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Full text of "The World's Columbian Exposition : speech of Hon. Benjamin Butterworth of Ohio in the House of Representatives, Friday, February 6, 1891"

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The World's Columbian Exposition. 




In the House of Kepresentatives, 

Friday, February 6, 1891. 

The House being in Committee of the "Whole and having under considera- 
tion the bill (H. R. 13452) making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of 
the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1892, and for other purposes — 


Mr. Chairman: The question before the committee is of very con- 
siderable consequence, not only to the respective boards charged with 
the duty of preparing and conducting the World's Columbian Expo- 
sition, but also to the people of this country. 

We are committed to the world to complete the work we have un- 
dertaken irrespective of the instrumentality through which it is accom- 
plished. We have pledged the faith and honor of this Republic to the 
discharge of each obligation assumed and duty imposed by the provi- 
sions of the act of Congress approved April 25, A. D. 1890. 

Congress exacted of Chicago a guaranty of $10,000,000 and an eligi- 
ble site lor the fair before the Government would become sponsor lor 
the enterprise. The guaranty was promptly given, an eligible site was 
tendered and accepted in conformity to law, and thereupon the United 
States became the foster mother of the World's Columbian Exposition, 
and can not without discreditfail to give to it all necessary encourage- 
ment and aid. We must keep each promise and redeem every pledge. 

The difference between civilization and barbarism is in a large de- 
gree measured by the means employed in communicating thought from 
one to another and by the materialization of ideas into forms and use- 
ful agencies for the convenience and comfort of mankind. The inter- 
national exposition authorized and provided for in the act mentioned 
will furnish an opportunity for an inventory and study of that which 
is the evidence of the progress made in civilization. 

What was the prime object and purpose of the enactment of this law 
and how shall we best carry its provisions into effect ? How shall we 
deal with the condition that conlronts us to-day ? What did this Con- 
gress by the letter and spirit of the act I have cited require, whether 


through a local organization of the State of Illinois or through a com- 
mission appointed by the President of the United States? 


I desire to call attention for a single moment to the nature of the 
obligations defined by the act and by its terms imposed upon the 
national commission and the Illinois corporation, those two organiza- 
tions being the agents of the Federal Government in carrying into 
effect the act of Congress mentioned. 

I will read from the act, because it states clearly what I desire to 
say. The introduction of the act providing for this World's Fair is 
in this language: 

Whereas it is fit and appropriate that the four hundredth anniversary of the 
discovery of America be commemorated by an exhibition of the resources of the 
United States of America, their development, and of the progress of civilization 
in the New World ; and 

Whereas such an exhibition should be of a national and international char- 
acter, so that not only the people of our Union and this continent, but those of 
all nations as well, can participate, and should therefore have the sanction of 
the Congress of the United States: Therefore, 

Be it enacted, etc., That an exhibition of arts, industries, manufactures, and 
products of the soil, mine, and sea, shall be inaugurated in the year 1892, in the 
city of Chicago, in the State of Illinois, as hereinafter provided. 

So it will be observed Congress provided for a national and interna- 
tional exposition; but as a condition precedent to the assumption of 
responsibility by the National Government the city of Chicago or the 
corporation representing the State of Illinois and the city of Chicago 
were required, as before mentioned, to raise $10,000,000, so thatitwould 
be available for the purpose stipulated in the act. When that propo- 
sition was submitted to this body there were not twenty men on the 
floor of this House who believed that any city in the Union could or 
would raise $10,000,000 for the purpose and in time to carry into effect 
this law. So great a sum for the promotion of such a project had never 
been raised by any municipality in the world. It had never been done 
by any State in the Union. I do not say that other cities on this con- 
tinent could not. But the people of Chicago furnished the amount, a 
sum of money equal to $10 for every man. woman, and child within 
her corporate limits, for the purpose of carrying into eftect this law, a 
work which may indeed result in great advantage to Chicago, but will 
in a larger degree add to the glory of this nation. 

The exposition is not a local enterprise^ it is not a State, but it is a 
national, enterprise in the broadest and best sense. It is the creature 
of Congressional enactment. The benefit to Chicago is an incident. 
Her citizens may reap a profit of many million dollars. But those 
citizens who put their hands in their pockets in this endeavor to confer 
distinction upon their city and Statehave at the same tiine added greatly 
to the glory of the nation and given larger opportunity to each of its 


I desire to call attention to a phase of this question that may not be 
given due importance. I may be a little enthusiastic touching the ad- 
vantages to our people of an exhibition of this character. Let me in- 
quire what you will see at this exposition. An exhibit of the vast 
progress made during the centuries in every useful art; an exhibit of 
what science has accomplished for mankind in the past; in other words, 
the crystallized thought of forty centuries will be displayed for the 
instruction of our people and the people of the world. There will be 


shown the steps in evolution from the first crude devices, along the line 
to the most complete machine. For instance, every appliance and 
method for utilizing electricity will there be shown, and a few days' 
careful observation will reveal more to the student in that field of art 
than would result from several years devoted to the most careful study 
of books. 

So in regard to improvements in agricultural implements and ma- 
chinery. The result of the efforts of inventors and workmen through- 
out the world can be there surveyed in a short space of time, and the 
observer become possessed of the accumulated knowledge resulting 
from the combined efforts of thousands of men throughout the world. 
And this is clearly true of every branch of industrial art and of the 
sciences as well. Since there will be gathered together, as I have be- 
fore suggested, the results of the best thought and endeavor of man- 
kind, it must therefore occur that each intelligent visitor will have 
his mind sown with seed that may produce a rich harvest in the com- 
ing years. 

