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WE feel that a word of apology is due to our subscribers for the delay 
which has attended the publication of the present volume. The diffi- 
culties of production have been greater than we anticipated. Our 
contributors found, in several cases, that it was impossible to give a satisfactory 
account of the subjects which they had undertaken without making indepen- 
dent researches on an extensive scale. We hope that the delay is justified by 
the result ; the present volume may fairly claim to be a fuller and more accurate 
account of South-Eastern and Eastern Europe than any which is to be found in the 
older universal histories. 

Special attention has been devoted to the origins of the peoples whose history 
is here narrated. On this side of the subject the volume is particularly indebted 
to the work of J. Marquart on " East European and East Asiatic Migrations " 
(Leipsic, 1903), and to that of N. Jorga on the "History of the Eoumanians " 
(Gotha, 1905, 2 vols.). The last-named work is included in the " Staatenge- 
schichte " series of Lamprecht. Dr. Armin Tille, the editor of this portion of the 
series, courteously placed the proofs, as far as the middle of the second volume, at 
the disposal of Dr. Helmolt. 

'In this, as in previous volumes, we have departed from the practice of similar 
works by treating with exceptional fulness those peoples and regions which have 
been generally neglected as unimportant. It is hoped that our volume will be, 
for this reason, more generally useful than if we had followed the beaten track. 
Moreover, it is impossible to settle the relative importance of events and move- 
ments on a priori principles. To give only two instances, the question of Bul- 
garian origins turns out to be of unsuspected interest ; and the history of the 
Bogumiles, as investigated in the following pages, supplies a missing chapter in 
the history of Slavonic ecclesiastical literature. 

Our general subject is Eastern Europe, in the wider sense which we have given 
to the term in our introduction to Vol. VII. The subject has been divided into 
seven sections. The first of these, from the pen of Dr. Kudolf von Scala, forms a 
continuation of Vol. IV., Chap. V., and traces the development of Hellenism from 
the death of Alexander the Great. Part of this section is devoted to the history 
of mediaeval Greece, and illustrates more particularly the influence of Byzantium 
upon her subject provinces. The sections on the Albanians and European Turkey 
are connected with one another at several points, and may be regarded as supple- 


menting the Hellenic section. Then follow sections on Bohemia and Moravia 
previously to 1526, and on the Southern Slavs. The sixth section deals with the 
Danubian races, the seventh deals with the remaining Slav peoples, and deserves 
a special mention for the originality of the arrangement and the attempt to trace 
the general course of Slavonic development. All students of Eussian history must 
be grateful to the work of Schiemann and Bruckner on this subject (in Oncken's 
" Allgemeine Geschichte "). But in some respects our section adds to the results of 
these learned specialists ; partly as to the origins of the Russian Empire, partly as 
to the century between Ivan IV. and Peter the Great. Poland also has received 
special attention from our contributor. In this, as in the fourth and sixth sections, 
the influence of Germany upon Slavonic development has been fully illustrated. 

For the Albanian and Danubian sections, left incomplete by the premature 
and lamented death of their respective authors, Dr. Helmolt is partially responsible. 
He has completed the Albanian section ; in the Danubian section, the author of 
which died as far back as 1899, he has incorporated the results of the most recent 
researches. His original intention was to include in this volume a section on the 
historical importance of the Baltic. This, however, through pressure of space has 
been carried over to the sixth volume. 

Prof. Dr. Ludwig Mangold, of Budapesth, has rendered valuable assistance in 
settling some crucial questions of Hungarian history ; the explanation of the 
" Golden Bull" of 1222-1351 has been revised by Prof. Dr. A. Luschin von Eben- 
greuth of Graz ; the modest but highly valuable account of the literature of the 
gipsies of Central and Southern America, a point hitherto neglected, is due to 
Consul Ed. Rickert, of Hamburg. 

It is also our pleasant duty to express our acknowledgments to those who have' 
met our wishes as regards the illustration of the volume. We have to thank the 
authorities of the Moravian provincial archives at Briinn, of the Royal Roumanian 
Academy at Bucharest, of the Royal Public Library and Cabinet of Engravings 
at Dresden, of the Ducal Library at Gotha, of the town archives at Iglau, of the 
Royal Czartoryski Museum at Cracow, of the Germanic National Museum at 
Nuremberg, of the National Library at Paris, of the Bohemian Museum at Prague, 
of the Imperial Library at St. Petersburg, the Royal and Imperial Familienfidei- 
kommiss Library, of the royal, court, and state archives, and of the court library 
at Vienna. 



1. Hellenism: (A) The World- wide Position of Hellenism ; (B) Lesser Greece 

up to the Roman Conquest ; (C) The Progress in Culture during the 
Hellenistic Era ; (Z>) The Roman Rule (146 B.C.-395 A.D.) Pages 1-27 

2. Byzantium: (A) The Founding of the Byzantine Empire; (B) The old 

Byzantine Empire down to Justinian ; (C) Old Byzantium at the Zenith 
of its Prosperity under Justinian ; (D) The Oriental Elements of 
Byzantine Culture ; (E) The Byzantine Province of Syria as Mediator 
between West and East ; (I'} Byzantium as the Centre of Civilisation 
for East and West in the old Byzantine Age ; ((?) Heroic Struggles and 
Barbarism under the Military Monarchy (660-717) ; (H) The Re- 
nascence of the Empire under the Syrian Dynasty (717-802) ; (J) The 
Settlement of the Image Controversy ; the Severance of the Greek 
World from Rome ; (K) The Middle Byzantine Empire under the 
Macedonian Dynasty and the First Comneni (867-1071) ; (L) The Pause 
in the Disintegration during the Reign of the Comneni (1071-1185); 
(M) The Decline and Fall of the Empire under the House of Angelus 
(1185-1204) ; (J\ r ) Byzantine Influences on the West and North from 
the Tenth to the Thirteenth Century ; (0) The Latin Empire (1204- 
1261) ; (P) The Empire of Nicrea ; (Q) The Neo-Byzantine Empire ; 
(R) The Spread of Greek Culture to Italy . . . Pages 27-113 

3. New Greece : (A) The Turks as Heirs of the Byzantine Empire (1453- 

1821) ; () The Kingdom of Greece (from 1832) . Pages 113-119 


1. The Beginnings of the Osman Empire : (A) The Origin and the Destinies 
of the Osmans to the Year 13GO ; (B) The Turks in Europe (1360-1450) 

Pages 120-136 


2. The Osman Empire at the Zenith of its Power (1451-1566); (A) The 

Destruction of the Byzantine Empire ; (B) The Last Twenty-five 
Years of Mohammed II.; (C) Bajazet II. and Selim I.; (D) Sulei- 
man II. the Magnificent ...... Pages 136-155 

3. The Decline of the Empire (1566-1792): (A) From Selim II. to MuradlV. 

(1566-1640); (B) From Ibrahim I. to Mahmud I. (1640-1754); 
(C) From Osman III. to the Peace of Jassy (1754-1792) 

Pages 155-170 

4. The Age of Attempts at Reform (First Half of the Nineteenth Century) : 

(A) The Conclusion of the Reign of Selim III.; (B) Mahmud II.; 
(<7) The First Half of the Reign of Abd ul-Mejid (1839-1850) 

Pages 171-184 

5. The Crimean War and its Results for Turkey (the Third Quarter of the 

Nineteenth Century) Pages 184-194 

6. Abd L ul-Hamid II. (from 1876) Pages 194-200 

7. Armenia : (A ) The Heroic Period ; (B) The Armenian Renascence of the 

Mechitarists ; (C) The Relations with Russia; (D) The Struggle of 
the Gregorians with the United and Protestant Party ; (E) The 
Armenian Question ; (F) The Revolts and their Suppression 

Pages 200-218 


1. The Country of Albania Pages 219-220 

2. .The Population of Albania : (A) The Remnants of a Popular Religion from 

Heathen Times ; (B) Albanian Literature . . . Pages 220-222 

3. The History of the Albanians; (A) Their Origin; (B) The History of 

Albanian Independence to the Time of Skanderbeg ; (C) Albania in the 
Nineteenth Century Pages 222-226 



1. Preliminary Geographical Observation .... Pages 227-230 

2. The Prehistoric Period ... . Images 230-232 

3. The Moravian Empire of the House of Moiinir . . . Pages 232-235 

4. The Empire of the Premyslids (^1) The Struggles of Early Development 

(until 1140) ; (B) Vladislav II. and his Successors until the Agreement 
of 1197 ; (C) The Premyslid Kingdom at the Height of its Prosperity 

Pages 235-247 


5. The Luzemburgs : (A) King Johann ; (B) King Charles IV. ; (C) King 

Wenzel ; the Rise of the Hussites ; (/>) King Sigismunri ; the Hussite 
Wars Pages 247-261 

6. The Two Hapsburgs, Kings Albrecht and Ladislaus . . Pages 2G1-263 

7. King George Podiebrad Pages 263-265 

8. The Polish Jagellons upon the Throne of Bohemia : (A) King Vladislav 

(1471-1516); (B) King Ludwig I. (1516-1526) . . Pages 265-270 


1. The Earliest Information concerning the Southern Slavs . Pages 271-274 

2. Influence of Geography on the History of the Slav . . Pages 274-275 

3. The Settlements of the Southern Slavs, their Constitution and Religion 

Pages 276-278 

4. The Position and Political Situation of the Southern Slavs : (A) The 

Supremacy of the Avars ; (B} The Appearance of the Croatians and 
Serbs ; (C) The Immigration of the Bulgarians . . Pages 278-283 

5. The Conversion of the Slavs to Christianity . . . Pages 283-287 

6. The Early History of the Croatians Pages 287-288 

7. Servia, Montenegro and Bosnia until the Turkish Supremacy : (A) Servia; 

(B) Montenegro; (C) Bosnia Pages 288-21)6 

8. The Turkish Supremacy . .... Pages 296-299 

9. Croatia, Dalmatia, and Eagusa ; the Croatian Military Frontier : (.4) Croatia 

and Dalmatia to the Sixteenth Century ; (B) The Prosperous Period of 
Ragusa ; (C) The Croatian Military Frontier . . Pages 299-304 

10. The Liberation of the Southern Slaves from the Turkish Yoke : (A) Austria 

and Russia as Helpers in Time of Need ; (B} The Work of Liberation in 
the Nineteenth Century Pages 304-308 

11. The Political Position of Croatia in the Nineteenth Century Page 309 

12. The National Life of the Servian-Croatian Race : (A) The Literature of the 

Southern Slavs ; (B) The Illyrian Movement ; (C) The Southern Slav 
Idea ; (D) The Servian- Croatian Nationality at the Present Day 

Pages 310-314 

13. The Slovenians : (A) The German Supremacy ; (B) The National Side of the 

Reformation in Carniola ; (C) The Literary Renascence of the last One 
Hundred and Fifty Years .... . Pages 315-318 




1. The Huns: (-4) Their Beginnings in Asia; (B) The Advance into the 

Danube District ; (C) Attila ; (D) The Downfall of the Hun People 

Pages 31t)-:J2i; 

2. The Bulgarians : (.4) The Original Home, the Migrations and the Divisions 

of the Bulgarians ; (B) Old Bulgaria in Europe ; (C) The Turkish 
Period ; (D) The Beginning of a New Period of Independence 

Pages 326-353 

3. The Roumanians: (A) The Origin of the Roumanians; (B) Wallachia: 

(C) Moldavia ; (/>) Roumania Pages 353-374 

4. The Magyars : (.4) Hungary as the Scene of Pre-Magyar History ; (B} The 

Early History of the Magyars to the Time of St. Stephan ; (C) The 
Hungarians until the Battle of Mohacs ; (J)) Hungary during the 
Personal Union with the House of Hapsburg (since 1526) ; (E) The 
Germans in Hungary Pages 374-415 

5. The Gipsies: (A) Their Names and Origin ; (B) Their Migrations and Settle- 
ments ; (C) Gipsy Life in the Danube District . . Pages 415-424 


1. Geographical and Historical Survey : (-4) The earliest Information : 

Herodotus; (B) The Geographical Limitations of the Separation of 
Eastern Europe from the West ; (C) Points of Resemblance and 
Difference between Russia and Poland . . . Pages 42 5-4:! 5 

2. The Peoples of Eastern Europe in the early Slavonic Age : (.4) The earliest 

Indications of Russians and Poles ; (B) The Non-Slavs of Old Russia ; 
(C) The Life of the Ancient Slavs .... Pages 435-447 

3. The Founding of the Russian Empire (The Dnieper Age) : (A) The 

Beginnings until Igor ; (B) The Old Russian Empire at its Zenith ; 
(C) The Fall of the United Nation of South Russians Pages 447-461 

4. Russia from the Middle of the Eleventh to the Beginning of the Fourteenth 

Century : (A) The Age of the Petty Princes to the Year 1240 ; (B) The 
Subjugation of Russia by the Tartars . . . Pages 461-469 

5. Poland from the Tenth Century to the Year 1376 : (A) The Beginnings of 

Poland (to the Year 1138); (B) The Consequences of the Introduction 
of the Law of Seniority into Poland ; (C) The External Relations and 


Domestic Affairs of Poland to 1320 ; (D] The United Kingdom of the 
last Piasts (1320-1370) ; (E) The Personal Union between Poland and 
Hungary Pages 469-489 

6. Christianity and Paganism in the Baltic Provinces and in Lithuania down to 

1386 : (A) The Ethnology of the Southern Regions of the Baltic; (B) 
The Teutonic Order and Lithuania to 1386 . . Pages 489-496 

7. Poland from the End of the Fourteenth to the Beginning of the Sixteenth 

Century : (A) The Union of Lithuania with Poland ; (B) The Internal 
Development of Poland and its Relation to Lithuania Pages 497-512 

8. Russia from 1260 to her Admission among the Great Powers (The Volga Age) : 

(A) Moscow from Daniel Alexandrovitch to Wasilij II. (1263-1463) ; (B} 
The Unification of Russia under Ivan III. to Ivan IY. (1462-1584) ; 
(0) The End of the House of Rurik ; (D) The Rise of the Romanovs 

Pages 513-527 

9. The Rise and Fall of the Power of Poland: (A) The Final Direction of the 

Polish Policy in '1515 ; (B) The Last Two Jagellons ; (C) Poland as an 
Elective Monarchy to the Year 1648 . . . Pages 527-551 

10. The Cossacks : (A) The Beginnings of the Cossacks as Guards on the 

Tartar Frontier ; (B) The Prosperity of the Cossacks in the Polish 
Period; (C) Bogdan Chmelnicki ; The Submission to Moscow ; (D) The 
Russian Age of the Cossacks ..... Pages 551-563 

11. The Last Century of the Polish Empire: (A) Poland from John II. Casimir to 

John III. Sobieski ; The Liberum Veto ; (B} The Age of the Saxon 
Electors; (C) The End of Polish Independence . Pages 563-570 

12. Russia as a European Power: (.4) The Struggle between Progress and 

Reaction down to 1680 ; (B) Peter the Great ; (C) The last Three 
Quarters of the Eighteenth Century ; (D) Progress and Reaction in the 
Nineteenth Century ; (E) The Military and Political Successes of Russia 
after 1680 .. .... . Pages 570-613 

INDEX 615 


Page 50 line 41 for 61 read 62 

162 25 152 157 

284 42 77 78 

284 42 230 233 

324 11 317 321 

353 23 353 364 



The Sarcophagus of Alexander in the Museum at Constanti- 
nople (Coloured) .... . . Facing page 24 

The Ruins of Mistra in Laconia . . ,* 

Constantinople shortly before and shortly after its Capture by 

the Turks 136 

Six Osman Sultans ,, 148 

Six Influential Dignitaries of Turkey in the Nineteenth Century 188 

The Founders of the Young Turkish Movement . . ., 192 

Bohemian, Moravian and Silesian Princes at the Close of the 

Middle Ages ,,248 

The Burning of John Huss by the Council of Constance, on 

July 6, 1415 ,,256 

The Beginning of St. Luke's Gospel in Glagolitic Characters 

with Cyrillic Marginal Glosses ..... ,, 286 

Serbo-Bosnian Civilisation ....... 298 

A Cavalry Skirmish between Bulgarians and Russians in the 

Tenth Century (Coloured) ,,334 

Princes of Wallachia and Moldavia ..... ,, 356 

The Founders of the Kingdom of Roumania .... ,, 372 

King Louis I. of Hungary confirms, on December 11, 1351, the 
Golden Bull of Freedom (no longer existing in the original) 
of King Andreas of the Year 1222, and introduces the Right 
of Aviticitas, which remained in Force till 1848 . 880 


An Encampment of the First Gipsies in Central Europe . . Fncing page 418 

Russian Crowns and Armour . . . . . . . ,, 466 

The Coronation of Alexander I. of Poland at Cracow in the 

Year 1501 (Coloured} ,,512 

Ivan III. and IV. ; the White Russian Federation with the 

Emperor Max ......... ,, 518 

The Polish Embassy which visited Rome in 1633. Etching by 

Stefano della Bella 548 

Maps illustrating the History of European Turkey . . . Facing page 166 

Spread of the Armenians ....... 202 

Roumania, Bulgaria, Servia and Montenegro . . ., 350 

Map illustrating the History of Poland and Western Russia 564 

Map illustrating the History of the Russian Empire . . ,, 574 






(a) Hellenism before Alexander the Great 

1HE dialects of the Greek races were influenced by long intercourse 
with the adjoining peoples of Illyria, Asia Minor, and Thraco-Phrygia. 
Hellenism also, which, in the course of expansion, often settled on a 
soil already peopled, must have had the peculiarities of its culture 
considerably modified in those cases. 

The uudeviating and broad path along which the Greek religion moved 
from Fetichism to a religion of ethical content, as shown by the Eleusinian 
mysteries with their lesson of maternal love, had been a true national Greek 
path. But not merely are the traces of the influence of neighbouring nations 
distinctly recognisable in the different countries ; the substratum of the indigenous 
population shows through, however much it may have been depressed, so that 
we cannot speak of a fusion of races in the strictest sense. Just as the Catholic 
Church received and Christianised the old heathen cults, so the deities of the 
older strata of the population were taken over by the Greeks together with 
the seats of their worship; for example, the earth-deities and nature-deities of 
the inhabitants of Asia Minor, the orgiastic cults of the Thracians, and, later, 
Semitic and Egyptian deities. The service of the Ephesian goddess, with its 
exclusive priesthood and attendant eunuchs, strikes us as foreign and non-Greek, 
in the same way that the goddess Bhea in Crete belongs to the aborigines of Asia 
Minor. The great nature-goddess Ma, the mother of all life, at whose feet the 
beasts of the forest lie, while lions draw her chariot, is worshipped where the sun 
is nearest, on the lofty mountain tops which his fiery rays first kiss. 

When autumn with a master's brush gave fresh beauty to the dying foliage 
on tree and shrub, the Phrygians mourned for their great divinity in bitter grief ; 
but when in springtide nature, so long dead, was revived with mysterious growth 
and burgeoning, the youth of the nation sallied forth with dance and barbaric 
music to celebrate in the awakening of spring the resurrection of the god 
Sabazius. The Greeks adopted the analogous cult of the Thracian Dionysus 
VOL. v i 

2 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

(cf. Vol. IV, p. 83). The music which is so closely associated with the ritual 
of these cults may possibly have found its way among the Greeks. While Greek 
music was acquainted with a minor scale, which contained the same notes 
ascending and descending, and therefore was without a dominant note, the 
I'lnvgo-Lydian music, which now became prevalent, was a major mode, corre- 
sponding roughly to the major keys of the Gaelic folk songs. The Phrygian 
musician Olympus was regarded as a personification of this influence; and, 
generally speaking, the memory of the Greek debt to Asia Minor was preserved 
with remarkable fidelity in the nomenclature and the ideas of history. 

The Apollo cult, which had become entirely Greek, rested in many points 
on the worship of the Lycian sun-god ; Apollo, Artemis, and Leto were, even in 
Hellenistic times, national gods of Lycia ; the Lyciau singers of Delos, such as 
Olen, continued to live in the memory of the Greeks. The mysteries of the 
Samothracian Cabiri, Semitic in name and Asiatic in nature, had great attraction 
for the Greeks. The Phoenician Astarte of Paphos in Cyprus was borrowed by 
the Greeks ; so, too, the goddess of Eryx in Sicily ; and not infrequently we find 
in Greek temples a female deity of Greek name but foreign origin, such as the 
armed Aphrodite in the temples of Cythera and Sparta, and the Athena of Lindus. 
So also Agrigentum adopted not only the bull-god of the Semites (the bull of 
Phalaris), but also the Semitic custom of honouring the god with human sacri- 
fices. And even where the old seat of worship did not lie within the new 
Greek territory, Greeks zealously fostered the ancient cults, as the Cyrenseans, 
for example, the cult of the ram-horned Ammon. By the substratum of foreign 
language and the facile absorption of foreign cults the barriers of Greek civiliza- 
tion were weakened. Community of religion between two nations increases the 
influence which they exert one on the other. A civilization on a higher plane 
transmits its forms to others ; thus from the archetype of Phoenician script, as 
invented in Syria or Arabia, and preserved comparatively unaltered in the 
inscription of the Moabite king Mesa (Vol. Ill, p. 122), not merely the Sidonian- 
Phoenician and old Aramaic, but also the old Greek alphabets were derived, 
and the Semitic forms of trade and commerce, as fixed by the Babylonians 
(ibid. p. 40), the system of weights and measures and coinage (Vol. IV, p. 56), 
were transmitted to the Greeks. The Egyptian art of casting in iron stimulated 
Ehoecus, whose name is found in Naucratis, and subsequent Greek sculptors; 
while the colouring of the Greco-Cyprian artistic products was suggested by that 
of the Assyrian reliefs. The Assyrian metal-worker and the Lydian carpet-weaver 
gave hints to the Greek potter. The splendid system of mensuration which the 
Egyptian priests evolved for the benefit of the Egyptian agriculturists raised 
geometry to a level which opened new paths to Thales and Pythagoras. 

In this way the original form of Greek civilization has received important 
;n I mixtures of foreign culture. The blending was facilitated by political inclusion 
in Oriental empires, by close neighbourship, which ended now in wars, now in 
peaceful relations of trade and intercourse, and by long years of peaceful associ- 
ation in the same communities; in short, by the fact that a large percentage of the 
Greeks lived under foreign rule, by the side of foreigners and with foreigners. 

The ('.reek towns of Cyprus obeyed an Assyrian lord; Greek princes appeared 
at the court of King Assarhaddon and Assurbanipal ; the towns of Asia Minor and 
Cyrene stood under Persian kings ; Greek towns in Sicily recognised Carthaginian 


supremacy. Greek troops had measured swords with the tribes of Asia Minor ; 
with Egyptians, Assyrians, Libyans, Carthaginians, Iberians, Celts, Ligurians, 
Etruscans, with Italian tribes and Illyrians, Thracians, Scythians, and Persians. 
Greek mercenaries served in the seventh and sixth centuries in Babylonia, as 
;a poem of Alcseus shows us, and on board the Euphrates fleet of Sennacherib ; 
.and also in Egypt, as the celebrated inscriptions written by mercenaries at Abu 
Simbel show us. Greek States concluded treaties with the kings of Lydia, with 
King Amasis of Egypt, with the Carthaginians, the Persian kings and Thracian 
princes, and with Italian tribes. On the peaceful paths of commerce the horizon 
of the Greeks extended to the northern coasts of Europe and the high lands of 
Central Asia. The Phoenician markets were supplied by the Ionian towns with 
slaves and mineral ores; the products of Miletus passed through Sybaris to 
Etruria; Illyrian tribes, as far north as Istria, received Greek merchandise; and 
the town of Epidamnus had a special official to transact business with the 
Illyrians. Greek art exercised "by reflex action" a strong influence on Phoe- 
nician art, whose terra-cotta figures in particular show a Greek character, 
Ionian curls, the archaic smile, and the Greek folds of the robe. Types like 
the Silenus type were simply adopted by the Phoenicians. 

Croesus provided the pillars for the temple at Ephesus ; Greeks wrought the 
magnificent presents which the Lydian kings Alyattes and Croesus offered to the 
temple of the Branchidse at Didyma, such as the silver bowl on a base of iron 
which the Ionian Glaucus made for Alyattes. The bowl of King Croesus, which 
held six hundred amphora?, can hardly be regarded as a present to Delphi from 
that ruler; the probable history being that it was plundered from the temple of 
the Braiichidse and deposited in Delphi. But Ionian artists resided at Sardis. 
Mixed marriages between Lydians and Greeks were the order of the day; King 
Alyattes took an Ionian woman to wife, and a daughter of Alyattes was given in 
marriage to Melas of Ephesus. The poet Alcman, who developed Lydian music, 
was a native of the Lydian capital. Such facts explain the immense influence of 
Lydia on the lonians. Xenophanes of Colophon blamed his countrymen for 
parading in Lydian luxury, with purple robes and gold ornaments in their care- 
fully dressed hair. Hence the Lydian name of the garment which fell to the 
feet (jBaa-a-dpa, signifying, perhaps, originally the second part of the ceremonial 
dress worn in honour of the god Bassareus the fox-skin) passed into the Greek 
language (just as the Lydiau Kviraaais, perhaps also cothurnus). A Lydian 
historian wrote his work in Greek. 

Etruscans, Latins, Umbrians, Oscans, and Sabellians must have resided at 
Cuma3 in Lower Italy, and they introduced the Greek alphabet into their native 
.districts. The fame of the Cumsean Apollo as a god of healing induced Rome to 
receive the god on the occasion of a severe pestilence, and to give a lasting recog- 
nition to the Sibylline books. Owing to a disastrous failure of the crops the 
Greek deities Demeter, Dionysus and Core made their entry into Rome and were 
accorded a temple, which was embellished by the Greek artists Damophilus and 
Gorgasus. The priestesses for the secret festivals of Demeter came from Cam- 
pania ; the introduction of the god Hermes and the founding of his temple (which 
was connected with a corn exchange) were associated with the import of corn from 
Lower Italy and Sicily ; similarly the worship of Neptune, ruler of the sea, was 
due to the oversea trade with Greece. The philosophy of Pythagoras attracted 


members of southern Italian tribes into its mystic circle. Greek legislature influ- 
enced the slow development of the Italian constitutions, but especially the crim- 
inal law of Rome. The struggle for written law was transferred from Greece to 
Italy, and political catch-words probably followed the same road. Greek art influ- 
enced Italian tribes and towns ; Etruscan, like Lycian, artists must have studied 
in Greece, and Greek poems were translated into Etruscan. 

Persia and Greece began at an early period to exchange the products of their 
civilizations. The palaces of the Persian kings were adorned not merely with the 
spoils of their victories over the Greeks, such as the brazen ram's-horns found at 
Susa in 1901 (which the Greeks cast from captured arms and had offered to 
Apollo of Didyma), and the statue of the god which Cauachus of Sicyon had 
sculptured. The palaces at Susa must have been built and decorated by Greek 
artists. The name of one of these alone, Telephanes of Phocsea, who worked 
at the court of Darius, has come down to us; but their traces are visible in 
the whole style of Persian architecture, in the harmonious agreement between 
the interior and the facade, in the great audience-chambers and halls of columns 
(apaddna), in the fluted pillars and their bases. In sculpture and painting 
the bold treatment of the dress and hair which, in spite of all similarity, is 
sharply differentiated from the Assyrian style, the drawing of the eye, the repre- 
sentation of the step, are all thoroughly Greek. Together with Greek artists, who 
must have been nearly akin to those of ^Egina, numerous Greek works of art 
(Harmodius and Aristogeiton, Apollo) reached Persia, and in their turn served as 

The lesser products of Persian art are equally Greek. The splendid amphora, 
of which two handles have found a resting-place in the Louvre and the Berlin 
Antiquarium, is, with its Ionic acanthus leaves and Persian winged ibexes, as 
completely Greek as the golden bowl of Theodores of Samos, as the golden 
vine with the emerald-green grapes which shaded the throne of the Achaemenidse, 
or the golden plane-tree, masterpieces which Antigonus Monophthalmos ordered 
to be melted down. Numerous gems were made by Greeks for Persians, in 
Oriental setting but with Greek designs. Thus on a cylinder of chalcedony, 
found at Kertch, Darius is represented chastising the rebel Gaumata, the latter 
in Grecian garb. Another gem exhibits a scene of ritual, a Persian queen 
entering the presence of a deity; her cloak is drawn as a veil over the back 
of her head in the Greek fashion. Hunting scenes, with Persian cuneiform 
inscriptions, point to Greek workmanship in the fidelity to nature with which 
the deer and trees are delineated. Indeed, the political disruption of the 
Greeks is strikingly expressed to us on one such Persian gem : a noble Persian 
holds two naked Greek prisoners fastened by a rope, and the guard of the 
prisoners appears as a Greek in full armour. 

In other spheres, also, Greek culture was employed by the Persians. The 
Greek physician Democedes of Croton practised at the court of Darius, the first of 
a series of physicians in ordinary at the Persian court, and was sent on a journey 
of exploration. A Carian explorer, Scylax of Caryanda, used the Greek language 
to describe his travels, undertaken by the order of Darius, whirh included the 
courses of the Cabul River and the Indus down to the sea. Finally, this intimate 
intercourse increased the awe with which the Persian kings regarded the Greek 
gods. A strong proof of this is afforded by the well-known decree of Darius to 


the governor Gadatas, expressing his royal dissatisfaction that taxes had been 
imposed upon the officials of the shrine of the Branchidae. Three hundred talents 
of incense were offered to the Delian Apollo, and the most complete immunity 
was assured to all his subjects. Thus the every-day intercourse of Greece and 
Persia presents a quite different picture from that afforded by the Persian wars 
of traditional history. 

Phrygian art also was stimulated by Greece. Facades in the style of the 
Greek temples took the place on the tombs of the native Phrygian fa9ades with 
their Egyptian pylons and lions like those of Caria and Mycenae. The tombs of 
Ayazinu show us the increasing effect of Greek influence, until finally the facade 
on a tomb at Gherdek-Kaiasi bears all the characteristics of a Dorian temple. 

But the Greeks did not live merely amongst foreigners and near foreigners ; 
the Greek community included members who spoke alien tongues. The Greeks 
thus lived with foreigners on the closest terms of intercourse. 

Scattered over the wide expanse of the Mediterranean, on the desert which 
fringes the highlands of Barca, on the fertile banks of the Ehone, on the slopes of 
Etna, in the hill country of Epirus, on the coasts of the Black Sea, and in the 
valley of the Nile the strangest types of city-state developed and adapted them- 
selves to the country without faltering in their loyalty to their common home. 

Prehistoric strata were preserved on completely Greek soil, as in Lemnos and 
Crete, down to the age of writing (witness the so-called Tyrrhene inscription from 
Lemnos and Eteocretaii inscriptions from Praisos). The language of every-day life 
at Ephesus was permeated with Lydian, while the vernacular of Tarentum showed 
Italian elements ; the town of Perinthus had a Thracian tribal division (Phyle) ; 
Bithynians of Thrace served the Byzantines as bondsmen, and Siculi were the serfs 
of Syracusan landholders. The petty townships of the peninsula of Athos were 
inhabited by a Thracian population, which was, however, so far Grecised that it 
employed Greek as the colloquial language; while in towns of what is now 
Southern France Iberian and Greek quarters existed, and from this region was dif- 
fused through the Greek world that influence of Northern, and especially Celtic, 
civilization which we are accustomed to term the La Teiie culture (Vol. I, p. 173). 
The language, writing, and products of Greece were disseminated through purely 
Celtic regions. To this intercourse are due those imitations of Greek gods and 
letters on Celtic coins, which were prevalent from the mouth of the Seine to 
Bohemia, and on the commercial highway as far as the Lower Khine and Northern 

In Egypt the Greek enclaves, the Greek mercenaries of Daphne (Tell Defennet), 
and the Greek manufacturing and commercial town of Naucratis carried on a brisk 
trade with the Egyptians, in accordance with whose customs scarabsei were made 
and engraved, and with whose neighbourly assistance a whole cycle of Greco- 
Egyptian myths was formed. It was then that the pretty legend of the treasure- 
house of Ehampsinitus (Vol. Ill, p. 674) originated, which throughout is not 
originally Egyptian, but an imitation of the legend of Trophonius and Agamedes, 
who built the treasury of King Augeias of Elis. The priests then adopted the 
legend of Proteus and the Egyptian king, who tore Helena away from Paris in 
order to restore her to her husband. This arrest of Paris in Egypt looks much 
like a frivolous travesty of the Greek legend. The festival of Perseus was cele- 
brated at Chemmis with gymnastic contests in imitation of the Greek games ; in 

6 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

fact, the entire cycle of Delian myths is transplanted to Egypt, and a floating 
island was discovered there also. This mutual exchange of intellectual wealth 
between Greeks and Egyptians may account for the introduction of the bands and 
the annulets of the Doric columns which encircle the floreated Egyptian capitals. 
Pharaoh Necho, after the victory over King Josiah of Judah at Megiddo, dedi- 
cated his coat of mail to Apollo of Branchidae, and the earliest dated Greek 
inscriptions of 590-589 (mentioned on page 2) relate to an expedition of King 
Psammetichus II against Ethiopia, in which Greek mercenaries were engaged 
(cf. Vol. Ill, p. 684) ; they are engraved on the leg of a colossal Ptamses in the 
splendid rock -temple of Abu Simbel far up in Nubia. 

Amasis the Philhellene contributed to the rebuilding of the temple at Delphi, 
dedicated in the temple of Lindus a linen breastplate, in which every thread was 
woven out of three hundred and sixty strands corresponding to the days of the 
year in the old calendar, and sent presents to Sparta. In his reign the settle- 
ments of the Greeks were transferred from the Pelusiac arm of the Nile to Mem- 
phis and further, a place in the Delta ; subsequently Naucratis (Vol. Ill, p. 686) 
was assigned to them, which was completely disconnected from the Egyptian State 
and received absolute self-government. The Greeks, faithful to their language, 
manners, and customs, erected there a central shrine, the Hellenion, for all their 
Egyptian colonies, which thenceforward multiplied more rapidly and extended far 
into the desert. The Samians had founded a factory in the great oasis of Uah 
el-Khargeh (seven days' journey from Thebes). We hear of the brother of the 
poetess Sappho as a wine-merchant in Naucratis; Alcaeus, the poet, stayed in 
Egypt, while his brother distinguished himself in the service of Nebuchadnezzar. 
The foremost men of Greece either actually visited Egypt, or, according to the 
legend, drew wisdom from these newly opened sources. Solon and Pythagoras 
undoubtedly stayed in Egypt. At this period the terms for coarse linen (fytoaawv 
and fjjjUToftiov') and fine linen (aivStov), and linen tunics ornamented with fringes 
(KaXda-ipis), found their way from Egyptian into Greek 

There were three strata of population in Epirus, Acarnania, and ^Etolia: a 
Greek (^Eolian or Thessalian), an Illyrian, and a Corinthian (or Northwest Greek) 
imposed one on the other, and these tribes were usually regarded by the Greeks 
as mixed nationalities. In fact, the strong Thraco-Illyrian strain among the 
Macedonians enabled the more exclusive spirits of old Greece to stigmatise the 
Macedonians as barbarians (Vol. IV, p. 297). 

The numerous Carian names among the families of Halicarnassus show how 
strongly the original population was represented, while the naming of Milesians 
after the goddess Hecate illustrates the power of the Carian cult. The intimate 
union of races is proved by the fact that the fathers of Thales (Hexamyes) and of 
Bias (Teutamos), the uncle of Herodotus (Panyassis) undoubtedly, and his father 
(Lyxas) probably, bear Carian names, such as occur also in Samos (Cheramues) 
and in Cos. A similar mixture of blood occurs in Greco-Libyan and Greco- 
Thracian districts; Hegesypyle, wife of Miltiades, was a Thracian princess;: 
Thucydides was descended from her father Olorus, and the two Dions and the 
historian Arrian had Thracian blood in their veins. 

In the aristocratic and agricultural State of Lycia Greek settlers filled 
the role of a commercial and money-making middle class and disseminated a 
knowledge of the arts for which their native land was famous. Dynasts of Lycia 


struck coins which represent them with the Persian tiara, but bear on the reverse 
the figure of the goddess Athena. Monuments were erected to the princes, which 
extol them in the Lycian and Greek languages, and an Attic epigram on the 
Columna Xanthia praises the son of Harpagus, because with the help of Athena, 
the destroyer of towns, he laid low many citadels, and dedicated to Zeus more 
trophies than any mortal. Greeks and Dynasts together drew up in bilingual 
agreements the regulations for festivals, as is shown by the inscription of Isinda. 
The coins of the towns of Mallos, Issos, and other places on the Cilician coast 
bear Greek inscriptions by the side of those in Aramaic. 

The Greek towns of the kingdom of the Bosphorus, such as Panticapseum (near 
the modern Kertch), founded by the Milesians, which climbs the hills in terraces, 
not only accepted the Phrygian Mother, but, since Scythians also lived in the same 
political community, had in great measure adopted Scythian manners. Thus they 
covered their lower limbs with the trousers and high boots of the barbarian. 
Masterpieces of Greek art, like the silver vase of Kertch, originated in these 
towns ; nevertheless an Oriental influence became more and more prominent, in 
the huge sepulchral mounds which they raised, in the decoration of their robes 
with gold leaf, in the use of the Persian mitre and the golden diadem as the royal 
head-dress (cf. Vol. IV, p. 77 et seq.). Olbia also enjoyed brisk commerce with the 
Scythians, and was subject to Scythian influence (cf. Vol. IV, p. 273). A flour- 
ishing inland trade was conducted along the Dniester, Bug, and Narew, and the 
connections of the traders extended to the mouths of the Vistula ; on the caravan 
road to Central Asia, which even at the present day possesses importance, and sug- 
gests the line of the future trans-continental railroad (Vol. II, p. 224), there lay in 
the middle of forest-country a town built of wood and surrounded with palisades, 
in which Hellenic farmers and trappers settled. They borrowed largely from the 
language of the adjoining tribes, and, far from their homes in the northern forests, 
worshipped their own deities, especially Dionysus. A Greek cup found on the 
Obwa, representing the dispute between Ulysses and Ajax, and a statue of Hygeia 
found at Perm, show that Greek trade flourished even in those parts. 

The Greek people thus grew to maturity in constant intercourse with every 
nation of the civilized world. The ancient bonds of union, the national games, 
which united the Greeks of the most various regions, and the common religious 
centres soon made the whole nation share alike in the lessons which had been 
learned on the fringes of the Greek world. It was only when all intellectual im- 
portation had become unnecessary that exclusiveness became a feature of the city- 
state, and it was in the age of Pericles that Athens first regarded mixed marriages 
with non-Athenian women as invalid. 

The lands which formed the core of Greece became self-centred ; but on the 
outer verge of Greece the national tendency was to expand and proselytise. An 
immense influence was disseminated from the western Greek world, which under 
the rale of the two Dionysi embraced the Eastern Siculi; the splendid coins of 
Euainetos of Syracuse were copied by the Semites in Segesta, Motye, and Panor- 
mus, as well as by the satraps of the Persian Empire, Pharnabazus and Tarcamus, 
while Greek gods and Greek art passed into the western Semitic world. Greeks 
helped subsequently to fight the war of liberation in Egypt, and yet supplied the 
Persians on the other hand with mercenaries and generals. Greeks served at the 
Persian court as body-physicians and wrote Persian history, priding themselves, 


with very dubious right, on their knowledge of official records. Greeks like Mem- 
noii of Khodes would have been the best supports of the Persian Empire, if the 
jealousy and distrust of the Persian nobles had not crippled them ; and Greek mer- 
cenaries were the leading troops of the Persian Empire from the expedition of 
C}-rus down to the last desperate battle of Darius Codomannus. Thus the Greek 
nation, even in the decisive battle under Alexander, supplied the best warriors and 
the best brains on either side, and at the same time scattered with slavish hands 
the rich stores of Hellenic culture over all the inhabited world. 

(b) The World-wide, Position of the Greek Nation under Alexander the Great. 
The founding of Alexander's empire (Vol. IV, p. 299) brought to the East an 
expansion of Greek culture ; it promoted an exchange of commodities between East 
and West, and a mixture of barbarian and Greek nationalities, such as the ancient 
world had never seen before. Iberian tribes in Spain, Celtic clans in Southern 
France, Etruscan towns, Italian arts and crafts, Egyptian military systems and 
Egyptian legends, Lycian sepulchral architecture and Carian monuments, the work 
of Scythian goldsmiths and Persian palaces had already long been subject to Greek 
influence, so that the Greeks won their place in the history of the world far more 
as citizens of. the Mediterranean sphere than by their domestic struggles. But 
now the old colonising activity of the Greeks, which had been relaxed for two cen- 
turies, was renewed over the whole expanse of a broad empire whose political life 
was Greek, whose government was Persian, whose rulers and army were Greek. 
The founding of Alexandria and revival of Babylon had created great cities in the 
East, which, from the height of their intellectual and material civilization, were 
destined to become the centres of the new empire. The whole stream of their 
wealth flowed westward ; the long stored-up treasures of the Achsemenids once 
more circulated in the markets ; the observations and calculations of Chaldean 
.astronomers, which went back thousands of years, became available to the Greeks. 
Pytheas, and after him Hipparchus, used Babylonian measures in calculating the 
distance of the stars. The political and religious traditions of Babylon, which had 
already brought the Assyrian monarchs under their spell and made a coronation in 
Babylon appear the necessary condition of a legitimate title, played a foremost part 
in the world-sovereignty of Alexander, and fitted in marvellously well with his 
schemes for investing his empire with a religious character. The building of the 
temple to Marduk Esaggil played in Alexander's plan a part not less important 
than the construction of harbours and dockyards. 

Hellenism could now regard these conquered countries as a real intellectual 
possession. The reports of the general staff, which contained an exact survey of 
the conquered country, were deposited in the imperial archives at Babylon. Spe- 
cial officials (Bematists, or step-measurers) were responsible for the measurement of 
the distances. Trustworthy figures were forthcoming, instead of the estimates 
based on the caravan trade with eastern countries, against the inaccuracy of which 
Aristotle so vigorously protested. The course of the Indus and Ganges and the 
island of Taprobane (Ceylon) became known. The reports of Nearchus the Cretan 
effected a scientific conquest of the coast between the Indus and Euphrates. In 
December, 323, this explorer, the leading member of the scientific staff of Alex- 
ander, entered the Persian Gulf with a fleet for which the Himalayas had supplied 
the timber. To his pen is doubtless due that wonderful account of the tidal-plants 


(the mangroves with their supporting roots which grow on the shore and spread 
far out into the sea) which is extant in Theophrastus. Alexander had intrusted 
to Heraclides the exploration of the Caspian Sea and its connection with the 
ocean, his death prevented the execution of the plan, and three times organ- 
ised attempts to circumnavigate Arabia ; but Archias of Pella, Androsthenes of 
Thasos, and Hieron of Soloi were all equally unable to pass the surf-beaten Cape 
Musandam. To the second of these naval explorers we owe the masterly descrip- 
tion of the isle of Bahrein, Tylos, with its flowering gardens and cool fountains, on 
which Androsthenes stayed from December, 324, to January, 323. Here the dis- 
covery was made that plants sleep, and we are given a beautiful description of the 
way in which the ficus-leaves of the Indian tamarind fold up for the night. The 
cotton plantations, which recalled so vividly the vines of Hellas, were carefully 
studied. Thus we possess in this account, extant in Theophrastus, a brilliant com- 
mentary on the difference of the methods by which this expedition of Alexander 
opened up the conquered territories from those, for instance, of the Arabian con- 
querors, who saw barely anything on this marvellous island. "We do not know who 
of Alexander's staff supplied the observations on the banyan which were made 
about 326, during the halt at the confluence of the Hydaspes and Acesines, nor 
who so accurately mapped out the species of the trees on the Northwestern Hima- 
layas, nor who discovered, from the case of the citron-tree, the existence of sexual 
differences in the vegetable kingdom. However easy it was to exaggerate in the 
description of the gigantic Indian fig-trees, where the Bematists fixed the circum- 
ference of the foliage at fourteen hundred and fifty yards (considerably less than 
that of the still existing giant trees of Nerbuda), and however difficult it was to 
explain the serial roots which spring from the older branches and become support- 
ing roots, we are everywhere astonished at the way in which these phenomena 
were surveyed with open eyes and intelligent appreciation. Nothing has been 
preserved for us of the reports of Gorges, a mining expert, who explored, probably 
at Alexander's command, the gold and silver mines as well as the salt-mines in 
the Indian kingdom of Sopeithes, and the treatise on harbours by Cleon of Syracuse 
is lost. But the comprehensiveness of the survey by which the new world was 
opened up is clearly shown us from such broken fragments of the keenest intellec- 
tual activity. 

The intellectual conquest of the East thus was achieved by the keen Western 
faculty for scientific observation. But the nuptials of the Orient and Occident 
which were celebrated at the wedding festival in Susa (Vol. IV, p. 128) remained 
a slave-marriage, in which the East was the lord and master. The admission of 
the Persians and other races into the great frame of the Macedonian army signified, 
it is true, a further victory of Western organisation ; but the contemplated admission 
of Persian troops into the Macedonian phalanx would have broken it up. 

And yet Alexander thought that the political organisation of Hellenism, the 
world-empire, was only possible by a fusion of races. By the transplantation of 
nations from Asia to Europe, and from Europe to Asia, it was proposed to gain for 
the world-monarchy, with its halo of religious sanctity, the support of those dis- 
connected masses who were united with the ruling dynasty alone, but had no 
coherence among themselves. At a distance the Hellenic Polis, the city-state, 
seemed the suitable representative of a new culture; at home, however, the 
old constitutional life might become dangerous, so that all recollections of the 


Corinthian League (VoL IV, p. 299) were suppressed, and decrees were published 
by Alexander which counselled the return of the exiled, but prohibited the com- 
bined meetings of Achaean and Arcadian towns. Garrisons were placed in the 
towns, tyrants were favoured or condemned, so that Oriental despotism seemed to 
have won the day over all Western developments. 

In the East the association of Alexander's sovereignty with the substrata 
underlying the Persian imperial organisation was unmistakable. We see how 
fully Alexander used the religious convictions of the Egyptians and Babylonians, 
and perhaps even the political traditions of the latter, for his own ends, and lio\v r 
he restored to the city of Sardis and the Lydians the old Lydian rights. 

Court etiquette and official institutions were, on the other hand, largely borrowed 
by Alexander from the Persian Empire. His father Philip had taken the first step 
in this direction by imitating a Persian custom, the military education of noble 
youths at court. It was not the study of Herodotus' history and Xenophon's 
" Anabasis," but the presence of Persian exiles at the Macedonian court, that led to 
these views. The custom at the Persian court of kissing the ground ; the harem, 
the Persian state-robe, the Persian criminal code (as in the case of Bessus), were 
adopted ; and the eunuchs were taken over with the Persian court officials. The 
Vezir l was called in Greek, since /Eschylus' " Persians," Chiliarch, a name which 
was now officially borne by Hephsestion. Chares of Mytilene was nominated 
chief chamberlain (i<Ta r yye\\evs), and the head scribe took a prominent position. 
The official protocols and royal diaries were kept up in the new Macedonian world- 
empire after the old Persian style. These royal diaries of Alexander form the core 
of the tradition on which our knowledge of the era of Alexander ought to rest, but 
owing to the later literature of romance they are not always recognisable beneath 
the mass of legends. A considerable fragment, which comprises the last days of 
Alexander, has been preserved for us in tolerable completeness. The Persian sys- 
tem of roads and the Persian imperial post were maintained ; and the basis of the 
imperial administration was the old division into satrapies. But the powers of 
the governors were and they were kept in close connection with the centre of the 
empire. The command of the army and the administration of the finance were 
detached from the office of satrap ; the rights of coining money and keeping mer- 
cenaries were altogether abolished. 

The last year of Alexander's life was typical of the world-wide position of the 
Greco-Macedonian kingdom. Embassies from the sources of the Blue Nile and 
from the steppes of Southern Russia, from Ethiopia and the Scythian country, 
from Iberians, Celts, Bruttians, Lucanians, and Etruscans, and above all from 
Eome and Carthage, came in that year to Alexander's court. Arabia was to be 
circumnavigated, and a scheme initiated to regulate the irrigation of the Euphrates' 
region by lowering the weirs, repairing the canals, and building dykes. The coast 
and the islands of the Persian Gulf were to be colonised (cf. Vol. IV, p. 129). It 
was intended also to rear temples on the most ancient holy sites of Greece (Delos, 
Dodona, Delphi), as well as at home at Dion, Amphipolis, and Cyrrhus. The old 
hereditary culture of the East and the energy of the West seemed to be welded 
together, and Greek had become the language of the civilized provinces of Western 

1 In Kti-sias d(a/3apfr?js, in Hesychins afapaTraTeTs the Armenian hazarapet, from hnzar, thousand, 
as a commander of the one thousand pomegranate-bearing bodyguards ; cf. explanation to the picture in 
Vol. Ill, p. 147. 


Asia, just as Babylonian had been a thousand years before. And this inheritance 
of Alexander was not transitory. Even if on that summer's evening of 323 B. c. 
(June 13), when the news that he was dead, and that the world was without a 
lord, burst on the passionately excited populace at Babylon, the plans for the 
future were dead, and the disintegration of the mighty empire was inevitable, 
yet the creation of a new sphere of culture, which partially embraced the ancient 
East, is the work of Alexander. No Roman world-empire, no world-embracing 
Christianity, no Byzantine Empire, with Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt as provinces, 
would have been possible without this monarchy of Alexander. 

At the time when geographical knowledge was immensely widened towards the 
East by Alexander's victories, a bold mariner set sail from Marseilles (Massilia), 
the chief emporium of the products of the North, of amber and tin, and the centre 
from which Greek influence spread among Celts and Iberians ; this was Pytheas, 
one of the most successful explorers and also the first Greek to reach the Teutons. 
Alexander von Humboldt characterises the great and common impulse which 
mastered the spirits of the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries with the 
words, " The age of Columbus was also the age of Copernicus, Ariosto, Durer, and 
Raphael." We may point to the fact that the age of Pytheas was also that of 
Plato, Aristotle, and Lysippus, of Philip and Alexander of Macedon. 

Columbus started out in blind faith ; that is shown by his libro das profecias 
(cf. Vol. I, p. 348). But Pytheas not only stood at the head of the science of his 
day, but increased that science by new discoveries which held good for all time. 
He worked with comparatively small apparatus for observation, with the gnomon 
(shadow-indicator), a rod, the length of whose shadow at noon during the equinox,, 
compared with the actual length of the rod, gave the geographical latitude of the 
place where the observation was taken. Yet in spite of this insufficient apparatus,, 
the latitude of Massilia, as determined by him, is correct within five minutes. The 
old idea that the pole star marked the celestial pole was definitely refuted by him. 
Scientific problems, such as the inquiry into the size of the globe and into the 
extent of the inhabited world, led him far out into unexplored regions; his inten- 
tion was to reach the polar circle. As soon as the limits of the Mediterranean 
were passed, a multiplicity of phenomena attracted the attention of the bold 
explorer ; the phenomenon of the tides, which was explained even by Plato as due 
to supernatural causes, was then for the first time assigned by Pytheas correctly to 
the action of the moon. At first driven by southwesterly winds, and then pressing 
forward more slowly without any assistance, he reached the northwest corner of 
Spain in thirteen days, and then steered out into the open sea with a northerly 
course for three days. The pole star showed the observer the direction of his 
course, and ultimately the geographical latitude was determined from the altitude 
of the pole. Westerly and southwesterly winds, as well as the Gulf Stream, drove 
Pytheas out of his course, and thus, under the belief that he had sailed continually 
northward, he reached the western point of Brittany and the island of Ushanfc 
(Uxisarne). He then circumnavigated England, since he first sailed thirteen days 
to the north, reached the most northerly cape of Great Britain, and, two days later, 
the Shetland Islands, which he calls Aibudes. The longest day, of nineteen hours,, 
which he records, exactly tallies with this latitude. Accounts of Thule (Iceland) 
found their way to him. He brought with him mysterious tales of a mixture of 
water, air, and earth, comparable rather to the gleaming of a medusa or jelly-fish, 

12 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

a long misunderstood description, not merely of the .thick, gray mist which makes 
earth, the water, and the air indistinguishable, but of the northern lights. He 
then sailed to the mouths of the Rhine, penetrated to the Elbe, to the land of the 
Teutons, and to the islands which at low tide were dry laud, to the island of 
Abalos (Heligoland ?), whither in spring the waves bring the amber ; finally, he 
reached the coast of Jutland. 

Pytheas, the discoverer of the Germans, undertook his bold voyage in the 
interests of science, and offered to science enormous tracts of new territory, which, 
from foolish but explicable doubts, it long wished to relegate to the domain of 
fable. Some practical extension of the sphere of Massilian commerce, in fact 
the founding of a settlement at the mouth of the Loire, may well have been con- 
nected with this important expedition. An excessive estimate of the distance 
over which he sailed, and the consequent assumption of the immense expanse of 
the coast of Britain, certainly caused errors in the chart of Pytheas ; but our age is 
competent fully to grasp the high importance of Pytheas as one of the earliest and 
most successful explorers of all times. 

Greek daring and Greek intellect thus surveyed the then known world from 
the Shetland Islands to modern Turkestan, from the west coast of Libya to the 
Ganges. The survey of Britain and Persia, the aurora borealis, the tides in the 
Atlantic, no less than the growth of banyans and mangroves, amber on the shores 
of Germany, gold and silver mines in India, and scientific inquiry into the outer 
ocean and the limits of the land, were objects of Greek investigation as much as the 
laws of social development and the laws of thought itself. Thus the philosophy 
of Aristotle (384-322) seems to us like the pseaii of this world-embracing thought, 
teaching that thought itself is the immaterial divinity, the cause of all movement, 
the absolute self-consciousness. 

Insight into the laws of human thought is the most certain starting point of 
all knowledge. We follow in thought the universal cause into its particular effects, 
just as we see the white light break up in the prism into its bright component 
colours. That thing which, through every period of change, preserves its com- 
prehensible existence is the object of true knowledge. All development consists 
in the relation of potentiality to realisation, of matter to form. If the matter de- 
velops to the form which is latent in it by design, then, according to the laws of 
predisposition and necessity, it develops progressively, without beginning or end, 
in unceasing movement, from the formless, that is, the pure matter, through an 
immense series of gradations, upwards to the immaterial form, to the divinity. 
And in this scale of gradations, where even the changes of the inorganic imply a 
development of latent potentialities, the evolutionary process passes through the 
lower forms of life, possessing but a vegetative soul, to man, whose soul is reason. 
Happiness is the aim of human life, and to obtain it the ethical virtues, which are 
rooted in the will, come into play together with knowledge. But man can never 
pursue his goal in solitude ; he requires fellow-men and society ; he is a %)ov 
TroXiTiicdv, a social being. One of the great intellectual discoveries of the age of 
Alexander shows itself in the doctrine that man cannot fully realise his latent 
potentialities except in the State; this doctrine supplies an irresistible protest 
against those cowardly and selfish anarchist delusions of the Cynics and Mega- 
rians, who held that the only happiness possible to the individual by himself con- 
sisted in the reversion to impossible condi ions of barbarism and in the enjoyment 


of the moment. All intelligent persons grasped clearly the importance of the fact 
now established that only a combined social effort and the strength of the com- 
munity had created for Hellenism that predominant place which it held in the 

Thus Aristotle, whose influence has been felt for two thousand years, is the best 
personification of that age which created a living and active philosophy from the 
results of its achievements, and no longer clung to political phrases, but from an 
investigation of the abundant historical material brought into clear relief the out- 
lines of the State and its primary object, the education of the citizens. 

(c) The Power and Position of Hellenism after Alexander the Great. The 
focus of political activity shifted towards the East, and the direction of world 
commerce changed ; the centres of trade were now the new Greek cities, in com- 
parison with which the ancient capitals seemed insignificant settlements. Alexander 
valued the Semite as a necessary complement to the Persian ; he was also not 
without reverence for old traditions and for scientific eminence. He therefore 
promoted the prosperity of Babylon; but Seleucia on the Tigris, not Babylon, 
became the metropolis of the fertile plain of Mesopotamia. 

The combined commerce of India, Ethiopia, Arabia, and Egypt itself converged 
on Alexandria, that city of world trade and cosmopolitan civilization. It was there, 
close to that emblem of world trade, the marble lighthouse, the Pharos, which 
towered high above the palm-trees, and near the museum and the library, the 
homes of civilization, that the mortal remains of Alexander's fiery spirit found 
their last resting-place. How small seemed the " great " cities of the mother coun- 
try compared with this city of Alexander, covering some twenty-two hundred acres 
(three and a half square miles) with its half million of inhabitants. Carpet fac- 
tories, glass-works, the production of papyrus and incense, gave the commercial 
city the stamp of a manufacturing town. Alexandria, as the centre of a new 
movement, became also the headquarters of the new industry of cameo-cutting. 
That marvellous Farnesettazza, which has rightly been termed the foremost product 
of Alexandrine art, came from its workshops. 

Alexandria then was the starting point of that policy, justly to be compared 
with the attitude of the English in India, which ruled the Nile country in civiliza- 
tion, politics, and nationality. It forced upon the native population the language 
of their rulers, burdened the natives alone with a poll-tax, but in compensation it 
allowed an infinity of religious ideas to ascend from the lower strata of society to 
the ruling class. Districts, towns, and villages were given new Greek names, and 
at the period when the Greek influence was at its height many of the old popula- 
tion Grecised their names or gave them a Greek look (efonch-er lives ='E7TftW^o9, 
and similarly Thaubastis = Savfjiaa-nj) ; and not only were the royal edicts pub- 
lished in the Greek language (occasionally with an Egyptian translation), but also 
the private contracts of ordinary business (leases, labour contracts, conveyances) 
are in Greek. Ptolemy Philadelphia succeeded in assigning the proceeds of a 
very ancient tax (the apomoira, or one-sixth of the produce of vineyards, orchards, 
and kitchen gardens) to the cult of his sister Arsinoe, that is, to the Ptolemaic 
government (264-263). The assignment of other imposts in compensation did not 
check a considerable shrinkage in the revenue of the native temples. The preva- 
lence of Greek notions in the worship of Serapis is incontestable (Vol. Ill, p. 692). 


Counter influences, generated in the lower levels of society, offered a stout resist- 
ance to the potent ideas of the Hellene. The old native divinities brought not 
merely Alexander, but also the Ptolemies, so strongly under their spell that they 
built numerous temples in their honour. The old administrative divisions were left, 
with the natural exception that the Ptolemies, following Alexander's uniform 
policy in Persia, placed military commanders by the side of the civil officials. 
The wonderfully close-meshed net of taxation, which the Pharaoh dynasty had 
drawn round its subjects, was preserved and developed as a welcome institution ; 
.so also the system of monopolies, the exploitation of the royal demesnes, and the 
official hierarchy of the court. The old magic formulae, the influence of the Magi, 1 
the mythology, and the religious ideas of Egypt poured in mighty streams into 
the Hellenic world. And even if these latter suffered a transformation at the 
hands of the Stoics and other Greek schools, yet their essential features persisted, 
and showed a marvellous power of revival. Even in art the old Egyptian style 
carried the day. We find a princess of the Ptolemaic house depicted on a cameo 
as an Egyptian ; and if artistic representations may be trusted, the princes them- 
selves adopted native dress. 

The ancient cities of Syria were so far Grecised that the new capital Antioch 
on the Orontes, with its suburb Daphne, henceforward the emporium for the 
Euphrates trade, was surrounded by a chain of Greek settlements. Military col- 
onies, inhabited by veterans who had earned their discharge, as well as by natives, 
were founded on the model of the city-state, both in the old country and in Asia 
Minor. City life, with a government by a mass assembly and an organisation of 
the citizens in tribes, flourished in these colonies. Supported by the national gov- 
ernment, occupying the position of the dominant class, the Greeks acquired enor- 
mous influence upon social life. How completely the Greek Polis had conquered 
the Semitic East is proved by the forms of worship and of law. Ascalon could 
produce a Zeus, Poseidon, and Apollo, in addition to Astarte and the fish-goddess 
{Atargatis-Derketo). The coins of Damascus show, it is true, a Dionysus, who 
exhibits some assimilation to the Arabian god, but they bear also the heads of 
Artemis, Athene, and Nike'. The so-called Syrian Code was compiled in these 
regions on the basis of Greek legal notions. Even in the era of the Maccabees a 
gymnasium in Jerusalem shocked the orthodox Jews ; and the Feast of Tabernacles 
was, by the introduction of thyrsus wands, made to resemble the Dionysia, which, 
however, a Seleucid could not introduce. 

Terms belonging to constitutional forms (self-government), to military matters 
{army, war, pay), and legislation (Sanhedrin, the titles of prosecutor, defendant, pre- 
siding judge) forced their way into Palestine. The phraseology of commerce showed 
<rreek influence ; so did the Greek legend borne by Jewish coins after the time of 
the Hasmonaeans. Hemp now was imported hither from Greece ; Greek household 
furniture, Greek clothing, and Greek family names preponderate. 

The Jews of the Dispersion were Hellenised in various ways. The translation 
of the Scriptures, the Septuagint. version, was due to the necessity of keeping up 
the knowledge of the Bible among those who had gradually lost their acquaintance 
with the sacred language. Thus a new channel was opened for the diffusion of 
Greek influence ; although diffusion was accompanied by a process of corruption, 

1 So late as the Byzantine era we may point to the tomb of the Magian priestess Mithritis, found in, 
1902 by Alexander Gayet. 


and the Greek language took a tinge of Hebraic idiom among the Jews of 

Even the remote countries of the East now drew nearer to Hellenism. The 
Greeks of Asia Minor had of course belonged to the same empire as a part of 
the Indian nation, so that commerce was early able to bring into the Punjab 
the products of Greek art ; and philosophical ideas, such as the Indian doctrine 
of the transmigration of souls, found their way to Greek territory. It is certain 
that the Indians, at the time of the grammarian Panini (Vol. II, p. 415), had 
become familiar with the Greek alphabet, and had struck coins after the Athenian 
pattern. It was not until Alexander's expedition that the country was conquered 
by science (p. 8), and the Indian trade, which was now so important to Alex- 
andria, became a part of Greek commerce. The Indian custom of ornamenting 
.golden vessels with precious stones was adopted in the sphere of Greek culture ; 
thus Stratonice of Syria sent golden cups, inlaid with ivory, as an offering to 
Delos, and Indian jacinth became a favourite material with lapidaries. After the 
conquests of science the spirit of romance asserted its claim ; the imaginative 
writers of Alexander's age busied themselves with India. At a much earlier 
date the Greeks had welcomed the fantasies of Indian folk-lore, such as the 
gold-mining ants as large as jackals and clad in skins, which some wish to 
explain as a Tibetan fur-clad tribe (cf. Vol. II, p. 146). Even if the myth of the 
Cyclops, who occur substantially in the Mahabharata as Lalataxa, arose independ- 
ently among the Greeks and the Indians, those tribes which always carry their 
homes with them, since they only require to wrap themselves up in their enormous 
ears, are distinctly the creation of an Indian story-teller (cf. ibid. p. 147). They 
also appear in the Mahabharata as Tscharnaprawarana. In the age subsequent to 
Alexander a flourishing commerce was maintained with India, and Megasthenes 
(ibid. p. 406) in astonishment tells of the marvellous country, its splendid moun- 
tain forests, its smiling well-watered plains, and the strong, proud race of men 
which breathes the pure air. What a fluttering, crawling, and leaping there is 
under the mighty trees, whose topmost foliage rustles in the wind ! Tigers twice 
the size of lions, and coal-black apes, whose faces are white and bearded, roam 
through the Indian forest in the daytime. Gigantic serpents with bat-like wings 
whiz through the air at night ; innumerable kinds of birds screech, and coo, and 
sing in a bewildering babel. 

Amongst the men, however, the most remarkable were the Philosophers, who 
meditated over the problems of the universe in solitude for thirty-seven years and 
then never discussed them with women. For, as Megasthenes naively thought, if 
women were unworthy of the high teaching, a grievous sin would have been com- 
mitted in wasting it on them; but if they were worthy of the teaching, they 
would certainly be diverted from their own duties, or, to express the idea in modern 
phraseology, they would be filled with ideas of emancipation. The philosophy 
itself was gladly recognised as akin to the wisdom of the Greeks. Megasthenes, 
perhaps, when he makes this statement, has in mind the doctrine of transmigration. 
So, too, the Greeks, when they saw the procession in honour of Siva (cf. Vol. II, 
p. 410) winding through the vine-clad valleys, with the clash of cymbals and 
kettledrums, may have thought themselves transported to their own homes during 
the noisy passing of a Dionysiac rout. With the Indian precious stones came 
their names (opal, beryl, etc.) into the West. Indian fables influenced the Greek 


travellers' tales, the true precursors of Defoe's immortal work. Thus the romance 
of lambulus shows an unmistakable likeness to the adventures of Sinbad, which 
are the products of Indian fancy, and were later incorporated by the Arabians in 
the collection of " The Arabian Nights." 

But an influence spread also from the West to the East. A typical instance of 
this is shown by the fact that Indian expressions connected with warfare (avpiyi;, 
a subterraneous passage = surunya, and %a\tyo9, a horse-bit = khalina, can show a 
Greek origin ; and that peXav, ink = mela, and /ca\a/u.o9, pen = kalama) found their 
way into Sanscrit from the Greek. An echo of the great struggles between Greeks 
and Indians is heard even in the commentaries on the grammarian Panini, and 
intellectual links of connection are forged in abundance. Alexander had brought 
the tragedies of ^Eschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides to India with him, and his 
gigantic train included numerous actors. We must date back to that period the 
similarities which the MritshtshhakatikS, (Vol. II, p. 418) present to the Attic com- 
edy, the imitation of the Greek stage, which calls the curtain in Indian yawanika, 
or " the Greek," the transference of Homeric legends into the Indian epics, the 
beast fables on Indian soil, until later even the Greek romances of Achilles Tatius 
served to adorn the romance " Kadamhari " of BSua (600-630 A. D.) and his son. 
The plastic arts were enriched. Doric (Kashmir), Ionic (Taxila), and Corinthian 
pillars (Gandhara) arose in that fairyland, which, under King Asoka (Vol. II, 
pp. 387, 394), after the Persian model, had passed from the stage of wooden 
buildings to stone buildings ; the symbol of the god of love, the dolphin, may 
have been transported from Greece to India by the sculptor's art. Coins were 
struck on the Greek model. Finally, the Greek dialogue served as a frame- 
work for the discussions of Greeks and Indians on philosophic subjects ; thus 
the Melinda panha of a somewhat later date presents one such dialogue 
between King Menander 1 and the Buddhist priest Naya Sena. 

