that she doth bear him so much company : 
and in like manner hath willed my lord of Murray to spiere it at the 
king, which he did a few nights since in the queen's presence, and 
in the hearing of divers. The king confessed, that reports were 
made to him, that my lord of Murray was not his friend, which made 
him speak that thing he repented ; and the queen affirmed, that the 
king had spoken such words unto her, and confessed before the 
whole house, that she could not be content that either he or any 
other should be unfriend to my lord of Murray. My lord of Mur- 
ray enquired the same stoutly, and used his speech very modestly, 
in the mean time the king departed very grieved ; he cannot bear 
that the queen should use familiarity either with man or woman, and 
especially the ladies of Arguile, Murray, and Marre, who keep 
moat company with her. My lord of Murray and Bothwell have 
been at evil words for the L. of Ledington, before the queen, for he 
and Sir James Balfoure had new come from Ledington, with his 
answer upon such heads or articles as Bothwell and he should 
agree upon, which being reported to the said earl in the queen's 
presence, made answer, that ere he parted with such lands as was 
desired, he should part with his life. My lord of Murray said 
stoutly to him, that twenty as honest men as he should lose their 
lives ere he reafte Ledington. Theqneen spake nothing, but heard 
both ; in these terms they parted, and since, that 1 hear of, have 
not met. The queen after her hunting came to Edinburgh, and car- 
ryeth the prince thence to Stirling with her. This last Saturday was 
executed a servant of the lord Ruthven's, who confessed that he 
was in the cabinet, but not of council of the fact. The queen hath 
also opened to my lord of Murray, that money was sent from the 
pope, how much it was, and by whom, and for what purpose itwas 

No. XVIII. (Vol. I. p. 314.) 

Part of a I^etter from EUzabeli to Mary, Feb. 20, 1569. A cojy 

inlerlined by Cecil. It contains an antwcr to a complaimKg Letter of 
Mary's upon the imprisoning of the Bishop of Ross. 

A^TER this [i. e. Mary's landing in Scotland] howpatiently 

did I bear with many vain delays in not ratifying the treaty accorded 
by your own commissioners, whereby I received no small unkind- 
ness, beEides the manifold causes of suspicion that 1 might not 
hereafter trust to any writings. Then followed a hard manner of 
deahng with me, to intice my subject and near kinaman, the lord 
Pamly, under colour of private suits for land, to come into the 
realm, to proceed in treaty of marriage with him without my know- 
ledge, yea te conclude the same without my assent or liking.. And 


bow many unkhid parts accompany'd diat fact, by receiving of tny 
snfajects that were base ninnagates and<offenderg at borne, and en- 
bansin^ tkem to places of credit against my will, mlh many sucb 
like, I will leave, for that the remembrance of the same cannot but 
be Doysome to yon. And yet alt these did I as it were suppress and 
overcome with my natural inclinatioa of lore towards yon ; and did 
l^rward gladly," as you know, christen your Son, the child of my 
said kinsman, that bad before so unloyally o&ended me, both in mar- 
riage erf' you, and in other undntiiiil usages towards me his lOTereign. 
How friendly also dealt 1 by messages to reconcite him, being your 
fausfaand, to you, when oUiers Bonrisbed discord betwixt yon, who 
as it seemed had more power to work their purposes, being evil to 
you both, than 1 had to do you good, in respect of the evil 1 had 
received. Well I will overpass your hard accidents that followed 
fiir lack of following my council. And then in your most eslremity, 
when you was a prisoner indeed and in danger of your life from 
your notorious evil willers, how far from my mind was the remem- 
brance of any former unkindness you had shewed me. Nay, how 
void was I of respect to the designs which the world had seen at- 
tempted by you to my crown, and the security that might have en- 
sued to my stale by your death, when 1 finding your calamity to be 
great, that you were at the pit's brink to have miserably lost your 
life, did not only intreat for your life, but so tbreatned some as were 
irritated agunst you, that I only may say it, even I was the princi- 
pal cause to save your life. 

No. XIX. (Vol. I. p. 329.) 

Letter of Q. Elizabeth to Q. of Scots. Thus marked on the back with 
Ceeifs hand. — Copia laterantm Regta Majestatis ad Re^nam Scoto- 
Paper Madaue, vous ayant trop molest^ par Crocq,je 

Office. n'eusse eu si peu de consideration de vous fascher de cette 
lettre, si les liens de charity vers les ruinez, et les prieres des miae- 
rables ne m'y contraignassent. Je entena que un edit a ^t^ divulgu6 
de par vous, madame, que uiig chascun, que veult justifier que oiu 
est£ les meurtriers de votre feu man, et mon feu cousin, vienneat a 
le faire le xiime de ce mois. La quelle chose, comroe c'est plus 
honorable et necessaire, qui en tel cas se pourra faire, ne y estant 
cacb^ quelque mlstere ou finesse, ainsi le pere et amis du mortgen- 
telbomme m'ont humbl(;ment requis, que je vous priasse deprolou- 
gue le jour, pour ce qu'iLe cognoissent que les iniques se sont com- 
bines par force de faiie ce que par droict ils ne pourront pas faire ; 
partant, je ne puis mais sinon pour I'amour de vous meme, a qui il 
touche le [Jas, et pour la consolation des innocens, de vous ezhorm 



le leur conceder cette requeste, laquelle, si elle les seroit ale, vnus 
tourneroit grandemeDt en (oupcon, de plus que j'espere ne pensez, 
et qai ae voudriez volontierg ouyr. Pour Tamour de Dieu, ma- 
dame, use£ de telle sincerite & prudence en ce ctva qui vos tonche 
de si pres, qui tout le monde aye raison, de tous linec comme in- 
nocente d'ung ciime si enonne, cliose que si ne fistes, seriez digiie- 
ment esbloye hors de rancz de princeBses, & nan sans cause faite 
opprobre du vulgaJre, et plutot que cela rous avienne, je tous soO' 
haiterois une sepulture honorable, qu'une vie macule6 ; tous voiez 
madame, qui je vous traite comme ma fille, et vous pronets, que si 
j'en eusse, ne luy Boubaiterois mieulx, que Je vous desire, comme le 
seigneur Dieu me porte testnoignage, a qui je prie de bon cteur de 
vous inspirer a faire ce qui vous sera plus a honneur, et a vos amis 
plus de GOUEolation, avec mes tres cordialles recommeodatioos 
comme a icelle a qui se aouhaite le pluB de bien, qui vous pourra 
en ce monde avenir. De West, ce 8 jour de Janvier ' en baste. 

No. XX. (Vol. I. p. 340.) 

Account of the sentence of divorce between fke Earl of BothvxU and 
Lad^ Jean Gordon hU nrife. From a manuscript belonging to Mr. 
David Falconer, advocate. Fol. 455. 

UpouN the 29 of Apryle 1567, before the richt hou. Mr. Robert 
Maitland, dean of Aberdeoe,Mr. Edward Henryson, doctor id the 
laws, two of the senators of the college of justice, Mr. Clement Lit- 
tle, and Mr. Alexander Syme, advocattis, commissers of Edin^; 
compeered Mr. Henry Kinrosse, procurator for Jean Gourdonne 
countess of Bothwdl, constitute be her for pur&ewing of ane proces 
of divorcement intendit by her contra James erle Bothwel her hus- 
band for adultry, committed be him with Bessie Crawfurde, the 
pursuer's servant for the time; and sicklyke, for the said erie, com- 
peared Mr. Edmond Hay, who efter he had pursued and craved 
the pursuer's procurator's oath de calumnia, if he had just caus to 
pursew the said action, and obtained it, denyed the libell, and the 
said Mr. Harrie took the mome, the last day of Apryle, to prove 
the same pro prima. The quhilk day, having produced some wit- 
nesses, he took the next day, being the 1 of May, to do farther di- 
ligence. Upon the quhilk I of May, he produced some moe wit- 
nesses, and renounced farther probaUoune. After quhilk, he de- 
sired a term to be assigned to pronounce sentence. To whom the 
said commissars assigned Satterday next, the 3 of May, to pro- 
nounce sentence therein, secundum alegata et probata, quilk ac- 
cordingly was given that day in favour of the pursewar. 

■■ A miatake iu ibe dale cocrecled willi Cttii't buid VIII° Apiilia. 

r,3ri7.-i^.! Google 


At the same time there was another proces intendit be the ert 
of Bothwell contr his lady, for to have their marriage declared nnl, 
as being contracted against the canons, without a dispensation, and 
he and his lady being within degrees defendand, viz. ferdis a kin, 
and that wyse for expeaing of this pioces, there was a commis- 
Moane grantJt to the archbishop of St. Androis to cognosce and de- 
termine it, and Ro'. bishop of Dunkeld, William bishop of Dnn- 
blaue, ftir. Andro Crauftird chanon in Glasgow and parson of Egel- 
shame, Mr. Alexander Creichtoun, and Mr. Qeorge Cooke, chan- 
cellor of Dunkeld, and to Mr. Johne Manderstoune, chanon in Dun- 
bar and prebendar of Beltoune, or any ane of them. This commis- 
sione is datit 27th Aprile 1567, was presented to two of the saids 
commissioners, viz. Mr. And'. Crawfurd and Mr. John Manders- 
toune on Satterday 3 May, by Mr. Thomas Hepbume parson of 
Anldhamstocks, procurator for the erle of Bothwell, who accepted 
the delegatioune, and gave out their citation by precept, directed 
Decano Christianitatis de Hadingtoune, nee non vicario sen curato 
eccle. parochiffi de Creichtoune, seu cuicunq ; alteri cappellano de- 
bit! requisitis, for summoning, at the said erle's instance, both of 
the lady personally if she could be had, or otherways at the parosche 
kerk of Creichtoune the time of service, or at her dwelling place 
before witnesses, primo, secundo, tertio et peremptorie, unico tamen 
contextu protuplice edicto. And likeways to be witnesses in the 
said matter, Alex, bishop of Galloway, who did marry the said erle 
and his lady in Halenid-hous kirk, in Feb. 1565, sir John Ban- 
natyne of Auchnole, justice clerk, Mr. Robert Creichtoun of ElUok, 
the queen's advocate, Mr. David Chalmers, provost of Creichtoun 
and chancellor of Ross, Michael ^^ — -, abbot of Melross, and to com- 
pear before the said judges or any one of them in St. Geil's kirk in 
■Ed' on Monday the 5 of May, be thamselves, or their procurators. 
Upon the said 5 day, Mr. John Manderstoun, one of the judge's 
delegat only being present, compeared the same procurators for 
both the parties that were in the former proces, Mr. Edmund Hay 
Two matit ( articulatlie ) and some of the witnessei 

rentheiiT summoned produced, and received for proving the same, 
illi^ble. The said procurator renounced farder probatioune, and the 
judge assigned the morne, the 6th of May, ad publicandum pro- 
ducta, nempe depositiones ipsorum lestinm. The quhilk day, post 
publicatas, deposidones pnedictas, Mr. Hen. Kinrosse, procurator 
for the lady instanter objecit objectiones juris generaliter, contra 
producta, insuper renunciavit ulteriori defensioni ; proiude conclusa 
de consensu procuratorum hincinde causa, judex prtedictus statuit 
crastinum diem pro termina, ad pronunciandum suam sententiam 
definitivam, ex deductis coram eo, in piKsenti causa et processu. 
Conform berenato, on Wednesday the 7th of May, the said judg^ 


gave out bi> Benlence in favour of tbe erie, declaring the nisrriage 
b> be, and to have been null from the beginning, in respect of their 
contingence in blood, which hindered theii lawful marnage without 
a i^spensation obttined of befoir. 

No. XXI. (Vol. I. p. 343.) 

A Letter from England concerning the Murder of King Henry Damley. 
E. ot Uor- Having the commodity of this bearer Mr. Claric, I 
ch?ei ^^^ good to write a few words unto you. I have rec* 
Baiidle B. sotne writs from you, and some I have seen lately sent to 
No. S5, others from you, as namely to the earl of Bedford of 
the 16tb of May. I have participat the contents thereof to such 
as I thought meet, this mekle I .can assure you ; the intelligence 
given hithere by the French was untrue, for there was not one Pa- 
pist nor Protestant which did not consent that justice should be 
done, he the queen my sov°* aid and support, against such as had 
comnuUed that abominable ill murder in your country; but to say 
truth, the lack and coldness did not rise from such as were called 
to council, but from, such as should give life and execution there- 
unto. And further, I assure you, I never knew no matter of estate 
proponed which had so many favourers of all sorts of nations as 
this had: yea, I can say unto you, no man promoted the matter 
with greater affection, than the Spanish ambassador. And sure I 
am that no man dare op^y be of any other mind, but to affirm that 
whosoever is guilty of this murder, handfasted with advoutre, is un- 
worthy to live. I shall not need to tell you, which be our letts, and 
Btayes from all good things here. You are acquainted with diem 
as well as I. Neds i must confess, that howsoever we omit occa- 
, sions of benefit, honour, and surety ; it behoveth your whole nobi- 
lity, and namely such as before and af^r the murder were deemed 
to allow of Bodwell, to prosecute with sword and justice tbe punish- 
ment of those abominable acts, though we lend yon but a cold aid, 
and albeit you, and divers others, both honourable and honest> be 
well known to me, and sundry odiers here, to be justifiable In all 
their actions and doings ; yet think not the contrary but your whole 
nation is blemished and infamit by these doings which lately 
passed among you. What we shall do 1 know not, neither do I 
write onto you assuredly, for we be subject unto many mutationt, 
and yet I diink we shall either aid yon, or continue in the defence 
and safeguard of your prince, bo as it appear to ns that you mean 
his safeguard indeed, and not to run the fortune of France, which 
will be your own destruction if you be unadvised. I know not one, 
no not one of any quality or palate in this coactry, which does 
allow of the queen your sovereign, but would gladly the worid were 


rid of her, bo as the same were done without ferther slander, that is 
to say by ordinary justice. This I send the 23d of May- 

No. XXII. (Vol. I. p. 350.) 

Part of a Letter from Sir Nicolas Throkmortoa to Cecil, llthofJvlf 

1561, fiom Berwick. 
Anorigiiul. — SiR, your letter of the 6th of July, I received the 10th 
^i^pet Of- j^ Berwick. I am sorry to see that the queen's ujEyesty's 
disposition altereth not towards the lords, forwhen all is 
done, it is they which must stand her more in stead, than the queen 
her cousin, and will be better instruments to work some benefite 
and quietness to her majesty and her realm, than the queen of 
Scotland which is void of good fome. 

A Letter from Sir Nicolas Throkmorton to Cecil, frara FastcastU, 
Uth of July 1567. 

Paper Of- SiB, as yow might perceive by my letter of the llth 
^'=B' July, I lodged atFastcastle that night accompanyed with 

the lord Hume, the lord of Ledington, and James Melvin, where 
I was entreated very well according to the state of the place, which 
is fitter to lodge prisoners than folks at liberty, as it is very little, 
so it is very strong. By the conference I have had with the lord 
of Ledington, 1 find the lords his associates and he hath left nothing 
unthougHt of, which may be either to thir danger or work them 
suerty, wherein they do not forget what good and barme France may 
do them, and likewise they consider the same of England ; but as 
farr as I can perceive, to be plain with yow, they find more perril to 
grow unto them through the queen's majeety's dealing than either 
they do by the French, or by any contrary faction amongest them- 
kIvsb, for they assure themselves the queen will leave them in the 
bryers if they run her fortoun, and though they do acknowledge 
great beaefit as well to them, as to the realm of England by her 
majesty's doings at Leitb, whereof they say mutually her majesty 
and both the realms have received great fruit: yet upon other ac- 
cidents which have chanced since, they have observed such things 
in her majesty's doings as have ended to the danger of such as 
she hath dealt withal, to the overthrow of yonr own deaignments, 
and little to the eaerty of any party : and upon these considerations 
and discourses at lebgth, methinketh I find a disposition in them, 
that either they mind to make their bargain with France, or else do 
deal neither with France nor yow, but to do what they shall t^ink 
meet for their state and suerty, and to use their remedys as occa- 
tion shall move them ; meaning neither to irritate France nor Eng- 



land, uatill snch time as they have made their bargain assuredly 
with one of yow; for they think it convenient to proceed with yow 
botb for a while pan passu, for that was my lord of Ledington's 
terms. I do perceave they take the matter very unldndly, that no 
better answer is made to the letter, which the lords did send to 
her majesty, and lilcewise that they hear nothing from yow to their 
satisfaction, Ihave answered as well as I can, and have alledged their 
own proceedings so obscurely with the queen, and their uncertainty 
hath occationed this that is yet happened, and therefore her ma- 
jesty hath sent me to the end I may inform her throughly of the 
state of the matters, and upon the declaration of their minds and 
intents to such pnrposes as shall be by me proposed on her majesty's 
behalf unto them, Uiey shall be reasonably and resolutely answered. 
At these things the lord of Ledington smiled and shbok his head, 
and said it were better for us yow would let us alone, than neither 
to do us nor yourselves good, as I fear me in the end that w'dl 
prove : S', if ^ere be any truth in Ledington, Le Crocq is gone to 
procure Ramboilet his coming hither, or a man of like quality, and 
to deliver them of their queen for ever, who shall lead her life in 
France in an abbey repl used, the prince at the French devotiati, the 
realm governed by a council of their election of the Scottish nation, 
the forts committed to the custody of such as shall be chosen 
amongst themselves. As yet I find no great likelihood that I shall 
have access to the queen : it is objected they may not so displease 
the French king, unless they were sure to find the queen of England 
a good friend ; and when they once by my access to the queen have 
offended the French, then they say yow will make your, profit 
thereof to their undoing ; and as to the queen's liberty, which was 
the first head that I proposed, tJiey said that thereby they did per- 
ceive that the queen wants their undoing, for as for the rest of the 
matters it was but folly to talk of them, the liberty going before ; 
but said they, if you will do us no good, do us no harm, and we 
will provide for ourselves. In the end they said, we shdl refuse 
our own commodity, before they concluded with any other, which 
I should hearof at my comingtoBdin'.; by my next I hope to send 
yow the band concluded by Hamlltons, Argyll, Huntly, and that 
faction, not so much to the prejudice of the lords of Edin', as that 
which was sent into France. Thuahavirtg no moreleisure, but com- 
pelled to leap on horseback with the lords to go to Edin', I humbly 
takemy leave of from Fastcastle the 12th July 1567. 



To Sh Nkciat Throkmorton Sang m Scotland. By iie Queen, tie 
Trusty and well-beloved we greet you well ; though 
Bce^ ^^ tbiok tbat the cauees will often change upon variety 
of accidents, yet we think for sundry respects, not amiss, 
that as yow shall deal with the lords having charge of the young 
prince for the committing of him into our realm, so shall yow also 
do well, in treaty with the queen, to oSer her that where hei realm 
appeareth to be subject to sundry troubles from time to time, and 
thereby (as it is manifest) her son cannot be free, if she shall be 
contented that her son may enjoy suerty and quietness, within this 
our realm, bein^ so near as she Icnows it is ; we shall not faill to 
i^eld her as good suerty therein for her child, as can be devised for 
any that might be our child bom of our own body, and shall be 
glad to shew to her therein the trew effect of nature; and herein 
she may be by yow remembred how much good may ensue to her 
son to be nourished and acquainted with our country : and there- 
fore, all things considered, this occation for her child, were rather 
to be sought by her and the friends of him, 4han offered by us ; 
and to this end, we mean that yow shall so deal with her, both to 
stay her indeed &om inclining to the French practise, which is to 
us notorious, to convey her and the prince into France, and also to 
avoid any Just offence that she might hereafter conceive, if she 
should hear that we should deal with the lords for the prince. 

Sir Nkotat Throkmorton to Queen EUzabetA, Hth Jufy 1567, from 

An Otigi* It may please your majesty to be advertized, I did sig- 
»»'■ ^•- nifie unto Mr. Secretary, by my lettersof the 11th and 
**" * 12th of July, the day of mine entry into Scotland, the 
causes of my stay, my lod^ng at Fastcastle, a place of the lord 
Hume's where 1 was met by the said lord and by the lord Liding- 
ton, and what had passed in conference betwixt us, whitest I was at 
the sud Fastcastle. Since which time, accompanyed with the lords 
aforesaid, and with 400 horses by their appointment for my better 
conduct, I came to Edin'the ISth of this present. The 13th being 
Sunday appointed for a aolemne communion in this town, and also 
a solemne fast being pubhshed, I could not have conference with 
the lords which be assembled within this town, as I desired, that is 
to say, the earls of Athole and Morton, the lord Hume, the lord of 
Lidington, Sir James Balfour, captain of the castle, Mr. James 
M'Gill, and the president of the session. 
Neverthelias 1 made means by the lord of lidington that they 

TOt, 11. 2 A 

r,on7<-i.i Google 


would use na protracte of time in mine audience, so did I likewise 
tp the ear]e of Mwton, i^ion I fftet bf chance 1 I was answened by 
them both, that albeit the day wen d'l^ned to sacred exercises, 
such as were there of the council would consult upon any moyen 
touching my access unto them and my conference with them, apd 
said alto, diat in tfie afternoon either diey would come to me, or I 
should bear fran fhem. About 4 of the doclc in the afternoon, 
Ae said 13th day, Ae lord of LidingtoQ came to my lodging, and 
dedared unto me, on die beh^Jf of the lords sind others, that they 
leqaired me to hare patience, though diey had deSerred my con- 
ference with them, which was grounded principally upon the ab- 
sence of die earles of Mar and Glencairn, the lords Semple, Crigh- 
toD, and others of the council, saying also that they did consider 
the matters which I was on your behalf to treate with them of, 
were of great importance, as they could not satisfy nor conveuiently 
treate with me, nor give me answer without the advice of the 
lords, and otheis their associates ; the lord of Lidington also, said 
unto me, that where he perceived, by his private conference with - 
me in my joumy hitherwards, that I pressed greatly to have speedy 
access to the queen their sovereign, be perceived by the lords and 
others which were here, that in that matter there was great diffi- 
eoltjr for many respects, but specially because they had refused to 
the French ambassador the like access, which being granted unto 
me, might greatly offend the French, a matter which they desired 
and intended to eschew ; for they did not find by your m^esty's 
dealings with them hitherto, that it behoved them to irritate ihe 
French lung, and to lose his favour and good intelligence with 
iam. I answered, that as to their refusal made unto the Frencfa 
ambassador, Monsieur de Ville Roye was dispatched forth of 
France before these accidents here happened, and his ^dal errand 
was to impeach the queen's marriage with the eorle of Qotbtl (for 
so indeed since my coming hither I learned his commission tended 
to that end, and to make offer to the queen of another marriage) ; 
and at to Monsieur de Crocq, he could have so order forth of 
France concemiog these matters, since Uiey happened: and there- 
fore they might very well hold them suspected to haye.cwferenca 
with the queeu, least they might treate of matters in this time with- 
out instructions! and BO rather do harm then good;, but your ma- 
jesty being advertized of ali tbiugs which had chanced, had sent 
ine hither to treat with them, for the well of the realm : for the con-* 
versation of their honors and credit, and for their snerty ; uid I 
inight boldly say unto him, that your mpjesty had better deserved 
than the French had. He said, for his pwn part, be was much 
bound unto your majesty, and had always fouud great favour fod 
covtesy in England ; but tote plain with yoUt Sir, wyedh^tbeie 



ii not many of thu assembly that kgvB fonnd bo great obligiition 
at ihe qneen yout sovereigns hands, as at the French kings, for the 
earles of Morton and Glencaira be the only peTBont whlcfa took 
benefit by the queens majestys aid at Leith, the rest if the noble* 
men were not in the action; and we thiidE, said be, the queens 
iBigesty your sorereigB, by the opinion of her own council, and all 
the world, took as great benefit by tbat charge ae the realm of 
Scotland, or any particular pranon ; and not to talk with yow as an 
ambassador, but with Sir Nicholas Throkmortoii,.my lord Morton, 
and SBch as were in pain for the death of Davie, fonnd but eoM 
favour at the queens majestys hands, when the; were banish 'd forth 
of their own country ; but I would i^l our whole company were as 
Well wilUng to accomfrfish the queen your sovercigiis iiit«ntB an^ de- 
sires as I am ; for mine own part, I am but one, and that of l3ie 
meanest sort, amd they be msny noUemen, and such as have great 
interest in the matter ; msTy, yow shall be assured I will imploy 
mys^f to imploy my credit, and al) that I may do, to satisfie the 
qaeea yoot miatress, as mudi as lyeth in mc, and for your own 
part you hare a great many friends in this assembly-; with many 
other good woida. But for concliuion I must take this for an art- 
swer, to stay untill the other lords were come, and thereupon I 
thought meet to advertize your msjtaty what hath passed, and bow 
far forth is have proceeded : your «xpectatioa being great to hear 
from hence. 

And DOW to advertue yovi majesty of the state of all things, as 
1 harre kamed since my comiug hither, it ouy please your majesty 
to understand as f^knvetb. 

The queen of Scotland rBmoineth in good health in the castle of 
LocUevin, gnaoded by the lord Linsay and LocMeven, the ovmer of 
the boate; for the lord Huthven it issployed in another commissioB, 
bacanse be began to show great favour to the queen, and to giva 
her intelligcDCB. She is waited on vrith 5 or 6 ladys, 4 or 5 gentle- 
wfwea, and % cittmbererB, whereof one is a French woman, llhti 
earle of fiuchan, the earle Murray's brother, hath also liberty tv 
oome to her at his pleasure ; the lords aforesaid, whieh have her in 
guard, doe keep ber very straatly, and, as far as I can perceive, their 
rigour ptoceedeth by their order from these men, because that the 
qiteeu wiQ not by any means be induced tO' lend ber authority to 
prosecute the murder, noi will not consent by any penwasion tO' 
^MBdon the lordBolheU for her husband, but avowelh constantly 
4>at she will live and die with him ; and tai&t, that if it were put to 
her choice to relinquish her crown and kingdom, or the- lord BotheU* 
she would leave her kingdom and dignity, to go as a simple damsell 
with him, ud that she will never consent that he shall fare vots^ ■ 
Off have more harm than herself 

2 A 2 

r,o,:,7H:,yGoOglc , 


And, ai far as I can perceire, the principallcanie of her detention' 
ii, for that these lords do see the queen being of so ferrent afiection 
towards the earle Bothell as she is, and being put at, a> they abould 
be compelled to be in continnall arms, and to hare occasion of many 
battles, he being with manifest evidence notoriously detected^ be 
the principal! mnrdeTer, and the lords meaning prosecution of jns~ 
tice against him according to his merits. 

The lords mean also a dirgrce betwixt the queen and him, as a 
marriage not to be suffered for many respects, which separatioD 
cannot take place if the queen be at liberty, and have power in her 

They do not also forget their own perill, coiyoin'd with the dan- 
ger of the prince, but as for as I can perceave, they intend not 
dther to touch the queen in suerty or in honor, for they do speak 
of her with respect and reverence, and do affirm, as I do leam, that 
the conditioQB aforesaid accomplished, they will both put her to 
liberty, and restore her to her estate. • 

These lords have for the guard of their town 450 harqubushers 
which he in very good order, for the entertainment of whid) com- 
pasys, UQtill' all matters be coinpoimded, they did sue onto your 
majesty to aid them with such gum of money as hath been men- 
tioned to Mr. Secretary by the lord of Lidingtong writting, amount- 
ing as I perceive to ten or twelve thousand cronns of th» 

They were lately advertized that the French king doth mind to 
send hither Monsieur de la Chapell des Ursine, a knight of the 
French order, and always well affectionate to the house of Guyse; 
and howsoever La Forest, Villaroy, and Du Crocq have used lan- 
guage in the queens favour and to these lords disadvantage there, 
to your majesty; La Crbcq doth carry with him such matter as 
shall be little to the queen's advantage; so as it is thought the 
French king, upon his coming to his presence, will rather satiaSe 
the lords than pleasure the queen ; for they have their party so well 
made, as theFrench will rather make their profit by (hem, than any 
other way. 

Herewith I send your majesty the last bond agreed on, and signed 
by the Hamiltons, the earl of Argyll, Huntly, and sundry others, at 

Nevertheless, since my coming to this town, the Hamiltons have 
sent unto me a gentletiian of their surname, named Robert HamU- 
taa, with a letter from the bishop of SL Andrew's, and the abbot 
^f Arbroth, the copy whereof I send your majesty, and mine answer 
unto them, referring to fiie bearer the dedaralion of some things aa 
these did by him unto me. 

The earle of Argyll hath, in like manner, sent another unto me 
with a letter and credit; I have used him as I did the othem, the 


coppy of both which letters 1 send jour majesty also. The lord 
' Hairys hath also sent unto me but not written, and I have returned 
unto him in Uke sort. 