It is a conceded fact that the Centennial Exposition at Philadelphia 
wrought a revolution in a great many departments of industry, new 
and better methods being adopted as the result of knowledge gained 
by our people at that exposition. The style of our architecture 
throughout the country was changed and greatly improved. The ad- 
vantage measured in dollars and cents was beyond estimate. Sir, 
there is not a gentleman on the floor who has a just and adequate con- 
ception of what the developments in the field of industrial art have ac- 
complished for our race. The mind can hardly grasp the full measure 
of advantage when expressed in figures. 


In viewing these exhibits we realize not only what man has done, 
and what woman has done, with hand and brain, but there is the sug- 
gestion of the possibilities that wait upon each and all of our people. 
Every intelligent individual who goes to that exposition will come away 
not only with broader views, but clothed with a larger power to em- 
ploy his faculties in fighting the battle of life and promoting the hap- 
piness of mankind. It has been so with every exposition. And al- 
though the one held at New Orleans, being badly located, was indeed 
a failure financially,- yet for every dollar invested in that exhibition I 
have no doubt this country has realized an hundred fold in positive ad- 
vantage to the people of the Southern States. 

Mr. COLEMAN. The gentleman will allow me to say that the ex- 
position at New Orleans has done more to develop the industrial re- 
sources of the South than anything that has occurred since the aboli- 
tion of slavery or is likely to transpire for vears to come. 

Mr. BUTTE RWORTH. I have no doubt that my friend is correct 
about that. The exhibition of the various devices for producing sugar, 
the various means of treating cotton and other fibers, the various 
methods of utilizing facilities for transportation, has wrought a change 
of the most beneficent character. As the people came in by hundreds 
of thousands, each one presented a mental soil in which that exhibition 
planted ideas which bore rich fruit in after years. 

Mr. GROSVENOR. While nothing is more pleasant to me than the 
eloquence of my distinguished colleague, yet I would like to have, so 
far as I am personally concerned, my colleague's own actual knowledge 
of the necessity for these expenditures. I hope he will tell us some- 
thing about the hundred and fifteen women whose meeting cost $15,000, 

and the other things along that part of the line. Let us know the ne- 
cessity for these apparently extravagant expenditures. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Well, let me say to my colleague, Mr. 
Chairman, that in speaking thus I have sought to impress — and I may 
have failed in some instances to do so — upon my hearers the advan- 
tage which inevitably results from an enterprise of this character, if 
properly managed. If no advantage will result from it, we had better 
make no appropriation. But if it scatters blessiugs throughout the 
length and breadth of the country by opening a great school for the 
improvement of all our people, who may come together to learn how the 
arts and sciences have contributed and may contribute to the amelio- 
ration and improvement of our race, then my honored colleague will see 
that there are reasons why we should warmly encourage instead of 
treating the project with indifference, and why we might pass over many 
errors of judgment in the management, as they seem to us, that are 
almost inevitable and are certainly excusable in the inauguration of 
such a vast enterprise. 

I will now consider the matter to which my colleague has referred. 
First, it is obvious that to inaugurate and successfully carry forward 
the work of this exposition involves a vast expenditure of money and 
the employment of the time and ability of the best citizens of Chi- 
cago, and, in fact, of the whole country. And I want to show to all 
who are interested — and all are interested — precisely what has been 
accomplished, what is being done, and what is contemplated for the 


As you are all aware the State of Illinois granted a charter of incor- 
poration to a number of men to carry into effect this law of Congress; 
in other words, to provide the ways and means for holding this expo- 
sition. Forty-five of the leading business men of Chicago became the 
charter members. Among these were the most capable financiers 
and commercial men of Chicago, all gentlemen of the highest charac- 
ter. And here I wish to say that as I sat among them, listening to 
their deliberations, I studied each of them carefully. There was not 
one among them, so far as I know, who had not, as we are accustomed 
to say in the West, "taken life from the stump." They were men 
who had fought their way from a humble beginning to the magnificent 
success each had achieved; and they have shown an almost unexam- 
pled willingness to share their success with others and make their 
prosperity the means of serving the whole people. 

Such are the men who compose the directory of the World's Colum- 
bian Exposition and stand pledged to make it a success worthy of their 
city, their State, and the nation. Thev contributed financial aid, as 
did the people of Chicago generally, from the boot-black to the banker. 
Each of them gave heartily his contribution, the sums ranging from ten 
to tens of thousands of dollars, to meet the expenses necessary to insure 

As you are aware, a national commission was appointed consisting of 
one hundred and fifteen men. This commission was authorized by the 
act of Congress to which I have already referred. They were gathered 
together from the four quarters, not of the earth, but of the Republic. 
They met in Chicago for the first time. They had to study the law 
and determine what their powers and duties were, what the jurisdic- 
tion of the body was, and naturally reasoned and learned a little in the 
direction of their desires. If tliey did not find the jurisdiction coex- 

tensive with their desires, it was because it was obviously not author- 
ized by the law; and as my trieud from Massachusetts [Mr. Candler] 
and other gentlemen have said, there was little beyond the limit of their 
jurisdiction, as they interpreted the law. 