The relations of Asoka with the West in the field of religion and politics are 
somewhat audaciously stated in his thirteenth inscription, and the assertion that he, 
the " pious " king, had succeeded in winning over even the Greek princes Amtiyoga 
(Antiochus), Tulumaya (Ptolemaus), Arntekina (Autigonus), Maka (Mayas), Alika- 
sadala (Alexander of Epirus) cannot be seriously entertained. The Indo-Bactrian 
empire and the petty kingdoms parcelled out of it were long a home of the Greek 
spirit. Great vitality must have been latent in these kingdoms of the Greek 
conquistadores, since they did not shrink from the danger of mutual hostility. 
The struggle, which was carried on from these parts, seemed to the adjoining 
peoples more colossal than the conquests of Alexander the Great. Its importance 
for the establishment of relations between the Greek-speaking world, India and 
East Asia, has not yet been sufficiently appreciated. King Demetrius (180-1 05) 
and the town of Demetrias (Dattamittiyaka-yonaka), which he built, appear in 
the stirring verses of the Mahtibharata. Tibetan hordes (cf. Vol. IV, p. 160) drove 
him out of Bactria and forced him completely into the Punjab. The huge gold 
coins of his successor Eucratides, with the bust of the king and a horseman 
(Dioscuros), are described by Chinese records of the first century B. c. Indian cul- 
ture and philosophy must have gained a footing in this kingdom by degrees. King 
Menander (c. 125-95 B.C.) was already a Buddhist; but, even when fading away, 

Sanskrit, Milindra, Pali, Milinda ; cf. ueiow, and Vol. IV, p. 160. 


tliis Greek civilization had strength enough to influence the adjoining Indo-Scylhian 
territory. The coins of this empire usually bear Indian and Greek inscriptions in 
Greek letters ; then Indian in Greek letters ; finally the native language, but still 
in Greek letters. The change in the older figures strikes us as strange : thus the 
Indian zebu, the Tibetan yak, or Greek divinities (Artemis-Selene, Demeter- 

But the influence reached still further eastward. The Bactrian province of 
Ferghana (in Chinese, Ta yuan, probably from Toupiovav, as in Strabo) was occu- 
pied by the Chinese general Li Kuang li in 101 B.C.; we find here the bridge 
connecting the Greek and Chinese civilizations, over which came the movement 
which revolutionised Chinese art under the emperor Wu Ti (140-87 B. c.). It had 
long been clear that the Chinese at this time and from this district imported the 
noble Turcoman blood-horses, lucern (in Chinese muh, from iM)$iKrj), as excellent 
horse fodder, and the vine (in Chinese, p'u t'au, from fidrpvs). After Chang kien 
the explorer (Vol. II, p. 79) had brought the vine from Ta yiian to China, the 
emperor Wu Ti had it planted in the palace gardens at Si ngan fu (Cha ngan). But 
now critics of Chinese art assign to this very period metal mirrors which show 
marvellous vine-leaf ornamentation, as well as the lion and the winged horse. It 
is more than mere conjecture that Chinese art, which had stood still since the 
second millennium B. c., owed its sudden renascence to Greco-Bactrian influence 
and the naturalism of Greek art. 

The excavations of Aurel Stein, 1900-1901, in Chinese (East) Turkestan, in 
Khotan, have brought to light fresh evidence of the expansion of Greek culture, 
as well as a further station on the road by which the peoples of the West migrated 
towards Eastern Asia. A Pallas Athene, represented on a seal in archaic style, a 
seal with a sitting Greek figure, probably Eros, and, above all, a seal with a portrait 
head after a Western model, but with thoroughly Chinese features (an illustration 
of it is given in Stein's " Sand-buried Kuins of Khotan," London, 1903), show that 
here, half-way between West Iran and Pekin, Greek culture had established a firm 
footing. The types of the coins for Transoxania or Western Turkestan originated 
in the Greek centres of civilization in Bactria, so that the silver tetradrachms 
found in Samarkand and Tashkent must have been struck after the pattern of the 
coins of Heliocles and Euthydemus, and similarly the path of Greek influences 
must have led thence through Eerghana, past the Greek city of Alexandria Eschate 
and Kashgar and Yarkand, to Khotan. 

And while thus in the remotest east of the countries which were included in 
the habitable world, on the fringe of the East Asiatic world, the Greek spirit, 
wantonly prodigal of its forces, was tearing itself to pieces, and nevertheless was 
able to influence coinage, art, and flora, as far as India and East Asia ; while in. 
the Nile valley and at Babylon native authors wrote in Greek, while Greeks had 
explored the Eed Sea, the Nile, the Caspian, and Scythia, this same Hellenism had 
founded for itself in the West a province of Hellenic manners and customs, and 
had completely enslaved it. This was the Eoman Empire, now coming to the fore, 
which, as it took its part in this international commerce, offered the Greek intel- 
lect a new home with new constitutional and legal principles. 

Roman historiography, philosophy, eloquence, mathematics, medicine, sculp- 
ture, and poetry, the games of Rome, the fauna and flora of Italy, the forms of 
daily life and the religions of Rome, became Greek. A world-empire could not 
VOL. v 2 


be won except in alliance with a cosmopolitan civilization Rome herself was- 
powerless to create both these at once. The Greeks had given the Italians the- 
fruit trees of the East (peach, almond, walnut, chestnut, plum). Try, the midst of 
this enriched flora there now arose in Italy the Greek house, with its two divi- 
sions, ornamented with Greek marble, or the old Italian house transformed with 
the Greek ridged roof ; its rooms, which bore Greek names, were divided by Greek 
tapestry curtains. In the dining-room (triclinium) the guests reclined, wearing 
long woollen tunics. The soft house-shoes, slippers, and sandals of the Greeks 
were in use. The girls in the house wore the Greek skirt (cacomboma). On the 
high roads were seen the Macedonian kausia as head-wear, together with the 
Greek (broader-brimmed) petasos ; for cold weather the fur tippet (arnacis) of 
Greek pattern had come into fashion. Whether we regard the- higher employ- 
ments of life, education with its three grades and its three classes of Greek 
teachers, 1 or the new professions which originated in the growing tendencies of 
taste (the breeding of poultry, game, or fish), everywhere Greek influence is 

In ancient times a critical period (famine, pestilence) or a practical want may 
have called in individual divinities from the Greek religion (cf. p. 3), and these 
motives were indeed always important. On the occasion of a pestilence in 
293 B. c. the worship of J^sculapius was brought to Rome from Epirus, and 
attracted at the same time the Greek art of medicine. The war troubles of 249 
effected the transference of the Greek ideas as to the lower world from Tarentum 
to the Ara Ditis (in the "Tarentum" on the Campus Martius), so that hence- 
forward Pluto and Proserpine are worshipped as native divinities. Again, the 
defeat at Lake Trasimeue (217 B. c.) aroused a desire to bring in new deities; 
Venus of Mount Eryx and Mens (^w^poo-vvrf) then came into the Italian 
capital. But now another point made itself felt. There was not only the wish 
to invoke the help of gods from the predominant religion, but a desire was felt 
for the noisy festivals of the Greeks ; thus in 238 B. c. the feast of a Greek 
goddess was introduced under the name of the Floralia. The ritual of the 
Greeks was so much more elaborate and artistic than that of Rome, that a 
religious revolution at once resulted. Thus both Italian and Capitoline divini- 
ties for instance, Juno Sospita of Lanuvium, and Juno Regina of the Aventine 
were now honoured with Greek rites. To the latter a procession of virgins 
went in pilgrimage, chanting the refrain of the propitiatory hymn which L. 
Livius Andronicus, a Greek of Lower Italy (f 209 B. c.) had composed. The 
circle of the twelve gods was completed after the Greek model; other assimila- 
tions were made, and Greek myths then completely concealed from view the old 
Italian divinities. But where, nevertheless, some clear ideas of their nature were 
preserved, there the plastic art of Greece, with its powerfully elaborated types 
of divinities, crushed the last remnants of native imagery. These dethroned 
deities seemed almost to exist on sufferance in order to fill up gaps in the 
chronology. What had become of the time when foreign deities might only be 
worshipped outside the boundaries of the city (the Pomerium)? 

With the Greek religion, Greek philosophy, Greek rationalism, and religious 
inquiry came into Italy, and although hindered in various ways,, for example, by 

1 Ludi magister or pccdagogus in the house ; litteratus ; rhetor.- 


the censorship (prohibition of the " Pythagorean " books) and the expulsion of 
individual teachers, finally, in the dress of the Stoic school, attained to undis- 
puted sovereignty. 

Thus the past history of Eome was remodelled and given a Greek colouring. 
The national fancy had already tried to illuminate the obscure beginnings of the 
city, borrowing many details from the legend of Cyrus in Herodotus. Greek ima- 
gination, which had once made Zopyrus, Periander, and Jason of Pherse living 
characters, now bestowed form and colour on the not less dark history of the 
kings of Rome. The siege of Veil was retold with incidents suggested by the 
Trojan war, and Homeric heroes lent then 1 characteristics : Numa (Ulysses), 
Marcus Valerius (in the struggle with Tarquinius, a second Menelaus against 
another Paris), Camillus (Achilles), Manlius Torquatus (Hector). Gods of the 
Greek type take part in the battles (thus the Dioscuri in the battle on the river 
Sagra in Bruttium and at Lake Eegillus); characters are created according to 
Greek models (Decemvirs as a parallel to the Thirty Tyrants, Scipio as a new 
Alcibiades, Fabius as a modernised version of Nicias) ; the horrors of the plague 
are transferred from Athens to Sicily, and the hopes raised by the Sicilian 
expedition are attributed to the Romans at the time of the African enterprise 
of Scipio. How excellently the occupation of Athens by the Persians supplies 
particulars for the Gallic conquest! How the accounts of Greek battles (the 
battle of Cunaxa is a prototype for Cirta) and stories of sieges (Halicarnassus 
Saguntum) make up for the Roman deficiency in imaginative power ! To fill up 
the great void of the national past the Roman historians, if so we may call 
them, borrowed from their Greek precursors the descriptions of diplomatic 
negotiations, satirical reflections suited to the surrounding tribes of Italy, and 
questions on the theory of history. It is little wonder that the Roman historians, 
down to M. Porcius Cato, wrote in Greek. 

The world has hardly ever seen such vast districts and nations so various thus 
steeped in a civilization however much it may have been a " world-civilization " 
which still showed its national origin in the greater majority of its component 
parts. The larger area belonging to the Anglo-Saxon race of to-day is dominated 
by the English world-language ; but the civilization which goes with the language 
is not purely Anglo-Saxon, it bears only an Anglo-Saxon tinge. Those centuries 
preceding the Christian era saw the language of Athens become the Greek ver- 
nacular, Koivrf, this in its turn become the language of the world ; and a large 
part of the known world became at the same time a sphere of Greek culture and 


ALEXANDER THE GREAT had assumed the part of a champion of freedom iri 
Hellas, since he put an end to the power of the tyrants and showed especial 
honour to Athens. But in so doing he kept in view his plans for creating a 
monarchy invested with religious attributes, and demanded the recognition of his 
divinity. While in the army of Alexander the Greek opposition made common 
cause with the discontented Macedonian nobility, the cities of Hellas were 
generally tranquil. 

Athens, in whose case the war of desperation instigated by Demosthenes had 
already marked a departure from the prosperous policy of Eubulus, returned 


after the battle of Chseronea to the paths of Eubulus, and flourished with fresh 
splendour under the guidance of Lycurgus (335-326). In this era of peace the 
ministry of finance became the most important office in the State ; like the 
military offices, it required to be filled with experts (who, contrary to democratic 
traditions, were elected and not chosen by lot), and to be secured from rapid 
changes by a four years' tenure of office. Athens had found in Lycurgus one of 
her greatest finance ministers. This man, who amid the growing luxury of his 
native city led a studiously simple life, understood not only how to raise the State 
revenue once more to twelve hundred talents, but also how to turn his personal 
credit to the advantage of the State, since private individuals would only lend 
their money to it on the guarantee of Lycurgus. In order to increase the public 
interest in the figures of the revenue, the budget was publicly displayed on 
tablets. The immense naval arsenal at Piraeus was now constructed; accom- 
modation for the fleet was for the future provided by three hundred and seventy- 
seven boat-houses. A Panathenaic racecourse was built, the gymnasium in the 
Lyceum and the theatre of Dionysus were completed, and the fleet was put on 
a war footing. 

But after the downfall of Lycurgus Athens entangled herself in the (Lamian) 
war with Macedon (cf. Vol. IV, p. 131), and had to consent to a diminution of 
her political privileges and to the introduction of a Macedonian garrison. The 
attempt of Polyperchon to restore the old constitution on a democratic basis 
failed completely (Vol. IV, p. 132). Demetrius of Phaleron, at once a statesman, 
philosopher, and orator, made Athens independent under a moderate oligarchy, 
even though the Macedonian garrison was left. Under his government (318-307) 
not only did a sound financial policy prevail, so that the revenue rose again to 
the amount which had been realised under Lycurgus, and the burdensome 
requirements for the theatre (Choregia) could be paid out of the State coffers 
and splendid festivals held, but owing to Demetrius the researches of his master 
Theophrastus in the field of jurisprudence were revived and a reformation of the 
laws was carried out. 

But the luxury of the " Tyrant," and the way in which he allowed himself 
to be feted, made him hated ; Athens therefore greeted with effusion the man 
who liberated her from the Phalerian, Demetrius Poliorcetes, son of Antigouus 
(Vol. IV, p. 134). All Central Greece and the Peloponnese, with the exception 
qf Messenia and Sparta, were freed from Macedonian and Egyptian garrisons; 
the old congress of Corinth (ibid. p. 299) was solemnly revived to maintain the 
national peace ; and Demetrius Poliorcetes, like Philip and Alexander, was 
nominated commander-in-chief of the league. The recall of Demetrius to Asia 
Minor by his father Antigonus (ibid. p. 132) did not directly destroy his power, 
but it gave opportunity for energetic opponents, such as Demochares, the nephew 
of Demosthenes, to come forward, and led to the revolt of Athens after the 1 tattle 
at Ipsus (301). Under the leadership of Lachares, Athens offered a desperate 
resistance, for which the temple treasures and the golden robe of Athene had to 
furnish means. However, in 294 Athens again fell to Demetrius, and henceforth 
was garrisoned for many years by the Macedonians. Victory over the Spartans, 
whom he had attacked, did not now attract Demetrius so much as the crown of 
Macedonia (cf. Vol. IV, p. 135); this he secured by the conquest of Bceotia, 
where the historian Hieronymus of Cardia was governor, but he only held it for 


a short time. The son of Demetrius, the able Antigonus Gonatas, then ruled 
Greece on the basis of a new treaty and by the help of partisans, who governed in 
the various towns as tyrants. 

It was everywhere evident that a more effectual resistance to despotism could 
be offered by the new leagues than by the antique city-state. The individual 
Greek city-state was a shuttlecock in the hands of the warring kings of the 
Diodochi. What assistance could be given in the struggle by alliances of the 
old pattern ! To-day cemented, to-morrow disunited there was no relying on 
them, and no strength in them. Finally, after centuries, the further step was suc- 
cessfully taken, and the union of the country (cf. Vol. IV, p. 274) was achieved 
under a form which allowed to the individual city-state self-government, its own 
laws and " the constitution of its fathers," but also rendered possible a combina- 
tion of all the States for foreign policy. The contest with the great powers was 
now put on another basis. The new form of union was the federation of which 
we have examples in the ^Etolian and Achaean Leagues (c. 280). This marks 
the greatest advance of Greek development since the seventh century. In order 
not to leave the greater city-states at the mercy of a numerical majority of the 
smaller, votes were taken in the Achaean League by cities, each of which had 
more or less votes according to their population. The highest official of the 
league (strategos) had to attend to current business ; he was assisted by a board 
of officials (Apocletai in the ^Etoliau League, Damiurgi in the Achaean) who pre- 
sided in the congress of the league. Most of the States of Central Greece united 
in the ^Etolian League, the communities of the Peloponnesus in the Achaean 
League (2,330 square miles), so that a rural population formed the core of the 
first, while the second was composed mainly of the inhabitants of small towns. 

These leagues were now the representatives of the political power of Greece. 
But they only found clever diplomatists, not great men, to lead them. Thus. 
Aratus (Strategos of the Achaean League after 251 and 245 ; cf. Vol. IV, p. 140) 
obtained some increase of territory and temporary successes, but he was quite 
incompetent to lead the whole federation firmly towards a great goal. Vacillation 
between a pro-Macedonian and an anti- Macedonian policy was an attitude most 
injurious to the Greek cause at those grave times. It was Sparta and her reform- 
ing monarchs that produced this wavering. The struggle between landowners and 
mortgagees under King Agis (242), the revolution in all conditions of tenure by 
the "Lycurgan" redivision of the soil under King Cleomenes (226), also the hege-i 
mony which Sparta claimed and indeed already had assumed over the Achaeans,. 
led to a great combination between Antigonus Doson of Macedonia, the Achaean 
League, the Thessalians, Epirotes, Acarnanians, Boeotians, Phocians, Locrians, and 
the towns of Euboea (223). The battle of Sellasia (221) drove Cleomenes into pov- 
erty and exile at Alexandria. 

The peace congress of Naupactus in 217 welded together all the States which 
we have enumerated with the vEtolian League, for common defence against the 
West. No one more clearly indicated the dangers which threatened Greece than 
Agelaus of Naupactus : " If the clouds which are rising from the West settle over 
Greece, then the truces and the wars, the childish games, in short, which we now 
play together, will be so entirely taken from us that we shall implore the gods of 
their goodness to grant us the liberty to wage war and conclude peace, if we wish 
to be arbitrators of our own quarrels." However the struggle between Carthage 


and Borne might end, the conqueror was certain to become a menace to the 

An effort was made to ascertain more clearly the inner sources of the strength 
of the Eoman Empire. We have a proof of this in a letter, which confuses fact 
and falsehood, sent by King Philip of Macedon to the inhabitants of the Thes- 
salian town Larissa ; he refers to the systematical extension of privileges and to 
the planting of colonies in the Eoman Empire certainly a noteworthy testimony 
to the acknowledged- superiority of Roman constitutional development. The treaty 
(the terms of which are still extant) between Philip of Macedon and Carthage, 
represented by Hannibal (Vol. TV, p. 363), shows the desire to resist the alarming 
growth of the power of Rome by an alliance with the Semite. But the foolish 
policy of Macedonia had made it impossible that the league of Naupactus should 
lead to a combined movement of Macedonians, Greeks, and Semites. The ^Etolian 
League, in combination with the new military monarchy of Sparta, the Messenians, 
Eleans, and Athenians, took the side of Rome in 210, but were soon compelled to 
conclude a peace with Philip (to which the Romans became a party in 208), since 
the Achaean League under Philopoemen and Philip himself achieved considerable 
successes. The combined attack of Syria and Macedonia upon the Asiatic posses- 
sions of Egypt (204-201 ; Vol. IV, p. 152) not merely broke up a federation of 
the States which, like Rhodes, desired to preserve the old balance of power in the 
eastern basin of the Mediterranean, but compelled Rome also to interfere. The 
independence of all the Hellenes formerly dependent on Macedonia was solemnly 
proclaimed by T. Quinctius Flamininus at the Isthmian games of 196. 

The discontent in Greece increased, since neither had the ^Etolian League 
obtained the alliance of Thessaly nor the Achaean that of Sparta. In the latter 
State a communistic military monarchy asserted itself. The interference of Anti- 
ochus III, king of Syria (192), who was called in by the ^Etolians, was quickly 
averted by Rome (cf. Vol. IV, p. 153) ; the ./Etolian League consequently sank 
into absolute insignificance. In the meantime the Achsean League had attained 
the zenith of its expansion. But it was apparent that the outward form of the 
federal State, the /coivov, could not overcome the diversity of its component con- 
stitutions. Such confusion reigned in Sparta that order could not be restored 
either by the .-Etolian League or by the arbitration of Rome. Nabis, the military 
despot, had, since 206, exiled or executed all the wealthy, and divided their pos- 
sessions, wives, and children among emancipated slaves and hordes of mercenaries. 
But after the conquest of Sparta by Philopoamen (192 and 188) the position of 
affairs was not improved ; even Charon confiscated property and distributed it as 
he liked. 

At other points of Greek territory national life was hurrying towards the 
precipice. In Bceotia only those were elected to office who could gratify the 
palate of the populace with something new, division of property, or an embargo 
on all criminal procedure. Trials lasted a lifetime, and a man who embarked 
on a lawsuit did not venture to show himself, if he wished to escape assassination. 
The rich man showed more favour to the members of his dining club than to his 
relations or even to his children, who frequently received a smaller heritage than 
the boon companions for whose carousals the month had not days enough. A fic- 
titious brilliancy solaced the emptiness of an existence which was enlivened only 
by civil feuds, wholesale executions, and exiles, robbery, and distribution of land. 


A nation of lazzaroni physically effete, self-indulgent, without loyalty or reli- 
gion down to the very swineherds, having no confidence in themselves or hope 
for the future such was the description which the Arcadian historian Polybius 
of Megalopolis sorrowfully gave of his countrymen of the second century B. c. 
'Terrible wars of class against class are recorded in Arcadia and Messenia, ^Etolia 
and Thessaly ; even the last hopeless struggle for independence was utilised for 
their own purposes by men (as, for example, Diaeus, the head of the league) who 
only wished to fish in troubled waters and to obliterate accusations against them- 
selves in the general confusion. There is a ring of mockery at this grave crisis in 
the speeches of the orators, who roused popular feeling first against Sparta and 
then against Home, and wished to conciliate the masses by the repeal of the laws 
of debt and the enlistment of slaves in the army. Greece, unable to defend her- 
self, felt the Roman yoke to be in some sense a release. Polybius would never 
liave been able to write his history had he not realised this when face to face with 
the intolerable conditions of his day ; it was not merely the friendly influence of 
the Scipios and their circle which taught him to value the firm fabric of the Roman 
Empire, but the contrast 'between that fabric and the crumbling Greek confeder- 
ations, which the Romans were now demolishing. Corinth a wilderness, all the 
leagues politically dissolved and tolerated only as the managers of festivals, the 
imposition of a tribute and the supervision by the governor of the city constitu- 
tions such was the last stage in the political history of ancient Greece. 


THE Attic dialect (cf. p. 19), slightly altered and somewhat pedantically 
enlarged by use of prepositions to ensure the greatest accuracy, had conquered 
the Greek world, vanquished all dialects, even those in Laconia, Bceotia, Thessaly, 
and northwest Asia Minor, and finally, in spite of Theocritus, had conquered even 
the common Doric. Thus one common language (the Koivrf) spread over the wide 
Greek sphere. Within that sphere the new monarchies usurped the intellectual 
headship ; Alexandria in particular drew upon Greece proper for a supply of 
scholars, poets, and artists, and for this reason far outstripped the mother country 
in intellectual importance. The expansion of the sphere of Greek culture at that 
time (a process illustrated on pp. 15 et seq.) and the gloomy inner political history 
of Greece proper failed, however, to prevent additions being made to the heritage 
'of Greek civilization. 

The natural sciences, such as geography and botany, were benefited by the 
expansion of the Hellenic world. Eratosthenes of Gyrene especially was able to 
determine with tolerable accuracy the circumference of the earth, and to draw an 
excellent map of the world. The observations of Chaldsean astronomers may 
have contributed to shake the old theory that the earth was the centre of the uni- 
verse. Aristarchus of Samos already regarded the sun as so gigantic that he could 
not possibly uphold that error, but made the earth rotate on its axis and round 
the motionless sun. The scientific reports of Alexander's expedition were edited 
in an exemplary fashion by Theophrastus, the pupil of Aristotle. Archimedes of 
Syracuse surpassed Euclid in geometrical and physical discoveries ; he defined 
with considerable accuracy the ratio of the diameter to the circumference of the 
circle, made studies of spiral lines and conic sections, and examined the ratio of 

24 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

the weight of a body to the water displaced by it. Strato of Lampsacus, in a sci- 
entific hydrography, explains the changes produced on the earth's surface by water. 
Man himself was not neglected. Herophilus of Chalcedon discovered that the 
nerves start from the brain and spinal cord, and that there is a circulation of 
the blood. Erasistratus of Ceos carried out bold surgical operations. 

It is easy to understand why this stirring epoch produced numerous memoirs 
and reminiscences, but hardly any writer has succeeded in making a really artistic 
use of the ascertained results of science. The excellent military account of Alex- 
ander's campaigns by the subsequent king Ptolemy, the strictly truthful account 
of the post-Alexandrine age by Hieronymus of Cardia (cf. p. 20), the vivid history 
of the tyrant Duris of Samos, which, perhaps, sacrifices truth to vividness, as well 
as that of Phylarchus of Naucratis, and lastly the history of the Greek West by 
Timseus of Tauromenium, which, though steeped in superstition, is based on 
inscriptions and local investigations, cannot bridge the gulf between matter and 
form, nor master entirely the difficulty of historical criticism. The works of 
Polybius, which relate to the expansion of the power of Rome (264-146, from the 
first Punic war to the destruction of Carthage), cannot be termed artistic. But 
they show the developed critical faculty of a man who in his own person typified 
the growing Hellenism of the Eoman world. Living in the midst of affairs, with 
the best information at his disposal, and keenly conscious of the reasons which 
accounted for the fall of Hellas and the rise of the Roman republic, he may in 
his own line be ranked with Herodotus, Thucydides, and Xenophou. 

The individualistic tendencies of philosophy reflect the age. Like Nietzsche's 
philosophy of the " Uebermensch," the Stoa in some respects non-Greek, owing 
to the strong Semitic strain in its founders could offer consolation only to the 
wise man who can attain the highest goals of humanity by living out his own 
life in accordance with nature. State and nation fall into the background; at 
most the Stoic tries to win influence over the leading personalities, the kings. 
Cosmopolitanism contents the men who, on account of mankind, for which they 
can do nothing, are allowed to ignore their brethren, for whom they chose to do 
nothing. The Epicurean philosophy may possibly have shown less pride of intel- 
lect, but even this subordinates the State to the interests of the individual. Harm- 
less enjoyment is the last word of the Epicurean school. 

The era of the Greek republics created an art which drew inspiration from the 
depths of religion, and took for subject-matter the highest developments of which 
humanity is capable. The age of the Hellenistic kingdoms democratised art ; the 
army, which wished to keep in touch with the Greek mother country, and the 
colonists, who had given up their old homes, could only appreciate the new com- 
edy, the mirror of ordinary life. Still narrower were the attractions of the mime, 
and of the fashionable erotic poetry. The masses took pleasure in this coarseness 
and in the faithful reproduction of every-day events. The upper classes wished at 
least for a return to nature, as later at the time when Watteau painted shepherds, 
they recognised themselves in the sentimental goat-herds of Theocritus. Insig- 
nificant people are commemorated in the epitaphs of Leonidas of Tarentum. 
Music, which, according to Aristoxenus, had sunk into " the slough of vulgarity," 
could not produce any works which were more than rechauffes of old composi- 
tions, except in the sphere of the musical comedy ; and here were to be found a 
realism and a coarseness which even the mime could not surpass. 



The " Alexander Sarcophagus " in the Museum at Constantinople may be ascribed to the end 
of the fourth century B. c., and is probably the work of an Athenian artist. It is the largest of the 
Greek Sarcophagi found at Sidon in 1887 by Hamdy Bey, the meritorious Director-General of the 
Imperial Turkish Museum. The view that it is the actual coffin of Alexander is exploded ; but 
there is still a difference of opinion whether we are to consider the Sarcophagus as a monument to 
a Macedonian noble of Alexander's suite, or as commemorating one of the Oriental potentates who 
flourished under the Macedonian supremacy. However that may be, the hunting and battle scenes, 
which adorn the two long sides and short sides of the chest as well as each of the gables of the lid, 
are historical pictures in the fullest sense of the word and masterpieces of Greek sculpture. A 
cavalry battle, in which King Alexander himself, on the extreme left, is charging forward to decide 
the day (the battle of Issus, we may suppose), is depicted on the one long side ; a lion hunt, 
which will recall the joint work of Lysippus and Leochares, intended for Delphi, on the other. 
The effect of the plastic work, which is executed with great vividness and with an almost exag- 
gerated delicacy, is enhanced by colouring in virtually perfect preservation. The bare parts, as 
well as the background of the relief, glitter in the original warm whiteness of the Pentelic marble. 
The other parts are brilliant with rich hues of yellow, violet, purple, red, and blue. The frieze 
on the lid shows yellow vine tendrils on a violet ground. Here, too, we have an additional proof 
that forms borrowed essentially from nature, such as leaves, tendrils, or branches, are the novelty 
which the later Greek art of ornamentation discovered. 

(Chiefly from Karl Woermann, "Gescluchte der Kunst aller Zeiten und Volker," Vol. I. 
Leipsic and Vienna, 1900.) 


A political romance, which, about 300 B. c., under the cloak of an amusing 
traveller's tale, proposed to solve the most burning social questions, was conspicu- 
ously appropriate to this popular crisis. It was the sacred chronicle of Euhemerus, 
who, from his explanation that the gods represented distinguished men who for- 
merly lived on earth, has given his name (Euhemerism) to the rationalistic method 
of interpreting mythology. Priests, artists, and craftsmen composed the first class 
of this well-organised State, which lay in the southern ocean near the coast of India. 
In it there was no individual property beyond house and garden. All produce 
belonged to the State ; and the priests, acting as stewards, divided the common 
store on a definite scheme, which did not, however, insist on absolute equality. The 
State thus appeared as an economic institution, presiding over the production and 
distribution of wealth. 

Finally, the plastic arts had approached every-day life, and had been led towards 
realism. Lysistratus (brother of Lysippus) executed portraits from plaster masks. 
The prose of contemporary society forced its way into sculpture in the form of beg- 
gars and old crones, and great creations were brought nearer to the comprehension 
of the multitude, travestied in terra-cotta. The youth painfully extracting a thorn 
becomes a street urchin blowing on his foot with chubby cheeks (Priene). The 
nickname "Dirt Painter" was given to Pausias, who painted the interiors of 
kitchens and barbers' shops; and mosaic pavements were executed representing 
such themes as an untidy room, strewn with the refuse of the banquet. Hellen- 
istic art was not invariably enlisted in the service of the masses and popularised ; 
it worked occasionally for the kings. The Nike" of Samothrace, with its marvellous 
floating robe, glorified the naval victory of Demetrius Poliorcetes ; the dying 
gladiator (on the capitol), and the Gaul who has killed his wife and is now fall- 
ing by his own hand, were carved for the victories of King Attalus of Pergamum. 
A large number of historical pictures were produced ; we only know the copy of 
the battle of Alexander in mosaic (see the plate in Vol. IV, p. 116). The inti- 
mate connection between sculpture and painting, so noticeable in Lysippus and 
Apelles, when used to emphasise the general effect as opposed to the details, and 
to represent the ideal not the actual, is distinctly visible in the so-called sar- 
cophagi of Alexander; 1 painting certainly asserts itself there. Eeligious art 
continued to produce noble works in Athens, as, for instance, the Hera of the 
Ludovisi and the Venus of Milo (in the Louvre), which belong to the Attic school. 
The increase in the number of monuments and the custom of wearing the portrait 
of the sovereign on a ring promoted the art of portraiture. 

Lastly, the influence of the East on Hellenistic art must not be neglected. On 
this subject we possess at present only scanty information ; in the case of the capi- 
tals of the East we know that they were laid out symmetrically according to the 
principles of Hippodamus the Milesian (cf. Vol. IV, p. 287), but nothing about the 
application of the accepted Eastern types, which, so far as we know, make their 
first appearance quite suddenly in the Byzantine age, although they must have been 
preserved all along. We may, perhaps, observe such effects on plastic art in the 
widespread realism of the Rhodian school, with its Laocoon group, and in the 
Serapeion at Alexandria, where the Egyptian arrangement of courtyard and pylons 
was employed. Oriental customs and vices, beliefs and superstitions, slowly fil- 

1 See the accompanying illustration, "The Sarcophagus of Alexander in the Museum at Constantinople." 

26 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

tered into Greek life. Its centre of gravity lay in the Greco-Oriental capitals of 
the East. Greece proper took no large share in the production of great men ; and 
centres of intellectual activity arose in the East, or far westward in Sicily and 

D. THE ROMAN EULE (146 B. c-395 A. D.) 

THE Roman rule appeared a guarantee of peace and order to its subjects. The 
Romans could not suppress all political life, since the municipal administration of 
the city-state still involved many questions of a political character, and the Greeks 
fancied that they still kept political freedom existent. Hellas did not drink deeply 
of the cup of misery until Sulla (Vol. IV, p. 376) destroyed the prestige of Athens, 
:and the shores and shrines of Greece became the hunting-grounds of Cilician 
pirates. It is true that Acrocorinth was raised by Caesar from its ruins, and 
'Corinth itself became a prosperous trading town, but only as a Roman colony, 
in which the Latin language, Roman life, and a Roman constitution prevailed. 
The last vestiges of independence, the prosperity which, under old forms of govern- 
ment, had accrued to the new and motley population of Athens after Sulla's con- 
quest, were wholly destroyed by Augustus. He emancipated Eretria and ^Egina 
from their dependence on Athens; similarly Sparta endured the mortification of 
seeing a " free Laconia " (consisting of twenty-four former Perioscic towns) founded 
near her. A new Roman colony arose in Patras, with ruinous effects on the pros- 
perity of the ^Etolian country population which was forced to settle there, and a 
Greek colony was established in Nicopolis. The emperor Tiberius, who laid down 
the principle that the provincials might be shorn, not flayed, gave Greece a 
short respite from the caprice of the senatorial governors by uniting Macedonia 
and Achaia with the imperial province of Mresia. 

Nero's grant of freedom (Vol. IV, p. 426), which has recently been authenti- 
cated by inscriptions, and was only a measure of financial relief, meant that Greece 
should be exempt from taxes ; this did not prevent Nero, after the burning of 
Rome, from systematically plundering Greece of her artistic treasures. This 
immunity from taxation was revoked by Vespasian. 

The renaissance of the second century roused a widespread enthusiasm for the 
old culture of Greece. The imperial throne of Rome was occupied by no more 
splendid representative, of this movement than Hadrian (Vol. IV, p. 441). Not 
merely did he show his love and reverence for Hellas by completing ancient edifices, 
such as the temple of Olympian Zeus at Athens, and by erecting new temples, but 
he attended to the practical needs of the Greeks by constructing aqueducts and 
high-roads. He also promoted legal uniformity by codifying local customary rights. 
Tib. Claudius Atticus Herodes (101-177) rivalled the example of the emperor by 
rebuilding the Odeion. The university of Athens flourished, and the election of the 
professors excited no less interest than that of the city magistrates in former days. 
It might almost be concluded from the influx of spectators at the Pythian, Isthmian, 
And Olympian games that ancient Hellas was still flourishing as before; and the 
vitality of the old dialects gave to this view of the case a certain plausibility. But 
the enormous indebtedness of the landed proprietors and of the entire nation dis- 
closes the social misery of Greece. The country was living on its capital, paying 
for imports by the exportation of its gold and silver ; the value of the precious 
metals increased immensely. 


After Caracalla had conferred the citizenship upon every subject of the Roman 
Empire (Vol. IV, p. 448), Hellenism became supreme in the East. But the heart of 
Greece gained nothing thereby. There had been a heavy withdrawal of men into 
the countries of the East, the new world, and Greece became more and more 
depopulated. The invasion of the Goths and Herulians in 267 affected Athens 
(whose warriors distinguished themselves under the historian Herennius Dexippus) 
less than Argos and Corinth ; yet Corinth reappears in 275 as one of the most 
important towns of Greece. But in the field of intellectual culture Athens with 
her splendid university still stood in the forefront, although many of her art treas- 
ures, like those of other towns, were fated to be carried away to Constantinople. 
Her magnificent statues and her ancient fame softened the heart of the Gothic 
king Alaric, so that he granted the city favourable terms. On the other hand, 
Corinth, Nemea, Argos, and Sparta fell victims to the devastations of the Goths. 



AN Italian bureaucracy had hardly grown up out of the Eoman aristocracy 
when it fell into the power of the military despotism. Augustus indeed had 
established the military monarchy, victorious after seventy years of war, under 
such moderate forms that, although legally based on military and civil force, it 
seemed to be rather a civil magistracy, dividing sovereignty with the Senate. But 
even in the first century the praetorian guards that portion of the army which 
stood nearest to the source of power came prominently forward in deposing and 
enthroning the emperors. Then, in the words of Tacitus, the secret how emperors 
were proclaimed was revealed to all the world, and the provincial armies refused 
to be left in the background. Adoption, the selection of the most capable, then 
for a comparatively long period secured to the empire internal peace and strength ; 
but the old causes of instability were at once revived when, in the person of Corn- 
modus, an emperor for the first time succeeded to his power by hereditary right. 
Some fifty rulers " reigned " ninety years until Diocletian : two submitted to for- 
eign foes, one abdicated, and one ended his days peacefully ; all the others died a 
violent death. All the bonds of order were loosened ; agriculture and stock-breed- 
ing, industries and commerce, died out ; the empire was one vast desert, Italy 
slowly became the prey of malaria, and the towns mere memories of more pros- 
perous times. 

Then the Illyrian Diocletian l once more welded the empire together, but at 
the same time divided it into four parts. He transformed the imperial office into 
an Oriental despotism, shifted the centre of gravity to the East, and created from 
germs which had long existed in the State a social organisation which made the 
Eoman Empire a caste State. 

(a) The West outstripped ly the East. At the court of Diocletian, in Nico- 
media, Constantine had become acquainted with the expansion of the East. To 
one who reviewed the situation from that point of outlook Hellenism and Chris- 

1 Possibly of Albanian stock (cf. Vol. IV, p. 455). 


tianity necessarily appeared to be the powers with which imperialism was compelled 
to make not only terms of peace but an alliance of the closest kind. Asia Minor, 
Syria, and Egypt seemed to be the principal countries which these powers hud 
appropriated as their sphere. The gloom of senile inaction may have fallen on 
the primitive culture of Syria and Egypt as on the west of the empire, but the 
Thracian nationalities of Asia Minor some steeped in Greek civilization, some 
almost untouched by it, and completely free from any trace of Eoman influence 
gave the impression of vigorous life and aroused the hope of a brilliant future. 
In Asia Minor the half-Oriental half-Hellenic civilizations of the East had been 
tried and found wanting. The reaction against them led to a pious worship of 
imperialism. There then the new doctrine of Christianity, unhindered by old 
forms of ritual and by obsolete fanaticism, spread over the country like flames 
over a wide prairie, so that Asia Minor became the first Christian country. The 
word of redemption, first uttered in the towns, reached the outlying villages and 
hamlets, so that the temples stood deserted, the ancient sacred festivals were no 
longer celebrated, and the sacrificial victims found no purchasers. 1 As early as the 
time of the emperor Marcus Aurelius the conviction had spread through the 
educated upper classes that the Roman world-monurchy and the Christian world- 
religion were born at the same time, and signified blessing and prosperity one for 
the other. This view was expressed by Bishop Melito of Sardis. " This philosophy 
of ours first budded among a strange people. But when, under the sovereignty of 
thy predecessor Augustus, it began to blossom in the provinces it brought in a 
special degree rich blessings to thy realm. For from that day forward the Eomau 
Empire has increased continuously in extent and magnificence ; and of this empire 
thou art the beloved ruler, and wilt continue to be so, with thy son, so far as thou 
art willing to protect this philosophy, which, beginning under Augustus and grow- 
ing up with the empire, thy forefathers honoured equally with other religious." 
Marcus Aurelius was unfitted both by his temperament and by his position to fulfil 
this wish ; that was left for Constantine. Christianity spread deep down into the 
lowest strata of the people, whom Hellenism had never touched, who still pre- 
served the capacity for enthusiasm and the delight in festivals which were peculiar 
to Thrace and Asia Minor. The Christian Church transformed the old feast-days ; 
the new festivals of the martyrs were celebrated, like the old festivals in honour 
of Cybele, with tumultuous magnificence, and in another sect that of the Mes- 
salians the wild fanaticism of the old popular cults burst forth. A former priest 
of Cybele (Montanus) was the founder of a Christian sect ; women played as 
prophetesses a great part in the new religion, and shepherds suffered martyrdom 
for the new doctrine. The activity of the Christian communities in Asia Minor 
called forth recognition even from the scoffing Lucian. Gothic Christianity sprang 
from the church in Cappadocia, and the foundation was there laid for that event 
which afforded an example and a model to Constantine. Armenia became the first 
Christian State (cf. below, p. 58). 

How dull and pitiable seemed Western life by contrast ! As the Western 
world grew old its learning sank into insignificance, its plastic art degenerated 
into rough mechanic work, and its poetry flickered out in foolish farce. In relief 

1 Cf. the accounts given by the younger Pliny to the emperor Trajan on the condition of Bithynia, 


carving the artist obtains his effects of light and shade by deeply undercutting the 
figures in relief ; his groups have a stiff and geometrical unity ; he shows no love 
for the infinite detail and variety of nature; all power of artistic representation 
disappears in favour of mechanical suggestion, such as we can observe in the ver- 
tical panels of the arch of Constantine under the beautiful reliefs filched from the 
work of a more artistic age. Gems present the same features. In the cameo of 
agate-onyx, which represents the triumphal entry of Constantine II into Eome, 
four deformed figures stand for the Eoman people ; the sardonyx, celebrating the 
triumph of Licinius over Maximin, is no less clumsy. In the medals of the period 
we find, as formerly in the Peloponnesian school of Polycletus, an utter absence 
of expression ; but the pupils of Polycletus had the art of expressing physical 
charm, and this is wanting in the work of the new school. It is not so much any 
suppression of fine modelling as a mechanical deficiency of eye that is expressed 
in these heads of the age of Constantine. 

In literature also the symptoms of senility are obvious at Eome. Even the 
Gallic schools of rhetoric surpassed in importance the instruction given in the 
capital. The emperor Constantine had certainly an opportunity, when he visited 
Gaul in 311, of becoming acquainted with this elegant language. The grossest 
flatteries were lavished on himself and other emperors by Eumenius, a Gallic school 
manager, and a Greek by descent. Constantine could easily convince himself 
that intellects were at a still lower ebb in Gaul than in the capital, and that there 
also no germs of a renaissance were discernible. Poetry had not risen superior to 
those ridiculous feats of versification which could be read backwards or forwards, or 
where the beginning of one verse recurred at the end of the next verse. The sub- 
jects were in no wise superior to the form ; poets wrote manuals of hygiene, pro- 
sody, and hunting, or celebrated the rivalry of cooks and bakers. Even the gods 
were handled in the vein of stupid and vulgar indecency, which was the surest 
passport to popularity. More ambitious intellects could amuse themselves with 
capping verse, with a cento which was composed only out of passages from ancient 
poets and grew into a regular tragedy (the " Medea " in the Codex Salmasianus), 
with the " geometrical " poetry, which could be read diagonally, or contained acros- 
tics on the name of Christ. Sad to relate, these ingenious feats pleased even the 

It was different in the East, where hidden springs came to the surface, where 
an afterglow of Oriental culture and of the Hellenistic renaissance was still dis- 
cernible. Poetry indeed, even in the East, could not emancipate itself from the 
intellectual weariness and decrepitude of the age ; mathematical exercises in epi- 
grammatic form show the degradation of the creative impulse. But the delicate 
rococo poetry of Alexandria still showed vitality ; the poets from Asia Minor 
and Syria, who at a later date devoted themselves to the production of epics and 
romances, were transmitters of Hellenistic poetry (Quintus of Smyrna, Nonnus) or 
utilised Hellenistic versions of Oriental novels (the Syrian Semite Heliodorus). 

The plastic arts, as studied in the East, were far more valuable for a revival of 
the old greatness and the creation of a new Greco-Christian culture. Events were 
quite early commemorated on the tombs of the martyrs in the most Christian 
country (Asia Minor), which brought to the heroes of the faith fame and the 
reverence of their countrymen. " The artist executed in bright colours the best 
products of his art ; he represented with his brush the heroic deeds of the martyr, 


his firmness, his agonies, the savage figures of the tyrants, and their scorn . . . 
finally, the image of the human form of Christ, who imposed this conflict on 
him." This is the description that Gregory of Nyssa gives (379-394) of the typi- 
cal pictures of martyrs. His account is confirmed by extant examples, such as 
those which the chapel of Theodorus Tyron, in Eukaita, exhibits. The chapel of 
Euphemia, the patron saint of Chalcedon, shows a whole series of them, which 
Bishop Asterius of Amaseia extolled to the skies on account of the spiritual 
expression of the heroine. 

The wealth of architectural creations which was to be found in the Hellenistic 
cities presented admirable models for an emperor who was a great patron of build- 
ing, and anxious to effect the fusion of Christianity with Hellenism. The Church 
of the Apostles in Constantinople, the great church in Antioch, and the Church of 
the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem have certainly proved models of ecclesiastical 
architecture for succeeding ages, and are the starting points of a new style. But 
they are also the last triumphs of a long-established Greco-Oriental school ; they 
illustrate methods of architectural ornamentation which date from the remote past. 
The vast basilica with its tower-like flanking buildings, and the cruciform domed 
church with its primitive form of a square with rounded ends, can both be traced 
back to Eastern patterns ; the former to the Hittite Hani (cf. Vol. Ill, p. 124), 
the latter to the rock-tombs of Sidon, the catacombs of Alexandria and Palmyra ; 
afterwards imitated in buildings above ground (Prsetorium of Musmije) and actu- 
ally furnished with a dome (Djerash and Kufr in Nueiyis). The decoration of 
the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem shows the influence of the Syro-* 
Hellenistic volute and deeply incised foliage (as at Baalbec and Spalato). 

Coustantine is designated by a later historian as an innovator and a subverter 
of ancient laws. We can as a matter of fact demonstrate that particular principles 
from the Greek legal sphere passed into the code of Constantine ; for example, the 
property of the mother descended to the children, and the father only enjoyed the 
usufruct, as the law of Gortyn shows. Thus the repression of what was Eoman 
and the preference for what was Hellenistic even in the field of legal principles, 
the shifting of the centre of the empire to the East, and the admission of Chris- 
tianity to a place among the legally recognised religions, form a chain with closely 
fitting links, the starting point of which is the conviction that Asia Minor and the 
East are the countries of the future, while the West has played out its part, now 
six hundred years old. 

(Z>) The, Promotion of Byzantium to be the Capital of the World, " Constanti- 
nople." If Constautine was to choose a place on the confines of Asia and Europe 
which held a convenient position on the sea and possessed all the essential qualifi- 
cations for the new capital of the world, only the northwestern corner of Asia 
Minor and the part of Europe lying opposite came into consideration. Connected 
directly with Asia Minor, now a country of first importance, and the East, in the 
vicinity of the marvellous stone quarries of Proconnesus, and in easy communica- 
tion with the line of the Danube and the Illyrian group of countries, Byzantium, 
the old Greek city (already recognised by the Delphic oracle in respect of its 
excellent military and commercial position), was far better adapted than the 
region of Ilium and Alexandria Troas to meet all the wishes of Constantine. He 
Inul proved in the war with Licinius that the master of the opening of the Bos- 

The Greeks after Alex- 
ander the Great 


phorus into the Propontis, that is to say, of Byzantium, might prove a thorn in the- 
side of his antagonist. Licinius while in possession of this town had barred the 
passage into Asia, but as soon as he evacuated it he was unable to offer any 
successful resistance (Vol. IV, p. 461 et seq.). 

In July and August, 325, this new Home was adorned with numerous edifices. 
On November 26, 328, the foundation-stone was laid for the enlargement of the 
town walls (fourteen miles in length), on the day when the sun enters the sign of 
Sagittarius. On May 11, 330, was celebrated the consecration of the new city,, 
which wound so picturesquely between the sea and the bay indenting the coast 
to the west. The new capital was now pushed on with an unparalleled and well- 
directed energy. One of the two consuls was selected for Constantinople. Sen- 
ators were introduced from Rome, and received houses and estates on the Asiatic 
or European side of the Bosphorus. Landowners in the surrounding " dioceses " 
might not make testamentary dispositions unless they already possessed a house in. 
Constantinople. The multitude was to be allured there by gifts of corn and dis- 
tribution of wine and oil. 

Constantino erected for the followers of the new religion his Church of the 
Apostles, which was also to be his mausoleum ; the Asiatic open square, employed 
for sepulchral buildings, thus became a model for the cruciform domed church for 
the Christian world. The old cults were only partially retained ; Pallas Poliuchus 
(the Panagia Poliuchus) had to give way, like Diana Hecate and Venus. Simple 
transformations (such as that of the goddess Cybele into the goddess of prayer) 
occurred frequently ; the names of the days became saints (St. Sabbas). But the 
old Tyche and the Dioscuri received new temples in the young Christian city. 
The Christian faith had not yet created any high standard of religious art (Vol. IV, 
p. 202) ; it was only wrestling with the representation of primitive forms. The 
old paganism had therefore to lend its art to adorn the new capital. The length 
and breadth of the Greco-Eoman world was laid under contribution ; statues in 
large numbers were brought to the " flourishing " city. The Pallas of Lindus 
and the Zeus of Dodona were now raised in front of the doors of the Senate 
house ; the famous snake-column from Delphi (Vol. IV, p. 282) was erected in 
the hippodrome. If Rome boasted her imperial forums, the city of Constantine 
took no less pride in its forum of Constantine, a broad oval place, surrounded by 
colonnades, which displayed in its centre a lofty porphyry column (now the burnt 
column Djembeiii Tash) with the statue of the emperor as Apollo-Helios. 

(c) The Beginnings of Byzantine History. Byzantium was founded and 
now Byzantine history begins. Purists reject the name Byzantine, preferring the 
name East Roman or Romaic, since the Byzantines called themselves by this 
Grecised form of the Latin Romani (Pw/jiaioi). 

The character of this East Roman Empire, which is given by the component 
elements of Hellenism, Orientalism, and Christianity, is at first profoundly affected 
by the caste-system of Diocletian and Constantine. The whole empire was an 
artificial fabric, with hereditary professions in every sphere, hereditary farmers 
and district counsellors, guilds and army, a network of compulsory groups and 
classes into which even criminals are thrust. All sections of society were sep- 
arated by hatred, struggling to be freed one from the other. A great gulf was 
fixed between the higher and lower classes ; the latter were not able to accuse the 

32 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

former in court. The decline of trade, the insecurity of all conditions of life, and 
the debasement of the coinage had led to a shrinkage of commerce and to a 
strange revival of the regime of barter. It was in the midst of these symptoms of 
disease that the union of the new elements was to exercise a salutary influence, 
and a fresh current to flow through this old society. 

Julian the Apostate (361-363) tried once more to thwart the plans of Constan- 
tine. Paganism seemed to him capable of a second renascence. The mysteries of 
Mithras, the Sun-God, to whom he devoted an almost fanatical study, had attracted 
him with an irresistible power since his introduction by the philosopher Maximus 
of Ephesus into a conventicle of Mithras worshippers. This Oriental sun-cult had 
spread extraordinarily over the West; but Julian failed to see that it was entirely 
foreign to the Greek-speaking sphere, and had never established a firm hold there. 
Since the religious influences of the East had so little footing in Greece, it was a 
sad error to believe that a soldier's religion could be filled with Platonic ideas. 
This attempt to unite Hellenism and Orientalism was destined to fail as much 
as the attempt to exclude Christianity, whose followers seemed to Julian to be 
destitute of ethical training (cf. Vol. IV, p. 203), and the attempt to combine 
neo-Platonic notions with a superstitious popular religion. 

For the new " Byzantine " empire Christianity seemed a most essential ele- 
ment. To control it seemed to be the right of the sovereign; for this reason 
Constantine himself presided at the Council of Niccea (ibid. p. 196). The most 
striking features of the new development were the interest of the sovereign in theo- 
logical disputes and the right which he claimed to decide them (Csesaro-papism). 

(d) The Invasion of the Huns ; the Partition of the Roman Empire. Mean- 
while the fabric of the empire was tottering beneath the attack of barbarian races. 
A nation of horsemen in the north of China, which was certainly of Turkish (not 
Lesgish) stock, the nation of the Hiung nu, split up about 50 B. c. into two sections ; 
a southern section, which submitted to the Chinese (Vol. II, p. 139), and an army 
bent on conquest which set out to conquer under Chichi (ibid. p. 154), took pos- 
session of the kingdom of the Wu Sun (Usun) at the foot of the T'ien shan, and 
planted itself in the territory of the Kirgis tribes. We can follow from Chinese 
sources the further migration into the region between Lake Baikal and the Sea of 
Aral as well as the connection with the Hiung nu of the Chinese mother country 
(of Ku tsang). The weaklings remained behind, and thus a selection was made 
of the fittest men, who, though few in numbers, subjugated powerful neighbouring 
peoples and verified the saying of Chichi: "With our mounted warriors we form 
a nation whose name fills all barbarians with dismay . . . and even if we die, the 
fame of our valour will last, and our children and children's children will be 
leaders of other nations." 

The Alani on the Volga were subdued. The shock of the relentless race then 
struck the West Goths, who asked and obtained admission into the Eoman 
Empire. But the incapacity and treachery of the Roman officials led to war 
(Vol. IV, p. 466). Fritigern the leader was joined from all sides by farmers, slaves, 
miners, and debtors. Life in all the Germanic districts as far as Alsace, into 
which the Alemanni made a premature incursion, now became insecure. Fritigern 
once more demanded Thrace. The refusal of the emperor Valens resulted in the 
sanguinary battle of Adrianople (August 9, 378), and Valens fell. Owing t<> this 


the Germanic danger assumed enormous proportions. If the Arian Goths had 
conquered, the counter-stream of Orthodoxy would have necessarily swollen all 
the more. The peace concluded by the Spaniard Theodosius (emperor, 379-395) 
admitted the Goths into Moesia as allies (fcederati) ; in other respects also the 
army and government were thrown open to Germanic influences. The Frank 
Richomer (Ricimer) appears as commander-in-chief and consul; the Vandal 
Stilicho was commander-in-chief and husband of Serena, a niece and adopted 
daughter of the emperor. 

The partition of the empire by Theodosius into a western and an eastern sec- 
tion was definitely concluded. The divisio a of the imperial chancery into a Greek 
and a Roman department was a step towards drawing the logical conclusion from 
the distinction between the Latin and Greek halves of the empire. This measure 
had been advocated by Diocletian and Constantine, and was now definitely taken ; 
not because Arcadius and Honorius had been made emperors of West and East 
(Theodosius had hardly contemplated the definite separation, since he appointed 
Stilicho imperial regent for both), but at the time when Theodosius II or his 
sister Pulcheria recognised Valentinian III as emperor of the West (425). The 
legislative separation was not proclaimed before 438 ; and a law applying to West 
and East dates as late as the year 468. The recognition of Constantinople seems 
to have still been necessary to validate an imperial election for the West ; in 472 
Julius Nepos (Vol. IV, p. 472) was recognised as emperor of the West by Leo I 
the Thracian. 

But the empire of the " Romaioi " was now given up to that peculiar develop- 
ment which we term Byzantine or East Roman. The Church of New Rome was 
subject to the emperor, who in 381, at the Council of Constantinople (Vol. IV, 
p. 206), tore up documents of which lie disapproved. It was only natural that the 
bishop was then given precedence immediately after the Roman bishop, here 
again a dualism pregnant with significance. On the other hand, the emperor 
bowed to the counsels of the Church. Theodosius was compelled to do public 
penance for the massacre in the circus at Thessalonica (390) ; Ambrosius, who 
forced him to it, eulogised the act of penance in his funeral oration over Theo- 
dosius. The influence of Oriental art soon became visible in the East; the golden 
gates of Theodosius the Great (constructed between 388 and 391) display in their 
architrave Egyptian and Syrian elements (chamfers : high cushion-like supports 
tori). Thus at the threshold of Byzantine life stand Hellenism, Christianity, and 
Eastern civilization. 


THE political and ecclesiastical union of the eastern provinces of the old 
Roman Empire was due to the bonds of Greek culture and Christianity and the 
preponderance of Oriental elements in the population ; it was not realised without 
struggles within and without. This realisation continued for almost six centuries 
to hover before the eyes of the Byzantines as a supreme ideal, from the time when 
all Eastern believers were united by the comprehensive confession of faith (Heno- 
tikon) of the patriarch Acacius, which the emperor Zeno promulgated (482), to 
the destruction of the secular Eastern power by the battle of Mantzikert (Malaz- 

VOL. V 3 


kerd, Melasgerd, 1071), when Cappadocia, Armenia, and Eastern Asia Minor were 
finally lost. 

Foreign nationalities, Germanic tribes and Huns, had impeded the work of 
consolidation in 'the old Byzantine period, so, in the new age, did Persians, 
Arabians, and Turks; but Byzantium proved herself in these wars to be the 
bulwark of culture. And in internal affairs, from the day when the emperor 
Constantine a true precursor of Justinian in his " Csesaro-papism " claimed 
for himself the right to settle the conditions of entrance into the Church and to 
depose any refractory bishops, down to the publication of a uniform confession of 
faith for the whole East, a steady progress in ecclesiastical unity had been main- 
tained. The unqualified submission of Asia Minor to the ecclesiastical sovereignty 
of Constantinople, enforced by John Chrysostom ; the abandonment of Nestorius 
under the pressure of the populace of the capital (Vol. IV, p. 207) because, 
conformably with his native school of Syrian theology, he had protested against 
the undue importance of Mariolatry; finally, the dispute with the Egyptian 
separatists, such are the most important stages on this road. On this latter 
point the first measures taken by the emperor overshot the mark. The fear of 
the patriarch of Alexandria, who had been proclaimed oecumenical archbishop at 
the Council of Ephesus (449), and had more weight in secular affairs than the 
imperial governor, led, at the Council of Chalcedon, which met under the presi- 
dency of imperial commissaries, to the deposition of the ruling patriarch, Dioscorus 
(ibid. p. 208). This rejection of the claims of the Alexandrine patriarchate was 
followed by an immediate accession of privileges to the patriarch of Byzantium, 
who was, however, only a tool in the hands of the emperor. The final result 
was a loosening of the tight bands of centralisation and the concession of means 
by which Syrians and Alexandrians might work side by side in the same ecclesi- 
astical society. How could they be permanently dispensed with in a sphere of 
civilization which followed the guidance of the East in the creation of dogmas, in 
the plastic arts, mosaics, and miniature-painting ; in a sphere of civilization which, 
as regarded architecture (ecclesiastical buildings, pylons, columned cisterns), owed 
everything of value to the stimulus of the East? Nevertheless, the Persian 
Church seceded to Nestorianism (Vol. IV, p. 211). 

The valour of the army did not prevent the Huns from spreading over the 
Danubian countries. An empire arose which, extraordinarily loosely framed, 
stretched from Denmark over portions of Germany, Eussia, and Hungary, as far as 
modern Siberia. Huns had been received into the West and East Eoman armies ; 
Greeks and Eomans lived among the Hunnish people, happy to have escaped the 
intolerable conditions of the Eoman Empire. The Greek, whom Prisons, the sec- 
retary to the Byzantine embassy, met among the Huns in 448, expressed his 
opinion to the effect that he felt more at ease in his new home ; the law only 
touched the poor in the Eoman Empire, while the rich man escaped with impunity. 
The priest Salvianus of Massilia gave a similar opinion in the AYest : " Our 
countrymen, even those of noble birth, go over to the enemy, looking for Eoman 
humanity among the barbarians, since they can no longer endure the barbarian 
inhumanity of the Eomans." Attila, the king of the Huns, who had adopted the 
luxury of civilized countries in his wood-built palace between the Danube and the 
Theiss, but with conscious pride in the primitive simplicity of his nation of horse- 
men, refused all personal display, might have become dangerous to East Eome. 


In 447 he was at the gates of Constantinople, and the withdrawal of the Huns 
was dearly bought by a peace which Theodosius II concluded. 1 Attila's goal 
lay, however, in the West ; this was wrested from him on the Mauriazensian plain 
(between Me'ry on the Seine and Troyes), and thus East Rome was finally saved 
(cf. Vol. IV, p. 470). 

The Germanic races played a prominent part at this time both in new Rome 
and old Rome. Theodosius, after the defeat of Arbogast the Frank, who had raised 
Eugenius to the imperial throne in 392 (see Vol. IV, p. 467), had vested the 
supreme management of the united empire in the hands of the Vandal Stilicho. 
But, in view of the mutual mistrust of the two empires, this appointment only 
signified a pious wish which could no longer be fulfilled. The Vandal, neverthe- 
less, checked the Greek expedition of Alaric the West Goth (whom Arian monks 
employed to eradicate paganism, and through whom the splendid temple of Eleusis 
was laid in ruins), and brought it to a peaceful termination. Gainas the Goth, 
aided by Stilicho's troops, had come to Constantinople, suppressed the terrible 
magister offidorum Rufinus, made common cause with the insurgent Count Tribi- 
gild in Phrygia, and entered Constantinople with the victorious army of Goths. 
It was the orthodox population of the capital which then drove out the Arian 
Goths. The Goth Fravitta effected the final annihilation of the army of the 

Pulcheria, the wise guardian and sister of Theodosius II, who had followed 
Anthemius in the guardianship, took numerous Germans into her service. The 
difficult task of escorting Placidia, the aunt of the emperor, with her son Valen- 
tinian III to the West was undertaken by the Goth Ardaburius ; and the same 
man actually deposed the rival emperor John. Aspar, the son of Ardaburius, 
became in 434 consul, subsequently magister militum, and a patrician. Pulcheria, 
after the death of Theodosius II, gave her hand to a worthy senator, who had dis- 
tinguished himself in the service of Aspar, Marcianus of Thrace (450 A. D. ; cf. 
Vol. IV, p. 471). The latter ruled in the interests of the Goths; he had the 
courage to refuse tribute to the Huns, but looked calmly on the advance of the 
Vandals, who then occupied Mauretania. It is a significant fact about this predis- 
position towards Goths and Vandals, that even before this a nephew of Aspar had 
offered to aid the emperor Theodosius against any enemy except the Vandals. 

Aspar, on the death of Marcianus, had declined the Byzantine crown on account 
of his Arian sympathies ; but still, like Ricimer in the West, who raised Majori- 
anus and Severus successively to the throne (cf. Vol. IV, p. 472), he nominated 
to the purple a military tribune, who seemed to him to be quite harmless from 
his want of culture, Leo the Thracian, or, as the Byzantines called him, Macellus 
(the butcher). Leo felt that his duty to the crown should outweigh his gratitude 
to the kingmaker Aspar, and therefore refused to " submit his own judgment and 
the public interests to the will of a subject," as we are told by Georgios Cedrenos, 
a somewhat uncritical writer, though here he certainly depends on the Isaurian 
Candidus, an excellently informed contemporary historian of the reigns of Leo and 
Zeno. The policy of Leo, freed from Gothic influence, was first directed towards 
a war on the Vandals. But the campaign of 468 ended in humiliation, and it 

1 Six thousand pounds of gold were paid down, in addition to a yearly tribute and the loss of the 
southern Danubian countries. 


seemed as if everything would miscarry without Gothic assistance. Leo was 
therefore forced to nominate the son of Aspar as co-emperor. But in 471 Leo 
got rid of Aspar and one of his sons by assassination, while the new emperor and 
a third son escaped. 

Oriental influence already began to take the place of Germanic predominance, 
Leo was protected by an Isaurian bodyguard, and Trascallisseus, the Isaurian, 
who, under the name of Zeno, became emperor of Byzantium in November, 474, 
received the hand of the daughter of the emperor. With the appearance on the 
scene of Aspar's nephew, the East Goth Theodoric Strabus (son of Triarius, and of 
the Amalian Theodoric, son of the East Gothic prince Theodemir), the destinies of 
Byzantium began once more to be dependent on the Teuton. The years 478-481 
witnessed a desperate struggle, since at one time the emperor employed the Ama- 
lian against Theodoric Strabus, at another the two Theodorics confronted the 
emperor, while once more the emperor appeared allied with Strabus. At this 
opportunity the Bulgarians appeared for the first time (482) in league with Zeno 
against the Amalian ; their name is derived from the Volga, on which the Bulga- 
rians were long settled. After the death of Theodoric, the son of Triarius, Theo- 
doric the Amalian, received grants of land, the consulship and patriciate, and 
lastly the " commission " to conquer Italy. The East Roman Empire finally shook 
off Germanic influence in the year 488, when Theodoric marched out to create for 
himself a new empire on Italian soil. 