Against the 20th day of this month there is a generall assembly 
of all the churches, shires, and boroughs towns of this realm, namely 
of such as be contented to repair to these lords of this town, where 
it is thought the whole state of this matter will be handeled, and 
I fear me much to the queen's, disadvuitage and danger; uhtess 
the lord of Lidingtoo and some others which be best affected unto 
her do pronde some remedy ; for I perceave the great number, and 
■ in muiner all, but chiefly the common people, which have assisted 
in these doings, do greatly dishonout the, queen, and mind seriously 
^ther her deprivation, or her deitrucdon ; 1 used the best means 
I can {considering the furie of the world here) to prorogue this as- 
.sembly, for that appeareth to me to be the beat remedy ; I may not 
speak of dissolution of it, for that may not be abiden, and 1 should 
dineby bring my self into 'great hatred and pen!. The chiefest of 
the lords which be here present at this time dare not show bo much 
lenity to the queen as I think they could be contented, for fear of 
the rage of the people. The women be most hrious and impudent 
against the queen, and yet the men be mad enough; so as a stranger 
over busie may soon be niade a sacrifice amongst them. 

There was a great bruit that the Hamiltons with their adherents 
would put tbeir force into the fields against the 24th of this month, 
but I do not find that intent so tme as the common bruit goetb. 

The earle of Argyll is in the Highlands, where there is trouble 
among bis own countrymen. 

The earle of Lennox is by these lords much desired here, and I 
do believe your majesty may so use him, and direct him, as he shall 
be able to promote your purpose with these men. 

The earle of Argyll, the Hamiltons and he be incompatible. 

I do find amongst the Hamiltons, Argyll, and the company, two 
fltiange and sundry hnmours. 

Hamiltons do make shew of the liberty of (he queen, and prose- 
cute that with great eamestnesB, because they would have these 
lords destroy her, rather than she should be recovered from them 
by violence ; another time they seem to desire her liberty and Both> 
well's destruction, because they would compass a marriage betwixt 
the queen and the lord of Arbroth. 

TTie earle of Argyll doth affect her liberty, and Bothwell's de- 
struction, because be would marry the queen to his brother. 

And yet neither of them, notwithstanding their open concurance 
(as appeareth by th^ir bond), doth discover their minds to eadi 
ether, nor mind one end. Knox is not here, but in the west parts: 



h« find Ae rest of the niBUitwt wiU be ben at tfae gnat «iMBibly> 
whom austerity agiuDst tbe quaaa I fear as Hoiifa *■ iiny min'i. 

By >on)e conference nhich I had widt some of dti> eooBctll, me 
thiokatb t|i»t tbey hure iotelUgcaee that there is a dispoutioB in the 
queen of Scotland to lean this nsaln, and to retire heaelf either 
into England m into Fmoce, but saost wiltio^y into England, &x 

ench Mid aaislikii^ •• she knoweth hath been, and is neaaC 

wito hei in Eraace, leaviag the reginent either to a nnnber of per- 
aont deleagned and aulhoiized by her, or to soaie one or more. 

And it Btay pWase your mi^esty, I think it not aniu to pot yow 
in Teaiembraoce, that in caee the said queen come into England by 
your allowance, without the French king's consent, she ahall looee 
Jier doweiy in Eraaoe, and have little or nolhiiigfmai bente to «a/- 
tertain her ; and is case she do ^ into Fraace with the Hsg'i con- 
tentoent, she may be an inBtniment (if she can lecorer Ihvoar, as 
time w'a hdp to caocell her disgrace) either by Matching with tome 
husband of good queli^, or by soine other deviM, to voric new 
noquietawB to her own oonntiy, and so eonieqaently ta yoar ma- 

liherefore it may please your majesty to comider of this matter, 
and to let me know your pleasure with coareoicnt sfieed, how I 
shall answer the aame, if it be propounded ania me, aidier by the 
<}Oe«n or by the coubcUI, as a piece of the end end cooqiesition. 
Wot I Am BKre, of late, she bath seemed very desirous to hare the 
matter brought to pass that she mi^ go mta En^^and, retaining 
her estate and juiisdiction in herself, though she do not exenciae it; 
and likewise I understand that some of this couiutii which be least 
affected to her safe^ ds think tbers is no other way to save her. 
Thus Ahaighj^ God preserve your majesty ki health, lionour, and 
all felicity. At Fi^'.the )4li July ls€7. 

Sir 2fic*ofa* Thvkmorlm to Quetn Eikabeth, the \.%lh of July 1S67, 
from Edinburgh. 

iam- '^ '"^f plea^ your majesty, yow vaig^t percsave by 

pniL Ps- my letters of the 16lh, how far I bad pioooedad witfi 
"^ ' these lords, uid what fss their answer; sisc4 which 
time I have spoken particularly with the earle Morton, the Wrd of 
lidington, and Sir James Balfour ct^itam of this oastle; at whoiftB 
h^dfl I cannot iterceave that as yet accsw to the <lUieen to Loch- 
leven will be granted me, stayii^ Jheipfalvfs 4till by the ahsenpe 
oftheh>i4B and others their assofiiates, which (fhty say) they look 
for withia two days; and for that I find, by lUwlihopd and apparent 
pf esuipptioni, thiut i^ine access to the qufsn will hardly h« graaMi 

,y Google 

hr^smntx. ass 

JhlT«tli*tf|bt^0odiM>tt*Mer AisditpstekiRftill I Inwdreto- 
lute uMww n tbal mattai. 

Hvf it llierafon pleiae ydur mgeity, to aa^atglaai, 'RtA>«tt Mei- 
Tin nturaed from th« queen In LocUeveii, to diM town, tb« 6th of 
Jidf, Bud brovgbt a letter fitDin faet written at ber own IisimI to tkeM 
lords, whicb doth contain, as I understand, matter as Mlowedi.— 
A iei|ueBt ndto thetn to have coBiidcration of her healtfc, wad if 
tbcj iriU not pnt her to libartj, to ebaage the place «f K«eraiME U> 
t^ cutis of Stilling, to the end she night have tii« comfort atii 
compuj of her mb, ami if tbey will not change her from- tiwMlv- 
Tan, she required to hne Mmie other ^atlevomQii about her, »mi> 

To hare her apotkacary, Uf have aonte modert mUirter.— ^— >T« 
kkTe an imbcoiderer to draw forth such work as iha wonld be e^ 

«iipied about, and to hare tuTarlet of the chamber. ifooching 

lite goremtaeat of the realm she maketh two eS^a, tilacb ate bnt 
^ener^y bmched in her letter, the partiealaritya be not speeiAed, 
but refmd to Robert HelTin'i credit^ the one is to commit it only 
and whelly lo the earle itf Murray, the otbei ii b> tbe lords wboHb 
Barnes nsM, Sssisted with aodi oUiers as they *bdl ctdluntothem>, 
that ia to wy, tbe duke of Chatt^itnilt, tbe earb of MoMos, Khir^ 
lay, Haii, and Glencnra. 

She hath mitten unto them that I might have accem uMo hetl 

She requirethftirdierrdiatif dieyvilliiot tteat He; and Fegand 

ber m dietr qotien, yet ta use ber as the long their' sovereign's 
daughter (whMi Kiany of them knew) and as tbeir prince's mothei<. 
— She will by no means yield to ^tandon Bothelt for her btnbandi 
nor relinquish him ; which matter will do her most harm of all, and 
bardeneth these lords to great aererity against her. 

She yieldeth in words to the prosecution of the' murder. 

I havfl tbe meanrf to let ber know that your m^eaty hath sent me ' 
hither for ber relief. 

I have also persuaded her to conform herself to renounce BoAell 
for her husband, and to be contented to so^r a divoree te patft 
betwixt thera ; she hath sent me word that ^e wiU in QoimyR cOll'' 
aent unto that,, but rather die ; grounding herself upon thia rea(K>tr, 
taking bertelf to be seVen wedcs gone with child>' by renouncing 
Botbel1,Bhe should admewledge herself to be wtth child of a bastard, 
and tohareforfeitedber honour, which sbewilluot do to die fbrit; 
. I have perswaded her to aare her own life' and her (ddld> to choose ' 
Ae least b«rd conditioo. 

Mr. KuQx arrived here in tluB town tbe 6Ui of this month, with 
w4iom 1 have had mme conference, and with Mr. Grai^ also. Hit 
other minister of this town. 

I hare penwaded with them to preach and pettwkd Imiiy. I 



find them both rery auglere in this conference ; what they ihall do 
hereafter Iknoff not; the; are fuinished with many ai^uments, lome 
forth of the Scripture, some forth of histories, some grounded (as 
they say) upon the lavs of this leatm, some upon pracUces used in 
this realm, and some upon the conditions and otii made by di^r 
prince at her coronation. 

The bishop of Galloway, uncle to the earle of Huntley, hath sent 
hither to these lords, that his nephew the eaile and some others of 
that side may, at Linlithgow, or at Stirling, have some communica- 
tion with some appointed on this aide, assuring them diat there is a 
good disposition in the lords of the other party to concurre with 
these, assuiing further that they will not dissent for tri£9es or rnuie- 
cessaiy things, and (as I am giren to understand) they can be 
pleased the queen's restraint be continu'd untill the murder be pur- 
sued in all persons, whereby the separation of the queen and Bothelt 
isimplyed, the preservation of the prince, the security for all men, 
and a good order taken for the governance of therealmin tranqniUtty. 
Captun Clerk, which hath so long served in Denmark, and served 
at Newbaven, did the 16th of this month (accompanyed with one 
of bis soldiers, or rather the soldier as the greater fame goeth) kill 
one Wilson a seaman, and such a one as had great estimation with 
these lords, both for his skill, his hardyness, honesty, and willing- 
neA in this action; whereupon Clerk hath retired himself; their 
quarrel was about the ship which took Blacketer, which ship was ap~ 
pointed by these lords to go to the north of Scotland to imp^ich 
the passage of the earle Bothell, in case he went either to the isles, 
or to any other place ; by the death of this man this enterprize was 

The bishop of Galloway is come to Liolithgow, and doth desire 
to speak with the lord of Lidington. 

The abbot of Killwirming hath sent for Sir James Balfour, cap- 
tain of the castle, to have conference with him. 

As I wrote unto your majesty in my last, the Hamiltons now find 
no matter to diserer these lords and them asunder, but would c6n- 
curr in all things (yea in any extremity against the qneen) se as 
that they might be assured, the prince of Scotland were ciouned 
king, and should die without issue, that the earle of Lenos's son 
living should not ioherit the croun of tlus realm, as next heir to 
his nephew. 

And although the lords and councelora speak reverently, mildly, 
and charitably of their queen, so as I cannot gather by their speech 
any intention to cruelty or violence, yet 1 do find by intelligence, 
that the queen is in very great peril of her life, by reason that the 
people assembled at this conventioD do mind vehementiy the de- 
struction of her. 



It is a public ipeecli among all the peo[de, and amongst all 
estates (saving of the counselors) tliat tbeir queen hath no more 
liberty nor privilege to commit murder nor adultery, than any other 
private person, neitJier by God's laVs, nor by the laws of the 

Tlie eari of Bothell, and all his adherents and associates, be put 
to the horn by the ordinary justice of this town, named the lords 
of the session; and commandment given to all shirrifia, and all other 
officers, to apprehend him, and all otiier his followers and receip- 
tors. — The earl of Bothell's porter, and one of his other servitors 
of his chamber, being apprehended, have confessed such sundry 
circumstances, as it appeareth evidently, that he, the said earl, waa 
one of the principal executors of the murder, In his one person, ac- 
companyed with sundry others, of which number I cannot yet cer- 
tainly learn the names but of three of them, that is to say, two of 
. the Ormistons of Tivotdall, and one Haybom of Bolton ; the lords 
would be glad that none of the murderers should have any favour 
or receipt in England, and hereof tiieir desire is, that (he (^cera 
upon the border may be warned ; Bothell doth sUll repaain in the 
north parts, bat the lord.Seaton and Fleming, which have been 
there, have utterly abandoned him, and do repair hitherwards.— 
The intelligence doth grow daily betwixt these lords, and those 
which held of; and notwithstanding these lords have sent a hun- 
dred and fifty harqubnahers to Stirling, to keep the town and pas- 
sage from surprise; and so have they done in like manner to 8l 
Johnston, which be the two passages from the north and west to 
.this town, I do understand the captain of Dunbar is much busied 
in fbrtifying that place; I do mervile the carriages be not impeached 
otherwise than they be. 

Of late this queen hath written a letter to the captain of the said 
castle, which hath been surprised; and thereby matter is discovered 
which maketh little to the queen's advantage. 

Thqs having none other matter worthy your majesty's knowledge, 
I beseech God to prosper your majesty with long life, perfect 
health, and prosperous felicity. At Edinburgh the 18th of July, 

Letter of Sir Nicholas Trokmorton to the Bight Honotirdbk the Earl of 
Leicester, Knight of the Order, and one oftheLordsofkerMt^esl^t 
most Honourable Privy Council. 
f4ihof Bt my former dispatches sent to her majesty, and 

July, 1567. Mr. Secretary, since the I2th of July, your lordship 
ficb Fima ■nig^t have perceived the state of this country, and to 
the oriBiiiat. what end these matters be like to come. So as not to 
trouble your lordship with many words ; this queen is like very 



sboill; to be deprived of her royal efUta, hn bob to b« crowned 
king, and ihe detuned in prison wittnn tliii realm, and the 
flame to be goremed in the yonog Idng'i name, by a coance), coo- 
BUtiag of certain of the nobility, and other wiae men of this realm; 
ao aa it is easy to be leen that the power and ability to do anything 
to the commodity of the qneen'smajes^, and the realm of England, 
will cfaiefiy, and in manner wholly, rest in the bands of theee krdfl, 
and oth«i their usooatea, assembled at Edinbnrgb, Now if the 
iqaeeta's majesty will still persist in her former opiofon towarda tlu 
quten of Scotland (unto whom she shall be able to do no good), then 
I do plainly see that these Ittfds and all their accomplices will, be- 
oone as good French, as the French king can wish, to all intents 
and purposes. And as for the Haniltons, the earls of ArgnUo, 
Hnntlye, and that faction, they be already so hi incbanted that w^, 
aa there oeedeth little derise to draw them to the FrcniA devotion. 
Tlien this is the state of things so come to pass of this covntry, that 
France haa Scotland now aamnchcimjoiDed unto them, to tJt p«i^ 
poses, as erer it was ; and what an instramentr the young prinee 
will prore, to unqniet England, I report me to yom lordship's 
wisdom ; and therefore considering the weight of tke matter, and 
all the circumstances, I trust your lordship will well betlsnk yon 
in time (for 'tit high time) how to advise her msjeity, to leave no- 
Aing undone that may bring the prince of Scotland to be in her 
possession, or, at the least, to be at ber devotion. And amoi^at 
other things that I can imagine, for the first degree nothing is more 
meet to bring this to effect, &an to aUore this company here as- 
sembled, to bear her majesty dieir favour. Some talk hath passed 
between the lord of Lidington and me, in certain caa&rences aboot 
this matter. By him I find, that when her majesty shall have won 
these men to her devotion, the principal point that will nmke them 
confMmable to deliver their prince into England, vriU rest upon the 
queen, and the realm's enabling him to the sneceslibn oi tbc crown 
of England, for fault ctf issue of the queen's nugcsty's body ; some 
other tbii^ wilt also be required, as the charge of the said prince 
and hi» tcwn to be at the charge of England. I do wttU percerre 
that these men will never be brought to deliver their princa mto 
England without the former condition, for the succession of Eng- 
land; for (saith Ltdington) that t^ing place, the prince shalFbe as 
dear to the people of En^and as k> the people of Scotland ; end 
the one will be as careful of his preservation as the odMn Uther- 
wiae, be aaith, all thii^ considered, it will be reported that the 
Scotdsbmen have put their prince ta be kept in safiUy, n thoae 
which commit the sheep to be kept by the wolves. So aa for coni- 
dusioo, your lordship may pnceive here wfll be the kc^ of tJua 
matter. As unto the deUveiing oE ham upon ba»lMges,.be aayvdi. 


4«t BO HiBD tUnk, tlutt Ae obtidUiaD of the waaxMian not betog so 
eoatpUihed, the nobilit^aBd the gentty will neror consent to leuva 
ikaattihet deBlimte of tiieir lovereign upon any hoitagcB, neither 
jsjpon say promiMis, boi l&elihood of good to iuue in time to come. 
It wen not good for yoDnelres (sutfa he) that the mgdtei were M 
kaodled ; for then you ihould adventare all yonr p»da in one ihip, 
wbich might hare a daogeroiu e&ect, coniidering the nnwillin^Den 
of the qnem your aoTcieign to consent to eitablishing any anc- 
CMsar to the crown. And then, how unmete were it, that her bm- 
jesty having in her poasesaion already all such peraons as do pre- 
tend to it, or be inheritable to the crown, to have our prince also in 
Imt custody. For so there might follow, without good capitnla- 
tioss, a strange and dangerous issue, tho' the queen your njatress 
do think that such imaginatiDns could not proceed but from busy 
heads, as yop b&ve uUered unto us on her behalf. What is come 
to pass since my last dispatch, aad how (u forth things are pro- 
ceeded, I refer your lordship to be informed by my letters sent unto 
,ber Bujesty, at this time. And so 1 pray Almighty God, preserve 
your lordship in much honour and felicity. At Edenburgh tlu* 
24thof July, 1567. 

It nwy plewe y«uf good lordship to moke my lord Stuaed pwfc- 
Ber oftbis letter. 

The Queen to Sir Nkolo) Tiroimorfon. 
By the Queen, 

6ih Asg. TaoBTi ud right well-beloved, we greet you well, for 
^^^- as much as we do consider that you have now a long time 
lemaioed in those parts without expedition in the charge committed 
unto you, we think it not meet, seeing there belli not fiiUowed the 
good acceptation and fruit of our well meaning towards that stWe, 
wkioh good reason would have required, that you should conttnoe 
tkeie any lonj^; our pleasure, therefore, is, that you shall, imm^ 
diatdy upon the receipt hereof, send your servant Middlemore unto 
die lords and estates of that realm, that are aaaembled togedieri 
willing him to dedare uota them, that it cannot but se^n very 
strange unto uSf that you having been sent fnun us, of suoh good 
ialtnt, to deal widi them, in mattera tending ao much to tb«ir own 
quiet, and to the benefit of the whole estate of (heir couotry, they 
have so far forgotten themselves, and so slightly regarded ua and 
our good oseaaing, not only in delaying to hear you, and defiwring 
yo«r access to the quean their sovereign, but also, which is strangest 
of all, in not vonahsafiag to make any answer unto us. And al- 
dio* tiiase dealings be auch, indeed, as were not to be looked for at 
dieir hands, yet do we find the|r usage and proceediug towards their 


Boveieign and qneen, to overpass all the reit in gd strange a de- 
gree, as we for our part, and we snppoM the whole world beudes, 
cannot but think them to have therein gone so far beyond the dn^ 
of subjects, as must needs remain to their perpetual taache for ever. 
And therefore ye shall laj, that we have tho't ^ood, without con- 
suoung any longer dne in vain, to revoke you to onr presence, re- 
quiring them to grant you liscence and pasport to to do, which 
when you shall have obtained, we will that you make your rep^ 
hither, unto as, yrith aa convenient speed as you may. GKven, &c. 
-Indorsed 6th August, 1567. 

Tkrokmortm to the lUgAt HoaourabU Sir ff'Mani Cecil, Knight, om 
of her Majat^t Privy Comcil and Principal Secretary, give these. 
iMiAng. What 1 have learned, since the arrival of my lord of 
pefo^ Murray, and Mons. de Linnerol, you shall understand by 
Pma the my letter to her majesty, at this timfe. The French do, in 
original, tiigir negotiations, as they do in their drink, put water to 
their wine. Aa I am able to see into their doings, they take it not 
greatly to the heart how the queen sleep, whether she live or die, 
whether she be at liberty or in prizon. The mark they shoot at, ia, 
to renew their old league ; and can be as well contented to take k 
of this little king (bowaoever his title be), and the same by the 
order of these lords, aa Dtherwise: LyneroU came but yesterday, 
and methinketh he will not tarry long ; you may guess how the 
French will seek to displease these lords, when tiiey changed the 
coming of la Chapelle des Oursins for this man, because they 
doubted that de la Chapelle should not be grateful to them, being 
a Papist. Sir, to speak more plainly to you than I will do other- 
wiae, methinketh Ae earl of Murray will run the course that those 
men do, and be partaker of their fortune. I bear no man speak 
-more bitterly E^nst the tragedy, and the players therein, than be, 
so little like he hath to horrible sins. I hear an inkling Aat Led- 
ington is to go into France, which I do as much mislike, as any 
tfahtg, for our purpose. I can assure you the whole Protestants of 
France mil live and die in these mens quarrels ; and, where there 
is bruit amongst you, diat aid should be sent to the adverse party, 
^and that Martignes should come hither with some force; Mona. 
Baudelot hath assured me of his honour, that instead of Marligues 
coming against them, he will come with as good a force to succour 
them: and if that be sent under meaner conduct, Robert Stuart 
shall come with as many to fortiiy them. But the constable haUi 
assured these lords, that the king meaneth no way to offend them. 
Sir, I pray you find my revocation convenient, and speed you to 
fiirthei it, for I am here now to no purpose, unless it be to kindle 


tbeae lorda more against us. Ttna I do humbly take my leave of 
you, from Bdenburgh the 12th of August, 1567. 

Yours to use and command. 

The Queen to Nickalat Tkrokmorton. 

Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. We have, within 
these two days, received three sundry letters of yours, of the 20th, 
22d, and 23d, of this month, having not before those received any 
seven days before ; and do find, by these your letters, that you^ 
have very diligently and largely advertized us of all the hasty and 
peremptory proceedings there; which as we nothing like, so we 
trust in time to see them was colder, and to receive some reforma- 
tion. For we cannot perceive, that they vrtth whom you have dealt 
can answer the doubts moved by the Hamiltons, who howsoever 
they may be carried for their private respects, yet those things 
which they move, will be allowed by all reasonable persons. For 
if they may not, being noblemen of the realm, he safiered to hear 
the queen their sovereign declare her mind conceding the reports 
which are made of her, by such as keep her in captivity, how should 
they believe the reports, or obey them which do report it? And 
therefore our meaning is, you shall let ^e Hamiltons plainly under- 
stand that we do well allow of their proceedings (as fsr forth as the 
same doth concern the queen their sovereign for her relief), and in 
such things as shall appear reasonable for us thereinto do, for the 
queen our sister, we will be ready to perform the same. And where 
it is so required, that upon your coming thence, the lord Scroope 
should deal with the lord Hertis to impart their meanings to us, and 
ours to them, we are well pleased therewith, and we require you to 
advertize the lord Scroope hereof by your letters, and to will him 
to sbewhioiselffavourable to them in their actions, that may appear 
plainly to tend to the relief of the queen, and ro^ntenance of her 
authority. And as we willed our secretary to wnte unto yon, that 
upon your message done to the earl of Murray, you might return, 
so our meaning is you shall. And if these our letters shall meet 
you on the way, yet we will have you advertize both the lord Scroope 
and the Hamiltons of our meaning. 
Indorsed 29 Aug. 1567. 

No". XXin. (Vo!. I. p. 355.) 

Sir Nkhoku Throkmorton to the Archbishop of St. Andrev^t and the 

Abbot of Arbrotie. 
isthAag. AiTxa my good commendations to your good lord- 
^**nfc.* '*■'?'' ^'* *''"'^ ^^ ^ advertize yon, that the queen's ma- 
|y^, ' jesty, my sovereign, having sent me hither her ambassador 

r,3ri7.-i^.:. Google 


<DP7 to tbe queen Iter aUur your sovereigai to toaB»iBikxtbt- 
NicboUs' """^ ^^^ ""^'^ matter &s the thought moet, cooKdering 
MDt toths tbe p>od amity and iatelligence betwixt them, who being 
V^""' detaioed in captivity (as your lordships know) contrary to 
the duty of all ^ood sot^ecta, for the enlai^tmient of whose person, 
and the restitution of her to her dignity, her majesty gave me in 
charge to treat with these lords, assembled at Edenburgh, offering 
Ifaem all reasonable conditions and means as might be, for the safe- 
guard of the young prince, the punishment of the late horrjble 
murder, the dissolution of the marriage betwixt the queen and the 
earl of Bodwell, and lastly for their own sureties. In tbe negotia- 
tion of which matters I have (as your lordships well know) spent a 
long time to no purpose, not being able to prevail in any thing with 
those lords to the queen my sorareign's satisfaction. Of whicb 
itratige proceedings towards her majesty, and undutiful behaviour 
towards their sovereign, I have advertised the queen's m^esty, she 
(not being minded to bear this indignity) hath given roe in diarge 
to declare her further pleasure unto them, in such sort as they may 
well perceive her majesty doth disallow of their proceedings, and 
thereupon bath revoked me. And further bath given me in charge 
to oomraunicate the same unto your lordshipB, requiring you to let 
me know, before my departure hence (which shall be, God willing, 
w soon as I have received anaw» from you), what you and your 
confederates will assuredly do, to set the queen your sovereign at 
liberty, and to restore her to her former dignity by force or other- 
wise ; se^ng these lords have refused all other mediation, to the 
end tbe queen's majesty my sovereign may concur vrith your lord- 
alups in this honourable enterprise. 

And in case, through tbe dispenionof your associates, your lord< 
ships can neither communicate this matur amount you, nor receive 
resolution of them all by that time, it may please you to send me 
the opinion of so many of you as may confer t<^;etber, within two 
or three days, so as I 'miy have your answer here in this town by 
Monday or Tuesday next at the farthest, being tbe 19th of this 
August; for I intend (God willing! to depart towards Eagland, 
upon Wednesday following. Thus I most humbly take my leave of 
your lordships, at Edenburgh, the 13th of Aug. 1567. 
Indorsed tbe 13th of Aug. 1567. 

Sir NkhoUu Throkmorton to the Lord Henys. 

«4ihAng. YoOR good lordship's l^ttet of the 13th of August I 
1567, P»- have received tbe 19th of the same. For answer where- 
1^™**" unto it may like yow lordship to understand, that I wHl 
eopy signify unto you plably, how far forth I am already tho- 



wJbicbSiT roughly iutracted of the queen's majesty my torereign's 
■ to** plctt'ifc coDCflraing tlie detention of die queen yoar sove- 
9tci««>rj reign, and concerning her relief. 

Cec"' To the iirst her majesty bath given in charge, to ose idl 

kinds of pemaflion in her name, to move these lords assembled at 
Edinburgh ta desist from this violent and undutifal behavionr, 
vhich they use towards their sovereign. And in this part, besides 
the ahnr of many reasons, attd sundry persnations of amicable 
treaty with them, her m^esty hath wilted me to use some plain 
and severe speech unto them, tending so far forth, as if they wouhl 
not be better advised, and reform these their outrageous proceed- 
ings exercised against thdr sovereign, that then they might be at- 
BUTtdher majesty neither would nor could endure such an indigni^ 
to be done to the queen, her good cousin and neighbour. 

And notwithstanding these my proceedings with them, they ban 
made proof to be little moved thereby ; for as yet neither will they 
eOBHUt to the enlargement, neither suffer roe to speak with her. 
So as it seemeth to me, it is saperfluous to treat any more with them 
after this manner. Whereupon I have advertised the queen's ma- 
jesty my sovereign, expecting daily her majesty's further order ; and 
as I shall be advertised thereof, so will uot fail to signify the same 
to your good lordship ; and in the mean time will advertise her ma- 
jesty also, what your lordship hath written unto me. Thus with 
my due commendations to your good lordship, I commit the same 
to Almighty God, testing' always to do you the pleasure and service 
that I can lawfully. At £denburgh. 
Inddtsed S4th of August, 1567. 

No. XXIV. (Vol. I, p. 364.) 

Accotait of Lord Herreu"! btluroiour in the ParUameiU held 
December 15, 1567. 
Puer "^^^ loT^ Herrys made a notable harangue in the name 

OBix- of the duke and himself, thdr friends and adherents (the 
duke himself, tiie earl o( Castulles, and the abbot of Kilwinning 
being also present), toperauade the union of the whole realm in ope 
mind. Whfrein he did not spare to set for^ solemnly the greM 
[oaiga that part of this nobility did deserve, which in the beginniog 
took meanes for punishment of the ear] Bothwdl i as also seeing tin 
quew's inordinate affection to that wioked man, and that she canld 
sot be inducfd by their penuBiion to leave him, that in sequestring 
her persoft within Lochleven, they did the dnbr of noblemen. "Eiat 
their honaunble doings, which had not spared to buard their Utos 
and ltU)d»t to avenge llwir native country from the slandeiona r»i 
[Wti tbftt wore tpokmtdf it »ui% other natioM, had well deMrrsA 

Co Ogle 


that 5II tMr brethren ■ttoald jmn with them in 10 good a caiue. 
That he and the;, in whose names he did speak, irould willingly, 
and without any compuluon, enter themselves in the same yoke, 
and pat their litres and lands in the liiu hazard, for maintenance of 
ooi cause. And if tiie queen herself were in Scotland, accompa- 
nied with 20,000 men, they will be of the same mind, and fight in 
our quarrel. He hoped the remainder noblemen of their party, 
Huntly, Argoile, and others, which had not as yet acknowledged 
the king, would come to the same conformity, vberennto he would 
also earnestly move them. And if they will remain obstinate, and 
refuse to qualify themselves, then will the duke, he and their friends, 
join with us to correct them, that otherwise will not reform them- 
selves. So plausible an oration, and more advantageous for our 
par^, none of ourselves could have made. He did not foi^t to 
term my lord regent by the name of regent (there was no mention 
at all of the earl of Murray), and to call him grace at every word, 
when his speeches were directed to him, accompanying all his words 
with low courtesies after hia manner. 