It may be said possibly of the local board, on the other hand, that 
they were in some measure disposed to insist on an extension of their 
jurisdiction beyond its proper limit. It is true that some members of 
the commission in the beginning insisted that the local board, com- 
posed, as I have stated, of as able and patriotic men as can be found in 
the Union, men whose honor and whose fortunes were pledged to make 
the exposition a success, had little or nothing to do except to raise 
$10, 000, 000 and lay the money down at the feet of the commission and 
let the committee of that body vote it here and there without the yea 
or nay of the local board. It was contended by the local board that 
business principles and methods must be adopted in conducting the 
\ enterprise. It was unfortunate, however, that the local board was not 

more determined in its position. Their spirit of accommodation took 
the form of subserviency. I could not sharpen a pencil in the office 
of the local board withoutits provoking newspaper comment, suggest- 
ing usurpation by the officials of the directory. 


That was the vexatious condition. It was not wholly the fault of 
the commission, nor the fault of the local board, but this question of 
jurisdiction and resulting friction remained to disturb the harmony, 
which was most unfortunate at the inception of such an enterprise. 
The arrival of the honorable gentlemen composing the House commit- 
tee was most timely and salutary in its influence. The effect of it was 
to compel peace between the two organizations and a resort to meas- 
ures which should have been adopted at an earlier day. 

Up to that time no lawyer had by authority examined the statute 
and rendered an opinion as to the limit of jurisdiction between the two 
bodies. But when you gentlemen arrived, or when, "far off, your 
coming shone," eminent counsel, learned in the law, were called to- 
gether to consider this question. They were unanimous in their con- 
clusions. It is true they did not agree with all the gentlemen of the 
commission. But what was the result? Why, like sensible men, the 
two bodies met together, and wiping out the debatable lines, those 
shadowy and doubtful lines ot jurisdiction between them, they agreed 
they would set aside the cumbersome machinery of which my friends 
of the committee very properly complain. They did set aside all that 
cumbersome machinery and appointed committees, and provided a 
complete, compact organization, with a board of control to supervise the 
work. They established a number of departments, as follows: 

A. Agriculture, food and food products, farming machinery and ap- 

B. Viticulture, horticulture, and floriculture. 

C. Live stock: domestic and wild animals. 

D. Fish, fisheries, fish products, and apparatus of fishing. 

E. Mines, mining, and metallurgy. 

F. Machinery. 

G. Transportation exhibits: railways, vessels, vehicles. 
H. Manufactures. 

J. Electricity and electrical appliances. 

K. Fine arts: pictorial, plastic, and decorative. 


L. Liberal arts: education, engineering, public works, architecture, 
music, and the drama. 

M. Ethnology, archaeology, progress of labor and invention, isolated 
and collective exhibits. 

N. Forestry and forest products. 

O. Publicity and promotion. 

P. Foreign affairs. 

And they are placing suitable men at the head of each one. The 
national commission no longer meets. It has taken wings, and so have 
our troubles. But there remains the impress of its power, the stamp 
of Congress and the Government which called it into being. That mat- 
ter is settled, and to-day they have a board of control satisfactory to 
both bodies, selected from both bodies, supplemented by small com- 
mittees operating harmoniously and effectively. 


Mr. FLOWER. Will my friend yield for a suggestion ? 


Mr. FLOWER. In your j udgment, with this board of control on 
each side, eight from your committee and eight from the other, what 
need is there for any more commissioners, ladies or otherwise, until 
the fair meets ? 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Well, my friend, ihere might be a very 
wide difference of opinion about that. The committee considered that 
question. Candidly I do not think there is any crying need for it; and 
yet I have always found the master's eye was worth both his hands. 
The Committee on Appropriations considered tbe matter, as my honor- 
able friend from Kentucky [Mr. Breckinridge] has said; and instead 
of providing for two meetings a year they provided for one meeting in 
1892. They bave also provided for that machinery which every busi- 
ness man will recognize as indispensable to the discharge of the duties 
that devolve upon the two bodies. 

It has been urged on the floor of the House that a mistake was made 
on the part of the national commission in the appointment of a director 
general. Let us not forget, gentlemen, that this is our fair, and not 
the fair of a city or locality, but the fair of the people of the United 
States, and will reflect either their glory or their shame. The officer 
who speaks for and represents it, standing conspicuously above all 
others, as its executive head, and representing both bodies, whose sig- 
nature goes to other countries and goes to all the States of the Union, 
is the director general. He is the head and front of the management, 
representing both organizations, chosen, however, by the national com- 
mission, but approved by the local board. Why, therefore, should it 
not be a national office ? He represents the people of the United States. 

"Well," it is said, "that may be, but the local board should pay 
him." I appeal to the honorable gentlemen here whether Chicago has 
not fulfilled to the letter all she promised, and more? I ask whether 
the State of Illinois, one of the young States of the Union, has not 
met all the requirements of the situation ? Her Legislature proposes 
to give and will give more than that of any other State, lor the pur- 
pose of promoting this national enterprise, because she has a local 
pride in it. Chicago has raised $10,000,000, and will add several mil- 
lions to that sum. Has she been liberal or not ? Is Congress treating 
her with generous encouragement? Is she to be criticised because, 
forsooth, she deems it proper and just that the director general bepaid 

out of the Treasury of the nation that employs him, since he is the 
chosen officer of all the people. 

Your law provides that all intercourse with foreign exhibitors, etc., 
shall be conducted, by whom? Not by the local board, but by the 
national commission. And therefore, will any gentleman say, will 
my honored friend from Massachusetts [Mr. Candler] maintain that 
it is not proper, that it is not important, that the officer who meets 
and greets those visitors from abroad should be a national officer ? Un- 
doubtedly, he should be; and, if so, shall the Government not pay him ? 