The empress-widow Ariadne, with the view of strengthening her cause by the 
forces of the Greek Balkan peninsula, gave her hand to the celebrated Anastasius I, 
"Dichorus" of Epidamnus (491-518). The destruction of the Isaurian military 
despotism was successfully accomplished. Notwithstanding the importance and 
value of the European territories, it proved impossible to keep back the invading 
Slavs, to conquer the Bulgarians, against whom a wall, running from Selym- 
bria on the Propontis to Derkon on the Black Sea, was intended to act as a bul- 
wark, or to avert a war with Persia mainly caused by intervention on behalf of 
the Persian Armenians. The diplomatic treatment of the Germanic princes pro- 
duced the result that Theodoric as if he were a Eoman official stamped his 
gold coins alone with the head of the emperor Anastasius. His silver coins show 
the name of Theodoric. An inscription from the time of the emperor Justin, 
which refers to the draining of the Pomptine marshes, first gives Theodoric the 
imperial title d[ominus] . . . semper Aug[ustus]. Clovis further assumed the 
consular badges, and possibly the patrician title, as did the Burgundian king 
Gundobat, and the king of the West Goths, Alaric II. The old empire, one and 
indivisible, seemed still to exist in face of the Germanic kings. Nevertheless the 
imperial ascendancy could not be maintained in the West, since it was necessary 
to wage a frontier war with Theodoric, and three formidable wars with Vitalian 
(probably a descendant of Aspar), who became peculiarly dangerous as the ally of 
the orthodox population of the capital. The emperor had leanings towards mono- 
physitism. The alliance with Thrasamund, the anti-Catholic king of the Vandals, 
laid him open to the suspicion of being an Arian ; in fact he was accused of being 
tainted with the Manichoean heresy. Before Vitalian's rising an orthodox rival 
emperor had been temporarily brought into the field. After the defeats of Vitalian 
the monks of Palestine began to evince violent opposition to the tendency of 


The available titles (illustres = l\\ova-rpioi, spectacles = TreptfiXeTrroi, claris- 
simi = XafiTT/joraroi) were still more strongly developed as distinctions at this 
period. The chancery officials of the departments epistularum, libellorum, disposi- 
tionum were created, for instance, clarissimi when they retired into private life 
{396), just like the advocati of the comes rerum privatarum and proconsul of 
Asia (497) ; the fisci patroni became respectabiles (506), the decuriones palatii 
became illustres (415), just like the other decuriones and silentiarii (432). Among 
the highest officials rank the prcefectus prcetorio, the prccfectus urli, the magistri 
peditum et equitum, the prcepositus sacri cubiculi, magister officiorum, qucestor 
sacri palatii, comes sacrarum largitionum, comes sacrarum privatarum, comes 
domesticorum. New titles of rank extended beyond the three traditional titles ; 
thus in 400 a title which first belonged to the city prefects, but then was given 
amongst others to the consul and the patrician, namely, that of magnijicus 
(== /j,eya\o7rpe7rea-TaTo<;) ; also the title of the imperial officials, chosen, perhaps, 
in contrast to the clergy, gloriosissimi (= evSo^oraroC). The children of the high- 
est officials were enrolled even when minors into the ranks of clarissimi. Dominus 
sank down to a second-rate title ; nolilissimus (a designation of members of the 
imperial house) gradually shared the same fate ; the city prefect becomes eminen- 
tissimus ; the style of excellentissimus (for senators, ex-consuls, and patricians) soon 
appeared. The aristocracy of birth (noliliores natalibus), of office (lionorum luce 
conspicui), and of money (patrimonio ditiores) were differentiated in 408-409. In 
spite of Christian convictions the court world of the emperor was called sacer. 

One may see in this side of Byzantine development how the form of the Church 
and her teaching is definitely fixed for a whole world, how bureaucracy, officialism, 
and court fashions were spread, how new substance was given to old forms, and 
the old substance retained in carefully considered new forms. When all around 
the whole development of life has become uncertain, when a new fermenting world 
despises tradition or ignorantly rejects it, then this Byzantine imperialism, which 
maintains even the dynastic succession to a certain degree, becomes an exemplar 
for the younger Germanic states, and a reservoir for the traditions of Hellas and 
Rome, which was kept from stagnation by the fresh inflow of Oriental sources. 


(a) Justinus. On the death of the emperor Anastasius the captain of the guard 
was Justinus, a man of peasant birth from Tauresium, near Bederiana in Dardania 
(near the modern Uskiib on the borders of Albania). His great reputation among 
the troops and the clergy impressed upon the eunuch Amantius, who administered 
the imperial treasury, the expediency of proposing him as emperor, in spite of his 
being very illiterate and hardly able to read or write. The newly elected emperor, 
now an old man, had sometime previously invited his nephew Flavius Petrus Sab- 
batius Justinianus to the capital and had given him a brilliant education. The 
latter became the support, the counsellor, and the co-regent of his uncle. Accom- 
plished in every subject which could win him the love of the clergy, and indeed 
of the Pope himself, the enthusiasm of the people, and the reverence of the Senate, 
he was orthodox, lavish in providing games for the populace, and courteous towards 
the highest classes, although he ventured to marry an ex-ballet dancer, Theodora, 
daughter of a bear- leader. His influence can be traced back to the year 518 ; from 


520 onwards he is actually designated monarch (for example, by Leontius of Byzan- 
tium). Vitalian, his most dangerous rival, had been put out of the way at a banquet 
on the advice of Justinian. So, too, the completely coherent policy in Church and 
State which aimed at gaining the West, and therefore had concluded peace with 
Pope Hormisdas (519) and reconfirmed the resolutions of Chalcedon (Vol. IV, 
p. 208), bears so clearly the stamp of Justinian's individuality that we must cer- 
tainly term it his doing. Again, the provisions of a bilingual edict (issued in 527 
by the two emperors, and found in 1889 on the borders of Pisidia and the Cibyratis) 
which protect the property of the churches against those enemies of all landowners, 
the passing or permanently quartered troops, show the same zeal for order as the 
Novels which Justinian subsequently issued in his ;;apacity of sole monarch. 
Only in less important departments, such as in the barbarous types of the coinage, 
which later were retained by Justinian himself until 538, is Justin's complete 
want of culture observable. 

(6) Justinian L On August 1, 527, Justinian took over the sole government 
of the empire, which remained under his guidance until November 14, 565. The 
emperor, whose mother tongue was Latin, and whose family bore a Thracian name 
(Sabbatius), has been claimed as a Slav. It is said that his original name was 
Upravda, which was translated into Latin as "Justinian;" Istok (Slavonic for a 
fountain) and Biglenissa (Slavonic bieli = white) are alleged to be his paternal and 
maternal names. But the " Life of Justinian " by Theophilus (which was redis- 
covered in the Barberini Library at Home by James Bryce) is the only authority 
for these late and incorrect Slavonic name-forms. At best they supply evidence for 
late Slavonic legends about the name of Justinian (who founded the churches of 
Prizrend and Serdica on Servian and Bulgarian soil) ; but more probably they are 
mere inventions of the Dalmatian Luccari (1605) and his countrymen. There is thus 
no foundation for the story of Justinian's Slavonic descent. We may, on the other 
hand, with complete confidence recognise in him a Thraco-Illyrian, who, born on 
the frontiers of the decaying Thracian and the expanding Illyrian nationalities, 
bears a Thracian name, and shows the vigour peculiar to the Illyrian, that is, 
Albanian, nationality. 

Gentle and forbearing, but proud of these as of other qualities ; full of self- 
restraint toward his enemies ; simple almost to asceticism in his life ; singularly 
conscientious in his work, for which he rose in the middle of the night (hence 
called /Sao-tXeu? a/eoi'^To?, the sleepless monarch); endowed with the highest 
sense of his imperial dignity, which seemed to give him the power of producing 
legal commentaries, theological disquisitions, and schemes for military operations ; 
a jealous despot, often vacillating and irresolute, but always supported by the 
activity of his fertile intellect, Justinian towered above all his immediate prede- 
cessors by his peculiar talents. In the graceful head with the small mouth and 
strong lips, the straight nose and the soft expression of the eyes, which are repre- 
sented in the mosaics of Sant' Apollinare Nuovo and San Vitale at Eavenna, we 
should rather see a cleric or a simple official than the great emperor, who showed 
creative genius in the fields of jurisprudence and architecture, who worked great 
reforms in the administrative sphere, but also in military and theological matters 
achieved ephemeral successes greatly to the detriment of the empire and the 


Justinian performed a permanent service when he settled the principles of 
jurisprudence, thus completing the work of Constantine. The latter effected the 
first great reconciliation between the old civilized world and Christianity; his 
New Eome with all its creations was the fruit of that union (cf. p. 29). But 
Christianity, so far as its governors the priesthood were concerned, remained obsti- 
nately hostile to the legal forms and ideas of the ancient State ; the legal ideas or 
the Mosaic code appealed to the priests more nearly than the Eoman law, and the 
masses must have shared this feeling. In this way religion and the judicial sys- 
tem became antagonistic one to the other; the judge, who gives sentence accord- 
ing to " pagan " law, becomes alien to his people until he prefers to be alien to hib 
law, which nobody values. Ignorance asserts its dominion everywhere. But the 
legal conceptions of individual peoples grow dim before the knowledge of Eoman 
law ; if that knowledge is strengthened, these peoples are no longer any obstacle to 
the despotism of the Eoman law. Justinian had the deepest regard for this " infal- 
lible power;" he therefore tried by consolidating it to destroy Oriental influences 
for good and all. Tribonian, a Pamphylian from a remote corner of Asia Minor, 
was the man who helped him in this great task. An active thinker, the greatest 
scholar of his time, who was competent to write on the nature of fortune and the 
duties of sovereignty as well as on the harmonious system of the universe ; as 
much in his element when president of the various committees for recording the 
law as when treading the marble pavements of the emperor's palace at Byzantium, 
completely unscrupulous in pursuing his private aims ; these are the character- 
istics of the man who was the soul and the most active instrument of legislation. 
The colossal task of collecting all imperial ordinances (constitutiones) in one new 
single work {Codex Justinianeus) was carried through, thanks to the efficiency of 
the imperial chancery, in less than fourteen months. Antiquated ordinances were 
omitted, whether superseded by new laws or merely nullified by the practice of 
the courts. Chronological arrangement within the separate titles facilitated refer- 
ence. After April 16, 529, all legal procedure throughout the empire had to con- 
form to the ordinances of this collection. With praiseworthy consistency special 
decisions (the quinquaginta decisiones), by which the old law was expounded, were 
given on doubtful cases and disputed points. 

After these most difficult questions, and with them some useless matters, had 
been settled, Justinian appointed a committee to make a collection of the old 
jurists and a book of extracts from them. Tribonian, the president of the com- 
mittee, supplies with pride some hardly credible figures, which should give us 
a clear idea of the mere physical labour: 2,000 books with 3,000,000 lines 
were compressed into 50 books with 150,000 lines. Professors and practitioners 
extracted in three large divisions the decisions which were before them, and in 
doing so cited the names and titles of the works on which they drew. Contra- 
dictions could not be entirely avoided; professional commentaries were to be 
forbidden, since they encroached on the sovereign's rights. This collection of 
the Digest or Pandects was invested with the authority of law on December 
30, 533. 

The next task was to ensure that future lawyers should be educated on the 
lines of these new sources of jurisprudence ; the Institutes, which contained the 
principles and essential elements of preliminary legal study, had to be brought 
into harmony with the form which the sources of jurisprudence now assumed. 


This was accomplished by Theophilus, a teacher of law in the school at Con- 
stantinople, and Dorotheas from the law school of Berytus, of course under the 
supervision of Tribonian, and with special use of the best existing text-books, 
above all the Institutes of Gaius. Antiquated expressions which might deter 
students were expunged, so that the " new Justiuians," as the young lawyers were 
now called (instead of " Two-pounders," as formerly), might not be discouraged. 

The necessity now presented itself of revising the ordinances (Constitutions) 
once more, for there were many ordinances left among them which, owing to the 
legal lore now collected and available, must have seemed superfluous or contra- 
dictory. A second edition (the only edition now extant) was therefore prepared 
in continuation of the Digest. 

Finally, the legislative activity of Justinian himself did not cease with the con- 
clusion of the great work ; it continued until the death of Tribonian, in 545, and 
found scope in the " Novelise," which, composed in Greek or Latin (some biliii- 
gually), are preserved far more completely than the earlier ordinances incorporated 
in the Codex Justinianeus, and are extant in private, though not in any official, 

The simplification of the professional work of lawyers, the introduction into 
jurisprudence of Christian principles instead of Mosaic law, the establishment of 
complete legal uniformity (with which view the old law school at Athens was 
closed on account of the attention there devoted to Greek law), and special atten- 
tion to the interests of the small citizen, were the leading aims of Justinian and 
his scholars. The predominance of the rich was broken down by the grant of 
special privileges to the soldier caste, by laws concerning the succession to landed 
property, by giving the wife the right to inherit, by usury laws (in dealing with 
countrymen only four per cent was allowed), and by measures in favour of debtors 
(thus by the lene/icium inventarii the liability of the heir was limited by making 
an inventory to the amount of property left). At the same time the Christian duty 
of protecting the poor was emphasised, the relaxation of the patria potestas aimed 
in the same direction, and the remains of the old family state were destroyed. 
Consideration for the weaknesses of inferiors, in imitation of the Divine mercy, was 
laid down as the guiding principle of the new jurisprudence, and thus as much 
opposition was shown to the old Roman law with its doctrine of " reward and com- 
pulsion " as to the Mosaic code ; a phrase employed in another connection, which 
speaks of the " contemptible and Jewish sort," is very significant of the attitude of 
the emperor. 

The Nika riots helped Justinian to crush the still existing popular organisations 
and to establish a perfect absolutism. Hitherto the parties of the Hippodrome had 
been organised as Demes (&}/*ot) in civil and military divisions, and still received 
some sort of popular representation and took some part in the election of the 
emperor, even of Justinian. Precisely as the Hippodrome in its collection of works 
of art (the bronze horses, and Heracles Trihesperus of Lysippus, the ass of Aktion, 
the Wolf and Hyena, Helena, and a number of other works of art stood there) had 
become the successor of the Roman forum and the Greek Agora, so it resounded 
with echoes of the political importance of the forum. The civil divisions stood 
under Demarchs, the military divisions under Democrats; thus the Democrat of 
the P>lues was the domesticus scholarum, the Democrat of the Greens domesti<-ux 
excubitorum. This military organisation rendered it possible to employ the Demes 


occasionally to defend the walls. The rule of whichever was temporarily the 
stronger party (under Justinian that of the Blues) produced an intolerable state 
of affairs. The impartiality of Justinian, who punished alike misdemeanants of 
either colour (January 11, 532), led to the union of the two parties (their cry 
" Nika " = victory), to the burning and destruction of the imperial palace, of the 
library of Zeuxippus and the church of St. Sophia (January 13). On the 16th 
and 17th of January renewed tires reduced many buildings to ashes and street- 
fighting raged everywhere. Hipatius, nephew of the emperor Anastasius, was 
proclaimed rival emperor, and only the firmness of Theodora prevented Justinian 
from taking to flight. Negotiations with the Blues and the massacre of the Greens 
by Belisarius in the circus (where from thirty thousand to fifty thousand victims 
are said to have fallen) ended this last struggle of Byzantine national freedom. 

Justinian had magnificent schemes of foreign policy. He frankly declared at 
a later time (in the " Novels ") that he cherished confident hopes of winning by 
the grace of God the sovereignty over those territories which the ancient Eomans 
had once subdued as far as the boundaries of either ocean, but had subsequently 
lost through their carelessness. Hilderic, king of the Vandals, had submitted to 
the influence of Byzantium, and had coined money with the head of Justin I, but 
had been deposed on May 19, 530, on account of his un warlike nature and his 
sympathies with Byzantium. The repeated intervention of Justinian on behalf of 
Hilderic was rudely rejected by the newly elected Gelimer ; nevertheless, in view 
of the Persian war, and the want of a naval force and adequate supplies, a punitive 
expedition seemed impossible. But the hatred of Arianism finally forced on the 
war. Belisarius was given the command of the fleet, which set sail at the end of 
June, 533. Although the voyage was necessarily prolonged, and laborious efforts 
were required to prevent the dispersion of the vessels (painting the sails red, hang- 
ing up three lanterns), Belisarius entered Carthage on September 15. By the 
middle of December, 533, the entire Vandal power was overthrown. At the [end 
of March or beginning of April, Gelimer, the last Vandal king, surrendered; his 
timidity and irresolution had in the end largely contributed to this event (cf. 
Vol. IV, p. 245). 

The reintroduction of the Eoman fiscal system and the stern suppression of 
Ariauism had made the Byzantine rule irksome ; but it was consolidated by the 
timely repulse of the Mauri (Berbers), and by the prosperity of Carthage, which 
now, with its palaces, churches, and baths of Theodora, became one of the most 
splendid cities of the empire. Byzantium now possessed a Latin province, for Latin 
had remained the diplomatic language, and the official language for petitions to the 
Romans, even among the Vandals. The province comprised Tripolitana, Byzacena, 
pro-consular Africa (Zeugitana), Numidia, Mauretania Sitifensis, while in Western 
Africa only a few places, such as Csesarea (Cherchel) and the impregnable Septem 
were Byzantine. Sardinia, Corsica, and the Balearic Islands were annexed. The 
result of the conquest was, however, not so lamentable as Procopius represents it, 
when he depicts in bitter words the depopulation, impoverishment, and misgovern- 
ment of Africa. The administration of Africa became important in determining 
the primitive form of the Byzantine military province, since it showed the neces- 
sity of a union between the civil and military authorities, which had been separated 
since the time of Constantine the Great. Solomon, for example, was civil and 
military governor (535 and 539 ; magister militum and prcefectus prcetorio) ; it 


cannot be decided how far the other seven civil under-governors (prcesides') and 
the four military under-governors (duces and comites) were combined under him. 
Even in modern times the numerous remains of Byzantine forts, which were gar- 
risoned by frontier troops (limitanei), testify to the emperor's solicitude for Africa. 
Leptis Magna and Sabrata (in Tripolitana), Capsa and Thelepte, Ammacdera, 
Clmsira, De Laribus, Mamma, Kululis in Byzacena, Carthago, Vaga, the great 
fortress of Bordji-Hallal, Sicca Veneria in pro-consular Africa, Theveste, Bagai, 
Thamugadi, Lamfona in Numidia, Sitifis in Mauretauia Sitifensis, are only some 
names out of the long list of newly founded and restored fortresses. One hundred 
and fifty towns rose from their condition of desolation and ruin. Justinian had 
become in Africa " the Avenger of the Church and the Liberator of the nations ; " 
and his general Belisarius, the " glory of the Komans " (as he is styled on the 
commemorative coins), could display in his triumphal procession the costly vases 
and robes, the gorgeous chariots, and the golden ornaments which had found their 
way into the Vandal treasury from successful raids. Mosaics on the walls of the 
imperial palace glorified the conquest of Africa. 

The conquest and annihilation of the East Gothic Empire in Italy lasted fully 
eighteen years (536-554 ; cf. Vol. IV, p. 474). Here two religious motives 
co-operated, at least at the outset of the struggle. The year 554 saw finally an 
expansion of East Roman power over the Spanish peninsula, where a small pro- 
vince was formed, with Cordova as the capital (cf. Vol. IV, p. 492). On the other 
hand the Persian wars (531-532, 539-562) brought little glory and success ; the 
first ended with a treaty, which imposed annual payments on Byzantium. The sec- 
ond treaty, of 562, contained the same condition, rendered less bitter by the cession 
of Laristan to Byzantium. Meanwhile waves of nations surged round the walls of 
Anastasius. Zabergan, the head of the Kotrigures, 1 struck panic into Byzantium 
in 558 ; his tents were pitched at Melanthias (Buyuk Chekmadje), eighteen miles 
from Byzantium. The treasures from the churches in the neighbourhood had 
already been put into places of safety, and fear filled the trembling spectators 
on the walls. But Belisarius was victorious, and the defeated Kotrigures were 
attacked on their retreat by their hostile brethren the Utigures (Uturgures in Old or 
Great Bulgaria). The fortresses, which had been planted over the wide Byzantine 
dominions, proved unpractical ; they required too many garrisons, instead of dimin- 
ishing the necessity for troops. 

Far more profitable are Justinian's peaceful achievements. Procopius devoted 
a whole volume to the architectural achievements of Justinian. We are told by 
him how the emperor favoured numerous towns with his royal consideration ; he 
sent Anthemius of Tralles and Isidorus of Miletus to Dara, and younger men to 
Zenobia. A recently discovered inscription from the Syrian Chalcis reveals there 
also the work of Isidorus. The instructions of the emperor are minute in the case 
of the Church of St. Mary at Jerusalem, where the site and the dimensions are 
attributable to him. The Church of San Vitale in Ravenna, with its mosaics 
(cf. supra, p. 38), which perhaps represent a glorification of the two natures of 
Christ, must have owed much to Justinian ; it displays Asiatic influences on 
Italian soil (cf. infra, p. 62). The Church of St. Sophia, which was built by 

1 Kuturgures or Kotrages, a Hnnnish tribe which lived between the Don and the Dnieper ; according 
to J. Mai-quart = Black Bulgaria ; not the inner Bulgarians, who were settled in Moldavia and Bessarabia. 



Justinian, stands at the end of a long chain of development, in which the Syrian 
rotundas of Basra and Esra as well as the churches of St. Sergius and Bakchos 
play a part; we must observe also the development of the domed basilica of 
Asia Minor (Binbirkilisse, Kodja Kalessi, and Adalia) and the Syro-Egyptian 
transverse nave with its cupola. Justinian brought to Byzantium the architects 
Anthemius and Isidorus from Asia Minor ; they combined rich Eastern motifs 
with a single magnificent building (cf. p. 50), which again became the model 
for others. 

To commerce Justinian devoted his fullest attention. The wars with Persia are 
certainly to some extent commercial wars, with the object of ousting Persia from 
the silk trade. Trading interests and religious motives led to an alliance with the 
Goths of the Crimea. The alliance with the Axumites (Vol. Ill, p. 554) must be 
criticised from this point of view. A treaty had been made with the emperor 
Justin which in 525 induced Elesbaas (or Caleb) of Axum to make a campaign 
against the Jewish king Joseph dhii Nuas (Novas) of the Himyares (ibid. p. 251). 
The immediate cause of the renewal of relations between Byzantium and Axum 
was that the reigning king of Axum (his name was hardly Adad, as Malalas and 
Theophanes state, but, according to a coin, Dimean, converted by the historians into 
a Himyarish king Damian) had vowed to become a Christian if he conquered the 
Himyares, and that after his victory he applied to Justinian for a bishop. Finally 
the introduction of silkworm breeding from Serinda l gave a great stimulus to the 
Byzantine silk industry. After that time silk making, which to the great detri- 
ment of the Syrian factories was treated as a monopoly, turned to good account 
the traditional methods of Persia and China. 

The ecclesiastical policy of Justinian was influenced by his ambitions and also 
by his great theological talents, which actually created new dogmas. He wished 
to gain the West, and therefore put himself on good terms with Eome (cf. p. 38), 
a policy which incensed Syria and Egypt. These conciliatory efforts of the empe- 
ror drove the Monophysites to leave the Church; and schism was further pro- 
voked by the theological leanings of Justinian, who wished himself to decide 
questions in the Church, although at that particular time the struggle of the 
Church to win independence was finding loud expression. Facundus, bishop of 
Hermiane, preached vehemently: "It is better to remain within the assigned 
limits ; to transgress them may ruin many and will help none." A clear con- 
trast was made between the reigning emperor and his predecessor Marcianus: 
" Never has the pious and good emperor believed that he, a layman, can repeal 
with impunity that on which the holy fathers have decided in matters of faith." 
Gentle measures and force were alike unable to restore the unity of the Church. 
The clever and marvellously far-seeing Empress Theodora recognised more clearly 
than Justinian himself that the roots of Byzantine strength lay in the East ; but 
the interference of Ptome had prevented any abandonment of the resolutions of 
Chalcedoii (cf. p. 38), and the violent measures taken against the Monophysites 
in Alexandria could not be counterbalanced by the most subtly devised diplomatic 
revival of the old Henotikon (p. 33). This was Justinian's most serious mistake. 
Provinces which were, both in politics and in culture, the most important supports 
of Byzantium were compelled to leave the Church ; and the overtures which he 

Probably Chinese East Turkestan, Khotan ; cf. Vol. II, p. 146. 


made to them, though sufficient to incense the West, were insufficient to appease 
their dissatisfaction. 

The military energy of Justinian attained no definite results, and the frittering 
away of his forces in ambitious efforts entailed heavy loss. But the importance of 
Justinian's reign lies in other fields. The true function of the Byzantine Empire, 
as the focus of Western and Eastern intellectual powers, was largely his crea- 
tion. The art of Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt blended on Byzantine soil into one 
uniform whole. Western law, reconciled with Christianity, spread over the world 
and prevented reactionary legislation. The political constitution of Roman times 
was extended and improved until it embraced all spheres of human activity. The 
splendour of an Oriental court spread its brilliancy over the throne. The theo- 
logical disputes of the world, in which the last remnant of liberty of thought had 
taken refuge, were decided by the secular sovereign himself ; but here he encour- 
aged the separation of West from East. With Justinian, Byzantium attains her 
position as the home of old traditions and the foremost civilized power, a position 
she maintained for centuries. 

(c) The Writing of History in the Age of Justinian. Procopius of Csesarea 
(490-563) is not only invaluable as the historian of the Justinian age, but in 
his mixture of irreconcilable elements is an admirable illustration of Byzantine 
degeneracy. A native of Greek Syria, he showed a thorough receptivity of Greek 
culture, only betraying in his language that he had been educated on the outskirts 
of the Hellenic world. A sceptic towards Christianity, he lived in an artificially 
archaic superstition, cherishing the ideas of Herodotus about dreams and portents. 
He was impressed with the grandeur of the Eoman world and the necessity of rul- 
ing it by law ; he wished to keep up the old ordinances and to place more power 
in the hands of the upper classes. He therefore hated the barbarian on the throne, 
Justinian (in contrast with Anastasius the Roman), who ruled according to his 
own caprice, subverted old ordinances, and in his legislation gave preference to 
the lower strata of the population (of. p. 40). Classical antiquity (Herodotus, 
Thucydides, Polybius) lived anew in this vigorous Syrian author. He far excelled 
his ancient models both in the variety of the sources which he used, and in his 
ethnographical studies, which had become indispensable for the mixed population 
of Byzantium. His " History of the Wars " 1 is based on extensive inquiries and the 
personal experience which he had acquired as private secretary (after 527) and 
after 533 as assessor (-Tra'peS/jo?) of Belisarius. His "Secret History" com- 
posed in 550 agrees mainly with the " History of the Wars," although he relates 
in it everything which his hatred of Justinian and Theodora suggests, and all that 
the vulgar gossip of the court offers him, on the model of Suetonius. He disclosed 
no new facts, but insinuated everywhere the meanest motives. The treatise on the 
buildings of Justinian, written certainly by order of the emperor (560), contains 
such highly coloured praise of Justinian, that we may fairly suspect the author of 
an ironical intention. The book, which caused great satisfaction, brought him the 
prefecture of Constantinople. 

Menander, who was intended to study jurisprudence, had begun at an early 
age to lead a desultory existence, and to devote his attention to the disputes of the 

1 In eight books, begun 545-546, the first two books completed and published in 550 and the eightk 
in 553-554. 


factions in the theatre and the dances of the pantomimes, such as he describes in 
his splendid preface. It was only on the accession of the emperor Mauritius, the 
guardian of his people and the muses, that Menander began to realise his own 
powers and to write his history, treating the period 558-582 ; he conveys impor- 
tant information, especially about the embassies of Zemarchus to the Turks. 
Nevertheless, he did not think he could afford to challenge comparison with the 
brilliance of Procopius. His descriptions are plain and unadorned but excellent. 
How vivid, for example, is his picture of the three tents in which Zemarchus 
(Zimarch; Vol. II, p. 159) dined on three successive days: the walls hung with 
bright silken tapestry, holy relics in various forms, golden vessels, the Turkish 
ruler on a golden couch supported by four gilded peacocks, silver figures of animals 
on his chariot, in no respect inferior to the Byzantine. Menander's special merits 
lie in his love for painting miniatures and his comprehension of great events. 

The poet Agathias of yEolis felt himself to be in his historical works (552- 
558) the successor of Procopius as an artistic exponent of current history and the 
ancient historical style. Quite different was the position of John Malalas, who 
addressed the mass of the people in his " Universal Chronicle " (reaching to 565, 
perhaps 574), and produced the greatest effect by a popular work of the first rank 
composed in a homely Greek dialect. Not merely his Syrian countrymen (the 
Johns of Ephesus and Antioch, of Nikiu and of Damascus), but also the Greek 
historians (the author of the " Easter Chronicle," Theophanes, Georgius Monachus, 
Cedrenus indirectly), and even Slavs (to whom the presbyter Gregory gave a 
translation in 900) and Georgians made use of this invaluable monument of 
Byzantine popular wit. 

It is important, not merely from the critical standpoint, to indicate these sources 
for the history of Justinian's age; they give us a full picture of the intellec- 
tual movement of the time, in which the higher intellectual classes still appear 
as patrons and guardians of all classical treasures, but also of a time when the 
masses in the modern sense, with fresh life pulsing through their veins, struggle 
for their share in culture, and create their own homely picture of the world in a 
Greek language which had assimilated Latin and Oriental elements. Thus the 
" motionless " Byzantine life must be relegated henceforth to the sphere of his- 
torical fable no less than the " unchanging " character of Egypt and China. 

(<i) From Justinus II to PJwcas (565-610}. Neither the nephew of Jus- 
tinian, Justinus II (565-578), whom the senators proclaimed as his successor, nor 
Tiberius (578-582), the captain of the palace guard, who, at the recommendation 
of the empress Sophia, was raised to be co-regent in the lifetime of Justin, could 
continue on an equal scale Justinian's dream of empire. Tiberius was the first 
genuine Greek to mount the Byzantine throne, which, since the overthrow of 
dynastic hereditary succession, leaving out of consideration the Isaurian Zeno I, 
had been occupied by Romanised barbarians of the Balkan peninsula. This is a 
significant event ; it illustrates the growing importance within the empire of the 
Greek nationality. This nationalist movement is traditionally connected with the 
emphasis laid by Mauritius on the use of Greek as the political language. 

Justin, it is true, refused to pay tribute to the Avars (Vol. II, p. 157), a people 
who, after entering Upper Hungary through Galicia, had occupied in lazygia, 
between the Theiss and the Danube, the homes of the Gepida?, in Pannonia those 

46 HISTORY OP THE WORLD [chapter i 

of the Lombards ; and who exercised a suzerainty over Bohemia, Moravia, Galicia, 
and later over Moldavia and Wallachia. But after the loss of Sirmiurn in 581 the 
northern districts were lost for Byzantium. The Lombards, in a rapid victorious 
progress, conquered in Italy during the year 568 Forum Julii, Viceuza, Verona, and 
all Venetia with the exception of the coast. The next years saw piece after piece 
of the Byzantine dominion in Italy crumble away: in 569, Liguria and Milan 
(without the coast and Ticinum), and Cisalpine Gaul ; 570-572, Toscana, Spole- 
tum, Beneventuni, Ticinum, and the future capital Pavia; 579, Classis. These 
Lombards, behaving otherwise than the East Goths, broke with the old traditions 
of the empire ; they did not recognise the Byzantine suzerainty, and founded an 
entirely Germanic State on Eoman soil, so that in these years the West Eoman 
Empire was more completely destroyed than in the traditional year 476. On the 
scene of war in Persia alone did the year 581, so disastrous for Byzantine power 
in Europe, bring a victory to Constantine, the defeat of the Persians under Tam- 
khusrau at TeM d' Manzalat (Constantine). 

In the first half of the sixth century a new and powerful empire had been 
formed in the East, with which Byzantium was bound to cultivate good rela- 
tions, the empire of the Turks. The name of the Turks first occurs in an 
inscription of 732 A. D. 1 This inscription was set up by a Chinese emperor in 
honour of a Turkish prince ; but outlying fragments of the Turkish race, as early 
as the fourth century B. c., at the time of Alexander's Scythian campaign, can be 
traced on the Jaxartes, where the brother of King Karthasis simply bears the 
Turkish designation kardashi (= his brother) ; in fact, the main body of the Turks 
was known to the Greeks of the seventh century B. c. by caravan intelligence, as the 
report of Aristeas of Proconnesus shows (cf. Vol. II, p. 136 ct seq. ; Vol. IV, p. 273). 
The branch of the Turks which then became powerful was connected with the Hiung 
nu (cf. Vol. II, p. 139) ; its home in the sixth century A. D. was the east coast of the 
Chinese province Kansu, near the southern Golden Mountains. The embassy of a 
Turkish vassal (Maniak) came to Byzantium (cf. Vol. II, p. 159) ; in 568 and 576 
Greek envoys stayed at the court of the chief of the northern Turks, Dizabul (or 
Silzibul ; Chinese, Ti teu pu li), at the foot of the northern Golden Mountains (the 
Altai), and concluded a treaty with them. Menander furnishes a detailed account of 
these embassies and of the ensuing treaties, which gave the Byzantine Empire a 
good base in Central Asia. 

Mauricius (582-602), the victorious general of the Persian war, became also the 
successor of Tiberius. He was of Greco-Cappadocian birth (nominally of an old 
Eoman stock). A second Persian war brought many successes in the field, 2 but 
disappointing terms of peace (591). Mauricius, who himself had risen to the 
throne by a military career, must have seen the difficulties which beset the Byzan- 
tine provinces of Italy and Africa from the separation of the military and the 
civil powers. Thus the military governors of these two provinces (mayistri mili- 
tum per Italiam and per Africam) were granted the new and magnificent title of 
exarch, 3 coupled with extraordinary powers. The creation of exarchs was the 

1 ITeikel found this (1890) in Mongolia in the valley of the upper Orchon, and Thomsen deciphered 
it ; cf. Vol. II, pp. 136 and 158. 

2 Victory of Philippicns over the Cardarigan Ormaz IV at Solachon, 586, death of Maruz&s at Mar- 
tyropolis, 588, and of Nebodes there in 590. 

8 The title "exarch of Italy" occurs for the first time in a letter of Pope Pelagius II, 584, "exarch 
of Africa " first in a letter of Gregory I, 591. 


starting point for the further organisation of the military provinces (Themen ; cf. 
p. 63). 

Mauricius, on the other hand, was not in a position to protect the northern 
frontier of the Balkan peninsula, which Avars and Slavs continually inundated. 
Not only did the North become completely Slavonic, but invading Slavonic hordes 
settled even in Greece, who were not, it is true, so numerous that, as Jakob 
Eallrnerayer (1790-1861) would maintain, 1 they completely swamped the descend- 
ants of the old Hellenes and created a Slavonic Greece ; but a considerable inter- 
mixture of races can be proved. The Slavs undoubtedly were the ruling power 
in Greece during the years 588-705. Hellenism was still more driven into the 
background in consequence of the plague of 746-747 ; as the emperor Constan- 
tiuus VII Porphyrogennetus says, " The whole country (Hellas) became Slavonic 
and barbarian." 2 We have weighty testimony for this change. (1) John of 
Ephesus (585), who for the years 577-582 relates of the Slavs: "They ruled the 
country and lived in it as independently as in their own. This state of things 
lasted four years, so long as the emperor was at war with the Persians (until 582). 
In this way they obtained a free hand in the country, so far as God allowed them. 
They are still quietly settled in the Roman provinces, without fear or anxiety, 
plundering, murdering, burning; they have become rich, they possess gold and 
silver, herds of horses, abundance of weapons, and have learnt the art of war bet- 
ter than the Romans." (2) The " Chronicle of the City of Monembasia " (now in 
Lampros' 'laTopifca ^\r^/j,ara, Athens, 1884), which gives a good picture of the 
Slavish rule from 588-705, and of the small Byzantine remnant, governed by a 
strategus, still left on the east coast of the Peloponnese. (3) The Travels of 
Wilibald of Eichstatt, from the years 723-728, in his life composed by the Nun of 
Heidenheim, where Monembasia in the land of the Slavs is mentioned (Mona- 
fasiam in Slavinica terra). In addition to this evidence leaving out of consid- 
eration the place-names, which, in case of districts, rivers, and mountains, show 
the existence of much Slavonic property by the side of Hellenic we have the 
accounts of the ecclesiastical historian Evagrius of Epiphania (circa 593), who 
records a devastation of the whole of Hellas by the Slavs ; of Menander ; of Thomas 
the Presbyter of Emesa, according to whom the Slavs in 623 attacked Crete and 
the Greek islands; and lastly, the collections of miracles of St. Demetrius of 
Thessalonica. There are exact accounts of the names of the Slavonic tribes which 
took part in the invasion of 581 (not merely in that of 676) : the Drogubites 
(Dragowici), Sagulates (according to the manuscript, Sagudates), Belegezetes 
( Velegostici ; cf. " Velestino " in Thessaly), Baiunetes (Vojnici), Verzetes (Vurzaci), 
Runchini, Strumani. These tribes later withdrew to Russian territory. We find the 
Drogubites in the time of John Cameniates (circa 904) still round Thessalonica, 
and in the time of Constantine Porphyrogennetus as tributaries of the prince of 

1 Fallmerayer relied for his theory of a complete extirpation of Hellenes in Greece by Slavs on the 
fragments of Athenean history from the Anargyren monastery, where he alleged it ran that "Athens lay 

waste for some four hundred years " (8ta TerpaKoalovs ffxeSbv xpovovs}. When the fragments were published 
it was shown that the words ran "for three years " (Stct, rpeis crxe56j/ xp^vovs), and, according to the correct 
application of the account, it refers to the years 1688-1691! Finally, the fragments have been carefully 
edited in our century, notably by Pittacis, and represent an extract from the equally modern Chronicle 
of Anthimus. Thus, thanks to Karl Hopf, the assertion of a four hundred years' desolation of Athens 
and the complete extirpation of Hellenism is now quite untenable. 
2 t<r6\apc&()7i Tracra ^ x&pa Kal ytyove pdpfiapos. 

48 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

Kiev. In the time of Nestor, who still knew that they had once formed an inde- 
pendent State, they dwelt between Pripiet and Dlina. The Sagulates appear still 
later in the country of Thessalonica. The Belegezetes inhabited Thessalian Thebes 
and Demetrias, and were industrious agriculturists. The Baiunetes are inhabitants 
of the country of Baina (Varna), near the town of Eadowich in Macedonia ; kin- 
dred names appear also in Eussia (district of Vojnici). The region of Verzetia, in 
Macedonia or Thessaly, over which in 799 a prince Akamir reigned, is called after 
the Verzetes. The Eunchiui dwell on a tributary of the Strymon, the Strumani on 
the main river. Thus there is a considerable list of settled Slavonic tribes in the 
north of Greece. In the Peloponnese we know of the Milenzi (Mi\rjjyoi) and 
Jezerzi ('Efvpmu) on the Eurotas; the Maniazi (Maivwrai) in the southern 

The capabilities of the Slavs had been already recognised by Justinian in his 
military appointments. Dobrogost was in 555 at the head of the Pontic fleet ; in 
575 Onogost became a patrician. Priscus, the conqueror of the Slavs, who 
defeated the general Eadgost and took captive King Muzok in 593, availed him- 
self of the Slav Tatimir to convey the prisoners. A Slav, Nicetas (766-780), 
mounted the patriarchal throne of Constantinople ; descent from a distinguished 
Slavonic family in the Peloponnese is ascribed to the father-in-law of Christopher, 
son of the emperor Eomanus I Lacapenus ; but the Slavonic descent of the Arme- 
nian emperor Basilius, asserted by the Arab Hansa, is obviously as incorrect as 
the fable of the "Slav" Justinian related by Theophilus. 

We must see in these expeditions of the Avars and Slavs a true national 
migration which flows and ebbs. Capable generals, like Priscus, inflicted heavy 
reverses on both nations ; but on one occasion only the outbreak of pestilence in 
the Avar camp saved Constantinople, and the demands made on the army increased 
enormously. It mutinied and raised to the throne the centurion Phocas (602-610), 
who put Mauricius and his five sons to death. But this arrogance of the army 
led to popular risings, especially in the native country of the emperor, Anatolia 
and Cilicia, then in Palestine, Syria, Egypt, and above all among the Monophysites. 
The Persians attempted to avenge Mauricius, and a peace with the Avars had to 
be concluded at any price. But the Byzantine standard of government had long 
been too high to tolerate permanently on the imperial throne an incapable officer 
of low rank who dealt with insurrections in the most merciless fashion. Priscus, 
the general, allied himself with the exarch Heracleius of Africa, and the latter 
became emperor. The age of Justinian had ended in murders ; the dissolution of 
the empire would soon have followed had not the sword rescued it. 


CONSTANTINOPLE (= Byzantium = New Eome) was, like Old Eome, divided into 
fourteen districts ; even the seven hills could, to the satisfaction of some Byzantine 
students of history, be rediscovered, if required, by the exercise of some imagination 
within the limits of Constantinople itself. The old patrician families, who had 
lived on the Bosphorus since the days of Constantine, might, as regards the games 
in the circus, which were accurately copied, cherish the belief that no alterations 
had been made in the customs of Old Eome. The military system, the strength 
and pride of the Eomans at a time when the army no longer consisted of Italians, 


or even of subjects of the empire, still remained Roman at Byzantium. The only dif- 
ference was that in the seventh century the word of command became Greek ; and 
in this connection the old word " Hellenic " might no longer be employed, having 
degenerated into the meaning of " pagan." The old traditions of the Roman Senate, 
extolled more than five hundred years before by eloquent Hellenic lips (Cineas) as 
an assembly of kings, were cherished in the New Rome. The East Roman Senate 
preserved a scanty remnant of the sovereign power, since it claimed the formal 
right of ratifying a new emperor. The political ideal of the Byzantine Empire was 
Roman, only diluted into an abstraction by a tinge of cosmopolitanism. Huns, 
Armenians, Khazars, Bulgarians, and Persians were employed in the army. The 
employment of such mercenaries and constant later intercourse with the govern- 
ments of Arabia and Persia, helped largely to give the Byzantine Empire in intel- 
lectual and ethical respects the stamp of an Oriental empire. Not merely that 
the imperial office was conceived as a mystery, which might only come into 
publicity on extraordinary occasions amid the most splendid and most ridiculous 
pomp even the Western feeling of personal dignity slowly died away, and 
occasional corporal punishment was quite consistent with the exalted position 
of the Byzantine nobles. The stiffness and pedantry of the State based on class 
and caste, in the form which Diocletian had given it, had precluded any new 
stimulus from below. The upper classes would have remained in the ruts worn 
deep by the lapse of centuries, devoid of every powerful incentive, had not relig- 
ious disputes offered opportunities for the assertion of personal opinion, while the 
intrusion of Oriental influences, the revival of Oriental ideas on art and law, caused 
an agitation like bubbling springs in standing pools. 

Not merely did the Asiatic governors possess a higher rank than the European ; 
even Orientals, especially Armenians, acquired an ever increasing importance at 
court and in the army. Amongst the leaders of the latter, Manuel (under the empe- 
rors Theophilus and Michael III) and John Kurkuas (940-942, commander-in-chief 
against the Arabs, "the second Trajan") are especially famous. Even the pearl 
diadem of the East Roman emperors repeatedly adorned the brows of Armenians 
(Bardanes [Philippicus], Artavasdes [f 743], Leo V, Basilius I, Romamis Laca- 
penus, John I Tzimisces), and once fell to an Arab (Nicephorus I). A grand- 
daughter of Romanus I married in 927 the Czar Peter of Bulgaria. The Ducas 
family and the Comneni prided themselves on their relationship to the Czar 
Samuel of West Bulgaria, an Oriental in spite of his European home. 1 In the 

1 Shishinan, chief in West Bulgaria, 963 

David Samuel, Czar of West Bulg. (t 1014) Aaron 

Ducaa Gabriel (t 1015) Trojan John Vladislaw Alusian Manuel Eroticus Comnenus 

| 1 Peter Delian 

Constantine X, John Ducas (1041, blinded) 
Ducas (t 1067) Csesar 

= Eudocia 


Aaron Catherina Isaac I Comnenus (1057-59) John = Anna Dalassena 

(1048) | I I 

Manuel Isaac Alexius Comnenus Comnena 

Michael VII Andronicus Ducas Maria (fl071) 1081-1118 = Nicephorus 

(1071-78) | | Melissenus 

Irene Dukaina 1077 

John II Comnenus Isaac Anna Coranena (t after 1143) 

1118-43 = Nicephorus Bryennius 

Andronicus I (1183-85) 

= Agues of France 
VOL. V 4 


veins of the empress Irene, after 732, wife of Constantino V, there flowed Finnish 
blood ; she was the daughter of the chief (Khakhan) of the Khazars. The khan 
of the Bulgarians was made, under Justinian II (f 711), a patrician of the empire, 
as was a Persian of the royal house of the Sassanids. The Byzantine general. 
with whose battles the shores of the Black Sea echoed, and whose glory an epic 
of the tenth centuiy rapturously extols, Basilius Digenis Acritus, was son of the 
Arabian Emir All of Edessa by a Greek wife. The family of the Arabian Emir 
Anemas in Crete was in the service of John Tzimisces, while George Mauiaces, 
who reconquered Sicily (1038), bears a Turkish name. 

In order to obtain an idea of the strange mixture of Oriental and "Western life, 
let us consider the appearance which Constantinople itself would present to a 
stranger in the time of the emperor Justinian. 

As we skim over the glittering water of the Bosphorus in a Byzantine dromond, 
we see, rising above the gentle slope of the Nicomedean hills, the snowy peaks 
of the Bithynian Olympus, a fitting symbol of Asia. But on our left hand the 
mighty capital with its palaces and domes enchains the eye. 1 From behind the 
strong ramparts which guard the shores, between the long stretch of the hip- 
podrome and the various blocks of the palace, Hagia Sophia towers up, its metal- 
covered cupolas glittering like gold in the sunlight. In the gulf of the Golden 
Horn, our boat threads its course through hundreds of dromonds and smaller 
vessels ; when safely landed, we must force our way through the motley crowd, 
and reach the church of St. Sophia through a seething mass of loose-trousered 
turbaned Bulgarians, yellow and grim-faced Huns, and Persians with tall sheep- 
skin caps. Forty windows pour floods of light on the interior of the church ; the 
sunbeams irradiate columns gorgeous with jasper, porphyry, alabaster, and marble ; 
they play over surfaces inlaid with mother-of-pearl ; they are reflected from the 
rich golden brilliance of the mosaics in a thousand gleams and flashes. 2 The 
want of repose in the ornamentation, the deficiency of plastic feeling, and the 
prominence which is consequently given to coloured surfaces are emphatically 
Oriental; not less so are the capitals of the pillars, stone cubes overlaid with 
ornament, in which we must see a reversion to the traditions of Syro-Phoenician 
art, and the pattern of the mosaics, where the after-effect of a style originally 
Chinese, and later Perso-Syrian, is seen in the network of lozenges. 

A walk round Constantinople confirms this impression. By the side of the 
golden throne of Theodosius huge Egyptian pylons tower up; we pass by immense 
water-tanks constructed in the Syrian fashion and glance at the columned cisterns. 
which are of Egyptian origin. If we enter the house of a noble we find the floor, 
according to the immemorial tradition of the East, paved with glazed tiles ; the 
furniture covered, so far as possible, with heavy gold-leaf a revival of Assyrian 
fashions, which through Byzantine influence reached even the court of Charles 
the Great (Charlemagne; cf. p. 61). We notice on the silk tapestries and carpets 
strange designs of animals, whose childishly fantastic shapes might be found in 
the Farthest East. The products of the goldsmith's craft, pierced and filled with 
transparent enamel, point also to Oriental traditions, no less than the extravagant 
splendour of the nobles and their wives who inhabit these rooms. Gold, precious 

1 See the illustration of " Constantinople shortly before and shortly after its Capture by the Turks" 
in Chapter II. 

2 See the explanation of the picture "The Enthroned Christ," Vol. IV, p. 202. 



stones, or transparent enamel glitter on the long tunics of the men, on their richly 
ornamented chlamydcs and even on their shoes, while their swords are damas- 
cened in the primitive Assyrian fashion. The ample robes of the women are 
thickly covered with embroidery ; broad sashes encircle their waists, while narrow 
embroidered capes hang down from their shoulders. These fashions recur at the 
court of the later Carlovingians, who are only shown to be Germans by the 
fashion in which they dress their hair. 

The immense imperial palace is a city in itself, a city of marvels. The inhab- 
itant of the rustic West who visited the Caesars of the East were amazed, as if the 
fables of the East had come to life. The golden spear-heads of the body-guard 
carry us back in thought to the old Persian court (see the picture on page 146 of 
Vol. Ill) ; the splendid colours of their robes are borrowed from the East. A 
mysterious movement announces some great event : the clang of the golden bell 
and the deep-toned chant of the priests herald the entry of the Basileus. If an 
envoy was admitted to an audience in the imperial hall, his eye would be caught 
by another relic of the Persian court, the golden plane-tree, which rose high into 
the air behind the throne ; artificial birds fluttered and chirruped, golden lions 
roared round the throne ; in the midst of all that bewildering splendour sits 
immovable a figure, almost lost in costly robes, studded with gold and jewels, 
more a picture, a principle, or an abstraction than a man, the emperor. Every 
one prostrates himself at the sovereign's feet, in the traditional Eastern form of 
adoration, the proslcyncsis. The throne slowly moves upwards and seems to float 
in the air. Western sovereignty had never before attempted so to intoxicate the 
senses; the gorgeous colouring and vivid imagination of the East (see explanation 
to illustration, Vol. Ill, p. 288) were enlisted in the cause of despotism. If we 
go out into the street again we hear a stroller singing a ballad which the populace 
has composed on the emperor in Oriental fashion. 

This composite art of Byzantium thus represents a decomposition of the Greco- 
Eoman style into its original Asiatic elements, and a fuller development of these 
in a congenial soil. The wonderful Greek sense of form was gone, and the style 
of the Eoman Empire had disappeared, if it ever existed ; the concealment and 
covering of the surfaces, the Oriental style of embroidery and metal plates, had 
become the Byzantine ideal. 

In other respects also the intellectual life shows effeminate and Eastern traits. 
The authors make their heroes and heroines burst into tears or fall into fainting 
fits with an unpleasing effeminacy and emotionality, only explicable by Oriental 
influences. Not only the novelists but even the historians, with that lavish waste 
of time peculiar to the Oriental, describe their personages in the minutest and most 
superfluous detail. This habit of elaborate personal descriptions was a tradition 
of Greco-Egyptian style, due to the same craving for the perpetuation of the indi- 
vidual which produced mummy portraits on the coffins of the dead, and caused 
wills to be adorned with the testator's picture. In the domain of beMes lettres the 
fable and the adventurous travel-romance of the Indians were interwoven with 
late Greek love stories, so that motifs which first appear in Indian fables spread 
thence to the West, where they can be traced down to Boccaccio's Decameron. 
Byzantine architecture shows close dependence on the Arabian models. The 
emperor Theophilus (829-842) had his summer palace built at the advice of John 
Grammaticus, who was well acquainted with the Arabs, on the model of the 


Caliph's palace at Bagdad, while in the palace of Hebdomon the decoration of 
the Arabs was imitated. 

Foreign words found their way in numbers into the Greek language, often 
denoting Oriental commodities. The Arabic names for beer (</>oi;/c/ca<?), for fortune- 
telling books (pdfj,7r\iov, Arabic rami), for a wick ($ar\iov, Arabic fatila), for 
safety (afjiavdrrj, Arabic amanat), were adopted at this time. With the Persian 
imperial mantle for the coronation (Mandiya) and the ordinary imperial mantle 
(Skaramangion), the Persian names were also borrowed, although the name for 
the pearl diadem, which Arsacids and Sassanids had also worn, does not appear. 

The West faded out of the Byzantine range of vision, while the nations of the 
East attracted more attention. Procopius of Caesarea (f 563) relates strange 
notions as to the appearance of Britain.- When the Book of Ceremonies, which 
treats of the procedure with foreign rulers, mentions the princes of Bavaria and 
Saxony, it states that the country of the Niemetz belongs to them. Little more 
was known of the Germans in 900 than the name given them by Magyars and 
Slavs, and the ambassador of the emperor Otto I sat at table in the Byzantine court 
below the Bulgarian ambassador. The Eastern countries, on the other hand, came 
more and more clearly into view. The historian Theophylactus Simocattes drew 
in 620, presumably through the good offices of the Turks (instructed by the letter 
of the khan of the Turks to the emperor Mauricius, which envoys had brought to 
Byzantium in 598), an able sketch of China, congratulated the Chinese, in refer- 
ence to the Byzantine disputes as to the succession, on being ignorant of such 
matters, and spoke enthusiastically of Chinese law, praising especially the rule 
which forbade men to wear gold or silver. The legend that Alexander the Great 
was the founder of the two largest Chinese cities appears also in his writings. 

Thus the new influences which now came into play had long existed in the 
lower strata of Oriental society, or had their origin in Oriental spheres outside 
Byzantine national life. Whether or not this Byzantine civilization should, there- 
fore, be termed a mixed civilization, it had at any rate so much vitality that it 
exercised on other civilizations, in the East and the West, an influence as great 
as had been that of the mixed civilization of Phoenicia and Nearer Asia ; the civi- 
lization of Syria, locally more independent, played the part of a broker between 
the East and the West. 


WHILE the southern provinces of the Byzantine Empire maintained in general a 
brisk intercourse with the East (the enthusiastic East-Roman patriot Cosmas Indi- 
copleustes journeyed from Egypt to India, which he described in vivid colours), 
Syria especially offered a jardin d'acclimatation for Western and Eastern sugges- 
tions and ideas, and continued to do so, even after the Byzantine dominion was 
destroyed in 640 and the Arabs took over the country (Vol. Ill, p. 303). Greco- 
Roman culture had been completely victorious there under the Roman Empire ; the 
sound of the old Aramaic national language was only heard in isolated villages. 
Christianity, as a genuinely democratic power, had adopted the discarded language 
of the mother country and the people, and soon raised it to the rank of a uni- 
versal language. The achievements of Greek intellectual life were translated into 


Syro-Greek writers, whom we can with difficulty classify as true Syrians (with 
rights of voting as Byzantines), as Syrians of a stock which had long been Grecised, 
and as Greeks of old descent, stand in the forefront of the intellectual life of 
Byzantium. Komanus the Melode (circa 500), the most celebrated hymn-writer 
of Middle Greek literature, was a native of Syria. That country produced numer- 
ous historians : Procopius of Coesarea ; John of Epiphanea, who knew Persia thor- 
oughly; Evagrius Scholasticus (circa 600); John Malalas (Syrian malal = rhetor], 
for whom, although Byzantium was the political capital, Antioch was always the 
intellectual focus ; and John of Antioch. In the domain of grammar, the versatile 
John Philoponus of Csesarea, Sergius of Emesa, the zoologist, and Timotheus of 
Gaza were busily occupied. Ae'tius of Amida, in Mesopotamia, subsequently impe- 
rial body-physician, belonged to the same race, although he is said to have begun 
the study of the ancient physicians at Alexandria. His nearest countryman, 
Ephraiin (306-373), heads the list of Syrian dogmatic theologians, to whom, 
amongst others, Anastasius, a native of Palestine by birth, belongs as a " precursor 
of scholasticism" labouring in Syria. Ecclesiastical interests are further repre- 
sented in the domain of epexegesis by Procopius of Gaza; under this head are 
counted the friends of the historian Evagrius, Symeon Stylites the ascetic (t 460), 
with his glorification of the monastic life, and the ecclesiastical orator Gregory, 
patriarch of Antioch. Syria thus played a part in early Byzantine literature 
which was altogether disproportionate to the number of her inhabitants. 

Aristotle was introduced into the schools and expounded ; the philosophy of 
Pythagoras and Plato and the sonorous eloquence of pseudo-Isocratean speeches 
were once more subjects of study; the physician Sergius of Ks'a-in (|536) did 
especial service in this department. Later writers also (such as Severus of Anti- 
och, John Philoponus, Porphyrius, Sextus Julius Africanus, Eusebius, the Apology 
of Aristides) were translated ; Persian works (" Qelilag and Damnag," " The Fable 
of Barlaam and Josaphat;" cf. below, p. 55) and Hebrew writings were brought 
within the scope of Syrian studies. Legends, such as the Invention of the Cross, 
the Seven Sleepers, and the Baptism of Constantine come from this source. Some 
" Episodes from the Lives of Saintly Women " were written on the pages of a gospel 
in Old Syrian. The last story among them contains the temptation of Yasta of 
Antioch by the scholastic Aglaidas, who, after his suit had been rejected, applied 
to the magician Cyprianus. The latter is bound, by a compact signed in blood, to a 
demon, who now undertakes to win over the maiden, but has to acknowledge him- 
self defeated before the sign of the cross. Cyprianus, convinced of the inefficiency 
of self-acquired wisdom, and impelled by his thirst for truth, then abjures all magic. 
This legend of Cyprianus, which certainly arose on Syrian soil, has become impor- 
tant for the West in many ways through the effect of the Faust-legend and of the 
material which lies at the bottom of Pedro Calderon's " Magico Prodigioso." 

Syria again was successful in propagating her own culture far to the east and 
west. Syrian Christians were settled on the coasts of India, on the Himalayas, 
and in Ceylon, and exercised a deeply felt influence on India. Memories of it are 
echoed in the Indian epic Mahabharata ; the legends of the birth of the demigod 
Krishna and of his persecution by Kansa, the Avataras system (Vol. II, p. 410), 
probably an imitation of the Christian dogma of Christ's descent to earth, and the; 
adoration of Krishna's mother, Dewaki, are speaking proofs of it ; while the appear- 
ance of the Greek astronomer Ptolemy as Demon (Asura) Maya and the numerous 


technical terms in Indian astronomy can only be explained from the connection 
with Alexandria. Whether the Syrian Christians of India really maintained so 
close an intercourse with the West that King Alfred of England could send them 
an embassy is still a moot point. 

Syrian missionaries penetrated into the mysterious highlands of Central Asia. 
When China was ruled by the great emperor Tai Tsung (627-649 ; cf. Vol. II, 
p. 84), before whose command Northern India bowed, whose help Persia implored 
( Yesdigerd III, 638, against the Arabs ; cf. Vol. Ill, p. 303), enthusiastic Syrian 
missionaries appeared there. A tablet, composed (781) in Chinese but containing 
some lines of Syriac, which was found in 1625 at the famous Si ngan fu (Khubdau 
in Theophylactus Simocattes), testifies both to the religious zeal of the Syrians and 
to the tolerance of the Chinese emperor, who had ordered the translation and cir- 
culation of the Scriptures, and had commanded a church of the pure faith to be 
built. " Righteous doctrines have no fixed name ; holy men have no fixed abode ; 
each locality has its own doctrines ; and the aim of all is to disseminate happi- 
ness. The most excellent Alapenn (Olopon) from the empire of Ta tsin (the 
Asiatic provinces of the Eoman Empire) has brought hither his sacred books and 
images from that distant country, and presented them to our capital and royal city. 
After having tested the doctrines of this religion, we find it thoroughly excellent 
and natural ... it is salutary for all creatures, it is excellent for mankind." Thus 
the supposed political embassy of the Byzantine regents to China during the 
minority of Constans II (circa 642) turns out to be nothing more than a mission 
sent by the Syrian Nestorians. 

Syrian sepulchral inscriptions were disinterred in 1885 from the soil of the 
steppes of Turkestan in the vicinity of Issik kul (Vol. IV, p. 213). Just as man in 
the earliest times paid reverence to the tombs, in order to rescue from oblivion the 
memory of his dear ones and to form some bond between the existence he knew 
and the mysterious world beyond the grave, so even the poor Turks of Semirjetchje 
have since the ninth century utilised the Syrian language and letters to perpetuate 
the recollection of their departed. From this influential position of the Syrians, 
who, being then in full possession of Western culture, must be claimed also for the 
West, it is plain that the alphabet of the Manchu Uigurians and, through the 
agency of the latter, the alphabet of the Mongols are derived from the Syrian 
script ; the circumstances in particular under which the Syrian-Nestorian script 
came to the Uigurians are well known to us from the monument of Kara 

An equally important rdle was played by the Syrians in the West. Jerome 
had already said, " Their lust for gain drives them over the whole world ; and 
their frenzy for trade goes so far that even now, when barbarians are masters of 
the globe, they seek wealth amid swords and corpses, and conquer poverty by 
risking dangers." As a matter of fact we find Syrians scattered far and wide, not 
only before but also after the fall of the West Eoman Empire. Tyre, the metropo- 
lis of Phoenician commerce as far back as the eleventh century B. c., and now in 
the fifth and sixth centuries A. D. the centre of the silk trade, Sidon and Berytus 
send their merchants especially to Italy (Verona, Piavenna, Naples). Inscriptions 
in various towns prove their existence in the kingdom of the Franks. We find 
Syrians in Narbonne, Bordeaux, Vienne, Lyons, Genay, Besanon, Orleans, Tours, 
La Chapelle Saint-Eloy, Paris. On German soil they appear at Strassburg, Treves, 


Kheinzabern, and in Bavaria ; in England at South Shields. They are the carriers 
of the wine trade and of the Egyptian papyrus trade ; they encouraged horticulture 
and brought plants from their own country, of which only the shallot (a species 
of onion, so called from the name of the town Ascalon) need be mentioned. 
They circulated the silk stuffs manufactured in their own workshops ; these show 
Persian patterns, especially the two horsemen as a centre, but the surfaces are 
lilled up in the Syrian fashion (with vine tendrils, vine branches with ivy leaves 
and grapes), or they chose genuinely Syrian themes (cf. the dress ornament with 
the nymph in the Kaiser-Friedrich Museum at Berlin ; also the reliquary in the 
treasury at Aachen with Syrian ornamentation of the surfaces). Syrian ideas for 
pictorial ornamentation accordingly reached the West. The Gospel-book of Gode- 
skalk (painted between 781 and 783 for Charlemagne) contains a picture, in the 
Syrian style, of the fountain of life, with animals, like the Bible of the Syrian 
monk Nabula produced in 586. Syrians transmitted to the West the story, origi- 
nating in India, of the king's son who takes no pleasure in pomp and show, and, 
chafing at the nameless sorrow with which men's hearts throb, flies into solitude 
in order to atone for himself and mankind by devotion to a new doctrine which 
may redeem the world. In that story of Barlaam and Josaphat Europe possessed 
a sketch of the life of Buddha (Vol. II, p. 390) before it became acquainted with 

It was from Syrian, not Greek, tradition that the West derived the Alexander 
legend. Some main features of the earliest form of the Faust legend may, as 
already stated, be traced back to the Cyprian legends current in Antioch, just as 
a Syrian romance lies at the root of the Julius story in the Kaiserchronik. After 
surveying these rich results of Syrian brokerage we cannot be surprised that 
Syrians were employed by Charlemagne for the revision of the text of the gos- 
pels which he himself had planned. 



(ci) For the East. (a) Byzantine Influences on Arabia. The East Roman 
province of Syria still performed the function of an intermediary, even when Syria 
itself, through the Arabic conquest, no longer recognised the suzerainty of Byzan- 
tium. The Arabs even before this had been subject to the influence of the Greco- 
Byzantine mode of life, especially the Arabs of Khirat (Hira) and G(h)assan (cf. 
Vol. Ill, p. 245). Architects who, if not Greeks, were schooled in the art traditions 
of Greece built on the far side of the Jordan in the territory of Moab, one and a 
half days' journey east from Jericho, the palace of el-Meschetta-(M'schatta) for a 
Sassanid (the sculptures which ornamented the south facade have been, since the 
end of 1903, in the Kaiser-Friedrich Museum at Berlin). The division of the walls 
by zigzag lines in high relief is as non-Semitic as the six-sided or octagonal rosettes 
in the angle spaces. So, too, the vine branches springing from a vase, which rise 
symmetrically upward and display a wealth of leaves, point to the Oriental embroid- 
ery style which was developed in Byzantium. The details correspond as much to 
Old Byzantine models for example, the drums of the pillars in the Tchiniti-kiosk 
as to Middle Byzantine motifs for example, the design on the marble panelr 
ling of the Panagia church at Thebes. But in their strong yet delicate technique 

56 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

the reliefs of el-Meschetta resemble only the Old Byzantine art, and date certainly 
from the fifth or sixth century. The ruin of el-Kastal (Castellum), which lies in 
the neighbourhood, was, according to a trustworthy tradition, built by the Sas- 
sanids ; and a ruin to the east of Damascus (Khyrbet el-Beda) may probably be 
assigned to the same epoch. Just as the Germanic tribes borrowed the expressions 
for building operations (Ziegel, Kalk, Pfeiler, Pforte, and others) from the Romans, 
so conceivably from the employment of Byzantine workmen the Greek word 
for tiles (/cepa/Ais) has passed into Arabic as qirmid, the Greek KWVOS (a cone) has 
become qaunas ; indeed the Greek i/r^(/>o<? (a pebble), which was used to record 
votes, seems to be retained in Arabic as fi^e (whence tafagfaga). Into this close 
intercourse, in which the Byzantines appear as the givers, we gain a vivid insight 
from bilingual and trilingual inscriptions of the period. Southeast of Aleppo in the 
plain of Jebbdl still stand the ruins of a basilica, in which we can recognise the 
usual ground plan, the great central nave, the two side aisles, the apse to the east, 
and the main door to the west. This basilica contains inscriptions in Greek, 
Syrian, and Arabic commemorating the foundation. The Greek inscriptions inform 
us that the church of the Holy Martyr Sergius in Zebed was founded on the 24th 
Gorpiaius (Ilul) of the Seleucid era 823 (that is, on September 29, 512), and cite 
Greek and Semitic names, of which the former are somewhat altered for the worse. 
The Syrian inscription begins : " Praise to the Father, with the Son and the Holy 
Ghost," and recapitulates the history of the foundation : the Arabic inscriptions 
reproduce the Greek word ol/cdvopos by the Arabic word We see, then, 
how every section of the population commemorates the foundation of the church 
in its own language and script, the ruling official class in Greek ; the mass of 
the population in Syrian ; and the Northern Arabs, who had already penetrated this 
region and had been Christianised by the Syrians, in Arabic. The most ancient 
linguistic monument of these Arabs is this inscription of Zebed. Since the fathers 
still bear Semitic names, but their sons actually the name of the martyr Sergius, 
perhaps the work of conversion was then proceeding. Another Greco-Arabic 
inscription from Harr,n in Trachonitis 1 dates from the year 568. 

The Arabs come on to the scene as a completely uncivilized people of the 
desert ; Byzantine trade therefore satisfied their growing needs. For this reason 
they measured with the Greek pound (Greek \irpa = Arabic ritl), and when they 
themselves went among commercial nations they called their warehouses after the 
Greek model (TravBo^lov) Funduk (the word has come back to the West from 
the Arabic in Fondaco}. Oriental fruits were known to them under Greek names : 
the Arabic albarquq, our apricot, comes from the Greek fiepifcovK/ca (originally 
Latin prcecoqua) ; behind the Arabic word for hazelnut, lunduq, is hidden the 
Greek name for its provenance (icdpvov) TTOVTIKOV. Finally the Bedouins called 
the sheet of paper after the Greek name (^apry? = Arabic qirdcis). When, there- 
fore, a great power was formed from the Arab tribes, there is, notwithstanding the 
propagandist zeal of the Arabs, a proof discernible, even in religious relations, of 
the degree to which the Arabs were conscious of this transference of culture. 
Omar prays on the steps of the Church of Constantine in Jerusalem, although he 
declines the invitation of the patriarch Sophronius to perform his devotions in the 
church. The economic and legal systems of the Arabs were strongly influenced 

1 See the map "Western Asia at the Time of the Caliphs," Vol. Ill, p. 332. 


by Byzantium. They employed at Damascus, Baalbeq, Horns, and Tiberias Greek 
coins with the simple imprint of the name of the town. When they minted money 
for themselves, it was struck according to the Greek monetary scale; occasion- 
ally, as in the case of the so-called Heraclean Dinars, with Latin inscriptions. 
They concluded contracts for hire or lease according to the models which Byzan- 
tium gave them, and, according to the Eoman custom, did not release their sons 
from their guardians until they were twenty-five years old. 