No. XXV. (Vol. I. p. 382.) 
Queen Mary to Queen EUaibttk. 
Cott. lib. Although the necessity of my cause (which maketh 
Cii. 1. me to be importune to you) do make you to judge that I 
uid'pro- ""* °"' ^^ ^^ ^^1 ' 7^^ *^'^'' ^* ^'va not my passion, nor 
iMblj ■ the respects whereof you are persuaded, will think that 
iniuUtioii. I do Bg my cause doth requite. Madam, I have not ac- 
cused you, nrather in words, nor in thought, to have used yourself 
evil towards me. And I believe that you have no want of good 
understanding, to keep you fVom perawasion against your natural 
good inclination. But in the mean time I can't cbuse (having my 
senses) but perceive very evil furtherance in my matters, since my 
coming hither. I tiionght that I had sufficiently discoursed unto 
you tiie discommodities which this delay bringeth unto me ; and 
especially that they think in this nest month of August, to bold a 
parliament against me and all my servants. And in the mean 
time, I am stayed here, and yet will you, that I should put myself 
Airther into your country (witiiout seeing you), and remove me fdr- 
dier firom mine ; and there do me this dishonour at the request of my 
rebels, as to send commissioners to bear them against me, aa yon 
wold do to a mere subject, and not hear me by mouth. Nov, 
madam, I have promised you to come to you, and having there 
made my moan and complaint of these rebels, and they coming 
thither^ not as possessors, but as subjects to answer, I would have 


besoDght you to hearmy justification' of. diatwJiicb they have felsly 
■et forth gainst me, and if I could not purge myself thereof, you 
might then dischai^ ;our hands of my causes, and let me go for 
•ucb as I am. But to do as you say, if I were culpable, i would be 
belter advised; biit being not so, I can't accept this dishonour at 
their hands, that being in possession they will come and accuse me 
before your commissioneTS, whereof I can't like : and seeing you 
diink it to be against your honour and consignage to do otherwise, 
I beseech you that you will not be mioe enemy, until you may see 
how 1 can discharge myself every way, and to suffer me to go into 
France, where I have a dowry to maintain me ; or at least to go into ' 
Scotland, with assurance that if there come any strangers thither, 
I will bind myself for their return without any pr^udice to you, 
or if it pleis you i>ot to do thus, I protest that I will not impute it 
to falibood, if I receive sljangera in ray country without making 
you any other discharge for it. Do with my body as you will, the 
honour or blame shall be yours. For I had rather die here, and 
that my faithful servants may be. succoured (tho' you would not so) 
by strangers, dian to suffer them to be utterly undone, wpan bope 
to receive in time to come, particular commodity. There' be' many 
tilings to move me to fear that I shall have to do in this country, witJi 
others than with you. Biit forasmuch as nothing hath, followed upon 
my last moan, I hold my peace, happen what mayhap. Ihave as teef to 
oidure { '"7 fortune, as to seek it, and not find it. Farther, it pleased 
you to give license to my subjects to go and come. This bas been 
refused by my lord Scroop and Mr. Knolls (as they say) by your 
commandment, because I would not depart hence to your charge, 
udUU I had answer of this letter, tho' I shewed them, that you re- 
quired my answer upon the two points, contained in your letter. 

The one is to let you briefly understand, I am come to you to 
make my moan to you, the which being beard, I would declare unto 
you mine innocency, and then require your aid, and for lack thereof, 
Ican't but make my moan and complaint to God, that I am not 
heard in my just quarrel, and to appeal to other princes to have 
respect thereunto as my case requireth ; and to you, madam, first 
of all when you shall have examined your conscience before him, and 

have him for witness. And the other, which is to come further 

into your country, and not to come to your presence, I will esteem 
that as no favour, but will take it for the contrary, obeying it as a 
thing forced. la the mean time, I beseech you, to return to me 
my lord Herries, for I can't be ' without him, having none of my 
counselhere,andalBo to suffer me, if it please you, without further 
delay, to depart hence whithersoever it be out of this country. I 
am sure you will not deny me this simple request for your honour's 
sake, seang it doth not please you to use your natural goodneis to- 
VOL. II. 2b' 



waiiM ma olhenriw, atut sewBg that of nuns aim accoid, I un 
•ove liith«', let me Septal »gm with ^ara. Aod if God pennit 
my catiflM to sncceed well, I ihall be botmd to you for it j atid hap- 
peningotlienriie, yet Icuttblameyoii. Atfotmy lord Fleeming, 
Meing that upon my credit yon have suffered him tn go home to 
hii boiue, I w«iraiit you be ihall paae no farther, bat Bhall retiim fbea it Bbnll pleue yon. In that yon trust me 1 will not 
/"'■ (to die for it) dsceiTe jou. h*tJrom Ditmb«rtom I ani wer 

not, when my L. Fieeniag shall be in the Tower. For they whidi 
are within it, will not forbear to reoeire ioccout, if 1 don't assure 
tbem of yours ; no, tho' you would charge me witfaal,for I have left 
them in charge, to ban more respect to my serranta and to my 
estate, than to my Ufie. Good sister, be of aaotber mind, win tite 
heart, and all shall be yours, and at your commandment. I thought 
to satisfy you wholly, ifl might have seen yon. Alas I do Dot as the 
serpent, that stoppeth his bearing, for t am no enchanter, but your 
Hster, and natural coaiin. If Ciesar had not ditdained to heu or 
read the complaint of an advertiier, be had not >o died ; why should 
princes ears be stopped, seeing that they are painted so long ? meak- 
ing that they riionld hear all and be well adviaed, before Ihey an- 
swer. I am not of the nature of the basilisk, and less of the cfaa- 
mdioa, to turn you to my likeness, and tho' I shotdd be >o danger- 
ous and curs'd as men say, yon are sofficieotly armed with coa- 
stancy and with justice, wUch I requite of God, who give you grace 
to use it well wiUi long and happy life. From Carlisle, the 5A of 
July, 156S. 

No. XXVI. (Vol. I. p. 383). 

Fart of a ktter fnm Sir Francis Knolfys to Cecil, Stk Aug. 156S, 
• /row BoUm. 

Anoii^ml. — But surely this queen doth seem, outwardly, not only 
Paper Of- to fovout the jorm, but also the chief article of the reli- 
gion of the gospel, namely. Justification by faith only; aod 
she heeoeth the faults of papestry revealed by preaching or other- 
wise, with contented ears, and with gentle and weak replys, and 
she doth not seem to like the worse of religion throw me. 

Part of a Utter frtrni Sir Friucit Ktudfyt to CecH, 21 Sept. 1568, 
Jivm Bolton. 
-~ It cune to this queen's ears of late that the was bruited to be 
lately turned to the reUgien of the gospCll, to the great disliking of 
the Papists bereabonti, which thing she herself c^mfiessed uidn 
me, and'yesterday , openly in the great chambta, when die assembly 
was full, and some Papbts prwent, she took occasion tospeak of 


lelij^, and thss openly she profested herself to be of the P^iat 
religion, and took upon her to pMronite the same, more eamestly 
than ilie had done a great while afoK, ali^' het defencea Mkd argit- 
■nenti were so weak, that the effeot of her apee^ ww aoly to ibvm 
ber seal i and af^rwarda to me alone, when I miitiked to ace htr 
becoBie so conSdentlj badtward in reiigioa. Why, taid she, would 
you have me to loie Franca and Sfu, and all my frienda in odMT 
placea, by leeming to change my religion, and yet I bm not atanrai 
the queen my good liater will ha my aassred fiiead, to (hq satirtw- 
tion of my honour and expectation. 

No. XXVU. (Vol. L p. 384.) 

A letter from my JjordSerrits to my Lord Scroop and Sir F, KnoUi/t, 
Sepl.Sd, 1568. 

Com. Ub. Hv lords, pieaiit yoor honoar^le lardshq», I am ut- 
^ C. fonaed by Jamea Bortkwick, latdy come f^on the qMeen's 
In^fai^^n ra^eaty you aoverane, that hU H^awin to her higtmeai 
IuimL I abuld haFe ridden in CraAirdmnre, >en b^ laat oomtHg 

into thia reaba, upon the earl of Mniray'B dependanta. And that I 
auld hare oaoait, or been of counaall to Seottismen to httn ridden 
in bigland, to alay or spehcie lier majeaty's Bubjecta. 

My lordi, I thought it right needful because your lordships is, 
by your aoTerme, commanded to attend apon the queen's majesty 
my mittiesa, so having daily access in thir matters, to declare npon 
the truth ; humbly desiring that youi lordships will, for God'a cause, 
certificate the queen yonr soveraqe the same. 

Aa God lives, I have neither consented, nor any irise had know- 
ledge of any Scottismaa's riding in England, to do the subjects 
theseof hurt in bodies or goods, sene Ac siege of Leith; and as I 
understand it shall be Aad tius, that gif ony sic open hart be done, 
it is by the queen my aorereign's dfsobedients, and that I have not 
ridden nor hurt no Scottislunan, dot commanded no hurt to be done 
tA them, sen my coming fr^ the queen's taajesty of England, it is 
well kend, for that acYer ane will ci»n{JaiB of me. 

I haTa done more good to CrawfardmuTe nor ever the earl of 
Murray haa dona, and will be loaUierto do them any harm than he 
will. Except the qveen's m^esty your sovereign, command sic 
false reports to be tryit, qnfaereof this is altogidder an iuventit leas- 
ing, her grace sail be trublit, and tyne the hearts of true men here, 
qnhom of uc report sail be made, that baieth would serve hir, and 
may, betterthan tbay onworAy liars. 

Mytordi, I understand the queen's majesty your sovereign is not 
contented of this bntito, that &ere should ony Frenchman come in 

Co Ogle 


this realm, with the duke of Chattel herault. Trath it is, 1 am no 
tnanner of way the counBall of their cuming, nor has no sic cer- 
tainty thereof, as I hear by Borthwiclt's report, from the queen's 
majesty your soverei^. And gif I might as well say it, as it is 
true indeed, her grace's self is all the wyitt, and the couDBaI^ that 
will ne»er lot her take order with my maiatress cause. For that 
our sovereiga havand bar majesty's promise, be writing, of luff, 
friendship, and assi^ance, gif need had so requirit, enterit that 
realm, upon die 16 day of May, sen that time the queen's majesty 
has commanded me diverse times to declare she would accept her 
cause, and do for her, and to puther in peaceable possession of this 
realme ; and when I required of her majesty, in my mistress name, 
that her highness would either do for her (as her special trust was 
she wold), according to her former promises, or otherwise give ber 
couDsal, wold not consent (as I show her grace I fand diverse re- 
pugnant), then that she would permit her to pass in France, or to 
some other prince to seek support, or faiUng hereof (quhilk was 
againa. all .reason); that she would permit her to retam in her awia 
countrie, in sic sempil manner as she came out of it, and said to her 
majesty ane of Uiir, for her honour, would not be refusit, seeand 
that she was comed in her realm upon her wiitingsand promises of 
friendship. And sicklike, I said to her bigness, gif my maistress 
had the like prpmise of her nobility and estates; as she had of her- 
self, 1 should have r^rovit diem highly, gif they had not conde- 
scendit to one of thir Uiree ; and so I say, and so I write, that in the 
warld it shall be maist repiebendable, gif this promise taketU not 
other good effect, nor yet it does. Notwithstanding, I get'gud an- 
swer of thir promises of friendship made to my sovereign, and to 
put her grace in this her awin countrie peaceably, we have fund the 
contrary working by Mr. Middlemore directit from her highness to 
Stay the army that cuiat down our houses. And alsua, in ^he pro- 
celling of this late pretendit parliament, promised twenty days be- 
fore the time to myself to have caused it been disuhargit. And yet 
contrary to this promise, have they made their pretendit manner of 
forfaulture of 31 men of guid reputation, bishops, abbottls, and ha- 
ronis, obedient subj^ts to out sovereign, only for her cause. 

They'have also disponit, sen our sovereign's cause was taken 
upon hand be the queen's majesty of that realm, an hundred thou- 
sand pound Scots worth of her awin true subjects geir, under the 
color of the law, groundit upon their false, treasonable, stowin, au- 

The murders, the oppressions, the burnings, the ravishing of 
women, the destruction of policy, both ecclesiastical and temporal, 
in this mean time, as in myformer writings I saidit was lamentable 
to ony Christian man to hear of, except Ood gif g^racc, the profes* 



•ion of the evangUeof Jeaus Christ profeHitbc your prince, coun- 
fisll and realme, be mair niyndit, nor the anld iaamity that has stand 
betwUt the realma, many of my countrymen will doubt ia this artir 
cle, and their proceedings puttis myseir in Sanct Thomfis belief. 
, Now, my lords, gif the queen's majesty of that realm, upon quhais 
promise and honour my maistresa came there, aa I have said, will 
]eave all the French writings, .and French phraaea of writinga, 
quhilks amongia them is over melkle on baith the sides unfit, and 
plainly, according to the auld trae custom of Ingland and Scot- 
iandi. quherein he a word promist truth was dbsery'd, promise, in 
the name of the eternal Ood, and upon the high honour of that 
nobill and princely blude of the kinga of Ingland, quhereof ahe 
is descendit, and presently weara the diadem, that ahe will put my 
maistresa in her awin country, and cause her as queen thereof in her 
authority and strength lo be obeyit, and to do the same will appoint 
an certain day within two months at the farthest, as we understand 
this to be our weil, sua will we, or the maist part of us all, follow 
upon it, leaving the Frenchmen, and their evil French phraaea to- 
gidder. And therefore, and for the true perpetual friendship of that 
realm, will condition, and for our- part, with the grace of Almighty 
God, keep aic heada and conditions of agreement, aa noble and wiae 
men can condescend upon, for the weill of thia hail island'. Asl 
have been partlinga declaring to the queen your sovereign, qubilk 
I shew- to your lordahipa selfis both in religion, in the puniahment 
of the earl Bothtf ile, for the queen's laat husband's slaughter, and 
for a mutual band of amity perpetually to remain amangis na. 
. Doabtleis, my lords, without that, we may 6nd sic time and 
friendly worliing, aa may give us occasion baith to foi^tte Mid- 
dtemore and hia late pretendit Parliament, we will turn the leaf, 
leaving our aorereign againsourwill to reat where she is, under the 
promise of friendahip, aa I have baith aaid, .and will ever affirm, 
made by your sovereign, quhilk was only cauaeof her grace's coming 
in that realm, and seek the help and moyen of French, or Spanish, 
till espnise this treasonable and false preteadit authority, qnhilk 
means to rdgn above us. 

. My lords, I desire your lordships consider, that it is he, that 
maist desires the amity betwixt Ingland end Scotland to continue, 
and of a poor man. best cause has, that writ this. 

My brolher, the laird of Skirling, schaws me, that in your lord- 
ships communing with him, it appearit to him, your mind was wo 
■hold suffer the earlof.Murray to work, altho' it were agains reason 
to us, and complain thereof to the queen's majesty, and her higb- 
neas wald see it reformit. My lords, her majesty will be over mei- 
kle troublit to reform the wianges we have suatainit already. For 
I am sure, gif reason and justice may hare place, oui maistress, and 


ire her »ubJe<AB, ham recnred express wrong, fax above two Im»- 
d»d thoBSBiid ijKniiide (Kerliag, ia tbe time of this mritt^iy g»- 
reranent, seeing the TefonHhtioB of sa graM canees, comes, now 
a dajB, M> etowKe, Bad tbe ungodljr tmv of oblirion in ric matlen 
■o meilde pmctia'd, 1 think, nawtiier for die queen's honoar, aor 
oUr mill, yonr Icvdshipe voold sua mean, nor that it is good to as to 
foUow it. And that ye will give jovt sovelreign ric adveitiseitieiit 
thereof, «s yotrr good wisdoAn shall Snd in ttiis cause meet. It 
wHl be true snd frindful woiting for us, indeed, and nowtiier 
Frewb phtases, Hot bMstin^, and fincKng little other nffbet, that 
will cause as to hold ftwtty the Fftnchmen. This is pkhit; writ- 
ten, and I desire your ktnhhips jJahi answer, for in treth uai 
plainneBH langest continues gud friendship, quhilk in this matter I 
pray Ood may lang cOndnue, and have your lordships n his ke«^ 
ing. Off Dura&eiB, the 3d daf of September, 1568. 
Your lordrfups at my power 
to command leifully 


Qaetn Mmy to Q. EhaaMk. 
)i6& MikMLHX ma boBse Boenr. J'ay reeccn de tm lettm, 
Cil. LAn^""*^ mesMa dete; I'une, on toub faites menlien de 
Hf^ML I'sicve de Mobs', de Jduna povi tenir sod pntfiada fnr- 
lenent, gai sua acmhle bien jroid, poor obtenir plus de tnlliianrn 
que je m'estms penaadee a'avoir par Tostre promeue, qneat a 
n'osier dewMi commission de venir sans na parlement po«r letir 
pea devtoSibre de noblesse aian, je vons respons, qu'ila d'obI que 
trois oa qaatre d'avantage, qui easent anssi bien dit lenr opinkm 
bars de'psriement, qai n'a este teau tant pour cette efieet, mail 
pour Ain ce q«'ezpress«neat^MMl■ arions reqnis estre esDpesch^ 
qui «4t la forlUluriedesiea subjects pour m'ovoir.eM^ fideUes, ee 
que je n'aaawois, jasq aes a heir, aroir en en promeesa de voaa, 
par la letlre eoite a ai lord Scrap e maistre KnoieiB Tona isdaire 
a ire contre eolx, nure, a les ensayre reseirtir; tuteMs je vols qoe 
je I'ay mal pris, j'en suis plus manie, pour ce que snr vntre letlie 
quil see montretent, et leor pcrola, je I'ay si dirulgueiDeBt asaoray 
qaa poor vengeanoe que j'en desirasse, si non mettie diSemce au- 
tre leur faux depcrtemens, et les miens stnceres. Dans voaln It*- 
tre aosu dat^e du 10"' d'Aoust, tou* mettia ces mots. " I Hiink 
your adverse party, upon my suodry former advices, wiU hold no 
parliament at all; and if they do, it AaH be only in form of as' 
assembly to accord whom to send into tfaisTealm, and in what sort; 
for otherwise, if they shall proceed in manner of a pariianseat, 
with any act of judgment against any person, I shall not, is ai^ 
wise, tMo'H liieTeof; and if tiKyshallbesoorerseeB, then Touasay 


tUnk the satM to be of no other moment, tbtm the fonner proce- 
dures ; and hy auch Aeb rash mannef of proceeding, they Uiall 
most prejudice themselves ; 'and be asiured to find me read^ to 
condemn them, in their doings." Sur quoy, j'ay contremand^ mes 
servitean, les faJgsant retirer, souSrant selon vostre commandement 
d'etre faussement nommea traities, par ceulx, qui le aont de Tray; 
et encore d'etre proTO<]uea par escannons dies, et par prinses de 
mea gens et lettres, et an controire Tons etes iBfonD§e que mes 
subjects ont evahis les vostres, madame, qui a feit ce rapport u'eat 
pas homme de bien, car taird de Sesford et son fila sont et ont 
eatea mes rebelles depuis le commencement ; enquires Toas, a'ils 
n'estoient a Donfris aveqnes eulx, j'avms ofiri leapondre de la fron- 
tiere, ce que me fnt refbs^, ce qui m'en devroit aasea descharger; 
neanmoms, pour tous ftJre preuve de ma fidtlit^, et de leur falcit6, 
s'il vous me f^yte donnet le nom des coulpables, et me fortifier, je 
commanderay mes subjects les pour siiivre, ou si tous voutes que 
ce Boit les Tostres, tes miens leur ayderont ; je vous prie m'en 
masder vostre volont£, au reste mes subjects fidelles seront re- 
sponaables a tout ce que leur sera mis su les coutre vous, ni lea 
voBties, ni les rebelles, despuis que me conseillatea les faire retirer. 
Quant aux Francois, j'eBcriviE que Ton m'en fit nnlle poursuite, 
car j'esperois tant en vous, que je n'en aurois besoign, — je ne s^eu 
Et le diet aura en mes lettres, mais je vous jure devant Dieu que je 
ne scay chose du mande le leur venue, que ce que m'en avez man- 
day, ni n'en ai oui de France mot du monde, et ne le puis croire 
pour cost occasion, et si ils ai aont, c'est sans mon sceu ni consm- 
tement. Pourquoy Je vous supplie ne me condamner sans m'ouire, 
car je suis pres de tenir tout ce que j'ay ofiert a mester Knoleis, 
et vous assure que vostre amit^, qu'it vous plest m'ofirir, sera res- 
cue avfut toutes les choa^s du monde, quant France servit la pour 
presser leur retour a ceste condition, que prauies mes affaires en 
maa en soeur, et boaae ami, comme ma Franc^ est en vous; mais 
une chose seule me lende confuse, j'ay tant d'enemJe qu'ont votce 
oreille, la quelle ne pouvant avoir pftr parolle, toutes mes actions 
vous sont de^^is^es, et falsement npoTteta, par quoi il m'est im- 
possible de m'assnrer de vous, pout les manteries qu'on vous a 
feit, pour destruire vostre bonne Tokint4 de moy ; pta quoy je de- 
sirerois bien avoir ce bien vous faire entendre ma sincere et bonne 
affiM^on, laquelle je ne puis si bien descrtre, que mes enemis a 
tort ne la decolor^. Ma bonne soeur, gagnes moy ; eavoy^s moy 
queriir, n'entr^ en jalousie pour fauU raports de celle que ne desire 
que votie bonne grace; je mb remettray sur mester Knoleis a qui 
je me suis librement descouverte, et apres tous avoir baia^ les 
mains, je prierai Dieu vous donner en sant^, longue et heureuse 
vie. De Botoo, ou je voua promets, je n'espere pertir qu'aveques 


TOttre bonne grace, quoyqae lei tnentenn mentent. Ce 26 


No. XXVIII. (Vol. I. p. 385.) 

Qu«nt Elizabeth to the Earl o/Miuray. 
Fipei Of- RioHT trusty and right well beloved cousin, we greet * 
p^ , yon well. Where we hear say, that certam reports are 
copj cor- made in sundry parts of Scotland, that whatsoever sbould 
SwrcuiT '*" *"" °°* upon the hearing of the queen of Scotts' 
Cecil, cause, in any proof to convmce or to acquit the said 
queen concerning the horrible murder of her late husband our 
cousin, we have determined to restore her to her kingdom and 
goremment, we do so much mislike hereof, as we cannot indure 
die same to receive any credit: and therefore we have tliought 
good to assure you, that the same is untruly devised by the au- 
thors to our dishonour. For as we have been always certified from 
our said sister, both by her letters and messages, that she is by no 
means guilty or participant of that murder, which we wish to be 
true, so surely if she should be found justly to be guilty thereof 
as hath been reported of her, whereof we would be very sorry, then, 
indeed, it should behoove us to consider otherwise of her cause 
than to satisfy her desire in restitution of her to the government of 
that kingdom. And so we would have you and all others to think, 
that should be disposed to conceive honourably of us and oar ac- 

Indorsed 20 Sept. 1568. 

No. XXIX. (Vol. I. p. 390.) 
Sir FrancU Knolfyt to CecU, the 9th of Odobw 1568, from Tork. 

An Origi- Mt lord's grace of Norfolk sending for me to Bolton, to 
Q^^**^ attend upon him here Thursday last, Imade my repair hither 
accordingly, meaning to stay here until Munday next ; as 
touching the matters of the commission, that his grace and the 
rest have from her highness, bis grace hath imparted unto me of all 
things thereunto appertaining, and what hath hitherto passed, and 
altho' the matters be too weighty for my weak capacity, to presume 
to utter any opinion of mine own thereof, yet 1 see that my lord 
Herns for his parte laboureth a reconciliation, to be had without 
the extremity of odious accusations ; ray lord of Ledington also 
saith to me, that he qould wish these matters to be ended io dulce 
manner, so that it might be done with safety ; of the rest you can 
conceive, by the advertisements and writings, sent up by our com- 

,y Google 


A Lelleejrom the Bishop of Rog* to the Queen of Scott, from York, 

October 1568. 
Cott Ub. Pleis your majesty I conferred at length with A. ane 
A copT g''®** P"'' '^^ ^ night, wbo asaurit me that he had Teaaoned 
trith B. this SaturdayC. on the field.who determinate to him 
that it was the D. determinit purpose not to end your cause at thta 
time, but to hold the same in Buspence, and did that was in her power 
to make the E, pursue extremity, to the effect F. and his adhe- 
rents might titter all they could to your dishonour, to the effect to 
cause you come in disdain with the hail subjects of this realm, that 
ye may be the mair unahle to attempt any thing to her disadran- 
tage. And to this effect is all her intention, and when they have 
produced alt they can against you, D. will not appoint the matter 
instantly, hut transport yon up in the country, and retain you 
there till she think time to shew you favour, which is not likely to 
be hastily, because of your uncles in France, and the fear she has 
of yourself to be her unfriend. And therefore their counsel is, 
that ye write an writing to the D. meaning that ye are informit 
that your subjects which has oSendit you. — This in effect that your 
majesty hearing the estate of your a^rs as they proceed in York, 
was informed that her majesty was informed of you, that you could 
not gndely remit your subjects in such sort as they might ciedit 
you hereafter, which was a great cause of the" stay of this contro- 
▼ersy to be ended. And therefore persuading her D, effectually 
not to trust any wbo had made such narration. But like as ye 
bad rendered you in her hands, as most tender to you of any living, 
SO prayit her to take na opinion of you, but that ye wald use her 
counBell in all your affairs, and wald prefer her friendship to all 
others, as well uncles as others, and assure her to keep that thing 
ye wald promise to your subjects by her advice. And if D. dis- 
credit you, ye wald be gittd to satisfy her in that point be re^ 
moving within her realm in secret and quiet manner, where her 
O. pleased, until the time her G. were fully satisfied, and all oc- ' 
Ctuion of discredit removed from her. So that in the mean time 
your realm were holden in quietness, and your true subjects re- 
stored and maintained in their own estate, and sic other things 
tending to this effect. And affirms that they believe that this may 
be occasion to cause her credit you that ye offer so far ; and it 
may come that within two or three months she may become better- 
minded to your grace, for now she is not well-minded, and will not 
shew you any pleasure for the causes aforesaid. 

S. B. The title of this paper is in Cecil's hand ; the following 
key is added in another hand. 

A, The laird of Lethington, 

r,on7<-i.i Google 


B. The dnke of Norfolk; 

C. Was the day he rode to Cawood. 

D. The queen of England. 

E. Ilie queen of Scots commissioneTs. 

F. The earl of Murray. 

No. XXX. (Vol. I. p. 400.) 

DeHberation of Secretary CeciTi concernitig Scotland. Dec. 21, 1568. 

TfiEbestwayforEti^iuidibutaottlieeauest; thattlts 
Fipet Of- queen of Scoti migjit remain deprived of her crows, and 
the state continue as it u. 

The second way for England profitable, and not so hard. — That 
the q«een of Scots might be induced, by seme perswasions, to agree 
that her son mif ht continue king, becaose be is crowned, and her- 
self to remain also queen ; and that the gOTemnient of the realm 
night be committed to such persons as the queen of Ev^and should 
Bsme, so as for the nomination of them it nught be ordeied, that it 
convenient number of persons of Scotland shoidd be first named to 
the queen of Eng^d^ indifierently for the queen of Scots, and for 
her son, that is to say, the one half by the queen of Scots, and tbe 
otber by the earle of Lennox, and lady Lennox, parents to the child ; 
and out of those, the queen'sm^estyof&igluidtomakechmcefor 
all the officers of the reahn, that are, by the laws of Scotland, dis- 
posable by the king or queen of the land. 

That untill this may be done by the queen's majesty, the govern- 
ment remain in the hands of the earle of Murray as it is, prondi^ 
be shall not dispose of any offices or perpetuals to CQBtiDoe any longer 
but to these ofiered of the premises. 

That a parliament be summoned in Scotland by several oom- 
maadmentB, botii «f the queen of Scots and of the young king. 

That hostages be delivered unto Ea^nd on the yoang 

king's behalf, to the number of twelve pervons of the earle of Hur- 
ray's part, as the queen of Seols shall name ; and likewise on die 
queen's behalf, to Gie tike number as the earle of Murray riiall name ; 
the same not to be any that have by inheritance or office cause to 
be in this parliament, to remain from the beg^siog of the summoas 
of that parliament, untill three months after that parliament; which 
hostages shall be pledges, that the friends of either part shall keep 
the pesG^ in all cases, till by this parliament it be coneluded, that 
the ordinance which the queen of England shall devise for the go- 
vernment of the realm (being not to the hurt of tiae crown of Scot- 
land, nor contrary to the laws of Scotland for any man's inheritance, 
as the same was before the parliament at Bdin'. the Decern'. 