Mr. WILSON, of West Virginia. Why not let the president do 
that ? He is a member of the national commission. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. What president? 

Mr. WILSON, of West Virginia. The president of the national com- 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Well, the president is not identified with 
the aggressive working organization of the exposition, and no president 
of a commission ever was. It is the man who represents the pulsating 
machinery of that enterprise who must speak for it, and not the pres- 
ident of the commission. He has his own duties to perform; but the 
director general represents the Government of the United States and 
should be paid out of the Treasury, and I hold it is unjust to the gen- 
erous people of Chicago not to do so. 

One word more as to what Chicago has done beyond what is fairly 
required by this statute. To-day she has agents in Japan, in China, 
in Algiers, in South America, in Mexico, in the Orient, arranging for 
exhibits from all these countries, in order that this exposition may be 
far beyond what its most sanguine friends expected or hoped for it. 

Mr. ADAMS. Is that required by the law? 


Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Chicago is not required by law to do so, 
but in addition to sending agents to China, Japan, etc., she has placed 
$100,000 subject to the control of the officers appointed by the Govern- 
ment to procure exhibits from South America and the other nations 
on the western continent. In other words, they have been in nowise 
niggardly ; and we think it is due from Congress to be fair and even gen- 
erous, at least to be just, towards those people who have done so much. 

Mr. WILSON, of West Virginia. The gentleman does not under- 
stand that any criticism has been made upon the local directory ? We 
commend it. We commend their enterprise. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Certainly, I know that. I know you have 
praised their endeavors, and in the same spirit of justice a further re- 
mark touching the men who compose the directory is in place. The 
time and efforts of these forty-five directors, given gratuitously, is in it- 
self a contribution of great value, since they are men of the highest 
character and position in the social, financial, and business world. And 
this but supplements their pecuniary aid. They have indeed a local 
interest in making the exposition a success. 

But from a national point of view they should feel no more pride in 
it than any other citizen. You and each one of your constitutents must 
feel a just pride in the result, that it should reflect credit upon our nation. 
The world does not look to the directory of Chicago. The world does 
not look to Chicago, nor yet to the State of Illinois. The nations look 
to this Capitol and those who represent the Federal Government for 
the character and success of this exposition; but Congress relies upon 
the genius, the enterprise, and unflagging zeal of the gentlemen who 


compose the directory and the citizens of Chicago to impart to the 
fair the measure of success which the standing of our Government 
among the nations demands. We should be thankful for having 
within our border a city like Chicago, generous, aggressive, sometimes 
vastly too aggressive, but in this case fairly equal to all that you would 

In speaking of the directors I have but paid a deserved compliment 
to the men who represent the vital forces in this undertaking. 

A few months ago one of the most honorable societies of Europe, the 
Society of Engineers (comprising several hundred distinguished men), 
visited the United States. They met in Chicago. Among them were 
Sir James Kittson, president of the society; Mr. James Dredge, an emi- 
nent engineer, and one of the editors and proprietors of Engineering, 
the leading illustrated journal of the Old World. Each one came as a 
' ' doubting Thomas. ' ' They said : " Is it possible that upon an inland 
sea in this young nation a city has grown up in fifty years which can 
meet the requirements of the law which we have read?" 

The visitors remained in Chicago two days, were sorry they could 
not stay a week. They met the members of the directory; they visited 
the site of the exposition. They discussed its purpose, scope, and plan. 
Their doubts were removed, and their faith became as strong as their 
doubts had been. I conferred with many of them. They contem- 
plated in wonder and admiration the unexampled energy and pluck of 
these men who had contributed $11,000,000 for the promotion of an 
enterprise in which they have no interest except to add to the pros- 
perity and the honor of their city and country. These distinguished 
visitors returned to their several homes, champions of our great un- 
dertaking, in which they recognize an effort in behalf of mankind. 


Mr. Dredge, since his return to Loudon, read a very able paper on 
the exposition before the Society of Art. Sir Hall, another emi- 
nent thinker and writer, presided. If these strangers within our gates 
are filled with zeal for our enterprise, shall we stand here and bicker 
about paying the salary of the officer chosen under authority of Con- 
gress to manage the exposition ? The work is going forward smoothly 
and satisfactorily. True it is that when our friends of the Congres- 
sional committee, Mr. Candler, Mr. Frank, Mr. Flower, and Mr. 
Wilson of West Virginia, were there the machinery was not run- 
ning smoothly; but that was several months ago. It is not so now. 
" White- winged Peace " has settled upon us. [Laughter.] We are 
working as smoothly and effectively as any of tlie friends of the fair 
could desire; and there are no troubles to retard our progress. We are 
moving forward. 

Mr. FLOWER. If you can get these salaries all will go smoothly. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. I want to call attention to that in a mo- 
ment. I use the language of one of these eminent engineers. He said: 

You have furnished the finest site to be found on either continent, upon the 
lake, by the side of an inland sea, with walks and drives and beauties that are 
unsurpassed and unequaled anywhere in the world. 

The Exposition Park contains a thousand acres — fifteen hundred, if 
you desire, upon which to locate the fair. There will be a floor space 
of over 150 acres, and the people of Chicago will not stop until they 
have raised the sum of $13,000,000. There is not an example in the 
history of the world where the people of a single locality or a city has 

done so much for the nation in which they reside or in which it was 
located. I but bespeak for that people the honor and the credit due 
for such courage and energy, and I hope tbat you will deal with them 
at least fairly. 