If a Byzantine, after the conquest of Syria by the Arabs, looked down from 
the old caravan road on the Anti-Libanus upon the paradise, in which Damascus, a 
vast sea of houses, glittered from amongst a green circle of gardens, he might, at 
the sight of the cupola-crowned mosques, which were still occasionally built by 
Greek architects, and which always retained the cruciform structure, cherish the 
belief that this bright land from the serrated Gebel el-sheikh to the burning 
desert was yet under the dominion of Greece. This idea would be strengthened 
if he went into the plain, and saw Arab troops, armed after Byzantine fashion, 
marching past in Byzantine formation ; if he entered the houses in the town and 
found everywhere replicas of the Eoman gateway (ostium) and the open courtyard 
(atrium); and if, finally, he visited a Syrian harbour, and saw the Arab ships 
built on the model of the Byzantine dromond. 

Greek artists and workmen exerted in many ways this Byzantine influence on 
the Arab empire. Thus, as Abd er-rahman ibn Khaldun (f 1406) records, the 
Khalif Walid received at his own request from the Greek emperor in the first 
decade of the eighth century architects in order to rebuild the church of St. John in 
Damascus ; similarly Greeks were employed to reconstruct the mosque of Medina 
(according to Tabari f 923). Christian (and therefore certainly Greek) architects 
were probably employed on the Kubbet es-Sakhra and on the Jami el-Aksa, which 
in the central portions resemble Justinian's Church of St. Mary. Most remark- 
able, however, is the late and distant influence of Byzantine culture in Spain, where 
Abd ur Eahman III (912-961), according to Makkari (f 1631), employed Byzan- 
tine workmen. This transmitted civilization is especially evident in the shrine of 
the mosque at Cordova (cf. VoL IV, p. 504). The mosaics of this temple, glitter- 
ing with gold and bright colours, were, according to Edrisi (1164-1165), executed 
by Greek workmen whom the emperor had sent from Byzantium. The iron gates 
and the fountains of Cordova, like the bronze fountain of Zahra, are emphatically 
Greek. Byzantine influence extends even to the smaller objects of art ; an Arabic 
casket in the Louvre with an inscription which mentions Almog ueina (a son of 
Abd ur Eahman) certainly shows signs of it. So, too, the Byzantines assisted in 
transmitting Greek science to the Spanish Arabs ; the translation of Dioscurides 
was only carried out by the help which the Byzantines afforded to the Arab 
scholars engaged upon it, and by the co-operation of a Jewish linguist. 

Thus the first movement towards influencing and civilizing the Arab's by Greek 
culture came from Syria and the Syrian nation, and was perhaps continued from 
that city which down to the seventh century may be still regarded as the intel- 
lectual centre of the Byzantine Empire, from Alexandria. In Egypt, the Arabic 
art of ornamentation had adopted the universal elements of the late antique, as 
is shown by the palm frieze, the waving vine shoots, and the acanthus leaf in out- 
line in the Ibn-Tulun mosque at Cairo. Here, too, we may possibly trace local 
influences, and the effect of the late antique tinged with Byzantinism. The cen- 


tral power in Constantinople had often on its own initiative influenced intellectual 
progress ; for example, by the despatch of Byzantine workmen, of whose nationality 
we are unfortunately ignorant. In many cases this transmission of culture was 
only rendered possible through the strong imperial power. 

(/3) Byzantine Influences on Armenia, Just as the influence of Byzantinism 
on the Arabic world came first from Syria, so the Syrian transmission of culture 
paved the way for the influence of Byzantium on Armenia. The main conceptions 
of Western civilization, political imperialism (Armenian kaisr = Kalaap^ and 
religious martyrdom (Armenian maturn = fj.apTvpiov), may have already reached 
the Armenians directly from the sphere of Greek civilization, so that there was an 
early intercourse with Greece in the first three centuries ; but Syria supplied the 
most essential links in the chain. 

The founder of the Armenian Church, G rigor Lusavoric (cf. Vol. IV, p. 217), 
united it to the Syrian ritual, employed, as Moses of Khorene tells us, Syrian 
letters for the Armenian language, and nominated the Syrian David as super- 
intendent of all the bishops. Even when we disallow the alleged Syrian origin 
of the Armenian creed, there remains sufficient to attest the Syrian religious 
influences, since it is dependent on the pseudo-Athanasian creed. Among the 
schools attended by young Armenians, Edessa, owing to its accessibility and its 
splendid library, was given the preference over Constantinople and Alexandria. 
Monasteries and episcopal palaces were founded in Armenia by Syrians; numer- 
ous Syrian writings were translated into Armenian; and Syrian patriarchs stand 
at the head of the Armenian Church, even though not universally recognised ; 
Syrian bishops are found in Armenia down to the sixth century. Art products, 
Syrian miniatures, were introduced into Armenia. The miniatures in the Etch- 
miadsin Gospel-book in the details of the ornamentation (in the employment 
of plants, and of birds on the sides of a vase) as well as in the representation of 
scriptural types (in the Message to Zachariah, the Annunciation, Baptism of 
Christ) are so closely connected with the Syrian Bible of the monk liabula 
of 586, that we must assume an older Syrian copy. 

Both in politics and in culture Armenia was for a long time less closely con- 
nected with Byzantium than with the Byzantine province of Syria. An alliance 
had certainly been concluded in 323 between the founder of Constantinople and 
Khosrow II, the son of Trdat the Great. But Valens soon found it more advan- 
tageous to make common cause with the Persians (Shapur II) against Armenia 
(374). The Armenians, who were subject to Byzantine dominion, may have no 
longer required the Syrian alphabet. But the national union of the Armenian 
people took place under the auspices of Byzantium. A national Armenian alpha- 
bet was designed by the holy Mesrob (f February 19, 441, properly Masthots) in 
Syrian Samosata. Six pupils of the Armenian Catholicus came in 432-433 to Con- 
stantinople, in order to master the Greek language. It is possibly the case that, 
when the Catholicus Sahak (384^-386) wished to collect also the Armenians of the 
West for this national propaganda, a refusal was received from the Byzantine 
governors. The protest of the Catholicus, and the answer of the emperor, who 
had countenanced the acceptance of the Armenian alphabet, are preserved in Moses 
of Khorene, but can hardly be genuine. The consciousness of the necessity for 
a transmission of culture triumphed over conflicting political and religious interests. 


The Armenians borrowed from the Greek almost all their written literature and 
their church music; in recognition of this intellectual dependence, the emperor 
Theodosius II and his all-powerful sister Pulcheria (f 453) gave these zealous 
translators both literary and financial help. 

The Armenian patriarchs were educated in " Greece," that is to say, in Byzan- 
tium. Giut (patriarch from 465-475) emphasises his intellectual dependence on 
Byzantium, whence he obtained his material requirements, such as clothes. It is 
recorded of Nerses III (640-661) that he had been educated in Greece. At least 
two churches and one monastery had been built by Justinian in Armenia, and 
others restored ; and in the post-Justinian era the chief church of Etchmiadsin 
with its cupolas had been erected ; Nerses III even later built a church in the 
vicinity of the town of Walarchapat, of which some pillars are still erect and 
show his monogram. These capitals exhibit the corbel of Justinian's age, but 
Ionic flutings in place of the Byzantine animals, a renaissance, as it were, of older 
Greek ideas in a Byzantine setting. Even towards the middle of the eighth 
century, in a disquisition on the question of admitting images into the churches, 
we find the emphatic statement that, even in the domain of painting, all pro- 
ductions can be traced to the Greeks, " from which source we have everything." 
It is true that national hatred prevailed for centuries between Armenians and 
Greeks, so that under the emperor Heraclius (f 641) the armies would not encamp 
side by side ; and Byzantine proverbs declared that no worse foe existed than an 
Armenian friend, while the talented historian Casia drew an alarming picture of 
the Armenian national character. Yet the influence of Byzantium on Armenian 
literature and architecture, and the importation of images from that source, give 
the keynote to the relations between the two nations. 

Armenian courtiers, Armenian officers, Armenians in the administrative and 
the legislative departments at Byzantium had, by correspondence with their homes 
and their relations, opened a hundred channels through which that higher civiliza- 
tion, as expressed in language, flowed into Armenia. Greek words crowded first into 
the learned language of Armenia ; meteorological phenomena were called by Greek 
names, so, too, were minerals ; mathematics, astronomy, chronology, jurisprudence 
required to borrow words from Greek. Expressions for the business of Church and 
State were to a large extent first adopted by the learned class. But soon popular 
borrowings must have co-operated in that direction, and with the words for man, 
his qualities and occupations, and for the ideas of nature, town, and country, money, 
weights and measures, house and home, dress and ornament, arts and games, a 
strong Greek element was introduced into the Armenian language. 

(7) Byzantine Influences on Caucasia and Persia. Armenian influences first 
brought Byzantine culture nearer to the Caucasian nations ; the Georgians like 
the Bulgarians, Servians, Eussians, Wallachians adopted the Greek church music, 
both vocal and instrumental. The princes of independent tribes were proud of 
Byzantine titles, as, for instance, the prince of the warlike Alani in the Caucasus, 
on whom by the favour of Byzantium the title of Mighty Sovereign was conferred ; 
others were styled Archons. Thus here, too, in the East a wide sphere of Byzan- 
tine influence was created, which was in many ways, not all of them superficial, 
imbued with a higher civilization. 

Notwithstanding the strong inclination of individual Persian kings towards 


Western civilization, the effect on Persia of any special Byzantine, as apart from 
Greek and Komau, influences can as yet hardly be demonstrated. It has, indeed, 
been long observed that the palace of the Sassanids at Ctesiphon, which dates 
from Khosrav I (Vol. Ill, p. 287), as far as the construction of the fagade and 
the mural decoration are concerned, displays the same round-arched arcades and 
pilasters as Diocletian's palace, and that the goldsmith's art has remodelled 
Eoman motifs; thus, a dish shows an Eros playing the lyre seated on a lion, 
but in Oriental dress. But these influences are in reality so universal that it is 
better to speak of a transmission of the late antique. At most, the trapezium- 
shaped capitals may be traced back to Byzantium, while the acanthus decoration 
on a capital at Ispahan still shows the Hellenistic form. 

(5) For the West. It seems difficult to investigate the early influence of 
Byzantine culture on the West. So long as the belief prevailed that Old Roman 
or " Old Christian " art alone fructified the West, it was impossible to submit the 
monuments to an unbiassed examination. Since we know that Greco-Oriental 
influences were at work in the West, even before they were transmitted by 
Byzantium, the "Byzantine" question becomes more complicated. Nevertheless 
we may consider in this connection the influences of individual Oriental spheres 
of the Byzantine Empire, so far as they have not been already discussed in 
dealing with the importance of Syria. 

Byzantium and the states of the West bear towards each other in matters of 
culture the same relation as the left to the right lobe of the brain, or the right to 
the left half of the body, which are very differently provided with blood. On the 
one side, we have states which laboriously extricate themselves from the effects 
of the national migrations and the fall of the West Roman Empire ; rustic popu- 
lations with isolated towns and 110 commerce ; nations which by hard struggles 
try to build up their own constitution on the ruins of the Roman Empire ; mon- 
archies which can alone supply this want, but cannot make head against the 
conditions of the age; aspects of development which cannot yet create any 
advanced culture. On the other side is a polity which, after the institution of 
the genuinely Germanic empire of the Lombards on West Roman soil, appears as 
the sole heir of immemorial traditions of world-empire ; an empire which alone 
could follow out an imperial policy as distinct from the momentous and yet locally 
restricted conflicts of the Germanic empires ; a well-organised bureaucracy, based 
on the practical experience of centuries of political existence ; a community which 
possesses a capital of unparalleled magnificence, numerous flourishing cities, and a 
well-organised commerce, embracing the whole civilized world, which has absorbed 
all the refinement of Hellenistic Roman and Oriental culture ; a church in which 
were exemplified all the principal types of religious organisation ; a communion in 
which all the struggles for the settlement of church dogmas have been fought out 
with passionate obstinacy. On this side the Germanic States ; on that, Byzantium. 

(a) The Influences of Church and State. Whether the Frankish coins are 
stamped with the name of Tiberius and Mauricius, whether the envoys of the 
emperor Anastasius confers on Clovis (Chlodowig) the consular title, and thus 
promotes him to be the lawful ruler over his Roman subjects, or whether the 
negotiations of Tiberius bring treasure and revenue to Chilperich and Gundobad, 


or Lombard dukes undertake to assume Byzantine dress, Byzantium always 
appears as the old and wealthy civilized power face to face with the poor upstart. 
The last will of the emperor Mauricius, who divided the East and Italy with 
Rome as capital among his sons, may have been only a dream of the old world- 
policy ; but assuredly Byzantium was not content with idle dreaming. The great 
landowning families of Italy, from whom sprang the commanders of the Byzan- 
tine castles, the Tribunes, saw in Byzantium the sun of all civilization ; the 
severance of the provinces of Lower Italy and Sicily, which were now more 
strongly Grecised, and so had entered on a completely divergent development, met 
the wishes of their ruling classes. Naples as the port for Eome, and Ravenna, 
as the centre of Byzantine administration, are the great gates by which Byzantine 
influence enters Italy ; in this connection Istria may be reckoned as a thoroughly 
Byzantine region, within which religious ideas, political organisation, and art (the 
cathedral at Parenzo) show the closest affinity with Byzantium. Marseilles, on 
the contrary, retained its old Oriental connections, and directly transmitted to 
Western Europe the influences of Syria and Egypt. So also did Montpellier in a 
less degree. 

Byzantine administration, the head of which in Italy, the Exarch of Ravenna, 
received his instructions in Greek, helped much to spread Greek influence. Still 
more effective were religious ideas and the influence of the clergy and the monks. 
We must realise that, while in Ravenna during the first four centuries only 
Syrian bishops are found, in Rome the number of Greeks and Syrians among 
the Popes of the seventh and the first half of the eighth centuries is extraor- 
dinarily large: Boniface III (606-607), Theodore (642-649), Agathon (678- 
681), Leo III (682-683), Conon (686-687), John VI (701-705), John VII 
(705-707), Zacharias (741-752), are Greeks; John V (685-686), Sergius (687- 
701), Sisinnius (708), Constantine (708-715), Gregory III (731-741), are Syrians. 
Greco-Oriental monasticism spread first over Central and Southern Italy, and 
conquered further regions of the Christian world. The Greek Theodore of Tarsus, 
from 669 onwards, reformed the Anglo-Saxon Church, and transmitted a rich 
civilization to England ; and in France, as in Italy, this Greek spirit had much 
effect on the construction and the decoration of the churches. The Greek bank of 
the Tiber (Ripa Grceca), the Greek school at Santa Maria in Schola Grseca (later 
in Cosmedin), and the founding of the monastery of San Silvestro in capite by 
Pope Paul I (757-767), where Greek church-music flourished, may suffice as illus- 
trations of Hellenistic influence in ecclesiastical and commercial spheres. The 
foreign trade of Byzantium also contributed largely to the spread of the Greco- 
Byzantine culture. In this connection the Syrians, who, according to Gregory of 
Tours, mostly spoke Greek, may be regarded as disseminators of Byzantine 

(/3) The Influences of Art and Artistic. Workmanship. The fresher vitality 
of the East, which had formerly forced Constantine to Orientalise the empire, soon 
dominated everything in Rome itself. The motifs of Oriental art are to be seen 
in the mosaics of Santa Maria Maggiore towards the middle of the fourth cen- 
tury, and in the marvellously carved wooden door of the Church of Santa Sabina, 
which shows the Syrian conception of the crucifixion ; finally, also in the transept 
of the basilica of San Pietro in Vincoli, which Eudoxia commanded to be built in 


442. The old Byzantine art had then firmly planted itself everywhere in Italy. 
The arts and crafts of Constantinople enjoyed so excellent a reputation that the 
bishop of Siponto, a kinsman of the emperor Zeno, sent to Constantinople for 
artists " especially skilled " in architecture. At Eavenna, Byzantine craftsmen were 
employed as early as the time of Galla Placidia (see the illustration in Vol. IV, 
p. 470). The building operations of Narses and Belisarius in Italy (the bridge 
over the Anio on the Via Salaria Nova, the Xenodocheion on the Via Lata, and 
the monastery of San Juvenale at Orte) were certainly carried out by Byzantine 
workmen. The cycle of mosaics of San Vitale at liavenna, begun after 539, was 
executed under the immediate influence of Justinian, in order to glorify the dual 
nature of Christ (cf. above, p. 42), and in special illustration of a biblical line of 
thought which was, undoubtedly, of Oriental origin, and found in the West its 
most brilliant representative in Ambrosius of Milan. The churches of Eaveuna 
reveal to us the importance of Byzantium as linking East and West; the'se 
Chinese tessellated patterns, which developed from woven fabrics into mural 
decorations, appear here just as in the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople and in 

The palace of Theodoric in Pavia was built after a model in Eavenna. On the 
other hand, there is less Byzantine architecture in Aix-la-Chapelle than was for- 
merly supposed. The equestrian statue of Theodoric, the marble mosaics, the 
classical reliefs, came to Aix-la-Chapelle directly from Eavenna, and the palace 
forecourt (Ckalke) is found in Aix-la-Chapelle just as in Eavenna and Constanti- 
nople ; in fact the hall which runs through this forecourt has retained its name 
(Cortinea). But the once prevalent idea of the imitation of Byzantine or Eaven- 
nese models in the Cathedral of Aix-la Chapelle has become quite untenable. 
What is still left after the convincing achievements of Joseph Strzygowski, which 
demonstrate direct Oriental motives and point out the astonishing resemblance to 
Weranshehr in Mesopotamia ! No one will wish to assert that the iconostasis and 
the galleries are actually Byzantine. A certain eclecticism, which shows itself 
in the employment of a Byzantine motif in the northeastern screen of the upper 
story and the panels of the arcades, cannot be termed any predilection for Byzan- 
tine designs. Anything that is Oriental must have penetrated the west of Europe 
by a direct route, that is, by way of Marseilles. The basilica with double choir, 
such as is found at Erment in Upper Egypt, Baalbec in Syria, and Orleans ville in 
Algeria, appears in Brittany (St. Malo). The circular chapel in Erment, in the 
Schenute monastery at Sohag as in Tours, the circular basilica in Eoccella di 
Squillace in Calabria and in Sicily, are products of Oriental influence transmitted 
by the Byzantine Empire, but form no universal current of Byzantine art. 

On the other hand, clothing, court manners, minor arts, and tapestry were 
affected both in the West and at the court of Charlemagne by Byzantium itself. 
Byzantine gilding at the court of Charles is praised in the poem of Angilbert 
addressed to Charles, while the Byzantine custom of guarding the women is men- 
tioned by Theodulf. The throne of Charles at his tomb in Aix-la-Chapelle is 
thoroughly in keeping with the Byzantine gold-plate style. A four-sided wooden 
platform covered with metal and studded with jewels, also a portable altar (a 
wooden frame overlaid with plates of gilded lead) show this style of facing. 
The Byzantine origin of the inlaid tables mentioned by Einhard cannot be asserted 
with equal certainty. Oriental carpets and silk stuffs were exported in quantities 


from Byzantium, which had established a monoply of silks and satins. The cour- 
tiers of Charlemagne obtained, according to the " Monk of St. Gall," their silk robes 
trimmed with purple through Venetian traders from the East, certainly therefore 
from the Byzantine Empire. Quantities of woven goods which imitated Persian 
patterns were sent out from Byzantium over the whole of Western and Central 
Europe. 1 Even in the eleventh century Byzantium appears as the intermediary for 
this art industry. The ivory workmanship of Byzantium not only conquered Italy, 
but its distinctive features appear again in the art of the West. Even in the dip- 
tychs Byzantine realism predominates, as, for instance, in the representation of 
fights between wild beasts and other contests of the arena ; but in the upper part 
the solemn ceremonial dignity of the Old Byzantine art prevails. Even the flat 
treatment of the reliefs of that epoch points indirectly to Byzantium. Small orna- 
ments of daily use must have been sent out of Byzantium in quantities; in 
Hungary, as well as at Eeichenhall, are to be found those peculiar rings with a 
drum-shaped casket, the lid of which is ornamented by a row of filigree pearls, and 
a glass bead in the centre. Byzantine jewelry reached the Swedish island of 
Oeland (Farjestaden) and West Gotland (Mone). The golden diadem from Farjes- 
taden certainly dates from the old Byzantine era. 

(7) The Influence of Trade and Military Science. Byzantine coins came at 
that time far into the West and North, and supply strong evidence of the world 
commerce of Constantinople ; we need only instance the finds in Westphalia, 
Holstein, on Usedom, Gotland, Bornholm. If the Byzantine monetary system, 
as regards smaller coins, in its recognition of the Oriental local coinages as legal 
tender and in its special respect for Egyptian drachmas, is true to the main prin- 
ciples of Byzantine imperial administration, the Byzantine gold currency, which 
was universal in Europe until the appearance of zechins and florins, testifies to the 
strong position of the world trade and the financial power of Constantinople. 

Finally Byzantium's influence was far-reaching in the domain of military his- 
tory, and certainly affected the empire of the Franks. The successes won by the 
Byzantines over their enemies, not in great battles, but by a clever policy of delay, 
must have made a great impression in the West. The cavalry had played the 
most prominent part in all active operations under Leon, Constantine, and Irene ; 
in war with nations of horsemen, the cavalry regiments (de^ara tca/3d\\api.Kd) and 
not the old legion came to be the backbone of the Byzantine army : they were 
recruited from Armenians, Iberians, and the inhabitants of Asia Minor. These 
lancers, who were clad in iron (they wore the iron cuirass or K\i/3dviov; the gorget 
of mail, TrepiTpa^Xiov ; iron gloves, greaves, and boots), with their short lance, 
their sword (cnrd&iov, spatha), their javelin, and their plumed helmet, were the 
models for the cavalry of the Frank Empire. The name also, Cabellarius, the 
armament 2 and the harness (cf. the Byzantine saddle in the cathedral treasury at 

1 Thus the tapestry No. 84,221 in the Kunstgewerlie Museum at Berlin, the vine shoot with thistle- 
top blossoms in the cathedral treasury at Aix-la-Chapelle, the sacred tree with the dragon in the Church 
of St. Servatius at Maastricht, the marvellous rosettes in the shrine of St. Lambertus at Liege, the Ama- 
zon hunting a panther in the church at Siikkingen. 

2 The spatha of Byzantine origin found on the Thorsberg Moor, now in the Kiel Museum ; the short 
lance in contrast with the long Germanic lances ; perhaps also the long knife scramasax, Trapafj-^ptov, which 
cannot be proved to exist earlier among the Franks ; finally, the Byzantine chain armour, likewise in the 
Kiel Museum. 

64 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

Troyes), were then introduced. Men armed with bows and arrows after the style 
of tbe Byzantine mail-clad horsemen appeared in the levy of the abbot Fulrad 
(810), whereas the battle-axe (Tfcucovpiov, securis) may be derived from West 
Roman influence. The ordinary Eoman engine for throwing missiles (onager, 
manganum) may, however, have come into the Frank Empire, under the name of 
fundibulum through the medium of Byzantium. 

Eevereuce for the culture of Constantinople pervaded the Western world. 
Church and State, arts and crafts, world-wide commerce and military science, 
co-operated to guide the rays toward the West. Even for that age the saying 
holds good, " Ex orients lux" 



THE attacks of the Persians on the Byzantine Empire at the time of the empe- 
ror Heraclius (610-641) had torn from the Byzantines not merely Syria (611 Auti- 
och, Apameia, Emesa, 614 Damascus) and Egypt (619 Alexandria), but also the 
important town of Ancyra (619) in Asia Minor. But it seemed a more terrible 
blow when in 615 the Holy Places and the Holy Cross fell into the hands of the 
infidels. Three crusades brought war into the heart of Persia; the battle of 
Nineveh (December 17, 627) was decided in favour of the Byzantines, so that the 
Roman provinces reverted to them, and on September 14, 629, the festival of the 
Elevation of the Cross was celebrated at Jerusalem by emperor and people with 
great solemnity. 1 The conflict raging in the East made it impossible to retain 
the Spanish possessions or the territories lying to the north of the Balkans, but 
the capital itself (626) proved the bulwark of the empire against Avars and 
Slavs, and the wise policy of Heraclius raised a dangerous foe against them in 
the shape of the Bulgarians. 

It was shown, however, that the Persian danger had become formidable for the 
reason that isolated sections of the empire, through their ecclesiastical separatism 
and the formal institution of a Coptic and Syrian national church, no longer 
remained loyal to Byzantium, and saw welcome allies in the Persians, while in 
Egypt the orthodox were contemptuously styled the " royalists " (/3ct(n\iKoi, Mel- 
chites). The formula of the One Will (" the God-Man consisting of two natures 
has achieved all things by one god-like operation ") more closely resembled the 
doctrine of the One Nature of the Monophysites (Vol. IV, p. 208) ; consequently 
a reconciliation was effected through the diplomacy of the king, which extended 
even to the Armenians. The condemnation of the doctrine of the One Will 
(Monotheletism ; ibid. p. 209) by Sophrouius, patriarch of Jerusalem, made the 
situation more confused and shattered the concord, hardly yet established, as 
violently as the entirely inappropriate attempt at reconciliation made by the 
emperor in his edict (Ecthesis). Consequently the Syrians (635 and 636) and 
Egyptians (641-643) fell a prey to the invading Arabs (Vol. Ill, p. 303) as 
rapidly as the Roman citizens in the West yielded to the Germanic invaders, 
although in Egypt the treachery of the governor (the Mokauka) mainly con- 
tributed to the surrender of the country. Economic reasons may have co-operated, 

Cf. the explanation to the illustration "Khosru II of Persia," on page 288 of Vol. III. 


since the political and social structure of the Arabic empire gave great power to 
the conquerors. 

Constans, the grandson of Heraclius (641-688), whose kinsmen had been cas- 
trated according to the Oriental custom, was able to retain Asia Minor and even 
to exact tribute from the Arab Khalif Muawija ; his success was principally due 
to the transformation of the empire into military provinces (themata), which had 
already been instituted under Heraclius. Great importance attached to the mili- 
tary governors in Africa and Italy, and the critical times had compelled Heraclius 
to form the capital and the adjoining provinces into a military district (thema 
Opsikion) ; the Thracian thema had to carry on the war against the Bulgarians, 
the Anatolian and Armenian themata the war with the Arabs, and the fleet was 
soon divided into two commands, the thema Kibyraioton (south coast of Asia 
Minor) and that of the twelve islands. The regency during the minority of 
Constans attempted to end the theological controversy by the Edict of the Typos 
(648), according to which the subjects of the empire "no longer are permitted 
to dispute and quarrel anywhere over one will and one operation, or over two 
operations and two wills." When Pope Martin I condemned this edict (649) at 
the Lateran Council, and Maximus, formerly imperial private secretary, stirred 
up Eoman Africa against Csesaro-papism, the emperor banished the Pope to 
the Crimea, and ordered Maximus to be brought to trial. It was then that the 
bronze statues of the Pantheon were carried off from Eome by Constans. The 
island of Sicily, which was strongly Grecised by immigration, was intended to 
become the base for the recovery of Africa from the Arabs, who had taken it 
in 647. But an expedition from Syracuse, the capital, only succeeded in captur- 
ing Carthage. 

Under Constantinus IV Pogonatus (668-685), son of Constans, Constantinople 
had to defend itself against the Arabs (April-September, 673), which it did suc- 
cessfully, owing mainly to the Greek fire of the Syrian Callinicus ; and Thessalonica 
was attacked by the Slavs (675) and Avars (677). The greatest danger to the 
empire seemed, however, to be the Bulgarian kingdom under Isperich, in which the 
Turkish conquerors gradually adopted the language of the subjugated Slavs. In 
view of all these dangers, the ecclesiastical connection with Home, which was 
effected in 680-681 by the Sixth (Ecumenical Council in Constantinople, was 
intended at least to secure moral support. Justinian II (685-695, 705-711) had, 
it is true, concluded a treaty on favourable terms with the Arabs and had con- 
quered the Slavs; but serious political, military, and economic mistakes (the 
removal of the Syrian Mardaites to Asia Minor and Thrace, the enrolment of 
untrustworthy Slavs in the army, taxation) led to the mutiny of one of the gen- 
erals, Leontius (695-698), by which the sovereignty of the army was once for all 
established. Under the two generals now elevated to the purple, Leontius and 
Tiberius III (698-705), Africa and Cilicia were lost. Justinian, who had taken 
refuge with Isperich's successor Tervel, was brought back by a Bulgarian-Slavonic 
army ; he wreaked an insane fury on his enemies. He fought without success 
against Bulgarians, Arabs, and the revolted town of Kherson. The Armenian 
Philippicus (711-713), who was raised to the throne as a rival, and Theodo- 
sius II (715-717), successor of the able Anastasius II (713-715), proved them- 
selves equally incapable. 

The voice of literature was dumb in that rough age. It produced strong natures, 
VOL. v r> 

66 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

and a pious superstition led them to battle. Andrew the Apostle comes to the 
help of the citizens of Patras, borne on his galloping war-horse, and drives the 
Slavs to flight. St. Demetrius of Thessalonica is the god of the city, who imitates 
Christ in every detail. He changes the purpose of God to deliver over the town 
to the opponents ; he is the guardian of the city, the " prescient grace ; " indeed, he 
aspired to be the Third Person with Christ and the Holy Ghost. The miracles of 
St. Demetrius are a valuable source of information for this age, when the Slavs- 
navigated the Greek waters in their primitive boats, interrupted trade and com- 
munications, and, accompanied by their wives and children, inundated Pannonia,. 
Dacia, Dardania, Mysia, Thracia, Achaia, and the suburbs of Constantinople 
itself. The country population streams into the towns, or migrates to lonely 
capes, and founds isolated settlements (Monembasia, Coron, Calamata, Mantinea 
in Messenia). Greeks and Slavs grow into a mixed race, which fills the depop- 
ulated regions, once more colonises the deserted islands, and even mixes with the 
Bulgarians in the North. Sword and crosier rule the Greek world, in which old 
pagan traditions crop up on the surface ; science and art are almost entirely silent 
in the regions of Europe and of Asia Minor. 



(a) Leo III (the Isaurian) as Legislator. Now that the enemies of Byzantium 
were pressing on, and Byzantium's share in the commerce of the world was shrink- 
ing and financial distress widespread, the only salvation lay in a strong govern- 
ment. Leo the Syrian (Isaurian), who had distinguished himself against the Arabs 
as a general and diplomatist, was raised to the purple (717-741). He entered 
Constantinople on March 25, 717. Maslama, the general of Solomon (Suleiman, 
Vol. Ill, p. 317), appeared before the city on August 15. Leo's unwearying 
energy, the Greek fire, a hard winter, whose snow covered the ground for one hun- 
dred days, caused terrible privations among the Arabs. While the Byzantines could 
catch fish, the Arabs ate the flesh of baggage animals, skins, or the leaves from the 
trees. Greek tradition, not satisfied with this account (preserved in Tabari), made 
the Arabs feed on human flesh. A severe defeat, which the Bulgarians inflicted 
on the Arabs, finally caused the abandonment of the siege of Constantinople 
(August, 718). Byzantium had thus proved herself the bulwark of Christianity^ 
The year 718 may be compared with the year 490 B. c. as an epoch in the history 
of the world ; the withdrawal of the Arabs in 718 is a parallel to the retreat of 
the Persians after Marathon. 

The old fiscal system of the caste-state of Diocletian and Constantine, in which,, 
according to the law of 319, the municipal councillors (Decuriones) were respon- 
sible for the entire land tax of their community, had been handed down to the 
Byzantine Empire. If, according to this arrangement, heavy responsibility on 
the one hand weighed down the great landowners, on the other hand they had 
large powers and important influence over their colleagues in the towns. It was 
a masterly measure of the emperor Leo III when he took that onerous duty, which 
had increased in the years of insecurity, away from the Curiales, but by so doing 
he also destroyed their importance for a long period. Henceforth imperial revenue 
officials were appointed to conduct the collection of the land tax. Imperial officials 


henceforward kept the register of male births for the poll tax throughout the 

The emperor, solicitous for social prosperity, ameliorated in many ways the 
position of the country population. Every proprietor of a village community 
shared the responsibility for the taxes; a deficiency was made up by an additional 
charge (eiri/3o\ij) > which was imposed upon all. Since all suffered from the bad 
economy of one individual, a right of pre-emption was allowed to the neighbouring 
cultivators in event of plots being sold. 

Distinct from these small landowners were the free labourers (purdcoToi) and 
the adscripticii (e7ravdypa(f)ot,) on the estates of great proprietors ; the former were 
always free as regards their persons, but became after thirty years bound to the 
soil. The latter were at once bound to the soil, could not inherit any property, 
and differed but little (by legal marriage) from the slaves. The Agricultural Act 
of Leo III (No'/Ao? yecopyiicos) radically altered this state of affairs. The country 
labourers were now divided into those who paid a tithe (/Ao/mrai), and metayer 
tenants (^/uo-etao-Tcu), neither of them bound to the soil. The former were 
required to render the tenth part of the produce as ground rent; the latter, who 
worked the soil with the means provided by the owner (^poScm??), shared the 
produce with him. Village communities owned the soil in common (KOIVWVOI); 
private ownership only existed in consequence of a partition of some property held 
in common. 

Abolition of compulsory service and the concession of the liberty to migrate 
are the great achievements of this legislation. It was profoundly affected by 
Eastern models. Its resemblance to the Mosaic code as regards the nine sheaves 
and the period of seven years were noticed long ago ; it was assumed that the idea 
was adopted from the Bible. The discovery of the code of the Babylonian king 
Hammurabi (who was possibly of Arabian descent), which had been carried off 
from Sippar to Susa about 1100 B.C., by J. de Morgan in December, 1901, and 
January, 1902, has supplied another solution. Not merely do metayer tenants 
occur in the old Arabic and Semitic sphere of civilization (Hammurabi 46), a 
fact which by itself would prove nothing, 1 but there is a surprising similarity 
in particular regulations. We may instance the regulations about the restitution 
of waste land in the fourth year (Hammurabi 30, 44; NO/A. yeapy. 1, 12), which, in 
themselves divergent, still spring from the same school of thought ; then the regu- 
lations as to the cultivation of land and the felling of timber without the knowl- 
edge of the owner (Hammurabi 59 ; NO/A, yewpy. 1, 2, 7); and those as to the 
restitution of land which had been cultivated in the absence of the owner (Ham- 
murabi 30, 31 ; Noyn. yewpy. X, 4), a provision in contradiction to the right, 
conceded by Justinian, of acquiring the ownership of a field after two years' 
cultivation of it. Thus the agrarian policy of the emperor Leo was in particular 
points influenced by Semitic principles of justice, which had been maintained in a 
conservative spirit, although the necessity of a reform of the system of colonisation 
was rendered imperative by the numerous new settlers, especially Slavs. With 
regard to the free village community, Slavonic influences are certainly to be 

The Bhodian maritime law (Z>O/AO? PoSiW vavn/cds ; extended in the tenth 

1 See on the point the warning of Jos-Kohler in the "Deutsche Litteraturzeitung " of February 6, 1904. 


century by the Tabula Amalfitana), according to which the skippers and charterers 
in those times of bad trade shared the risks already increased by Slavs and Arabs, 
recurs in its main principle to an old Semitic idea. We may compare Hammurabi 
237, according to which the skipper must make everything good to the char- 
terer in event of an accident through negligence. Some not yet quite intelligible 
references appear finally in the criminal code, so that even there, in view of the 
great prominence of the Lex Talionis some Semitic influence might be assumed. 
This victorious increase in the strength of Semitic undercurrents is hardly surpris- 
ing at a time when the Syrian nationality, from which the emperor Leo himself 
sprang, was drawing East and West under its spell. 

The legislation of Leo handled family life in a spirit very different from that of 
Justinian's Code, which intruded on the emotional side of the relations between 
parent and child, when it defined the grounds on which parents might cherish 
resentment against their children. We see everywhere a delicate consideration 
and respect for the intimacy of family life. The position of the wife is, with a fine 
feeling, ameliorated. The power of the father becomes the power of the family, 
since the mother's consent is needed no less than the father's for the marriages of 
the children, and since the mother possesses generally the same rights as the father 
over the children, and, on the death of the father, retains them in virtue of her 
position as their guardian. The community of property between married couples 
indicates the high conception of matrimony as a community of life, which may 
not be degraded by the contraction of a third marriage, and may not be carelessly 
dissolved by separation without stringent reasons. A noteworthy idea appears at 
all events in the " Ekloge " (or Selection of Laws). Marriage is allowed only 
between Christians of orthodox belief, and is much complicated by the extension 
of the impediment of spiritual affinities (prohibition of marriage between the son 
of the godfather and the godchild). This was an ecclesiastical notion, which con- 
stantly gained ground and soon afterwards, even amongst the Germanic nations, 
made sponsorship an impediment to marriage even in the Capitularies of Pepin 
(755-757). The necessity of a Christian marriage contract (81' eyypdtyov Trpoitcyov 
crvfjLfto\aiov) was a rule certainly borrowed from the Oriental regions of the Byzan- 
tine Empire. It is in keeping with the idea of the dignity of marriage, and with 
the new taste for a solemn and dignified formalism. 

Leo, himself risen to the throne as a general, wished to weld together the 
empire with links of iron ; but he had to cure the paralysis produced by the exist- 
ence of a civil administration which no longer served any useful purpose ; in these 
warlike times the commander in the field could not be hampered by civil author- 
ity, however feeble. Thus the commanders of the military districts, the Themata, 
received also the full civil power. The importance of the Anatolian corps com- 
mand necessitated its division into the Anatolian Thema (of the Bucellarians), and 
into that district of the west which embraced Asia, Lydia, a part of Caria and 
Phrygia I, and was called the " Thracian " Thema, from the regiments on garrison 
duty there. To maintain military discipline and keep up the learning of the past, 
which had led to the actual invention of gunpowder (Greek fire), seemed equally 
imperative. The emperor met these needs, as far as possible, by publishing his 
"Tactica," a book on military science, in which the author treats of military 
law and of land and naval warfare, adhering closely to previous works ; but the 
fresh spirit of the reformer does not breathe in this book, and probably, therefore, 
another Leo (VI; 886-911) is the author. 


It required disciplined valour and knowledge to restore the army and the 
empire to their old position ; it was therefore a serious danger that in Syria towns 
and individuals trusted to images and amulets in time of war. The society in 
which Leo had grown up at Germaniceia (on the borders of Cappadocia, Syria, and 
Armenia) must have had close relations with the Paulicians, whose capital 
Samosata lay so near. Manaualis, near Samosata in Commagene, is the home 
of that Constantine who, as Silvanus, in 660 revived the sect of the Paulicians 
(presumably an Armenian form for Paulians, after Paulus of Samosata in the fourth 
century). Cibossa in Armenia, Phanarsea in Helenopontus, became the headquarters 
of these sectaries, who imported the primitive Aryan dualism of good and evil into 
the Christian doctrine, rejected any distinct priesthood, and regarded each indi- 
vidual as a priest ; and finally, in their strict conception of the idea of God, 
refused the worship of the Virgin as well as that of the saints. Their affinity to 
the later Bogumiles (see below), Patarini, Albigensians, and Waldensians has been 
repeatedly emphasised ; evidently in case of the latter sects it is due to a common 
descent from the Adoptianist doctrine. The religious convictions of the emperor 
Leo III were, however, probably influenced by this school of thought. 

(&) The Beginnings of the Image Controversy. How far had men gone in 
these centuries of dispute ? The worship of the saints had confused the concep- 
tion of the Deity, as the example of Demetrius of Thessalonica (see above) clearly 
shows. The belief in miracles brought its most hideous offshoot, superstition, into 
power. While in some parts of the empire the saints appear like the gods and 
heroes of antiquity, and hastily concealing their original form, bring victory in 
battle ; in others, attempts are made (as in the town of Pergamos) to win strength 
by most revolting practices, as, for example, by dipping the hand in a broth of 
human flesh. The lifeless images of Christ, Mary, and the saints are more 
esteemed than the living faith. Their importance becomes perfectly clear to the 
traveller in modern Eussia, the heir to the Byzantine Empire, where the eyes are 
wearied by innumerable icons of the Iberian Mother of God, and copies of the 
icon on Mount Athos. It had become a universal habit to scrape off the colour 
of the pictures and mix it in wine, and to honour images with incense, prostra- 
tions, and kisses. The old paganism, which still continued in the festivals of Pan 
and Bacchus and dominated certain districts of Greece (Maina down to the ninth 
century), was finally prohibited at the Council of 692. But the images which 
were " not made by men's hands " (a^etpoTroi^rot), as the usual phrase ran, 
enjoyed the most profound reverence. The old paganism had found its way into 
Christianity itself. The emperor Leo III, a thinker far in advance of his age, 
waged a bold warfare against image worship, and by so doing struck a blow not 
merely at the mass of the people, but above all, at monasticism, which influ- 
enced the masses by image worship, and lived to some extent on the trade in 
sacred pictures. 

This great controversy has been handed down to us in a distorted form by later 
advocates of images, or Iconodules : such were Nicephorus, patriarch of Constanti- 
nople (806-815), and Theophanes, a monk who drew in part from the same sources, 
and wrote between 811 and 815 ; he was kept in confinement by Leo V on Samo- 
thrace. The " Papal Letters " to the emperor Leo III may afford some idea of the 
state of feeling, but that is all ; they were ascribed to Gregory II (715-731), but 


are the forgeries of some later writer, who was badly informed in matters of 
political geography and topography. 

But even from these scanty accounts the energy and moderation of the emperors 
shine out conspicuously. Unity of religion and purity of religion hover as twin 
ideals before the eyes of the man who was influenced neither by Judaism nor 
Islam, but by Paulicianisrn. The command was issued to Jews and Montanists 
that they should change their religion ; the former submitted, the latter preferred 
to die. But one of the heads of the Paulicians, Gensesius, after his orthodoxy had 
been tested, obtained a letter of safe-conduct ; the zeal in conversion flagged when 
his sect came in question. In 726 the struggle for religious purity began : the first 
edict of Leo had ordered, not merely that the images should be hung higher, but 
their destruction. And the schools, the hotbeds of superstition, which conducted 
the education of the young on the old lines, were fated to fall. Tradition affirms 
that the school in the Iron Market was burnt to the ground, professors, books', 
and all. When, therefore, a celebrated image of the Eedeemer (Antiphonetes) was 
being carried away by imperial officers, some fanatical women attacked and killed 
them, an exploit which greatly delights the author of the pseudo-Gregorian 
letters. Stronger measures were imperative, not against the masses, but against 
the educated classes, who supported the struggle for superstition. 

The pressure of taxation and enthusiasm for image worship drove Greece and 
the islands of the ^Egean into a revolt, which led to the election of an emperor 
(Cosmas) and to the advance of the insurgents to the gates of Constantinople 
(727). The movement was soon crushed by the Greek fire and the superiority of 
the imperial fleet. At the assembly (Silentium) of the year 729 the patriarch 
Germanus was sacrificed. He, the supporter of image worship and the monks, 
retired, and in his place was chosen Anastasius, who now solemnly ratified the 
ecclesiastical policy of Leo. Anastasius was not, however, recognised by Pope 
Gregory II, who entered into dangerous relations with Charles Martel. Italy 
turned against the Iconoclasts ; insurrections seemed likely to tear the whole 
peninsula away from Byzantium, and the papal authority of Gregory II and 
Gregory III partially supported the anti-Byzantine agitations. Matters were not, 
however, allowed to go as far as the election of a rival emperor. 

An armada was despatched by Leo against Italy, but was wrecked in the Adri- 
atic. Under these conditions Leo, in 733, set about restoring ecclesiastical unity 
in his empire. He separated Sicily and Calabria (lihegium, Severiana, Hydrus- 
Otranto) ecclesiastically from Rome, and placed them under the jurisdiction of the 
patriarch of Constantinople. The property of the Church was confiscated. In this 
way the Grecising of Lower Italy and Sicily (cf. p. 65), begun under the emperor 
Constans II, was carried a step further, and Southern Italy was left in a position 
to develop on her own lines far differently from the North. The Grecising pro- 
cess was extended further by the immense immigration of Greek monks (esti- 
mated at 50,000), who now came over and settled, with their images " not made by 
men's hands," in the freer atmosphere of the Western dominions of the Byzantine 
empire. Equally important appears the removal of an old obstacle to development 
which concerned Illyria. When Valentinian as emperor of the West ruled over 
Illyria also, it was only natural that Pope Damasus (3C6-389) should exercise 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction over this region, the thoroughfare between West and 
East. But when the Illyrian prefecture was attached to the East under Theo- 


dosius, 379, Kome still maintained this spiritual jurisdiction, and the Metropolitan 
of Thessalonica was appointed the representative of the Apostolic Chair; when, 
later, Moesia and Macedonia were transferred to the bishop of Ochrida by Jus- 
tinian, even then these two provinces remained ecclesiastically one with Home. 
This last relic of the encroachment of Roman ecclesiastical sovereignty over the 
dominions of the Byzantine Empire was now abolished by Leo III, and Illyria 
placed under the patriarch of Constantinople. 

The severance of Isauria from the patriarchate of Antioch, and the subjection 
of these ecclesiastical provinces to the patriarchate of Constantinople, broke down 
the barriers between political and ecclesiastical sovereignty, between the bounda- 
ries of the Byzantine Empire and the diocese of the oecumenical patriarch. No 
foreign spiritual jurisdiction was to be recognised within the borders of the Byzan- 
tine Empire. This Ctesaro-papism had far more vitality than the programme 
'/Sao-iXeu? Kal iepev? elfjn (I am king and priest), which was employed by Leo 
during the image controversy, but could not be permanently carried out. 

(c) The Close of the Reign of Leo III. The emperor Leo comes before us 
as a man in advance of his age. The advocate of a free peasantry, a supporter of 
the marriage tie, a stern foe to superstition, a champion of the rights of the State 
against the Church, a military reformer, his public energy fills us with deep regret 
that we cannot penetrate his real personality. Could we do so we should doubtless 
rank him as one of the greatest figures of the Byzantine Empire. Himself his 
own finance minister, certainly his own Commander-in-chief ; a man whom the 
Church celebrated in her chants as her liberator from the Arabs; impelled by affec- 
tionate recollections of his home even in the domain of law, which he wished to be 
administered gratuitously to the poor; finally, in the sphere of religion, a firm, 
clear-headed character, who represented primitive Christianity enthusiastically and 
rejected every compromise with paganism, behind the politician in significant 
outlines stands revealed the man in all his greatness. 

(cT) From Constantine V down to Irene (741-882). The son of Leo III, 
Constantino V (741-775), whose fondness for the stable probably accounts for the 
unsavoury nickname of Copronymus (tcoTrpodecriov = stable), undoubtedly raised the 
"bitterness of the image controversy to the highest pitch. Perhaps the cheerful 
.strain in his nature (for he loved music, dancing, and feasting, and ordered fruit, 
ilowers, and hunting-scenes to be painted instead of sacred subjects), the gentleness 
which forgave his daughter Authusa for worshipping images, the solicitude which 
procured pure drinking-water for the capital by the restoration of the aqueduct 
of Valens, and yet showed itself in the mention of Constantine in the Ecloge of 
Leo and Constantine, were deeply planted in him and were his true characteristics. 
Yet he was harsh, for he confined Stephanus and three hundred and forty-two 
monks in the Prsetorium, and cruel, for he ordered eyes to be put out, arms, ears, 
noses to be cut off, and men to be executed and their dead bodies to be dragged 
through the streets. The treachery of his brother-in-law Artavasdus (from Mara'sh. 
in Commagene, 743), and the opposition of the monks to the proscription of images 
(which the Council of 754 had officially pronounced), and therefore to the emperor 
and the Church, had kindled in him a wild desire for revenge. The fanaticism of 
the freethinker who no longer tolerates the title of " holy," and is deeply incensed. 


at the exclamation " Mary, help ! ", impelled him after 761 into a savage war against 
the monks, in whom not merely image worship but also the " spiritual State " 
within the State was most clearly personified. The phrase " The monk, not I, is 
emperor," was wrung from the furious Constantine. There was no statutory aboli- 
tion of the monasteries, though this has been inferred from the fragment of the 
patriarch Nicephorus in a manuscript of Theophanes ; but separate enactments of 
Constantine confiscated monasteries and bestowed them without documentary 
record on laymen (Bia ^apiariK^ ; cf. the beneficia of the Teutonic kingdoms), 
from whom they could again be taken at pleasure. 

It was a time of ferment and of agitation ; new germs were developing in 
a rough age of strife ; the terrible plague of 745 to 746 had almost depopulated 
the capital, and therefore Greek settlers were summoned to Byzantium from 
the islands and Hellas; and Hellas itself and Thrace offered new fields not 
merely to the imperial colonists from Syria and Armenia, but to the immigrating 
Slavs themselves. Slavs were then settled in Bithynia (to the number of 280,000) 
and in Cyprus. Did the celibacy of the monks incense the emperor at this 
period of depopulation ? It is certain that he was deeply indignant when 
his nobles sought monastic retirement. Skilfully contrived campaigns and 
breaches of faith were the weapons with which Constantine fought against 
the Bulgarians. After the sovereigns from the family of the Dulo and other 
Bulgarians (of whom a list down to 765 is preserved in a Slavonic text with 
Old Bulgarian phrases), we find rulers whose names attest the prominence of the 
part played by the Vlacho-Bulgarians (Paganus and Sabiuus). Cerig or Telerig 
(763-775) in the end outwitted Constantine and wheedled out of him the names 
of all the Philhellenes in Bulgaria, who were then at once put to death. 

Constantino's son, Leo IV (775-780), surnamed the Khazar after his mother, 
carried on the ecclesiastical policy of his father in a milder form. The oath 
which Leo caused to be taken by his son Constantine is remarkable as regards 
those who took the oath ; not merely the provincial governors, ministers, and sena- 
tors, and all the soldiers present, but also the representatives of the artisan guilds, 
and other classes of citizens swore fealty to the future emperor Constantine VI 
(780-797). His mother, Irene (more accurately Eirene), an Athenian, did not 
swear fealty to him; she caused keen sorrow to the youth of eighteen when 
she annulled his betrothal with Eotrud (Ehuotrudis), the daughter of Charles the 
Great, in 788, and ended the perpetual quarrel with the youth in a savage way by 
blinding him (797). A tedious contest between the favourites of Irene, a lamentable 
attitude toward the Arabs, and complete retreat in the question of the image 
controversy form the salient points in the reign of this unsexed woman (797-802). 

The (Ecumenical Council of 787 had enjoined the worship of images as a duty, 
although the State right of supervision was not waived. Hence the image 
controversy had ended in favour of the image worshippers (Iconodules) and 
of monasticism, and all the results of Leo's efforts were wiped out. None more 
sharply criticised this Church council of Nictea than Charles. An epitome of the 
" Libri Carolini," composed probably by Alcuin, had been sent to Borne in order to- 
refute the decisions of the council. It may be that the Latin translation of the 
decrees of the council which Pope Hadrian had transmitted to Charles (" adora- 
tion " of images by the employment of the word adoratio for Trpoa-KvvTja-is) produced 
the greatest acrimony, and that owing to it Charles declared that " adoration was 


due to God only, veneration to saints ; " at all events there is sufficient evidence to 
recognise that Charles held the same views as the Byzantine emperors Leo III and 
Constantino V. The objection of Constantino to the invocation, " Mary, help ! " and 
such phrases can be paralleled by similar criticisms on the part of Charlemagne. 
Thus he stigmatises as blasphemous the phrases of the Byzantine chancery style, 
" God rule with them," " God entreat the Pope to co-operate," etc. It was, he said, 
foolish to light before the images caudles which they could not see, or burn 
incense which they could not smell. To the lifeless images, which are only works 
of men's hands (and therefore not a^eipoTroirjroi), no adoratio is due, such as was 
shown to living men here the Teuton glances with contempt on the Caesar-cult 
of Eome and Byzantium. The imperial synod at Frankfort then united the 
authority of the State to that of the sovereign, and pronounced against image 

The papacy, unchecked by dogmatic variances, had thrown itself into the arms 
of the Franks. The flight of Pope Leo III to Spoleto and the romantic meeting 
of Charles and the Pope at Paderborn (where the mail-clad horsemen headed by 
Charles galloped forward amid the clash of trumpets to meet the Pope) led to 
the wonderful coronation on Christmas day 800 A, D. in St. Peter's. The legal 
question of the precedence of the Byzantine emperor, which even Alcuin (799) had 
acknowledged in a letter to Charles, was not settled by this ceremony, but only 
shelved ; for the view of the Lorsch Annals that the question was settled when the 
imperial title passed to a female, did not appear to have any legal foundation ; 
this was certainly the reason why Charles was not anxious for this premature set- 
tlement of a question which had been so much debated. Possibly some arrange- 
ment might have been made with Irene, who, in 798, sent fresh envoys to Charles, 
" for the sake of peace," even if the plan, which a Byzantine chronicle mentions, 
of a marriage between Charles and Irene did not stand in the foreground of 
such a proposed treaty. The story that a Byzantine courtier (Aetius ; cf. below) 
formed the chief obstacle is a clever invention ; for a union of the Western and 
Eastern empires could not but have exercised a disastrous effect on the Byzantine 
court life. 



(a) From Nicephorus I to Leo V (802-820). Events had taken place under 
Irene which overthrew all the arrangements of the emperors Leo and Heraclius. 
This Aetius, the first minister of Irene (called 6 irapa^vvacnevwv), had two themes 
under him, that is to say, he possessed the supreme military and civil command 
'. over two provinces. His excessive power exasperated the high officials, and it was 
' from their ranks that the successor of Irene (who was soon deposed) came forward 
in the person of Nicephorus the treasurer-general (802-817). The Syrian dynasty 
was overthrown, and a new house came up. The mere fact that a man once more 
filled the imperial throne of Byzantium made it impossible to maintain the 
argument, upon which the coronation of Charles as emperor had been based, 
that there was a vacancy in the empire. Nicephorus received overtures for 
peace from Charles, and left them unanswered. It was only when Venice, which, 
having revolted from Byzantium in 806, had returned again to Byzantium in 807, 


-was punished by Pepin for so doing (810) that Nicephorus sent Arsafius his 
representative to conclude a preliminary peace. Charles in his letter to Niceph- 
orus rejoiced that it had at last become possible to realise the wish for peace. 
But when the envoys of Charles reached Byzantium the skull of Nicephorus 
was already serving the great Bulgarian prince Krum (802-814) as a drmking- 
cup ; Krum had conquered almost all the European possessions of Byzantium, had 
in particular won Sofia, and after some preliminary successes of Nicephorus had 
defeated the emperor and his whole army. This Bulgarian Empire comprised at 
its heart lower Moesia (between the Balkans and the Danube), extended over the 
territory of the modern kingdom of Eoumania, had absorbed Transylvania, the 
salt of which the Bulgarians exported to Moravia, and extended to the Dniester, 
possibly to the Dnieper. The princes lived at Preslav (Marcianopolis) on the 
.great Kamcija. Islam seems to have been preached in the ninth century ; but the 
influence of the subjugated Slavs, who transmitted their own language and customs 
to their rulers, and only assumed their name (BIbgare EovXyapoi) was stronger. 
Greek culture soon began to influence the Bulgarians. Even in the eighth century 
a, Bulgarian prince had counsellors who spoke Bulgarian, Slavonic, and Greek. 
They fought with G-reek siege-machines and with Greek fire. Inscriptions were 
composed by them in Greek, though no longer classical Greek. Thus Omortag 
(between 820 and 836) explains his plan for constructing a palace and a sepulchral 
monument (on a pillar of red marble still preserved in Trnowo) after a Greek model. 
After the incapable Michael I Khangabe' (811-813) had sustained a decisive 
defeat from Krum in the vicinity of Adrianople (813), the emperor Leo V (813 
820) was able at last, in 817, to conclude peace with Omortag. Leo was success- 
ful also against the Arabs ; less so in the deposition of the patriarch Nicephorus 
and in the organisation of the Synod of 815, which revived the almost buried 
image controversy. The agitation which had once been religious now led to the 
.sharpest persecution, and ceased to be a movement in favour of liberty. 

(&) The Phrygian Dynasty (820-867). Leo V, the "Chameleon," had, in his 
time, when he accepted the crown, been underestimated by Michael II, the 
Phrygian (820-829), who gave the hesitating officer the choice, " With this sword I 
will open the gates of Constantinople to you, or I will plunge it into your bosom." 
'The kingmaker, dissatisfied with his secondary position, had been arrested, but 
breaking prison he murdered his former protege in the royal chapel, into which he 
.and his companions, dressed as priests, had forced their way. His rival in power, 
Thomas the Slav, was the instigator of the most dangerous revolt of the subju- 
gated nations against the foreign yoke of Greece. Thomas had raised the lower 
strata of the empire, such as the Arabs, the Slavs of the Balkan Peninsula, the 
races of the Caucasus and the Armenians, in rebellion against the empire. On the 
plea of hereditary right, since he professed to be the blinded Constantme, he per- 
suaded the patriarch of Antioch to crown him, and relying on a large army and a 
powerful fleet, this " pupil of the old devil," as the emperor Michael styled him, 
was only defeated by the emperor, with the aid of the Bulgarian prince Omortag, 
in the vicinity of the capital The terrible shock which this revolt caused to the 
Byzantine Empire appears clearly from a letter sent by Michael in 824 to the 
mperor Louis the Pious. Envoys presented the letter accompanied with costly 
presents, green and yellow silks, Tyrian purple, crimson, arid blue stuffs. The 


remarkable Papyrus-letter, in the "Archives Rationales" (k. 17, no. 6), coincides 
with this letter in certain phrases, but it was certainly not despatched until 839 ; 
and it was written by the emperor Theophilus to the emperor Louis, to congrat- 
ulate him on his victory and to advise, the arrangement of terms with Lothaire, to 
whom a Byzantine mission had been sent at the same time. 

(a) TJie Period down to the Restoration of Image Worship (843). The emperor 
Michael showed himself by no means capable where Bulgarian help was not forth- 
coming. The capture of Crete by the Arabs (823), the revolt of the Dalmatian 
towns from Byzantium, and the progress of the Saracen conquest of Sicily, indi- 
cate the critical state of the Byzantine Empire under his rule. Michael's mod- 
eration in the image controversy had led the head of the ecclesiastical party of 
independence, the abbot Theodoras of Studion (752-826), to entertain various 
hopes, the frustration of which drove that fiery spirit into violent antagonism. 
An uncompromising enemy of Csesaro-papism, who did not endure that " our word 
should be hidden for one single hour," and paid no regard to ecclesiastical supe- 
riors or synods, he had already claimed the supremacy of the law and the gospel 
over the emperor, and had argued that the emperor was not mentioned in the 
gospels. He now pointed to the government of the Church, which had to decide 
the divine dogmas, while the emperor and princes had to help them and ratify 
the decisions. The antagonism of this talented and firm prelate would have been 
far more damaging to the Byzantine monarchy had not Greek national pride been 
.aggrieved by the constant stress laid on the primacy of Home (which was to The- 
odoras the safe harbour of refuge for the whole Church in every storm of heresy) ; 
in fact, he smoothed the path for Photius, the leader of the Greek party of inde- 
pendence. Theodorus extols the peaceful monastic world in a biography of the 
abbot Plato, and by epigrams, in which every useful member of the community, 
from sick-nurse to abbot, is glorified as an emblem of duty faithfully fulfilled ; his 
addresses contain golden grains of sincerest philanthropy. From them, as from 
the biography of his mother Theoktiste, and from his letters "I shall never 
grow weary of writing," he says, in the last letter of the collection breathes a 
full and rich humanity and an inflexible power of resistance which could not be 
broken by thrice-inflicted imprisonment and scourging. But his lofty conceptions 
of Church and State ran counter to the stream of Greek development. The mon- 
astery of Theodorus remained the seat of varied intellectual labours ; and from it 
the perfected system of minuscules was carried out, as the Tetra-Evangelium of 
Porphyrius Uspensky (dating from the year 835) attests. , 

Icouoclasm on the lines of Constantine V was continued under Michael's son 
Theophilus (829-842), who wished to ensure the victory of his school by the unspar- 
ing infliction of imprisonment and branding. At the beauty contest before the 
nuptials of Theophilus, who wished to award the apple to the fairest, Casia, a 
maiden who pleased him particularly, retorted to his remark, " Sorrow came into 
the world through woman," with the answer, " Yet woman is the source of happi- 
ness." For this she was passed over by Theophilus. She founded a convent, where 
her poetic gifts were developed. Discarding the old poetic forms and trusting to 
the popular style, she ventured to write poetry by stress (ictus). Eeminiscences 
of Menander and echoes of the Bible could not deprive her of her own feelings ; 
a self-conscious originality flashes forth in her songs of hatred, " I hate him who 

76 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

adapts himself to every custom." We can believe that frivolity and laziness 
roused to indignation this defiant spirit, and that a laborious life amongst learned 
men had more attractions for it than a pleasant existence in the society of fools. 

The feeble Theophilus was consistently pursued by ill-fortune. The Saracenic 
advance was checked in Asia Minor by a Persian prince (called, as a Christian, 
Theophobus) ; an inroad was even made into the Arabian Empire. But to balance 
this, came the terrible pillage of the town of Amorion (after a siege from the 7th 
to the 15th of August, 838) by the Khalif Mutasim (Motassim, 833-842). The 
martyrdom of the forty-two Greeks of Amorion was deeply graven on the memory 
of the Greeks. In the West, Palermo fell into the hands of the Arabs. The 
belief in images still flourished in spite of violent measures ; the three Eastern 
patriarchs repeated in a letter of 839 to Theophilus the story of the impression 
of the face of Mary on a pillar at Lydda. Theophilus, whose panegyrists extol 
his exertions in the cause of science (for instance, by conceding to scholars the 
permission to teach), and for the safety and buildings of the capital, rewarded his 
greatest general, his brother-in-law Theophobus, with base ingratitude, and his 
last act as monarch was to order the execution of this meritorious servant and 

The regency for the thirteen-year-old son of Theophilus, Michael III (842- 
867), was undertaken by his mother Theodora, his uncle Burdas, a strong and 
unscrupulous character, and the Magister Manuel. The connection of the latter 
with the monks of the celebrated monastery of Studion seems to explain the 
order which was given for the restoration of image worship. The Synod of 843, 
the anniversary of which the Greek Church celebrates as /cvpta/cr) rr)<? opdo^o^i^, 
ended the long controversy. All the symptoms of madness appeared in the 
debauched young emperor Michael III ; passion for the circus and for low com- 
pany (common men, clowns, and jockeys), infatuated extravagance, drunkenness, 
unrestrained lust, and mischievous cruelty. That malicious delight in turning 
to ridicule what was sacred to other men (by desecrating the Sacrament and 
arranging processions of his boon companions attired in episcopal vestments) 
sprang with Michael from that same mania for outrage which prompted the 
emperor Caligula to erect his statue in the temple at Jerusalem. He is rather 
to be compared with Caligula than with Nero, although the latter is the parallel 
preferred by the Byzantine historians. 

(/3) The Entry of the Russians on the Scene. As a terrible warning of the 
dangers which threatened a weak Byzantium from the north, the Eussians (Slav 
EUSB, Greek f Pa>?, Arabic Rus, Finnish Ruotsi, probably the rowers) appeared 
before Constantinople (July 15, 860, according to the anonymous chronicler of 
Brussels). These Scandinavian hordes (not Slavs from the Baltic or Goths from 
the Crimea) had won great fame early in the ninth century. They themselves 
bore Northern names (RjurikB = Hroereke, Olagb = Helgi. Igorb = Ingvarr) and 
gave Scandinavian names to the falls of the Dnieper, which they descended in 
their boats (ulvorsi island fall, aeifor = always in front, gelaudi the echoing, 
varuforos = wave fall, leanti = hlsejandi = the laughing, strakun, Swedish struk = 
current). Even the treaties of the Eussians with Byzantium in 907, 911, 945, 
and 971 show precisely the same Northern military oath as the treaty of Charles 
the Bald with Eegner, 845, and of Siegfred and Halfdan with Lewis the German. 


Otherwise the traces of Northern names and designations are scanty enough. 
In the name of the town which in Slavonic is called Turow is concealed the 
name Tury, which came to Eussia with Rogvolod = Eag(e)vald; otherwise the 
Ivor Street in Novgorod and the spot in Kiev where the god Thor was wor- 
shipped are, with the "knout," almost the only memorials of the Northern 
home from which the invaders came. 

These Northern heroes had been called into the country by the Slavs, Tchades, 
Kriviches, and Wesses as the superior national power. " Our country is large and 
rich, but there is no order in it ; do you come and rule and govern over us," said 
the Slavs, according to Nestor's chronicle. But the Russians appeared savage and 
boorish, the " most blood-stained " people to the Byzantines who, mistrusting their 
own strength, ascribed the retreat of the Russians to the dipping of the robe of the 
Mother of God in the waves of the Bosphorus, as Photius relates, and claimed 
the credit for the subsequent conversion of the Russians to Christianity. The 
Russians then made Novgorod and Kiev centres of the empire, and retained their 
Scandinavian character for a long time in the former city ; in the latter, notwith- 
standing Northern followers (Druschina), they became Slavonic by the year 1000 ; 
but in reality they accepted Christianity under Byzantine influence and drew their 
learning and culture from Byzantium although not until far later ; the peace 
of 907 was still sworn to by the god Perun (in whom we detect features of the 
Scandinavian Thor) and Volus (certainly not Basilius). Olga, Igor's wife, was 
the first to receive baptism, and the entire nation became Christian under 
Vladimir (980-1015). A section of the crews in the fleet, and later a com- 
pany of the imperial body-guard, celebrated for their weapons (axe and bayonet 
combined) were formed out of the Russians: the Varagi, 1 or with Slav nasal 
Varangi (Bdpayyoi). 