APPENDtX. 879 

IS67) rittll 1m eibAIishe*! to be kept snd obeyed, mder ptin of high 
'treason for ttte breakers theieof. 

That by the tame parliatnent also be establialied all execn- 

dCms and judgments given a^nst any person for the desth of the 
late king. 

That by the same pariiatnHit, a Tenussion be nuule nmrer- 

sally from the qoeen of Scots to any her contraiys, and also tima 
erery one inbgect to another, saving that rettitution be made of 
lands and houses, and idlother things hmtable, that have been by 
either side taken from them which were the owners thereof at the 
committing of the queen of Scots to Lochleven. 

That by the same parlittoent it be declared who shall be gncces- 
SOTS to the crown next after the Q. of Scots and her issoe ; or else, 
diot such right as the D. of Chatelherault had, at the marriage of 
the Q. of Scots witii the lord Damley, may be censerred and not 

That die Q. of Soots may have leave of dte queen's majesty of 
Engtand, twdve mondis ^er die said parliament, and that she ^all 
not depart oat of &igland, vithout special licence of the queen's 

That fte young kmg shall be nourished and brought up in Eng- 
land, till he be years of age. 

Itistobeconsidared, that in this cause die composition between 
thB queen and her subjects may be made with certun articles, out- 
fraidly to be seen to the world for her honour, as though all the parts 
should come of her, and yet for the surety of contiarys, that certain 
betnttherand the queen's majes^ are to be concluded. 

No. XXXI. (Vol. I. p. 402.) 
3%; Qmcoi to Sir Fraadt KnoUtyt, 2id Jmmiy, 1568-9. 

Wx greet yosweU. We mean not, at tius point, "by any 
?**" ^' writing, to renew that whieh it hath {deased God to make 
grierous to us and sorryful to yow ; but forbearing the 
same as tnimeet at this point, having oceasioa to command yow in 
•wr service, and yon tdso whilest you are to serve ns. We require 
yow to conader of this that followeth wiA tike consideration and 
diligence, as hitherto yow have aecostumate in our Beirise ; at the 
time of oorlast letters written to yow the 14diof this month for re- 
moving of tile ^neen of Seels, we had understanding out of Scot- 
land of certain writings sent by ber from thence into Scotiand, 
ameogst-die which one is found to contain great and masiEest uo- 
tnrths touching us and others also, as sfaidl and may plainly appear ' 
unto yow by the copy of the same, which likewise we seitd yon, and 
because at thesame time we were adv ert ised, that it shoold be riioTtly 


pToc)Biine4ia Scotland, though then it wu not, we thought good 
fint to remove the queen, before we would discloM the same, and 
thm expect the issue thereof; and now, this day, by letters from 
OUT cousin of HunsdoD we are ascertained, that since ihst time the 
same matters contained in the writing, are published in diverse parts 
of Scotland, whereupon we have thought it very meet, for the dis- 
charge of our honour, and to confound the falsehood contained in 
that .writting, not only to have the same, reproved by open procla- 
mation upon our frontiers, the coppy whereof we do herewith send 
yow, but also in convenient sort to charge that queen therewith, so 
as she may be moved to declare the authors thereof, and persuaders 
of her to write in such slanderous sort such untruths of us ; and in 
the mean season, we have here stayed her comnusjioners, knowing 
no other whom we may more probably presume to be pardes here- 
unto, than they, untill the queen shall name some other, and acquit 
them; who being generally charged, without expressing to them 
any particular, do use all manner of speeches to dischai^ them- 
selves; wherefore our pleasure is, that ye shall, after ye have well 
perused the coppy of this writing sent to yow, speedily declare unto 
her, that we have good understanding given us of diverse letters and 
writtings, sent by her into Scotland, signed by hei own hand, 
amongst which one such writting is sent with her commandment, 
expressly as now it is already published, as we are much troubled 
in mind that a princess as she is having a cause in our hands so im- 
plicated with difficultys and calamitys, should either conceave in her 
own mind, or allow of them that should devise such false, untrue, 
and improbable matters against us, and our honour, and specially 
to have the aventure to have the same being known so untrue to 
be published ; and you shall also say, because we will not think so 
ill of her, as that it should proceed of her self, but rather she bath 
been counselled thei-eunto, or by abuse made to think some part 
thereof to be true, we require her, even as she may look for any fa- 
vour at our Wtds, that she will disburden herself as much as truly 
she may herein, and name them which have been the authors and 
perawaders thereof, and so she shall make as gieat amends to us aa 
the case may require; after you have thus far proceeded>and had 
some answer of her, whether she shall deny the writing absolutely, 
orname any that have been the advisers thereof, you shall say unto 
her that we have stayed her commissioners here, untill we may have 
some answer hereof, because we cannot hut impute to them soiae 
part of this evil dealing, untill by her answer the authors may be 
known ; and as soon as you can have direct answers from her, we 
' pray you to return us the same ; for as the case standeth, we can- 
not but he much disquieted with it, having our honour so deeply 
touched contrary to any intention in us, and for any thing we know' 


in our jad^ent the earl of Murray end others oamed in the same 
writting, void of thought for the matters, to them thereiD iraputed ; 
yon may impart to the queen of Scots either the contents of the 
slanderous letter, or shetr her the copy to read it, and you may 
also impart this matter to the lord Scroop, to join with you there as 
you shall think meet. 

Sir Francis KtmUei/s to Queen EUmbeth, from Wethtrly, the 28M 
January, 1568. 

Anariginil. — ^ wii-i. suppress my own griefis, and pass them over 
FipetOt- with silence, for the present learning of your majesty — 
. and for this queen's answer to the coppie of her supposed 

letter sent unto Scotland, I must add this unto my brother's letter, 
sent unto Mr. Secretary yesternight late ; in process of time she 
did not deny but that the first lines contained in the same cople, 
was agreeable to a letter that she had sent unto Scotland, which 
touched my lord of Murray's promise to deliver her son into your 
majesty's hands, and to avoid that the same should not bi dona 
without her consent, made her, she saitb, to write in that behalf; 
she saith also that she wrote that they should cause a proclamation 
to be made to stir her people to defend my lord of Murray's intent 
and purpose, for delivering of her said son, and impunge his rebel- 
lious government, as she termed it, but she utterly denyeth to have 
written any of the other slanderous parts, of the said letter touching 
your majesty; she said also, that she suspected that a Frenchman, 
now in Scotland, might be the author of some Scotch letters devised 
in her name, but she would not allow me to write this for any part 
of her answer. 

No. XXXn. (Vol. I. p. 409.) 

Sir Nicholtti Throkmortoa to the Right Honourable the Lord of 
JOth of Your letter of the 3d of July, I have received the 15th 
From the * °^ ''*^ Same. For answer wbereunto you shall understand 
wilfiDal. that friends here to my lord regent and you do wish such 
a concurrence in all doings, as in matter and circumstances there 
arise no dissension, or at the least, no more nor other than the dif- 
ference of countries doth necessarily require. We here do think 
convenient that as few delays be used as may be, for the consum- 
mation of the matter in hand, which principally to advance your 
allowance, prosecution, and speedy promotion in Scotland, is moat 
requisite, for you are so wise, and well acquainted with the state of 
the world, and with all our humours, as you Itnow that some do allow 
and die^ow for reason, some for respect of multitude, some for 



retpect-of penoiM, todso tbecameiatogofonrard M iften do like 
to Mt U forward. You are aot to Hek tW tome will vae oantiona, 
■omc neutrality, Mme delays, md sone will plaialy uopunge i%- 
And yet all and every of these aerU will alter their doings, wbeu 
they shall tee the regent and his faTOUKnaceord with the beat and 
greatest part there, and agree with the wisest and itroagcat party 
here. Tho' the matter has taken its beginning here, upon deep and 
weighty considerations, for the weit of both the prnces and their 
realms, as well preientlj as m time to come, yet it is thought most 
expedient that the regent, and realm of Scotland, by you, should 
propose the matter to the queen our Borerdgn, if you like to uee 
conveniencet good order, or be dispofed to leave bat a tear, and no 
wound of the hurU past, I wonldbe glad that this ray letter should 
come to your hands before the convention, whereat it seeras your 
qaeeu's restoration and marriage to the duke of Norfolk shall be 
propounded, either to wynue in then both allowance or rejection. 
To which proceedings, becaasa you pay me to write frankly, I say 
and reason thus, me thinketh you use a prepoaterom order to de- 
mand the consent of such peraonsi in such matters, as their miads 
to a good end hath ratber been felt or prepared, an4 therefore 
there must needs toilaw either a uniTereal refiisal, or factious divi- 
Mon amongst you, whereby a bloustering intelligence must needa 
come to queen Elizabeth of the intended marriage from thence, 
which ought to have been secretly and advisedly propounded unto 
her highness i hereby you see then the meamog is, by this dealing, 
her majesty shall be made inexorable, and so bring the natter to 
such passe, as this which should hava wrought surety, quietness, 
and a stay to both queens and their realms, shall augment your 
calamity, and throw us your best Mends into diverse with you, and 
into unhappy divigion amongst ourseWei ; for you may not conjec- 
ture that the matter is now in deliberation, but expecteth good occa- 
sion for executing ; sure I am you do not judge so slenderly of the 
managing of this matter, as to think we have not cast the worst, or 
to enter therein so far without the assistance of the nobility, the 
ablest, die wisest, and the mightiest of this realm, except queen 
Elisabeth: from whom it hath been concealed until you, as the fit- 
test mmister, might propound it to her, an A« behalf of the regent, 
and the nobility of Scotland. How far master Woddes defaraatioBS 
do carry them of qneen EUxi^tii's affections, and' master Secre- 
Ury's, to assist the regent and to nppress the queen of Scots, I 
know not, nor it is not material ; bat I do assuredly think, that her 
majesty will prefer her surety, the tranquillity of ber reign, and the 
conrersation of her people, before any device, which may proceed 
from vain disburse, or imperfectioos of passions and isconsiderate 
aflections. And as for Mr. Secretary, you are not to leani that as 


Iwl^th not to |;o too bit Kfbn, 80 hecoveteth aot to tarry too Gtr 
behind, and specially when the reliquei be of do gnAt Tolne nor 
powar. If I could m well BMurayouof hiK nugnviitnity, and con- 
atancj, a* of his proseitt conformity) I would say confidently, you 
stay repose, as well of him in this matter, as of the duke of Norfolk, 
the earis of Arundel, Pembroke, Leicester, Bedford, Shrewsbury, 
and the rest of the nobility ; all which do embrace and pioteste the 
accomplishment of this case. I have, according to your adnce, 
written presently to my lord regent, with the same zeal and care of 
his wellndoing that I owe to bim, whom I lore and honour. Mr. Secre- 
tary bath aiiuied unto him the queen of Scotland's farour andgood 
opinion, wherewith he seemeth to be well satisfy'd. If your credit 
be, as I trust, baston your coming hither, for it is very necessary 
that you were here presently. Q. Elizabeth bolb doth write to my 
lord regent in such sort, as he may perceive Mr. Wood's discourses 
of her majesty's afiiKtion to be rain, and Mr, Secretary otherwise 
bent thanhe conjectureth of him, the effect of which her miyesty's 
letter you shall underBtaiid, by my lord Leicester's letter unto yoH 
at this dispatch. At the court, SOtfa July, 1569. 

No.XXXin. (Vol. I. p. 410.) 

Part of a Letttrfrom the Earl ofMumy to L. B. 
probably Lord Burleigh. 
^^^ — BacAitSE I see that great adrantage is taken on smalt 
Bnt. lib. oooasions, and that the mention of the marriage betwixt 
fc^'Jt'' '**>* I"**" "y "0™"'P''" "Other, and fte D. of Norfolk 
hath this while past been very frequent in both the realms, 
and then I myself to be spoken of as a motioner, which I perceive 
is at the last come to her majesty*s ears ; I wdl, for satisfaction of 
facpr hfghDeas, and the discharge of my duty towards her majesty, 
manifiest unto you my interest, and medling in that matter, from 
the very beginning, knowing whatsoever is prejudicial to her high- 
ness, cannot bet be hurtful to the kingmy sovereign, this his realm, 
and me. What conferences was betwixt the doke of Norfolk, and 
any of them that were with me within tiie realm of England, I am 
not able to declare ; but I am no wise forgetful of any thing that 
passed betwixt him and me, either at Uiat time, or since. And to 
the end her majesty may nnderstand how I have been dealt with in 
this matter, I am compelled to touch some circumstances, before 
there was any mention of her marriage. In Tork, at the meeting 
of alt the commissioners, 1 found very — and neutral dealing with 
tlie duke, and others ber highness's commissioners, in the beginning 
of Ibe cause, as in the making of the others to proceed sincerely, 
and so furth. During which time, I entered into general speecht 

Co Ogle 


■tickiog at oor jnit defence in the mmtten tbat were objected against 
ui, by the said qaeea's commisrionera, looking certainly for do 
other Hang, but laminary cognition in the ctnige of controversy, 
with a fintJ declaration to have followed. Upon a certain day the 
lord Lithington's secretary rode with the duke to Howard, what puT- 
pose tbey had I cannot tsy, bat that night Lithingtcn returning, and 
entnng into cooferrence with me upon the state of our action, 1 was 
advised by him to pass to the duke, and require familiar confer- 
rnce, by the. which I might have some feelia|f to what issue our 
matters would tend. According to which advice, having gotten 
time and place convenient in the. gallery of the house where the 
duke was lodged, after renewing of our first acquaintaQce made at 
Berwick, the time betbre the assize of Leith, and gofne speeches 
passed bet^xt us ; he began to say to me, how he in England had 
favour and credit, and I in Scotland had will and friendE>hip of 
many, it was tho't there could be none more fit instruments, 
to travel for the continuance of the amity betwixt the realms, than 
wetwo. And so that discourse upon the present state ofboth, 
and how I was entered in that action tending so far to the queen's 
dishonour, I was willed by him to consider how matters stood in 
this, what honour I bad received of the queen, and what inconre- 
niences her defamation in the matters laid to her charge might 
breed to her posteiity. Her respect was not little to the crown of 
England, there was but one heir. The Hamiltons, my unfriends, 
had the next respect, and that 1 should esteem the issue of her 
body would be the more affectionate to me and mine, than any other 
that could attain tp that crown. And so it should be meetest, that 
she affirmed her dismission made in Lochlevin, and we to abstract 
the letters of her hand write, that she should not be defamed in 
England. My reply to that was, how the matter had passed in 
parliament, and the letters seen of many, so that the abstractiog of 
the same could not then secure her to any purpose, and yet should 
we, in that doing, bring the ignominy upon us. Affirming it would 
not be fair for us that way to proceed, seeing the queen's majesty 
of England was not made privy to the matter as she ought to be, 
in respect we were purposely come in England for that end, and 
for the — of the grants of our cause. The duke's answer was, be 
would take in hand to handle matters well enough at the court. 
After this, on the occasion of certain articles, that were required to 
be resolved on before we entered on the declaration of the very- 
ground of our action, we came up to the court ; where some new 
commissioners were adjoined to the former, and the hearing of the 
matter ordained to be in the parliament-house at Westminster, in 
presence of which commissioners of the said queen, and ■ ' - 
through the rebuking of the queen of England's own coed 

. Dar/.-i-.;. Google 


mus)oner», we uttered the vhole of the actkiii, and prodpced 
aucfa evidenceB, letters, and probations, as we had, which might 
mav€ the queen's majesty to thick well of our cause. Where- 
upon expecting her highness' declaration, and seeing no great 
likelihood of the same to be suddenly ^ven, but daily motions 
then made to come to ao accord with ijie said queen, our nutt- 
ten in hand in Scotland, in the mean season, standing in ha- 
Kird and danger, we were put to the uttermost point off our wit, 
to ima^ne whereunto the, matters would tend, tho' albeit we had 
left nothing andone for justi&cation of our causes, yet appeared no 
end, but continual motions made to come to some accord with the 
queen, and restore her to whole or half reign. I had no other 
answer to give them, but that I should neither do against conscience 
or honour in that matter. Notwithstanding seeing this my plain 
answer wrought no end, nor dispatch to ns, and that I was informed 
that the duke began to mislike of me, and to speak of me, as that 
Protnbl; I bad reported of the said queen irreverently, calling her 

adaiurtr. gj,^ murderer, I was advised to pass to him, and 

give him good words, and to purge myself of the things objected to 
me, that I should not open the sudden entry of his evil grace, nor 

have him to our enemy considering his greatnesi. It being 

therewithal whispered and shewed to me, that if I departed, he 
standing discontented and not satisfied, I might peradventure find 
such trouble in my way, as my throat might be cut before I came 
tA Berrick. And therefore, since it might well enongh appear to 
her marriage, I should not put him in utter despair, that my good 
will could not be had therein. So few days before my departing, I 
carae to the park in Hampton -court, where the duke and I met to- 
gether, and there I declared unto him that it was come to my ears, 
how some misreport should be made of me to him, as that I should 
^leak irreverently and rashly of the said queen my sovereign's mo- 

FrobiUv ther,such words as before expressed, that he might 

"V"- thereby my afiection to be so alienate from her, as that I 
could not love her, nor be content of her preferment, howbeit be 
might perswade himself of the contrary, for as she once was the 
person in the world I loved best, having that honour to be so near 
nnto her, and having received such advancement and honour by 
her, I was not so ungrate or so unnatural ever to wish her body 
harm, or to speak of ber as was untruly reported of me (howsoever 
the truth was in the aelf ), and as to the preservation of her son, now 
my sovereign, had moved me to enter into this cause, and that her 
own pressing was the occasion of that which was uttered to her 

Piob»bij whensoever God should move her heart to repent 

dlihD»ur. of iier bypast behaviour and life, and after her known re- 
pentance, that she should be separate from that ungodly and unlaw- ' 
-vox. 11. 2 c 

Co Ogle 


ftil marriage that ihe was entred in, and then after were joined with 
anch a godly and honourable a penonage, as were afffectioned to 
the tme religion, and whom we might tniqt, I could find in my heart 
to love her, and to shew her as great pleasure, favour, and good will, 
ax ever I did in my life ; and in case he should be that personage, 

there was none whom I could better like of, the queea in 

— — of England being made privy to the matter, and she allowitig 
thereof, which being done, I should labour in all things that I could, 
to her hooonr and' pleasure, that were not prejudicial totiieking 
my sovereign's estate, and prayed htm not to Aink otherwise of me, 
for m; afiection was rather hnried and hidden withm me, awaiting 
until God should direct her to know herself, than utterly alienated 
and abstracted from her ; which he leeroed to accept in very good 
part, saying, earl of Itfurray, thou thinks of me that thing, where- 
vnto I will make none in England or Scotland privy, and thou hant 
Norfolk's life in thy hands. So departing, I came to my lodging, 
and by the way and all night, I was in continual thought and agi- 
tation of mind, how to behave myself in that weighty matter, first 
Imagiaing wherennto this should tend, if it were attempted without 
the queen's majesty of England's knowledge and good will, this 
realm and I myself in particular having received such favour and 
comfbrt at her higbness's hands, and this whole isle such peace and 
quietness, since God possessed her majesty with her crown. And 
on the other part, seeing the duke had disclosed him to me, pro- 
testing, none other were or should be privy to onr speech, I thi^t I 
could not find in my heart to utter any thing that might endanger 
Um; moved to the uttermost witin these cogitations, and all desire 
of sleep ther^ removed, I prayed God to send me some good relief 
and outgate, to my discharge and satisfaction of my troubled mind, 
which I found indeed ; for upon the mom, or within a day or two 
thereafter, I entered in conversation with my lord of Leicester, in 
his chamber at the court, where he began to find strange with me, 
that in the matter t made so difficult to him, standing so precisely 
on Gonferrence, and how when I had in my communication with the 

duke, come so far and there he made some discourse with me, 

about that which was talke betwixt us, I perceiving that the duke 

Pnibabi; had the matter to my lord of Leicester, and thinking 

diximeii. me thereby discharged at the duke's bands, therefore I re- 
peated the same communication in every point to my lord of Leices- 
ter, who desired me to shew the same to the queen's majesty, which 
I refused to do, willing him if he tho't it might import her highness 
any thing, that he as one by her majesty, and for many be- 
nefits received at her highness's hands is obliged to wish her well, 
should make declaration of the same to her majesty, as I under- 
stand by some speech of her highness to me, he did, Tliis my 


dadsretion to tlu duka wu the onlycaaic, Itiat itaid th« violeaca 
wd trouble prapBi«d far me tinexecutad, as I have divers wsya att> 
d«r«tood. The nine declaration I was obUged to renew riaee In 

writings of (eat to my Beirant John Wood. The sum whereof, 

I trast, be shewed the duke, and something alse I wrott to himseV, 
for it was tho't this should redeem some time, diat the duke should 
not suddenly declare h|n) our enemy, for his greatness was oft laid 
before me, and what friendship he had of the chief of the nobility 
in Sogtaod, so Aat it might appear to the queeft's majesty of Eng- 
land socold towardsus, anddoiog nothing pnblioly that might 

seem favonr^le&r us, we bad some cause to suspect that her high- 
ness should not be contrarioui to the mftrneige when it sbould be 
proposed to her, The Aarp mesM^ sent by her majesty with the 
lord Boyd, who had tbc like cofamifuoa fr(»n Ihfl duke tf «4ipg M 
bi to the said queen's pffformsot, as it were proposing one inaBner 
of conditioofi from bo^, gave a» to tbiok that her highness bad bean 
fore*eea in tbe dHk«'B deaign, wd that she tn^ht be indiuKti to aUpw 
titereof. But faowbeit it was (l«vieed in Englwd, ^t tbe i<vi of 
I/etbiugtoa should come aa from me, and bre^ ike ra»tttr to hef 
fai^hoesii, a» ber majefty ii)a)etlerde«laredthat»heb»l(edlor Iw 
eoming, yet that deriap proceeded never of me, nor the noUemet «t 
the convention could bo wise ^cord to hid sending, nor allow of thu 
matter nvotioned, but fkltogstber ttieliked it, as bring with the svsn 
great inooiueniwiees to the surety and quiietness of tbis whde i«iA; 
for our proeeedinge b«ve decland our nusliking and disalktwanee of 
dw puipese f^ow tbe begjae^^, ud if we ba.i fdeaced he was ready 
for tbe joiaaey. And in liknwwe it was derised to give oonfcst 
ftdbMj ^M tbe — • — between the said qonen nnd BolhMwtt, 
•JtBorc*- shwld^e sufieredtoproceedin diisrc^si,-Mit wHd«- 
^redbythee(HdlordBoyd,byreaIoawBCQ^b] not understand wbai 
was the ^neen's «M}esty's pleasnre, and aUewanro in tlint befanU 

' — And wbaMU ye mean, that her highness was not mndefHivy 

of ai^ such intonition, the fb*dt was not in me. The fint motioD 
being declared, u I hare written, to my Lord of Leicester, and by 
faim impwted to tier majesty, so far as I coald perctsTe by some 
speech of ber higbneaa's to me, before my defarting. Thus I hara 
^nly declaittd.bow I hare been dedt withal for this marriage, and 
bow just necessity DtaF«d me not to require dlraotly, that lAiofa the 

* dukp appaaped so unto. AndformyArealKiingii,tO aiaent 

to the same, I have expressed the manner ; the pcnona that laid the 
Wfttter before me, were of my own company. But the duke ainM 
hatb sp^KU, that it was bis writing which aased my life at that timc> 
Ijn iCQMitiaioa .1 pray you penuade her majesty, that she let na 
^Mcbee B« any other thing paased and objected to my prqudiee, 
move Iht m^eaty fo .idtv her favour — towuds me, or m^ w^ t» 

Co Ogle 


doubt of my atsured constancy towtu^i ber ^itghneii; for in any 
thing which may tend to her honour and surety, I will, while 1 hre, 
bestow myself, sod all that nill do for me, notwithstanding my 
hazard or danger, as proof shall declare, when her majesty finds 
time to employ me. 

No. XXXIV. (Vol. n. p. 2.) 

WUHam Mattlmd ^ Ledington, tomy Lordo/Leketter, March ZOli, 

1570, from Lethtigton. 
Anorigi- Thb great desolation threatened to this whole realm, be 
■'■'- the divisions thereof in dangerous factions, doth press me 

to frame my letters to your lordship, in other sort, than were be- 
horefull for me, if I had no other respect, but only to maintain my 
private credit; therefore I am driven to furnish them with matter, 
which I know not to be plausible, whereupon by misconstruing mj 
meaning, some there may take occasion of o^nce, thinking that I 
rather utter my own passions, than go about to inform your lord- 
ship truly of the state ; but I trust my plain dealing shall bear re- 
cord to ihe sincerity of my meaning : to make the same sensible, I 
will If^ before your lordship's eyes the plat of this country; which 
first is divided into two factions, the one pretending the mainte- 
nance of the king's reign, the other alledging the queen to have 
been cruelly dealt wltball, and unjustly deprived of her state; the 
former is composed of a good number of nobility, gentlemen, and 
principal burroughs of the realme, who shall hav^e, as Mr. Randolph 
bearedi us in hand, the queen's majesty your sovereign's allowance 
and protection ; the other hath in it some most principall of the 
nobility, and therewithal!, good numbers of ibe inferior sort, 
throughout the whole realm, which also took assuredly that all 
kings do allow their qnarrel and will aid them accordingly. What 
consequence this division will draw after it, I leave it to your lord- ' 
ship's consideration; there is fallen out another division, acciden- 
tally, by my lord regent's death, which is liketo change the state of 
the other two factions, to increase the one, and dtniini^ the other, 
which is grounded upon the regiment of the realm. Some number 
of noblemen aspire to the government, pretending right thereto by 
reason of the queen's demission of the croun, and her commission 
granted at that time for the regiment during the king's minority ; 
another faction doth altogether Tepine against that division, think* 
ii^ it neither fit nor tolerable, that three or four of the meanest sort 
unoogst the earls, shall presume to challenge to themselves a nilc 
over the whole realme, the next of the blood, the first in rank, the 
greatest alway both for the antientry of their houses, degree, and 
forcesj b^ng negleckted; this order they think preposterous, that 


dtie meuMr lort shall be placed in public function to cOmmuid, and 
the greater eball continue as private men to obey ; besides that, 
' they think if the commisaion had in the beginning been relewable 
(which the most part will not grant), yet can it not be extended to 
the present, for that the conditions thereunto tinnexed are ceased, 
and so the effect of the whole void ; the latter part of this division 
hath many pretences, for besides the queen's faction, wliicfa is 
wholly on thikt side, a great number of these that have heretofore 
professed the king's obedience, do faroar the same, and will pot 
yield to the government of the other, whose preferment for respects 
they mislike, when the queen's faction shall be increased, with a 
part of the king's, and these not of least substance, and yow may 
judge what is like to ensue ; another incident is like to move men 
to enter in further discourses, it is given out here in Scotland that 
the queen's majesty is setting forth some forces towaids the border, 
which shall enter this realm, to countenance these that aspire to the 
regiment, and suppress the contrary faction, and bruits are spread, 
that the same shall be here out of hand; these that think themselves 
of equal force with their contrary faction at home, or rather an over- 
match to them, yet not able to encounter with th& forces o^ another 
prince, rather than yield to their inferiors, vrill I fear, take advice of 
necessity, and evill councillors, and seek also the maintenance of 
some foreign prince, whereby her majesty (altho' no further incon* 
venient were to be feared) must be driven to excessive charges, 
and it would appear there were a conspiracy of all the elements at 
one time to set ua together by the ears, for now, when the rumour of 
yoar forces coming towards the border is spread abroad, even at the 
same time is arrived at Dumbarton, a galzeon with a messenger sent 
expressly from the king of France, to that part of the nobility that 
favours the queen, to learn the state of the Country, and what sujfi- 
port they lack or desire, either for furtherance of her aifairs, or for 
their own safety ; assuredly this message will be well received, and 
suffered accordingly, this is the present state of Scotiand. Now, if 
your lordship would also know my opinion, how to choice the best, 
aa the case standeth ; I will in that also satisfie your lordship I am 
required from them to deal plainly, and your lordship sluitl judge 
wither 1 do so ornot; fori think it plain dealing, when I simply ut- 
ter my judgment, and go not about to disguise my intents. I trust 
the queen's majesty hath a desire to retain at her devotion the realme 
of Scotland, which shehathgoneabout to purchase, with bestowing 
great charges, and the loss of some of her people ; this desire is 
honourable for her highness, profitable for both the countreys, and 
of none to be disallowed ; specially if it be (as I take it) to have the 
amity of the whole realm, for it is not a portion of Scotland can 
serve her turn, nor will it prove commodious ftir her to suit the 

r,on7<-i.iGoOglc , 


friandAifiof a&ctioD of Sootisod, far io Mtfoiig, in gmiag lbi> 
1M>I, dK HBy loM the nora, and the nine wndd bring all bar ae- 
Hou iHlfa «B i* BUB|»cian, if abe aboald go about to noiiriili GudOB* 
muagH Mt, which meBnii^ I an tare never entered into bcr maje*' 
tft btut ; then if it bt tbe fiieadahip of the vbole 4)c doth deimnd, 
iHhltr nWifor plaaaart of o*e part, go ^Kt to overtbiow Iba reM~ 
Vast, trttaoh will Dot bfl ao faiiable, ■• aoaa aaj give her to aadar" 
MHtd I bat ntfaer by way of trtatf , let her go abont to pacify tba 
«bola Mats, bring tbe panisB ta an aocwd, icduoc as all by good 
WMM to Ui wnilbn&ity, eo ^all ihe give ua all ooaasion to think 
«rab of her doings, that she tcadeth oar wealth, and pravokc a» 
tiaiverully to wiah unto bRmt^tyn moat pnupcnniiooi)tiniukiu»{ 
by the utratnuy, if, for the pleaeura of a few, ehe will acnd foicea to 
MppniM ttaae whom their Miiriitts, aad a« oonaeqnantlj offend maay ; 
men be not ao fliint hearted, bat tbey have courage to provide (at 
Oeir t)WB tafly, and net only will Mnbrace the meaBs part^ oifeied, 
bat Will aba prMi»« fuNher> at the haid erf other piincei. lUa 
tbr tnitte t>«K part, I do abhorr, and prateat I desire never to 
B«e fbvees of strangers t» set fbot within tfaia land, yet I know not 
irtiat point necessity tney drive men into, as if men in tbe nnddleaf 
Ihe B«fi were in a ship, which suddenly should be set on fire, the fenr 
(^ burning wonld make them leap into the sea, and etioa after th* 
feu Of tbe waiter would drive then to eliere again to tbe fired skip, 
ao $ot arnding present evil, men will many times be inforoed to havie 
tfeoDarse to another, no leaa dangerous. Trast nw foicas will not 
bring forth tstj gotKi ftmit to ber mi^eaty'a behove, it must be soom 
Way of ttcaty riiaJl serve the turn, whereiD by my former letteia yoar 
lotdsti^ doA know already what is my judgement ; you ase how 
t^Hinly I do write, without constdMation in what part my letters may 
bfe taken, yeA my hope is tbat attCh ei win fcTonraUy interpret them* 
lAfall think Aftt I mew as well to her majesty and that rerime, aa 
these tlAt will Mter other losgiutge. I wish the continuance of the 
Hntfty betwixt tbe two ooatrys, without other respect, and will not 
«o»cea! ftom ber tnajesty any thing, to my knowledge, tending t» 
tbe t»4judiee Aienod if I shall perceave her jn^esty taking frask 
dtatibgBtn evilpatt, I shall from thenceforth Ibihear; io tbe meaa 
senson, t wHl not cease to trowble your lordship, u I Aall have 
occasion to wtibe, and so I take my leav« of jour hwdskip. 