Wbat else? There is some criticism upon the frequent meetings of 
the commission. The commission has "come and gone." It may be 
said of it that it "fleeth like a shadow and continueth not. " [Laugh- 
ter.] Their committees remain, and the rest of the commission have 
gone to their homes to help this enterprise in the several States. 

Some criticism was offered in reference to the ladies' commission; but 
my learned friend from West Virginia [Mr. Wilson] has not reached 
that sere old age when he is willing to amble into the arena and crit- 
icise vigorously one hundred and fifteen women, or even a smaller 
number. [Laughter.] Mr. Chairman; when the one hundred and 
fifteen women met together, I am sure my friend will bear me out in 
saying that they bore themselves in a manner worthy of them. 

Mr. CANDLER, of Massachusetts. Better than the men. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. That is right. That is gallantry. I like it. 

Mr. CANDLER, of Massachusetts. It is true. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. It is true; and it? would be gallant if it 
were not true [laughter]; but it is true. These ladies represented 
the best type of American womanhood. They represented the several 
States and Territories of the Union, and, as my honored friend here 
admits, they bore themselves with conspicuous ability and true dig- 
nity. They organized, and I do not think there was any wirepulling 
or chicanery in the selection of the president of that body. They chose 
by a unanimous vote a lady who would grace any court in the world 
[loud applause in the House and galleries], a lady who would grace 
any station in the land [renewed applause], a woman of rare dig- 
nity and culture, and who is utterly devoted to this work, and gives 
her time without stint to the discharge of the duties devolved upon her, 
and without other compensation than the honor that may come as a 
result of duty well performed. She has for her assistant the secretary 
of the ladies' commission, a lady well known to every member here as 
a most dignified and highly educated woman, whose full knowledge 
and large experience give her a conspicuous place among the women 
of the United States. 


These women and their associates are laboring to secure (for the 
first time in the history of the world) an exhibit for women commen- 
surate with their dignity aud its importance. 

Chicago has provided a building which will cost $200,000 in order 
that the women, not only of our own country, but of the world, may 
make an exhibition of what the hand and brain of woman have accom- 
plished in the past, what they are accomplishing to-day. and pointing 
to the broader opportunities that the future has in store lor them. The 
women of England, the women of France, the women of Germany, and 
of Mexico, in other words, the women of the world, have turned their 
eyes to Chicago and are taking an interest in the women's organization 
there, and they will bring exhibits to illustrate what opportunities 
will wait upon their sex in the years to come. 

Our friends know very well that the field of useful endeavor for 
women is being enlarged from year to year; that new vocations, new 
avenues of employment, new industries are opened to them. Now, 



what else have we ? The ground is provided for; the buildings are pro- 
vided for; the classification is complete; men in all parts of the world 
are working to promote the interests of this grand exposition. Nor is 
this all. Up to this time we have spoken only of material things, 
which are but thought crystallized; but there is one other thing that the 
Chicago directory has provided for. It relates to, "not things, but men." 
I refer to the world's congress. So that during the exposition of ma- 
terial things we may have also the best thoughts of the nineteenth 
century given to our people. The ablest thinkers, not of this Repub- 
lic alone, but of the world, will meet to discuss the important ques- 
tions which are uppermost in the minds of men. I submit that mau is 
very dull indeed who can stand this afternoon in the presence of what is 
occurring in this Republic and elsewhere and not realize that we are 
approaching new conditions; that radical changes must soon transpire 
which will affect our economic and possibly our social system from 
center to circumference; questions that will make Ud more anxious 
than any which have heretofore been forced upon our attention. 

The directory deemed it expedient to call together the great think- 
ers and workers of the world during this exposition. And it is pecul- 
iarly gratifying to observe the liberal spirit manifested by the people 
of Chicago in this behalf. Churches will be thrown open for the pro- 
posed meetings. The great Auditorium, the finest building upon 
either continent, that monument to the genius of Ferdinand W. Peck, 
a Chicago boy, educated in her public schools, who has been instru- 
mental in giving to his native city and to America the finest building 
upon either continent — that great building is to be thrown open for 
the meeting of these congresses. 

Who will be there ? The eminent scientists in the field of electric- 
ity; those who have given most thought and investigation to the prob- 
lem of municipal government; those who have given consideration to 
the questions of production and distribution of supplies; in other words, 
from the whole field of scientific and economic research the leading 
men of the world have signified their willingness to come to Chicago 
during the exposition and contribute of the gathered fruit of forty 
centuries of investigation and experiment for the benefit of their fel- 
low-men, and all this at comparatively little expense. We have pro- 
vided in the pending bill $2,500 for the encouragement of that part of 
the enterprise. 

There are now only one or two matters I desire to add, and I will 
print, as addenda to my remarks, some statements which I deem it 
important that members of the House should read, if they can not 
hear them, in regard to what is being done in pushing forward the work 
of preparation. 

There are only one or two other matters of which I desire to speak, 
for I am aware that the House has been detained for a long time upon 
the items in question, and I do not wish to wearyit by prolonging the 
session. I remember that the last time I held the floor some gentlemen 
thought I was not happy in my effort. I was discussing the tariff. 
[Laughter and cheers.] 

Mr. TUCKER. Oh, yes; you were happy. 

Several Members. You were. You were very happy. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. I think, possibly, I was. 