(7) Cyril and Methodius. Byzantium was regarded at that period (863) as 
the centre not merely of civilization but of Christianity ; and Rastilaw of Moravia 
(then the country on the March, comprising a part of Lower Austria as far as 
the Danube, and Northern Hungary between the Danube and Gran), requested 
the emperor Michael III to send him a missionary familiar with Slavonic, and in 
this way endeavoured to obtain a Slavonic liturgy and a church of Greco-Slavonic 
constitution. Through the brothers Constantino and Methodius of Thessalonica 
not merely did the Slavonic dialect of that region (in Moravia slightly blended 
with German words) become the prevailing dialect for ecclesiastical purposes, but 
in other respects we can see there the beginning of that complex civilization 
which we may term Slavo-Byzantine. Eastern elements are prominent in this 
civilization, as might be expected from its Byzantine origin ; but amongst the 
Slavs, owing to the manner of its transmission, it has been everywhere influenced 
by the national Church. We have not yet surveyed the extent of the Slavonic 
debt to Byzantinism. Institutions and forms of government, law and plastic arts, 
religious conceptions and liturgy, legends and myths, all flowed in narrow but 
numerous channels down to the Slavonic nations. And there the differentia of 
the races down to the present day has been not Teutonism and Slavonism, but 
Teutonism and Byzantinised-Slavonism. 

1 Old Norse Varinjar, from Vaeri guard, therefore = privileged strangers, by which name the Russians 
designated the peculiar position of their Scandinavian countrymen among themselves. 


"We derive our information about the life of the brothers from their biography, 
the so-called "Pannonian Legends;" it is unlikely that these were dictated by 
Method to a pupil; more probably they were written in Greek by a learned 
Slav from Bulgaria toward the middle of the tenth century, and translated into 
Slavonic and enlarged by theological discourses in the twelfth and thirteenth cen- 
turies ; further details (especially about the attitude of Hermanrich of Passau) are 
furnished by the papal letters of the British collection, and the so-called " Italic 
Legend " composed by Bishop Ganderich of Velletri (f 898). The brothers Constan- 
tine and Methodius were born at Thessalonica as Greeks, certainly not of a mixed 
race, in the midst of Slavonic tribes, with whose tongues they became at an early 
age familiar, so that Methodius actually administered a Slavonic principality in 
Thessaly, before he retired to Olympus in Asia Minor. Constantino had close 
relations in Byzantium with Photius, who in 855-856, being then Asicrit 
(a<rr]KpfiTi<;, a secretis), was sent with him to the Arabs, and went (860-861) as 
missionary to the Khazars ; he then, at the request of Eastilaw in 863, accom- 
panied Methodius to Moravia, and certainly took with him some portions of the 
Old Testament already translated into Slavonic. The heretical attitude of Photius- 
forced the brothers to break with Byzantium and turn to Eome, where Pope 
Hadrian II consecrated them bishops in 868 ; the Slavonic liturgy was at first 
sanctioned there (by Pope Hadrian II 869 and Pope John VIII 880), although 
it was afterwards prohibited in the Commonitorium of Pope Stephen VI and in 
his letter to Svatopluk discovered in the monastery of the Holy Cross). Con- 
stantine, or as he was now called, Cyril, died in 869 ; Methodius laboured on the 
shores of the lake of Platten, extended his influence to Croatia, and died in 
Moravia in 885. The struggle about the Slavonic liturgy was carried on with 
much heat by the clergy ; the victory of the liturgy, in spite of the restrictions 
imposed by Pope Stephen VI, enabled the Slavs to outstrip the Germanic nations 
in the work of organising a national church. We may see here the effect of 
the spirit of independence characteristic of the Byzantine Church. 

The Slavonic national (glagolitic) alphabet, invented by Cyril and closely mod- 
elled on the Greek cursive character, 1 facilitated the establishment of Christianity 
among the Slavs. The sphere of glagolitic monuments extends from Moravia and 
Bohemia (fragments at Prague, portions of the Missal) to Croatia, Istria (island of 
Veglia, with the inscription in the church of St. Lucia, dating from the eleventh 
century), and Dalmatia. Subsequently we find a simplified form of the Cyrillian 
alphabet which was probably composed by Bishop Clement of Drenovica under the 
Czar Symeon on the model of Greek uncials (oldest inscription : stone from Ger- 
man on the east shore of the lake of Prespa, 992-993 ; oldest book : the Gospel of 
Ostromir, 1056-1057). 

It was certainly not directly through Methodius and the picture of the Last 
Judgment ascribed to the Slavonic apostle (by an erroneous identification with a 
painter), but indirectly through the whole Christianising movement and the influ- 
ence of Byzantium, that the conversion of Boris, prince of the Bulgarians and of 
the Bulgarian people, came about. The Bulgarians, standing on a low plane of 
civilization, retained their barbarous habits and were profoundly superstitious. The 
Oriental turban was worn by the men, while close-fitting dresses, long sashes 

1 See the plate "Beginning of the Gospel of St. Luke," in the fifth section. 


ornamented with gold and silver buttons, and veils for the face were still retained 
by the women. They employed oxen and sheep as mediums of exchange ; slaves 
worked for them in an oppressive serfdom, or were even sold to Byzantium. 
Wonder-working stones were hung round the necks of the sick, and the dead man 
was given his slaves and wives to accompany him to the grave. A deep gulf sep- 
arated ruler and subjects, of whom even the foremost did not eat at the same table 
with the prince (Khan, o/Siyr) = oveghii, " Exalted "). The core of the nation was- 
represented by the greater and inferior nobility, the /3oi\aS& (with Greek ending) 
and the ftaya'ivoi. 

(8) The Rupture with Rome. Boris had clearly seen how necessary it was 
for his kingdom of Bulgaria to receive the Christianity which he had himself 
adopted, with an imperial sponsor, under the name of Michael. The question 
whether to join Eome or Byzantium was more obscure. The persecutions of the 
pagans, which he himself initiated, and the inrush of eager missionaries of the most 
various sects (for example, of the Paulicians) into this new domain of Christianity 

of lay Christians who professed to be priests and mixed all the superstition of 
their own homes with Christianity, or of Jews who wished to disseminate their creed 

did not conduce to make the new doctrines more popular. To crown all came 
the teaching of the highest ecclesiastical party of Byzantium, of the patriarch Pho- 
tius, which must have driven the Bulgarian prince out of his senses; he then 
received a sketch of the essential nature and features of orthodoxy, a theological 
treatise on the Trinity, and a history of the seven oecumenical synods and their 
most influential personalities ! what did the obligation of guiding his subjects to 
" the conception of truth " mean to him 1 So much was clear to him, however, that 
his people, or at any rate he in his own person, should take the leap from their 
primitive manners to the ideal of the Byzantine court, where no one was allowed 
to talk too fast, laugh too loud, or speak unbecomingly. 

The Bulgarian prince therefore tried the experiment of the West, and Pope 
Nicholas I, cleverly recognising the needs of a simple race, conceded the Bulga- 
rian's requests, some of which were truly marvellous. The Pope wished to reform 
the inner man, not to alter reasonable customs or national dress. The war against 
superstition and cruelty was waged with gentle weapons. The grasp which Kome 
possessed of the Bulgarian situation, the care with which her representatives sug- 
gested a higher civilization, were in striking contrast to the ostentatious erudition 
of Byzantine theologians, and to the Byzantine insistence upon tedious ceremonies. 
But the advantage of Eome was thrown away, owing to quarrels of a personal kind. 
The Pope refused to approve the bishop who was presented to him, and the alli- 
ance was broken off. 

The discourteous attitude of Eome towards the Greek envoys in Bulgaria, who 
were simply driven out of the country, and the rejection of the message communi- 
cated by them, supplied Photius, who, patriarch of Constantinople since 858, had 
been deposed at a Eoman synod in 863, with the final motive for a rupture with 
Eome. The theological basis of the renunciation of Eome, the Encyclical of 867 
(JKV/C\IO<; eVto-roX^) so important in the history of the world, was not weighty 
or burdensome. In the West, men had taught that the Holy Spirit proceeded 
from the Father and the Son, and by so doing had, according to the view of Pho- 
tius, denied the monarchical constitution of the Trinity. In conformity with the 


Western view the creed had been altered by the admission of the words " and 
from the Son," against which the confession of faith engraved by Pope Leo III on 
silver plates bore witness. Further, in order most thoroughly to shatter Rome's 
claim to this position, Photius, by removing the imperial residence from Rome to 
New Rome, asserted the transference of the primacy to Byzantium. The consider- 
ation that Byzantium had become the centre of ecclesiastical life seemed to weigh 
heavily ; the later decision of the Bulgarian question by opponents of Photius 
shows that the rights of Rome within the Byzantine Empire were most unpopular. 
But undoubtedly the weightiest reason was the rejection in the West of so many 
Church customs which were knit up with the Greek national life. Photius then 
revealed the deep rift between West and East ; it was national, and only brought 
into relief by the Church dispute. How cordially he was greeted, and how gladly 
the lower sections of the nation welcomed the defence of their habits of life, is 
proved by the votes of confidence which the artisan classes afterwards addressed 
to Photius. Meanwhile the secular power had passed to the Armenian ex-groom 
and friend of Michael, the joint-emperor Basilius (p. 49), who put Michael to death. 
Now first, long after the loss of the Eastern provinces, the Greek spirit had vig- 
orously roused itself and produced among the people the consciousness of national 



THE intercourse with the East and the former incorporation of Oriental prov- 
inces in the empire, with their great influence on culture, left traces for centuries ; 
Eastern suggestions, Armenian colonists, and natives of Asia Minor played a 
great part at court and in the State. But the Greek elements had begun to com- 
bine; and here too the first attempt at national union found expression in the 
Church. Learning and education, law and literature, had seen a renascence of the 
old Byzantine and Greek life, and the whole State became emphatically an expres- 
sion of Greek intellect. 

The divinely appointed rule of the emperor, despotic and unrestrained by law, 
in things spiritual and secular alike, swayed the Byzantine intellect. The spir- 
itual and secular dignitaries were nominated by him, and a shadowy senate was 
summoned. The imperial finance-minister (\oyo0erris rov ryemrcov), the keeper of 
the privy purse (\oyoOeTr)<? rwv oifceiaicwv*), the commandant of the watch (Spowyyd- 
pios rr}? /3i7Xa9), and the postmaster-general (\oyoderrjf rov Spopov), the other 
excellencies (Trar/n'/aoi) and the protospatharii, the private secretary (6 Trpwra- 
a-rjKprjTis), the captain of the city (eTra/^o?, at the same time prwfectus urbi and 
prcefectus prmtorio, the magistrate of the capital), the quaestor (/foiaiffrcop, then 
probably head of the police) flocked round the throne and executed the com- 
mands in the various administrative and legislative spheres. 

The high military officers ruled the provinces (Oe/Mara) and played an impor- 
tant r6le at court. They were excellently paid : the patricius (commander of a 
division) received forty pounds of gold (1,800); the strategus formerly 1,600, 
after Leo the Wise 1,350 ; the commander of brigade (turmarches) 550, after Leo 
450. Even the pay of the officers (drungarius major 270, later 220 ; comes 
= captain 130; the pentecontarch = lieutenant 90) and of the imder-officers 
(decarchs 45) must be reckoned good, if we consider that everything was found 


for them.^ The army itself was devoted to its leaders, received small pay, but 
complete board, lodging, and clothing, and was in other respects treated consider- 
ately. This is attested not merely by their exemption from taxation, and by the 
splendid baths at Dorylaeon, which could hold seven thousand men the reputa- 
tion they enjoyed in the wars with the Arabs as the avengers and saviours of 
Christianity, and the demand that all fallen soldiers should be declared martyrs, 
furnish an eloquent proof of it. 

There was also a powerful clergy, who had immense monastic estates as well 
as poor monasteries at their disposal, and ruled the people politically also, by 
using religious controversy for political opposition, and urging the masses to fight 
through enthusiasm for the cause. From the clergy also came to a large extent 
the " cloud of humanists, who made verses and turned phrases, who begged and 
were not ashamed." They found an appreciative audience in the large class of 
wealthy men who, consumed with thirst for titles, bought for themselves their 
title, and even a salaried office as a life annuity. 

Then the bourgeois class ; from this were sometimes recruited the ranks of the 
clergy through the desire for seclusion, sometimes those of the lower officials of 
court and civil service, by the sale of offices, or the posts once bought became 
hereditary in the families of the order. The artisan guilds protected the old 
church customs as inassailable achievements of faith. 

Then the peasantry, diminished by the attractive power of the monasteries and 
by the sale of the land, and also ruined by a defective system of credit. All round 
the capital, in the district called the Province of the Walls, Latifundia had been 
formed, on which peasant serfs worked for the emperor, for patricians and monas- 
teries a picture of the whole empire. The peasant, once perhaps free, who 
worked on these estates (tStoo-rara), could not be evicted, but also did not possess 
the right of emigration, paid far more than the former tithe of corn ; he paid pro- 
tection-money and blood tithes, he was indeed a serf (-Tra/jot/co?). The diminution 
of the free peasant class became noticeable from the increase in the mercenary 
forces, as in the Athens of the fourth century. Thus this prosperous season of the 
'Byzantine Empire is naturally characterised by a- constant struggle for the protec* 
tion, maintenance, and increase of. the free peasantry^ A powerful effort in this 
direction was made by the Homestead Act of the emperor Eomanus Lacapenus; 
who passed a law (934) forbidding the " magnates " (Swaroi) to acquire any vil- 
lages or hamlets from the poor (TreV^re?) ; they had actually to give back any pur- 
chases of land, except in the case of their having raised valuable buildings. As 
"magnates," were reckoned higher officials and place-holders, members of the 
superior clergy, and all who had money and position. The old connection between 
landed property and military service appears further in the resuscitated institution 
of inalienable military fiefs, the owners of which had to provide equipment and 
food ; and only the heirs, and those who bore a share of military service and tax- 
ation might acquire such property. The workman class was superstitious, dull- 
witted, and, notwithstanding Christianity, addicted to the old cults. The lowest 
section finally was represented by the very numerous slaves, in whom a nourishing 
trade was carried on. Danilis, the richest lady of the Peloponnesus, presented to 
her imperial adopted son Basilius five hundred slaves (including one hundred 
eunuchs) and one hundred slave girls ; after her death in 888 the emperor eman- 
cipated three thousand of her slaves and settled them in Lower Italy. 
VOL. v e 


The strength of the Byzantine empire lay in the army and fleet. Mercenaries 
and newly settled subjects occupied a large place amongst the tenants of military 
fiefs. The imperial fleet under the Drungarius (p. 80 ; a Teutonic word the 
same root is in " Gedrange ") was paid from the State coffers ; the provincial fleet 
by the Themata (provinces), and the majority of the ships belonged to the imperial 
fleet. Tubes for discharging Greek fire were placed on the bows of the dromonds. 
The fleet was manned by Eussian Northmen, who served as mercenaries, at one 
time also by Syrian Mardaites (cf. p. 65), as barbarians who had settled in the 
empire and thus liable to service, and finally by the native population of the 
island province, of the province of Samos, and of the Cibyrrhaeotic province. 
When this latter territory was lost the navy also was ruined, so that in the 
eleventh and the beginning of the twelfth century pirates swept the seas. When 
the necessity of a navy made itself felt in the war with the Norman fleet, the 
Venetians fought and decided the battles of the Greek emperor. 

The core of the Byzantine Empire was Asia Minor, which required to be 
defended by perpetual war against the Arabs. On the Black Sea it still possessed 
the Crimea, the starting point for the trade with the surrounding nations, especially 
with the Khazars. The Pecheneges and Bulgarians enclosed the small part of 
Thrace and Macedonia which still remained Greek. The Peloponnese, through 
the attitude of the Slavonic tribes, was only in parts nominally dependent. Dyr- 
rhachium served to secure the communications with Italy. By the side of the 
independent kingdom of Italy, with Pavia as its capital, Calabria still maintained 
its position as a Greek province ; an attempt was also made by Byzantium to exer- 
cise some maritime supervision in these waters. In Sicily, on the contrary, there 
were but few points still in Byzantine hands. 

(a) From Basilius I to Eomanus II (867-963}. Basilius I (867-886) laid 
the foundations for the internal and external consolidation of the empire. He was 
descended from an Armenian family of military colonists at Adrianople; his 
mother was called Pankalo and w T as, according to Tabari, a Slav. In compensation 
for Sicily which soon became completely Arab (in 878 Syracuse submitted to 
Emperor Leo, 889 a battle at Mylse, 902 loss of Taormina), and where only the 
Byzantine law prevailed, he added to Calabria a second province of Southern Italy, 
Longibardia. Considering the actual secession of Venice, which had created for 
herself (cf. p. 73) an invincible position on the sea by the treaty of 840 (Pactum 
Lotharii) and its ratification by Lewis II (857), it was a master stroke of diplo- 
matic self-control on the part of Basilius I, to regain at any rate a formal recog- 
nition of his suzerainty from Venice by sending an embassy, transmitting presents, 
and conferring on the Doge Ursus Partiacus (879) the title of Protospatharius. 
Buildings shot up in numbers ; according to report more than one hundred 
churches (Saint Gabriel and Saint Elias with splendid mosaics) and palaces (Kai- 
nurgion with pillars probably Syrian decorated with vine leaves, and battle 
scenes). The emperor Basilius was so amicably disposed towards Kome that 
the learned and indefatigable Patriarch Photius, who in 867 had deposed Pope 
Nicholas I at a so-called council, was at the eighth (Ecumenical Synod at Jerusa- 
lem declared to have forfeited his office and was replaced by the patriarch Ignatius. 
The thought that one single faith ought to govern the Christians induced the prel- 
ates of the East, who were under the emperor's influence, to sign a formula of 


submission to Eome. A fitting pendant to this ecclesiastical policy was the sup- 
pression of the Paulicians by Basilius ; they removed under Tzimisces to the Bal- 
kan Peninsula and were revived in the sect of the Bogumiles. Perhaps also the 
persecution of the Jews in Southern Italy by Basilius may be traced to a renewal 
of the claim of Leo the Isaurian (cf. p. 70) to establish one faith throughout the 
'empire. Glancing over the domain of art we might regard the decorations of the 
Church of Scripu, built in 873-874, as an instructive allegory of the spiritual move- 
ment of that time : an abundance of designs, which attest the presence of a strong 
vitality, but still, it must be confessed, crude in execution, an echo of the hard 
struggles of the Byzantine people, from which the old language, altered in many 
ways, emerged victoriously. The hereditary monarchy, which extended from 867 
to 1028, was unusually emphasised in form by the joint sovereignty of the sons (in 
the case of Basilius I : Leo VI and Alexander ; in the case of Eomanus II : Basi- 
lius II and Constantine VIII) ; but in fact it broke down through the institution 
of mayors of the palace (see below). 

The learned emperor Leo VI (the Wise, 886-911), who was compared to the 
emperor Claudius, had a far higher importance than the " wise fool " of the Julian 
line, whose studies exercised no sort of influence upon his time (Vol. IV, p. 422). 
It may be that merely utilitarian considerations led the Byzantines of this age to 
'Collect all the learning of the past and above all that of Justinian's epoch, but, 
at any rate, they completely resuscitated it. The process of decay, uninterrupted 
since Heraclius, seemed checked for the future ; even in the descriptions of the 
provinces which the emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogennetus supplied, the 
sixth century is the authoritative basis, notwithstanding the new organisation by 
Leo VI. The great code of the Basilica in sixty books, compiled between 887 and 
893, was one such renewal. Basilius in his Procheirus had restored this basis as 
much as possible (for example, in the law respecting the property of married 
persons), and now the entire code of Justinian was revived, not merely as regarded 
the marriage law, divorce, and the limitation of marriage contracts to the wealthy 
{cf. p. 40), but also in matters of family law, the power of the father, the law of 
^compulsory inheritance, and usury. 

But in a still more significant fashion Leo recurred to the glorious age of Jus- 
tinian. Csesaro-papism arose afresh ; ordinances were issued as to the admissibility 
of married aspirants to bishoprics, and the age limits of sub-deacons ; festivals were 
appointed for celebrated preachers, marriage dispensations were granted. A 
patriarch who opposed his wishes, Nicholas, a friend of his youth, whom he had 
honored with the title of a trusted councillor, was compelled by the emperor to hand 
in his resignation, as he refused to bless the emperor's fourth marriage, and even 
excommunicated him (907). It was then quite obvious that the emperor settled 
the rank and the precedence of the prelates. The dioceses formerly subordinated 
to Eome were now recovered: Nicopolis, Stellas, Sicily, Stygmon, Cephallenia, 
Thessalonica, Dyrrhachium, Dalmatia, were finally separated from Eome and made 
subject to Byzantium. Conformably to this change, these countries were regarded 
as new provinces (themata) and as such enrolled in the new list of themes. Even 
then the generalisation of Constantine Porphyrogennetus that the empire was splifc 
up into governorships, and that the emperor had not, therefore, his old power, might 
hold good for the emperors, with the exception of the greatest. Wealthy families, 
especially on the frontiers of the empire, collected followers, transformed the 
peasants into soldiers, and founded Byzantine feudalism. 

84 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

Theological interests drew Leo into church meetings as an official orator ; scho- 
lastic attainments led him to imitate Latin verse in a macaronic vein. Much 
certainly has been fathered upon him which he did not compose, but brought on 
him his bad reputation. On the other hand, when we consider the great attraction 
of the successes of his father Basilius and his commander-in-chief Nicephorus 
Phocas, as well as the reference to the capture of Theodosiopolis, and the predomi- 
nant position of the Arabs, it is almost certain that Leo is really the author of 
the " Tactics " (p. 68). Leo employed pagan Magyars as " executioners " against 
the Christian Bulgarians, but hardly with success ; the Czar Symeon was justified 
in reproaching him with this violation of Christian fellow-feeling. 

A commercial question, that of burdening the trade between Greece and Bul- 
garia with heavy tolls and of diverting it from Constantinople, induced Symeon 
(893-927) to wage war on Byzantium. The appointment of a Bulgarian patriarch 
in Achrida (which from this time down to 1767 was the intellectual centre of 
the western Balkan countries), and the assumption of the imperial title (car, carL, 
originally cesarB, later CEsart = Caesar) over the Bulgarians (917) and the Greeks 
(924), clearly revealed his plans. He told the emperor, " This is an empire which 
has come to me ! " In his opinion the Bulgarians usually coveted the land of 
others, the Greeks ceded their own. Symeon, who before his accession had lived 
in a monastery, to which his uncles also withdrew, wished to elevate his people 
by the introduction of Greek learning; he had himself read Demosthenes and 
Aristotle at Byzantium in his youth. He projected a reference book (Sbornik) 
which comprised treatises on theological, philosophical, and historical subjects, 
and was translated into Eussian in the eleventh century, and he caused an 
epitome of the Greek law to be prepared. Grigori then translated Malalas (p. 45), 
his cousin, Todor Dutsov, copied manuscripts in his monastery, John the Exarch 
described in his preface to the Sestodnev (Hexameron) the residence of the Czar, 
in which the splendour of Byzantine architecture and painting, and the glittering 
gold of the robes of the princes and nobles, contrasted so sharply with the straw 
cottages of the country. Fresh strength and a recently adopted culture had here 
to be overcome. The Turkish and new Slavonised people of the Bulgarians thus 
formed at that age of international consolidation the very heart of Slavonism and 
became its champions in virtue of their military and political capabilities. 

The Magyars (Hungarians = Huns and Ugrians ?) seemed to Leo the most 
suitable allies against Symeon. The race is in its germ Finno-Ugrian, since its 
numerals and words for ordinary objects of life are identical with those of the 
Finnish- Ugrian Vogules (arrow in Vogule, nal, Ostiak, nail, Magyar, ngil ; dog, 
Vog. amb, Mag. eb; horse, Vog. I6x, M, Mag. 16). From their far distant home 
on the Isim, Irtish, and Om, where Aristeas of Proconnesus, the authority of 
Herodotus (cf. Vol. II, p. 146 et seq., and Vol. IV, p. 273) describes the fore- 
fathers of the Magyars, the Jyrkes, on their hunting expeditions, the Magyars 
had come in the course of nearly fifteen hundred years into the country between 
the Caspian and the Black Seas, into the region between Kuban and Don, where 
fishing might be combined with the chase. They had then settled, about 860, in 
Livadia, between the Don and the Dnieper, where they fell under the influence of 
the Khazars and adopted numerous Turkish words (e. g. kende, in Khazar kender- 
khan = the king, at whose side stands a high legal officer, dsila = yvXas, perhaps = 
Gyula). The Khazars, who adopted Judaism soon after 860, then ruled over an 


empire which stretched from the Jaik to the Dnieper and Bug, from the Caspian 
Sea and the southern slopes of the Caucasus to the middle Volga and the Oka. 
The Magyars, pressing on further, came to the country of Atelkuzu (Atel = Turkish, 
itel = river, Uzu, Dnieper), where they ruled the Slavs and sold them into slavery 
(oger bloodsucker), but also came under Slavonic influence, which affected their 
customs and language (the heads of the seven tribes are called voevod, @oe/3o8oi = 

In the war with the Bulgarians the Magyars were at first successful ; but on 
the way home they suffered a disastrous defeat and were now attacked by the 
Pecheneges (Patzinaks) on the Dnieper, whom the Bulgarians launched at them, 
thus imitating the Byzantine system. Their families, which remained behind on 
the steppes of Bessarabia, were crushed or captured ; the whole nation thereupon 
decided in 896-897, under the rule of Arpad (890-907), to march further to the 
AVest, and so immigrated into their present home, separated into North and South 
Slavs, and made great expeditions through Europe. With this event concludes 
the second national migration. Old native sources were first worked up in the 
thirteenth century into the untrustworthy " Gesta Hungarorum " of the anonymous 
notary of King Bela IV, so that the passages in Leo's " Tactica " and Constantine 
Porphyrogennetus are more valuable ; so also the Arabic accounts which are 
attributed to Muslim ben Abu, Muslim al Garmi (in 845), e. g. the account of Ibu 
Eusta, writing in 912-913. 

The terrible sacking of Thessalonica by the renegade Leo (from the Syrian 
Tripolis, 904) showed that the navy was still unable to fulfil its duties of guarding 
the seas. The lamentations of the patriarch Nicholas (p. 83), with which the 
Church of St. Sophia resounded, testified to the weakness of the empire. It is 
interesting to note that, in spite of these Arabian plundering expeditions, fairly 
good relations were maintained with the Arabs at Constantinople, who, according 
to the testimony of that patriarch, were allowed to possess a mosque and to profess 
their religion without let or hindrance. 

The foolish provocation given to Symeon by Leo's successor, Alexander (912 
913), who insulted his envoys, renewed the war between Symeon and Byzantium ; 
the latter was besieged in 913. The new Great Bulgaria now comprised the 
Balkan Peninsula from Mesembria to Ehodope, from Olympus to the mouth of 
the Calama with the exception of the strip of Macedonia on the sea, towards Servia 
as far as the united Drin, the white Drira, the Ibar, and the Save. Wallachia, 
parts of Hungary, and Transylvania, completed the immense empire. 

Constantine VII Porphyrogennetus ("Born in the Purple"), 912-959, early 
turned his attention to learned studies. His restoration of the old university (cf. 
p. 26) went hand in hand with an eager revival of the old learning in the domains 
of history, geography, agriculture, natural history, and medicine. At that period 
the taste for collecting literary treasures was widely prevalent, as is shown by 
other collections (for example, that of old epigrams by Constantine Cephalus) 
which Constantine had not initiated; but his influence did much to mould the 
characteristics of this " encyclopedic age." The connoisseurs of antiques (such as 
Basilius of Neocsesareum) dedicated their works to him. Court etiquette (in the 
work de Ccerimoniis), military and civil administration, but also popular poetry, as 
his collection of Acclamationes (songs of welcome to the emperor) proves, met 
with his warm appreciation. He had the consciousness, in spite of all the learn- 

86 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter r 

ing of past ages, that the language could not be cramped and stationary, but that it 
ought to develop continuously and in keeping with the present. He showed the- 
same taste for history as his grandfather Basilius I, and continued the work of 
Theophanes, but in an inflated and boastful style. 

In his age the Byzantine system of Mayors of the Palace was developed. It is. 
beyond any doubt that we may thus designate the position of the Basileiopators,. 
who ultimately bore the imperial title (thus, Stylianus Zautzes, 894). The fact 
that in the Frankish Empire the post of the mayor of the palace grew out of the 
royal civil service which was concerned with the administrative duties of the 
royal household, and in Byzantium out of the post of commander of the foreign 
guard (Hetariearch), cannot establish convincingly any difference between the 
mayor of the palace and the Basileiopator. More distinctive is the fact that the 
Carolingians only rose to be viceroys, but the Byzantine commanders to real 
imperial dignity by the side of the Armenian dynasty ; in fact, the latter formally 
took the second place. 

Eomanus I Lacapenus (919-944 co-emperor), the son-in-law of Constantine, 
reduced the latter not merely to the second, but, by the coronation of his own three 
sous, actually to the fifth place ; and, unlike the Carolingian mayors, abandoned 
even the outward semblance of respect for the ruling dynasty. In Bulgaria, after 
the conclusion of peace in 924, and after the death of Symeon in 927, the recogni- 
tion of the Bulgarian patriarchate and the marriage of Maria, granddaughter of 
Eomanus, with the Czar Peter, produced friendly relations with Byzantium. The 
solidarity of Islam was broken up by an alliance with the emir of Melitene (928). 
Armenia, which was bound to East Eome by so many private ties, and had 
become a great power under the powerful Asot (915-928), was now brought into- 
a political alliance ; and amity was established with the Eussians after their severe 
defeats by the commercial treaty of 945. 

The glory of acquiring new relics, especially that of the image of Christ, which 
had been brought from Edessa to Eome, cast a halo round the usurped crown of 
Eomanus; the latter knew also how to employ the Curia for his own purposes; 
he won its friendship, ostensibly by a "union" (920), and really by the enthrone- 
ment of Theophylactus, his horse-loving son, as patriarch. It is hard to say how 
far Eomanus may have entered into financial negotiations with the senator Alberic, 
the protector of the Curia, for the transferrence of imperial rights. Finally, Con- 
stantine VII, by the agency of the sons of Eomanus, freed himself from the father, 
and then from the sons. 

(&) The Empire at the Height of its Power under Nicephorus II Phocas, John 
Tzimisces, and Basilius II (968-1025). Even if little that is complimentary 
can be said about the talents of Constantine as a ruler, as a man he stands 
far above his son Eomanus II (959-963), who at the age of nineteen had mar- 
ried Theophano, the beautiful daughter of a poor innkeeper. Joseph Bringas, the 
moving spirit of the government, confided the war against Crete to the experi- 
enced Nicephorus Phocas, who conquered the island in 961 and brought it back 
to Christianity. He had already captured the Cilician towns and Aleppo, when 
the news arrived of the death of Eomanus II. Theophano was to act as regent 
for his infant children Basilius II and Constantine VIII. Nicephorus then 
marched to the capital and had himself crowned emperor, not without the co- 


operation of a bastard son of Eomanus Lacapemis, Basilius, the president of the 

Nicephorus II (963-969) was a silent ascetic with a fiery soul, who practised 
the virtue of self-suppression not only through the privations of a soldier's life but 
also in the monastic cell ; rude, rough, and ugly, but surrounded by all the charm 
of victorious campaigns, the idol of his troops, he became the husband of the most 
seductive and most delicate of women, the empress-widow Theophano, who thus 
secured for herself the successful general. He carried on the crusade against 
Islam with the fanaticism which is peculiar to the Cappadocian race from which 
he sprang; the fallen were to be reckoned martyrs (cf. p. 81). Everything must 
be subservient to the purposes of the war, of the army, and of the navy, which 
alone Byzantium possessed, as the emperor boasted to Liutprand. The coinage 
was debased as a means of relieving the finances ; restrictions upon the acquisition 
of land in mortmain, perhaps also a limitation of the right of pre-emption to indi- 
viduals of the same status as the vendor, were all tried as a means of restoring 
solvency. The wide stretch of frontier facing the Arabs had become with its for- 
tresses (el Awassim) a military frontier, which urgently needed settlers. Patience 
was required ; the Jacobitic immigrants were, according to the emperor's word, to 
remain exempt from all annoyance on the score of dogma (Chalcedon). The 
emperor had, it is true, made more promises than the clergy of Byzantium wished 
to keep ; in spite of everything the Syrians were dragged into the capital for reli- 
gious tests. No monk ever formed so rigid an ideal as this emperor, who would 
have wished to lay all the riches of the world at the feet of Theophano, but had 
himself absolutely no wants. The home for which he sighed was Lavra on Mount 
Athos, founded by Athanasius in 968 at his instigation; there retirement from the 
world was possible in the strictest form, in the spirit of the old Oriental monas- 
ticism, in the spirit of Abbot Theodorus of Studion. 

As a part of official salaries was kept back by Nicephorus, as Cassaro-papism 
threatened to revive in its harshest form through his policy, since without the 
emperor's consent and command no episcopal election could be held, and no See 
occupied, and as an almost extortionate advantage of the corn monopoly was taken 
by the government, the whole empire was in ferment. Theophano took measures 
to ensure that a palace revolution under the young Armenian John Tzimisces 
should find the bedroom of her husband open; and Nicephorus was put out of 
way. The empress Theophano was banished by the patriarch. John Tzimisces 
was compelled to devote half of his entire fortune to the impoverished peasantry 
in the metropolitan tliema, by the enlargement and furnishing of a great hospital 
in Constantinople. On this condition he was recognised as emperor, and was 
crowned in 969 in the Church of Saint Sophia. Tzimisces conducted the war 
against Russia with brilliant success, since he liberated Bulgaria. But he did 
not restore the empire to the Czar Boris II, who was released from captivity; 
Bulgaria remained henceforth under Byzantine rule. Only a small piece of 
Macedonia and Albania had passed in the year 963 under the rule of the Shish- 
maiiids, and now remained independent. Tzimisces obtained great successes 
against the Arabs under the leadership of the Fatimites of Egypt ; he conquered 
Syria and crossed Lebanon. The East was then thoroughly stripped of its treas- 
ured relics. He died on the march home, and there are grounds for suspecting 
that he was poisoned. 

88 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

The kingmaker of that time, the eunuch Basilius, proclaimed Basilius II 
(976-1025), then twenty years of age, as independent sovereign. The sense of the 
duties of a ruler completely changed his character, and moulded a youth addicted 
to every form of license into a firm and almost ascetic man. 

The West Bulgarian Empire under the Shishmanids, with Prespa, later Achrida, 
as the capital, still stood unbroken ; in fact, it had been considerably extended 
under Samuel (976-1014). Not merely had the Byzantines received a severe 
defeat (991) even the more southerly Adriatic coast was abandoned to Bul- 
garia, the northern coast with the Dalmatian islands went to the Croat Kreszimir I, 
and Servia became a vassal State of Bulgaria. But the defeat of Samuel on the 
Spercheius, and still more the capture of fifteen thousand Bulgarians effected on 
the Belasitza Mountian (1014; south of the passes of Klidion and Kiinpolung) 
decided the fate of the Bulgarian Empire. The prisoners were blinded ; one in 
every hundred was left with one eye to guide the others home. Basilius was 
called from this deed Bulgaroktonos, slayer of the Bulgarians. We can under- 
stand that the Czar Samuel, to whom this pitiable army was sent, was heart-broken 
at the sight. 

In the year 1018 Basilius made his entry into Achrida, where the splendid 
royal treasure, gold-embroidered robes, and a crown of the Shishmanids set with 
pearls, fell into his hands. The Bulgarian nobles, who retained their privileges, 
could now rejoice in Byzantine titles. The fiscal system was for the moment left 
in its present condition, a measure of corn, maize, and millet for each yoke of 
oxen. Finally independence was guaranteed to the Church of Bulgaria ; its first 
archbishop was a Bulgarian, though it may be noticed that his successor, Leo, was 
a Greek. Although at first the extent of the archbishopric of Achrida had been 
fixed at what it was in later years, the emperor, on the request of the Archbishop, 
re-established the diocese on its old scale, such as it was under Czar Peter, not- 
withstanding that Greek dioceses, especially Thessalonica, were prejudiced thereby. 
The high estimation in which the new subjects of the empire were held was 
clearly shown by the intermarriages of noble families with the royal Bulgarian 
house of the Shishmanids. Thus Basilius was loyal to the principle which he 
had announced in his proclamation of 1020, "Although we have become lords 
of the country, we have maintained its privileges as inviolable." Bulgaria was 
linked to Byzantium only by a personal union. For the acquisition of a new 
province, West Bulgaria with Servia, by this energetic policy of reconciliation, 
and for the victory of the Greek spirit over the Bulgarian, Basilius offered his 
thanksgiving in the Church of the Mother of God at Athens, to whom costly 
vessels from Achrida were dedicated. 

In social matters Basilius followed in the steps of Eomanus I Lacapenus, 
checking most stringently the formation of large landed estates. He extended 
the list of the magnates, who were prohibited from acquiring a village or hamlet 
(cf. p. 81), by adding to it the members of the body-guard, abolished the right 
of the magnates to acquire a title by forty years' possession, and introduced a rule 
requiring the production of the original title-deeds. In fact, he confiscated large 
estates in Cilicia and Cappadocia, commanded a speculator in land to pull down 
his mansion, and allotted the ground among small proprietors. The whole burden 
of military service was, at least for some decades, put on the shoulders of the 
magnates and great landed proprietors in such a way that the rich neighbours 


were responsible for outstanding taxes of the small farmers (a\.\rj\eyjvov). His 
attack on the system of large estates was essentially a national attack, aimed 
by the European element in the empire at the ring of noble landed proprietors 
in Asia Minor. He had, perhaps, been counselled to draw the attention of the 
wealthy to personal anxieties and divert it from politics by heavy taxation. 
Basilius by unwearying exertions had acquired districts of Armenia in Asia Minor 
and given them back as fiefs, and had strengthened the garrisons and fortresses 
in every direction. The wide extent of his acquisitions may be inferred from 
the new bishoprics of Keltzene. He treated the Armenian Empire, which he 
annexed in 1021, with the greatest leniency, so that the Armenian historian 
Matheus Urhaci extolled his mercy and kindness. 

Under Basilius the Byzantine Empire attained not only its greatest territorial 
expansion, but also the zenith of domestic influence and prosperity. 

(c) The Prelude to the Disruption (1026-1071). The reign of Constantine 
VIII (1026-1071), in spite of his patronage of favourites, still showed the capability 
of repelling foreign foes, such as the Pecheneges and Arabs. His daughters, Zoe 
and Theodora, had some influence on the succession. An old senator, Romanus 
Argyropulus, was married to Zoe, and reigned as Romanus III (1028-1034). His 
role of a crowned philosopher was ill suited to him. A remorseless persecution 
of the Syrian schismatics, which aroused bitterness even in the lay circles of 
Byzantium, drove many Syrians into the country of the Arabs. His own expedi- 
tion against the Saracens ended disastrously, after he had rejected the khalif's 
proposals for peace. Nevertheless, the celebrated general Georgius Maniaces 
(cf. above, p. 50) won Edessa. 

Zoe' seems to have put the emperor out of her path in favour of her paramour 
Michael, who, as Michael IV (1034-1041), exercised the sovereignty in name 
alone ; he was the brother of John, a eunuch and head of the orphanage, who 
became the real monarch as imperial chancellor. At any rate the sense of the 
responsibilities of his great power had such effect on Michael that he was able 
to protect the empire against invasion. In him a zealous theologian and philoso- 
pher, who courted the society of the Theosophists, once more mounted the 
Byzantine throne. The Ptochiotropheion, the hall which he built in Constanti- 
nople, was a sort of refectory for the devout poor. He succeeded, with the help 
of large mercenary forces, in repelling the attacks of the Saracens. The tradi- 
tional recapture of Athens after a revolt against the emperor is ascribed to the 
northern hero Harald Hardraada, son of Sigurd; but the story springs from the 
erroneous interpretation of a Runic inscription on the gigantic lion in the arsenal 
at Venice. Thus the beautiful reflection of Athenian greatness in Icelandic 
ballads fades away to nothing. But it is certain that Harald fought gloriously 
in the years 1034 and 1035 against the Saracens on the coast of Africa and in 
Sicily, and against the Bulgarians on the Balkans. A yearning for his own 
country drove him back to the north, even when the emperor Constantine did not 
wish to let him go. Danger seemed threatened by the revolt of the Slavs, whose 
privileges, dating from Basilius, were no longer respected. A grandson of Samuel, 
Peter Deleanus, was proclaimed Czar of the Bulgarians, and the Albanian popula- 
tion now joined them, owing to the oppressive burden of imperial taxation. But 
the brilliant defence of Thessalonica and the treachery of another Bulgarian 


prince enabled Michael to crush most remorselessly the ecclesiastical independence 
of Bulgaria. 

The arrogance of Michael V Calaphates (1041-1042) led to the proclamation 
of the princesses Theodora and Zoe as empresses ; and in 1042 Zoe married Con- 
stantine IX Monomachus (1042-1054). The rebellion of the general Maniaces, 
who had reconquered Sicily in 1038, suddenly ended by an accident, most fortu- 
nate for Constantine, which cost Maniaces his life. A second danger was not 
lessened by the settlement of Pecheneges within the borders of the empire, since 
by that expedient the inner connection between the Christianised and the pagan 
members of that unruly race was not broken down. The appointment of Greeks- 
to Armenian bishoprics, after the incorporation of the second part of the Armenian 
Empire, provoked the bitterest hatred of the Armenians towards Byzantium, since 
with this policy a confiscation of the property of the Church was evidently con- 
nected. The Armenians, or some of them at least, looked to the Seljuks as their 

This defection became all the more important when the Oriental Church 
isolated herself and completely broke away from Eome (1054). Pope Leo IX had 
indeed cherished the hope that the Greek and the German emperors, being, as it 
were, the two arms of the Church, would annihilate the Normans. But the title,, 
already acquired by the Church of Constantinople, of the " hotbed of heresy " and 
the contention of the patriarch Michael Cerularius that he was the true ecumenical 
patriarch, the sovereign over the churches of the whole world, and that the Pope, 
on the contrary, was only the bishop of Eome, had made bad blood. In spite of 
the honest efforts of the emperor Constantine to bring about a peace, the Eoman 
legates deposited on the altar of the Church of St. Sophia a bull of excommuni- 
cation against the patriarch Cerularius ; the Synod, then convened, retaliated by 
condemning the bull and its author. Thus the split between the churches was 
made irrevocable. 

At Constantinople Monomachus then revived the old university for the study 
of law, philosophy, and philology. The moving spirit of this restoration was the 
author Michael Psellus. Deeply influenced by the poetry and philosophy of the 
ancient Greeks, especially by Homer and Plato, he possessed a wonderful mastery 
of the Greek language. It is hardly astonishing that a supernatural knowledge 
was attributed to him, when we consider his comprehensive and by no means- 
dry ly encyclopaedic mastery of the most diverse subjects. He donned the monk's 
dress and withdrew from the whirl of the capital and its intrigues to the Mysian 
Olympus, where plane-trees and cypresses lifted their heads towards heaven and 
the songs of birds sounded from the bushes. Then once again returning from the 
solitude, which could not appreciate his genius, into the crowded life of the court,, 
he used his pen as a weapon, which he sold. He served under a succession of 
emperors, and became first minister under Michael VII Parapinaces. This brilliant 
and unscrupulous scholar-politician is one of the most interesting products of 
Byzantine development. 

After the death of Constantine IX Theodora assumed the government, which 
she administered wisely with the help of the priest Leo Paraspondylos until the 
unconciliatory attitude of the patriarch Cerularius led her into violent opposition 
against the Church. The Armenian dynasty became extinct with this empress > 
who transmitted the crown to the general Michael VI Stratioticus (1056-1057). 


The rich landowner who was then chosen, Isaac I Comnenus (1057-1059), 
resisted the claims of the Oriental Church, but retired himself into the monastery 
of Studion and intrusted to his friend Constantine X Ducas (1059-1067) the heavy 
responsibility of the throne, for which he had no special qualifications, as th& 
result showed. Magyars, Pecheneges, Uzes were pressing forward on every side. 
The decline of Byzantine prestige was reflected in a scheme for uniting the 
churches. Gagik of Armenia tore up the deed of union, delivered a successful 
speech on the Armenian faith which was commended by Constantine, and contrived 
the murder of the patriarch of Csesarea as a heretic. Ani, the old royal city of 
the Armenians, then fell into the hands of the Seljuks, and the Armenian nation 
was almost broken up. 

The empress-widow Eudocia at least attempted, by the choice of the general 
Eomanus IV Diogenes (1067-1071), to effect a military reorganisation. The 
neglect and delay of the last years was to be retrieved suddenly, and an army 
formed with worthless soldiers. In doing so Eomauus had not only the Turks to- 
withstand, but also the whole body of courtiers and officials, who immediately 
undermined his position by gibes : " He expects to check the enemy's charge with a 
shield and to stab him dead with a cloth-yard lance, and every one claps his hands 
and shouts ' Hurrah ! ' J: The empire, of which educated classes thus ridiculed 
earnest efforts, was committing suicide. The treachery of Turkish mercenaries^ 
the incompetence and treachery of Byzantine officers, allowed the battle at Mant- 
2ikert (cf. p. 33) to end so disastrously for Eomanus that he was completely 
defeated and taken prisoner. He was, it is true, soon released, only to fall on his 
return into the hands of the cruel John Ducas, who raised his nephew Michael 
to the purple, and put out the eyes of Eomanus. The battle of Mantzikert marks 
the definite disruption of the possessions of the Byzantine Empire in Asia Minor. 
In the wild competition of local pretenders for the imperial crown, fomented by 
mercenary officers and Turkish machinations, the latter proved the most effective- 
factor in the founding of the Sultanate of Iconium. The prosperous era of Byzan- 
tium was then dead and gone. 

COMNENI (1071-1185) 

' (a) To the Death of Alexius I. The feebleness of the emperor Michael VII 
Ducas Parapinaces (1071-1078), who in his difficulties applied to Pope Gregory VII 
(1073) for help against the Turks, offering to renew the old union between Eome- 
and the daughter Church of Constantinople, as well as the foolish attitude of the- 
emperor Nicephorus III Botaneiates (1078-1081) towards the Normans, compli- 
cated the position of Byzantium, which in any case was sufficiently critical after 
the battle of Mantzikert. The part played by the Turks on the accession of 
Nicephorus was significant : troops of the Sultan of Iconium, who had been won 
over by the adherents of Michael VII, were to fight against him, but the Turkish 
captain of the mercenaries of Nicephorus persuaded them to retire. Both there and 
in other places Turks turned the scale by their troops, which they hired out to the 
emperor and the pseudo-emperors. 

Alexius I Comnenus (1081-1118) succeeded in capturing Constantinople; 


through the treachery of a German mercenary officer Hanno. A clever diplo- 
matist and consummate general, Alexius would have been able to confront the 
Turks with great force, had not a new foe arisen in the person of the Norman 
duke Eobert Guiscard, who allied himself with Pope Gregory VII. Calabria had 
already fallen to the enemy, and the Balkan Peninsula was the prize to which 
Guiscard's ambition now aspired. Robert conquered large portions of lllyria. 
Alexius tried by large sacrifices of money to win over the emperor Henry IV, 
who indeed only turned against Robert's ally, the Pope. Church treasures were 
sold, and the connection of Venetian with Byzantine interests was adroitly used 
in a struggle against the common foe. The Venetians, with whom a formal treaty 
was concluded in May, 1082, brought their ships to replace the Byzantine fleet, 
which had been ruined by the loss of the provinces in Asia Minor. This treaty 
guaranteed to them the widest commercial rights, extending to all parts of the 
empire, immunity from tolls, harbour dues, and other imposts, and an independent 
quarter in the port of Pera. This marks the beginning of the Venetian colonial 
dominion in the East and of the supremacy of Byzantine culture, and above all 
of Byzantine art, in Venice (cf. p. 62). In return for these trading advantages it 
was hoped that valuable allies had been secured for the service of the empire 
by Byzantium. The Venetians had to pledge themselves to fight on behalf of 
the possessions of their allies; in 1111 the Pisans also were pledged to allow 
those of their citizens who were settled in Byzantine territory to share in 
defending the empire against attacks. The aggressive policy of the Normans 
was ended temporarily by a victory of Alexius and the death of Guiscard 
(1085), when the most powerful Norman prince Roger adopted a policy of com- 
promise with Byzantium. 

Serious dangers threatened the Byzantine Empire from the Pecheneges 
(1088-1091 ; p. 85); Alexius had already sustained a defeat from them. He con- 
trived to prevent a second reverse by buying over another Turkish race, the Cumaui 
(also Uzes ; Hungarian Kunok, Russian Polovzen), who first appeared in Russia in 
1055, and in 1065 expelled from Atelkuzu the Pecheneges, who had earlier ousted 
the Hungarians (p. 84). The Cumanian language happens to be known to us 
through the existence of a Cumanian glossary. 

The partition of the Seljuk Empire in 1092 (Vol. Ill, p. 356) gave Alexius 
some hope of driving out the Turks, not indeed alone, but with help of the 
West. The letter, still extant, which the emperor addressed to Count Robert I 
of Flanders may well contain many inaccuracies of translation, but in any case 
Alexius asked for help, and, among the many motives which impelled the Cru- 
saders, his appeals may have been effective. In 1095 the petition of Alexius 
for the protection of the Holy Church was read at the Council of Piacenza ; 
and Pope Urban II (1088-1099) issued a proclamation on November 27, 1095, 
at Clermont (as we see from the similar letter to the Flemings) for the libera- 
tion of the Eastern churches. The question of union was not then mooted 
from idealistic enthusiasm on the part of Urban, and from shrewd calculation 
on that of Alexius. 

The learned daughter of the emperor, Anna Comnena, who consulted oral and 
written sources to write the history of her father (1069-1118), the narrative poem 
" the Alexiad," relates in her artificial style, based on Thucydides and Poly bins, 
marvellous things about the feeling in Byzantium. Instead of mercenaries who 


required to be paid, fiery champions who paid themselves ; instead of helpers for 
the emperor, warriors greedy for their own profit and despisers of treaties it was 
with horror that men looked on the migration of Western barbarians, who plun- 
dered the Greek islands and coasts. The " more upright " (dTrXovarepoi) formed the 
minority among them, while the " poorer," who wished to rob, were in the majority. 
The personal charm which radiated from Alexius and reflects itself most vividly 
in the accounts of the Crusader princes, as, for example, in the letter of Count 
Stephen of Blois, helped to lessen the difficulties ; even Godfrey de Bouillon, 
who at first was extremely hostile to the emperor, could not escape this influ- 
ence and took the oath of fealty. The mass of the people had openly made 
Alexius, the " worthless," the " treacherous," responsible for all losses and dis- 
asters, and repeated disdainful epigrams, such as Alexius uttered about the 
struggle of the Turks and Franks, "as important as if two dogs were biting 
each other." 

The Norman Bohemund, son of Robert Guiscard, had at first submitted to the 
emperor a plan for making himself an independent sovereign, but in the end he 
took the oath of fealty. After the conquest of Antioch he wished to keep this 
most important town in his own hands. He could only do this if he appealed for 
help to the authority of the papacy against the heretics of Byzantium. Urban II, 
however, in the councils of Bari and Eome, advocated the reconciliation of the 
churches. His successor Paschal II (1099-1118) first attempted by his papal 
legate to support Bohemund, who himself came to Europe in order to make 
capital out of the current prejudice against the Greeks and to divert the dangerous 
attacks of the Byzantine emperor on Antioch by a crusade of Europe against 
Byzantium. But he could not raise the mighty storm which, in his own words, 
was necessary in order to uproot the lofty oak, although he preached from the 
pulpit in Chartres that the crusaders against Byzantium would obtain the richest 
towns, and often forced the conviction on minds irritated against the emperor that 
a successful crusade could only begin with the war against Byzantium. Owing 
to the energy of the Comneni a full century was still to elapse before these ideas 
were matured. In the peace of 1107-1108, which followed on a severe defeajb 
near Durazzo, Bohemund was forced to renew the oath of fealty for his sadly 
diminished principality of Antioch, which was to become again Greek, ecclesias- 
tically so at once, and politically after Bohemund's death (1111). On the other 
hand the promise of the subjection of the Crusaders by Alexius had less impor- 
tance. The severe defeat of the papacy in 1111 (Vol. VI) induced Alexius then 
to offer the papacy protection and union in return for the imperial Eoman crown, 
which offer Paschal II declared possible under the proviso that Alexius subjected 
himself (the members to the head) and abandoned his obduracy. 

(6) The Extent and Population of the Empire. In 1100 the East Eoman 
Empire embraced the Balkan Peninsula, including Bulgaria, as far as the Danube. 
Servia, Bosnia, and Croatia had been lost. The southern Crimea was subject to 
Byzantium ; the southern coast of the Black Sea, with Trebizond, was only taken 
from Gregory, prince of Georgia, in 1107, and he was enfeoffed with it in 1108. 
The islands of the ^Egean Sea, Crete, Rhodes, and Cyprus were Byzantine. This 
sovereignty was, it must be acknowledged, only nominal in many places. A 
rebellion caused by the pressure of taxation still surged in Crete and Cyprus ; in 


Ehodes the pirates were the virtual rulers. The charter of the monastery of 
Christodulus on Patmos, dating from April, 1088, shows how that island was a 
wilderness, overgrown with thorns and treeless, without any buildings except a 
miserable chapel inside an ancient temple. Even this deserted rock was inces- 
santly harassed by attacks of Turks and Christian pirates, who had driven St. 
Christodule from Mount Leros in the vicinity of Halicarnassus to Cos, and finally 
to Patmos. The old naval provinces of Asia Minor, from which the fleet was 
recruited, had fallen into the hands of the Turks as far as the Sea of Marmora. 
The Turk Tzachas, formerly in the Greek service, had with the title of emperor 
ruled from Smyrna not merely over the surrounding country, but also over Chios, 
Samos, and the greater part of Lesbos, which only became once more Byzantine 
after 1092. Under such conditions we must consider it merely a faint echo of 
the times of greatness (cf. the map " Western Asia at the Time of the Caliphs " 
on p. 332 of Vol. Ill), if the phrase " the fleet is the glory of Eomauia " is 
still heard. 

The population was a motley mixture. Traders flocked together from every 
quarter of the world, not merely into the capital, but to the October fair at Thes- 
salonica and to Halmyrus. The great traveller, the Jew Benjamin of Tudela 
{f 1173), testifies to this state of things at Byzantium under Manuel: " merchants 
from Bagdad, Mesopotamia, Media, Persia, Egypt, Palestine, Eussia, Hungary, the 
country of the Pecheneges, Italy, and Spain." The Greek population had then 
revived, and lived in crowded villages and towns. Arcadia, Lacedsemon, Astypalaia, 
Achrida, Joannina, Castoria, Larissa, Platamuna, Cytros, Dyrrhachium, Chimara, 
Buthroton, Corcyra, are mentioned as Greek towns by the Arab Edrisi, who wrote 
at the commission of Eoger II. On the western slopes of Parnon, between the 
modern towns of Lenidi (vabs TOV 'Ayiov AewviSov, deed of 1292) and Hagios 
Andreas lived the Tsakons, descendants of the old Laconians (e 'A/c&Wa? T) ; 
it was here that the population with its ancient names had retained the 
greatest purity. 

Slavonic immigrations had almost submerged the old Greek race. Jewish col- 
onists, Albanians, and Wallachians pushed their way into the Greek peninsula. A 
province of Thessaly was called Great Wallachia, and we find Wallachians in the 
army. The cities of western Italy began slowly to plant their colonies in the 
crevices of this tottering empire. The disintegrating force of this luxuriant foreign 
growth must not be underestimated when we consider the progress of Byzantine 
decay. It is not the profit-making powers of trade that we must consider, but 
that of the colonial system, which ventured to work in the sinking Byzantine 
Empire with its own surplus of capital and surplus of hands. The system of forced 
labour, which employed the former Byzantine serfs as if they were full slaves, 
created for the Italian communities those riches which we should never compre- 
hend as a result of the Levant trade alone. 

(c) Dreams of Empire down to the Death of Andronicus (HSo). John II 
Comnenus (1118-1143), also called John the Handsome, averted by his modera- 
tion the ambitious efforts of his sister Anna (cf. p. 92) to place on the throne 
her husband Nicephorus Bryennius the younger; he also fought with success 
against the Pecheneges (1122), Servians (1123), and Hungarians, and in Asia 
against the Seljuks (1126-1137) and Armenians (1137). The treaty of 1108 was 


renewed, in 1137, with Bohemund I, successor of Kaimund of Poitou, 1 on the terms 
that Antioch should be surrendered to the Greek throne, but that a territory on 
Turkish soil, Haleb and the petty towns on the upper Orontes (still, however, to 
be conquered), should be ceded to Kaimund as a hereditary lief. The action of the 
emperor against Antioch was sharply censured by Pope Innocent II in the bull 
of 1138 ; the Latins were ordered to withdraw from his company and his service. 
The Byzantine clergy then felt the widening of the gulf which separated them 
from the papacy. " The Pope is Emperor and no Pope," said a Greek who was 
staying at Monte Cassino ; and the Archbishop of Thessalonica bluntly rejected 
the claim of Koine " to send her orders thus from on high," since the Greeks, " to 
whom the knowledge of science, the learning of their masters, and the brilliant 
intellects of Hellenism were useless," thus became slaves. Gentle and wise, never 
enforcing a death penalty, thrifty, since he curtailed the luxury of the court and 
left behind him a well-filled treasury, John enhanced the glory of the empire and 
extended its frontiers. Only Italy was definitely given up; Naples, the last pos- 
sessio i of Byzantium on Italian soil, became Norman in 1138. The attempt to 
withdraw from the iron grip of Venice proved a failure, since the latter proceeded 
to ravage the islands. 

The ideas of West European chivalry united with Byzantine culture and states- 
manship in the person of the fourth son of the emperor John, Manuel I Com- 
nenus (1143-1180). We cannot indeed appeal to the testimony of the ever 
laudatory hack-poet Theodores Prodromos, who wrote witty and pleasing verse 
on everything which could bring money to his purse ; but we have better authori- 
ties in the historians Cinnarnus (a soldier skilful in his profession) and Nicetas 
Acominatus, who continued the work of Anna Comnena. The rash daring with 
which the emperor, escorted by two faithful followers, made his way through a 
dense Turkish army, charged alone with the standard against the Hungarian ranks, 
and after the crossing of the Save did not actually burn his boats but sent them 
back ; his return with four Turks bound to his saddle-bow ; his acceptance of a 
challenge to single combats in honour of his wife ; and the skill with which, in 
the lists at Antioch, he hurled two Latin knights out of their saddles, all this 
brought him nearer to the Western chivalry. He seemed to be an Occidental 
among the Greeks, And in admirable harmony with the whole picture is his 
German wife, Bertha of Sulzbach, sister-in-law of Conrad III, who, in defiance of 
the stately etiquette of the Byzantine senate and court, gave expression to her 
joyful admiration of her heroic husband. Even the superstitious liking for 
astrology, which the emperor defended in a treatise of his own composition, forms 
a natural pendant to this. Natives of the West received high posts in the army 
and the government. The great Western shield and the long lances were now 
introduced into Byzantium. 

1 Kobert Guiscard of Apulia, t 1085 

Bohemund of Antioch (after 1098), t March 7, 1111 

Bohemund II, * 1108, t Febr. 1130 
= Elise, d. of Baldwin II of Jerusalem, t c. 1136 


1136 = Raimund I of Poitou, son of William of Aquitaine, t June 29, 1149 

Bohemund III, t 1201 


The way seemed paved for a reconciliation between East and West, and at 
this price the Roman and Greek Churches, according to Manuel's view, might be 
united under a Roman primate. Pope Alexander III lent a willing ear to these 
proposals, so long as he found himself in conflict with Emperor Frederick I 
Barbarossa (1161). Then the cardinal-presbyter William of Pa via spoke quite in 
the Byzantine spirit of the oppression which the tyranny of the barbarians had 
brought on the Church since the name of emperor had been arrogated by them. 
In this sense the sanguine spirit of Manuel was understood, when he wished in 
the year 1175 to win the co-operation of the West by a new crusade. But the 
Greek clergy were quite opposed to the union, and the parallel of the wandering 
sheep was indignantly repudiated by the Greek Church with the remark that it had 
not added anything to the creed (cf. p. 80). The clouds in the West lowered 
threateningly. Barbarossa at the end of 1177 wrote to the emperor Manuel that 
not merely the Roman imperium, but also the Greek Empire, must be at his beck 
and nod and administered under his suzerainty. In the theory of the two swords 
there was no room for a Greek empire ; Frederick even offered his services as an 
arbiter in Greek ecclesiastical disputes. Thus in the West, twenty-seven years 
before the annihilation of the Greek Empire, political doctrines were started which 
simply denied the existence of the Greek imperial crown. 

It was of little importance, then, in view of the failure to win over the Curia 
and to conduct successfully the diplomatic war against the Western empire, that 
Manuel had his own party in Rome, Venice, Dalmatia, and Hungary, or that 
he hoped to gain the crusading States by great undertakings on their behalf, and 
the good- will of the Latins generally by trade concessions, or the education of 
Ragusan nobles at the cost of the State. The calamitous defeat near the sources 
of the Mseander, at Myriocephalon, 1176, which Manuel sustained at the hands of 
Izz ed-din Kilij-Arslan (1156-1193; Vol. Ill, p. 372), was, it is true, quickly 
retrieved by two great victories, but the intense energy of Manuel was broken. 
The ascendancy of Barbarossa and his own defeat show that his life-work as a 
statesman and a soldier had not been successful. 

Under Alexius II (1180-1183), a minor for whom his mother Maria of Antioch 
governed, the smouldering hatred of the Greeks for the Latins burst into flamp. 
The unscrupulous exactions of labour-service and money imposed by the Occi- 
dentals were terribly revenged on May 2, 1182. Andronicus (I) Comnenus, the 
Alcibiades of the Middle Byzantine Empire, stirred up this rebellion and, as a 
liberator, occupied the highest place in the empire in 1183, first as co-regent, and 
after the murder of Alexius (1184) as sole ruler. A favourite with women, of 
infatuating personal charm, an orator whose flood of eloquence no hearer could 
resist, an admirable general, a distinguished administrator of the empire, whose 
great landowners and feudal nobility he remorselessly attacked, he was the most 
exemplary ruler, and the most unscrupulous of men in his private life. Once 
more the administration was to be altered, bureaucracy terminated, and the 
refractory grandees crushed with iron strength and condemned for high treason. 
But when the avenging massacre of the Latins at Thessalonica (August 24, 1185) 
and the restriction of the games exasperated the people, Isaac Angelus, who had 
been spared during the proscription, was chosen emperor on September 12, 1185, 
after turbulent meetings of the electors. Thus ended the era of peace in which 
" every man sat quietly under the shade of his own vine and fig-tree," in which 


canals and aqueducts had been planned, taxes lessened, and the population of 
the empire amazingly augmented. The scenes after the fall of Andronicus, when 
the mob robbed and pillaged in the palace, the arsenal, and the church, as if in 
an enemy's country, throw a lurid light on the condition of the capital. 



THE reigns of Isaac II Angelus (1185-1195) and his brother Alexius III 
(1195-1203) mark the complete decline of the empire. The mob and the capital 
play the chief role. The weakness of the government, which could no longer ward 
off plundering inroads, was apparent to all its subjects. The collection of taxes on 
the marriage of Isaac II weighed especially heavily on the Bulgarians and Walla- 
chians. Peter and John Asen, two brothers of the old stock of the Bulgarian 
czars, who had grown up among the Wallachians and were familiar with their 
language and beloved by the people, took advantage of political discontent and 
religious enthusiasm to stir up revolt ; Peter became Czar of the Bulgarians and 
Greeks (1185). The new empire was supported by the Servian prince Nemanja. 
The alliance with Frederick I Barbarossa did not indeed lead, as had been hoped, 
to a recognition of the imperial style, and the Servian king Stephen II Nemanja 
was defeated by Isaac in 1194, while John was murdered in 1196 and his brother 
Peter in 1197 ; but nevertheless Calojan (1197-1207) was able to rule over a realm 
which extended from Belgrade to the lower Maritza and Agathopolis, from the 
mouths of the Danube to the Strymon and the upper Vardar. 

The imperial army of Isaac, whose commander Alexius Branas proclaimed 
himself emperor, was defeated by Conrad of Montferrat, with a force composed 
of Franks, Varangians, Turkish and Georgian merchants. The non-Greeks already 
decided the destinies of Byzantium. The army, which already was mostly non- 
Greek, was strengthened by colonists and Hungarian mercenaries abroad. The 
defeat of Adrianople, as well as the crusade of the emperor Barbarossa, showed 
the complete feebleness of the generals and the army. Of the former dominions 
of the empire Macedonia and Thrace were in the possession of the Bulgarians. 
Corfu, 1 Cephallenia, Zacynthus were held by Margaritone of Brindisi, who was first 
an admiral of Tancred's, then a private on his own account. A tribute of fifty 
and later of fifteen hundredweights of gold was asked by the Emperor Henry VI 
for the territory from Dyrrhachium to Thessalonica. The fabric of the empire 
was cracking in every joint. Archons rose up in particular towns and districts and 
exercised a completely independent sovereignty. Where imperial officials, " privi- 
leged pirates," still governed or appeared, they only extorted taxes for Byzantium, 
for themselves, and for a retinue of rapacious underlings, so that as in the period 
of the taille under Louis XIV the inhabitants preferred to leave the fields 
uncultivated and fled. 

Archbishop Michael Acominatus of Athens, a native of Asia Minor, unfolds a 
thrilling picture of that age of misery. He gallantly defended the Acropolis 
against the Archon Leo Sgurus of Nauplia and pointed out the privileges of his 
residence, which no one now respected. Although Athens still retained a reflection 

1 From Kopv<f>l>s instead of Kopv^ = rocks ; Corifus in Liutprand as early as 968. 
VOL. V 7 


of her renown, so that the king of Georgia sent there yearly twenty youths for 
education (amongst them the Georgian poet Lota Rustavell), and although the 
Englishman John of Basingstoke, later archdeacon of Leicester, praises his ever- 
to-be-remembered Athenian instructress Constantina as a model of learning, yet 
the pupils of this Greek culture, of which Acominatus if we believe his lament 
over his rustication in Athens detected little trace, are for the most part aliens. 