No. XXXV. (Vol. II. p. 7.) 

I^ter of Qiixe* MtabtA to iht Eark i^Suaeks, Jufy 2il, 1570. 
„ . . RibHT tnuty and well beloved conain we greet ydb 

US-Hhl 'w^l; this day wehavereceivedyoarlettBtaof 28thela^ 
*<*i7^*°l>l- Bionth, with all other letters, Hnt from Scotland, and 
mentioned in your letters, whereunto answer is detiicdtB 

p. 189. 


ApFENDIXi 301 

b«{iven b^>r«tlte 10th of this manUi; which U ft vary i^ort tim«i 
the TeightiiKfls of the matten, and the distvice «f the places ooor 
sideied t nevertheless we have, as the ahortoess opuld suffer it, rep 
scdved to give this answei fbllowiog, which we will that yow, t^ 
wanand hereof, shall cause to be given id our name to. the earl of 
i<enDOx and the rest of the noblemen conveeudmthhim, ^here^ 
is by than, in their letters, and wiitioga alledg'd, that for laokof our 
resolute answer, concerning the establisbiug of the re^meqt of the 
realm, under their yonog king, great inconveniences have happned, 
and therefore they have deferred nvw at Ihur last convention to dor 
termine of the samine, who shall have the place of govemour, until 
the 2lBt this month, before which time they require to have our ad;- 
vise, in what persra or persons the govemmeut of that realm shall be 
est^lisbed, we accept very thankfuU the good will and reputa&i» 
they have of us, in yielding so frankly to require and follow our ad* 
vise in a matter, that toucheth the state of their king, tbeirselves, and 
realm so near, wherein as we perceive that by our former forheariig 
to intermeddle therein, they have taken some discomfort, as tiiough 
that we would not have regard to th«r state and suerty, so on the 
other part, they of their wisdoms oaght to thii^E that it might he by 
the whole world evil interpreted in us to appoint them a form of go- 
Temtneat, or a govemour by name, for that howsoever we shonM 
mean well if we should do bo, yet it could not be without tome jear 
lousy in the heads of the estate, nobility, and community of that 
realm, that the government thereof should be by me specially 
named, and ordain'd ; so ^ finding difficulty on both parts, and yet 
misliking most that they should take any discomihrt by our for- 
bearing to show our mind therein, we have thought in this sort for to 
proceed, considering with ourselves bow now ^at realm had bee* 
a good space of time ruled b the name of their king, and by reasoH 
of his base age, governed heretofore by a very carefull andhanouri- 
able person, the earle of Murray, nntill that by a mischievous per- 
son (an evil example), he was murdered, whereby great disorder , 
and confuuon of necessity had, and will more follow, if determina- 
tion be not made of some other speciall person, or persons, to take 
the charge of govemour, or superior ruler speciall, for administra- 
tion of law and justice, we cannot but very well allow the desire <^ 
these lords to have some speciall govemour to be chosen ; -and 
therefore being well assured, that their own understnding of all 
others is best to consider the state of that realm, and to discern the 
abilities and qualities of every person meet and capable for Hueh a 
charge, we ahall better satisfie ourselves, whom they by their com- 
mon consent shall first choose, and appoint to that purpose, then of 
any to be by us aforehaud uncertainly named, and that because they 
riiall perceavB that we have care of tha person of their king, 



■who by oewneM of blood, and in respect to his «o young y^rg, 
ought to be very tender and dear to us, we shall not hide our ophiion 
from them, butifthey shall all accord to name bis grandfather, our 
cousin, the earl of Lennox, to be governor nlone, or jointly with 
others (whom we hear to be in tiie mean time by their common con- 
sent appointed lieutenant-general), reason moyetfa us to think that 
none can be chosen in that whole realm , that shall more desire the 
preserration of the king, and be more meet to hare the govemmeot 
for his safety, being nest to him in blood of any nobleman of that 
reahu, <» elsewhere; and yet, hereby, we do not mean to prescribe 
to them this choice, except they shall of theroseives fully and freely 
allow thereof; furdiermore we would have them well aasuied, that 
whatsoever reports of devises are, or ahidl be spread or invented, 
that we. have already yielded our mind to alter the stale of the king 
or government of tlut realm, the same are without just cause or 
ground by us given, for as we have already advertized them, that 
although we have yielded to hear, which in honour we could not re- 
fuse, what the queen of Scots on her part shall say and offer, not 
only for her own assurance, but for the wealth of that realm, yet not 
knowing what the same will be that shall be offered, we mean not to 
break the order of taw and justice, by adraucing her cause, or pre- 
judging her contrary, before we shall deliberately and assuredly see, 
upon the hearing of the whole, some place necessary, and just cause 
todo ; and therefore finding that realm ruledbyakiug, and the same 
affirmed by laws of that realm, and thereof invested by coronation 
and other solemnities used and requisite, and generally so received 
by the whole estates, we mean not by yielding to hear the complaints 
or informations of the queen against her son, to do any act whereby 
to make conclusion of governments, but as we have found it, so to 
suffer the same to continue, yea, not to suffer it to be altered by any 
means that we may impeshe, as to our honour it doth belong, as by 
yout late actions hath manifestly appeared, untill by some justice 
and clear cause, we shall be directly induced otherwise to declare 
our opinion ; and this we would have them to know to be our de- 
termination and course that we mean to hold, whereon we trust they 
for their king may see how plainly and honourably we mean to pro- 
ceed, and how little cause they have to doubt of ui, whatsoever to 
the contrary they have or shall hear ; and on the other part, we pray 
them of tbdtr wisdoms to thinkhow unhonourable, and contrary to 
all human order it were for us, when the queen of Scotland doth so 
many ways require to hear her cause, and doth ofier to be ordered 
be us in the same, as well for matters betwixt ourselves and her, as 
betwixt herself and her son and his party of that realm, against 
which offers no reason could move us to refuse to give ear, that we 
should aforehand openly and directly, before the causes be heaT4 


ftod contidered, &■ it woe, give a judgment or sentence either for 
oiinel*eB or for tbem whom she maketh to be her contnrieB. 
Einally ye thall admoBilb them, that they ,do not, by miacoii- 
ceiviDg oai good meaning toward them, or by indirect usertiona of 
their adversary, grounded on untruths, hinder or weaken their own 
caute, in such sort, that our good meaning towards them ishid) not 
uOte such effect towards them, as they shall desire, or tbemselrea 
have need of. All this our answer ye shall cause be given them, 
and let them know, that for the shortness of lime, this being die 
end of the second of this month, we neither could make any longer 
declaration of our mind, nor yet write any several letters, as if time 
might have served we would have done. 2d July, 1670. 

No. XXXVI. (Vol. II. p. 7.) 

Th Bis&t^ ofRosi to Secretary Lidingtonfrom Chattimoorth. 

I HAVE received your letters dated the 26th of Hay, 
^*i5To"'' hereat Chattisworth, the 10th of January, but on the re- 
ceipt thereof I had written to you at length, hke as the 
queen did with my lord Levingston, by which yon will be resolved 
of many points contained in your said letter. I writ to you that I 
received your letter and credit from Tho*. Gowy at London, and 
sent to Leicester to know the queen of England's mind, whether if 
you should come here or not. He sent me word that she will no 
ways have you come as one of the commissioners, because she is 
yet offended with you : and therefore it appears good that ye come 
not hither, but remain where you are, to use your wisdom and dili- 
gence, as may best advance the queen's affairs, for I perceive your 
well and safety depends thereon, in respect to the great feid and 
enmity bom against you by your Scots people, and the great heir- 
ship taken of your father's landis; both were sure demonstrations 
of their malice. Yet I am encouraged by your stout and deliberate 
mind. Assure yourself no deligence shall be nroitted to procure- 
supports forth off all parts where it may be had. We will not re- 
fuse the aid neither of Papist, Jew, nor Geatil, after my advice : and 
to this end, during this treaty, let alt things bewell prepared. And 
seeing my lord Seaton is desirous to go into Flanders, the queen 
thinks it very necessary thai he so do, for the duke D'Alva has got- 
ten express command of the kingof Spain to give support, and lam 
sure that there he shall have aid both of Flanders and the pope, for 
it abides only on the coming of some men of countenance, to pro- 
cure and receive the same. He must needs tarry there, on the pre- 
parations thereof, during this treaty, which will be a great further- 
ance to the same here. The queen has already written to the duke 
D'Alva for this effect, advertizing of his coming; there is certwn 



sama of money coming for support of the EngltshnteD, u I wrot* 
to you before, from the pope. Whereupon I would he had a gene> 
rfd commission to deal for them, and receive sach sumB u shall be 
given. The means shall be found to cause jou be ansnerit of the 
sums you writ for, to be dispoisit upon the funushiog of the castle of 
Edinburgh, so being some honest and Uue man were sent to Flan* 
den to receive it, as said is, which I would yoti prepared and sent. 
Orders shall be taken for the metals m you writ ofi We have pro- 
ponityour avyce in eutrmg to treat wjtb the queen of England, for 
retiring of her farces puntyoally for lack of aid. Your answers to tfae 
Englishmen are tho't very good, but above all keep you welll out of 
their hands, in that case, estote prudentes sicut serpMites. Yon 
may take experience with the hard dealing with me, how ye would 
be used if ye were here, and yet I am not forth of danger, being in 
medio nationis pravte ; alway do fear, with God's grace, shall make 
me shrink from her majesty's service. Since the queen of England 
has refused that you come here, it appears to me quod nondum est 
sedata malitia amorreornm, &c.; and therefore if Athol or Cathenea 
might by any means be procured to come, tbey were the most fit 
for the purpwe, Rothes were also meet, if he and I were not both of 
one simame; so the treaty would get the less credit eiAer in Scot- 
land or here. Therefore avys, and send thebest may serve the turn, 
and fail not Robert Melvil come with them, whoever comes, for so 
is die queen's pleasure : in my last packet, with Jantea Fogo, to 
you, in the beginning of May, I aent a letter of the queen's own 
handwriting to him, which I trust ye received. I am sorry ye come 
not for the greatrelief Ihoped to have had by your presence, fi)r yon 
could well have handled the queen of England, after her bumonr, 
as yon were wont to do. The rest I refer to your good wisdom, 
praying God to send you health. From ChattiBworth the Idth of 

No. XXXVII. (Vol. 11. p. 25.) 

The declaration of Join Cais to the Lonis of Grange and LelMtiglon 
xoungare vpon the 8M day of Oct. 1571. 

WiiBREAS you desire to know the queen's majesty's pleasure, 
what she will do forappeasing ofthese controversies, and tiierewith 
has offered yourselves to be at her commandment, touching the 
common tranquility of the whole isle, and the amity of both realms ; 
her pleasure is in this behalf, that ye should leave off the mainte- 
nance of this dvil discord, and give your obedience to the king, 
whom sbe will maintain to the utmost of her power. 

And in this doing, she will deal with the regent and the king's 



fmxtj td raceir* jbm into fevour, iipon reatonabU coaditlons for se- 
cnritjr of Ufa tkMl liviDge. 

AUo >he says tkat the queen of Scotts, for that ahe hasproctlHed 
with the pope snd other princea; and abo with her ovn lubjecta in 
Englaadf great and dangerous treasons against the state of her own 
country, and also to die destruction of her own person, that she 
aball perer bear anthority, nor have liberty while she Utos. 

If ye refuse these gentle offers, now ofiered unto yon, she will 
prcaendy aid the king's party, with men, ammunition, and all ae- 
cesaary things, to be had against you. 

Wbereup<Hi her majesty requires your answer with speed, without 
any delay. 

No. XXXVIII. (Vol. II. p. 34.) 

Articlei tent by Knox to Ike Gaurat Auemhis, Aitgast Bit, 1573. 

_ . , FiKsT, desiring a new act to be made tatifiring all things 

HS. BJt- concerning the king and his obedience that were enacted 
twj.Tol.s. of before without any change, and that the miiuslers who 
have contraveend the former acts be corrected as ac- 

Hiat sute be made to the regent's grace and nobiUty muntaining 
the king's cause, that whatsoever proceedeth in this treaty of peace 
^y be mindful the kirk be not prejudg'd thereby, in any sort, and 
they especially of the minietras that have been robbed of their pos- 
sessions within the kirk during the time of the troubles, or otherwise 
dung and injured, may be restored. 

To sute at the regent, that no gift of anybishoprickor other be- 
nefice be given to any person, contrary to the tenor of tbejicta made 
in the time of the first regent of good memory, and they that are 
given contrar the said acts, or to any unqualified person, may be 
revoked and made null be an act of secret council, and that all bt. 
shopricks so vacand may be presented, and qualified persons nomi- 
nal thereunto, within a year after the Taking thereof, according to 
the order taken in Leith be the commissioners of the nobility and of 
the kirk in the month of January last, and In special to complain 
upon the giving of bishoprick of Ross to the lord Methven. 

Thai no pentions of benefices, great or small, be given be simple 
donation of any lord r^^nt, without consent of the possessor of the 
«aids benefices having tittle thereto, and the admission of the super- 
iatendentor commissioners of^e province where this benefice lyeth, 
or of the binhops lawfully elected according to the said order taken 
at Leith ; and desire an act of council to be made thereupon, until 
the next Parliament, whereia the samine may be specially inacted. 



with inhilHtUMi to the lords of seisioo to gire any letters or drtcreeU, 
upon >uch Hdiple gifts of benefices or penBions not being given in 
maDoer above rehearsed, and that the kirk presently assembled 
declare aU such gifts null so far as lyeth in their power. 

That the firat form of presentation to benefices, which were-in the 
first and second regent's time, be not chang'd as now it- is com- 
monly ; but that this clause be cont^ed in the preaentatitHi, that 
if the persons presented make not residence, or be alandrotu, or 
found unworthy either in life or doctrine be the judgment of the 
kirk (to which alvise he shall be subject) or meet to be transported 
to another room at the aigbt of the kirk, die said presentation and 
all that shall fall thereupon shall be null and of no force nor effect ; 
and this to have place also in the nomination of the bishops. 

That an act be made in this assembly that all things done in pre- 
judice of the kirk's assumption of the thirds, either by Papists or 
others, by giving of fews, liferents, or taks, or any otherwise dispon- 
ing the said assumed thirds, be declared null with a solemn pro- 
testation the whole kirk disasenteth thereto. 

That an act be made decerning and ordaining alt bishops, admitted 
to the order of the kirk now received, to give account of their whole 
rents, aod intromissions therewith once in the year, as the kirk 
shall appoint, for such causes as the kirk may easily consider the 
same to be most expedieot and necessar. 

Anent the jurisdiction of the kirk, that the same be determined 
in this assembly, because this article hath long been postpond to 
make lute to the regent and council for remedy agamst messengers 
and excommunicate persoas. 

Last, lliat orders be takes anent the procurers of the kirk, who 
procure against ministers and ministry, and for sutting of justice 
of the kirk's actions in the session. 

No. XXXIX. (Vol. II. p. 39.) . 

Dtckralum of Henrg KtUigrewe, £*g. tqwn tie Ptace amchitkd tht 
2Zd Feb': 1672. 
Be it known to all men, by these presents, Oiat I, Henry Killi- 
grewe, esq. ambassador for the queen's majesty of England, Foras- 
much as; at the earnest motion and solicitation being made to me, 
on her highaess's behalf, there is accord and pacification of the 
public troubles and civil war within this realm of Scotland agreed 
and concluded, and the same favourably extended towards the right 
honourable Oeorge earl of Huntly, lord Gordon and Baidzenocb, 
and the lord John Hamilton, son to the duke's grace of Chastel- 
Urault, and commendatour of the abby of Abirbrothock, for the 
surety of the lives, Uvinga, honours, and goods of them, tbdr kin- 



folks, ftiendo, Berrants, and partakers, now properly depending on 
them ; in treating of the which said pacification) the murderera of - , 
the late earl of Murray iinc)e, and the earl of Levenax grandfather, 
late regent to the king's majesty of Scotidnd bis realm and li^es, . 
as also an article touching the discharge for the fructis or move- 
able goods, which the said persons have taken fra personis profess- 
ing the king's obedience, before the damB|;es done or committed by 
tliem, since the 1 5th day of Junij, 1567, and before the penult day 
of July, last by passed, by reason of the common cause or any 
thing depending thereupon, being thought by the king's commisa- 
ries nutteris of such wecht aod impgrtance, as the king's present 
regent could not conveniently, of himself, remit or discharge the 
same. Yet in respect of the necessity of the present paciAcation, 
and for die weil of the king, and common quietness of this realm 
and lieges, it is accorded, that the matters of remission of the said 
murderers, and of the discharge of the said fructis, moveable goods, 
and other damages, be moved by the persons desijing the said re- 
missions and discharge to the queen's majesty my sovereign, as to 
the princes nearest both in Uood and habitation to the king of Scots. 
And wbfttsoever her m^esty shall advise and councel touching the 
said remission and discharge, the said lord regent, for the weil of 
die king and universal quietness of the realm of Scotland, shall 
perform, observe, and fulfill the same. And in likewise, the said 
earl Hnnlly, and commendatour of Abirbrothock, being urged to 
have delivered pledges and hostages for observation of the con- 
ditions of the said accord and pacification, hath required me in place 
thereof, in her majesty's name, by virtue of my commission, to pro- 
mise for them, that they shall truly and faithfully observe and keep 
the stud pacification, and all articles and conditions thereof, fw tiieir 
parti, and that it would please her majesty to interpose herself, as 
surety and cautioner for them to that effect, to the idng's majesty of 
Scotland their sovereign and his said regent, which I have done, 
and promise to do, by virtue of her majesty's commission, as by the 
honourable and plain dealing of the said earl and lord, their inten- 
tion to peace well appears, the same being most agreeable to the 
mind of the queen's majesty my sovereign, which so long by her ' 
ministers hath travelled for the said pacification, and in the end, at 
her motion and solicitaljon, the same is accorded, knowing her ma- 
jeat/a godly desire, that the same may continue unviotate, and 
that the noblemen and others now returning to the king's obedience 
shall have sufficient surety for their lives, livings, honours,' and 
goods. Therefore in her majesty's name, and by virtue of my com- 
mission, I promise to the aforesaid eail Huntly and commendatour 
of Abirbrodiock, that by her majesty's good means, the said remis- 
sion and discharge shall be purchased and obtained to them, their 



Iciurolka, friends, lervsnts, and partaken, now property depeodiBg 
upon them (the psrsonB ipecified in the tint abitinatice always ex- 
cepted), as also that dia said pacification shall be trul;f obserred 
to thraa, and that her majeatjr ehal) interpose herself m coDserrm. 
trix thereof, and epdeavoor herself to cause the same to be truly 
and sincerely kept in ail points and articles thereof accordingly. 
In vitneis whereof I have to this present subscribed with iny faandf 
and sealed the same widi nine own seal, the 1 3di day of F«b. anao 
Domini 1572. And thii to be perfonned by me, betwixt the date 
hereof, and the parliament which shall be appointed for th«T resti- 
tution, or at the furthest, before the end of the said parlmniMt. 
Sic subscribitur. 

Tie BifAop o/Glasgoxo't note concerning the Queen ofScotlond^t dowry, 
1576. ^^^ queen of Scotland, dowager of France, bad for bar 
Cottnb. dowry, besides other poseesMOM, the dukedom of IWcne, 
Ctlif.s.4. ^)jj^^ ffj^g solemaly coatracted and ghrea to her by tba 
king a]»l estates of parliament; wliidi dukedom she posMsied 
peacefully till 1576, and then, upon the pacification betwixt the 
king and Mods, bis broths, to augment ^ose appenage this dntdby 
was given, to whidi the queen of Scotland yielded upon aeGCont of 
princeB, who were her near relations, piorided the equiraleitt wUch 
' was promised her should be faithfully perfonned. Ss th^ jeax, 
after a great many solti citations, in lieu of that dutcliy, sbe had 
granted her the county of Vennaudaise, with the IukIs aad baili- 
wicks of Seuley and Vetrey ; tbo' 'tk known that county and tb» 
other lands were not of equal value with Tnreoe, but was promiaeil 
to have an addition of lands in the neig^boitf bood lo aa equal raUie. 
Upon this lette^ patent were granted, wUch were confirmed in tbe 
courts of parliament, dtamber of acconpti, court of aida, chaubw 
of the treasury, and others necesaary: upon which she entered int» 
possession of diat oonnty, JScc. Afterwu^s, by a valuation of ths 
commLssioBen of the chamber of accompts, it was found dtat tha 
revenne of that county, &c. did not amount to those of Tuieae, bjr 
3000 livres. But instead of making up this d^cieucy aceordini; 
to justice, some of the privy counc^, viz. M. de Cfaevemy, the pre- 
sidents of Bellievte, Nicocholay, and St. Bonet, is dke qmrk of tk* 
king, notwithitandii^ of her aforesaid losses, did sell and aUennte 
the lands of Senlis, and the dutdiy of Estainpes, to Madam d« 
Hontpensier, from whom the king received money; ot which uJa 
the counsrilon aforesaid obliged liheouelves to be guaranttes, which 
hath hindered tiie aforesaid ^een to have justice dose her. 8» 
^at Madam de Moatpeasiar bath been put in posseasion of tkeae 
lands <tf Senlis, contrary to all the declaratioo, proteMatioii, and 


amirances of the king of France to queen Hary'i ambassadors. So 
that the qneen of Scotland is dispoBseased of her dowry, contrary 
to alt equity, irithout any regard to her quality. 

No. XL. (Vol. II. p. 43.) 

A Letter from the Lord of Locklcfm to the Rtgent Mortoun. 
M MiMh, It will please your grace, I receired your grace's letter, 
J^^^,"^and has conmdered the same. The parson of Camsey was 
Archives, here at me before the receit thereof, directed fra my lord 
atnd. B. Qf Mar, and the master anent my last written, which was 
the answer ofthe wiitingthatthemastersent to me, which 
I send to your grace, desiring me to come to Sterling to confer with 
Aem. I had giTen my answer before the receit of your grace's 
letter, thU I behuiffit to be besyd Sanct Androis, at one friend's 
Iryat, ^icfa I might not omit ; I understand by my said cousin, that 
the king's majesty is to write to divers of the nobility to come there, 
tnent your lordship's trial, and that he had written before his de- 
parting to my lord Monthrois. I undentand likewise, he will write 
to yoni grace to come there for the same effect, which I tho't good 
to make your grace foreseen of the same, ploying your grace, for 
tiie love of God Almighty, to look upon the best, and not to sleep 
ia security, but to turn yon with unfeigned heart to Ood, and to 
consider with yourself, that when the king's majesty was very young, 
God made him the instrument to divest his mother from her autho- 
rity, who was natural princessi for offending of his Divine Majesty, 
and that there ran no vice in her, bnt that the same is as largely in 
you, except tiiat your grace condescended not to the destruction of 
yoor wife. For as to harlotry and ambition, I think your grace has 
M far offended God, and far more in avaritiousness, which ryds 
God never loft unplagued, except speedy repentance, which I pray 
God grant to your grace, for odierwise your grace can never have 
the love of Ood nor man. I pray your grace flatter not yourself; 
fet if your grace believes that ye hare the good-will of them that 
are the king's good-willers ye deceive yourself; for surely I see per- 
fectly that your own particulars are not contented, lat be the rest 
and thatmost principally for your hard dealing. 1 pray your grace, 
beir with me that I am thus hamlie, for certainly it proceeds from 
DO gmdge, bnt from the very affection of my heart towards your 
grace, which has continued since we were acquainted. And now I 
see, becaase the matter stands in yoiir grace's handling with the 
lung's majesty, for certainly if your grace fall forth with him now, 
I see not how ye shall meet hereafter ; pray I your grace to call to 
Ood, and look on the best, and cast from your grace both your 
vices, to wk, ambition and averitionsness. I am riding this de^ to 



Sanct AndroU. and tnirt to return on Wedneiday at the fartheiL 
If your grace will commaDd me in any offices that are bonest, that 
■I may do your grace pleasure in at Sterling, advertise of your grace's 
mind, and shall do to my power and knowledge, and tiiis Vitb my 
heartlie, &c. &c. 

To oar trutty Coutin the Lord LochUven. 
From ibe TausTY couBin, after our most hearty commendations, 
E. ofMor-^c received yourletterof tbeSdof March, andas ve take 
ton'i V your plaionese therein in good part, as proceeding from a 
Band! B. ''^end and kinsman, id wbose good a&ection towards as 
No. 31. we never doubted, so ye may not think it strange that we 
purge ourselves so far of your accusation, as in conscience we find 
not ourselves to have offended in. . As touching our offence to Ood, 
we intend not to excuse it, but to submit us to his mercy ; for am- 
bition surely we think none can justly accuse us; for in our private 
estate we could, and can live as well contented, as any of oar de- 
gree in Scotland, without further aspiring. The bearing too the 
-charge of the government of the realm, indeed, mon lead us, or any 
other that shall occupy that place, not simply to respect ourself, but 
his majesty's rowme, which we supply, and therein not transcendinf^ 
the bounds of measure, as we trust, it shall not be found we have 
done, it ought not to be attributed to any ambiUon in us. For ai 
HOou as ever his majesty shall think himself ready and able for hia 
own government, none shall more willingly agree and advance the 
same nor I, since I think never to set my face against him, whose 
honour, safety, and preservation has been so dear unto me, nor I 
will never believe to lind otherwise at bis hand than favour, although 
all the unfiiends 1 have in the earth were about him, to persuade 
him to the contrary. As we write unto you, out friendly dealing 
and confidence in the house of Mar is not thankfirily acquit; as we 
trust yourself considers ; but because the ambassadors of En^and, 
my lord of Angus, the chancellor, treasurer, and some noblemen 
rides west this day to see the king, we pray you heartily address 
yourself to be there as soon as ye can, and as ye shall find the like- 
lihood of all things, let us be advertised thereof with your own ad- 
vice, by Alex'. Hay, whom we have thought good to send west, 
seeing my lord of Angus from Sterling rides to Douglas. And so 
we commit you in the protetftion of Qod. AtHolyrood-house, the 
4th of-March, 1577. 

For the avaritiousness laid to our obai^e, indeed it lies not in us 
so liberally to deal the king's geare, as to satisfy all cravers, nOr 
never shall any sovereign and native-born prince, let be any officer; 
eschew the disdains of such, as thinks them judges, to their own 
reward; in many causes I doubt not to find the assistance of iny 



friemija, bat vbore mj Kctioa* ahaU Apt^u UDfaouatt, I Will not crave 
ifasir BMietance, but 1st me bear my own bartben. 

No. XLI. (Vol. 11. p. 66.) 