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE, of Kentucky. I hope you will vote better 
on this question than you did on that. You can not speak better, but 
I hope you will vote better. 




Mr. BUTTERWORTH. I never knew my friend from Kentucky 
[Mr. Breckinridge] to part company with his party on any question. 
If he had, instead of being able to help "guide the party machine," he 
would have been seen sitting on the fence watching the procession pass 
by. [Laughter.] 

Mr. WASHINGTON. You never heard him speak against it and 
then vote for it. [Laughter.] 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. No; he always kept silent. He would not 
even bear witness against the wrong. [Laughter.] But, Mr. Chair- 
man, that is not in question here now. I want to remark at this 
point that my brethren of the World's Fair Committee who visited 
Chicago rendered excellent service, and they are entitled to praise in- 
stead of censure. I do not think anyone rendered better service than 
you gentlemen of the committee. I was pretty near the nerve center 
there, and I am certain there can be no question that your coming was 
most timely. 

After your arrival we had some experience of harmony, of the dwell- 
ing together in unity. We have since dwelt together in unity. You 
were as the oil on the troubled waters. But now when you have the 
waters still and hushed for the quiet sailing of this magnificent enter- 
prise, we do not want you to lash them into fury again, and render 
your coming a second time necessary, when you might not be able to 
turn aside the calamity which unfriendly action here would threaten. 

Mr. FLOWER. We can not change our minds every ten minutes, 
you know. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. In the first place the Government has pro- 
vided, as heretofore, for an exhibit by the various Departments, in- 
cluding the National Museum and the bureau for the propagation of 
fish, etc. The committee has provided full appropriation to complete 
the Government building. We hope it will be ample. No one criti- 
cises that item. 

Let it be understood that at the time the national commission met 
it was thought that it would have a larger jurisdiction than is now 
conceded, and more extended than it is now exercising. It js now act- 
ing in conjunction and accord with the local directory, and in a man- 
ner thoroughly satisfactory to both bodies. 

I believe in divorce under certain circumstances, but when man and 
wife, having quarreled, come together, kiss and make up, and are liv- 
ing happily and rearing their children "in the nurture and admonition 
of the Lord," why should we insist, against their will, on divorcing 
them? I can not see; can you? In other words, when the troubles 
that vexed this enterprise have passed away, when this great project 
in which we are all so deeply concerned, is being satisfactorily con- 
ducted, I can not see why we should be intent on dealing with it as 
of its former estate and condition. 

[Here the hammer fell.] 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. I would like a few moments more. 

Mr. SPRINGER. Ten minutes? 


Mr. BUTTERWORTH. I will not trespass unduly upon the in- 
dulgence of the House and trust that I shall not be strictly limited. 

Mr. SPRINGER. I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman 
from Ohio be allowed to proceed without limitation. [Cries of " That 
is right !"] 



The CHAIRMAN. In the absence of objection, the gentleman 
from Ohio will proceed. 

There was no objection. 

Mr. CANDLER, of Massachusetts. Before the gentleman proceeds 
I would like to ask him a question. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. I yield for that purpose. 

Mr. CANDLER, of Massachusetts. I dislike to come down from 
poetry to prose, but I want 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Hold on; do not make a speech; you said 
you wanted to ask a question. 

Mr. CANDLER, of Massachusetts. I want to make a preliminary 
statement, because I can not ask the question intelligently to the House 
without doing so. The gentleman is the secretary of the Chicago cor- 
poration, with its corps of clerks, etc. The United States commission 
has a secretary with a salary of $10,000 and with authority to appoint 
two assistant secretaries with salaries of $3,000 each, together with a 
body of other assistants. Now, I wish to ask the gentleman whether 
he does not consider that an unnecessary expenditure for the discharge 
of the duties of that office. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. I will answer the gentleman; and on this 
point my friend from Kentucky [Mr. Breckinridge] has anticipated 
me. There is now, always has been, and always will be until the light of 
the millennium breaks in, a disposition on the part of such bodies as the 
commission to provide a very ample force and ask very liberal supplies. 
But, mark you, this was done, as I have already said to my friend, in 
view of the work laid out some months ago, which has since been in a 
measure limited. As my friend from Kentucky has already said, we 
have reduced the amount that can be used for that purpose about 20 
per cent. 

Mr. CANDLER, of Massachusetts. You have not reduced the pay 
of the secretary. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Of course I can not say what that commit- 
tee will do. All I can do is to make this pledge to the House and the 
country. Here is a committee composed of honorable men, selected 
with care, realizing the great responsibilities resting upon them, real- 
izing the fact that you gentlemen have criticised them and criticised 
them properly; and, recognizing the fact that this House has demanded 
and the country insists upon economy, I can only say that those gen- 
tlemen are pledged to conduct the business committed to them as they 
would their own private affairs. And as the chairman of the committee, 
my friend, Mr. Cannon, has stated, we have reduced the appropria- 
tion which can be applied to these salaries. 

Mr. CANDLER, of Massachusetts. I think not. 


Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Oh, yes, we have. I can not be mistaken 
in that, for I was present when it was done. [Laughter.] And, as my 
honored friend suggested, the reduction must be along that line. 
Where will the reduction be made? That is a pertinent question. I 
can not tell. But as we have faith in honorable and capable men 
charged with the performance of a high duty, I feel convinced that the 
views of Congress will be respected as far as practicable, and I can 
pledge for them to the House and to the country that they will not 
allow salaries or expenses which are extravagant. 