Alexius III in 1195 ordered his brother Isaac to be blinded and Isaac's son 
Alexius to be imprisoned. The fear he entertained of his brother-in-law, Philip 
of Suabia, 1 is shown by the treaty of 1198 with Venice, by the terms of which the 
Venetians were forced to pledge themselves to protect Byzantium even against 
the German king. The rights of the Venetian consul (Bagioulos = Bailo ; thus in 
Theodore Lascaris) were then fixed. As he exercised civil and criminal jurisdic- 
tion over the Venetians, we may date from this treaty the origin of consular juris- 
diction. Alexius III was, notwithstanding, foolish enough to infringe the treaty 
on his side. Continual demands for tolls were made of the Venetians, and alli- 
ances with Pisa and Genoa formed a leading feature of Byzantine policy. 

The young Alexius (IV) fled by way of Rome to the court of Philip, who then 
sent envoys to Venice, where princes were already collected in considerable num- 
bers for the Fourth Crusade. The prospect of reward, the consciousness of sup- 
porting the legitimate heir, and hope of ecclesiastical union induced every one to 
vote that Alexius, who promised military support to the crusade, together with 
provisions and the expenses of the fleet, should be raised to the throne. The 
Venetians made use of the crusading army to effect the capture of Zara. They 
also received from the emperor elect the guarantee of a trade monopoly. Thus it 
was proposed that outstanding disputes should be definitely settled by installing a. 
friendly emperor. Byzantium fell on July 17, 1203. Alexius III fled, and Alexius* 
IV was placed by the Latins at the side of his father Isaac, who was now released 
from prison. Disputes partly between the Latins and Mohammedans on account 
of the mosque which Isaac had built for the latter, partly between the mob and the 
colonists, formed the prelude to the vast conflagration which devastated Constanti- 
nople from the 21st to the 24th of August. But Alexius IV could hardly meet his- 
financial obligations, much less dissuade the Greeks from their hatred of the Latins. 
For him also the day came when the demands which were presented to him nettled 
his pride, and the words of Enrico Dandolo the Doge, " Shameful wretch, from the 
mire we raised you : into the mire we shall push you back again ! " cast a terrible 
light on his position. 

The national reaction brought to the front Alexius V Murzuphlus (the Stam- 
merer), who ordered Alexius IV to be strangled in his dungeon, and expressly 
declared his readiness to die rather than support the expedition against the Holy 
Land or promote the promised union of the churches. Then the Occidentals 

1 Andronicns Angelas 

Isaac II Angelas, to 1204 Alexius III 

= Margnreta of Hungary 

I I I 

Alexius IV, 1 1204 Irene, 1 27 Aug. 1208 Manuel Anna = Theodore Irene = 

] 197 = Philip of Suabia Lascaris, t 1222 Alexius 




decided on the partition of the empire ; three-quarters of the booty fell to the 
Venetians, one-quarter to the Franks. The Venetians retained their old commercial 
privileges. Each party appointed six electors for the election of the emperor, 
who received a quarter of the empire. The other parts, as already agreed, fell to 
the Venetians and the Franks. The Church of St. Sophia and the election of 
the patriarch were given to the nation, to which the emperor did not belong. 
The division of the fiefs and organisation of the feudal system rested with a 
council of twelve members. The capture of the city was proposed for another 
year, and the consent of the Pope was obtained. On April 12, 1203, some 
towers were stormed by the crews of two ships; a city gate was burst open 
by Peter of Amiens, and while Byzantium was burning the emperor fled, having 
vainly called on his citizens to resist. Even Theodore Lascaris, newly elected in 
St. Sophia, was forced to escape across the Bosphorus. Unparalleled horrors 
of devastation, pillage, murder, and rape raged through the streets. The foreign 
colonists took the bitterest revenge. Two thousand citizens fell, and the terrible 
scene was only ended by the eclipse of the moon on April 16. Never before can 
so many monuments of classical antiquity have been destroyed as then. All the 
statues of bronze in the Hippodrome were melted down and coined into money. 
There perished then the works of art in the Hippodrome (p. 40), also the 
colossal statue of Hera of Samos, the obelisk of brass with the female figure 
turning at the slightest breath of wind, Bellerophon with Pegasus, the eagle 
and the snake, the sphinx, river-horse and crocodile, the charioteers, Paris 
handing the apple to Aphrodite. Only the splendid horses of Lysippus were 
rescued by the Doge Enrico Dandolo and conveyed to Venice. 



BYZANTINE culture, especially art, exercised in this as in the preceding period 
(cf. pp. 55-63) a widespread influence on the West. Greek artists are frequently 
mentioned in our authorities as transmitting this influence to the West. It is obvi- 
ous that the East still held an intellectual sway over Illyria and Dalmatia, that 
ancient debatable land of Western and Eastern civilization. Eagusa supplies a 
striking proof of this in Greek surnames and expressions (Spvpcov, dnnun = fenced 
in coppice, Trpoitciov, prochimum = dowry, e/cTajiaTitcd, sportula ectagi). The 
great field, then, for Byzantine influences is naturally Italy. It is true that we 
have no traditional information about the founding of the monastery at Grottaf errata 
by Greek monks, or of that of the abbey of San Silvestro e Martirio at Orvieto. 
We can prove by inscriptions that Greek painters (Theophylactus 959, Eustathius 
1020) worked at the frescoes of Carpignano at Otranto (one delicately executed 
and one rather rough figure of Christ). If we disregard the vague tradition which 
speaks of architects being summoned from Constantinople to Venice by the Doge 
Pietro II Orseolo in the year 1000, in order to remodel San Marco, we find in 
Leo of Ostia a quite trustworthy account of the employment of Byzantine artists 
by Abbot Desiderius of Monte Cassino in 1066. Apparently the walls of the 
apse and the vestibule of the basilica were ornamented with mosaics, and the floor 
with tessellated marble, by Byzantine artists ; in fact, we can prove that a complete 


school of arts and crafts was set up by Desiderius under the influence of Byzan- 
tium. According to the chronicle of the monk Amatus of Monte Cassino 
Desiderius also called in Arab artists from Alexandria. We cannot be surprised 
that Byzantine costumes were retained in the decorations of the Church of 
Sant' Angelo in Formis, which Desiderius built. The Byzantine influences in 
the baptistery of Parma certainly go back to the twelfth century. Greek painters 
(for example, a certain Kalojohanues) are mentioned in the year 1143 as working in 
the neighbourhood of Padua. In connection with the cathedral at Pisa the Greek 
architect Buschetos may be named, and to him may be referred the cruciform 
shape, the unusual length of the transepts, and the polychrome decoration of the 
exterior. The transmission of funds for the completion of the cathedral is 
expressly mentioned by the emperor Alexius I in the year 1099. The direct 
export of works of art from Byzantium to Italy is proved by a series of bronze 
church gates, on the bronze plates of which designs are executed in low relief 
overlaid with silver. Such gates we find in the Church of St. Paul outside Rome, 
cast in 1070 by Stauracius, others by unknown founders for Amalfi, Monte Cassino, 
Sant' Angelo in Formis, and San Michele on Mount Gargano, San Salvatore at 
Atrani near Amalfi, at Salerno, and in the Church of St. Mark at Venice. 

Byzantium created two complete provinces of art on Italian soil. This is 
attested not so much by our literary authorities as by the works themselves. Of 
these provinces, Venice was one; Southern Italy and Sicily formed the other. 
The first summons of Greek mosaic artists to Venice can be proved to have been 
given in 1153 to Marcus Indriomeni. But the Church of St. Mark, altered from a 
basilica into a domed building on the model of the Church of the Holy Apostles, 
the whole Venetian style of church architecture with its Byzantine splendour of 
gold and marble, and the Doge's palace with its bright upper walls, show us how 
Byzantium has supplied here the essential forms of Venetian art, and how these 
were gracefully combined with Gothic and Arabic models. In the case of Sicily, 
with its large Greek population, its Greek liturgy, its Greek law (for example, the 
strong influence of the Ekloge of Leo and Constantine), and the Greek Chancery of 
its Norman kings, it is of course obvious that there existed countless ties of union 
with Byzantium. The permanent residence of Byzantine artists in Messina is 
attested by edicts of the archbishops of Messina. Numerous silk-weavers from 
Corinth, Thebes, and Athens were brought to Palermo in 1154 by King Eoger of 
Sicily, in order that the " celebrated art " might spread to the West. We may 
assume bronze workers from Byzantium for the gates of the Capella palatina, and 
can prove their employment on the great bell of the cathedral (Bion 1136). 
The following instances show the direct influence of Oriental art : the churches 
of Palermo (San Cataldo, La Martorana, San Giovanni egli Eremiti), Santa TriniU\ 
di Delia, and in southern Italy Bari, Tram, Canosa, Siponto ; the mosaics of Celafu, 
Palermo, Monreale, the splendid carving on the pillars of the cloisters of Monreale, 
and those of Atrani, Bari, Trani, and Canosa. 

Greek merchants and artists, Greek monks, Greek envoys, and Greek prin- 
cesses travelled along the Danube, on the old Byzantine trade route. The mer- 
chants brought Greek textiles, ivory carvings, goldsmith's work, book bindings, and 
enamels. Greek painters and architects evinced proofs of old artistic skill; Greek 
envoys negotiated family alliances, such as the marriage of the Byzantine Theo- 
phano with Otto II (972) ; and an elaborate court ceremonial was introduced by 


the Greek princess and her suite. As before (cf. p. 63), artistic woven fabrics were 
sent in quantities from Byzantium to the West. Amongst them we may mention 
in the first place the purple-violet silk adorned with lions couchant and pome- 
granate-laden branches, which may be seen in the shrine of St. Anno at Sieg- 
burg. This was manufactured in the State workshops of Byzantium between 921 
and 931, "under the rule of Romanus and Christophorus, the most Christian lords." 
We know further of the purple-red silken stuff with lions placed face to face and 
one above the other in their natural colours, woven under Constantine VIII and 
Basilius II between the years 976 and 1025, which is now in the Industrial 
Museum at Diisseldorf. Then there is the damask -silk with the representation of 
a fight between a griffin and an elephant in the monastery of St. Waldburg near 
Eichstadt ; the yellow damask-silk from the chasuble of St. Willigis, now in St. 
Stephen's Church at Mainz ; the tapestry with the rosettes in the shrine of Lam- 
bertus at Liege; the bright-green satin-silk with the tree of life and the eagles 
from the chasuble of St. Gerhard (933-1022) at Hildesheim. The abbot Rothing 
of Fulda in the eleventh century ordered a fabric to be woven in the Greek style. 

The delicate ivory carvings of Byzantine artists were still esteemed in the 
West. The diptychs in the Green Vault at Dresden and at Hanover, the reli- 
quary of the cross at Cortona, the triptych of Harbaville in the Louvre, the 
covers of the gospel-books belonging to Count Stroganov and the Barberini Palace, 
show the appreciation of the West for Byzantine productions. German masters 
had already imitated Byzantine models, as is shown by the ivory carvings of the 
Echternach book of gospels with the Byzantine Christ (dating from the years 983- 
991, intended for the court of Theophano; now in the museum at Gotha), with 
which the delicately executed border designs of a Byzantine goldsmith are in strik- 
ing contrast. Byzantine goldsmiths' work influenced the gold ring of Lorsch. 
Abbot Salmann of Lorsch (972-998), an abbey the facade of which bears a sur- 
prising resemblance to that of the Doge's palace at Venice and the Tekfur-Serai 
in Constantinople, introduced book bindings of Byzantine origin. Byzantine 
enamel work was well known and popular, as is shown by a description of the 
process of smelting and of glass mosaic in the book of the monk Theophilus 
(Rogkerus von Helmarshaufen ?), who even made a portable altar with a Greek 
inscription (in the cathedral treasury at Paderborn). The introduction of works of 
art thus afforded the opportunity for introducing a new style of art. First of all by 
Greek monks (at Burscheid, Hildesheim, Reichenau). It is true that the attempt 
of a Greek portrait-painter to paint Hedwig, the daughter of Henry I of Saxony, 
failed owing to the endeavours of the princess to present as ugly an appearance 
as she could, and thus to render her marriage with Prince Constantiue impossible. 

Painting in general first influenced the West through the medium of Byzan- 
tine illumination. This in some essential principles furnished a model for the 
Rhenish school of painters (Treves, Reichenau), which in other respects must be 
considered as under the influence of early Christian and Syro-Egyptian art (cf. 
the Egbert Psalter of Treves about 980, in which Greek models are followed in 
colouring and arrangement of figures). In the eleventh century, on the contrary, 
Regensburg, so far as the style of colour and form in dress and figure was con- 
cerned, had become a stronghold of Byzantinism, exhibiting everywhere Oriental 
patterns, in the Sacrament-book of Henry II, in the Book of Scriptural Extracts in 
the Munich library, and in the Vota-Evangeliarium of Niedermiinster with its 

102 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

flat style and Byzantine foliage. Salzburg then made similar copies, as the custo- 
dian Berthold shows in his manuscript account of the foundation of St. Peter's. 
The Thuringian and Saxon school of painting undertook to develop Oriental 
motifs. The illuminated manuscript of the abbess Herrad of Laudsperg shows 
Byzantine types in the Nativity, the Annunciation, and other scenes. The minia- 
tures of the Gospel-book at Goslar and of the Halberstadt Missal, and the Byzan- 
tinised frescoes in the churches at Newerk and Frankenberg, date from the period 
subsequent to the Latin sack of Constantinople, when art treasures in profusion 
were disseminated over the West. Westphalia (Soest) must have become a focus 
of such influence, which expressed itself in the course of the century in pictures 
(wall paintings in the Church of Maria zur Hb'he; panel picture in the Berlin 
Museum) and Antipendia (museum at Miinster). The genealogical tree of Christ 
from the root of Jesse, Christ as judge of the world, the prophets and patriarchs on 
the wooden ceiling of the central nave of St. Andrew's Church at Hildesheim, are 
deeply imbued with the Byzantine spirit. 

We may assume that Italy early adopted the Byzantine technique of painting, 
and, by the thirteenth century, the Byzantine tradition of landscape drawing. 
Eastern influence is far less conspicuous in the domain of architecture, to the 
earlier period of which seems to belong the choir chapel of Lorsch, which we 
have already mentioned. The chapel of St. Bartholomew's Church at Paderborn 
was certainly built under Bishop Meinwerk (1009-1036) by Greeks. We see in 
the art of the Ruthenians for instance, in the Franciscan church of Halicz 
how Byzantine ideas contended on the soil of modern Austria-Hungary with 
Western tendencies. 

Influences of Oriental sculpture can be seen in Quedlinburg, Barnberg, Strass- 
burg, and Rheims. Links of connection can be traced between Byzantium and 
Southern France, for example, at Toulouse (sculptures on the portal of St. Sernin) 
and Ve*zelay. The relations of Byzantine with Spanish art are obscure, notwith- 
standing the investigations of Lamperez. The tomb of Princess Constantina, a 
daughter of John III Vatatzes, which has been described by G. Schlumberger, 
belongs to a later era. 

An imperishable impression was made upon those natives of the West who 
visited the enchanted city in the East, and saw the splendour of its churches and 
palaces, by the court ceremonial, which bound even the emperor in its chains. 
Just as at an earlier period the imperial dress (the crown with the cross, and the 
coronation shoes), so now the court ceremonial of the West, had been in many 
ways (especially after the marriage of Otto II with Theophano) affected by Byzan- 
tine institutions. The customs of the East were copied both in earnest and in 
jest ; court dwarfs even appeared in the West, such as are proved to have existed 
at the time of the murder of Nicephorus Phocas in the tenth century, and of 
Constantine Manasses in the twelfth. There is, however, room to doubt the state- 
ment, confidently as it is made, that changes were produced in Western strategy 
owing to the force of Byzantine example. It is true the triple-attack theory, 
which the emperor Leo's "Tactica" advised, was subsequently adopted for the 
French and German battle array; and for the two flank divisions, a formation 
first demonstrable under Henry IV at Nagelstadt in 1075, an Eastern model is 
equally presupposed. But the alleged observance of this rule by mercenary com- 
manders (Sartius ?) in the case of Italy in 940 must be compared with a real appli- 


cation of it in the engagements of 921 and 990 by France, and in those of 1075, 
1106, 1128, and 1167 by Germany, besides which the fact of the appearance of the 
triple-attack system in 843 forbids us to look for its source in the " Tactica," sup- 
posing that this treatise is the work of Leo VI (cf. p. 68). 

In conclusion, we may point out how the enlightenment of Byzantium spreads 
over the Slavonic world (cf. p. 77) as far as the Finno-Ugrian races and the Care- 
lians and Mordwines. On the other side, Byzantine suggestions reached Moravia 
and Bohemia (between Neuhof and Eabstein), where the stone-masons make 
crosses whose arms taper from the centre to the ends. 

0. THE LATIX EMPIRE (1204-1261) 

(a) TJie Divisions of Empire. The residence of Alexius V was at Tzurulon ; 
farther to the west was the seat of the sovereignty of Alexius III at Mosynopolis. 
Leo Sgurus (cf. p. 97) had pressed on to Thessaly. The cousin of Alexius III 
was lord of the despotic monarchy of Epirus from Naupactus to Dyrrhachium, 
ephallenia, Zante, Ithaca, Santa Maura, Baxo. In Asia the grandson of Androni- 
cus I, Alexius Comnenus, with the help of his brother David and Queen Thamar 
of Georgia, had founded the empire of Trebizond, which embraced the coast dis- 
trict of Pontus and Paphlagonia and the Crimea. The Venetians received a strip 
of country from Adrianople to the Propontis, the coast from Perinthus to Sestos, the 
islands of the ^Egean Sea with Crete, a large portion of Morea with the harbours 
of Modona and Patras, the coast from the Ionian islands to Dyrrhachium. The 
Podestd (despotcs) of the Venetian colony in Constantinople became an imperial 
dignitary and exercised the rights of a sovereign. For the kingdom of Thessa- 
lonica, westward of Nestus, King Bonifacio had to fight against Leo Sgurus and 
his ally Alexius III. He easily succeeded in the case of Athens and Thebes (both 
intrusted to Otto de la Roche), but in the case of the Peloponnese, only with the 
help of Godfrey of Villehardouin and William of Champlitte. The successes of 
the emperor Baldwin's brother Henry, the most pleasing figure among the Latins, 
and of Louis of Blois against Lascaris are important, until, finally, the boundless 
hatred of the Greeks for the Latins cemented an alliance with the Czar Joannisza 
of Bulgaria. The emperor Baldwin was taken prisoner in the battle of Adrianople 
(April 15, 1205). Fire and sword then did their work. The prisoners were sacri- 
ficed to the gods, towns like Philippopolis were levelled to the ground. Then 
Henry, the new vice-regent of the empire, after August 20, 1206, styled emperor, 
tried to use the ill-will of the Greeks toward the Bulgarians to effect a peace 
between Greeks and Latins. Theodore Vranas, a friend to the Latins, became lord 
of Adrianople and Didymoteichos. The most gifted of the " Romans," the hope 
of the Greek nobility and clergy which had assembled in Nicsea, Theodore Las- 
caris, crowned emperor in 1206, was now the mark of friend and foe. Since he 
was threatened on the one side by David Comnenus, who in the summer of 1206 
liad become a vassal of the Latin emperor, and on the other hand by the Seljuk 
Sultan Ghayath ed-din Kai Khusrau of Iconium, who had received Alexius III, 
lie had not shrunk from calling in the help of the Bulgarian scourge of the Latins. 
After the murder of Joannisza before Thessalonica (October 9, 1207) his empire 
split up (Boril or Boris II in Trnowo, Strez in Prosek, and Slav or Esklas in 

104 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

May 2, 1210, saw the parliament of Greece meet in the valley of Ravennika 
near Zeitun or Lamia. The following was the result of the arrangement and con- 
firmation of the territories. The French were left as the virtual possessors of 
Greece proper; the prince of the whole of Achsea was William of Chainplitte 
(f 1209). The twelve lords of Morea (popea = mulberry-tree, the land of inul- 
herries, primarily applied to Elis than to the whole peninsula) are thorough 
Frenchmen: de Bruyeres in Carytena, de Rosieres in Acova, Aleman in Patras, 
Valaincourt in Veligosti, Nivelet in Gheraki, Tournay in Calavryta, Lille of Char- 
pigny in Vostitza, Tremouille in Chalaudritza, Neuilly in Passava (" Passavant," 
from the war cry), William in Nikli, Luke in Gritzena, Godfrey of Villehardouin 
in Misithra. 

Athens and Thebes are under Saint Omer and Otto de la Roche ; Amphissa is 
in the possession of the Stromoncourts. The Lombards had occupied Macedonia 
and Thessaly with Eubrea, where the dalle Carceri had settled; the Pallavicini 
resided in Bodonitza in Thermopylae ; on the other hand, Venice had chosen the 
islands for herself, and possessed a colony and the patriarchate in Constantinople. 
The Flemings, lastly, were in possession of the capital and the empire. In the 
capital, under the first emperor Baldwin, the Greek element had been momentarily 
thrust into the background, while his statesmanlike brother Henry clearly saw the 
necessity of bringing Byzantine into close touch with the government. 

The island of Cerigo was under the Venieri, Cerigotto under the Viari, Tinos 
and Miconos under the Ghisi, Andros under the Dandoli, Zia (Ceos) and Serfene 
(Seriphos) under the Giustiniani, Michieli, Ghisi ; under the Sanudi were Delos, 
Gyaros, Syra, Thermia (Cythnos), Sifanto (Siphnos), Polycandro (Pholegandros), 
Nio (Annea), Naxos, Paros, Milos, Cimolos, Antiparos. Marco Sanudo, the judge of 
the Venetian colony, had conquered seventeen islands and planned to make Naxos 
the seat of the government, which extended over the " Duchy of the Dodecan- 
esos." On Santorin (Sancti Herini in the year 1207 in Enrico Dandolo, derivation 
from St. Irene, Thera) and Therasia the Barozzi ruled; on Namphio (Anaphe), 
the Foscoli; on Scyros, Sciathus, Chelidromi, Scopelos, Amorgos, the Ghisi; on 
Negroponte (a-rbv "Evpnrov), the dalle Carceri, Peccorari, and the Verona ; on 
Leinnos, the Navigajosi ; on Nicaria (Icaria), the Beazzani ; the Quirini on Stampali 
(Astypalaia) ; on Scarpanto (Carpathos), Nisyros, Piscopia, and Calchi, the Gavalas. 
The result follows that the Greek Empire had now only kept Lesbos for itself, and 
the empire of Romania possessed only Chios and Samos. 

(b) The Mixture of Civilizations. The stratum of Frankish knights and 
Italian colonists was imposed upon the Greek, Slavonic, and Armenian settlers of 
the Balkan Peninsula. It was a strange mixture of nationalities, of social and 
political institutions. A vivid picture of this absorption of two foreign civiliza- 
tions is presented to us by the chronicle of the Morea, composed in its most 
ancient form in the Greek vernacular after 1300. The writer of the chronicle 
was certainly a true Frank, no half-Frank or Gasmule, 1 since otherwise he would 
have had Greek sympathies. No modern writer has more thoroughly recognised 
the spirit of this racial mixture than Goethe in the third act of the second part of 
" Faust," where in the palace of Faust and Helena he is describing Misithra. The 

1 Son of a Frank by a Greek wife, probably Basmule, from the corresponding roots /3os [cf. bastard = 
fils de bas] and /loOAoj, mulatto, mulatre. 

(From photographs by Rohrer, Athens) 


Greek spirit and the Frankish spirit were indeed long opposed one to the other. 
There were at first but isolated instances of mixed .marriages ; but slowly and 
surely the Frankish feudal system with all its expressions forced its way into the 
Greek life and language. We then find: o^dvr^o = hommage, 7rap\a/j,a = par- 
lement (also @ov\r) or a-ww^ta), \ifyos = lige (liege), KOVTOS = comte (count), 
77 fjiTrapovvla = baronie, jrpeaavri^o) = pre*sentir, pefieaTifa = revestir, Trapaofoifa 
= paroffrir, Ko/jLevrovp^ = commendore, pirtya-rpo = re*gistre, KovTocrravXos = conte 
stabulum. The court life (fcovprrj) of the Frankish principalities was magnifi- 
cently developed. Godfrey II of Villehardouin was always followed by eighty 
knights with golden spurs ; eight hundred of the flower of the chivalry of Western 
Europe lived at the court of William II of Villehardouin. Twelve families were 
lords over the Greek and Slavonic peasants in Morea. The Trdpoifcot, serfs, 
became parigi, rustici, who were forced to perform labour service on the lati- 
fundia of the Frankish knights. Through the strict enforcement of Frankish 
feudalism the last relics of a free peasantry disappeared from Greece. 

Frankish castles rose up on the spurs of mountain ranges and on hills which 
fell away precipitously on every side. Misithra first of all, built on an outlying 
ridge of Taygetus with an octagonal wall of circumvallation, and guarded by 
strong towers; 1 then Acova in North Arcadia, on a hill 1,914 feet high, which 
commands the valley of the Alpheus, and with it the high road of the peninsula of 
Carytena ; and lastly the most complete medieval fortress, Gritzena, between Ira 
and Ithome, vast battlemented lines of walls, behind which rise round and pointed 
towers. Churches were erected in a peculiar early Gothic style. We may instance 
Sancta Sophia in Andravida, and Isova above the left bank of the Alpheus, where 
Gothic lancet windows are inserted in the plain windows of the former Greek 
church, and eight-ribbed capitals falteringly express some artistic capabilities. A 
stirring life of jousts and tournaments was developed ; troubadours came on the 
scene, and the singing matches of the palaces aroused the echoes of the valleys. 
The Franks, with their superiority in military science, were responsible for the 
introduction of many new military terms : Kaarpov, crdyirra, (BovK/civov = buccina, 
GKovrdpi, scutum, yapvi^ovv = garnison, rpiTrovTo-ero, tre"buchet, <^>\dfjLovp6v, 
flammour, poyaropoi, from roga, mercenaries, Kovpa-ardpoi, cursatores, eevrfyov, siege, 
Traprovv, pardon, aa-evr&vco, assie'ger, SiafavTeva), diffendere (also Armenian 
difentel), aaevr&^a), asseggiare, aTTTrXi/cevco applicare, a/upaA,??? = French amiral, 
from Arabic amir, dp^iara, armes, fcovyfcea-ra, conqueste. The modes of address : 
fj,av6dfia, madame, v0d/j,a, dame, pia-Lpt, mesire ; and titles : pdi, roi, 
reine, fiiicdpios (also Armenian bikar), vr^evepd\, vicar ge'ne'ral, 
princeps, passed into Greek. In compensation the Frankish knights in Morea 
after a few decades spoke the Greek vernacular: this is proved by the general 
statement of the chronicle of the Morea, but also by the exclamation of Godefroi 
de Brieres in the battle of Boula Lagos, 1259, " We speak one tongue." 

But the thought of the terrible sack of Constantinople in 1204 had sunk too 
deeply into the hearts of the Greeks to allow them to be won over by this. The 
deep religious difference prevented the hatred of the Latin movement from 
slumbering, more especially among the monks and the clergy. The latter now 

1 The name is derived from fj.v^6pa, cheese, (ivfadpas = cheese monger, contracted later into 
cf. the engraving, "Ruins of Mistra in Laconia," where at any rate in the first line buildings of a later 
Greek period are discernible ; French influences can also be traced. 

106 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

seemed to be Teal supporters of the Greek nation. The letter from the clergy to 
Theodoros Lasearis, in which they urge him as the lawful monarch to enter 
Constantinople as soon as possible, shows that the Niccean dynasty which had fled 
to the Asiatic side of the empire were regarded as the legitimate rulers of Byzan- 
tium. Thus the house of the Latin Empire was built on shifting quicksands. 
Morea might indeed long appear to the West European chivalry as a training 
ground in knightly practices and attract the younger generation, but the Latin 
Empire itself had fallen so soon as the fact was realised in the West that it was 
less competent than the Greek Empire had been to provide the Crusades with a 
base of operations. 

The new ground for Prankish chivalry became naturally the theatre for adven- 
tures, just as Byzantium itself was an enchanted land. In a Greek region which 
was saturated with Prankish culture a Greek composed the epic of Belthandros 
and Chrisantza. The epic of Lybistos and Rhodamne sprang more directly from 
the soil of a Greco-Frankish mixed civilization. Rhodes, or rather Cyprus, must 
have produced these verses instinct with warm feeling. Less importance attaches 
to the translation of French romances such as " The Old Knight," or an Italian 
adaptation of " Flore and Blancheflur " (Phlorios and Platziaphlora). 

The West, carried on by religious fervour, chivalrous valour, the joy in cheer- 
ful daring and success, introduced its organisation into the other parts of the former 
Byzantine Empire. Armenia, whose monarch Leo II styled himself " King by the 
grace of the Papal Chair and the Emperor," consciously copied the feudalism of 
the West, and, long after Roman feudal expressions and institutions had acquired 
their right of domicile, as in Greece, and French barons filled all the offices at court 
and played a more important role than the native nobility, at last the really French 
family of the Lusignans (1345 and 1370) mounted the Armenian throne. 

The exceedingly prosperous middle class of the West established itself firmly 
in the domains of the former Byzantine Empire. The splendid position of Tyre 
had remained still unimpaired. The heights of Lebanon, still rustling with forests 
of cedar and cypress, looked down upon a busy life, thriving trade, and flourishing 
industries. Venetians, Genoese, and Pisans had their own quarters ; their trading 
colonies, under the authority of a magistrate, were grouped round the custom- 
house and warehouses, where the goods of Western Asia and China were stored. 
Flotillas, called in Arabic caravans, fetched away twice yearly to their homes the 
rich merchandise, as well as the produce and fruits of the fertile soil. To the 
Italian colonists were assigned rich tracts of ground (casalia) in the open country, 
where Syrian peasants cultivated sugar plantations and vineyards and planted 
oranges, figs, and almonds. In the towns themselves, especially in Tyre, purple- 
dye works and glass manufactures still flourished. Silk factories satisfied the 
Western craving for luxury with costly white stuff's. Italian towns sprang up in 
Armenia, the Venetians owned an entire quarter in Mohammedan Haleb. In 
this way were created colonial empires on the widest scale, which made the 
fullest use of the native population. 


THEODORE I LASCARTS, first as despot in Nicnea, then as emperor, thoroughly 
learned the art of playing off the different powers one against the other, and of 


employing for his own ends Seljuks, Bulgarians, and Franks. The battle at 
Antioch on the Mseander (early summer, 1211) had reduced the Seljuks to great 
straits ; it had been largely decided by the single combat between the emperor 
and Kai Khusrau (p. 103). The Duke of Naxos, Marco Sanudo, his son-in-law, 
was captured. The successor of Lascaris was his second son-in-law, John III, 
Ducas Batatzes (1222-1254). He obtained in 1224 Adrianople, and in 1234 the 
king of Bulgaria, John Asen II, as allies against the Prankish State, and by a suc- 
cessful arrangement with Demetrius Angelus of Epirus (Thessalonica) he reduced 
that country to the condition of a province. 

Without any doubt all who made any pretension to higher culture in Byzan- 
tium had fled from the barbarism of the Latin Empire to Nicsea, to the court of that 
Theodore II Lascaris, who, in spite of bodily infirmity, showed an extraordinary 
vigour of mind. The first step toward a complete revival of Greek life was taken 
from the soil of Asia Minor. Nicephorus Blemmydes, the greatest scholar of his 
age, had brought up and educated the crown prince Theodore. Before his acces- 
sion Theodore seemed gentle and impressionable, meek when blamed by his 
master, and inclined to the tranquil life of a scholar. As emperor (12,54-1258) 
Theodore II Lascaris appears fully conscious of his powers, strong in spite of his 
infirmity, and keenly aware of the isolation of Hellenism (" the Hellenic element 
can only look to itself for help and must draw upon its own possessions "). He 
retained his gentleness and solicitude for friends, more especially for his coun- 
sellor Georgios Mutzalon, but with stern resolution refused to " be humble, or relax 
the vigour of his rule." He suppressed the Slavonic movement under the Czar 
Michael Asen, after a brilliant campaign, by the peace of 1256. 

Michael Palaiologos * as " Despotes " took over the regency for his son John IV 
Lascaris until he was proclaimed on January 1, 1259, as co-emperor. 


ON August 15, 1261, Michael VIII Palaiologos made his entry into Constan- 
tinople. The " grievous sickness " of the Latin world, as the Greek Nicetas puts it, 
was checked ; " the noblest member," the " child of sorrow of the Roman Church," 
was lost "to the discredit of the Latin name;" as Pope Urban IV (1261-1264) 
asserted, Michael needed all his strategic abilities to hold his ground against the 
Latins of the Morea, against Epirus, the Servians and Bulgarians, and against 
Charles of Anjou. Not merely did he in a war against Michael II Angelus of 
Epirus obtain possession of Joannina, 1265, and at the beginning of April, 1281, 
checkmate Charles of Anjou by the battle at Berat (Albania), but he showed a 
masterly diplomatic skill, which played the Genoese off against the Venetians, 
roused enemies on every side against Anjou, and excluded the Curia from the war 
against Byzantium. A union with the papacy was intended to effect the expulsion 

1 Alexius III, Angelus 

Irene, 23 Febr. 1200 Alexius Palaiologos 

Andronicus Palaiologos 

Michael VIII, Palaiologos, * 1227, t 11 Dec. 1282 Martha, 1258, accused of witchcraft 

= Theodora Ducaina (for her issue see p. 110) 

108 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter i 

of the Occidentals from every Byzantine region, to annihilate the Western barba- 
rians, and prevent any attack in the future. The Sicilian monarchy and the Curia 
were struggling for Byzantium, and the first to profit by this struggle was Byzan- 
tium. Compared with that time (1261), when William of Villehardouin proclaimed 
a crusade against Byzantium and the Pope commanded the cause to be preached in 
France, Poland, and Aragon, and wished to devote to that end a tax for three years 
imposed on the young clerics, what a change was now visible (July 6, 1274) ! The 
creed of Greeks and Latins was once more sung in common, and the Greek envoys 
were sent to announce in public places the participation of the Greek emperor in a 
crusade! The union of the two churches had been accomplished by the recogni- 
tion of the papal primacy, and of the doctrine of the Double Procession, and of 
the use of unleavened wafers in the sacrament, a result which, as Pope Gregory X 
said, " no one had considered possible without secular compulsion." The Greek 
clergy certainly resisted strongly any union under such conditions, but Michael 
knew how to suppress them. The patriarch of Bulgaria and the primate of Servia 
also submitted, and were now, by ecclesiastical incorporation in the Eoman Empire, 
once again more firmly linked to Byzantium. The powerful alliance which Charles 
of Anjou concluded at Orvieto on July 3, 1281, in order to renew the Latin 
Empire, seemed to involve considerable dangers ; it was intended, with the help of 
Venice and Philip of Courtenay (the titular Latin emperor, son of Baldwin II and 
son-in-law of Charles), and with the co-operation of the Curia, to " restore the 
power of the Apostolic Chair." Charles had already ordered the siege train for 
the investment of Constantinople and fixed the mighty expedition for 1283, when 
the Sicilians rebelled against these heavy impositions on March 30, 1282 (the 
" Sicilian Vespers ") ; Peter III of Aragon, who had been crowned at Palermo, had 
sympathised with their cause. Michael was thus saved from the lord of Italy, 
Burgundy, and Provence, to whom Pope Martin IV (1281-1285) proffered a 
willing submission. 

Andronicus II (1282-1328) gave the empire a new ecclesiastical organisation 
and turned his attention toward the orthodox clergy. The sinking empire had not 
been spared the scourge of mercenaries ; the firebrands of the Catalans seemed 
more to be dreaded than the Turks, even when the hidalgos secured a permanent 
home for themselves in Athens and Thebes (1311). Some light on the panic 
caused by these adventurers, and on the high honour paid to valiant defenders, is 
cast by the mission of the rhetorician Thomas Magistros, with the monastic name 
of Theodulos, who, in the name of the city of Thessalonica, petitioned the emperor 
between 1314 and 1318 to bestow some distinction on the general Chandrenos. 
At that time probably Joseph, a monk, of a noble family in the island of Ithaca, 
produced his great encyclopaedia of knowledge. A marriage ode, ornamented with 
valuable illuminations, in honour of the wedding of Andronicus II (with the daugh- 
ter of Stephen V of Hungary?) gives us a vivid picture of the court costumes of 
that day. Michael VIII wears a round crown set with pearls, the courtiers, white 
caps with stripes as badges of rank; the ladies have plaited tresses or long 
waving hair. 

Byzantine art at this period of temporary recovery once more produced great 
results ; thus the mosaics of Kachri-Djami, formerly Moui (TI}? xapas fuori le 
mura), with their lives of the Lord and of the Virgin, represent faces which are 
natural and individualised, Peter appearing as an Egyptian. The figures are full 


of movement as if an admixture of Western blood had also revived art, quite dif- 
ferently from the contemporary miniature painting (Book of Job; Barlaam and 
Josaphat in Paris). A counterpart to this varied life meets us in the host of 
itinerant poets, men of high intellectual powers, who, like Manuel Philes, put 
well-rounded laudatory verses at the disposal of any who satisfy their hunger and 
thirst and clothe them with a mantle of Russian fur. A stratum of useless idlers, 
who think themselves too good for real work, corrupt parasites who by their 
cringing contaminate their patrons they are typical of this age in Byzantine 

Andronicus III (1328-1341) was freed from the Bulgarian peril since the Ser- 
vian prince Stephan V (IV) Tiros' (3.; 1320-1321) defeated the Czar Michael of 
Bdyn (Widdin) at Belbuzd (Kostendil; June 28, 1330). But in its place came 
the danger of the Servian Empire which Stephan Dusan (1331-1355) now founded. 
This comprised large portions of Macedonia and Illyria, and also included Epirus, 
which had been taken by Audronicus from the house of Angelus (1334-1335). 
Andronicus was more fortunate in the acquisition of Chios (1329), Lesbos (1336), 
and Phocsea (1340). The infant John V (1341-1376 and 1379-1391) and the Megas 
Dux (high admiral) Alexius Apocaucus were soon opposed by the grand servitor 
John VI Cantacuzene, who, aided by the Bulgarians, Turks, and John Angelus, 
the governor of Epirus, entered the capital on February 3, 1347. We may believe 
it was less on his own account than in the interests of the common welfare that 
the Cantacuzene resolved to become emperor of the Eomans and to withstand that 
immense complication of adverse circumstances. He was a level-headed, upright 
statesman at a critical period. 

The position of Byzantium had become deplorable. Disconnected fragments 
of the Balkan Peninsula and a few islands composed the " Empire." The district 
of the capital and Thrace (a triangle extending from Sozopolis past Adrianople to 
Christopolis) formed the core. Thessalonica with Chalcidice, portions of Walla- 
chian Thessaly and Albanian Epirus, and the principality of Misithra represented 
three more disconnected provinces, in parts completely surrounded by Servia. Of 
the islands, since 1269, Ceos, Seriphos, Sifanto, Sicino, Polycandro, Nio, Scyros, 
Sciathos, Chelidromi, Lemnos, belonged to the Greek Empire; as did after 1310 
Scopelos, from 1333-1346 Chios and Samos, from 1337-1357 Cefalonia, Zante, 
Ithaca; and Lesbos permanently. Stephan Dusan was crowned "Czar of the 
Servians and Greeks " in 1346. With the help of the Venetians and Servians on 
one side, and the Turks on the other, the two emperors waged war on each other. 
It was John VI who paved the way for the Osmans into Europe. 

Asceticism, meanwhile, in its most fanatical form had created a home for itself 
on Mount Athos in the monastic community, which soon became a national sanc- 
tuary for the Greeks. The Hesychast (quietist) controversy originated with the 
Omphalopsychites (navel-souls), and represented a reaction of the national Greek 
theology against the intrusion of Western scholasticism. The victory of the 
Hesychasts implied schism with the West. The Hesychast system is the last 
successful development of Greek mysticism. It may be traced back to Simeon 
the Younger (963-1042), who asserted the doctrine of the vision of the Uncreated 
Light as well as that of the Divine Presence. The West Greek Barlaam of Cala- 
bria, who wished that the Aristotelian proof, based on reason, of the existence 
of God should alone be taken into account, expressed himself most emphatically 


against the mysticism of Athos. This Eastern practice of contemplation was 
attacked also by Gregory Acyndinus with the arguments of Thomas Aquinas, but 
defended by Gregory Palamas, who, about 1347, thanks to the support of John 
Cantacuzene, played a prominent r6le, and entered into relations with the Czar 
Stephan Dusan. There are links connecting the old sects of the Paulicians 
(p. 69) and the Bogumiles with the Palamites, whose influence again extends to 
the Kussian sect of the Strigoliki. The victory of Palamitism, to which in any 
case John Cantacuzene, a passionate lover of theology, contributed, widened enor- 
mously the gulf between the East and West, but cemented more firmly the 
ecclesiastical unity of the Greek world. This religious mysticism was now con- 
fronted in the very country itself by an ethical counter movement. The Idio- 
rhythmic monasteries, in which each man lived after his own way, and might 
acquire property of his own, then arose ; the monarchical monasticism of the 
past made way not for a democratic but an aristocratic constitution, in which the 
two Epitropi were merely an administrative committee of the synaxis of fifteen 
brethren. The ethical aspects of the common life were developed. An interest 
in the classics and philosophy showed itself and increased appreciably. 

Manuel II (1391-1423) lived to see, after the conquest of Bulgaria by 
the Turks, a systematic blockade of Constantinople. The assistance afforded 
by the West met with various successes, but the terrible defeat of Nicopolis by 
Bajazet I (described by John Schiltberger of Munich; cf. Vol. VII, p. 216) ended 
the crusade. The Morea became tributary to the Turks ; but the French relief 
expedition under Marshal Boucicaut (p. 131) effected the liberation of the cap- 
ital. The emperor a French pensioner, who wrote poems on Franco-Flemish 
carpets, the patriarch a Russian pensioner: such was the situation of affairs 
when the Mongol Timur (Vol. II, p. 182) destroyed the empire of Bajazet 
(1402). The Emir Mohammed I maintained peace with Manuel after 1413, who 
with his son 1 established order in the Morea, but quarrelled with the Venetians, 
who deprived him in 1419 of Monembasia. 

The tactics of the Turks in welcoming Byzantine claimants to the throne were 
now adopted by the Byzantines against the Turks, but, it must be confessed, with 
so little success that Byzantium only with difficulty repulsed a dangerous attack 
in 1422. For the first time in the East cannon were now employed by the Turks. 

1 Andronicus Palaeologus 

Michael VIII Palseologus Eulogia 

Andronicus II, t 13 Feb. 1332 Eudocia Maria 

1282 =: John II of Trebizond =1272 Constantine As8n 

Michael IX, * 1277, t 1320 | of Bulgaria 

=Xenia (Maria) of Armenia Alexius II (1297-1330) 

I I 

Andronicus III, t 1341 Manuel, t 1320 

John V, t 1C Feb. 1391 Maria 

1337 = Michael, son of Stephan Dusan of Bulgaria 

Andronicus IV 
134C, t 1385 

John VII 

t c. 1408 

Manuel II, 1301-1423 Theodore (I) of Misithra (1384-1407) 
t 21 July, 1425 

John VIII 

Theodoras (II) Constantino XI Dragades 
Of Misithra 1405, t 1453 
t 1448 at at Mesembria, after 1443 
Belymbria in Misithra, emperor after 1449 

1414 governor 

Demetrius (II) 
Despot of 

Despot of 
t 14C5 


A terrible devastation of the Morea followed. Indisputably a highly gifted and 
skilful stylist, who wrote spiritual songs and church hymns, and vindicated Chris- 
tianity against Islam in twenty-six dialogues, familiar with all knightly exercises 
and a master of eloquence, Manuel was placed in an unfortunate position. Struck 
by apoplexy in 1423, he withdrew into a convent,, where he died on July 21, 1425. 
He must have looked more vigorous than he appears in the feeble fifteenth cen- 
tury painting on the title-page of the manuscript of St. Dionysius, presented by 
him to the monastery at St. Denis (and now in the Louvre); Gemistus Plethon 
aimed both his treatises on the political and social renascence of the Peloponnese 
at Manuel and his son Theodorus II, despot of the Morea. Starting from the 
purity of the Hellenic population settled there, Gemistus proposed to divide the 
population into soldiers and agriculturists. Capitalists, officials, and authorities' 
were assigned to the third class. He would exclude from all share in the public 
revenue persons who abandon themselves to tranquil meditation and lead a con- 
templative life. Man should live by the labour of his hands and not upon offer- 
ings extorted from the faithful. All private possessions should become public 
property ; the field should belong to the individual only so long as lie cultivates 
it. Gemistus would abolish the mutilation, of criminals and introduce in its place 
penal servitude. Coined money should be prohibited, as in ancient times, and 
imports should be paid for with cotton a proof of the abundance of the latter 
commodity. Necessities of life, when produced in the country, should only be 
exported under heavy duties. In his second treatise (No'/z&n/ o-wyrypafyrj) Gemistus 
tilts violently against military officers who are at the same time merchants. His 
proposal of a threefold impost (forced labour,, money taxes, and taxes on commodi- 
ties) calls attention to the urgent necessity of fiscal reform. 

This Eoman Empire became under John VIII (1423-1448) a miserable and 
petty State, possessing the small peninsula of the Bosphorus and one or two 
towns, but paying tribute for what it did possess^ Thessalonica fell to the Turks. 
in 1430, while the Morea at any rate became quite Greek. Once more the word 
of salvation, " Union ! " resounds. But not only did the sturdiest opponent of the 
Union, Marcus Eugenicus, declare in Florence, "I will not sign my name, come 
what may ! " even the nation did not acquiesce in the Florentine Union of 
1439. Nevertheless Eugenius IV allowed the Crusade to be preached which led 
to the victory on the Cunovitch near Nisch (December 24, 1443), but also to the 
defeat of Varna (November 10, 1444). Notwithstanding the severe defeat in the 
Morea (December 4, 1446), this peninsula was left at the beginning of 1447 ta 
the Palseologi in return for tribute. There was still plenty of amusement in the 
capital. Grand processions, religious ceremonials, and dramatic representations 
were held in the Church of St. Sophia, as Bertrandon de la Brocquiere describes. 
Now and again envoys were most graciously received, as for example the ambas- 
sador of Piagusa, Ser Volzius de B'avalio,. who was dismissed with gifts and priv- 
ileges. Clearly no one in Constantinople 1 realised how great was the danger, how 
imminent the destruction of the city. 

The last emperor of Byzantium, Cbnstantine XI (1449-1453), fell in the famous 
battle against the Turks. He was buried in the Wefa square on the north side of 
the city ; the memory of the last Pafeologus still lingers there. Not Greeks alone 
depict the tragic fall. Narratives penned by members of the most various nations 
bear testimony to the world-wide importance which the capital still possessed,. 


though the Empire was now no greater than a city-state. Venetians (Nicolo 
Barbaro), Florentines (Jacques Tedardi), Brescians (Ubertino Puscolo), the Genoese 
Podesth, an Armenian monk, the Pater Superior of the Franciscans at Galata, Slavs 
(the Janissary Michael, a Servian from Ostrovitza), describe the last destinies of 
Byzantium, so impressive to eye-witnesses. The theme is handled in Greek folk- 
songs, which give hope (" Yours once more will be the city, when the fated hour 
arrives "), and also in polished verses ("AX&xn? Kawo-razmi/oi/TroXeo?) which were 
intended to rouse all Europe in order that the city, crushed by the weight of her 
own sins, might be restored. Four historians deal with the rise of the Turkish 
Empire or the fall of the Greek : Laonicus Chalcondyles, a distinguished Athenian, 
who went to Murad II in 1446 as an ambassador, describes the period from 1298 
to 1463. Though he took as his models Herodotus and Thucydides, he was 
unable to suppress his admiration of the growing greatness of the Osman Empire. 
Ducas, secretary of the Genoese Podesta of Phocaea, describes the years between 
1341 and 1462. Georgios Phrantzes, the Great Logothete, a Turkish prisoner 
in 1454, fled to Venice and Rome ; in contrast to Chalcondyles he is filled with 
a burning hatred of the Turks. Critobulus of Imbros, an imitator of Thucydides 
and on the whole an admirer of the Turks, wrote a history of the Emir Moham- 
med II to the year 1467. 

The Grecising of the Balkan Peninsula, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt, had been 
attempted by Byzantium ; the East Roman Empire continuing what had been begun 
during the Hellenistic age. The basis of population, however, on which the Byzan- 
tine Empire rested was so narrow that we cannot agree with the censure passed on 
the weakness which Byzantium showed in this task. The gain for modern civiliza- 
tion would certainly have been enormous if Byzantium had succeeded in Hellenis- 
iug the whole of the Balkan Peninsula and thus sweeping away a multiplicity of 
hindrances to racial development and international peace. But, owing to the weak 
foundation which the Greek nationality itself supplied to the Byzantine Empire, 
such large drafts had to be drawn upon foreign nations that only on the one side 
the conception of the State, and on the other side the Greek Church and Greek 
culture, formed the bond of union for these heterogeneous elements of the Byzan- 
tine population. Military genius had organised the forces of this State ; literati 
of the Byzantine Empire had at least tried to preserve the treasures of the Greek 
past, even though they were incapable of producing new masterpieces. Theo- 
logical controversies had in centuries of dispute built up the completely inde- 
pendent fabric of the Greco-Oriental Church. But these forces did not produce 
a coherent Greco-Byzantine nationality, in the widest sense of the word, on the 
Balkan Peninsula. The Greco- Oriental Church is in its essence national, and 
could not therefore in the further course of development withhold national inde- 
pendence from the churches of other nations (Bulgaria). The immense mass of 
writings which Byzantine intellectual life has bequeathed to us shows the strangest 
curves of development. 


BARLAAM of Calabria (mentioned already on p. 109), who, according to the testi- 
mony of the emperor Cantacuzene, was familiar with Euclid, Aristotle, and Plato, 
had formed a friendship, at the court of Avignon, with Petrarch, and the latter 


hoped to be initiated with Barlaam's help into the Greek language. Boccaccio 
accomplished what Petrarch did not attain, and was taught Greek by Leontius 
Pilatus, who became the first professor of Greek in the West (Florence). The real 
founder of Greek studies in Italy was Manuel Chrysoloras. Leonardo Bruni of 
Arezzo, who pored over the great Greek literature night and day, bears witness to 
the enthusiasm which then pervaded Italy. Cardinal Bessarion played a promi- 
nent part in Eome. Cosimo dei Medici and Pope Nicolas V vied with each other 
in collecting manuscripts and procuring translations. 

The effect of this study of Greek and of the growing knowledge of the treas- 
ures of classical antiquity to a less degree the influence of Greek painters 
(Marcus, 1313, Demetrius, 1371, in Genoa ; Georgios, 1404, in Ferrara ; cf. the rela- 
tions of Benedictine monks of Subiaco to Greek painters) has been in former 
times much exaggerated. It was to be imagined that the Eenaissance and Human- 
ism owed their entire origin to these envoys, artists, and refugees from Constanti- 
nople. In reality this Eenaissance, which had already begun with Dante's " Vita 
Nuova," signified rather a Eenaissance of the strength of Barbarism than of the 
Antique. It is perfectly correct that the Eenaissances of the Antique which Byzan- 
tium effected had aimed too exclusively at preserving the Classical; again they 
were too frequent, and, as it were, produced insensibility to deeper influences ; by 
way of contrast the Italian Eenaissance owes a great debt to the study of antiquity. 
Nevertheless in modern times a fuller justifiable warning has been issued against 
the tendency to overestimate the effects of the Antique on the New Life, at 
whose threshold the " Vita Nuova " stand symbolically. Giotto created a new art, 
in contrast to Byzantinisrn and by a return to nature. The treasures of the past 
require the strength of the present, so that the latter may not feel its own spiritual 
life to be crushed, but may be stimulated to liberate the innermost forces of the 


THE Turkish races were not able to escape the influence diffused by Byzantium 
and the West. The wild Seljuks, who far outdid the Arsacids and Sassanids in 
the lust of destruction, chose not Byzantine art but Persia as their teacher in their 
empire in Asia Minor ; but the minor principalities, which sprung up as offshoots 
from the Seljuk Empire, stood in close affinity with Byzantium and the Western 
rulers of the Orient. The debt of the invaders, both in politics and culture, to the 
land of which they took possession, has not been yet sufficiently illuminated. But 
so much we see, that in contrast to the partial retention of the Theme system on 
European soil, the Byzantine organisation was obliterated in Asia Minor, since the 
older ethnographical divisions showed more vitality. Already the ten principali- 
ties which arose within the Seljuk Empire corresponded more or less to ancient 
provincial divisions. Sarukhan (Lydia), A'idin (Ionia), Mentesche (Caria), Tecte 
(Pamphylia and Lycia), the names of these princes have been preserved in the 
names of modern administrative divisions. Many relations were established 
between these Turcoman princes and their neighbours ; the Duke of Naxos, the 
Genoese of Chios and Phocasa, the Gattilusio of Metelin, paid tribute to Sarukhau. 
VOL. v s 

114 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter I 

However hostile these Turcomans may have been toward Byzantium, the gigantic 
growth of the dependent principalities contributed to the result that Sarukhan and 
Aldin formed an alliance with Andronicus III Paloeologus at Phocasa (1327). 

Again, the fact that, about 1328, the Osmans (cf. pp. 120, 122) began to strike 
coins, forced the other princes of their race similarly to issue a coinage. The 
Turkish dynasty of the Danishmende of Cappadocia had, from 1100 onwards 
for some decades, struck coins, first with a Greek inscription and the figure 
of Christ, precisely after the model of the coins of Tancred of Antioch, later, 
however, without this portrait and with a Greco-Arabic inscription. The giyliati 
(so called from the lilies on the cross of the reverse) which Charles II of Anjou 
(1285-1309) and his son Eobert (1309-1342) issued, were imitated by the rivals 
of the Osmans. We only know the coins of Prince Sarukhan, " moneta que fit in 
Manglasia" (Magnesia), those of Omar Beg, grandson of Aidin, " moneta que fit 
in Theologos " (Ayasoluk on the site of Ephesus had been named after "Ayios 
60X0709, St. John), and those of Mentesche (struck by Urkhan at Palatia-Myus 
with a debased Latin inscription); probably the other Turcoman chief of Asia 
Minor wished to rival the Osmans. It strikes us, in this connection, as a strange 
fact that these zealous advocates of Islam not only stamped their own portrait, 
as did the Angevins, whose coins they imitated, but allowed themselves to be 
depicted with the crown on their head, and with the sceptre and the ball, sur- 
mounted by the cross, and even covered the reverse with the cross of lilies. In 
the first place Western artists coined these pieces of money, but afterwards inex- 
perienced natives, who did not understand the Latin inscription, attempted the 

But the Osman power, which drove its rivals into such close touch with West- 
ern civilization, had also, in the person of its greatest organiser, Alt ed-din (cf. 
pp. 117, 123), tendered homage to Western influences. Family alliances had brought 
Byzantine culture nearer : the first wife of Urkhan (cf. pp. 121, 127) was a Greek, who 
thus became the mother of Murad I ; the daughter of Emperor John VI Cantucu- 1 
zene, Theodora, was also married to Urkhan (1346), who now interfered in the 
dynastic dispute of his neighbour. The effect of Byzantine and Western develop- 
ment cannot yet be completely gauged. Difficulties arise from the fact that, as 
the Seljuks can point to Persian elements in their art, so the Turkish races 
must have adopted much in other domains of life (for instance, in the political 
and social organisation) from the Sassanid Empire. From an early period there 
were close relations between Turkey and Persia : the Persians borrowed, in the 
period of the Ilkhani (Vol. II, p. 180; Vol. Ill, p. 370), military expressions, 
especially from the Turkish (yayna, plundering, iigraq, baggage, urdu, camp ; also 
the expressions for army, guard, tent, weapon), and so, too, we trace Persian 
influences on Turkish races in religious matters back to Pars ism. 1 Terms belong- 
ing to the higher plane of civilization, such as Turkish khasineh, treasure, are 
derived from the Persian (yciza) ; so again it is clear that the star and the cres- 
cent were copied from the Sassanid coins. 

This Perso-Turkish development must have progressed with peculiar strength 
after the times of the Turkish Pretorian rule under the Abbasids in the ninth 

1 Persian, isdan, God, iczda in the Codex Cumanicus, Magyar, isten ; Persian, pahlivan, Turkish, 
palvan, saint ; Persian, djadu, Turkish, djada, magic. 


century (Vol. Ill, p. 337), and after the days of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna (or 
Ghazni ; Vol. II, p. 420), the founder of a permanent religious domination of Islam 
in India and the stingy patron of Firdusi (Vol. Ill, p. 349). The question natu- 
rally suggests itself whether the feudal system which can be shown to have existed 
among the Turks as the basis of military organisation is not traceable to Persian 
influence (as this has already been sought for in the word timar, small fief), or 
whether the Byzantine fief-system may have supplied the model for the Turkish 
Ziamets and Timars (greater and lesser fiefs), or whether we must recognise 
in the feudal system an old Turkish institution, or whether, finally, the condi- 
tions of Western feudalism were copied. It is certain that the Parthians were 
acquainted with a system of vassalage (to regard these vassals as slaves is as erro- 
neous as if the vassi of the West were to be considered slaves) ; and it is equally 
certain that in Persia a knightly nobility was formed, under the Sassanids, among 
the landowners, the Dikhans, which had to furnish the heavy cavalry, and may 
be described as a sort of feudal aristocracy, since its members exercised protective 
rights over village communities. Under the Mongol Ghazan (1295-1304; Vol. II, 
p. 180) the conditions of Persian feudalism were reformed. Coins were intro- 
duced in the place of paper money (Vol. Ill, p. 372), so that a revival of the 
old feudal system in Persia might have supplied a model for the new Turkish one. 
Much may thus be said for the theory of Persian influence. But it appears that 
in the regions where the old Turkish life has been preserved in the greatest purity, 
in the Khanates of Khokand and Khiva, a clearly marked feudal system exists, 
since among the Uzbegs the nobility (Spahis) organise the levies from among 
the small landed proprietors. Since in these regions of uncontaminated old 
Turkish life, which can hardly have been touched by foreign influences, we can 
only assume a spontaneous development, we are faced by this problem : were the 
Parthians, who are certainly Iranian, influenced by the Turkish races, or have we to 
deal with a case of parallel and independent development, which is noticed in the 
most different parts of the globe, when wide dominions are occupied by a numeri- 
cally small conquering race ? Again, foreign influence is usually assumed for the 
growth of the feudalism in Europe, where the word fcodum occurs for the first time 
in Southern France about 930 ; is this influence to be sought in the Orient ? The 
etymological affinity (feodum = Arabic faida, use or result) at all events must be 
rejected as impracticable. Not less untenable is Karl Hopf's theory that Western 
feudal institutions exercised an influence on the Turkish system of fiefs. 

Certain individual features of Turkish fiefs may be assigned to Byzantine influ- 
ence. The Turkish feudal estates were, like the Byzantine military estates (</ua), 
accurately assessed in value : the Ziamets were to possess a value of more than 
20,000 aspers (=500 piastres or 10,000 para), the timars a value under 20,000 
aspers, as in the case of the Byzantine military estates according to the Novel of 
the Emperor Constantino VII Porphyrogennetus (p. 83); the value for the cavalry 
and the superior class of sailors was fixed at four pounds weight of gold, for the 
ordinary marines at two pounds of gold (under Nicephorus I at four pounds, and 
for the heavy-armed at twelve pounds). These military estates existed at least in 
1345, as is shown from the Code of Harmenopulus, and therefore in their divisions 
might well have afforded a model for the fiefs long existent among the Turks. The 
Turkish system, precisely as the Byzantine institution, did not exhibit the inner 
spirit of Western feudalism, the hereditary and mutual loyalty; but the Turks 

116 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter! 

from their spirit of distrust did not allow the great fiefs to assume a hereditary 
character, but assigned small fiefs to the sons of great feudal tenants. 

It may be anticipated, and proved by many examples, that the Byzantine law 
of land was generally continued under Turkish rule. Prior rights (TrpoTt/^ert?) 
in the narrower sense of the right of the neighbour to pre-emption passed into 
Turkish law at least early in the sixteenth century (As Schifaat). The Turkish 
regulations as to the re-cultivation of untilled fields (Ihya el-emwat), such as are 
found in the No/zo? yewpyifcbs (p. 67) of Leo III, are of less importance, con- 
sidering the universality of some legal principles (we may compare the laws of 
Hammurabi, p. 67) ; the jus talionis, which had been emphasised by the Isaurian 
emperors (p. 68) and figures largely in the Turkish criminal code (Al Djinayat), 
need not necessarily be borrowed. 

As early as 1263 we have proofs of a fief (Timar) being conferred by a Seljuk 
Sultan ; the accurate elaboration of the already existent feudal system is attributed 
to Timurtash, the commander of the conquered Europeo-Byzantine territories under 
Murad I (1359-1389). The thoroughly military feudal system, the profits of which 
are called "the prize of battle," was instituted in such a way that lesser fiefs 
(Timars) were conferred by the governors, greater (Ziamets) only by the central 
power. The owners of the great fiefs had subsequently to furnish fifteen horse- 
men, the proprietors of Timars, two horsemen ; the proportion of large and small 
landed property in the six Greek provinces can be learnt from the proportion of 
Ziamets to Timars. Since the ratio between Ziamets and Timars was, in the 
Morea 1 : 3, but in Epacto is 1 : 22, a system of numerous large properties exists 
in the former, while in the latter a pronounced system of small estates prevails 
(Negroponte 1 : 15, Thessaly 1 : 5, Kartili = Aetolia 1 : 22, Acarnania 1:10, Joan- 
nina 1:5). If therefore a primitive Turkish tribal regulation existed, Byzantine 
influence presumedly gave it a more permanent form. 

Byzantine influences can also be discerned in the Turkish State : the old idea 
that every trace of Byzantine institutions was destroyed root and branch is shown 
to be more and more incorrect, the deeper we inquire into the question. The 
general division of the government into the European and the Asiatic department 
(TT}<? Auo-ecD? and rry? 'AvaroXijs) was retained in the distinction between Rumili and 
Anatoli. The Exarch of the city of Constantinople (Stambul = \ T^V jroXi, loca- 
tive case), which formed an independent sphere of administration, retained his place 
in the Turkish Empire as Sehrimaneti. The Chushes (2mou<? in Anna Comnena, 
ushers), who appeared with silver wands on which silver chains jingled, were imi- 
tated from the Manglavites of the Byzantine Court, so that the Chush-Bashi 
(/tie/a? raoiV) may have corresponded to the head of the Manglavites ; like the 
Protomanglavites in Byzantium, the Chushes were always employed as extraordi- 
nary ambassadors in the first period of the Osman Empire; the name then travelled 
to Byzantium. 

The official correspondence of the first Emirs and Sultans was conducted in a 
peculiar dialect of Greek, an example of which is given by the ultimatum to the 
Venetians in 1570. A number of Greek expressions which the Turkish Empire 
employs attests the preservation of the institutions which these terms denote. 
The Defterdar has his name from the Greek Si<f)0epat, (skin, then book) ; the Greek 
term (Canones) for official regulations was adopted into Turkish (Kanun, Kanun- 
uameh ; cf. below, p. 123); a series of terms point to the connection with Byzan- 


tine financial institutions : /coyu/ue'p/aoj/, from commercium =gumrilk, excise, TOTTO? = 
tapu, ground rent, Sr]fj,6aiov, Fiscus = Bulgarian dimosija, Armenian dimos, Sr^o? 
= dimos,the farmed-out profits in money or corn, fj,ayydva = mangane aktschessi, 
cask-money. Effendi (lord) significantly is derived from the Greek, a$eVr?7<? = 
avSevTTjs. As might be expected, the Turks, when they began to build and fur- 
nish houses and to construct a navy, borrowed expressions for the new ideas from 
the Greek (courtyard, basement, roof, window, bolt ; seaman, ferry, galley, freight, 
tiller, beach, gulf, haven, lighthouse, storm, northwest, all sorts of fish). Coins, 
weights, and measures similarly were 'borrowed from Byzantium. The early 
organisation of the empire, which had been created under Urkhan's younger 
brother and Vezir Ala ed-din, is only to be explained by the pre-eminent impor- 
tance of Western civilization. The stress laid on the right of coining money as 
a right of sovereignty must have been due to familiarity with Western ideas of 
monarchy; the institution of a standing army on the Greek model, later com- 
posed of Christians (p. 122), shows the value attached to the countries conquered 
and still to be conquered. The West is finally as it were the great public, before 
which the question of head-gear (p. 18) can be seriously discussed. The Greek 
Mime still extant in the Byzantine Empire has reappeared in the Karagoz (Shadow 
play, p. 124) possibly learnt from the Chinese, in which even the great Hercules 
appears as Koroglu, son of the blind man, who conquers the lion. 

We must not, therefore, regard the career of the Osman nation merely as an 
expansion of power, but also as an absorption of alien races and foreign cul- 
ture. From the time when, in 1300, they established themselves at Sogud 
(ZayovSdovs in Anna Comnena), in the vicinity of the old Dorylseum, down to the 
occupation of Byzantium, only one hundred and fifty years had elapsed. If we 
run our eyes over the dates of their advance (they conquered Nicomedia and Brusa 
in 1326 ; Nicaea, 1330 ; Ancient Mysia after 1340 ; Gallipoli, 1358 ; Ancyra, 1360 ; 
Adrianople, 1361 ; Philippopoli, 1362 ; Belgrade, 1385, and the greater part of Asia 
Minor by 1393), we are amazed at the aggressive powers of the nation. The dis- 
memberment of the Osman Empire by the Tartar Timur was quickly retrieved ; 
half a century later, Constantinople fell before the onslaught of the Osmans, which 
was at its fiercest under Mohammed II (1451-1481), but was revived again under 
Selim II (1512-1520), from the fact of his being the Head of the Faith. The 
foreign racial elements were really incorporated ; in the year 1334 Marino Sanudo 
said that Asia Minor was Turkish as far as Philadelphia. The Crusaders and 
Byzantines of the twelfth century discovered to their cost that the Greeks of 
Southern Asia Minor (on Lake Pungusa) had decided for the Central Asiatics. 
The Greek words taken from the Turkish point to the close intercourse in later 
times: such are the words for stuffs (damask, taffeta, morocco leather), plants 
(hyacinth, jasmine, elder, crocus, violet), articles of clothing (shoes, trunk-hose), 
ornaments (necklace), games (chess and dice), trades (butcher, whitesmith, green- 
grocer, and guild itself), military terms (musket, bullet, cartridge, powder). The 
reverse is indeed suggested by the abusive terms (lazy, stupid, hunchbacked, garru- 
lous), and it is amazing to notice that the words for quarrel, violence, swindling, 
and favouritism come from the Turkish. 