Letter of Walttngliam' I to Randolph, FebniaryS, I580-I. 
CMt-lib. SiK| — I have recei*«d from my lord lieutenant the copy 
Gdig. C 6. of your letter of the 25th of the last directed unto his 
lordship, containing a r«port of your negotiation with the king and 
his council, in your second audience, wherewith haying made her 
majesty acquainted, she seemed somewhat to vustike that you should 
»o\oa%dtJi^tocie<Afortheel^rgemeiaoflxa^iio<it%. But 1 made 
Miswer in your behalf, A&t I thought yon were directed by tba ad- 
Tice of the SEud Empedodes's frkwb, in die solicitiDg of that caute, 
«fao knew what time Was fittHt foi you to take to deal therein, with 
ItiMt efibct, and best success, with which answer, her ntajesty did in 
the «Bd rest very well eatiified, tonehing- tliat pwit. 

four putting of u» in hope that D'Aubigny might easily be won 
at her majesty's derotion, was at fitvt interpreted to have been 
hitat spoke by you. But woce it seemeOt ynu inaGst upon it, t 
cottM wish yon wet« otttcrwiae persuaded of t!te man, or at least 
k(^ that opinion to yoursdf, fbv ctinsfaferiBg the end and purpose 
of his «0D!^g into Scotland, as may be many ways sufficiently 
proved, was only to adv«nce the qiveet^a liberty, and reception into 
di&t g<3«erAinent, to overthrow region, and to procure a foreign 
match with Tillenariua, wherein the iudosed copy, wtiich you may 
we to good purpoM there, riiall partly give you soaie light ; there 
ifl no malt here c*n be persnaded tbat be will change his purpose 
fi>T BO small advantage as he is Ukdy to find by it, and ther^re 
you shall do well to forbear to harp any »ore upon ttrat string, as 
I have already wrfttes to you. Tte piiace <f OrMge sending, I 
fear will not be in time that it may do any good ; for beshles that 
Aese people are in themeeltes slow in their resolutions, thair own 
^birs ere, at present, ao great, their state so confbsed, and the 
prince's andiorityso small, that be cannot so aoos take order in it; 
and' jet for my own part, I have not been negligent or careless in 
the matteTi having move dian three weeks past, sent one about it, 
from whom nevertheless 1 do yet bear nothing. The letters you 
desire should be written thither by tite French ministers, I have 
given order to Mr. Sillingrew to [procure, who, I doUbt not, 
will carefully perform it, so Aat, 1 hope, I shall have tiiem to send 
yen by the next. And so I commit yeu to Ood. At Whitehdl, 
^ 3d of F^bniary 1560. 

Youc very loving Cousiti and servant, 

Fuji. WALsiveaAM. 
VOL. ii; 2 D 



The praKding letter is an orig^inal, and in some parts of it wrote 
in cyphers, and explained by another hand. By Empedocles 
19 understood Morton. By Villenarius, the Idng of Scots. 
D'Aubigney is marked thus ,-, ' q . 

3 Feb. 1S80. 
Sundry notes gathered upon good diligence given, and in time to be 

better manifested, being now thought meet to be in c<mvement tort 

vied and laid against lyAvbigny, to prove Aim abuting Ike king, tie 

mAilitg, and that state. 
Cott.Lib. First, it hath been informed by credible means, that 
An'iriiti- D'Aubig^ey was privy and acquainted with la Nari the 
iial. king's mother's secretary, coming into Scotland, and of 

his errand tiiere, tending chiefly to persuade the king, to think and 
ettteem it an evil president for princes that subjects might hare 
power to deprive their lawful soveieigns, as ihey did his mother, 
who was not minded, by any mean, to defeat him, either ,of , the 
present government of that realm, or yet of the possession of the 
crown and inheritance thereof, but rather to assute the same to 
him : and that for the accomplishment of that assurance, the kin^ 
should have been advised and drawn to have governed, for some 
short time, as prince, calling D'Aubigny to rule as governor of 
the prince, by commission from the queen his mother, until the 
king's enemies were suppressed ; after which time D'Aubigny 
should have power given to establish and resign that kingdom to 
the king, by his mother's rolaotary consent, whereby all such, as 
had betbre been in action against the queen jor her authority, 
might be brought to stand in the king's mercy. And for that.lhe 
king might live in more surety, D'Aubigny should be declared both 
second person in succession of that crown, and also lieutenant ge- 
neral of Scotland,. and that D'Aubigny before his departure out of 
Fiance, received commission from the king's mother to the effects 
remembered, or near the same. That in this behalf he had con- 
ference with the bishops of Gla^ow, and Ross, and with Sir James 
Baford, with which persons, and with the duke of Ouise, he had 
and hath frequent intelligence, and by Sir James fiaford he was 
advised to confer vrith the lord John Hamilton before his r^air into 
Scotland, wheieunlo he agreed, and yet afterwards he sent one 
John Hamiltop to the said lord John to excuse him in this part, 
alledging,thathedid forbear to come tobim, lest thereby he should 
marr or hiuder greater effects to be executed by him in Scotland. ■ 

That before his coming into that realm, the nobiUty and country 
were well qdieted and united in good concord, with great love 
betwixt the king and nobility, and amongst the noblesse, bnt he 



bath both drawn the king agdDSt Nundry of the chiefest of his 
nobility, that have been most ready, and have expended their 
blood and possessions to preserve religion, and defend the king's 
person, his government and estate, and also hath given occasions 
of great sUBpicions and offence to be engendered betwixt the 
king and hii nobility, and especially with such as have been in 
action againat the king's molJier, and her authority, who by force 
and means of the said commission and practice, should have 
been brought into most dangerous condition ; and who also may 
find themselves in no small perill while he posBesses the king's 
ear, abuseth his presence, and holdeth such of the principal keys 
and ports of his realm, as he presently enjoyeth. 

That he hath drawn the king not only to forget the great bene- 
fits done to him and his realme, by the queen's majesty of Eng- 
land, but also to requite the same with sundry sighs orgreat un- 
thankfulness, and bounding therewith the honour of her majesty, 
and thereby hath adventured to shake the happy amity long time 
contmued betwixt those princes. > 

And whereas these griefs were to be repaired by gentle letters 
and good offers, to have passed and been doi>e betwixt them ': in 
which respect the king and council having resolved to write to 
her majesty, for her highness better satisfaction in the late negotia- 
tion of Mr. Alexander Hume of Nwthberwick, had given order to 
the king's secretary to frame that letter : He minding to break the 
bond of amity in sunder, willed the secretary to be sure that no- 
thing should be inserted in that letter whereby the king should 
crave any thing at her bands, seeking thereby to cut off all loving 
courtesies betwixt them, as by the declafatioii of the said secre- 
tary may be better learned, and thereupon further approved. 

*. That under the hope and encouragement of D'Aubigny's pro- 
tection, Alexander King presumed with that boldness to make his 
lewd harangue, and by his means bath hitherto escaped chastise- 
ment and correction, due for his offence. 

That Sir James Bafbrd, condemned of the slaughter of the king's 
father, liath been called into the realm by Lennox, without the pri- 
vity of the king. And whereas the said Sir James found in a green 
velvet desk, late the earl of Bothwell's, and saw and had in his 
hands the principal band of the conspirators in that murder, and 
can best declare and witness who were authors and executors of 
the same ; he is drawn by Lennox to supjn^s the troth, and to 
accuse such as he himself knoweth to be innocent ; and as by order 
of law, will be so fotmd, if they may have due trial, which, con- 
trary to all justice, is by Lennox means denisd. 

TUtii the charge agmntt D'Aubigny, mrntionti in the foregoing 
Utter by Waltingham ; but by Baford Ihey meattSir Jamei Balfour. 

No. XLII; (Vol. II. p. 80.) 

The copg of the Kiw of France Au directiotu lent to Scotland mth 
StvKvr de la Motte Fenelon. Translattd out of the FreacA. 

Calderw. FiRBT, on thetr majeatys moat Ghrutiaii put, lie shall 
toiy.Tol.S. oiA^c the most hooourable salatalion and nsidi^ to die 
p. 308. most sereoe king of Scotland, tbar good brother and lit- 
tle son, that in him is possable. 

To give him their letters that are closed, such and soch like as - 
they hare writtou to him with their hands, and to show expressly 
the perfect friendship and singular affection, that their majesty 
bear to him, and to bring back the answer. 

To take heed to the things which touch near the most serene 
king, to the effect that his person may he in no danger, bnt that it 
may be most surely preserved. 

And that he be not hindred in the honest Uherty that he ought 
to have, and that no greater or stnuter guards be about him than 
lie had before. 

And such like, that he be not impeached in the authority, tiut 
God bath given to him of Icing and prince sovereign above hia 
subjects, to the effect he may as freely ordain and command in his 
affairSf and in the affiurs of hia country, with his ordinary council, 
as he was tised to do of before. 

That his nobility, barons, and commonality of his country may 
have theit free hberty to resort to his serene majesty without sus- 
picion of greater guards or more armed men about his penon than 
the use waa, that they be not afiraid and hindered to resort; and 
further that the segnieur de la Motte Fenelon sail Uberally and 
freely speak to the said serene king and council, requiring the re- 
i^tabli^ing of that that may or hath been changed oi altered. 

And that he may know if the principalis of the nobility and other 
men of good behaviour of the towns and commonality of the con- 
try conveeuB, and are coatentwith the form of government pre- 
sently with the said serene king, to the end that if their he any 
miscontent he may travaite to agree them together, and that he re- 
turn not without the certainty of the sfunine. 

And if he may understand that there be any who have not used 
them so reverently towards the said serene king their sovereiga 
lord, as the duty of their obedience required, that he may pr^ on 
thisbehalf of his majesty most Christian the said serene tung bis 
good brother, giving him conncill whrily to forget the same, and 
eidiorting them to do their duty towards his majesty, in time, com- 
ing, in all respects with the obedience atid true subjection they 
ought him. 



And if the raid Begnieur de la Motte pwcevea the laid serene 
king to be in any manner constraifLed of bis person, autiiority, U- 
bert^, and disposition of fais affairs, than he used to be> and not 
coBvenient for bis royal dignity, or as the soverdgnty of a princ* 
doth require, that he use alt moyen lawful and honest to place him 
in the samine, and that he employ as much as the credit of hiB 
most Christian majesty may do toward the nobility and subjects of 
that contry, and as much as may bis name, with the name of hit 
crown towards the ScotUsh nation, the which he loves and con- 
fides in as much as they were proper Frenchmen. 

And that he wittness to the said serene king, and his estates, of 
bis consent, and to all the nobility and principall personages of 
the contry, that his moat Christian majestic will continue on his 
part in the most ancient alliance and confedracy, which he hath 
bad with the said serene king his good brother, praying his nobi- 
lity and contry, with his principall subjects, to persevere in the sa- 
mine, in all good understanding and friendship with him ; the 
which, on his part, be shall do, observing the samine most utvio- 

Further bis most Christian majes^ understanding that the se- 
rene king his good biother was contented with the duke of Lenox, 
and his serviee, the said signieur de la Motte had charge to pray 
his serene majesty that he might remaine beside bim to his con- 
tentment, believing that be should more willing intertain the points 
of lore and confedcrace, betwixt tiieir majestys and their contrys, 
because he was a good subject to them both i and if be might not 
remain, without some alteration of the tranquility of his estate, 
that he might retire him to bis own house in the said contry, in 
surenes, or if be pleased to return to France that he might surely 

Hind if it pleases bis serene mcyesty, to cause cease and stay 

the impeachments, tbat are made of new upon the frontiers, to ths 
eSect that the natural Frenchmen may. enter as freely into the 
contry, as tbey were wont to do of before.-: 

And that there may he no purpose of diffamalion, nor no speech 
but honourable of the most Christian king, in that contry, but 
such like as is spoken most honourably of the serene king of Scot- 
I^d in France. 

He had another bead to propone, which he concealed till a little 
before his depajrture, to wit, that the queen, the king's mother, was 
cont^t to receive her son in association of the kingdom. 

,y Google 


No. XLIII. (Vol. 11. p. 94.) 

LardHtnudme to SirFrmicu WaUingham, Ike Utk o/Avgvtt, 1584, 
Jrom Berwick. 
^dcrw. AccoRDiRO to my former letters, tonchiag my meet- 
t«y,.oL 3. '"E ^i'h t^e earl of Arran upon Wednesday last, there 
p. 37*. came hither to me from the earle, the justice clerk, and 
Sir William Stuart, captain of Dumharton, both of the king's privie 
council, to treat with me about the order of our meeting, referring 
wholly to me to appoint the hour, and the number we should meet 
withal ; so as we concluded the place to be Foulden, the hour to 
be ten o'clock, and the number with ourselves to be 13 of a side ; 
and the rest of our troops to stand each of them a mile from the 
town ; the one on the one side, the other on the other side, so am 
OUT troops were two miles asunder ; I waa not many horsemen, 
but I supplied it with footmen, where I had lOO shot on horse, but 
they were very near AOO horse well appointed : According to which 
appointment, we met yesterday, and after some congratulations, 
the earle fell in the like proteBtatione of his good will and readiness 
to serve the queen's majesty, before any prince in the world, next 
his Bovereign, as he had done heretofore by his letters, and rather 
more ; with such earnest tows, as unless he be worse dian a 
devil, her majesty may dispose of htm at her pleasure ; this being 
ended, 1 entered with him touching the cause I had to deal with 
him, and so near as 1 could, \e(t nothing nnrehearsed that I had to 
charge the king or him with any unkind dealing toward her ma- 
jesty, according to my instructions, which without any delay he 
answered presently, as ye shall perceive by the said answers sent 
herewith; but I replying unto him he amplified them with many 
inoe circumstances, but to this effect. Then I dealt with him 
touching the point of her majesty's satisfaction, for the uttering^ 
such practices as has been lately set on foot for the disquieting of 
her majesty and her estate, who thereof made snndry discourses, 
what marriages have been offered to his majestie by sundrie princes, 
and by what means the earle has sought to divert them, and for 
what causes; the one, for that be marriage with Spain or France, 
he must also alter his religion, which as he is sure the kingwill 
never doe, so will he never suffer him to hearken unto it, stklong 
as he hath any credit with him ; he denys not but the king has 
been dealt withal be practices to deal against her majesty, which 
he has so far denied and refused to enter into, as they have left 
dealing therein, but whatsoever the king or he knoweth therein, 
there shall be nothing hidden from her majesty, as her majesty 


sball knov very shortly; surely It seemi by liis speeches^ tHat if 
the king would have yielded thereunto Ifaeie had been Uo small 
company ot French m Scotland ere now to disquiet her mftjesty. 
— !— This being ended, I dealt with him earaeetly for the stay of 
this parliament, which now approacheth; or at die least that there 
may be nothing done therein, to the prejudice of these noblemen 
and others now in England, for the forfautting of thetr linags and 
goods : hereupon he made a long discourse to me, jJrst of the earl 
of Aiq^ns dealing about the eail of Morton, then of his going out, 
notwithstanding of snndrie gracious offers the king had made him, 
then of the road of Ruthren, how that presently after they had the 
king's majesty in their hands, they imprisoned himself, dealt with 
the king for putting of the duke oat of the realme, the king re- 
fused so to do, they told him plainly that if he would not he should 
have the earl of Arran's head in a dish ; the king asked what of- 
fence' the earl bad made? and they answered it must be so, ^^ 
should be so ; heieupon for the safeguard of Arran's life, the king 
was content to send away the duke, and yet Arnin afterwards 
sundrie times in danger of his life ; I alledged unto him the king*)! 
lettw to the queen's majesty, and his acts in council, that they 
had done nothing but for his servise, and with his good liking and 
'Contentment, who answered me, he durst do no otherwise, nor 
could not do any thing but that which pleased them, with such a 
number of other their deaUngs with the king whilest he was in their 
hands as are too long to be written, and too bad if they were true; 
I said the king might have let the queen's majesty's ambastador 
have known his mind secretly, and her majesty would have reUeved 
him ; he. answered, that the king was not ignorant that the appre- 
hensions in that manner proceeded from Mr. Bow's practice, and 
thereby durst not impart so much to him, and yet the king was 
content, and did give remission to as many as would acknowledge 
their faults, and ask remission, and such ns would not, be thought 
fit to banish, to try their further loyalty, in which time tbey con- 
spired the king's second apprehension, and the killing of the earle, 
and others, and seduced the ministers to thdr faction, and yet not 
saliBfied with these conspiracies and treasonable dealings (as he 
terms them), are entered into a third, being in England under her 
^majesty's jsotection to dishonour her majesty as far as in th^n 
liethi or .at least to caose the king conceive some unkindnesf in her 
jnsijeaty) for harbouring of them ; I wrote to you what the conspi- 
^■acy was, the tailing of the king, the killing of the earle of Arran, 
and some others, the taking of the castle of Edin', aiwl bringing 
home the earles to take the chan;e of the king : idl which (says he) 
.is by Drummond confessed, and by the provost of Glencudden not 
greatly denied, and the constable of the castle therenpon flfcd ; tbe 



Mil bnni^ Drwnnoad with hiv at fu u laagioa, wfane he iaji 
to bne coDftwed the cowihtw^ before met bst h^rinf al Mi 
li^^tiag Mceived ai blow aa his leg wUh n borse, m m he cmM 
bring Un no further, I replied ihftt I Iboflgbt veril; they would aot 
work an; wch practiGH in i««pect of the quteo'i majeBty, abi^ngr 
witl^n her rnhne, and if there be any snoh pnctiees, diey hxn 
proceeded from otbera, and they atA pitvie vnto them : and diat if 
it be not apparently proved agtunet them, that it will be thosght te 
be some pntctioe to ^^gmrate the hnh, and to make them the 
ware odious to the king. He aMweied ane, diat it ahould h» 
proved so aufficiently, that they ihould not be aide whh tniA td 
deny it, for their own hands is to be showed to partof U, and theis- 
fwe cooclvded, that if bei m^esty should so press the king fbrthem 
(It this time that miuld rather binder this matter of amity, nor fhr- 
dter it, and that since they seek ohiefly his life, he ooold not, inany 
KMon, seek to do them any good ; and besides be assured me, that 
if he would, hedarenot,thislastmatterbangfUlenoiit asitis; anrf 
surely if this matter had not fkUo Mt, I would not bore doabted 
the restoring of the earl of Mar very ehortly, if her majesty wonld 
^« employed me therm, but for the eari ef Angus, I perceive A* 
king is persuaded that both he, and the mt of the Donglasaes, htf* 
conceived lo mortall an hatred against him ^id the eari of Amn; 
idraut the death of the earl of Horton, as if they were at home, to* 
morrow next, they would not leave to practise and oonsi^ th« 
death of them both, and therefore a hard matter to do any thing for 
bim ; finally, be concluded and reqoired me to assure her nutjettj 
from the king, that there ehaH notiiiog be hid from her, nor aji; 
ihiog left undone that may satisfie her majesty with reason, and that 
the king shall never do any thing, nor consent to have any thing 
done in her prqudice, so long as he had any credit with bim, or au- 
thority under bim. Having this fer proceeded, he derired to Aew 
me hie commicsioo, which is under die great seid, to bimsdf only, 
which is as Is^e as may be, and yet saadiie of the privie counoiri 
there with bun, but not one in commission, nor present, nor near ua 
fd] this time, having spent almost five hours in these matters; be 
presepted to me the master of Gmy, who delivered to me a leHer 
£tom the kii^ in hia commendation, whom I petoeive the king ncana 
to s*ndtober mfgesty. and tbereiwe require* a safe-oondactforhia 
posMge, which I pray yow procure, and to send it so soon as yoti 
V»J- I let him understand of the lord Seaton's negootadou wttli 
the French king. He swore to me, that Seaton was bat a knave, 
and that it was partly against his will, thathesholiM be sent tiridiec. 
B«t bis comuHsaigo uid instroction being of no great importance, 
be yielded the sooner ; and if Seaton has gone beyond bis iastrae^ 
Uona, whkhArran drew faimsrif, he will make SeaUm annrt forU. 

,AFrENDJX. 40& 

Touching Willitm Newgate and Hark Chdgftn. b« pioteikd be 
Bevel heard of any such ; he bkjs there was a little poor soul, witli 
« Uack boAcd, come diiUier a-be^ng, who imi be was an enemy 
ta Denpfmd, (o whom be gtve a crouo, but never beaid of him 
aince, and for any Scotj man piiDg into Ireland, he Bay* there ii no 
(uofa matt«T; if there be, there may be some few rasfcals that bs 
knowt not of; and touching the coming of any Jesuits into Scot- 
land, be ■ayaitiabutthei1andeTonBdeviBeQfthelung'seB«iiyt)«nd 
aooh aa would have the world believe the king were ready to rertAt 
in religion, who the world absU well see will ointtnue as conitaat 
dterm, a> what prince aoever professed it most ; and the eatie him* 
■elf dos protest to me, that to his knowledge, he neTci saw a Jesuit 
in his life, and did assure me if there was any in Scotland, tb«y 
. should not do so much barm in Scotland, as their ministers would 
do. if they prea^ such doctrine aa they did in Scotland ; and touch* 
ing one Ball anden, of whom Iwrote toyow, IheardfromMr. Colvil, 
the earle avows constantly that b« knows not, nor hath not heard of 
any sqcb man, but he would inquire at the justice clerk, and would 
infiinn me what he could learn of that ; thus I have made yow a* 
sbwt a discourse as I can (tf so many matters, so long discoursed 
upon, but these are tbe princ^al points of all our talk, so near as I 
can remember it, and for this time I commit yaw to the Almigbtyi 
At Berwick tbe 14th of August, 1584. 
Thej king is very desirous to have 
toy son Robert Carrie to come to him. 
I pray you know her Majesty's pleasure. 

Arrtm'i Annetn to thegriefft or arliclea proponed to the Lord Hmtdane, 
set daam in another form. 

As to the strait and severe persecution of all such, as have been 
noted to have beeu well aflscted to the queen's majesty, it cannot 
^pear they were either for that cause punished, or hardly dealt with, 
since his nu^esty of late has been go careful and diligent to choice 
out good instruments to deal betwixt her majesty and him, as bis 
m^ifls^ has don^ in electing of your lordship and me ; besides that 
ui ali their accusations, thrar good will and affection bom to her 
m^ea^ was, at no time, laid to their charge, but capital actions of 
treason many way tried now be the whole three estates, and roor« 
Ihan manifiest to tbe world. 

Afl for his rosjesty inhibiting, by public proclamation, such as were 
banished, not to repair in England ; the bruits and whisperings that 
came to his majesty's ears, of their conspiracies and treasons, which 
ftince syn dtey accMt^lished, so far as in them lay, moved bis ma- 
jesty to inbftiit tbcn to repair to any place, so near hie majesty's 
realm, testth^ sboold have attnnpted these things, which shortly 


they did attempt, being farther off, and more distant both by sea and 

As for reception of Jesuits, and others, her majesty's ftigitires, 
and not delirering them according to bis promise, as yonr lordship 
propones, his majesty would be most gtad, that so it might tell out 
by your lordship's traviles, that no fugitive of either realms shbuld 
be received of either, and when so shall be, it shall not fail on his 
DHJesty's part, albeit in very deed this time bygone his mt^esty has 
been constrained to receipt her majesty's mean rebelb and fugitives, 
contrar his good natnrall, since her majesty bath receipt, in efiect, 
the \rhole and greatest rebells and traitors his majesty in his own 
blood ever had ; as for the agreement with bis majesty's mother 
anent their association, his majesty has, commanded me, in presence 
of yonr lordship's servant, to assure her majesty and yonr lordship, 
in his majesty's name, that it is altogether false, and an untrutbi nor 
any such like matter done yet. 

His majesty has also commanded me to assure your lordship, that 
it is also false and nntnie, that his majesty has, by any means direct 
orindirect, sent any message to thepope, or received any from him; 
or that his mtuesty has dealt with Spain or any foreigners, to harm 
' her majesty or her realm, which his mf^esty conld have no honour 
to doj this good intelligence taking place, as I hope in God it shall. 

As concerning the contemptuous usage of her majesty's ministers 
sent unto his majesty, his majesty used none of them so, and if his 
majesty had, sufficient cause was given by them, as some of their 
own writs do yet testify ; as-I more particularly showed your lord- 
ship at Foulden at our late meeting. 

No. XLIV. (Vol. II. p. 98.) 

TAe Scotlkh Queen's offtrt upon the tfect of her liberty propounded fry 

her Secretary Now, November 15S4. 

. Tb e queen my mistress being once well assured of your 

C«lig.C8. majesty's amity; 

^ ^"PJ- I. Will declare openly that she will (asit is sincerely 
her meaning) strailly to join unto your majesty, and to the same to 
yield and bear the chief honour and respect, before all other kings 
and princes in Christendom. 

2. She will swear, and protest solemnly, a sincere foigetfnllness 
of ail wrongs iriiich she may pretend to'bave been done unto hw in 
this realm, and will never in any sort or manner ''riiatsoever, shew 
offence for the same. 

3. She will avow and acknowledge, as well in her own particuUr 
name, as also for her heirs and others descendmg of her for eTer^ 
youi majesty, for jnst, true, and lawful queen of England. 



- 4. And consequently, will reoounce, as well for herself as for ber 
said heirs, alt riglita and pretences which she may claim to tlie crown 
of Ei^land, dnring your m^esty's life, and oAer prejndice. ' 

5. She will revoke all acts and shews, by ber heretofore made, of 
pretence to this said crown to the prejudice of your majesty, as may 
be the taking of the arms and stile of queen of England, by the com- 
maadmeut of king Francis her late lord and husband, 

6. She will renounce the pope's bull for so much aa may be ex- 
pounded to turn in her favour, or for her behoof, touching the de- 
privation of your majesty, and will declare that she will never help 
and serve herself with it. 

7. She will not prosecute, during your majesty's life, by t^n force 
or odierways, any puUic declaration of her right in the succeMion 
of this realm, so as secret assurance be given unto her, or at the least 
public promise, that no deciding thereof shall be made in the pre- 
judice of ber, or of the king her son, during your majesty's life, nor 
after your decease, untill such time as they have been heard there- 
upon, in pnblick, free, and general assembly of the parliament of the 
sud realm. 

8> She will not practise, directly or indirectly, with any of your ma- 
jesty's subjects, neither within nor out of your realm, any thing tend- 
ing to war, civil or foreign, against your majesty and yout estate, be 
it under pretext of religion, or for civil and politick government. 

9. She win not maintain or support any of yoar subjects declared 
rebels, and convicted of treason against yon. 

10. She will «iter into the association, which was shewed her at 
WingGeld for the surety of your majesty's life, so as there be mended 
or right explicated some clauses which I will shew to your majesty, 
when I shall have the copy thereof, as I have before time required. 

11. She will not treat with foreign kings and princes, for any war 
or trouble against this state, and will renounce, from this time, all en- 
terprises made or to be made in her favour for that respect. 

12. Furthermore, this realm being assailed by any civil or foreign 
war, she will take part with your majesty, and will assist you in your 
defence with all her forces andmeans, depending of herself and with 
all her friends of Christendom. 

13. And to that effect, for the mutual defence and maintenance 
of your majes^, and the two realms of this isle, she will enter with 

. your majesty in a league defensive as shall be more particularly ad- 
Tised, and will persuade as much as in her, the king her son to do 
the like. The leagues with all parts abroad remaining firm, and espe- 
cially the antient league between France and Scodand, in that which 
shall not be against this presenL 

14. She will enter into a league ofiensive, having good assurance 



or Moet dwltratioB and acknowledgement of her right in tlif mc- 
peMion of this crown, andpronuM that h^qwning any breach bttwirt 
France wid this realm (which she pra^eth God never to happen), 
the joit vidiie of her dowry thall be placed for her in lands of the 
rereDtte of the cniwa. 

15. For aaauranoe of h^ promiaee and oovenanta, ihe doth o%r 
to abide herself in this Teahn for a certain time (better hoitag« aan 
she not give than her own person), to which, ao as she be kept in the 
liberty here before propoundedt is not in case to escape secredy out 
of this country, in the siddy state she is iii,aDd with the good order 
which your mcgesty can take therein. 

16. And in case your tn4iesty do agree to her full and whole de- 
liverance, to retire herself at her will out of this realm, the said qneen 
of Scots the will give sufficient hostage for sncb time as will ba 

17. If she abide in this realmi^vrill promise not to depart oat 
of it without your licence, so as it be pmnised unto her that her stata, 
in such liberty aa shall be aooonled unto her, shall not be in any sort 
altered, until! alter tryall to have attempted against your life, or 
(^er trouble of your estate. 

1 8. If she go into Scotiand, she will promise to alter nothing there 
in the religicm which is now used there, she being sufiered to have 
free eiccrciie of hers, for her and her household, as it was at her re- 
turn out of France ; and farther, to pull out every root of new divi- 
sion between the subjects, that none of the subjects of Scotland shall 
be nfted for his cohscieDce, nor constrained to go to the service of 
the contrary religion. 

19. She will grant n general abolition of all offences, done against 
her in Scotland, and things shall remain there as they are at this 
present, for that respect, saviag that which hath been done against 
her honour, which she meoneUi to have revoked and annulled. 