Mr. WILSON, of West Virginia. But does not the gentleman think 
that it is the duty of Congress to fix the salary of every public official ? 


Mr. BUTTER WORTH. As an abstract proposition, I think so. 

Mr. WILSON, of West Virginia. Well, as a concrete proposition, 
what do you think of it? 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Well, as a concrete proposition, I think so, 
too. But there are manifest exceptions 

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE, of Kentucky. How could it be done on an 
appropriation bill? 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. I was just going to suggest that the rules 
of the House prevent it from being done in this way. 

Mr. WILSON, of West Virginia. Well, then, if we can not do it 
upon an anpropriation bill I 1'ear it will not be done at all. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. I have no such fear. I have the most per- 
fect confidence that these corrections will be made. There is no doubt 
about it in my judgment. The only question between us now is as to 
these salaries. We have cut down by one-fifth the appropriation that 
can be applied to the payment of tbem. We have said to the men who 
have tne care of the expenditure that the expenses must be cut down; 
and I happen to know, from information derived from an absolutely re- 
liable source, that wherever there is an extra typewriter, wherever 
there is an extra clerk or stenographer, or an extra salary paid in any 
way, it will be razed down until it shall meet the sentiment of economy 
prevailing in the country. 

But, Mr. Chairman, there is a certain kind of economy which is 
more harmful than extravagance. If I might be permitted to quote 
a little Scripture in this connection — 

There is that scattereth, and yet increaseth; and there is that withholdeth 
more than is meet, yet it tendeth to poverty. 

For myself I do not want that kind of economy. 

Mr. WASHINGTON. Will the gentleman allow me to ask him a 
question ? 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Certainly. 

Mr. WASHINGTON. I see that the telegraph states, in an Associ- 
ated Press dispatch on yesterday, that the president of this exposition, 
Mr. Davis, said that he would resign if his salary was reduced as pro- 
posed by this bill. That, I understand, would be a great calamity. 

Mr. HOPKINS. I do not think he said that. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. I do not believe that he made such an as- 
sertion. He might have said, as a man might very properly say under 
such circumstances, that unless he received a compensation which was 
satisfactory he would be compelled to resign the office. 

Mr. ADAMS. He wanted to be a national officer. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. So I understood; that it was not so much 
a question of salary, but whether he represented the exposition as an 
official of the United States. 

Mr. WASHINGTON. That is not the statement in the press dis- 

Mr. HOPKINS. But that is the fact. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Now, some men might be dear at 50 cents a 
day and others cheap at $50 a day. That is the experience of life; 
and I do not think that any man will dispute the accuracy of the state- 

Mr. KERR, of Iowa. The gentleman said a few moments ago that 
they would be willing to drop a number of typewriters and other clerks, 
but he said nothing about the reduction of this $15,000 salary. 



Mr. BUI TE R WOETH. I have j ust said tha b is a matter over which 
we have no control in this bill; but, as advising them touching the re- 
duction of such salaries as ought to be cut down, we have in the bill 
limited the amount that might be applied to that use 20 per cent. 

It is proper to say that Colonel Davis is a man — and I am convinced 
that the statement will be concurred in by many gentlemen on this 
floor who know him — who can readily command $15,000 a year in a 
dozen different places in Chicago. 

Mr. MASON. Yes, $20,000. 

Mr. WILSON, of West Virginia. So could the Secretary of State 
or the Secretary of the Interior. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. I have no doubt of it. But the Secretary 
of State is occupying a more conspicuous place in the nation than the 
director general of this fair. Such men as Colonel Davis, quick, active, 
vigilant men of affairs, can command large salaries and can not be in- 
duced to accept employment where the compensation is less than the 
service will command in other fields, and especially in view of the fact 
that his office is temporary and prevents his attending to other busi- 

As an illustration of what some men are worth to business ventures, 
Edward T. Jeffery, one of the ablest men of the directory, had an 
offer of $50,000 a year to take charge of a railroad in Mexico. But he 
declined, and largely because he had become committed to the work 
of the exposition, and with his associates ieels in a large measure re- 
sponsible lor its success. But the offer made indicates what salaries 
great ability will command. 

The First National Bank of Chicago would undoubtedly pay Lyman 
J. Gage $50,000 a year to retain his services, and they are worth it to 
the bank. It is so with other members of the directory; their time 
and ability will command almost any sum they ask, and yet our Gov- 
ernment has both for nothing in promoting this national enterprise. 

You need not feel disturbed, gentlemen, lest some of these men 
should shirk some responsibility or neglect some duty which has been 
properly devolved upon them. They are giving their time and best 
efforts to the promotion of this great project. And my country is reap- 
ing ten thousand fold for every poor scruple she appropriates to carry 
it forward. The only trouble is about these few salaries. Our com- 
mittee has done the best it could to have them adjusted with reference 
to the requirements of the situation. That is all it could do. 

Now, I have borne this witness because I think it is just, not only 
to the board I represent, but to the commission. I do not owe the 
commission anything. I have been criticised by it, or some of its offi- 
cers, until I was out of all patience; but this is an enterprise compared 
with which men are nothing. The enterprise is everything. The world 
is looking on to see whether, in point of fact, a thousand miles inland, 
on what they regard as the frontier, it is possible to put on foot and 
carry forward an enterprise that shall eclipse any that the world has 
ever seen. 