The Turkish race has absorbed so much Western blood that its whole anthro- 
pological appearance is changed, and the Turkish character, as we find it in the 
Khanates, is absolutely differentiated from that of the Osmanli : the latter severs 

118 HISTORY OF THE WORLD \_Ckapter i 

his connection with the East when he designates the former by Turk ( coarse, 
rude). In this way the historical destiny of the Osmans is sealed : deprived of 
its resources, its coherency, and its reinforcement from the East, the Osman nation 
is at heart a stranger to the West, and the empire fossilises even more than its 
Byzantine predecessor. An erratic boulder on the plains of Europe, it awaits the 
time when strong hands will push it back to Asia, and the right heir of Byzan- 
tinism shall once more take possession of Hagia Sophia. 


BOTH under the first monarchy 1 (1832-1862, Otto of Bavaria; cf. Vol. VIII) 
and under the second monarchy (from 1863 with William of Denmark as 
George I), the country oscillated between attempts at outward expansion and 
inner consolidation. The constitution granted on March 16, 1844, gave an oppor- 
tunity to the contending parties of crippling all progress in a barren struggle 
which was a caricature of parliamentary life. A pre-eminent cause of internal dis- 
turbances was supplied by the Cretan question (1866-1869 and 1897). The Ber- 
lin Conference in 1881 had promised Thessaly and a part of Albania to Greece. 2 
The financial distress which led to national bankruptcy in 1803 was as much due 
to the ambition of the half-educated men who played the greatest role in the 
country as to the outbreak of the Turco-Greek war, which showed the incapacity 
of the superior commanders as well as the inadequacy of the military training. 
The admirable handling of the cavalry and the reserves by Edhem Pasha and 
the splendid efficiency of the Turkish artillery quickly decided the war. The 
peace signed on December 4, 1897, between Greece and Turkey gave Greece a 
defined frontier. The delimitation, more especially in the valley of the Peneius, 
entailed considerable losses to Greece (between Larissa and Triccala), and the 
payment of a war indemnity of four million pounds (Turkish = 3,750,000), in 
addition to a compensation of 100,000 to the owners in the region of the theatre 
of war. The second article of the preliminary peace of September 18 provided 
that a financial committee of control, composed of foreigners, should watch over 
the financial question at Athens. 

The difficulties of arriving at a settlement are indisputably prodigious; but 
now that an end has probably been set to the interminable alternation of the 
party of order and the adventurist party (Tricupists and Delyannists) by the 
breaking up of the Delyannists, there is more room for hope, since the nation, 
which prides itself on being of one blood with Socrates, seems at last to see the 
truth of Socrates' words : " If I wish to have a flute mended, I go to the flute- 
maker; if a ship, to the ship-builder; but for the State, anyone seems good 
enough." How small has hitherto been the produce of the soil, of which only one- 
seventh is cultivated, is shown by the statistics of the year 1901, in which the 
exports amounted to 67.2 million drachmas, including, amongst other things, 
currants (23.1 million dr.), figs (3.4 million dr.), tobacco (4.4 million dr.), oil and 

1 The Greek War of Liberation, as a revolt from the Osman tyranny, so far as it is an integral part of 
Turkish history, has been recorded in the second main section ; so far as Western Europe was concerned 
in it, the eighth volume may be consulted. 

2 Cf. the map "Turkey and Adjacent Countries after the Treaty of Berlin " on the large " Map Illus- 
trating the History of Turkey in Europe " in the second main section. 


olives (6.6 million dr.), while the imports reached 122.8 million drachmas (of 
which 34.1 millions were for corn). The importation of textiles to a value of 
nearly 19 million drachmas shows the depression of that industry which is only 
able to export to the value of 1.3 million drachmas, while 57 millions must be 
paid to foreign countries for other industrial needs. 

Development of energy, training in Central European methods of labour, instruc- 
tion in agriculture and 'the re-cultivation of fallow lands, but above all the repres- 
sion of the half-educated class (which still dominates politics and journalism) by 
the highly educated (cf. Vol. VIII) and by the lower section of the people, which, 
although unaccustomed to work, is still healthy ; combined with this, a stern 
repression of that nauseating boastfulness which finds its pleasure in rhetoric and 
useless architectural display (Academy of Sciences and Library), and an iron dis- 
cipline in fiscal departments and in the army, such measures may save the coun- 
try to which all of us owe the deepest gratitude for the imperishable services of 
its past. 

120 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [Chapter n 




THE Osman power and the Turkish nationality are rooted at the present 
day, as they have been from the beginning of the Osman State, in Asia. 
For this reason the historian of Turkey in Europe is obliged to direct his 
gaze from the shores of the Bosphorus steadily towards the East, since 
from the East came forth that warlike people who for nearly four centuries were 
the terror of Europe, and still present to Western diplomatists the insoluble 
problem of the " Eastern Question " (cf. Vol. IV. p. 44). 

As regards the origin of the modern Turks, the information available since the 
discovery of the " Orthon inscriptions " on the upper Yenisei in Siberia (1889- 
1890 ; cf. also above, p. 46) enables us to describe their ancestors without hesita- 
tion as of pure Mongolian race. From the earliest times their nomadic tribes 
have formed compact political unions, which measured swords with their neigh- 
bours the Chinese in continual frontier warfare, and also possessed some degree 
of Asiatic civilization, including the art of writing, as is evidenced by inscriptions 
from the eighth century A. D. Generally speaking, however, the fact is that the 
great stretch of territory between Lake Baikal and the Caspian Sea has been for 
centuries, and still remains, the arena of barbaric struggle between the nomad 
Turkish and Tartar tribes. During this long epoch in Eastern and Western Turk- 
estan, that inexhaustible breeding-ground of nations, the seeds were sown of those 
military and civil characteristics which are clearly recognisable, in the Turks of Asia 
Minor at any rate, notwithstanding manifold infusions of Aryan, Harnitic, and Sem- 
itic blood. We refer to the virtues of the warrior who, at the trumpet blast, obedi- 
ently pitches or strikes his tent, saddles or unsaddles his little horse, arranges his 
camp kettle where he may happen to bivouac, takes his simple meal, content with 
the humblest fare and crouching on the ground like a true son of the steppes, bears 
with infinite patience the toils of inarch and migration, bends piously and devoutly 
in prayer towards the rising sun, performs the duties of hospitality where he feels 
himself the lord and master, but where he meets resistance slaughters his victims 
with the cruelty of the hunter of the steppes, like his brothers the Avars and 
Huns, the Pecheneges, Seljuks, and Mongols, and so devastates the land that 
desolation marks the pathway of his feet. 


It is impossible to say how many inroads of this nature may have been made 
from East to West in the course of time by the mounted hordes of Turks and 
Turcomans, advancing through the lowlands of the Aral and Volga districts to 
Europe, and through those of the Amu and Sir Darya to Persia, Afghanistan, and 
India. We know that as early as the eighth century they had conquered Islam, 
had overrun the empire of the Persian caliphs, had made their way even into India, 
and were a dominant military people among the Iranians and Semites long before 
they appeared in Asia Minor and Europe. They are said to have borrowed the 
crescent moon as their crest and standard from the Chinese in 1209, during their 
sojourn in Central Asia ; the emblem belongs to the period when they worshipped 
the heavenly bodies before their adoption of Mohammedanism (however, of. 
above, p. 115, for a different theory). 

(a) The Osmans in Asia Minor. The first appearance of the Osmans in Asia 
Minor (cf. Vol. Ill, p. 372) is described in a Turkish legend with miraculous 
additions of the most extraordinary nature. About the year 1225 a horde of 
some fifty thousand souls under their tribal chief Suleiman or Soliman (I) were 
forced by Mongol attacks to leave Khorassan for Armenia (Vol. II, p. 169). Sulei- 
mSn's son Ertpgrul became the vassal of the Seljuk Sultan Ala ed-din Kai Qobad 
(1219-1236) of Iconium (Konia), who gave him a strip of territory in Bithynia. 
The beautiful and fertile valley of Sogud, twenty-eight miles from Eskeshihir and 
forty -eight miles from Lefke (the ancient Leuka on the Sangarios), became the cradle 
of the Osman State. When once the Turks had gained a footing in Europe, the 
unexampled rapidity of their advance was facilitated on the one hand by the com- 
pact military organisation of the new Turkish feudalism, and on the other hand 
by the weakness of the Byzantine Empire in Asia and Europe, by the rotten consti- 
tutions of the Slavonic Balkan States, and by the lack of unity among the powers 
of Western Christendom, especially those immediately threatened, Venice, Genoa, 
Hungary, Poland, and Austria. But the weapons for this career of conquest were 
forged in Asia. Osman I (1299-1326), the son of Ertogrul, who was buried in 
Sb'gud, did not pursue the peaceful pastoral life of his father. At first an officer of 
the Sultan of Iconium, he soon rose to the command of the army, secured his inde- 
pendence, coined money (p. 114), made himself master of the greater part of 
Bithynia, and with the help of his son Urkhan extended his kingdom by the con- 
quest of Brusa, Mcomedia, and Niceea (1326 and 1330). Although he belonged 
to the powerful nomadic race of the Turks, he called his warriors Osmanli, that is, 
the sons of Osman, or, in other words, leg-breakers. The Moslems of Anatolia, 
Mesopotamia, and European Turkey, who honour the memory of Osman, even at 
the present c.ay regard the name of Turk almost as an insult. 

The Emir Urkhan (Orkhan, 1326-1359 ; the Osman rulers were not known as 
" Sultans " until 1473) is regarded as the first organiser of the Turkish State in 
Western Asia. He retained Osman's custom of dividing conquered territory into 
fiefs (Timars) for distribution among his warriors ; in order, however, to secure a 
more compact and uniform system of administration, he divided his kingdom into 
two and afterwards into three military divisions (Sandjaks), and by organising a 
militia force provided both a support for the State and a nucleus for the army. 

Ertogrul and Osman had employed only Turcoman cavalry on their campaigns, 
the Akindji, that is scouts or skirmishers ; in cases of need they were summoned 

122 HISTORY OF THE WORLD \_cr ia pter n 

as the troops of their overlords and afterwards dismissed. They proved, however, 
incompetent for siege operations. The first conquests in Asia Minor were chiefly 
due to the treachery of the Byzantine generals and governors. Urkhan was the 
first to organise an infantry force, consisting of permanently engaged and paid 
soldiers, the Yaya or Piade (that is, foot soldiers) ; they received one akdje or silver 
kreutzer daily, and were divided into tens, hundreds, and thousands, severally com- 
manded by decurions, centurions, and generals. This organisation was outwardly 
an imitation of the Byzantine military system, which had at one time done excel- 
lent service in the Themes or, provinces into which that empire was divided 
(p. 65). These troops, elated by receiving pay, increased by their excesses, their 
disobedience, and exaggerated demands that disorder which they should have 
helped to repress. The Emir, in conjunction with his brother and the vizier 
Ala ed-din, then resolved upon an unexampled coup de main. A proposition was 
advanced by the cadi or military judge of Biledjik, Kara Khalil Tshenderli, to 
replace the native infantry by a force formed exclusively of Christians who were 
to be forcibly converted to Mohammedanism. This proposal was actuated not so 
much by religious fanaticism as by clever calculation and a full appreciation of 
the necessities of the situation. It was from their former nomadic habits of life 
that the Turcomans derived that incapacity for organised infantry service which 
induced Kara Khalil to turn his attention to the Christian subjects of his master 
in 1330. The surprisingly rapid growth of this force was possibly due to the 
compulsion which may have been exercised to some extent at the time of its 
formation, and was also depicted in most baleful colouring by the anti-Christian 
movement of a later period ; but a far more potent cause was the readiness with 
which the Christian population seems to have fallen in with Urkhan's scheme, 
abandoned as they were to hopeless isolation and deepest misery by the impotence 
of their Byzantine rulers. Far from offering opposition, the young Christians 
(Adjem Oglan, inexperienced boys) attracted by high pay and other advantages, 
began to enlist in the new force voluntarily and even at the instigation of their own 
parents. It was not until considerably later in Europe and especially in Greece 
that this blood tax made so painful an impression as to be felt equivalent to a 
method of extermination. However, these Byzantines deserved no other fate. 
For centuries they had cried again and again, " Eather would we be Turks than 
Latins." They had gained their wish. These troops, Tsheri, were named 
Jeni or the new, and the name of the Janissaries was soon borne from Asia to 
Europe on the wings of victory. Their name and their distinctive uniform of 
white skin caps they received from the dervish Hadji Begtash, founder of the 
famous monastery and of the order of monks which still pervades the whole of the 
Osman Empire. As a truly Turkish indication of the generous provision made for 
the treatment of the new troops, the names of the officers were borrowed from 
various kitchen employments. The chief of the chamber, that is, of the regiment, 
was called Tshorbadji, or the soup maker ; the officers next in importance were the 
Ashdjibashi, or chief cook, and the Sakabashi, or water carrier. On their blood- 
red banner shone the silver crescent and the two-edged sword of Omar. The regi- 
mental relic was the meat kettle, round which they gathered for council as well as 
for food, while in later times the upsetting of it was often enough the signal for 

About this date, and apparently at the instance of AM ed-din, a standing force-' 


of cavalry was added to the Janissaries, like them, in receipt of pay and origi- 
nally divided into two classes, the Spahis or knights, and the Silihdaris or light- 
armed skirmishers. At first only two thousand four hundred strong, the force was 
modelled on the guard of honour for the flag of Mohammed formed by the Caliph 
Omar, and was composed of four squadrons, to which the imperial standard was 
in like manner intrusted, until this was afterwards replaced by the standard of the 
prophet under Selim I. 

Urkhan had created the army ; his brother Ala ed-din, the Numa Pompilius of 
the Osmans, added two more institutions, the right of coinage and the regulation 
of dress. At a later period the minutest details of clothing were regulated for the 
faithful ; for the moment stress was chiefly laid upon uniformity of head dress, the 
fur cap, from which the old Arab turban was developed for the Turks. ^Regulations 
of this kind, issued to meet State necessities, the " Fetwas," form the four sources 
of Mohammedan constitutional law, which must in no way contradict the three 
higher sources, the word of God, the Koran, the words and life of the Prophet, 
and the Sunna, the traditions, interpretations, and decisions of the first four Caliphs, 
or rather of the four great Imams. Silence or deficiency in these latter may be 
supplemented by decrees known as Urf ; that is, secular and arbitrary legislation. 
Such legislation was and is subject to change, and modern Turkish legislation, deal- 
ing with the thousand conditions of modern life for which the Koran does not 
provide, is Urf. Here we have the only breach through which European civili- 
zation can legally penetrate. From an early period in the Osman Empire these 
decrees were known as Kanun, from the Greek word for a rule (kanon), and 
the canonical book containing the body of decrees was called Kanun-nameh (cf. 
p. 116). 

However, the most decisive fact for the whole history of the Osman Empire 
was the accession of the Emir Urkhan (cf. the " Genealogical Tree of the Osman 
Emirs and Sultans," on p. 125). Urkhan was not the eldest son of Osman ; his 
brother AlS, ed-din was the elder. The latter, however, was a scholar with no 
inclination to militarism. It was impossible for such a man to take up the gov- 
ernment of a rising kingdom, which could only secure its existence by war. With 
his consent, therefore, the Emir Osman had named the warlike Urkhan his suc- 
cessor and appointed AM ed-din his vizier (died 1333). The principle of direct 
succession was thus abolished in the house of Osman. The succession depended 
thenceforward upon the Arab principle (cf. Vol. Ill, p. 326), by which, for instance, 
in the Omejjad family not the son but the brother of a ruler was regarded as the 
lawful successor. Mohammed himself had left no male issue, but only a daughter, 
the mother of the sons of Ali. So long as the Osman conquest continued and the 
people settled in proportion as the army moved onward, the leadership could never 
have been intrusted to a child, a very possible eventuality under other rules of suc- 
cession, as the Emirs were bold warriors who fought exposed to all dangers. In 
such times it might be the best policy to have a succession of strong rulers, even 
though they were not united by the closest ties of blood relationship. But when 
warfare ceased and peace began, and with it the long and toilsome work of advanc- 
ing the arts of peace, then a strict succession was desirable ; the son should then be 
able to finish what the father had begun. The father would then find encourage- 
ment to begin tasks which he had no prospect of seeing achieved, secure in the 
knowledge that he would leave their completion to his family. If Turkey was. 

124 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

ever to become a constitutional State instead of a conquering power, and to lead 
the progress of Islam towards civilization, then a change in the principle of suc- 
cession to the throne was indispensable. Seniority must become primogeniture. 
That this change has not yet taken place may be regarded as one of the reasons 
for the present decay of the empire. 

The spirit with which the growing State was inspired may be exemplified by a 
fragment descriptive of Osman capacity for culture, taken from the ode " To Cul- 
ture " of Aashik, a contemporary of Urkhan : 

" Empty form is nothing more than body without soul ; 
Structure in the world is of the great world-soul's design. 
Culture vivifies the world ; else would there be but soulless form. 
Knowledge is the breath of soul and soul of all the souls, 
Wanting knowledge, soul is dead and like unto the dead. 
Knowledge giveth to the Sultans empire over human souls. 
Knowledge wanting, life is wanting. This my word is truth indeed." 

An impartial examination of the earlier West Turkish and Seljuk literary 
monuments (cf. Vol. II, p. 158) shows Aashik Pasha at the outset of the four- 
teenth century (died 1332) as beginning the line of Turkish poets with a great 
mystical poem, which betrays the influence of the Persian poetry. Aashik 
Pasha was a clever dervish of the order of Mevlevi, " the whirling order," which 
produced several poets, the most important of whom was the actual founder of 
the order, the famous Jelal ed-din Rumi (Vol. Ill, p. 365). His title of Pasha does 
not imply the court dignity of State Vizier, but that of Vizier in the spiritual 
kingdom. In this latter sense we find many poets bearing the titles of Sheik, 
Emir, Hlinkiar (monarch), Shah, and Sultan. The whole body of Osman poetry, 
and even the literary language of the present day, was developed beneath the 
standard of the Book ; though the ancestors of the Osmans, the Oghuz, Ghuzi 
or Kuni (Vol. II, p. 160) may have acquired some veneer of Chinese culture, no 
trace of this intellectual relationship remains, save certain grammatical forms, and 
the " Karagoz(s)," a degenerate form of the Chinese shadow-play, which continued 
the Greek mimos (p. 24) on Byzantine soil. Where the Osman culture is not 
derived from sources purely Arabian, that is, under Arab religious influences, it draws 
upon Arab-Persian sources. Of greater originality and in closer conformity with 
Turkish peasant humour are the rough jests of the Osman Eulenspiegel of Khodja 
Nasr ed-din, who was a priest and teacher in Akshehir about the period of the last 
but one of the Seljuk Sultans, Ala ed-din Kai Qobad (died 1307), and also in 
Timur's age (died 1404). His humorous pieces were widely circulated in prose 
narrative form from an early date, and are still read and recited by young and 
old in all classes of society. Friedrich Hirtli has described the manifold com- 
mercial connections of the Chinese with the Eoinan and Syrian kingdoms, and with 
the West in general, while Edmund Naumann in his book "From the Golden 
Horn to the Sources of the Euphrates " has referred to the affinity of the Turkish 
language to Japanese. The custom of giving place names by topographical descrip- 
tion, which was adopted in countless instances by the primitive Turkish races for 
the nomenclature of towns, districts, woods and rivers, mountains and valleys, 
within the area of original Persian, Greek, and Byzantine civilization, finds its 
primeval counterpart in modern China. Divergence of religious belief apparently 
excluded Byzantine influence, although this can be recognised in the material, 



Suleiman (I), about 1225 

Ertogrul, 1231-88 
1. Osman I el-Ghazi (the champion of the faith), 1299-1326, * 1259 

Prince Ala ed-din, t 1333 2. Urkhan (Orkhan),' 1326-59 

Prince Suleiman, 3. Murad (Amurat) I Khudawendkiar (the master), 
t 1358 1359-98, * 1319 


4. Bayezid (Bajaset) I Yildirim (Jildirim, the lightning), Prince Yakub, 
1389-1402, t 1403 t 1389 

Pr. Ertrogrul, Suleiman I, 5. Mohammed (Mahomet) I Pr. Isa, Pr. Musa, Pr. Mustafa, 
t 1400 1402-10 Chelebi, 1413-21, * 1387 t 1404 1410-13 t 1402 

Grandson Urkhan, 1 1453 

6. Murad II, 1421-51, * 1401 Pr. Yusuf Pr. Mohammed Pr. Mustafa, * 1409, t 1422 

7. Mohammed II Buyuk (the Great), or Fatih (the conqueror), 1451-81, * 1430 

I I 

8. Bajazet II, 1481 to May 26, 1512, * 1447 Prince Djem, * 1458, t Febr. 24, 1495, in Naples 

I i 

Prince Ahmed, Prince Korkud, 9. Selimi I Yauz (Jauz ; the strong), 1512 
t 1513 t 1512 to Sept. 21, 1520 

Prince Murad 10. Suleiman II (Soliman I) el-Kanuni (the lawgiver), 1520-66, * 1495 

Mustafa, t 1553 Jihangir, 11. Selim II Mest Bajazet, t 1561 

t 1553 (the drunkard), 

Ibrahim, t 1553 1566-74, * 1520 | | 

4 sons, t 1561 

12. Murad III, 1574-95, * 1546 

13. Mohammed III, 1595-1603, * 1566 

14. Ahmed I, 1603-17, * 1589 15. Mustafa I, 1617-17; 1622-23 

16. Osman II, 1618-21, 17. Murad IV, Bajazet and Suleiman, 18. Ibrahim, 
* 1605 1623-40, * 1609 t 1634 1640-48 


19. Mohammed IV, 1648-87 ; 20. Suleiman III (Soli- 21. Ahmed II Avji (the 
* 1638 (42 ?), t 1692 man II), 1687-91 hunter), 1691-95, * 1642 

I I 

22. Mustafa II, 1695-1703, 23. Ahmed III, 1703-30 ; * 1673, t 1736 

* 1664, t 1703 

24. Mahmiul I, 1730-54 25. Osman III, 1754-57, * 1700 

Mohammed 26. Mustafa III, 1757-73, 27. Abd ul-Hamid I, 1774-89 
Khan, t 1756 * 1717 j 

28. Selim III, 1789-1807; 29. Mustafa IV, 30. Mahmud II, 
* 1761, t 1808 1807-1808 1808-39 

t Nov. 16 * 1785 

, I 

31. Abd ul-Mejid, 1839-61, * 1823 32. Abd ul-Aziz (Asis), 1861-76, * 1830 

33. Murad V, 34. Abd ul-Hanriil II, 

May 30 to Aug. 31, 1876, * Sept. 21, 1830, t Aug. 29, 1904 1876 X, * 1842 

126 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

military, political, and social institutions (for example, with regard to eunuchs) 
which it imposed upon its conquerors. 

(b) Byzantium before 1356. ' The Byzantine Empire seemed destined to endure 
for ever, in contrast to its elder sisters in the West, who had long before succumbed 
to the assaults of the Germans. From the age of its founder Constantine and of 
its legislator Justinian it had steadily increased its power. The tenth centuiy 
had been a period of renaissance in civil, economic, and military life, and for Greece 
in intellectual life also. The empire had triumphantly emerged from the deadly 
struggle with the forces of Islam. By the subjugation of the Slavs and the acquisi- 
tion of Armenia, the Byzantine Empire had extended in 1025 to limits unexampled 
since the days of Justinian (see the map facing p. 332 in Vol. III). The mingled 
severity and kindness of the emperor Basil, the " slayer of the Bulgarians," had left 
the millions of Slavs in possession of their freedom and their native institutions. 
From this moment the irrevocable decay of the empire begins. The great territo- 
rial lords made the succeeding emperors their tools, exhausted the resources of the 
European and Asiatic provinces by their extortion, destroyed the yeoman class by 
their unbearable taxation, deprived the Slavs of their national privileges, paralysed 
the action of the best generals by their influence in the all-powerful Senate, and 
when the Seljuk invasion took place in 1071 lost the best provinces of the Asiatic 
Empire, Cappadocia, Armenia, and Iconium (p. 91, above; Vol. Ill, p. 353). The 
West fell into the hands of the Normans. The death-stroke, however, from which 
Byzantium never recovered, was given by the Latin Crusade in 1204. The shadow 
of the imperial government migrated to Nicsea, and as a shadow it returned with 
the Palaiologoi to the city of Constantine in 1261. Instead of seeking to effect a 
peaceful settlement with the rising kingdoms of Bulgaria and Servia, and thus to 
save something from the wreck, seeing that the old forms of absolute monarchy 
had been definitely replaced by the Western forms of feudal government which the 
Crusaders obeyed, the romantic spirit of these shadowy emperors pursued the phan- 
tasm of their lost supremacy, the " great ideal " (Heinr. Gelzer) on which even 
within our own times the finest enterprises of the Hellenes have made shipwreck. 

This ruinous megalomania was, moreover, poisoned from the outset by the wild- 
est forms of monastic strife, by theological quarrels, and by the burning hatred of 
patriarchs, priests, and people for the " Latinists." While the Osman power was 
rising in the East, the Slav kingdoms were advancing on the North. Servian kings 
had secured the supremacy over the Balkan Peninsula. The power of the Bulgarian 
State had been broken in 1330 (cf. the first special map in the " Map illustrat- 
ing the History of Turkey in Europe," facing p. 166), and when Stephan Dusan 
ascended the throne, it seemed that for the Servian monarchy was reserved the task 
of defending the Bosphorus against the Osman advance. But the Slavs were not 
a sea power, and were therefore unable to interfere successfully in the bitter com- 
mercial strife which Venice and Genoa waged for half a century in Greek waters. 
Civil war broke out repeatedly in Byzantium. The Palaiologos Johannes V looked 
for help to the Venetians and Serbs, while Johannes VI Kantakuzenos turned to 
the Osmans. As early as 1336 Andronikos, no less unscrupulous than the Chris- 
tian republics of Italy, had joined the Asiatic Seljuks against the Osmans, and had 
thereby lost the best towns of Ionia. In 1353 the Osmans defeated the Serbs at 
Didymonteichos, and Kantakuzenos appointed his son Matthaios co-regent. Then 


Stephan Dusan died in 1355, and with him died the hopes of saving Europe from 
the yoke of Islam. Servian and Albanian chieftains broke away, and Bosnia made 
herself independent. Thus the Balkan Christians destroyed one another, while the 
hour of doom was approaching. In 1356 Kantakuzenos himself, in the improvi- 
dence of despair, called in the Osmans. Urkhan, already in possession of Brusa, 
Niccea, and Nicomedia, thought the moment had then come when the brilliancy of 
Constantinople and the beauty of Greece lay helplessly at his mercy. 

Upon two rafts made of logs bound together with straps and skins, the crown 
prince Suleiman crossed into Thrace with eighty warriors and surprised the castle of 
Thymbe (the modern Tshini). The conquest of Kallipolis (the modern Gallipoli) 
in the following year (1357, if we can trust the chronology of the time) opened the 
way for the extension of the Osman Empire in Europe. Urkhan announced this 
joyful news to the Seljuk princes and his other rivals in letters breathing the full 
pride of victory. For centuries onward it became the privilege of the Osman 
chancery to employ the luxuriances of their literary style in inditing documents of 
this nature to friend and foe. The emperor Johannes VI was astute enough to 
treat with Urkhan, to whom he had given his daughter in marriage (p. 114), as 
the ransom of Kallipolis. The bargain was on the point of conclusion when an 
earthquake destroyed all the towns and fortresses in the Thracian Chersonnese, and 
left the Turks in undisputed possession of the whole of this territory, if we can trust 
the account of the imperial historian ; he was deposed in 1355, retired to a monas- 
tery on Mount Athos, and died in Misithra in 1383. Suleiman died before his 
father on a hawking expedition. For more than a century his tomb in Bulair 
(Greek, Plagiari), on the shore of the Hellespont, was the only grave of an Osman 
prince on European soil ; and of all the tombs of the Osman heroes was most often 
visited, as being the resting-place of the second Vizier of the empire and of the 
warrior who had successfully crossed the Dardanelles. 

B. THE TURKS IN EUROPE, 1360-1450 

(a) Murad I. In 1360 the Emir Murad I (1359-1389) crossed the Hellespont. 
In the following year he reduced the important fortresses of Tzurulon and Didy- 
monteichos, and in spite of a brave resistance made himself master of Adrianople, 
the second city of the empire. This town, situated at the confluence of the Maritza, 
with its tributaries, the Arda and Tundsha, in a fertile valley, provided with all the 
attractions of a tropical climate, vineyards, rose fields, and quince gardens, became 
(next to Brusa) the first, and after the fall of Constantinople the second, city of 
the Osman Empire. At a later date was erected in it the famous mosque of the 
Sultan Selim II, which the Turks regard as the most beautiful in Islam. Brusa 
remained henceforward the sacred burial ground of the Sultans ; and its splendid 
mosques and baths still afford the finest examples of Osmano-Persian architecture. 
Murad's viziers Lalashahin and Evrenos made their way up the valley of the 
Maritza. Towns, villages, fortresses, and the open country with its enormous booty 
fell into their hands almost without a blow. In 1363 Lalashahin crowned his 
career of conquest with the capture of Philippopolis (in Turkish Filibe, in Bulga- 
rian Plovdio), which had belonged to the Bulgarian Empire since 1344. The Emir 
Murad made this most prosperous of the Bulgarian towns the outpost of his daily 
growing empire by the construction of fortified outworks. Four great rocks of 

128 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter 11 

syenite were included in the outer ring of walls, and the Maritza was spanned hy a 
stone bridge. At that time the wealth of Philippopolis consisted chiefly of rice- 
fields, which brought in four million aspers to the public treasury alone, according 
to the Turkish historian Sead ed-din. The statement that Murad shortly afterwards 
(1365) concluded a convention with the Dalmatian republic of Ilagusa, which com- 
manded the inland trade in the Balkan Peninsula, is an invention of later times. 

The small Christian States were unable to combine in any kind of opposition to 
the Osman advance ; they also lacked a standing army. The emperor Johannes V 
was at variance with his son Andronikos. When he attempted in 1365 to form a 
federation against the Turks in Trnovo on the Jantra, the old capital of Bulgaria, 
he was imprisoned by Zar Sis"man (Shishman), until his cousin Count Amadeo VI 
of Savoy liberated him. The hard-pressed emperor then travelled to Avignon, to 
induce the papacy to promote a relieving crusade ; without hesitation, he signed the 
Latin formula of union. Pope Urban V returned with him to Borne, where they 
were met by the emperor Charles IV, Queen Joanna of Naples, and the chival- 
rous king of Cyprus, Peter I of Lusignan, while Stephan of Bosnia was expected to 
arrive. Peter of Lusignan had been travelling round the courts of Western Europe 
since 1362, and on April 1, 1363, at Avignon had promised to undertake a crusade 
in conjunction with John the Good of France (died 1364) and Amadeo; however, 
the enterprise was inadequately supported by the European powers, and the cru- 
saders confined themselves to a temporary occupation of Alexandria on October 10, 
1365. On the present occasion no agreement could be brought about (cf. for 
recent information on this point, W. Norden, " Das Papsttum und Byzanz," p. 704). 
Low, indeed, had fallen the prestige of the once all-powerful East Roman emperor ; 
the Venetian bankers who had advanced the money for his journey to Avignon 
kept him a prisoner at Venice. Andronikos declined to oblige his hated father 
(who formally went over to the Roman Church in 1369) by paying the money ; 
and it was eventually his younger son Manuel, ruler of Thessalonica, who secured 
Johannes' return in 1370, at great cost to himself. In 1371 Johannes excluded 
Andronikos from the succession in favour of Manuel. In 1375, when Andronikos 
joined Sauji, a revolted son of Murad, Murad beheaded the Turkish prince and 
punished Andronikos by blinding him. However, the prince gained the help of 
the Genoese, who assisted him to enter the capital in 1376, dethroned his father 
and crowned him as Andronikos IV. In 1379 the old emperor escaped from 
imprisonment, and fled to Murad, who restored him to the possession of the capi- 
tal. Two years later the emperor was reconciled to his eldest son, but after his 
death in 1385 he set aside the claims of his grandson, Johannes VII, and gave 
the succession to his beloved Manuel. 

These events form an interlude of secondary importance in the great maritime 
struggle between Genoa and Venice, which ended only with the peace of Turin 
(August 8, 1381). Matters were going no less badly in the Peloponnese. From 
Thrace Murad had advanced westward to the Balkan passes. He then turned 
southwards into the fair province of Thessaly and even reached Thermopylae, 
whereupon Roger de Lauria, who was governing Attica in the name of King 
Frederic III of Sicily, appealed to him in 1363 for help against his Cataloni;m 
rivals who were in possession of Athens, Helene Fadrique of Aragon, and the 
Venetian Bailo (governor; cf. pp. 98 and 140) of Xegropont in Euboea. As the 
allies of Roger, the Turks marched into Thebes, the seat of government and 


the most distinguished city in the duchy of Athens. These facts plainly show, 
as Ferd. Gregorovius remarks, that the Spaniards, Catalonians, and Sicilians were 
but foreigners in the Latin principalities of Greece, with which they had nothing 
in common. The news of this movement spread terror far and wide in the West, 
Urban V summoned to arms the Venetians (as being the masters of Euboea), 
together with the archbishop of Patras, all the prelates and dignitaries of the 
period within the Latin Empire, the despots of Misithra (Mistra ; cf. the plate 
facing p. 105) and Guido of Enghien in Argos. 

In the North also a movement of resistance was stimulated by the Pope. The 
Greek commander of Philippopolis had fled to the king of Servia ; at his appeal the 
kings of Hungary, Servia, Bosnia, and the province of Wallachia agreed to under- 
take a campaign in common against the Turks, who were now threatening their 
frontiers. By forced marches they advanced to the Maritza at a point two days' 
journey above Adrianople, but in the night of September 25-26, 1371, they were 
surprised by Hadji Ilbeki and suffered a fearful defeat ; the army was shattered 
and dispersed in flight. The battle-field is still known as Ssirbsindiighi, the defeat 
of the Serbs. This was the first battle in which Magyars fought against Osmans. 

A year of peace followed, which Murad employed in extending his empire in 
Asia Minor. In 1381 he arranged a marriage between his eldest son Bajazet 
(Bayezid) and the daughter of Yakub of Kermian. The princess brought as her 
dowry K(j)utahia and other valuable districts in the Seljuk state. Shortly after- 
wards other of Murad's troops under Timurtash crossed the mountains of Ehodope 
and advanced to the Axios on the Albanian frontier, where they conquered the 
towns of Monastir (Bitolia) and Istip. On the far side of the Balkans Indje Bala- 
ban had already spent two years in the siege of the fortress of Sofia (the ancient 
Sardica), when he gained his object by treachery in 1382. Sofia, the most impor- 
tant fortress and the key of Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Thrace, splendidly situated 
on the Boyana in the wide plain traversed by the Isker, rose again from its ruins. 

The Osmans had already burst into Bosnia through the Balkan passes, but 
were repeatedly defeated in the gorges and mountains of the Alps of Dinar by the 
united Bosnians and Serbs. In 1387 Stefan Vuk Lazar left Prizren and began a 
threatening movement southward with thirty thousand men. Before Murad sent 
his forces across the Balkans, which he was surprised to find unoccupied by the 
enemy, he celebrated with great splendour in Asia, in the presence of his troops on 
the plain of Jenishehir, his own marriage and that of two of his sons with Byzantine 
princesses, and the circumcision of his three grandsons, the sons of Bajazet. The 
decisive battle was fought on June 15, 1389, on the field of Amsel (Kossovo Polye, 
west of Prishtina). The Turks under the Emir Murad and his son Bajazet opposed 
the Serbs under Lazar and his nephew Vuk Stefan Brankovic of Prishtina, the 
Bosnians under their king Stephaii Tvartko (Tordko), and the Voivode Vladko 
Hranii. With them fought the Croatians under their Ban Ivan Horvat, those Bul- 
garians who had escaped the destruction of their country, Wallachian auxiliary 
troops, and numerous Albanians. At the outset of the battle (at its conclusion, 
according to another tradition) the Emir Murad was stabbed in his tent by the 
Servian nobleman MiloS Obilic; Lazar, however, was captured and beheaded, with 
a number of Servian knights, over the corpse of Murad. The new Emir Bajazet I 
interred his father's remains at Brusa, in the splendid mosque erected by Murad 
himself. He strangled his brother Yakub in continuance of the gloomy custom 
VOL. v 9 

130 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [Chapter n 

supported by a verse of the Koran, according to which accession in the Osman house 
was legalised by fratricide. 

(b) Bajazet I. The new Emir Bajazet I (1389-1402) was now able to make 
preparations for the conquest of Greece (cf. map I for the history of Turkey in 
Europe, facing p. 163). The Palaiologoi he treated with contempt. Philadelphia, 
the only town in Asia Minor which had retained its Greek characteristics and its 
independence, was obliged to capitulate on easy terms (since that time," Alashehr "). 
Manuel was one of his adherents. This circumstance Johannes VII, the son of 
Andronikos, who had come to an understanding with Selymbria (the modern 
Siliwri) and Thessalonica, turned to his own account to secure the dethronement of 
his grandfather (1390) Manuel, it is true, restored his father's supremacy ; but 
when Bajazet forced the old emperor to cease the work of restoring the fortifica- 
tions of his capital, Johannes VI died of vexation at this insult (February 16, 
1391), after a reign as inglorious as it was lengthy. Manuel at once seized the 
throne, but the Sultan punished his presumption by the capture of Thessalonica 
(1391), the blockade of the capital, and the conquest of the Bulgarian capital of 
Truovo with Widdin, Nicopolis, and Silistria in 1393 ; and it became obvious that 
Bajazet intended to abolish the shadowy East Eoman Empire. So early as 1392 
his general Evrenos-Beg had advanced from Seres (Seme, Turkish since 1373) to 
the Isthmus. Nerio Acciajuoli, who had ruled Athens from 1385, in place of the 
Catalonians (pp. 108 and 128), made a fruitless appeal to Venice for help, and 
secured his safety by submission and payment of tribute. From this moment the 
fate of Athens was only a question of time. The metropolitan Demetrius was sus- 
pected of calling in the Turks out of hatred for the Latins. He was deposed by 
the patriarchs of Constantinople ; but his successor Makarios, blinded by national 
animosity, also began secret negotiations with the Turks. Nerio Acciajuoli broke 
away from Achaia and went over to King Ladislaus of Naples (f 1414), who had 
just joined the great crusade league of France, Venice, Genoa, and the papacy. 
When Timurtash occupied the lower part of Athens, the Turks were expelled by 
the Venetians, who at last came up from Euboea to relieve the place. From the 
end of 1394 to the end of 1403 the lion standard of San Marco waved upon the 
battlements of the stronghold of Cecrops arid on the tower of the Latin Church of 
the Holy Virgin on the acropolis. 

It is not known how far the Turks penetrated into Bceotia and Attica upon this 
occasion. According to Chalkondyles, who is our chief authority for the first great 
Turkish invasion, this movement took place before the battle of Nicopolis. Some 
portion of the Greeks were in alliance with the Turks. Seraphim, the archbishop 
of Phocis, is said to have treacherously invited the Emir to enter this fair hunting- 
ground. Helene Kantakuzene, the widow of the last Fadrique of Salona (Am- 
phissa ; see the map facing p. 166), opened the gates of the town. Her daughter 
entered Bajazet's harem. But the Osman triumphs were suddenly checked by the 
news that Sigismund (Siegmund) of Hungary, to whom the emperor Manuel had 
appealed for help, was approaching the Danube with a brilliant army of French 
and German knights (cf. Vol. VII, p. 216). Bajazet left Gallipoli, which was then 
his base of operations for the blockade of the capital, and also Seres to advance 
northward against the Christian army. In Wallachia Sigismund was joined by 
Prince Mirza (Myrtsha), who had driven Bajazet across the Danube in 1394. On 


September 12, 1396, the Christian troops reached Great Nicopolis, on the right bank 
of the Danube. On September 28 Bajazet's superior generalship secured him a 
bloody victory over the Christians, who were unable to follow any practical plan of 
campaign by reason of the overbearing and licentious behaviour of the French 
knights. The consequences of the defeat were borne by the Christian inhabitants 
of the peninsula. Evrenos-Beg advanced upon the Peloponnese, the Byzantine port 
of which was governed by the " despot " of Misithra, Theodore Palaiologos (1384- 
1407 ; a son of Johannes V). Defeated at Leondari at the sources of the Alpheios 
on June 21, 1397, he was forced to agree to the payment of a yearly tribute. 
However, the bold prince made an alliance with Venice and Ehodes, to whom he 
handed over Corinth and other fortresses (1400-1404). 

In 1399 the emperor Manuel, who was blockaded anew, approached the French 
marshal Jean Le Meingre or Boucicaut with a request for help, and this general 
once again cleared the Turks out of the environs of the capital. Johannes VII 
was reconciled to his uncle, and Manuel travelled in the West, and met with a 
brilliant reception wherever he went. The Venetians were then at the zenith 
of their power. Three thousand Venetian merchant ships sailed the Mediter- 
ranean. In 1386 they were in possession of Corfu, while in the Peloponnese 
Lepanto, Patras, Methoni (Modon), Koron, and Nauplia were in their hands, as also 
were Negropont and Crete. As early as 1355 the Bailo of Constantinople had 
advised the Senate to seize the inheritance of Byzantium without more ado. 
Now, however, they lost Athens (May, 1402). Antonio Acciajuoli gathered a 
force in Livadia, the strongest place in the country, and captured the citadel 
in 1403, after a heroic defence. 

But at that moment all eyes were turned eastward, whence one of those racial 
invasions, such as Genghis-Khan had once led, was rushing onward from Asia under 
Timur's leadership. When the Mongolian ruler of Samarkand began to extend his 
conquests westward (cf. Vol. II, p. 184), he came into collision with the Osman 
Emirate. The struggle of these two great powers for the possession of Western 
Asia was decided on July 20, 1402, in the murderous battle of Angora. Bajazet 
himself fell into Timur's hands, and died in captivity on March 8, 1403. For the 
moment the Turkish Empire lay shattered at the feet of the Khan of Samarkand. 
Christendom breathed a sigh of relief in the spring of 1403, when Timur left Brusa 
and Smyrna, which he had destroyed in December, 1402, and turned eastwards 
again without attempting to cross the Hellespont, as his fleet consisted only of 
twenty-two ships of Trebizond. The Seljuk princes of Menteshe, Kermian, Aidin, 
and Karaman who had been subjugated first by Murad and then by Bajazet, were 
restored by Timur to independence. 

(c) The Renaissance of the Osman Empire after the Mongolian Peril (First 
Half of the Fifteenth Century). Those of Bajazet's sons who had escaped the 
carnage began fighting among themselves for the throne which they had set up 
again in Brusa and Adrianople. Henceforward Brusa and Ai'din (Guzel Hissar, 
the ancient Tralles) were to be the citadels of pure Turkish power in Asia. 
Christian Europe was too busy with internecine strife to utilise the moment 
of Osman helplessness, an opportunity which never recurred. The papacy was 
paralysed by the Great Schism. Before the emperor Manuel had returned from 
Paris, where he had learned the news of Bajazet's destruction, the eldest son 

132 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter u 

of the fallen emperor Suleiman (Soliman I) had been proclaimed Emir in 
Adrianople. The Greek princes hastened to resume their old feudal relations 
with the Sublime Porte. Antonio Acciajuoli paid a visit to Suleiman in person to 
ask his help against Venice in the struggle for Athens. From March 31, 1405, 
the Venetians were forced to leave Antonio in possession of Athens : he would 
only agree to style himself their vassal. Yet their power in the Levant was on 
the rise, and their maritime preponderance was undisputed at the time when they 
retired from Attica. While Genoa, their rival, was on the point of collapse, the 
mistress of the Adriatic, under her Doges Michele Steno (1401-1413) and Tommaso 
Mocenigo (1414-1423) was still at the zenith of her power. When for this reason 
she delayed in common with the Western powers to avenge Nicopolis, her powers 
of resistance were speedily paralysed before the advance of the Osmans in new 
strength. Under the Doge Francesco Foscari (1423-1457) the prudent republic 
sought by the acquisition of Italian territory to secure firmer foundations for her 
vanishing and disputed power. 

The wars aroused by the hatred and jealousy of the four sons of Bayezid in 
their struggle for the throne lasted for a decade. Fortunately for the Turkish 
Empire no partition resulted, but dynastic unity, the fundamental principle of the 
Osman house, was preserved. Suleiman (1) was killed behind Adrianople on June 
5, 1410, while fleeing from his brother Musa; Musa then lost his throne and his 
life at the hands of Mohammed I (1413-1421), the third and most fortunate of the 
hostile brothers, after a victory on the plain of Tshamorlu, not far from Sofia 
(July 10). Mohammed had concluded a close alliance with Manuel, and being 
on the best of terms with him, gave him back a number of Macedonian and 
Thessalian places which he had taken from Musa, including the splendid Thessa- 
lonica. Again, and for the last time, the affairs of the East Romans seemed to 
have taken a favourable turn. The Emir had also assured considerable remissions 
of taxation, with commercial and territorial concessions, to the remaining members 
of the Christian league, Venice, Genoa, the Knights of St. John in Ehodes, and 
the duke Jacopo Crispo of Naxos. In the security of peace with the Osmans 
the Greek emperor Manuel, whose restless co-regent Johannes VII had died in 
a monastery, was able to visit the miserable remnants of his empire. He spent the 
winter of 1414-1415 in Thessalonica, the possession of his son Andronikos. He 
then assisted his son Theodore (II), the despot of Misithra, to subjugate the 
refractory barons and toparchs of the Peloponnese (1415). At the same time he 
zealously urged on the construction of the Hexamilion, the wall across the 
isthmus, which was to serve as a defence against the barbarians, as formerly in 
the time of the Persian wars. Contemporary writers such as Georgios Phrantzes, 
Laonikos Chalkondyles, Gemistos Plethon, and Manuel (or Maximos) Mazaris 
express their astonishment at this bulwark of defence, as though it were com- 
parable with the famous walls of Hadrian. They were, however, soon to learn that 
it was no obstacle to the Janissaries. In 1417 the crown prince Johannes (VIII) 
appeared with the intention of making Misithra (Mistra) his base of operations for 
the subjugation of the rebellious Genoese centurion Zaccaria of Achaia (1404- 
1430 \32); he then let loose his Albanian troops upon the Venetian possessions 
also, and destroyed his good relations with the republic. The latter espoused the 
cause of the centurion, and in 1419 wrested from the East Romans the important 
position of Monembasia, the home of the once admired Malvasier. 


Mohammed, who had been indefatigable in the task of resubjugating the 
emirs of Asia Minor, had always proved an honourable ally of the Byzantines. 
Manuel, therefore, displayed a considerable lack of foresight in supporting the 
cause of a rebel pretending to be Prince Mustafa, who had disappeared in 
1402 ; again, on Mohammed's death in 1421, Manuel was persuaded by his 
son Johannes (VIII) to play off this pseudo-Mustafa against the youthful heir 
Murad II (1421-1451). The impostor was defeated, and strangled in Adrianople at 
the beginning of 1422. In June, 1422, Murad advanced upon Constantinople with 
fifty thousand men. The capital, which had made alliance with Mustafa, a revolted 
younger brother of the Emir, was saved, though Mustafa himself was defeated 
and suppressed. The work of vengeance could now be begun. First, the warlike 
Murad sent his Vizier Turakhan to Thessalonica, which was only saved by the 
help of Venice. Andronikos ceded it to the republic in 1423 for purchase-money 
amounting to fifty thousand ducats. However, Turakhan then burst forth from 
Thessaly to expel from the Morea Theodore (II) of Misithra and the Venetians, 
on whom he desired vengeance for Pietro Loredano's destruction of the Turkish 
fleet at Gallipoli on May 29, 1416. The wall across the isthmus was stormed by 
the Janissaries and destroyed on May 22, 1423. The victors contented themselves 
with reducing the Peloponnese to the position of a tributary vassal State. Smitten 
by an apoplectic stroke, Manuel retired from the government in 1423 and took 
monastic vows in 1424. His son Johannes VIII (1423-1448) concluded peace 
with Murad, who made him pay thirty thousand ducats for the Morea, and seized 
most of his possessions in Macedonia and on the Black Sea. 

Meanwhile the emperor's enterprising brothers, Thomas and Constantinos 
Palaiologos, were, on the other hand, successfully extending their supremacy in 
the Peloponnese, where the last remnants of Frankish power, with the exception 
of the Venetian fortresses, fell into their hands between 1428 and 1430. How- 
ever, on March 29, 1430, Murad II reduced the fortress of Thessalonica, the old 
capital of the Lombard kingdom, which for more than two centuries had served as a 
base for the Frankish conquests of Hellas. Under the name of " Selanik " (Salonik) 
it became henceforward one of the first commercial ports and naval stations of 
Turkey in Europe. After the fall of Thessalonica the Emir sent his Pasha Sinan 
to subjugate Epirus. In that country Carlo I Tocco, the brother-in-law of 
Antonio, had died at Joannina (Janina) on July 4, 1429, leaving no legitimate 
heir. His fair kingdom, which since 1381 had included Albania, Acarnania, 
Ithaca, Zacynthus, Cephallenia, and Leucadia, went to his nephew Carlo II 
(1429-1448), the son of his brother Leonardo. However, the Turks took up the 
cause of Memnone, an ambitious illegitimate son of the deceased, and forced 
Joannina to surrender on October 9, 1430, after a long siege. Carlo II Tocco 
thereupon became tributary to the Emir for Epirus and Acarnania. 

Meanwhile the emperor Johannes VIII, who was in despair at the loss of 
Thessalonica, had hastened westward, to make his submission to the Kornan 
Church and to seek help from the co-religionists. To Murad's fierce resentment 
his appeals for help were again directed to Eome. H. Gelzer has sufficiently stig- 
matised the blunders of the schismatical ecclesiastical policy, while W. Norden 
has illustrated, from the point of view of general history, the numerous move- 
ments towards reunion on the part of the two powers. Pope Eugenius IV 
zealously urged a new scheme for reunion, deceiving himself and others with the 

134 HISTORY OF THE WORLD \_Chapter n 

hope that the brief and infrequent efforts of the West to repel the followers of 
the crescent would now culminate in a great enterprise for the final expulsion of 
the Turk. In view of the extremity of the danger, the project of union (in other 
words, submission) was now considered in full seriousness by the emperor and 
most of the prelates, including the oecumenical patriarch Joseph and Basilios 
Bessarion and Isidoros of Kiev, who afterwards became cardinals : The Floren- 
tinum, the decree of union which was solemnly recited on July 6, 1439, in the 
cathedral of Florence, is of importance in so far as it became the dogmatic basis 
for the actual reunion of the Ruthenians, Roumanians, Armenians, Jacobites, Nes- 
torians, and Maronites. Constantinople, however, held different views. Monks 
and laity alike declined to confirm the convention which the imperial govern- 
ment and the hierarchy had concluded. The latter were defeated in the unequal 
struggle against a national will, which, as Ignaz von Dbllinger observed, though 
impotent in all else, was implacably obstinate on this particular point of anti- 
Latinism. The agreement of Florence was torn in pieces, and the Church of St. 
Sophia was doomed to become a mosque. 

In the spring of 1441 the Turks devastated lower Hungary as far as the Theiss, 
and also Slavonia and the district between the Save and the Drave. Fortunately 
for Christendom, Johannes Hunyadi, who had been appointed Count of Temesvar 
and Duke of Transylvania in 1441 as a reward for faithful service, took up the 
supreme command among the towns on the southern frontier. Among other 
exploits he defeated the Roumelian Beglerbeg Kulle-Shahin in the spring of 1442 
at Vasap on the Jalomita. Pope Eugenius had despatched earnest appeals to the 
"Western princes calling for union and defensive measures. At the beginning of 
1443 he issued a general circular, imposing a tithe upon the Church for the 
Turkish war; he also sent Cardinal Giuliauo Cesarini to Hungary, and Bishop 
Christoph of Corona to Moldavia, Wallachia, and Albania to preach the Crusade. 
The mobilisation of the fleet was begun in Venice. However, the majority of the 
Western princes viewed the enterprise with indifference; exceptions were the 
Poles, Wallachians, and the lower classes in Hungary, who took up arms in every 
quarter. In July, 1443, the crusading army set out under King Waldislaw III of 
Poland and Hunyadi, accompanied by Cardinal Cesarini and the fugitive Servian 
king Georg Brankovic, advanced through Servia, defeated the Turks at Nish on 
November 3, reached Sofia, and crossed the plateau between the Balkans and the 
Ichtiman Sredna Gora at Mirkovo, arriving finally at Zlatitza. The defeat of the 
Turks at Kunovitza (December 24, 1443) brought about an Albanian rising under 
Georg Kastriota (Skanderbeg; cf. main section III), and in 1444. in spite of the 
cardinal's opposition, the Hungarians concluded a ten years' peace with Murad at 
Szegedin, by the terms of which Wallachia (as a Turkish tributary State) fell to 
Hungary, Bulgaria was left to the Porte, and Servia was restored to Brankovic ; 
neither Turks nor Hungarians were henceforward to cross the Danube. 

But in the meantime the Papal fleet under Luigi Loredano and Francesco 
Condolmieri had appeared in the waters of the Levant ; the leaders sent letters 
adjuring the Hungarians to avail themselves of this favourable opportunity. 
Persuaded by the eloquence of Cesarini, the Hungarians broke the peace ; Murad, 
who had carried his army over the Hellespont in Genoese transports, met them on 
the shore of the Black Sea. On November 10, 1444, was fought the battle of 
Varna (Warna; cf. above, p. Ill, and see the historical map facing p. 166), which 


after some initial success resulted in a severe Christian defeat. King Wladislaw 
fell in a sudden charge upon the Janissaries, delivered out of jealousy of Hunyadi ; 
Cesarini was killed in flight, and Hunyadi alone was able to conduct an orderly 
retreat of his troops across the Danube. Western Christianity was deeply 
humiliated. The emperor Johannes VIII attempted to make his peace with the 
Emir by means of gifts ; the Venetians, in fear for their trade, concluded a special 
peace with the Turks on February 23, 1446. 

Constantine of Misithra (pp. 110, 133) alone continued his resistance, and with 
such success that he made a triumphant advance into Central Greece, hoping for 
Skanderbeg's help. The attention of the latter was, however, claimed by a war 
with Venice ; apparently, the Signoria was not ignorant of the revolt among the 
Albanian chieftains excited by the Turks, as Skauderbeg was in close relations 
with King Alfonso of Naples, the enemy of the Venetians. As soon as Murad 
found his hands free, he left Seres in the spring of 1446, at the appeal of Nerio II 
Acciajuoli and his general Turakhan in Central Greece, and set out to crush the 
bold Palaiologos in the Peloponnese. Constantine offered him Northern Hellas as 
the price of the Morea. Murad answered by imprisoning Constantine's ambas- 
sadors, among whom was the historian Chalkondyles. The battle began, the last 
great effort of the Hellenes against the Asiatic barbarians who were preparing, as 
aforetime under Xerxes, to rush upon the Peloponnese. The Turks had now 
brought that most terrible of Western inventions, artillery, to such perfection that 
the walls of the Greek towns could not hold out against them. For three days 
their cannon-balls breached the defences of the Hexamilion, and on December 10 
the Janissaries and Serbs were sent forward to storm the breach ; on December 14, 
1446, the last bulwark of Greek freedom fell into their hands. The whole of the 
Peloponnese lay open; with incalculable booty and 60,000 slaves of war Murad 
returned to Thebes, whither Constantine and Thomas had sent their plenipo- 
tentiaries in the spring of 1447. By payment of a poll tax they secured the 
continuance of their precarious predominance in the Peloponnese. A year after 
this peace the Byzantine emperor Johannes VIII died on October 13, 1448, in 
the castle of Misithra (Mistra) above the ruins of Sparta ; on January 6, 1449, his 
son received the deputies from the capital who delivered to him the diadem and 

With the Emir's permission, to secure which he had sent his councillor 
Phrantzes at the beginning of December, Constantine XI Dragases, the last 
successor of Constautine the Great, assumed the crown of thorns of the East 
Eoman Empire; while his brothers Thomas and Demetrios divided the respon- 
sibilities of the Peloponnese, he sailed to Byzantium, on March 12, in Catalonian 
ships. The emperor was received with great rejoicing in his new state, which was 
limited, as in the times of ancient Greece, to the environs of the castle. A few 
days after the battle of Varna, the Emir had again wrested victor}'- from the grasp 
of the noble Hunyadi of Hungary in the three days' battle of Kossovo (cf. p. 129) 
on the Amsel, on October 17-19, 1448. The Pope Nicholas V, who was naturally 
timid, was so terrified by this defeat that he advised the Hungarians through his 
nuncio to remain within their own frontiers ; he urged that it was no longer 
Greece, but Hungary, that was the bulwark against the Turk. At the same time 
the Pope was encouraged by Hunyadi to strengthen the resistance of the 
Albanians and Bosnians. King Stephen of Bosnia had already reverted to the 


Roman Church in the time of Eugeiiius IV ; Nicholas V was chiefly busied in 
opposing the sect of the Patarenes, who were in alliance with the Turks. The 
monastic and secular clergy, building on the Emir's favour, sought to lay hands on 
the Church property of Bosnia ; at a later date the Bosnian, that is, the Slavonic 
magnates embraced Mohammedanism with enthusiasm. But of Slavonic race 
also was the famous Christian hero George Kastriota, who had begun his struggle 
against the Turks in 1444 with the victory in the Dibra, and kept the standard of 
freedom flying in Albania for twenty years with unbroken courage and supported 
by the Pope. The same Pope supported with utmost sympathy and self-sacrifice 
the course of the struggle for Rhodes, and also that for the island of Cyprus, 
which was threatened by the Turks shortly afterwards; he placed half of the 
French indulgence money at the disposal of the king of Cyprus. Between 1454 
and 1455 a German popular book was printed for the first time with the movable 
types of the Mainz Bible, " Eyn manting der cristenheit widder die durken" (in 
the Hof-und Staatsbibliothek at Munich), an appeal to take the field against 
the Turks and to exterminate them. The pamphlet is in direct connection 
with the Cypriote indulgence. 




WHEN Murad died on February 5, 1451, he left a heritage of war to his power- 
ful son Mohammed II (1451-1481 ; see the plate facing p. 149), who ascended the 
Osman throne at the age of twenty-one. The Duke of Athens, Nerio II, also died 
in the same year as Murad. Mohammed II had no intention of allowing Attica 
to fall into the hands of the Venetians, who had seized the island of ^Egina in 
the summer of 1451. For the moment he sent the son of Antonio Acciajuoli to 
Athens ; this was Franko (Francesco II), who was living at the Sultan's court 
and was received with enthusiasm by the orthodox population who favoured 
the Turks. 

Mohammed also solemnly renewed the pledges of peace and friendship with 
Byzantium as with other petty States. While, however, he was occupied in Asia 
witli the subjugation of the refractory Emir Ibrahim of Karaman, the emperor 
Constantino XI Dragases conceived the unhappy idea of demanding twice the ran- 
som offered by the Turks for the Osman prince Urkhan, who was then a prisoner 
in Constantinople. The Grand Vizier, Khalif Pasha, who befriended the Greeks, 
was horrified at the presumptuous folly of this demand, which the Greek ambassa- 
dors brought to the camp of Akshehir. Mohammed immediately concluded peace 
with the ruler of Karaman and satisfied the Janissaries with monetary gifts, with 
the object of gaining freedom to concentrate the whole of his strength upon Con- 
stantinople. Making Adrianople his base of operations, he cut off the revenues 
on the Stryrnon (now Vardar), which were destined for the maintenance of 
Urkhan. In the spring of 1452 he began the construction of a fortress at a spot 
where the Bosphorus is narrowest, its breadth being only five hundred and fifty 
metres, and where a strong current, still known to the Turks as scheitan akyntyxy 
(" the devil's stream "), carries ships from the Asiatic side to the promontory of 


A. Constantinople a generation before the Turkish Conquest ; from the "Liber insularum archi- 
pelagi," editus per presbyterum Christoferum de Bondelmontibus de Florentia, 1422. The 
oldest plan in existence. 

The old artist painted the sea dark green, the city walls and the houses sepia brown, the towers 
rose colour, most of the roofs red, and the corbels blue. 

(Drawn in facsimile by Franz Etzold, after the photographic reproduction of the manuscript, 
measuring 28.5 X 21 centimetres, in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris.) 




Porta lacherne = Porta Blachernarum. 

Porta messe = it<rt\. 

Porta piscaria (MS. piscarie). 

Porta iudaea (MS. iudea). 

Arsana arsenal. 

(Sanctus) Demetrius (MS. Dimetrius). Below 
in the MS. Oriens ; this denotes the orien- 
tation of the map. 

S(anctus) Georgius de mangana (in manganis ; 

Hodigitria = bSijyrjTpta. 

Port(us) di(vi) palatii imp(er)ator(um) [scil. 

Receptac(u)l(u)m fustar(uni), d(i)c(tu)m Con- 
doscalae (MS. candoscalli) = portus Hep- 

11. Portns V(o)langa, from modern Greek av\a- 

Kaj (in the MS. porto valanga). 

12. S(anctus) Joh(annes) de studio. 

13. Porta a(n)tiq(ui)ssi(m) a pule(h)ra = porta 

aurea, lapidea. 

14. Hie thurci semper p(roe)liant(ur), q(ui)a locus 

est debilior. 

15. Apostoli (Church of the Apostles; replaced 

14G3-1469 by the mosque of Mohammed II 

16. S(ancta) Sophia (from 1455 the chief mosque 

of Stamboul under the name of Aja Sofia). 
In addition, on the upper border : Pera ; on the 
right, above : Scutari ; on the left side, be- 
low : Constantinopolis. 

Cf. J. Mordtmann, Esquisse topographique de Constantinople (Lille, 1892) ; E. Legrand, 
Description des lies de 1'Archipel par Chr. Buondebnonti, I (Paris, 1897) ; E. Oberhumincr, the 
article " Constantinopolis " in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Enzyklopadie des klassischen Altertums IV, 
pp. 903-1013 (printed separately: Stuttgart, 1899). 

B. Constantinople two generations after the Conquest ; drawn (and published) by Giovanni 
Andrea Vavassore detto Vaclagnino, Venice, 1520 (?). 

(Drawn in facsimile by Franz Etzold, after the photographic reproduction of the original, 
measuring 37 X 52 centimetres, in the German National Museum at Nuremberg.) 

The superiority of Vavassore's plan, on which were based the plans of Balthazar Jenichen and 
Sebastian Minister, is made clear by comparison with the plan in " four despatches of Augerius 
Gislenius of Busbeck, of the Turkish embassy, which were committed to him for Solimann, then 
Turkish emperor, by the Roman emperor Ferdinand I" (German; Nuremberg, 1664); or by 
comparison with the bird's-eye view of Michael Wolgemut or Wilhelm Pleydenwurf, which, 
though more than half a metre in breadth, is characterised by clever compression (in Hartman 
Schedel's "Bnch der Croniken uncl Geschichten," Nuremberg, Koberger, 1495); this latter de- 
picts the chief buildings of Constantinople from the (new) arsenal to the Golden Horn. No 
useful object would have been served in reproducing these two views together with the Paris and 
Nuremberg plans, as Schedel's is only valuable to collectors of woodcuts and curiosities, and Bus- 
beck's is entirely valueless ; cf. V. v. Loga, Die Stadteansichten in Hartman Schedel's Welt- 
chronik (Jahrbuch der konig. preuss. Kunstsammlungen ix, 194). More interest belongs to the 
view given by Merian in the Archontologia cosmica (Fraukfort-ou-Main, 1695). 


(.From photographs of the two original p 

1423 and 1520 (?). Drawn in facsimile by Franz Etzold.) 

%!%$?*'] HISTORY OF THE WORLD 137 

Hermaion on the European side. It was here in antiquity that Xerxes crossed 
the Bosphorus with his ariny by the bridge of Mandrocles ; here also has the con- 
struction of the bridge for the Bagdad railway been planned by the German engi- 
neers. Opposite to Anadoli Hissar, previously built by Bajazet upon the rums of 
the Byzantine state prison, the "towers of Lethe," rose the bastion with walls 
twenty-five feet thick and sixty feet high, known to the Turks as Boghaskessen, 
and to the Greeks as Laimokopion, that is, decapitator. The possession of the 
two castles of Rumili and Anadoli Hissar enabled Mohammed to cut the com- 
munications of the Genoese and Venetians with their colonies in Pontus. The 
emperor's protestations and proposals were totally disregarded by the Emir, who 
beheaded the second ambassador as he had threatened, and definitely declared war 
in June, 1452. 

Constantine XI now showed further inclination to union with the Latins; 
however anxious he may have been to accomplish this project, he was unable to bend 
his people to his will. In May, 1452, the Pope sent Cardinal Isidoros (p. 134), an 
enthusiastically patriotic Greek, as legate to Byzantium with two hundred auxil- 
iary troops. In his following was the archbishop Leonhard of Mitylene, who has 
left us an account of the siege of the town. The festival of union, which was cele- 
brated in the Church of St. Sophia on December 12, 1452, with prayers both for 
the Pope and for the uniate patriarch Gregor, who had been living in banishment 
since 1450, was in reality a mere farce. The schismatic clergy were furious with 
the emperor for his public adherence to the union ; the mob uttered curses on the 
uniates, and the harbour workmen drank to the destruction of the Pope. The 
" archduke " (high admiral and chief of the artillery) Lukas Notaras, the chief offi- 
cial of the helpless empire, represented the sentiments of true orthodox animosity 
with the words, " We would rather see the turban of Turkey than the tiara of Borne 
in our city." With the exception of the Pope and Alfonso the Noble of Aragon and 
Navarre, Naples and Sicily, who was really furthering his own political ends, the 
only Christian powers who gave the Greek emperor any real help were the two 
republics of Genoa and Venice. They possessed an inestimable amount of public 
and private property in Galata, Pera, and the Pontic colonies. In Galata the 
Genoese had strengthened their fortifications a short time before, and had raised 
their long-famous tower. They and their colony of Chios sent two ships and seven 
hundred soldiers under Giovanni Longo of the Giustiniano family. So recently 
as September 10, 1451, the Venetians had renewed their commercial treaty with 
Mohammed ; hence the ambiguity of the instructions which they gave to Jacopo 
Loredano, the commander of their fleet. No action was taken by the ten papal 
galleys, which accompanied Jacopo Veniero, archbishop of Ragusa, from Porto 
Recanati as legate on April 28. 