20. She will travel to settle a sure and general reconciliation be>- 
tweenthe nobility of the country, and to cauae to be appointed about 
Ae Idng her son, and in his council, sack as shall be fit for the en- 
tertsinraent of the peace and quiet of the ooontry, and the amity of 
the realm. 

21. She will doherbest tocontmtyMr m^tj, infevourof the 
Scots lords banished and refuged hither, upon tfadr dae snbmission 
to their princes, and your mi^esty's ^omise to assbt the said queen 
and king of Scotland against them, if they happen to Ml into their 
former faults. 

22. She vrill proceed to the marriage of the king herstm, with the 
advice and good council of your majesty. 

23. As she will pass DOthiagwitboHtthe ludglierson,BDdolh'^ 



i^ire that he intervene conioihtly with hei in this tieftt;^ for tbe 
greater and perfecter assurance thereof; for otherwise iUi^ thi^ 
can hardly be establi^ed to be sound and continue. 

24. The Baid Scotdiqneentruateth.that the French lung, her good 
brotfaei, according to the good affection which hehath always shewed 
her* and hath been afresh testified unto me by MoIl8^ de AhnniMiere 
fer this siud treaty, will very willingly intervene, and will auist her 
for tbe surety of her promises. 

35. And so will the princes of the house of Lorrais, {ailow'mg the 
will of the said king, will bind themselves thereunto. 

23. For other kings and princes of Christendom, she vill assay 
to obtain the like of them, if for greater solemnity and approbation 
of the treaty it be fonnd to be necessary. 

27, She doth desire a speedy answer, and final conclusion of die 
promsses, to the end to meet in time wiUi all inconveniences. 

28. And in the mean time, themoie to strengthen the said treaty, 
•a made by her of a pure and frank will, she desireth that demon- 
■tratioD be made of some releasement of her captivityv 

Ob}tctioiu agaioit the Scotiitk Queen, under Secretly IfabmgiaKtfy 
Amid, Novtmber 1584, 

Tbb queen of Scots is ambitious, and standeth ill affected to ber 
mtyesty, and therefore it cannot be but that her liberty should bring 
peril unto her majesty. 

That her enlargement will give comfort to Pa[Hsts, and other ill 
affected subjects, and greatly advance the opinion had of her title 
as successor, 

' That as long as she shall be continued in her majesty's poBsession, 
she may serve as it were a gage of her majesty's surety, for that her 
friends, for fear of the danger she may be thrown into, in case any 
thing should be done in her favour, dare not attempt any thing in 
tbe oKnce of her majesty. 

Nooetnber t WktU coitrte mat Jit to be taken xaiti tie QlMim o^ Scoti, 
1584, I eiiier to be adargtd or not. 

-Cniblib. THECOursetobetakenwitbthe saidqueenmaybecon- 
sidered of in three degrees : either, 

1. To continue her under custody in that state she now is. 

2. To restiidn her of thi present liberty she now hath. 

3. Or to set her at liberty iqton caution. 

1 . Touching the first, to continue her under custody in that state 
she now is ; it is to be considered, that the princes that favour that 
gnaent upon the complaint she maketh of hard usage, are greatly 
moved with commiseration towards her, and promise to do their 



eodMYOur for her liberty, for i^ch purpose her ministers soUcit 
theni daily. 

And to move them the more to pitf her cue, she aoquainteth them 
vidt her oSbrs made to her majcBty, which appeared to be no less 
profitahle than reason^le for her majesty, so as die refusal and re- 
jecting giveth her friends and favourers caa&e to think her hardly 
dealt withal, and therefore may, with the better ground and reason, 
attempt somewhat for the setting of her at liberty. 

It is also likely that the add queen, upon this refusal, finding her 
case desperate, will continue her practice under hand, both at home 
■ad almnd, not only for her delivery, but to obtain to the present 
pOHesaion of this crown upon her pretended title, as she hath hi- 
therto done, as appeareth, and is most manifest byletters and plots 
mtercepted, and chiefly by that late alteration of Scotland, which 
hath i^oceeded altogether by her direcdon, whereby a gap is laid 
open for the malice of all her majesty's enemies, so as it appeUeth 
that this manner c^ keeping her, with such number of persons as she 
now hath and with liberty to write and receive letters (being dnly 
considered), is offensive to the princes, the said qeeen's friends : 
rather chargeable than profitable to her maj^ty ; and subject to all 
such practices as may peril her majesty's person or estate, without 
any provision for her majesty's safety, and therefore no way to be 

2. Touching the second, to restnun her in a more straighter de- 
gree of the liberty she hadi hitherto enjoyed. 

It may at first sight be thought a remedy very apt to stop the 
course of the dangerous practices fostered heretofore by her: for 
true it is, that this remedy might prove very proGtable, if the realm 
of Scotland stood in that sort devoted to her m^esty, *as few years 
past it did; and if the king of that reidm were not likely, as well for 
the rdease of his mother, aa for the advancement of both their pro- 
tended titles, to attempt somewhat against this realm and her ma- 
jesty, wherein he should neither lack foreign assistance, nor a party 
here within this realm : but the Idng and that realm standing af- 
fected ts they do, this restraint, instead of remedying, is likely to 
breed these inconveniences following : 

First, It wUI increase the offence both in him, end in the rest of 
the princes her friends, that misliked of her restraint. 

Secondly, Itmll give them just cause to take some way of redress. 

Lastly, It is to be doubted, that it may provoke some desperate 
ill-disposed person, all hope of her liberty removed, to attempt 
somewhat against her majesty's own person (a matter above all 
others to be weighed), which inconreniency being duly considered, 
it will appear manifesdy, that the restraint, in a straighter degiee, 
is likely to prove a remedy suhjtet to vefy hard events. 



The latter deg^ree, whedwr it were fitto set die uid queen at 
liberty, ministereth Aome cause of doubt, touching tbe raanner of 
the liberty, in what Bort the same is to be performed, whether to be 
continued here within the realm, or to be restored into her own 

6nt first, this proposition, before tbe particularities be weighed, 
is to be considered in generality. 

For it is veiy hard for a well-afiected subject, ttiat tendreth her 
-majesty's surety, and weigbeth either the nature of the Scottish 
queen, being inclined to ambition and revenge, or her former ac- 
tions, what practices she hath set on foot most dangerous for her 
majesty and this realm; to allow of her liberty, being not made ac- 
quainted with such causes, as time hath wrought, to make it less 
perilous than it bath been, nor with such cautions as may, in some 
sort, be devised to' prevent both her ambition and malice; and there- 
fore, to make this apparent, 

It is to be considered, that the danger that. was in the 
now grown to be in the son. He pretendeth tbe same title she 
doth : such as do afiect her, both at home and abroad, do afiect 
him (and he is the more dangerous for that he is unmarried, whid\. 
may greatly advance his fortune ; ^d that he is a man,, whereby he 
may enter into action in his own person) ; where she is restisined, 
he is at liberty ; his own realm is now altogeUier at his devotion, 
and the party affected to this crown abased ; so as the matter duly 
considered, neither her liberty nor restraint doth greatly alter the 
case for perils towards her m^esty, unless by such promises as 
may be made by way of treaty with her, the danger likely to grow 
from, the kiugher'sDn be .provided for. 

But in this behalf it may he objected, that so long as the mother 
remains In her majesty's hands, the king will attempt nothing for 
fear of his mother's peril. 
* To this objection it may be answered, first, That they hope that 
her majesty, being a prince of justice, and indined to mercy, .will 
not'punish the mother for the son's ofifence, unless she shall be 
found by good proof, culpable. Secondarily, That men will not be 
over hasty, conradering in what predicament the king standeth 
toaching his ei^wctation of this crown, to advise any thing that in 
time future may he dangerous to tbe giver of such council as may 
reach to his mother's peril. 

And lastly. The takingMway of his mother, he being strong in 
the field through both foreign assistance, and a party here within 
the realm, will appear so weak a remedy (which may rather exaspe- 
rate both him and her party, to proceed with more courage and 
heat to revenge, if any such hard measure should be offered unto 



her), H tltoy will st^xite, for the tcmoa aton speoifiad, tlitt do 

mcli extrenulj wUl be Used. 

It may alio be ot^ected> A&t the lettiiig of her at liberty will 
greatly encourage tlw Papists both at home and abroad ; bat herein, 
if the provUioQ be duly considered, that may be made by Parlta- 
JBont both hero and there, they riiali rather find cauie of diactnOfort 
than otherwise. 

These two doubti being reaolved, and the perUt that waa in the 
moAer appearing moit manifcatly to be seen in the son accompo^ 
nied with more danger, with doe consideratioii Iiad also of sa^ n^ 
medias a« may be provided for the preventing of the dangers, that 
h« liberty may mini«ter just cause to donbt of; there wiU be good 
cause of hope found, that the same will rather breed benefit dMB 

Now it reateth, in what tott the aud liberty shall b« peribnncd ; 
if it shall be thonght meet she shall be continned within th« t&AA 
with SMne Umitation, e^cially in that place iriiere she now re- 
ndeth, the country round about beii^ so infected in reKgioD b8 it 
it, it is greatly to be doubted that will very much increase the oor- 
«nption, and falling away in that behalf. Betides, she .should have 
commodity, with much more ease and speed, to entertain practiEM 
.within thtg realm, than by being in her own country. 
. If abroad freely without liroiution ather in Scotland or France, 
liu» shall her majesty lose the gages of her safety, tiien shall dte 
be at hand to give advice in fiirtheiance of inch practices, as hacre 
been lud for to stir trouble in this realm, wherein she htih been a 
principal party. 

For the first, it is answered as before, that the respect of any 
perils that may befal unto her, will in no sort restmia ber son. For 
the other, if it be considered what harm her advice will work nnto 
herself, in respect of the violation of the treaty, and the provisioa 
tiiat may be made in parliament here, it is to be thought, that she 
will then be well advised, before she attempt any sndi eoatter, 
which now she may do withoat peril!. Besides such princa, as 
have interposed their faith and promise for her, cannot with hotHMt 
assist her, wherein the French king will not be foand very ferwatd, 
who, in moat friendly sort, hath lately r^ected al) soch reqnota, 
proponndsd either by her, or her son's ministen, that might any 
way offend her majesty. And so to condude, seeing the cause of 
her grief shall be taken away ; the French king gratified, who is a 
me^ator for her, and will mislike, that, by any Spamsh practice, 
she should be drawn to violate her fvth, that the rest of the 
princes shall have no just caose of offenoe, but rather to think ho- 
aourably of her majesty, considering the Scottish queen's cairiaga 



tomrdi her, wfaicb halh deserved no way my aoch faTonr; thfl-ao- 
Uemea of ScotJand shall be restored, wbo wSl 'he a. good stay of 
mch counsells as may tend to die troubling; of tfais realm, espe- 
cially having ao good a ground of warrant as the parliament to 
stand unto; the charges and perills which her practioea might have 
bred to this realm shall be avoided ; and lastly, the hope of the 
Papists shall be taken away, by such good provisions, as in bodi 
the realms may be made, whereby the perills. that might fall into 
her majesty's own persoo (a matter of all others to be weighed), 
shall be avoided, when by the change that may grow by any sndt 
wicked and ungodly practice, they shall see -their case no way re- 
lieved in point of religion. 

Reamiu to induce her Migesly to proceed in the treaty under 
Secretary Wai^nghaais hand. 
That such plots as have of late years been devised (tend-: 
C«J. C S-' '"S ^ '^^ raising of trouble within this realm) have grown 
from the Scot's queen's ministers and favourers, not with- 
out her allowance and seeking : Or, 

That the means used by the said ministers, to induce princes to 
give ear to the said plots, is principally grounded upon some com- 
miseration had of her restraint. 

That tbe stay, why the said plots have not -been put in execution, 
hath proceeded, for that the said princes have, for the most part 
been entertained with home and domestic troubles. 

That it is greatly to be doubted, that now their realms be^n to 
be quiet, that somewhat will be attempted in her favours by the said 

That it is also io be doubted, that somewhat may be attempted 
• by some of her faotors in an extraordinary sort, to the perill of her 

lliat for the presecvation thereof, it shall be convenient for her 
majesty to proceed to the finishing of the treaty, jiot long uthence 
b^aa between her and the said i]ueen. 

No. XLV. (Vol. 11. p. 106.) 
Letter o/Q. Maiy to Q. Miabeth. 
Madame ma bodne Seur, 

M'assevrant que vons avez eu communication d'une 

Col. B. * lettre de Gray que vostre homme Semer me livra iuet 

'VIII' ^t^- lonhz le nom de mon fill, y recongnoissant qussi-denot a 

flrigiiuj. 1^ ^°^ mesmes raiions que le dit Gray m'escrivit en chifre 

- ' eitantdemierementpresdevouadesiiionstiRnttaairfGBance 

VOL. u. 2 £ 



JJe bonne intention du person*^, je Tpii& pn^y «^nlein«nt •qtr^uf 
pe qtie Bi devf^it je Tons ay tmt init^uteiQent importune, que vonf 
me permetti^Z 4es<;laircir lUuernent & quvertemcnt ce pcaut d^ I'ss:- 
Bpciation 4'entFe nwy if n}pn ^ 4; me deMtei les mEuns pour pTO^ 
cedei avec lui comme je jugpn^y estr« cequia poui >on bien & le 
mi^n. Et j'entieprendz quoy quQ Ton roua di^ & pui«4e en np~ 
porter de faire mentir ce petit bconillo^, qui persuade par aucuiu de 
VDs ministrea a entepris cette separation eutre moy & mon enfant) 
& pourycomniencerje tous aupplie m'octroyerqui je puisse puler 
a ce justice-clerk qui von* a este Rouvellemeot envoy6 pour maader 
par luy a mon SIk man intention sur cela. ce qui je me proniia qi|c 
ne me refuserez, quant ce ne seroit que pgur deniontrer en effefst la 
bonne intention que voub m'avez asseur^e avoir a I'sccord & entre- 
tien de naturel devoir entre la mere & t'enfant qui dit en bonnes 
tennes estie empeache pouc vous me tenant captive en un desert ce 
que vous ne pourrez mieux desmentlr & faire paroitre vostre boa 
desir a notre union que me donnant les moyens d'y proeeder, Sf noa 
m'en retenir et empescher comme aucune des vos miniatres preten- 
dent a fin de laiBser toujours Ken a leui mauvais Se sinistres prac- 
tiquea entre nous. La lettre porte que I'asaociation n'est pas pass^e; 
atiBsi ne luy ai je jamais dit, bien que mon filz avoit accept^ ; & que 
nous en avions convenu ensemble, comme I'acte sigai de >a main, 
& ces lettrea taut a moy, que en France en font foy, ayant donn^ 
ce meme temoignage de sa boucbe propre a plnsienni ambassadeurs 
& personnesde credit, s'escusant denel'oser foire publierpar craiut 
de vous BOulement, demandant forces pour vous resister d'avant de 
ce declarer si ouvertement estant jonmellement persuade an con- 
traire par vos ministres, qui luy prometoyent avecque une entreire a 
Yorclc le faire declairer votie heretier. Au surplus, Madame, quand 
mon enfant seroit si malheureuz que de s'opiniastrer en cette ex- 
treme impiet^ & ingratitude vers moy, je ne puia penaer que vous ' 
non plus qu'ancun aultre prince de la Chretient^, le voulissiez eu 
cela applaudir on meintenir pour luy fayre acquerir ma malediction 
ains que plutos introviendrez pour luy faire recongnoitre la raiaon 
trop juBte & evidant devant t)ieu .& les bommes. Helas & encorea 
ne lui vouloier j'en ofter, mays donner avec droit ce qu'il tient par 
usurpation. Je me suis du tout commise a voni, & fidelement 
faites si il vous pleat que je ne en soye pis qu'aupravant, & que le 
faulaete des una ne prevale desrant la verite des vous, pour biea 
recevant rati, & la plus grande afQicdon que me soaurroit aniver a 
soavoir la perte d« mon filz. Je vona supplie de me mander en caa 
qu'it persiste en cette m'eaconnoiasance de son devoir, que de luf 
ou de moy il vous plaist ftdvouer pour legitime ray o.n jojne 
d'EcoBge, il t\ vous av^ agreable de pourauivre avec ^oy a part 
la- tiftitfi commence entre nou* de qw>y je vous requien jwo^ ^iu 

r.,j,-,-,-i-,v Google • 

AFF£NJ)IX. 419 

attOMbe iB ieaponse de ce mal gouTeme entaiit Toas en requemuit 
avec antant d'affection que je sens mon c<ieur <q>Qress^ d'eniiuy. 
Pour Dies sooTeneE rouB de la pTomesse q<ae m'avez faites de me 
prendre en votre protection me rapportant de tout a voub & snr ce 
piian Dieu qu'il vddb viueille preserver de touts voB enuemys & 
dissimulei amys, comme je le desire de me consoler A de me venger 
de ceuiz qui pourcdiaSsent un tel malhenr entre la mere & I'enfEUtt: 
Je ceBBeray de vous troubler, mais nou a m'ennuier que je ne recoive 
qiidque consolation de vous, & de Dieu encore un coup je le <up- 
pUo de vons garder de tout peril. Fathbery xii Mars. 
Votre £delement vouee soeur 

& obeissant cousine, 

Maris Q. 
A la Reyne d'An^leteire, 
Madame ma bonne sceur Sc 

No. XLVI. (Vol. II. p. 106.) 

A Teilammt bi/ Q. Maty. 

N. B, The following paper was transcribed by the Rer*. Mr. Craw- 
ford, late Regius Professor of Church History in the University 
of Edinburgh. Part of this paper according to him, is written by 
Nau4, Mary's Secretary, the rest with the Queen's own hand. 
What is marked " is in the Queen's own hand. 

CoHsiD£BANT par ma condition presente Testatdevie 
Veipu, humaine, si incertain, que persoane ne s'en peust, on doibt 
I* 14- asseurer, sinnon soubs la grande et infinie misericorde de 
^ ' bieu. Et me voulaut prevaloir d'icelle contre toua let 
' dangers et accidens, qui me pourroient inopinemcnt survenir en 
cette captirit6, mesmes a cause des grandes et longaes maladfes, 
ou j'ay el4 detenn4 jusques a present ; j'ay advis^ tandis que j'ay la 
commodity, ou ruson en jugement, de pourvoir apres ma mort la 
salut de mon ame, enterrement de mon corps, et disposition de mon 
bien, estat, ic aSaires, par ce present mon testament et ordonftattce 
■de mon demief volenti, qui s'ensuyt. 

An nom dn Pere, du Filz, et du benoko St. Esprit. Premiere-' 
ment, me recongnoissant indigne pecheressA avec plus d'offenCeB 
envers mem Dieu, que de satisfaction par toutes les advetsites que 
faysouffert; dont je la louesabont^. Etm'app4yantBurlAcrolsde 
mon SauveuretRedempteur Jesus Christ. Jerecommendemtmam* 
a la beooisteet individue Trinity, et aux prieresde la glorieuse Vterge 
Marie, et de tons les anges saincts & sainctes de panidis, espera&l 
par leur merites & inUrCession, estoe aydfee a obtenif de eitre (UMo 



participante aT«c enU ia felicit4etemelle. Et ponr myacheoiiner 
de cueUT plua net et entier despoaillant det a present tout nessenti-' 
roent dea iiyures, oalomniei, rebeIlionB,< ^ aultrea offenses, qui me 
pourroient avoir est^ factes durant ma vie, par mes snbjeta rebellea 
et aultrea ennemis ; J'en retriet la vengeance a DieU) & le suppUe 
leui pardonoer, de meime affection, que je luy requiera pardons a 
mes faultes, et a tons ceuls et celles que je puis avoir offense de 
Caicts on de parolles. 

. Je veubt et ordonne, &c. [T^ two foilawitig paragraph cmtain 
directions coiKerning ike place and ciraututance of her burial.} 

Pour ne contrerenir a la gloire, honneur, et conservation de 
KBglise catholique, ^oatolique et Romaine, en la quelle je veulx 
rivre et mourlr, si le prince d'Eacosse men filz y pueat etre redniet 
contre la mauvaise nonrritnre, qu'il a prise a mon tres grand 
regret en lliereaie de Calvin entre mes rebellea, je le laiase seid eC 
unique heretiet de mon royanme d'Eacosse, de droict que. je pre- 
tende justement en ta couronne d'Angteterre et pays qui en depen- 
dent, et generallement de tous et chacun mes meubles et immenbles 
qui resteront aprea ma mort, et ez£Gutio4 de ce present testament. 

Si non, et que mon dit filz continue a vivre en la dite heresie, Je 
cede, tranaporte, et faicte don " de touts et chacuna mes droicts, 
que je pretends & puis pretendre a la couronne d''Angleterre, et 
aultrea droicts, seigneuries, on royaulmea en dependants, an roy 
catholique, ou aultre de aiens qu'il luy plaira, aveaques advis, con- 
sentement de aa aaintet^ ; tant pour le voyr aujourdbuy le seul 
■eurs appui de la religion catboliqtte, que pour recotmoissance de 
gratuitea.faweiira que moy, et lea miena recommandez par moy, ont 
avonsreceu de luy en ma plua grand neceasit^ ; et resg:uBrd ausai 
au droict que luy meame peut pretendre a ces ditz royaulmea et 
pays, je le supplie qu'n recompence il preign alliance, de la maison 
de Lorraine, etsi il ce pleut de celle de Guise, pour memeire de la 
race de laquelle je suia sortie an coste de mere, n'a ayant de celay 
de mon pere, que mon seul enfant, lequel estant catholique j'ay 
tousJQura voui pour une de ses filles, si il luy plaisoit de I'acoepter, 
ou faillaat une de sea jiiepees marine comme aa fille. 

" Je laysae mon filz a la protection du roy, de prince, et duca 
de Lorrayne et de Quite, et du Mayne, aux queb je recommende 
et son estat.en Escosse, et mon droict en Angleterre, si il eat 
catholique, et quelle le parlie de ceste royne." 

Jft faita doB au " compt6 de Lenox" de c<fmpt6 de Lenox teira 
par feU' son pere, et commande mon filtz, cotnme mon heretier et 
successeuri d'obeyr en cest en droit a mon volenti. 

Jareulxetordonnetouteslea sommea etdenieis, quite troraont 
par moys deues, tien mis cause de droict eatre fbits "a Lohlhwi^ 
etre piomptemeat paji^ «t acquitt^, et tout tprt et griefs tepati* 

■K Google 


par les dit* executeurs desquelz J'en chai^ la cosscience. Oultre, 
&c. {Folhto tm} ar three paragraphs conceniRg particular legacitt, 
and then is added) Fdct an maaoir de Sheffield en Angletene \6 jour 
de ' ■ ' Mil cinq cens aoixant Sc dix sept. 

After a large biank pagefoUtmn in the queen'i hand: 

" Si mon filz meurt, an cotnte de Lenox, an Claude HainiltoH' 

lequel se ffiontrera le plus fidelle vers rooy, et plus constant en 

reli^n, an jugetnent de dues de Lorridrre et de Guyse; ou je 

le rapport sur ee de ceulx aque j'auray donnay la charge detrayter 
avesque eux de par moy et ceuls, a condition de ce nuarrier on aUier 
en la dite mayson ou par leur advis." 

Follow near two pages of particular legacies- 
"^tle remets ma tante de Lenox au droict quelle pent pretendre 
a la cont6 d'Aogous avant I'acort fait par mon comroandement 
entrs ma dite tante de Lenox et le comte de Morton, veu qui! a 
est^ fait & par le fen roy mon Mary et moyi sur la promesse de aa 
fidelle assistance, si lay et moy encourions dangiei et besoing ' 
d'ayde, ce qu'il rompit, s'eDtendant secretement au les nos ennemis. 
rebelles, qu'attemtprient contre sa vie, et pour cest effect pris les 
' armes, et ont porte les banieree desploieCB, contre nous, je revoque 
ausu toute autre don que je luy ay iait de cont^ de Morton sui 
promesses de tea bons services a advenir, et entends que la dite 
contg soit reunie a la couronns, si ell se tronve y partenir, cemme 
sea trahisons taut en la mort de mon feu Mary, que en mon 
banissement, et poursuit de la mien ne t'ont merits. Et defends 
a mon filz de ce jaraays servire de luy pour de luy pour la hayne 
qu'il aye a ses parents, la quelle je craina ne s'estende jusques a 
luy, ie coDEoisaBt du tout affectionn^ aux ennemis de mon droite 
en ce royaume, dn quel it ea penconnaire. 

" Je recominende mon nepveu Fiancoia Stuart a mon fiiz, et lay 
commaude detenir pres de luy et s'enaervit, et je luy laisse le bien 
du conte de Bodnel son oncle, en respect qu'|l est de moa sa^, 
mon fiUeul, et ma est^ laisse en lutelle par son pere. 

" Je declare que mon irere bastard Robert Abb^ de St, Croix 
B'sen.queparcirconvention Orlcenay, et que le ne fntjamaysmon 
intention, comme il ^iret par la revocation que j'ay fayte depuys, 
et ete . ausu faite d'avant la a^e de xxv ani, oe que j'aimoia 
delib^er si il ne m'eussent prenner par prison de se de defayre 
aulx estats je reulx done que Orkena; soit reune a la couronne 
comme une de plus necessaires pour mon fik, & sans mayson ne 
pourra etre l»en tenue. 

" Les filles de Morra ne parvieat accessi heriter, aina revieat la 
conti a la Couronne, si il luy plest luy dooner sa oq fiUe en 
marriage, et il nome I'eu sienne ligne." 

r,on7<-i.i Google 


Na.XLVII. (Vol. II. p. U6.) 