There ought to be national pride in this matter, there ought to be 
an appreciation of the efforts these men have put forth. I know how 
devoted they are. They are worn and weary in this struggle, and they 
deserve encouragement at the hands of the representatives of the peo- 
ple; and I want to say to this House — I shall not be in the next one, nor 



the next, nor the next, I suppose, for I do not consent to wear the pecul- 
iar brand which is now quite common in our State [laughter] — but 
if a member of the next House, and if after the people of Chicago and 
of the State of Illinois had put twelve or fifteen millions of dollars into 
this national enterprise, which must reflect honor upon every child of 
the Republic, they needed money to tide them over, I would vote it, 
and think I was doing my country a valuable service. 

But they have not asked it. Suppose they do. You will grant it 
or withhold it as the circumstances may suggest that it is wise and 
just, or the reverse, to do so. You are still master of the purse strings. 
But if you shall find coming up from all the nations those who are to 
exhibit the evidence of their resources and prosperity, if you shall see 
brought from every part of the Republic that which will show to the 
world what freemen can accomplish in this Republic, and if you find 
in carrying forward the work you have devolved upon the people of 
Chicago you have "pressed their duty past their might, "and they 
are compelled to ask a generous recognition of the nation and a fair 
contribution in return lor their splendid efforts, I believe Congress 
would vote it, and I am certain that I would do so if a member of 
the House. But "sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof." 

I repeat it is the nation's enterprise, and can not be permitted to fail 
for want of support from the country whose creature it is. Such failure 
would not reflect upon Chicago at all as compared with the humilia- 
tion it would bring upon the United States. 

One thing is certain, whatever wisdom and justice demand, the rep- 
resentatives of the people will do. 

Mr. ENLOE. Will the gentleman allow me to ask him a question ? 

Mr. BUTTE RWORTH. Yes, sir. 

Mr. ENLOE. Is it in contemplation to have the colored element 
represented ? I understand that there is some complaint that they are 
not represented. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Oh, no; they admit every one without re- 
gard to race, sex, color, or previous condition of servitude. [Applause 
and laughter.] A man need not be thoroughly nor utterly white and 
he suffers no damage from being utterly black. [Laughter.] In other 
words, this is an exposition for the benefit of the American people. 

Mr. ENLOE. That is right. 

Mr. BUTTERWORTH. The following statement, which I will in- 
sert in my remarks without detaining the House to read it at this time, 
indicates the purpose and character of the world's congresses. I mark 
it Exhibit A. I will embody in my remarks also a statement con- 
taining information concerning the exposition, which will be useful to 
the public. I mark it Exhibit B. 

I now yield the floor. 

Exhibit A. 

"Not things, but men." 

THE world's congress auxiliary of the world's COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. 

The object of this organization. 

As is now well known, the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of 

America by Christopher (.o'umbus will be celebrated at Chicago in 1S93, under 

the sanction of the Government of the United States, on a scale cornniensurate 

with the importance and dignity of the occasion. 

The measures already taken give satisfactory assurances that the exposition 
then to be made of the material progress of the world will be such as to deserve 
unqualified approval. 



But to make the exposition complete and the celebration adequate, the won- 
derful achievements of the new age in science, literature, education, govern- 
ment, jurisprudence, morals, charity, religion, and other departments of human 
activity should also be conspicuously displayed as the most effective means of 
increasing the fraternity, progress, prosperity, and peace of mankind. 

It lias therefore been proposed that a series of 'world's congresses for that pur- 
pose be held in connection with the World's Columbian Exposition of 1893, and 
the world's congress auxiliary has been duly authorized and organized to pro- 
mote the holding and success of such congresses. 

Among the great themes which the congresses are expected to consider are 
the following: 

I. The grounds of fraternal union in the language, literature, domestic life, 
religion, science, art, and civil institutions of different peoples. 

II. The economic, industrial, and financial problems of the age. 

III. Educational systems, their advantages and their defects ; and the means 
by which they may best be adapted to the recent enormous increase in all de- 
partments of knowledge. 

IV. The practicability of a common language, for use in the commercial re- 
lations of the civilized world. 

V. International copyright and the laws of intellectual property and com- 

VI. Immigration and naturalization laws, and the proper international privi- 
leges of alien governments, and their subjects or citizens. 

VII. The most efficient and advisable means of preventing or decreasing pau- 
perism, insanity, and crime and of increasing productive ability, prosperity, 
and virtue throughout the world. 

VIII. International law as a bond of union and a means of mutual protec- 
tion, and how it may best be enlarged, perfected, and authoritatively expressed. 

IX. The establishment of the principlesof judicial justice as the supreme law 
of international relations and the general substitution of arbitration for war 
in the settlement of international controversies. 

It is impossible to estimate the advantages that would result from the mere 
establishment of personal acquaintance and friendly relations among the lead- 
ers of the intellectual and moral world, who now, for the most part, know each 
other only through the interchange of publications and, perhaps, the formali- 
ties of correspondence. 

And, what is transcendently more important, such congresses, convened tinder 
circumstances so auspicious, would doubtless surpass all previous efforts to 
bring about a real fraternity of nations and unite the enlightened people of the 
whole earth in a general co-operation for the attainment of the great ends for 
which human society is organized. 

The organization is intended to promote the success of the exposition of the 
material products of civilization, science, and art, but will confine its own oper- 
ations to theexposition, in appropriate conventions, of the principles of human 

CHARLES C. BONNEY, President. 
THOMAS B. BRYAN, Vice President. 
LYMAN J. GAGE, Treasurer. 


Exposition Headquarters, Chicago, III., U. S. A., October 30, 1890.