A Litlet Jmn Mr. Arelubald Douglai to tie Qaetn i^Sadti. 
April'—— Please your majeaty, J received youi letter of the 
37. B. '9! ^^ '^ t^ I^^ 0^ ^<^- '"■^ "^ '^ .inanaer has seeo 
tfi- Me. some part of the contents of one oilier of the same date, 
directed to Moas'. de Movisir, ambassador for bis majes^ the 
most Christian king, both which are agreeable to your priacelj 
digni^' As. by the one your highness desires to know the true 
cause of my banishment, and offers unto me all favour if I shall be 
innocent of the heinons facta committed in the person of your 
husband of good memory, so by the other the said ambassador is 
willet to declare unto me, if your husband's murder could be laid 
juaUy against me, that you eould not sollicit in my cause, neither 
yet ioi any person that vas participant of that execrable fact, but 
vould seek the revenge tJtereof, when you should have any means 
to do it; your Baaiesty'» o^, if I b» innocent of that crime, is most 
iavourable, and jronr desire to know the truth of the same is most 
Equitable; and Aerefore that I should with alt my simplicity, 
nncerity, and tmth, answer thereunto, is most reasonable, to the 
end that your princely dignity may be my help, if my innocMica 
shall sufficiently a[^ar, and procure my oondemnation if I be 
culpaUe in any matter, except in the knowledge of the evil 
disposed minds of the meat part ot your nobility agniDst youpsaid 
husband, and not revealing of it ; which I am assured was suffici- 
ently known to himself, and to ^1 that had judgment never so 
fittle in that realm ; which, also I was constrained to understand, 
as he, that was specially employed betwixt the eaH Morton,, sad s 
good number of your nobility, that they might with Ul humility 
intercede at your majesty's hand for his relief, insach matters as 
are more specially contained in the declaration foUawing, which>I am 
constrained'for my own justification, by this letter to call: to yoar ma- 
jesty's remembrance. Notwithstanding that I am assured, to my grief, 
the reading thereof will nofr smally offendyour princely mind. It omy 
please yonrmajesty to- remember, that in the year of 6odil5%i tlie 
Mid earl of Morton, with divers other nobility and gent, wnre 
declhred rebels to your raajesty, and baniriied your realm fbr 
insolent, murder committed in your majesty's own chamber, which 
they alledged was done bycommandofyour husband, who noCwith- 
Standing affirmed thet he was compelted by them to subscribe the 
warrant ^ven far that effect, howsoever the truth of that matter 
remains among them, it appertains not to me at this time to be 
eurious; true it is (hat I was one of diat number, that heavily 
offended against your majesty, and passed' in France the time of 
our banishment, at the desire of the rest, to humbly pray yom* 

brotlier, this mttit ChttstiAil fan^, to ifttei'cede tUat our dfl^ces migttt 
be pardotKd, add yotir tabjesty 's ciemeiicy eiteAded teiwaidi us, 
■Ibeit ^ers of ao Bmall repatation, in that ntHiai ina tif th^ 
OpinioD, that the said fact merited nei&ar to be requisite for, hot 
yet patdoned. Always lueh was the careful mind of his majesty 
towards the qoietoess of that realm, that the dealing in that canse 
was committed to Moris', de Movisir, who was directed at that 
time to go into Scotland, to congratulate the happy birth of your 
son, whom Almighty God of his goodness may long preserve in 
happy estate, and perpetual felicity ; the careful traTail of the said 
de Movisir was so efiectual, and your majesty's mind so inclined to 
mercyi that within short space thereafter, ] was permitted to repair 
Id Scotland, to deal with earls Murray, Athol, Bodwel, Arguile, 
and secretary Ledington, in the name sud behalf of the said earl 
Morton, lords HeTcn, Lindsay, and remanent complesis, that Ihey 
might make offer in the names of the said earl of any matter that 
might satisfy your majesty's wrath, and procure your clemency to 
be eitended in their ^vonrs ; at my coming to them, after I bad 
opened the effect of my message, they declared that the marriage 
betwixt yon and your busband had been the occasion already of 
great evil in that realm; and if your husband should be suffered to 
follow the appetite and mind of such as was about him, that kind 
of dealing might produce with time worse effects; for helping ot 
such inconvenience that might fall out by that kifld of dealing, 
they had thought it convenient to join themselves in league and 
band with some other noblemen, resolved to obey your majesty as 
(heir natural sovereign, and have nothing to do vrith your husband's 
command whatsoever, if the said earl would for himself enter into 
that band and confederacy with them, they could be content to 
huinbly request and travel by all means with yonr mcyes^ for his 
pardon, but, before they could any farther proceed, they desired to 
know the said earl's mind herein ; when I had answered, that he 
nor his friends, at my departure, could not know that any such Hke 
matter would be proponit, and therefore was not instructed what 
. to ainswer therein, they desired tliat I should return sufBciently 
instructed in this matter to Sterling, before the baptism of yout 
son, whom Ood might preserve; this message was faithfully de- 
livered by me at Newcastle in England, where the said earl then 
remained, in presence of his friends and company, where they all 
condescended to have no farther dealing with your hnaband, and 
to enter into the smd band. With this deliberation I returned to 
Sterling, where, at the request of the tBost Christian king and the 
queen's majesty of England, by their ambassadors present, your 
mtijesly'a gracious pardon was granted unto them all, mldercon- 
diHon always that tiiey sfaocld remain banished forth of the realni, 



Hhm- ipwc of two yean, and fiirther doling yonr vajeatfa plettare-, 
whicli liautatim wan Rfter mitignted at (be hnmble request of yowt 
own BolnUty, >o that immediately after the uid eari of McmIdd re* 
paired ioto Scotland to Qobittingaime, where the earl of Bod?ell 
asd Kcretaiy Ledington come to him ; what speech passed there 
amongst them, as God shall be my judge, I knew uolhiog at that 
time, bat at thnr departure I was requested by the said earl 
Morton to accompany the earl Bodvell and secretary to Edenborgh, 
and to letam witii such answer as they should obtain of your ma- 
jesty, winch being giren to me by the said persons, as God shall 
be my judge, was no ether than these words, " Schaw to Uie eari 
Morton that tlie <|aeen will hear no speech of that matter appointed 
unto him :" when I crafit that the answer might be made noie 
■ensible, secretary Ledington said, that the earl would sufficiently 
understand it, alb^t few or none at that time understand what 
passed amongst them. It is known to all men, als vetll be raiUing 
letters passed betwixt the said earl and Ledington when they 
become in divers factions, as also ane buck sett furtb by the 
ministers, wherein they afBrm that the earl of Morton has con&ssed 
to them, before his death, that the earl Bodvell come toQubitting- 
aime to prepon the calling away off the king your husband, to the 
which proposition the said earl of Morton affirms that he could 
give no aiMwer unto such time he might know your majesty's nund 
therein, which Jie never received. As to the abominable murder^ it 
is Imown too by the depositions of many persons that were executed 
to the death for the committing thereof, that the same was executed 
by them, and at the command of snch of the nobility as had sub- 
scrivit band for that effect; by this unpleasant declaration, the 
most part thereof known to yourself, and the reminder may be 
understood by the aforesaid witnesses that was examined in torture, 
and that are extant in the custody of the ordinary judges in Scot - 
land, my innocency, so far as may coitcem any fact, does appear 
sufBdently to your majesty. And as for my deaUng aforesaid, I 
can be no otherwise charged therdn, but as what would accuse the 
vessel that preserves the vine from harm, for the intemperancy of 
snch as immoderately use the same. As for the special cause of 
my banishment, I think the same has proceeded upon ane opinion 
conceived, that I was able to accuse the earl of Morton of so much 
natter as they alledge himself to have confessed before he died, 
and would not be induced, for loss of reputation, to perform any. 
part thereof. If this be the occasion of my trouble, as 1 suppose 
it is, what punishment I at^'^t'^ deserve, I remit me to your ma- 
jesty's better judgment, who well knows how careful ever ilk 
gentlemen should be of his fame, reputation and honour, and bow 
ftr ever ilk mui should abhor the name of a pultrouoi and horn 

. Google 


iDdeceat >t would have been to me to accuse the e^l of Uorton> 
beini; so near of his kin, uDtwithstandiug; all the injuries I wais 
coDstraiued to receive at his hand aU the time of his goveTomenti 
and for no other cuuse, but for shewing of particular friendship to 
particnlat friends in the time of the last cruel troubles in Scotland, 
Sorry I be now to accuse him in any matter being dead, and mors 
sorry that being on lyff, be such kind of dealing obtained that name 
of Ingrate. Alwajrs for my own part, I have been banished my 
native country ^Ibose three years and four months, living in anxiety 
of mind, my boll guds in Scotland, which were not small, intfi- 
mittit and disponit upon, and has continually since the time I was 
relieved out of ray last troubles at the desire of Mods', de 
Movisir, attended to kuow your majesty's pleasure, and to wait 
upon what service it should please your majesty for to command. 
Upon the 8lh of April inst. your good friend secretary Walsing- 
hwie has declared unto me, that her highness tho't it expedient 
that I should retire myself where I pleased, I declared unto him I 
had no means whereby I might perform that desire, until such time 
as I should receive it from your majesty. Neither knew I where it 
would please your highness to direct me, until such time as I should 
have received further information from you. Upon this occasion, 
and partly by permission, I have taken thchanlress to write this 
present letter, whereby your majesty may understand any part of 
my troubles past, and strait present. As to my intention future, 
1 will never deny that I am fully resolved to spend the rest of my 
days in your majesty's service, and the king your son's, wheresoever 
I shall be directed by your majesty, and for the better performing 
thereof, it so shall be her majesty''3 pleasure, to recommend the 
tryal of my innocency, and examination of the verity of the pre- 
ceding narra^on, to the king your son, with request that I may be 
pardoned for such offences as concerned your majesty's servioe* 
and var common to all men the time of his les aige and perdonit to 
all, except to me, I should be the bearer thereof mysdf, and be 
directed in whatsoever service it should please youi majesty for to 
command. Most humble I beseech your majesty to consider 
thereof, and to be so gracious as to give order,- that I may have 
means to serve your majesty according to the sincerity of my 
meaning, and so expecting your majesty's answer, after the kissing 
yont hand with all humility, I take leave from London. 

No. XLVIII. (Vol II. p. 122.) 

A Letter from Sir Amw Ptrakt, 
OiieiD ^ ""* forbear, according to your direction signified 

Ctl.c! 9. <u your letters of the 4th of this present, to proceed 


to the execntian of (be contentB of Hi. Waade's letten onto ifon, 
fbr the dispersing; of this lady's nmiecesiary serradts, and for the 
ceasing; of her money, wherein 1 was bold to write onto you my 
simple opinion (although in vain as it now fklleth out) by my letters 
of the 7th of this instant, which, I doubt not, are with you befoire 
this time ; but upon the receipt of your letters of the 5th, whi*^ 
came not into my hands until the 8th in the evening, by reason, as 
did appear by indorsement, tbat they had been tois^en, and weie 
sent back to Windsor, after they were entered into theway towaids 
me, I considered that being accompanied only with my own ser- 
vants, it might be thought that they would be intreated to say as I 
would command them ; and therefore I thought good, for my bet- 
ter dischai^ in these money matters, to crave the assistance of 
Mr. Richard Bagott, who repairing unto me the next morning, we 
had access to this queen, whom we found ia her bed, troubled after 
the old maimer with a defiusion, which was fallen down into the 
side of her neck, and had bereft her of the useof one of her hands, 
nnto whom I declared, that upon occasion of her former practices, 
doubting lest she would persist therein by corrupting underhand 
some bad members of this State, I was expressly commanded to take 
her money into my hands, and to rest answerable for it, when it 
shtfll be required ; advising her to deUver the said money onto roe 
vrith quietness. After many denials, many exclamations, and many 
bitter words against you (I say nothing of her railing against my- 
self); with flat affirmation that her majesty might have her body, but 
her heart she should never have, refusing to deKver tie key of the 
cabinet, I called my servants, and sent for barrs to break open the 
door, whereupon she yielded', and causing the door to be opened, I 
found there in the coffers, mentioned in Mr. Waade's remembrance^ 
five rolls of canvass, containing five thousand French crowns, and 
two leather bags, whereof the one had, in gold, one hundred and 
four pounds two shillings, and the other had three pounds in silver, 
which bag of silver was left with her, affirming that she had no more 
money in this house, and that she was indebted to her servants for 
„ theirwages. Mr. Waade's note maketh mention of three 

tell vou the "^^^^ ^^ft in Curie's chamber, wherein, no doubt, he was 
trnttiafthia misreckoned, which is evident, as well by tbe testimonies 
^ ' and oaths of diverse persons, as also by probable conjec- 

tures ; so as in truth we found only two rolls, every of which con- 
taineth one thousand crowns, which was this queen's gifte to Curie's 
wife at her m&rriage. There is found in Naw's chamber, in a 
■ cabinet, a chain worth by estimation one hundred pounds, and in 
money, in one bag nine hundred pounds, in a second bag two hun- 
dred fourscore and six pounds eighteen shillings. All the fbresaid 
parcels of money are bestowed in bags, and sealed by Mr. Richard 
Ba^t, saving five hundred pounds of Kaw's money, whicb I reserve 


in, my badi, for the use of ihii bonsehold, and may be reptid M 
hoadon, wbete her majettyaWl appoint, aiUof thcinoMeyiaceiTad 
lately by oae of my scrTanU,OBt oftbcexebeqim. I£a«redksttlN 
people wgbt have dispMied this money nt all thii time, or have 
tttddra .the same in some secret eomers ; for doubt whereof I had 
caased all this qneen's family, from the hi^test to the loweit, to b« 
guuded in the Beveral places vbcFe I found then, to as yff I bad 
not found the money with quietness, I had bee* forced to hove 
searched first all tiieir lodging, and dten their own persons. I 
thank Ood with all my heart, as for a singular blessing, that that 
feUeth out so well, fearing lest a contrary success might have nored 
some hard conceits in ber majesty. 

Touching; the dispening of this queen's servants, I trust I have 
done 10 much, as may suffice to satisfy her majesty for the time, 
wbereinl could not t^e any absolute course, until I heard again 
from you, partly because her majesty, by Mr. Waade's letter, doth 
refer to your consideration to return such as shall be discharged to 
their several dwellings and countries, wherein, as it seemeth, you 
have forgotten todeliver your opinion; partly, for that as yet, Ihave 
received no answer from you of your resolution, upon the view of the 
Scottish ftmiily sent unto you, what persons you will ^point to be 
dismUt ; only this I hare done, I have bestowed all sueh as are 
mentioned in this bill, inclosed in three or four several rooms, as the 
same may suffice to contain them, and (bat their meat and drink 
shall be brought unto tbem by my servants. It may please you, to 
adrertise me by your next letters, in what sort, and for what course, 
I shall make their passports, as also, if they shall say that they are^ 
nnpEUdoftbeir w^es, whati shall do therein. Ytissmd 
bath jnx^ ^^ ^*I ^*'^ hten accustomed to be paid of their wages 
store of at Christmas, for the whole year. Her majesty's charge 
^^°^'* willbesomewhat diminished by the departure of this peo- ' 
the French pie, and my chai^ by this occasion will be the more easy, 
■mbiiu- But the persons, all save Bastiau, are such nlly and sim- 
pie souls, as there was no great cause to fear their prac- 
tices, and upon this ground, I was of opinion, in my former letters^ 
that all this dismissed train should have followed their mistress antil 
the next remove, and there to have been dischai^d upon the sud- 
den, tor doubt that the said remove might be delayed, yf she did 
fear, or expect any hard measure. 

Others shall excuse their foolish pity as they may ; but, for my 
part,Irenoiincemypart ofthe joys of heaven, yf in any thing that I 
have said, written, or done, I have had any other respect than the 
furtherance of ber majesty's service; and so I shall most earnestly 
pray you to alBrui for me, as likewise for the not seasing of the mo- 
ney by Mr. Manners, the other commissioners, and myself. I trust. 


Mr. Waade hath RDiwered, Id bU humble dudei, far tiie whole com- 
pany, that no one of n> did so much as think that our commisMoa 
leacbisg only to thepapen, we might be bold to touch the money, 
so BM there was no speech of that all to my knowledge, and as you 
know I was no commissioner in this search, but had my hands full 
at Tyxall, discreet serr&nts are not hastily to deal in ^at matters, 
witfaont warrant, and especially where tl^ cause is such as the de- 
I^ of it carrieth no dan^r. 

Yonr advertisement of that happy remove hath been greatly c(hd- 
fortable onto me^ I wilt not say, in respect of myself, because my 
private interest hath no measure of comparison with her majesty's 
safety, and with the quiet of this realm. God grant a happy and. 
speedy yssue to these good and g;odly counsels; and so I commit 
you to his merciful protection,. From Chartley, the 10th of Sep- 
tember 1586. 

No. XLIX. (Vol. 11. p. 133.) 

Letter from the King of Scots to Mr. ArcHbaid Douglas hit ambaeta- 

dor in England, OctobeVj 1586. 
f^^ J.. RxsERVB up yourself nalanger in the earnest dealing 
CaUg. C 9. fot my mother, for ye have done it too long ; and think 
Anortpiml not that any your traveltis can do goode if hir lyfe be 
^Q^_ '"^^ takin, for then adenwithmy dealing with thaime that are 
the special instrumentis thairof ; and theirfore, gif yelooke 
for the contineuance of my favour towartis you, spair na pains nor 
plainnes in this cace, but reade my letter wrettin to Williame 
Keiti), and conform yourself quhollie to the contentis thairof, and in 
this requeist let me reap the fruictis of youre great credit there, ather 
now or never. Fairwell. October l£86. 
Letter to Sir William Keith, amhasiodor in England, protabfy/hm 
Secretary Maitland. Nov. 27, 1586. 
J. . Bt yonr letters sent by tiae bearer (albeit concerning 
ibe^lect no pleasant sulject), his majesty thinks well of your ear- 
<^SiiA. nestness and 6delity in your negotiations, as also of Mr. 
A. fill. *i9i Archibald's acdvity and diligence, whom jou so greatly 
praise and recommend, I wish the issue correspond to 
bis majesty's opinion, your care and travell, and his great diligence 
as you write. His majesty takes this rigorous proceeding against 
his mother deeply in heart, as a matter greatly concerning him both 
in honour and otherwise. His highnesses actions and behaviour 
utter plainly not only how far nature prevdls, but also how he ap- 
prehends of the sequel of that process, and of what moment he es- 
teems it. There is an ambassade shortly to be directed, wherein 
will be emplt^ed an earl and two counsellors, on whose answer will 



depend. the contiDnance or diBsdutlon of the amity and good ii^- 
ligence between the princes of this isle, hi the mean season, if 
farther extremity be used, and his majesty's suit and request dis' 
daiaed, his highness will thiak himself di^onouied and contemned- 
far besides his expectation and deserts. Ye may perceive his ma^ 
jesty's disposition by his letter to you, which you shall impart to 
Mr. Archibald, and both deal according thereto. I need not to 
recommend to you care, concerning your master's service botb in 
weilland in honour.' As you and your colleague shall behave yoai- 
self in ^S' behalf, so for my own part will I interpret your afiection 
tO' your master. I am glad of that I hear of yourself, and 1 do fully 
credit that you write of Mr. Archibald, whose friends here make 
great account of his professed devotion to the queen, besides the 
duty he owes to the king's majesty her son. Farther I am con- 
strained to remit to next occasion, having scarce time to scribble 
these few lines, (which of themselves may bear witness of my baste.) 
Wishing you a prosperous issue of your negotiation, I commit you, 
&c. HalyruiUiouBe, Nov. 27th, 1586. 

The people, and all estates ber^ are so for moved by the rigorous 
proceedings against the q^een, that his m^esty, aod all that have 
credit are impoituned, and may not go abroad for exclamations 
against them, and imprecations agtunst the queen of Engluid. 

No. L. (Vol. II. p. 136.) 

To the Kin^t Maje*ty,Jrom Mr. Archibald Dovglat, 
iGih OcL Pi-bask your majesty, I received your letter of the date 
1586. the 26th of September, the 5th of October, which waa 
Frnniihe ti,e game day that 1 directed W". Murray towards 
ibe Collect. y<>nT highness ; by such letters as he canied, and others 
of Sir A. of several dates, your majesty may perceive tb&t 1 had 
slVhsi*. otnitted nothing so far as my travel might reach unto„ 
anent the performing of the two chief points contaioed in 
the said letter before the receipt thereof, which by these presents I 
mustrepeat for answering of the saidis. As to the first, so &r as 
may concern the interceding for the queen your majesty's mother 
hei life, 1 have divers times, and In every audience, travelled with 
this queen in that matter, specially to know what her full determing». 
tion must be in that point, and could never bring her to any further 
answer, but that this proceeding against her by orderofjusticewa* 
no less against her mind, than gainst their will that loved her best: 
as towards her life she could give no answer tlfbreunto, untill such 
time as the law hath declared whether she was innocent or guilty* 
Herewithal it was her pleasure thus far to inform me, that it was » 
number of the aasociants that eamastly pressed- het that the law 

r.,j,-,-,-i-,;. Google 


taight proceed against her, giving; reasoiu that bo t(mg as' she wiA 
■nfiered to deal in matters, bo lon^ would never thia re^m be in 
quiet, neither this state in assurance, and in the end they nsed thifl 
protestation, that if ahe would not in this matter follow their advice,, 
that they should remain without all blame whatsoever should fall 
out; whereupon she had granted them liberty to [»oceed, lest BOch, 
aa had made the request might hereafter have charged henelf with 
inconvenience if any should happen. 

And by myielf I know this her speech to be true, because both 
Papist and Ftotestant has behaved them, as it hath been her plea- 
sure to declare, but upon divers respects, the one to avoid suspicion 
that otherwise vsui concaved against them, the other upon zeal, and 
care that they will be known to have for preaerration of their sore- 
rogn's life and state in this perilous time, upon consideration where- 
of^ I have been constrained to enter into some dealing with both, 
wherewith I made her majesty acquainted ; the Protestants, and such 
«s in other matters will be known to bear no small favour unto your 
majesty's service, hath prayed that they may be excused from any 
dealing in the contrary of that, which by their oaih tbey faaveavowed, 
and by their speech to their sovereigD requested for, and that before 
my coming in this country ; if they shonld now otherwise do, it 
would produce no better eSect but to make them subject to the ac- 
cusation of their sovereign, when it ahould please her to do it, of 
their inconstancy, in giving councell whereby they might incur the 
danger of ill councellors, and be consequent worthy of punishment. 
Such of the Papists as I did deal with, went immediately, and told 
her majesty what I had spoken to them, who albeit ahe understood 
Ihematter of before, sent forme, and declared tome my own speech 
that I had uttered to them, willing me for the weil of my maister's 
service to abstain from dealing withsach, as were hot yet sufficiently 
moved tcf think of my master as she did. I craved leave of her ma- 
jesty, that 1 might inform them of your majesty's late behaviour to- 
wards her, and the state of this realm, whereunto with some diffi- 
culty she gave her consent. At my late departure from court, 
which was upon the 5th of this instant, and the day after that the 
lords of this grand jury had taken their leaves of her majesty to go 
northward to Fothringham, it wfts her pleasure to promise to have 
further speech in this matter at the returning of the said lords, and 
to give full answer according to your majesty's contentment to tbe 
remainder matters, that I had proponit in name of your majesty. As 
to the 2d part concerning the association, and desire that thepromise 
made to the master ipf Gray concerning your majesty's tide may be 
fulfilled ; it appears by the said letter, that the very point where- 
upon the question that may bring yourmtyeBty's title in doubt, hath 
not bein rightly at the writiug sf die laid lettfir considered, v^iich I 



tak* to have proceeded for lack of readtnj^of the act of parliamentf 
whereia ia fulfilled all the promiae made by the queen to the aaicl 
master, and nothing may now cause any deubt to arise agunst your 
said title, except that an opimon should be conceived by these lords 
of this parliament that are so vehement at this time against tho 
queen your majesty's mother, that your majesty is, or may be proved 
hereafter assenting to her proceedings, and some that love your 
majes^'s service were of that opinion that too earnest request might 
more a ground whereupon suspicions might grow in men so ill af^ 
fected in that matter, which I Uio't might he helped by obtainmg of 
a declaration in parliament of your majesty's innocence at this time, 
and by reason that good nature and pubUc honesty would constrain 
you to intercede foi the qaeen yoor mother, which would carry with 
itself, without any further, some suspicion that might move ill afiect* 
ed men to doubt. In my former letters I humbly craved of your 
majesty that some learned men in the laws might be moved to ad- 
vise with the words of the associadon, and the mitigation contained 
in the act of parliament, and witfaall to advise what suspicious effects 
your majesty's request might work in these choleric men at this 
time, and how their minds might be best moved to receive reason ; 
and upon all these considerations they might have formed the word* 
of a declarator of yoqr majesty's innocence to be obtained ia this 
parhament, and failing thereof, the very words of a protestation for 
the same effect that might best serve for your majesty's service, and 
fbr my better information. Albeit this was my simple opinion, I 
•hall be contented to follow any direction it shall please your ma- 
jetty to give; I have already opened the substance hereof to the 
qaeen of this realm, who seems not to be offended herewith, and 
bath granted liberty to deal therein with such of the parliament as 
may remain in any doubt of mind. litis being the sum of my pro- 
ceedings in this matter, besides the remainder, contained in other 
letters of several dates, I am constrdaed to lay the whole open be- 
fore youK msjesty, and to humbly pray that full information may be 
aent unto me what further to do therein ; in this middle time, while 
I shall receive more ample direction I shall proceed and be doing 
tecording to such direction as 1 have already received. And so, 
most gracious aorereign, wishing qsto your majesty all happy suc- 
ceM in your affairs, I humbly take my leave from London, this I6th 
of October, 1586, Your majesty's most humble subject and obe- 
dient aervant. 

A Memorial for Hit Majaty hy the Matter of Greuf. 
iiih Jul. It will please your majesty I have tho't meeter to set 
eridosl^ down all things as they occur, and all advertisements as 
Uf em they cams to my ears, then jointly in a lettie. 

r,on7<-i.i Google 

432 SeOTLANI>. 

Iinid,iiitbe I ctune to Vare the 24tli of Dec. and lent to W". 
8ii A.Dick. ^^^^ ^'"^ ^'' Archibald Douglas to advertise the qneen 
Vol. A. fal. of it, like as they did at their audience. She promised 
*"' the queen your majesty's mother's life should be spared 

till we were heard. The 27th they came to Vare to me, the which 
day Sit Rob', came to Vare, where they shewed us how far they 
had already gone ia their negociation, but for that the discourse of 
it ii set down in our general letter, 1 remit me to it, only this far I 
will testily unto your majesty that W. Keith hath used himself 
right honestly and wisely till our coming, respecting all circum- 
stances, and chiefly his colleague his dealing, which indeed is not 
better than your majesty Icnowa already. 

The 2Sth day of Dec. we came to London, where we were no 
vays friendly received, nor after the honest sort it had pleased 
your majesty use bei ambassadors; never man sent to welcome or 
convey us. The same day we understood of Mr. de BeUievre bis 
leave taking, and for tiiat the custom permitted not we sent our 
excuses by Mr. Geoi^ Young. 

The Ht day of Jan. W. Keith and his colleague according 
to the custom sent to crave our audience. We received the 
answer contained in the general letter, and could not have answer 
till the 6th day, what was done that day your majesty has it in the 
general, yet we was not out of esperance at that time, albdt we 
received hard answers. 

The 8th day we speak with the earl of Leicester, v^ere our con- 
ferrence was, as is set down in the general. I remarked this, that 
he that day said plainly the detaining of the queen of Scotland 
prisoner was for that she pretended a succession to this crown. 
Judge then by this what is tho't of your majesty, as ye shall hear 
a little after. 

The 9th day we speak with the French ambassador, whom we 
find very plain in making to us a wise discourse of all his pro- 
ceedings, and Mr. de Bellievre we thanked him in yonr majesty's 
name, and opened such things as we had to treat with this queen, 
save the last point, as more largely set down by our general. 

It is tho't here, and some friends of your majesty's advised me. 
that Belhevre his negociation was not effectual, and diat the re- 
sident was not privy to it, as indeed I think is true, for since 
Bellievre his perting, there is a talk of this Chasteauneuf his 
servants taken with his whole papers and pacquets, which he was 
sending in France, for that they charge bim with a conspiracy of 
Jate against the queen here her life. It is alledged bis servant bag 
confessed the matter, but whom I shall trust 1 know not, but till I 
«ee proof 1 shall account him an honest man, for indeed so he 
appears, add one (wi^out doubt) tf ho hath been very inaUmt in 


this matter. I show him that the queen 'ftod earl of Leicester had 
desired to speak with me in private, and craved his opinioo; he 
gare it freely that he tfao't it meetest, I shew him the reason why 
I communicate that to him, for that I had been suspected by 
some of her majesty's friends in France to have done evil offices in 
bet seEvice, that he should be my witness that my earnest deahng 
in this should be a sufficient testimony that all was lies, and that 
this knave Nau4 who now had betrayed her, had in that done evil 
offices: .he desired me, seeing she saw only with other folks eyes^ 
that I should no ways impute it to her, for the like'she, had done 
to himself by Naue his pecsuasion. I answered he should' be my 
witness in that. . 

. The 9th day we sent to court to crave audience, which we got 
the lOtb day ; at the first, she scud a thing long looked for should 
be welcome when it comes, I would now see your master's ofisrs^ 
I answered, no man makes offers but for some cause ; we would^ 
find like your m^gesty, first know the cause to be extant for which 
we offer, and likewise that it be extant till your majesty has'heard 
UB. I think it be extant yet, but I will not promise for an hour, 
but you think to shift in that sort. I answered, . we mind -not to 
shift, but to offer from our sovereign all things that with reason 
may be; and in special, we offered as is set down in our general, 
all was refused, and tho't nothing. She called on the three that 
were in the hoUse, the earl of Leicesterj my lord admiral, and 
chamberlain, and very despitefully repeated all our offers in pre* 
sence of them all.' I opened the last part, and said', tnadam, for 
what respect is it thatmeu'dealagainst your person or estate for 
her cause? She answered, because they think she shall succeed 
tome, and for that she is a P^i«t; appearingly'said I boththe 
causes may be removed, she said she wduld be glad to understand 
it. If, madam, said I, all that she has of right, of succegBion were 
la the kii^ our sovereign's person,- were not all-hope of Papists 
removed? Sheanswered, Ihope so. Then, madam, t diink the 
queen :hiB mother shall willingly demit all -her rights in-his person. 
She: answered,' she hath no- right, for:'she Is declared: uBhatnl. 
Then I said, if she have no right, appearingly the hope' ceasek 
already; so:.that:it ia not to be feared that any man atteopffor her. 
.The queen answered, but the .Papists allow not Our dedaratitm; 
then let it fall, says I, in the king's person by-her assignadodi 
-The earl of Leicester answered,- she it a prisoner, ; how ^can she 
demit? I answered, the demission is to her aou, by the advice of 
all tjie fiieads she has in Europe, and in case, as- God forbid, ' that 
Any attempt cuttis the queen here away, who shall party with her 
to prove the demission or assignation to be ine^tual, her ton 
)Hiag opposite party, and having all the princes her friends^ 
VOL. II. 2 r 



him, hari^ bonded for the efiEcacy of h nith Ml majesty of before; 
The qneen maA» «■ sbe oonld not comprehend my meaning, and 
Sic Riob'. opened the matter agam, she yet made as tho' she im< 
deratood not. So the ead of Leiceiter answend that ooi meanmp 
was, that the king should be put in bis mother's place. Is it so; 
the qoeao answered, dien 1 put myself in a worse case thaa of 
b^re : by Ood's passbn, that were to cut mjr own thro^ and for 
a datdiy or an earldom to younelf, yon or such as yon would causa 
aone of yovr desperate Imares kill me. No, by God, he shdl 
wtmtt be in that place. I answered, he cnTea nothing of yo6r 
mtjeatf bnt only of his mother. The eail of Leicester aafweredt 
that were to make bim party to the queen my mistress, I said, be 
will be far more party, if he be in her place throngh her death. 
She would stay no longer, but said she would not have a worse in 
lus mother's place. And said, tell yonr king what good I have 
done for him in holding the crown oB his head since he was boni, 
and that I mbid to keep the league that now stands between ut, 
•nd if be break it shall be a double fault, and with this minded to 
iane bidden us a farewell ; but we achevit Q. e. finished arguii^ 
■pon this point). And I spake craving of her that her life may be 
spared for 15 days ; she refused. Sir Rob', craved fi>r only eight 
iUys; she said, not for an hour; and so geid her away. Yost 
aiajetty sees we have delivered all we had for ofiers, bat all is for 
Boibing, for she and her councel has laid a determination that di^