(a) The Conquest of Constantinople. On March 23, 1453, the Emir Moham- 
med started from Adrianople. On April 6 he was within half a mile of Constan- 
tinople (see the plate facing page 138, " Constantinople shortly before and shortly 
after the Turkish Conquest ") with an army of 165,000 fanatics greedy for plunder. 
To this overwhelming force the Greek emperor could only oppose a total of 4,973 
armed Greeks and some 2,000 foreigners, including Genoese, Venetians, Cretans, 
Romans, and Spaniards. The siege was begun forthwith ; its details have been 
transmitted to us by a number of eye-witnesses (Phrantzes, Sead ed-din, and others). 

138 HISTORY OF THE WORLD \_Chapterii 

Fourteen batteries on the land side and twelve heavy guns at special points hurled 
stone cannon-balls of even five hundred pounds' weight day and night upon the city. 
A bold resistance was offered, in which the emperor himself was specially distin- 
guished, as also was Giustiniani with his foreign troops, who worked incessantly to 
repair the breaches. The colossal walls with their towers and breaches remain as 
evidence of the strength of the Byzantine fortress, and of the fury of the struggle 
which then raged about it. The German Johann Grant, by driving countermines 
(at the Egrikapu gate), forced the Turks to abandon their mining operations at the 
Blachernse gate (see the plate) in May. Many Greeks, however, instead of bear- 
ing their part in the struggle, consoled themselves with the prophecies of the 
monks, to the effect that the Turks would make their way into the city as far as 
the pillars of Constautine and would then be driven out of the town to the very 
borders of Persia by an angel from heaven. 

When Mohammed began his attacks from the seaside from which the Greek 
fire had driven him for some time, the fate of the city was sealed. In the night 
of the 21st and 22d of April he made a diolkos, dragging his ships over a roller-way 
across the isthmus from Top-hane on the Bosphorus to Kassim Pasha. Constan- 
tine rejected a final proposal to surrender. On Tuesday, May 29, 1453, the tre- 
mendous assault was begun at two o'clock at night. Sagan Pasha at last forced 
his way through a great breach with his Janissaries. Giustiniani was wounded 
and fled to a ship. Constantine XI fell dead upon the heaped-up corpses of his 
faithful adherents. His splendid death, says Gibbon, is more glorious than the 
long prosperity of the Byzantine Caesars. When his blood-stained body was 
at length discovered, the Turks cut off the head and brought it to the Emir. 
In fierce delight he ordered it to be placed upon the summit of Justinian's bronze 
pillar, and afterwards sent it round to the governors of his Asiatic provinces for 
exhibition. Cardinal Isidores had the presence of mind to exchange his purple 
robe for the uniform of a dead soldier ; he was thrown into prison, but afterwards 
escaped to the Morea and to Venice, bringing to the West the first detailed 
account of the event which was to exercise so vast an importance on the history 
of the world. Thousands had taken refuge in Hagia Sophia, the church which 
they had scorned as a means of spiritual salvation since the union festival of the 
previous December. " If at that moment," says the Greek historian, Johannes 
Dukas, " an angel had descended from heaven and had commanded, ' Accept the 
union of the churches,' they would have preferred to fall into the hands of the 
Turks to surrender to Borne." The massacre which broke out in the town and in 
the church was only checked by the consideration that the living were of value 
for their ransom. According to an entry in the journal of the Venetian Barbaro, 
the prisoners amounted to sixty thousand ; the plunder was valued at three hun- 
dred thousand ducats, and it became proverbial to account for a man's wealth by 
saying that he must have been at the conquest of Constantinople. On the morning 
of May 30, when Mohammed rode among the devastated ruins of Constantine's 
buildings, which had seen many a splendid century of time and had housed the 
glory of so many monarchs, he pondered the lines of the Persian poet, " The spider 
weaves her web in the emperor's house, and the owl wakes the echoes with her 
scream in the royal chambers of Afrasiab (Samarkand)." Every Friday from that 
day to this the preacher (khatib) mounts the pulpit (mini ber) of Hagia Sophia, to 
deliver the Friday sermon (khutbe). He brandishes a naked sword in memory of.' 
the conquest. 


(6) The Results of the Fall of Constantinople. The key to the Black Sea and 
the Eastern Mediterranean was now in the hands of Mohammed II. The new 
monarch contented himself with levying a poll tax (karadj) on the conquered ; 
he also attempted to draw the Greek priesthood into his toils by declaring for the 
anti-union party and appointing as patriarch the orthodox Gennadios (who, as 
Georgios Scholarios, had formerly played an important part in the union council 
of 1438-1439). The Emir was henceforward sedulously careful that the rights of 
previous emperors, especially the confirmation of the patriarch in office, should 
remain in his hands. In this case there was no possibility of an investiture quar- 
rel. Henceforward the patriarch was obliged to buy his position from the Emir, 
and shortly afterwards from the chief officials of the empire as well, at a high rate 
of purchase. Thus was the dignity of patriarch disgraced by Greek corruption and 
Turkish despotism. Mohammed the conqueror transformed the temple of the Holy 
Wisdom into a praying-house of the servants of Allah. The new patriarch was 
given the second best church, that of the apostles (see the plate) as his patriar- 
chion ; however, this was pulled down two years later, and the memorial column 
of the mighty empire-founder was afterwards erected on the site. It was not until 
1606 that the Christians in Phanar, in the Greek quarter of the Golden Horn, were 
able to make the modest Church of St. George their religious centre. The fami- 
lies from Trebizond, Kassa, Amastris, and other places who settled here soon 
formed a plutocracy, and as bankers became indispensable to the Osman govern- 
ment, which was always in want of money. The Phanarists obtained the most 
productive posts, and their daughters became influential in the harems of the 
Seraglio and of the Turkish grandees. The higher spiritual and secular classes 
of Greek society ended by making common cause for mutual profit with their 
Mohammedan masters, with the object of plundering the Christian rayahs, the 
subordinate class of the population, to their heart's content. It became usual 
for Greeks from Constantinople, Smyrna, the Peloponnese, and the islands to 
occupy the bishop's thrones in the Turkish Empire and to throng the monas- 
teries of Mount Athos. The Phanariote clergy were bound by no national ties to 
their people, and were often entirely out of sympathy with the inhabitants of their 
dioceses in Europe and Asia. This ecclesiastical and secular supremacy of Greeks 
over Slavs, Eoumanians, and Arabs gradually engendered deep hatred, and was the 
cause of the intricate linguistic and ecclesiastical complications which still exert a 
confusing and embittering influence upon the national questions and struggles of 
the Balkan States. Henceforward the Greek clergy in every quarter preferred 
siding with the Osmans to accepting the tutelage of the Pope ; for them the Sul- 
tan's rule eventually proved more tolerable and more profitable than, for instance, 
the hated government of the Venetians, who desired to enchain soul as well as 
body. This standpoint must (according to Heinrich Gelzer) be carefully kept in 
view as being of capital importance in the history of the expansion and consolida- 
tion of the Osman Empire in Europe. 

Mohammed also summoned the archbishop of Armenia from Brusa to Constan- 
tinople and appointed him patriarch ; from that date numerous Armenian immi- 
grants streamed into Constantinople and settled in the quarters of Pera, Pankaldi, 
Pevruz-Aga, Galata, Psamatio, Jedikulle, Kumkapu, Balat, and Ejub ; also in 
Scutari and in the Bosphorus villages of Eumili-hissar, Ortakib'i, Kurutshesme,. 
and Ernirghian. 

140 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

Joseph Freiherr von Hammer-Purgstall and H. Gelzer have enounced the 
opinion that it was the Christians solely who made the Turkish Empire great. 
They argue that the clever grand viziers, Kapudan pashas and governors, have 
been almost without exception Greeks, Croatians, Herzegoviuians, Serbs, Alba- 
nians, Armenians, Georgians, and Italians ; that the steady practice of child kid- 
napping (cf. above, p. 122) gave the empire not only its bravest generals but also 
its finest intellects ; with the result that the Osman Empire increased by land and 
sea, not by Turcoman rudeness, but by Greek and Slavonic diplomacy and treachery, 
by Bosnian and Croatian firmness and tenacity, by the common bravery and unscru- 
pulousiiess of all these renegades; then, when the tax of flesh and blood was 
forced to cease, the empire lost the mainstay of its power. On the other hand, we 
may argue that from their tenderest years the majority of these renegades were 
brought up as seraglio pages or as intended for Janissaries under purely Moham- 
medan and Osman education ; in any case, through the early practice of stealing 
and buying women, most of the Osmans owe their origin to Christian mothers or to 
mothers of other than Mongolian race. 

The news of the great Turkish victory over the " Christian dogs " soon reached 
every country in the East. The Emir Mohammed had now success on his side, 
and prestige has always counted for more with the East than with the West. 
Western Europe, however, burst into loud lamentation over the heavy loss which 
Christendom had suffered. The literature of this century resounds with threnodies 
or songs of woe upon the fall of the eternal city (cf. above, p. 111). With twenty 
or thirty thousand warriors and a few ships, Christian Europe might have brought 
salvation ; but now the Labarum, the banner of the Cross, had bowed before the 
Sanjak-Sherif, the sacred standard of Mohammed. Eetribution was paid to the 
full. For two centuries the West trembled before the Mohammedan rulers on 
the Bosphorus. The earliest news of the fall of Eastern Eome and the bloody end 
of the bravest of the Palaiologoi was received at Venice on June 19. On June 20 
the signoria imparted it to the Pope, who was deeply shocked, and at once sent 
out legates to try and secure peace among the Italian States, which were torn by 
internecine conflict. On September 30 Nicholas V issued a great appeal for a new 
Crusade, and in 1454 the Beichstag of Ofen appointed Hunyadi commander-in-chief. 
On the other hand, the Venetian Bartolommeo Marcello concluded a peace on April 
18, 1454, with the " ruler of the faithful," which became the basis of all subsequent 
relations between Venice and the Porte. The first article of this disgraceful con- 
vention ran thus : "between the Emir Mohammed and the Signoria of Venice 
exists peace and friendship now as formerly." Yet the Emir had executed the 
Venetian Bailo (intendant, bajulus) in Constantinople, and was holding five hundred 
Venetian subjects as prisoners. But the consideration of their warlike neighbours 
in Italy, their increasing financial difficulties, and the commercial interests which 
i hey valued above everything decided the question. The Osmans were allowed to 
maintain a Fondaco dei Turchi at Venice. Genoa also attempted to enter into rela- 
tions with the Emir, and in Naples, Florence, and Milan men rejoiced openly at 
the embarrassment of the lagoon city. The remainder of Western Europe remained 
inactive. No one, indeed, confessed to inaction ; on the contrary, official announce- 
ments were made by all the princes of their readiness to help in driving out 
the Turk. With the exception of Hungary, Alfonso of Portugal alone manifested 
any serious intent; but his attempts at relief were interrupted by the North 


African Moorish States of Fez and Ceuta. The mournful news reached Eome 
from Cyprus and Khodes that a Turkish fleet of fifty-six sail had attacked Mon- 
castro in the Black Sea, surprised Sebastopol, raided Kassa, Sudak, and Balaclava, 
and devastated the coast of " Gothia " (the Crimea). 

Nicholas V issued invitations for a peace conference at Eome. On August 30, 
1454, Venice, Milan, and Florence there concluded a twenty-five years' league for 
securing the safety of their States. This peace marks the true renaissance of art 
and science in Italy. Together with his Crusade preachers, Nicholas V had sent out 
a band of emissaries and messengers provided with considerable sums to all the 
countries in Europe and Asia which the Osmans had subdued, with orders to dis- 
cover the manuscripts carried away from Constantinople and to buy them up at 
any price. This, though merely a literary expedition, was the only tangible action 
then taken. 

The military task was far more serious, especially in Germany. In 1454 the 
emperor Frederic III had applied in vain for help against the Turks to the Eeich- 
stags of Eegensburg, Frankfort on Main, and Vienna-Neustadt. As Ludwig Pastor 
observes in his History of the Popes, what could the enthusiastic eloquence of 
noble minds like Enea Silvio de' Piccolomini or John of Capistrano avail against 
the selfishness, mistrust, and jealousy of rulers and noble orders ? However 
honourable their intentions, they were but wasting their strength on this idea of 
a general Crusade. There was too much talk and too little action. At the same 
time the situation was* highly critical. Trade and navigation were imperilled ; 
Ehodes, Trebizond (where the emperor Johannes IV Kalojohannes in his extrem- 
ity was forced to recognise the papal supremacy), and the colonies of Pontus were 
almost lost. Pope Calixtus III issued a new Crusade Bull on May 15, 1455. The 
order of the Minorites worked miracles of eloquence as Crusade preachers ; in par- 
ticular, Capistrano and Heinrich Kalteisen of Coblenz succeeded in gathering and 
exciting the masses of the people. On the other hand, Charles VII of France 
absolutely forbade meetings in his country, and retained the crusading fleet for ser- 
vice against England. Burgundy embezzled the funds for the Crusade, Alfonso of 
Naples misused the papal fleet for an expedition against Genoa ; and in 1455 
King Christian of Denmark and Norway plundered the cathedral sacristy of 
Eo(e)skilde of the " Turkish offerings " given by the pious. In vain did Calixtus 
order that the angelus should summon all Christians at midday to prayer against 
their hereditary foe. 


(a) To the Death of Hunyadi. Mohammed II was confirmed in his resolu- 
tion to act on the aggressive by observing the fruitless endeavours of the Holy 
Father to induce the European nationalities to unite for the repulse of Islam. 
With true foresight the Osman ruler recognised that Hunyadi and Skanderbeg 
were his most dangerous opponents. In July, 1455, he conquered the well forti- 
fied Servian mining town of Novoberdo with all its treasures. In Krushevatz, on 
the western Morava, he established a foundry in which his workmen, including 
German, Hungarian, Italian, and other Christians were busied day and night in 
casting heavy guns for the siege of Belgrade. Careful war organisation of this 
kind, extending even to the smallest details and the most remote contingencies, 

142 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [Chapter n 

was at that time unprecedented in the West. The town had been invested since 
June, 1456 ; the courage of the besieged was beginning to fail by the time that 
" the three Johns " approached. Hunyadi, Capistrano, and the papal legate Carvajal 
advanced at the head of an army consisting mainly of ill-armed citizens, peasants, 
monks, hermits, and students, with a few German men-at-arms and three hun- 
dred Poles. On July 14, 1456, they reached Greek Weissenburg. Carvajal had 
failed to reconcile the emperor Frederic III with King Ladislaus Posthumus of 
Hungary. The Hungarian nobility themselves stood aloof. The troops, however, 
inflamed by the inspiring eloquence of Capistrano, broke the Turkish barrier of 
ships in the Danube after a murderous conflict of five hours' duration. A bold 
sortie gained some breathing space for the besieged; the Emir himself was 
wounded. Belgrade, the outpost of Christianity, was saved, but Servia was lost. 
A fearful epidemic decimated the army and carried off the heroic Hunyadi on 
August 11, 1456; the aged Capistrano also succumbed on October 23 in Illok 
(bucctium) on the Danube, the most beautiful town of Sarmatia. 

(b) To the Death of Castriota. The complete indifference of the Western 
powers obliged the Pope in December, 1456, to apply for help against the Turks 
to the Christian king of Ethiopia, to the Christians in Syria, Georgia, and Persia, 
even to Uzun Hasan, the chieftain of the Turcomans of the White Sheep (Vol. II, 
p. 186). The Turks had conquered Servia without difficulty after the death of the 
despot Georg Brankovic (December 24, 1457). Helene, a daughter of Thomas 
Palaiologos, and the widow of his son Lazar, who had died at the end of January, 
1458, had surrendered the country as a papal fief in the hope of thereby securing 
its safety. The whole of the people rose against this presumption ; they would 
rather throw themselves into the arms of the Turks than attempt to purchase 
the entirely unreliable support of the Latin West at the price of their ancestral 
faith. Albania and Bosnia were soon to share the same fate. In Bosnia private 
and sectarian feuds and dissensions were raging alike in the ruling house which 
inclined to Eome, among the magnates and the anti-Eoman Pateriues whose sym- 
pathies were Turkish. The king Stephan Thomashevic paid for his double dealing 
towards King Matthias of Hungary and Mohammed (1458) under the executioner's 
axe (1463) ; thirty thousand young Bosnians were incorporated with the Janissaries. 
In vain did Stephan's mother Katherina bequeath her lost countiy to the apostolic 
chair. Hunyadi's son, Matthias Corvinus, conquered Jaicze (October 1, 1463), but 
could not prevent the advance of the Turks to the mountain passes of Herzegovina 
(King Stephan Thomash, who had been strangled in 1459, had received the title of 
duke (Herzog) from the German emperor Erederic III for the district south of 
Bosnia) and Cmagora (Montenegro), and the victory of Islam in 1464. The 
Eranciscaus were the sole shelter and refuge for the Christians who remained 
in Bosnia under decrees of toleration and the letter of protection issued by 

In Albania, notwithstanding the treachery of the jealous leaders of his warlike 
mountain people, the heroic spirit of Skanderbeg had offered a most tenacious 
resistance ; in the autumn of 1457 he gained a bloody victory over the army of 
Isabeg in the Tomornitza. At the same time the papal fleet under Lodovico 
Scarampi defeated the Turks at Meteliuo. But in the summer of 1458 the 
Morea and Attica were overrun and devastated by Mohammed's wild troops; 


Athens fell into the hands of the Osmans in June, as did Corinth on August 6. 
In that region Turakhan was summoned by the despots of the Morea, Thomas 
and Demetrios Palaiologos, to quell an Albanian revolt; in 1453 and 1454 he 
defeated the Albanians in a series of bloody engagements. The despots now 
felt the conqueror's power. A quarrel began between the Duke of Athens, 
Franko II Acciajuoli, and the second husband of Chiara, widow of Nerio II, 
Bartolommeo Contarini, who fled to Stamboul. The Emir then resolved to make 
a clean sweep. Omar Pasha, the son of Turakhan, marched into Athens in 
June, 1456, while a great famine wasted the land and a comet appalled the 
inhabitants ; two years later the Acropolis surrendered, as we have stated. After 
the massacres in the Peloponnese the Emir himself appeared in Athens in the 
last weeks of August with a brilliant following at the invitation of his pasha. 
Though his arrival marked the beginning of four centuries of servitude, he proved 
more merciful than Xerxes or Mardonios in days of old. His admiration of the 
architecture and situation of the city is related by his flattering biographer Kri- 
tobulos. However, the jubilation of the Greeks at the retirement of the Kornan 
clergy from the Latin church of the Parthenon was premature. When Moham- 
med revisited the city in the autumn of 1460, he transformed the Parthenon 
into a mosque, in anger at the repeated revolts of the inhabitants. In 1458 
Franko Acciajuoli was spared, but he was executed in Thebes in the next year 
for treachery. His sons were placed in the Janissary life-guard. His widow, a 
daughter of the dynast Demetrios of Morea, was given in marriage to the former 
Protovestiarius Georg Amoirutzis, who had betrayed to the Sultan in 1461 the 
" Great Komnenos " David of Trebizond (a brother of the emperor Johannes IV, 
who died in 1458 ; p. 141). Athens was no longer a name of importance in Europe. 
In 1462 the Osmans began the subjugation of Wallachia, whose tyrannical prince, 
the Christian Voivode Vlad (Vladislav IV, nicknamed Drakul), had roused the 
Sultan's anger by the treacherous destruction of a Turkish army under Hama 
Zenevisi Pasha. Mohammed's punitive campaign led him through that appall- 
ing oak forest where for two miles the army marched past the twenty thousand 
Turkish and Bulgarian corpses which Vlad had impaled in 1461. Vlad Drakul 
took refuge with Matthias Corvinus, who kept him under strict guard, since the 
fugitive had plotted for the betrayal of his protector to the Emir. His brother 
Eadul, a hostage of Mohammed, obtained the power in Wallachia under Turkish 

During the six years of his pontificate (1458-1464) Pius II (formerly Enea Silvio 
de' Piccolomini) had worked incessantly to raise a general crusade. So early as 
October 13, 1458, he had issued a vigorous bull inviting the Christian princes to a 
council of war at Mantua ; but the French cardinals opposed him both publicly and 
privately. King Louis XI of France not only retained the crusade tithes for his 
own purposes, but would not allow Duke Philip of Burgundy to perform his pro- 
mise to the Pope. In 1459 Frederic III had received the crown of Matthias Cor- 
vinus from the magnates of Hungary. At the Nuremberg Eeichstag, the papal 
legate, Cardinal Bessarion, strove in vain to heal the breach between the emperor 
and Hungary. However, disasters soon occurred in rapid succession. The island 
of Lemnos, which belonged to the Genoese family of Gattilusio, had been betrayed 
by the Greeks to the Osman fleet in the spring of 1456. In September, 1462, 
Lesbos also fell into the power of Mohammed II. On March 7, 1461, Thomas, 


the dethroned despot of the Morea, arrived in Eome by way of Corfu ; his brother 
Demetrios had submitted to the Emir at the end of May, 1460, and had given him 
his daughter in marriage ; he died in 1470 as a monk at Adrianople. The daughter 
of Thomas, the princess Zoe, married in 1472 the grand prince Ivan III Vassilie- 
vitch of Moscow, thereby placing her claims in the hands of Russia. Ivan adopted 
a new coat of arms for flussia, the two-headed eagle, which may be seen to-day in 
the Kremlin at Moscow, and sent an ambassador to Stamboul, naturally to no pur- 
pose. In accordance with the researches of the Russian Vladimir J. Savva con- 
cerning the Muscovite Czars and the Byzantine Emperors, Karl Roth has argued 
against these constitutional and hereditary rights consequent upon the marriage of 
Ivan with Zoe Palaiologos, otherwise Sophia. Better founded, perhaps, were the 
claims which the Jagellon Alexander I of Poland inherited as the husband of 
Zoe's daughter Helene. On the other hand, Andreas, recognised as titular despot 
of the Morea by Pope Paul II in 1465, an unworthy brother of Zoe, and the last 
male descendant of the royal house of the Palaiologoi, in order to relieve his 
financial difficulties, sold his rights to the French king Charles VIII in 1494, and 
bequeathed them on his death (April 7, 1502) to the Spanish rulers Ferdinand 
and Isabella. 

In the summer and autumn of 1461 the principality of Sinope (Emir Ismael) 
and the empire of Trebizond (Emperor David) fell into the hands of the Osmans, 
Argos was lost on April 3, 1463, and the whole of Bosnia in the summer, as has 
been stated. Ragusa was then placed in a highly dangerous position. The Pope 
projected and actually carried out an attempt to convert the Emir himself, holding 
out as an inducement the possession of the whole of the East. At length, on 
July 19, 1463, the Pope's zealous efforts were rewarded by the reconciliation of the 
Emperor with the king of Hungary. A convention was executed in Vienna- 
Neustadt, which recognised the Corvini as kings so long as their family should 
continue, while securing the succession to the Hapsburgs in case Matthias should 
leave no children. About this time Venice and Hungary concluded an offensive 
and defensive alliance, upon which Skanderbeg reopened hostilities in Albania, 
The Sforza of Milan and the Florentines stood aloof, watching the Venetian 
disasters with malicious joy (failure of the attack on Corinth, death of the 
general Bertoldo of Este, etc.). A Florentine chronicler even relates that his 
countrymen intercepted Venetian letters and handed them to the Emir. In vain 
did the Pope attempt to dazzle the Florentines with a stupendous plan for the 
partition of Turkey, the first of the many subsequent projects of the kind which 
have continued to our own times. When the crusading army in Ancona grew 
tired of waiting and disbanded, Pius II died in sight of the Venetian galleys, his 
life's object unrealised (August 14, 1464). 

His successor (the Venetian Pietro Barbo), Paul II, resumed his predecessor's 
task with vigour. Of pressing importance was the relief of the bold Skanderbeg 
in his fortress of Kruja (Croja). In the event, the Turks were defeated in 1466 
and 1467, their leader Balaban killed, and Kruja saved. But on January 17, 1468, 
Skanderbeg succumbed to the effects of a fever at Alassio at the age of sixty. 
Christianity had suffered no severer loss since the death of Hunyadi and Capi- 
strauo. " They have lost their sword and their shield ! " cried Mohammed II in 
joy. The Albanian army was dispersed, and the upper and wealthier classes of 
the Albanian population accepted Mohammedanism, while the lower classes, 

and Armenia 

in Europe-^ HISTORY OF THE WORLD 145 

enia J 

the ancestors of the modern Catholic G(h)eges, preferred to retire to the life of 
shepherds and klephts in the inaccessible mountain ranges. 

(c) From 1470 to 1480. Between 1465 and 1468 the Venetians had gained 
some success in Greek waters under Sigismondo Malatesta (died 1468), Vettore 
Capello(died 1467), and Niccolo da Canale. To the energetic Emir this was but a 
stimulus to raise his fleet to the invincible power which it attained in 1469. His 
crews included the most capable seamen of the age, the Jews and Greeks, especially 
the so-called Stratiotes, who then served as mercenaries all over Europe. Moham- 
med started for Greece in 1470 at the head of an army of one hundred thousand 
men, while his admiral Mahmud Pasha co-operated with a fleet of three hun- 
dred sail. On July 12, Negropont (Chalkis in Euboea) fell after a desperate 
resistance. Fortunately for Christendom the Turcoman prince Uzun Hasan 
(p. 142) created a diversion in Asia which drew off the mam body of the Turkish 
forces ; for the Osmau cavalry had overrun Croatia to the very borders of Styria 
and Carinthia. On June 24, 1471, the famous "general Christian assembly" was 
opened in Eegensburg under the presidency of the emperor. Messages of disaster 
and appeals for help rang in the emperor's ears more importunately than ever 
before. In vain did the papal legate strive to heal the quarrel between the 
brothers of the house of Wittelsbach; in vain did the Venetian ambassadors 
make glowing promises ; in vain was it resolved to send embassies of peace to 
Poland and Hungary. The selfish point of view, from which the lethargic 
emperor began the negotiations for help against the Turks and imperial reform, 
unfortunately decided the attitude of the princes of the empire. Compared with 
the great hopes built upon it, the assembly came to a miserable conclusion (cf. 
Vol. VII, p. 218). 

Pope Sixtus IV (1471-1484) also hoped to secure a general federation of the 
European powers for exclusive action against the Turks. But on November 18, 
1472, died the noble Bessarion, the life and soul of the movement for resistance 
within the Curia. He together with famous Greeks, like Chalkondyles, Laskaris, 
Argyropulos, and Gaza, had done their work as missioners of Greek life, tp raise 
those great intellectual centres in Italy whence the humanist movement sprang. 
For the moment, however, defeat followed defeat. Disputes broke out between 
the Venetians and the cardinal-admiral Carasa, although their united fleet had 
won victories at Satalia and Smyrna. On July 26, 1473, the lion-hearted Moham- 
med had crushed the Persian ruler Uzun Hasan at Terjan and was now pressing 
upon his enemies in Albania, on the Adriatic, and on the Danube frontier. A 
fruitless victory was gained by Stephan the Great, the Voivode of Moldavia, at 
Racova on January 4, 1475, over superior numbers of the enemy. In June the 
Genoese colony of Kassa in the Crimea fell into Turkish hands; in 1478 Moham- 
med II appointed the Tartar Mengli Giray as Khan of the Crimea, of the north 
coast of Pontus, and of Tartary Minor, under Turkish supremacy (Vol. II, p. 182). 
Lepanto and Leukas were vigorously assaulted (May, 1477). In Albania, Kruja 
the capital (June 15, 1478), Shabljak, Alessio, and Drivasto were'^captured by the 
Turks, who repeated their devastating incursions into the Austrian Alps. The 
Republic of San Marco, devastated by a fearful pestilence, then came to the momen- 
tous resolution to give up the bloody struggle, to surrender Albania (with the 
exception of Durazzo and Antivari), the house of Tocco (central Western Greece), 
VOL. v 10 

146 HISTORY OF THE WORLD \_cnapterii 

Eubcea, and Lemnos, but to save their Levant commerce. At this price Venice 1 
concluded peace with the Sultan through Giovanni Dario on January 25, 1479. 

The conqueror, however, did not remain quiescent. Leonardo III Tocco was 
driven out of Leukas in the summer of 1479. Rhodes offered renewed resistance 
(May to July, 1480) under Pierre d'Aubusson, grand master of the order of St. 
John. But on August 11 Otranto in Apulia fell into the hands of the unbelievers 
amid the horrors of dreadful carnage. This news came upon Christendom like 
a bolt from the blue. In the midst of hurried preparations for resistance the news 
arrived of the death of Mohammed II, the mighty conqueror who had terrorised 
the whole of Europe for a full generation. He died on May 3, 1481, at Ankyron, 
near Hunkiar Chairi, between Gebse and Herake in Asia Minor. Here, centuries 
before, Constantino the Great, who founded the city which Mohammed captured, 
had breathed his last. On September 10 Otranto was recovered by the cardinal 
legate Fregoso and King Ferrante of Naples. 

(d) Tlie Importance of Mohammed II. It is difficult to form an estimate- 
from a Western standpoint of the character of Mohammed II and of his impor- 
tance to Turkish history. When this Sultan expired in the midst of his army, he 
had ruled the Osman Empire for thirty years, and was nearly fifty-three years of 
age. The accounts of contemporary historians concerning him are coloured either 
by grovelling admiration of his personality or by hatred and abhorrence of the 
misery which he, above all men, brought upon Christendom. The cruelties 
practised by his troops in Austria can hardly have met with his approval, result- 
ing as they did in a useless expenditure of force, and the horrors of Otranto so 
disgusted him that he executed the pasha responsible for their commission. But 
in order to secure himself in undisturbed possession of the throne he murdered 
his brother at his mother's breast, and added an enactment upon fratricide to the 
legal code of Kanunnameh (cf. pp. 123, 130), supporting it by the maxim of the 
Koran, " Disorder is more ruinous than murder." 

After his victory he erected in Stamboul the mosque of Ejjub (Ayub), the 
prophet's standard-bearer, wherein all sultans were henceforward girded with 
the sword of Omar. He constructed a countless number of buildings, chiefly 
through his architect Christobulos. His greatest architectural work, the Mehme- 
dieh, displays in its interior the words of the prophet in letters of gold : " Ye shall 
conquer Constantinople ; happy the prince and the army who shall achieve this." 
Mosques, imaretes (cook-shops), medresses (educational institutions), hospitals, 
caravanserais, lunatic asylums, libraries, fountains, and the old Serai were com- 
pleted or commenced at his command. He wrote poems under the name of Auni, 
the ready helper (edited from the MS. in Upsala by Georg Jacob, 1904). Osman 
poetry previous to the conquest of Constantinople had been dominated by mys- 
ticism and didactic tendencies. Mohammed I begins the series of poets of con- 
quest ; as his contemporary appears the oculist Sheichi with a romantic love epic, 
" Khosrev and Shirin," which was merely an imitation from the Persian. Murad 
II, who had retired to live a life of contemplation at Magnesia (Manissa) on the 
Sipylos, was in the habit of holding gatherings twice a week of the " knights of 
intellect," and rewarding them liberally ; he also made attempts at verse composi- 
tion. The conquest of Constantinople by Mohammed II gave the empire and 
the art of poetry a secure basis. Among the most important of early Turkish 


poets are Ahmed Pasha, Nejali, Chiali, and Mesihi. The epigrammatic diction of 
the poet of nature, Chusi, reminds us of Hans Sachs. Among the swarm of 
poets who surrounded the artistic Sultan were two poetesses, Zei'neb and Mihri, 
who dedicated their divans (collections of poems) to the Sultan. The conqueror 
was the founder of numerous schools, and kept such Persian and Indian scholars 
in his pay as Khoja Jihan, and Jami (Vol. Ill, p. 376). Bajazet II followed this 
example. He, like his brother Djein and Prince Korkud, whose end was no less 
tragic, occupied himself with art and poetry. The Bajazet or pigeon mosque in 
Stamboul, with its splendid forecourt, remains one of the finest monuments of 
Osman architecture. Before the battle of Jenishehir, Djem, who had been previ- 
ously victorious at Brusa, proposed to Bajazet that they should divide the empire 
as brothers. Bajazet replied with the Arabian verse, " The king's sword cleaves 
the ties of blood, the Sultan has no kinship even with his brothers." Selim I, 
Suleiman, the Great, and Selim II followed this example, conquered kingdoms, and 
cherished the Muses amid all their cruelties. Mention must also be made at this 
point of the sheik Vefasade. His dominant personality and his character of the 
old Koman type made him typical of the sages who adorned that period of Osman 
history under Mohammed II. In his time occurred the first installation of a poet 
laureate in the person of Sati, who was commissioned to produce yearly three 
Kasside" (poems on special subjects), at the beginning of spring and at the two 
festivals of Beiram. It must be "said that the skilful management of rhyme and 
metre was the first consideration with the Osman poet. Form was to him more 
important than content, manner than matter, description than feeling ; his poetical 
forms were derived chiefly from the Arabs, the spirit and home of the desert. 
Poetry in Turkish is called sliiir, haircloth (compare the primary meaning of the 
German Diclitung, Verdichtung), while le'it is both the distich and the tent. 


(a) Bajazet II, After the death of Mohammed II two dangers threatened 
the Turkish Empire, revolt on the part of the Janissaries and internal disruption. 
Both of these were overcome by Bajazet II (1481-1572). To the Janissaries he 
made rich presents ; indeed, the presents given to these praetorian guards rose at 
every change in the succession, until their delivery three centuries later brought 
about a financial crisis. Prince Djein, on the other hand, was for a long time a 
source of fear and anxiety to the Sultan in the hands of his enemies. Beaten at 
Jenishehir on June 20, 1481, he fled from Konia to Cairo; defeated at Konia with 
Kasimbeg of Karaman in the spring of 1482, he took refuge with the knights of 
Rhodes on July 23 ; in return for an annual subsidy of forty-five thousand ducats 
from Turkey, they kept him confined at Eousillon, a commandery of the order on 
the Rhone; after February, 1483, he was kept at Le Puy. All the princes of 
Europe rivalled one another in their efforts to get the " Grand Turk " into their 
power. On March 13, 1489, the prince, famous, like his brother, as a poet, entered 
the Vatican as a prisoner in honourable confinement. On February 24, 1495, 
he died in Naples, after Alexander VI had been compelled to hand him over to 
Charles VIII of France (cf. p. 144). He was presumed to have died from poison 
administered to him in Home by the Pope, who was paid by Bajazet for this 

148 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

Bajazet's court had now become the arena of the diplomatists of Europe. 
Embassies and proposals for conventions had replaced the sword. The six 
Italian powers were the chief rivals for the Sultan's favour ; they did not shrink 
upon occasion from employing the help of the infidels to procure the destruc- 
tion of their Christian opponents. While Bajazet conquered Kilia and Akjer- 
man, two important points in Moldavia, while the emperor Frederic III was 
embroiled with Matthias Corvinus, further disputes upon the succession breaking 
out after the death of the king of Hungary (April 6, 1490), Spain meanwhile 
had conquered Granada in 1492, and was consequently able to interfere inde- 
pendently in the course of European affairs. A short time previously King Fer- 
rante I of Naples had secretly supported the Moors against the Spaniards. He 
now concluded peace with Spain, from whose harbour, Palos, the Pope's great com- 
patriot, Columbus, had sailed to the discovery of a new world. Impressed by 
these events, the Sultan sent the Pope the sacred lance of Longinus as a most 
valuable present. The decree of the grand inquisitor Torquemada (Vol. IV, p. 535) 
of March 31, 1492, had expelled three hundred thousand Jews from Spain ; they 
were hospitably received by Bajazet, who settled them in Constantinople, Saloniki, 
Smyrna, and Aleppo. From their great centres of refuge the Spanioles, or Seph- 
ardim, rose to positions of high honour and wealth, even as diplomatists in the 
service of the Porte, and were therein surpassed only by Greeks, Armenians, and 

On March 31, 1495, a holy league was concluded (Vol. VII, 207 f) by Venice, 
Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, Maximilian I, Lodovico il Moro, and the Pope for 
the protection of Christianity against the Turks. None the less, several Hungarian 
towns hi Bosnia were conquered in 1496. In 1497 the Turks, Tartars, and Walla- 
chians burst into Poland, devastating the land far and wide from Lemberg and 
Pfzemysl to Banczug. On August 26, 1499, fell Lepanto, the only possession 
remaining to Venice on the Gulf of Corinth. Starting from Bosnia the Turks 
devastated the Venetian continent to the neighbourhood of Vicenza. The coasts 
of Southern Italy were plundered ; in August, 1500, the Venetians lost Modon, 
Navarino, and Koron in the Morea. In vain did Alexander VI issue a great 
jubilee indulgence (op. cit. p. 226). Benedetto Pesaro succeeded in reconquering 
^Egina ; towards the eud of the same year, Cephallenia; Alessio in 1501, and 
Santa Maura (Leukas) in 1502 ; but in 1501 Durazzo was lost, as also was Butrinto 
in 1502. Venice was reaping the fruits of her former careless peace policy ; under 
the peace of October 6, 1505, she was obliged to return Santa Maura. Hungary, 
which had accomplished nothing save a few marauding raids upon Turkish territory, 
had concluded a seven years' armistice on October 20. The Holy Roman Empire 
was not even able to collect the " common penny " (Vol. VII, p. 224) which had been 
voted at repeated diets. In vain did the humanist Jakob Wimpheling of Strasslmrg 
complain in 1505 in his "Epitome rerum Germanicarum " of the decay of the 
empire, the selfishness of the princes, and the advance of the Turks. Fifty years 
before Hans Rosenbliit had uttered an emphatic warning in "The Turk's Carnival 
Play : " " Our master the Turk is rich and strong, and is very reverent to his God, 
so that he supports him, and all his affairs prosper. Whatever he has begun has 
turned out according to his desire." 

The last years of Sultan Bajazet were troubled by disturbances within the 
empire and revolts excited by his sons. The Janissaries, who had placed him on 



Above, on the right : Mohammed II Bujuk (the great), Ghazi (conqueror of the unbelievers) or 
Fatih (the conqueror, 1451-1481). Painted on November 25, 1480, by Gentile Bellini (1426-1507). 

(The portrait is framed in Renaissance carving (not reproduced here), from the edge of which 
hangs an embroidered curtain. On the left panel of this cresting is inscribed, " Terrarum marisqiu! 
victor ac dominator orbis . . . Sultan . . . inte . . . Mahometi restiltat ars vera Gientilis militis 
aurati Belini naturae . . . qui cuncta reducit in propriain propria simulacra;" on the right hand 
panel : "MCCCCLXXX Die XXV mensis Novembris." The portrait was originally in the collec- 
tion of Paolo Giovio in Como, and is now in the gallery of Sir H. Layard at Venice.) 

Above, on the left: Suleiman //el Kenani (the great or illustrious; 1520-1566). 

(From an album of portraits of Sultans (photographic reproductions by Abdullah freres in 
Constantinople^, executed in pastel by an Italian at the beginning of the nineteenth century, 
arranged and collected by Tewfik Pasha in a folio volume, which is now in the library of the 
Bagdad Kiosk in the old seraglio, but is not open to inspection.) 

In the centre, on the right: Selim III (1789-1807) ; the founder of the modern Turkish mili- 
tary system. . 

(From a painting.) 

In the centre, on the left: Mahmnd II (1808-181:59) ; the summoner of Moltke and destroyer of 
the Janissaries. 

(From a painting.) 

/>V/,ur, on the rii/ht : Aid it! M'nldiid (1839-1861); recognised as "Majesty" and * ; Emperor" 
after 1856 (in the peace of Paris). 

(From a painting.) 

I!< low, on the left: AM id Aziz (1861-1876), the thirty-second Sultan of the Osmans. 

(From a photograph.) 


the throne, obliged him to abdicate on April 25, 1512, in favour of his third sou, 

(.&) Selim I. Selim I (1512-1520), an imperious and warlike character, revived 
the plans of Mohammed II, and threatened Christianity with death and destruction. 
After poisoning his father Bajazet, two brothers, and five nephews, he built a 
powerful fleet of five hundred sail ; conquered the Shah Ismail of Persia (Vol. Ill, 
p. 381) at Khaldyran on August 23, 1514, after arousing him to fight on Turkish soil 
by the capture and murder of forty thousand Shiites ; conquered Armenia, the 
west of Aserbeijan, Kurdistan, and Mesopotamia ; and in 1516 overthrew in Syria 
and Palestine the mighty kingdom of the Egyptian Mamelukes (cf. Vol. Ill, 
p. 710), with which his father had been unable to cope (1485-1491). After the 
battle of Heliopolis he marched into Cairo on January 26, 1517. Tiiman II Bey, 
the last of the Burjites, was taken prisoner, and executed on April 13. While the 
conqueror rested in his palace near the Nigjas (the Nilometer), 011 the island of 
Eoda, he sent for the shadow performer of the "Karagoz" (p. 124), who repre- 
sented the hanging of TumSn on the Torzuwele and the double breakage of the 
rope, to the Sultan's great satisfaction. Selim had the most beautiful marble pil- 
lars of the citadel broken out and taken to Stamboul. Cairo was reduced to the 
position of a provincial town. The richest merchants emigated to Constantinople. 
Selim, being recognised as protector by Mecca and Medina, forced the last descend- 
ant of the Abbassid caliphs, Mutavakkil, to surrender his rights of supremacy, that 
he might himself thus become caliph ; that is, the spiritual and temporal head of 
all the followers of Islam. His position as such was recognised neither by the 
Persian Shiites (Vol. Ill, p. 380) nor by the fanatical Arabs of the sacred cities, 
who regarded their Shereef as their spiritual head and as related to the prophet. 
At the time, however, the event implied the highest limit of power in the East. 

Algiers had also fallen into Turkish hands (Vol. IV, p. 225). The towns on the 
Italian seaboard were now harried by the descents of the Turks (corsairs). In 
Hungary the Turkish problem had grown more acute than ever before. Carniola, 
Styria, Carinthia, and Austria lay open to Turkish attacks. At the peace congress 
of Cambrai in 1517 the emperor Maximilian I proposed a detailed scheme for the 
partition of Turkey to the monarchs, by the adoption of which their differences 
might be settled with the utmost profit to all concerned. At the imperial diet in 
Augsburg in 1518 the crusade of Leo X was approved. But nothing was done. 


BUT a few years and two main outposts of Christendom fell into the hands of 
the Osmans, Belgrade on August 29, 1521, and Ehodes on December 21, 1522. 
Selim's son, the glorious Suleiman, had ascended the throne (Soliman II, 1520- 
1566 ; see the plate facing this page, " Six Osman Sultans "). In honour of his 
father he built the splendid Selimije mosque on the fifth hill of Stamboul, and 
placed the following inscription on the warrior king's grave : " Here rests Selim, 
the terror of the world ; yet his body alone is here, his heart is still in battle." 
He avenged upon the knights of St. John the defeat which the conqueror of 
Byzantium had suffered before Ehodes, in 1480 ; after a heroic defence and a 
six months' siege the strong island-fortress fell. A son of Djem, whom Suleiman 
found in Ehodes,. was strangled. The inhabitants of the island migrated in 1527 

150 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

to the barren Malta which Charles V presented to them, the Pope confirming their 
possession. Similarly in the case of Belgrade, Suleiman avenged the repulse 
which Mohammed II had suffered there in 1456 (p. 142) by his capture of the 
city. Europe trembled with fear, imagining his " riders and wasters " already 
before Vienna. A German ballad of 1522 depicts the terror which then pervaded 
the Holy Roman Empire : " The furious Turk has lately brought great forces 
into Hungary, has overcome Greek Weissenburg, and thereon he prides himself. 
From Hungary he has quickly and lightly entered Austria in the light of day ; 
Bavaria is his for the taking ; thence he presses onward and may soon come to 
the Rhine, for which cause we have no peace nor rest. Our carelessness and 
selfishness, our proud distrust, hate, envy, and jealousy against our neighbours, 
these it is that give the Turk his victories." 

(a) Mohdcs and Vienna. In truth, in 1522 the Turks had already devastated 
a part of Hungary and were meditating an incursion into Lower Austria and 
Bavaria. Mehemed Bey had occupied Wallachia ; in May he ravaged the whole 
of the Karst to Friuli, and sat down before Laibach. The Venetians made no 
effort upon the loss of Rhodos ; they remained secure in Candia. Francis I, " the 
most Christian king of France," actually sought an alliance with the Sultan against 
the emperor. The noble oligarchy in Hungary were not indisposed to accept the 
Grand Turk as their ruler. John Zapolya, count of Zips and voivode of Transyl- 
vania, attempted to secure the Hungarian throne with the Sultan's help. Peter- 
wardein on the Danube was captured by the Grand Vizier. Then on August 29, 
1526, followed the decisive battle in the plain of Mohacs, where the Christian 
army with its king was defeated after a heroic struggle. Louis II himself, the last 
Jagellon ruler of Hungary, was drowned in a swamp while in flight. Two thou- 
sand heads were placed on pikes before the grand master's tent. Four thousand 
prisoners were massacred, Ofen was reduced to ashes, and the land was ravaged 
as far as Raab and "the Etzelburg" Gran. Zapolya, who had done homage to the 
Sultan on his knees, received the crown of the country from Ofen to Stuhlweissen- 
burg, and was crowned at the latter town on November 11. King Ferdinand, the 
brother-in-law of the fallen Louis, was elected king of Hungary at Pressburg on 
December 16 ; the .day of Mohacs thus became the birthday of the Austro-Hun- 
garian monarchy. Henceforward all the enemies of the emperor Charles V and 
of King Ferdinand were on the side of the Turks and Zapolya. Even the dukes 
Wilhelm and Ludwig of Bavaria entered into secret negotiations with the Grand 
Turk in regard to their claims to Bohemia. 

The Sultan forthwith sent the following intimation to King Ferdinand in an 
open letter. " With reference to the loss of our crown, you may fully expect that 
we shall visit you at Vienna shortly with thirteen kingdoms, and bring the most 
miserable death that we can devise upon all your helpers." The advance of the 
Turks and the fact that a Turkish fleet was cruising off Sicily expedited the con- 
clusion of entire peace between the emperor Charles V and the Pope at Barcelona 
on June 29, 1529, two months after the dispersal of the diet of Spire. Francis I had 
also made peace with the emperor at Cambrai, though he remained in secret com- 
munication with the "Lord of all lords, the dispenser of crowns to the monarchs 
of the earth, the shadow of God over both worlds." In 1528 Zapolya was forced 
to adopt Henry, the- son of Francis, as the successor to Hungary. On September 


21 the Turks appeared before Vienna. Their army was 250,000 strong, occupying 
16 encampments and 25,000 tents. Count Nikolaus Salm had evacuated the 
suburbs, and burnt and dismantled the castle on the Kahlenberg. With the 
courage of despair he established himself in the city with a garrison of 12,000 
men. The imperial army voted by the diet of Spire and the protestants con- 
sisted of 100 cavalry and 14 companies of infantry. However, frequent sorties 
were made and five vigorous assaults repulsed. Suleiman had sworn to take no 
rest until the prayer of the prophet was delivered from the tower of Stephan's 
church. However, on October 15 want of supplies, unfavourable weather, and dis- 
satisfaction among the Janissaries obliged him to raise the siege. 

The wave of advancing Osman power had been broken upon the walls of 
Vienna. But Hungary remained in the Sultan's hands, held in feudal tenure by 
Zapolya (September 14). The Venetians hastened to send assurances of their good 
will to the Sultan and the voivode, to whom they had done good service as spies. 
Aided by the religious confusion in Germany, Kasimbeg (p. 147) carried devastation 
through Austria, as did Zapolya with the Wallachians through Moravia and Silesia. 
Resistance was offered by an army of the empire and the forces of Charles V, 
amounting in all to 50,000 men. Clement VII sent money and his nephew Hip- 
polito dei Medici. Once again the Mohammedan advance was broken before Guns, 
-which was heroically defended by Niklas Jurishitz (August 9 to 28, 1532; Vol. 
VII, p. 260). But the imperial army dispersed again. 

When Ferdinand's ambassador boasted of the emperor's power to Ibrahim Pasha, 
the Grand Vizier interrupted him with the words, " Has he made peace with Martin 
Luther?" Luther's attitude toward the Turkish danger is remarkable. Luther 
advised the people not to give help against the Turks, " seeing that the Turk is ten 
times cleverer and more pious than our princes." Hans Sachs, the enthusiastic 
poet of the Eeformation, repeatedly sings of victory over the arch enemy in his 
poems and satires (1529). "Awake, my heart, my mind, and my good cheer, help 
me to praise the man at arms as is his due ; his knightly deeds have been performed 
in Austria, even at Vienna in the city." Luther, on the other hand, in his table 
talk and in his "army sermon against the Turks" in 1529, often used language 
-which can only be explained as prompted by the deepest despair at the disunion 
of the rulers and the slow progress of the evangelical movement. "The Vene- 
tians," says Luther, " have done nothing of note ; they are not warriors, but pepper 
bags. Had Germany a master, we could easily resist the Turk, but the Papists are 
our worst enemies, and would rather see Germany laid waste. The Papists will say 
that the Turk has come because of my teaching, that God has sent him to scourge 
Germany because Luther and his doctrine is not rooted out. But I would rather 
have the Turks as enemies (sic) than the Spaniards as protectors. As the Pope 
has robbed us before of our money with his indulgence in the name of the Turkish 
war, so also for our money will the Turk devour us, following the Pope's example. 
So may our dear Lord Jesus Christ help us and strike both Pope and Turk to the 
ground." Luther, however, does express patriotic sentiments. To him the Turks 
are populus irce Dei, servants of the devil; he utters emphatic warnings against 
apostasy to Islam, cheers the courageous, and consoles the prisoners. In sharp 
language he points the contrast between Turkish discipline and German lawless- 
ness. But the point of dispute among the Christians continually recurs : " To go 
to Turkey is to go to the devil; to remain under the Pope is to fall into hell." 

152 HISTORY OF THE WORLD \_chapterii 

(b) The Years 1533-1566. At length a peace was patched up between the 
Sultan and the emperor in the summer of 1533. Suleiman employed this breath- 
ing-space to cross the Euphrates and to settle accounts with the Persians (Vol. 
Ill, p. 381). He captured Tabris (Tebriz, Tauris) and Bagdad, returning in tri- 
umph in January, lf>36. To the year 1535 belong the "capitulations " concluded 
between Francis I and the Porte, which served as a basis for all later conventions 
of the kind with other nations, with a special reference to France, the nation that 
was always on friendly terms and most favourably treated. These agreements 
secured free trade for the Turks in France and for the " Franks " in all Turkish coun- 
tries. They formed the point of departure for the principle of consular jurisdic- 
tion (cf. p. 96), provided for the great question of the holy places, and stipulated 
for a kind of protectorate over the Latin (Catholic) subjects of the Great Master, 
on which the modern French " protectorate " is based. 

It was in order to alleviate the miseries of the prisoners of war and to check the 
enormous growth of piracy that Charles V undertook his famous expedition against 
Tunis in 1535. Goletta was conquered, many guns were taken as booty, includ- 
ing cannons stamped with the French lilies, twenty thousand Christian slaves were 
set free, and Muley Hasan was allowed to hold Tunis as a fief of the Spanish crown. 
Charles V contemplated the conquest of Algiers (captured in 1506 and 1509 by 
Ferdinand the Catholic with Oran and Bugia, but lost by Barbarossa to Horuk in 
1515) and even of Constantinople (cf. Vol. IV, p. 252). But after the death of 
Zapolya (July 21, 1540) Suleiman made almost the whole of Hungary a Turkish 
province in September, 1541, and the expedition of Charles to the African coast 
failed utterly, as a great storm either shattered his ships or drove them scattered 
upon the Spanish coast. Francis I loudly proclaimed his delight at the emperor's 
misfortune, congratulated the Sultan on " the overthrow of their common enemy," 
and struck commemorative medals with the inscription, " Aon contra jidem, sed 
contra Carolum." He and the Venetian republic contributed so large a sum for 
the Sultan's help that the latter boasted that the king of France was more profit- 
able to him than all other tributaries. With tears in his eyes Ferdinand begged 
for help from the Protestants at Eegensburg. Suleiman marched through Hungary 
(1542) capturing Valpo, Siclos, Funfkirchen, Gran, Tata, and Stuhlweissenburg, 
while Ferdinand had only four thousand men with which to oppose him. Mean- 
while Khaireddin Barbarossa had fruitlessly besieged Corfu in 1537, but had con- 
quered Naxos, Tinos, and Seriphos, as also Castelnuovo in Dalmatia in 1539, and 
had forced Venice, under an agreement of October 2, 1540, to cede Malvasia, Napoli 
di Romania, Nadin, and Urana. He now landed with the Turkish fleet at Reggio in 
Calabria, devastated the coast, joined the French fleet at Toulon, and won a victory 
at Nizza on August 20, 1543, the last refuge of the Duke of Savoy. At the same 
time Suleiman (Soliman) Pasha, the governor of Egypt, was spreading terror even 
to the Indian Ocean, where he conquered the Portuguese, captured the town ot' 
Diu, and subdued the Arab princes on the coast of the Red Sea. The years 1546- 
1547 saw the death of four of the most powerful men of the period, Francis I, 
Henry VIII, Luther, and Khaireddin Barbarossa. Even in his tomb on the right 
bank of the Bosphorus at Beshik Tash (lasonion) this great sea hero was the 
example and the guiding star of his successors. After the victory of the old cor- 
sair chieftain over Andrea Doria at Preve'za in 1538, the war fleets and pirates of 
the Turks were masters of the Mediterranean. 


While Moritz of Saxony gave up the towns of Metz, Toul, and Verdun to 
Henry II of France in 1552, King Ferdinand sent an embassy to the camp of 
Sultan Suleiman at Amasia in Asia Minor. Roger Ascham, the English ambas- 
sador of the time, says of the French king, that in order to do the emperor a 
mischief he was ready to sell his soul simultaneously to Protestants and Papists, 
to the Turk and to the devil. Though not inspired with the spirit of Machiavelli, 
yet well acquainted with the learning of the renaissance, Ferdinand's ambassador, 
Augier Ghiselin of Busbeck, set out for Amasia (1555). Not only did he bring 
back from Persia documentary proof of an armistice with the "glorious and 
splendid " conqueror, but with this embassy is also connected the discovery of 
the Monumentum Ancyranum, " the queen of inscriptions " (Vol. VI), near Bus- 
beck in Angora, which led to a revival of interest in antiquities, paleography, 
epigraphy, and numismatics in the West. The same ambassador also brought 
the tulip bulb and the elder-tree to Europe. Besides the four long Latin letters 
reporting upon his mission, he sent a despatch to the emperor containing a " pro- 
posal " as to " the possibility of waging a continued conflict with the hereditary 
enemy of the Christian name and blood, taking the field without dismay and 
securing victory." This pamphlet displays Turkish military discipline in the best 
and German discipline in the worst possible light. But it also contains numerous 
suggestions for improvement. A century was to elapse before this seed could bear 
fruit. The Roman emperor of the German nation could not, as such, send emis- 
saries to the Porte, since he swore in his coronation oath to wage eternal war with 
the infidels : it was only possible for him as king of Hungary to send ambassadors 
to the Turk. A permanent German embassy could no more be maintained in 
Constantinople than a German colony. Of commercial relations there was no 
question ; the trade between the Levant and the Black Sea was in the hands of 
Venice, Florence, and Genoa. The middleman trade in the Balkan Peninsula 
and in Hungary was almost exclusively in the hands of the inhabitants of Ragusa, 
who had an important settlement in Uskiib. The inviolability of an ambassador, 
a right acknowledged as sacred by Islam itself, was repeatedly broken by the 
Osmans on the pretext that European ambassadors were only spies, and at most 
were to be regarded as hostages. 

Busbeck gives a full description of the court life and court splendour, and also 
of the horrible domestic tragedies which stained Suleiman's imperial purple with 
blood. For love of his Russian consort Roxalana, Khurrem Sultana, the Great 
Master sacrificed Mustafa, the first son of his first marriage in 1553, and Mustafa's 
little son, Ibrahim. Jihangir committed suicide upon his brother's corpse before 
his cruel father's eyes. As the younger brother Bajazet revolted against Selim (II), 
Roxalana's eldest son, he was forced to flee to Persia in 1561. The Sultan's myr- 
midons caught him at the Shah's court, and strangled him with his four sons. 

In the summer of 1565 the Maltese order repulsed a strong Turkish attack. 
The better to secure the safety of the order, the grand master Jean Parisot de la 
Valette founded the town of La Valetta in 1566, which was increased by later 
additions to a fortress of first-rate importance. But the campaign begun by the 
emperor Maximilian II with sixty thousand men came to a miserable end. In 
vain did the brave Zrinyi sacrifice himself in Szigetvar in 1566 (Vol. VII, p. 283). 
After his heroic death this outpost fell on September 7, and Gyula, the capital of 
the county of Beke, was lost with the surrounding territory. 


(c) The Importance of Suleimdn IT. But before the fall of Szigetvdr the 
lion whose roar had so long affrighted Christianity had passed away (September 5). 
Suleiman II had brought the Osnian Empire to the zenith of its power and splen- 
dour. At the same time Ismail (p. 149) had established the power of Persia by 
the consolidation of the State, Siegmund II had secured Poland's greatness and 
prosperity, Ivan IV Vassilievitch " the Terrible " had laid the foundation of Russian 
greatness by the conquest of Astrachan three dangerous neighbours and contem- 
poraries. But Suleiman the Magnificent undoubtedly takes precedence of these 
as a ruler both in war and peace. In his reign originated the proverb, " Treasures 
in Hindostan, wisdom in France, splendour in the house of Osman." The two 
most important German historians of Turkey, Harnmer-Purgstall and Zinkeisen, 
are unwearied in their praise of his reign, and represent him as wiser than Solo- 
mon, greater than Constantine. His buildings in the capital and the empire 
schools, poor-houses (imaretes), hospitals, fountains, tombs, bridges, aqueducts, 
fortifications, foundations in Mecca and Medina, the Shahsade and Suleimanich 
mosques in Stamboul, the Selimije mosque in Adrianople, the baths of Ofen are 
living testimonies to his name, to that of his architect Sinan, of his admiral Piali 
Pasha the conqueror of Chios, of the Beglerbeg and Grand Vizier (from June, 
1565) Mohammed Sokolli. 

Under this greatest of all Sultans a golden age began for Turkish scholarship 
and poetry. The lyric poet Baki made his appearance. Fazli wrote his alle- 
gorical mystical epic " Eose and Nightingale." Khalil was pre-eminent in elegiac 
poetry. Jelili, Fikri, Sururi (died 1561), and especially the fertile Lamii, trans- 
lated and expounded the masterpieces of Persian poetry. Emri, Chiali, and Yahia 
were their rivals. The fable and the animal epic came into fashion, as did the 
writers of historical epics, Shahnameji (writers of kings' books) ; they were creators 
and defenders of fame. Sheik Ibrahim Halebi (died 1549) composed the second 
legal code, Mlilteka ul Buhur (" Union of the Seas "), a religious, political, and 
military code of civil and criminal law. The Humayun nameh (the emperors' 
book) of Ali Veissi (Ali i-Wasi) is an unsurpassed model of Osman prose. Firdusi 
the Long, so called to avoid confusion with his great namesake (Vol. Ill, p. 349), 
composed the Suleiman nameh, a collection of Eastern tales and legends. Famous, 
too, are the performances of the Khattat, that is, the calligraphists Psherkef, Hasan 
Effendi, and Karahissar. Sultan Suleiman himself left behind a " Divan " under 
the name of Muhibbi, that is, the kindly lover. Under his rule sword and pen 
were never dry. Messages of victory alternated with songs, and intellectual 
rivalry outshone the trophies of captured weapons. This was the Augustan age of 
Osman history. 

Everywhere greatness, power, and splendour, to which the treasures in the old 
seraglio and the Sultan's castles still bear testimony, a splendour which defied 
the sharpest introspection to discover the germs of decay in the roots of the flour- 
ishing growth which bore these tropic blooms. As the calligraphy, the epistolary 
art, and the music of the Osmans were based on Arab models, so in content the 
Osman poetry was a formal, intentional, voluntary work of imitation. It began 
with artificial forms of religious mysticism and didactic writing, and continued 
its existence as the hothouse growth of the atmosphere of court and chancery. 
Even the language affected by the poets was a special product, which was and 
remains unintelligible to the mass of the people. It reflected the conditions of 


life which existed within the narrow limits of the ruling class, " the upper ten." 
No Osman poet escaped the narrow theological point of view to reach the wider 
humanist outlook. The ideas of love and freedom did not appeal to him; the 
passion of love remained with him a primarily sensual impulse ; his imagination 
never awakes from that half-sleeping rapture which the Osmans call Ke'if. 
Despotism above the restraints of right and morality, the cruel extermination of 
the prominent and therefore dangerous members of the dynasty and the court, 
seraglio education, the strict seclusion of the young princes from public life, 
polygamy, and slavery destroyed the freedom of intellectual and political life, 
destroyed the power of the ruling dynasty and of the government. The bold 
warrior nation became effeminate amid the sweets of peace ; the fighting race of 
Janissaries became ever more lawless and a danger to the empire instead of a 


THE long and expensive war with Suleiman the Magnificent had utterly 
exhausted the imperial revenues of the Hapsburgs. In the year 1568 Maxi- 
milian II was forced to consent to the payment of a yearly tribute of 60,000 
ducats to Selim II (1566-1574). In spite of this, the devastating incursions of 
the " frontier guards " upon the Austrian territories continued, and from these, 
even in time of peace, the Osmans carried off year by year as many as 20,000 
Christian slaves. The boundary of the imperial hereditary lands, extending about 
400 German miles with 21,000 men in 96 stations, absorbed 1,400,000 guldens 
annually in payment of service alone, and this amount was doubled in time of war. 
On February 1, 1570, Selim II wrote to the Signoria of Venice, "I want Cyprus 
from you;" and the Venetians, who were objects of suspicion to the powers 
themselves as " Christian Turks," could find no helper but the Pope. Pius V 
issued a jubilee decree touching the Turkish war, and appealed to the Protestant 
princes to " cast away religious differences in the face of the universal danger ; " 
he gave support to the Maltese, made Italy secure, and promoted an alliance 
between Hungary, France, and Spain. But Charles IX of France had a short 
time previously renewed his treaty of peace and commerce with the Sultan, and 
dissuaded even the queen of England from supporting the movement for " help 
against the Turks." News soon reached Eome of the bloody overthrow of 
Nikosias (Levkosias) in Cyprus on September 9, 1570; Marcantonio Bragadino, 
who heroically defended Famagusta until August 1, 1571, was flayed alive on 
August 18 by the order of Lala Mustafa. However, it was not until May 20, 
1571, that the Holy League was solemnly inaugurated. 

(a) Lepanto. Don John of Austria (the natural son of the emperor Charles V) 
at length left Messina on September 19, 1571, with a fleet of 208 ships and 
80,000 soldiers from Spain, Venice, Malta, and Savoy. A battle was fought in 
the Gulf of Lepanto (Naupaktos, Epaktos) off the Curzolari islands on October 7. 
The Kapudan Pasha Muezzin Sade (Munsinsade) Ali, the Beglerbeg of Algiers, 
Uluj Ali, and the Beg of Negroponte, Mohammed Shaulak, commanded the 


Osman fleet (277 ships with 120,000 men), which still flew Khaireddin's (p. 152) 
victorious pennant. Don John, Marcantonio Colonna, Agostino Barbarigo and 
Sebastiano Veuiero, Gianandrea Doria and Alessandro Farnese, directed the battle 
on the Christian side, in which Cervantes (Vol. VIII) lost his left arm. " This 
immortal day," he says in " Don Quixote," " broke the pride of the Osmans and 
undeceived the world, which regarded the Turkish fleet as invincible." 

But the king of Spain's commands and dissension among the allies nullified 
all the consequences of this shattering victory. Don John, the man sent from 
God as the triumphant Pope designated him, was obliged to surrender Goletta, 
which Charles V had captured in 1535, together with Tunis and Biserta, his own 
captures of 1573, to the Turkish admiral Sinan Pasha in 1574. Harassed by the 
suspicion of his royal stepbrother Philip II, he died in bitterness of heart, on 
October 1, 1578. His bronze statue by Andr. Calamech on the Piazza dell' Aumm- 
ziata in Messina is a lasting monument of the triumphal return from Lepanto. 
The Signoria of Venice, who had again concluded a special peace with the Osmans 
at the price of Cyprus, true to its traditions (of 1523, 1526, 1529, 1541, 1543, 
1551, and 1560), congratulated the Sultan on his success of 1574. The Grand 
Vizier Sokolli (p. 154), an old comrade-in-arms of SuleimSn, scornfully thanked 
the Bailo of Venice with the words, " By the conquest of Cyprus we have cut off 
one of your arms, by the destruction of our fleet you have but shorn our beard." 

The continual diplomatic intercourse between the Porte and the West Euro- 
pean powers found expression in numerous commercial conventions ; France and 
England in particular were eager and jealous rivals for the Sultan's favour, though 
they did not join him iu alliance against Spain. Between 1573 and 1578 the 
two imperial orators, David Ungnad Freiherr von Sterneck and Preuburg, and one 
Count Sintzendorf, reported that when they were admitted to an audience of the 
Sultan, to which they had previously forwarded the most costly presents of money, 
silver plate, and clock work by the hands of servants, they were seized by the arras 
by two Khaushen (captains), and forced down before the Padishah, so that they 
were obliged to kiss the Great Master's sleeve in a kneeling posture. On return- 
ing from the seraglio to their lodgings, which partook of the nature of prison and 
fortress, they were in danger of being stoned by the Janissaries. The day of 
Lepanto, on which, to the horror of the Mohammedan world, the ceiling of the 
mosque of Mecca fell in, was the signal for the further fortification of the Darda- 
nelles by a second castle, the " key of the sea," Kilid ul Bahr. 

(b) Zxitva-Torok. Selim survived the defeat of his fleet only three years, 
and died on December 12, 1574, exhausted by his excesses and his intemperance. 
His son Murad III secured the throne (1574-1595) by the murder of his five 
brothers. The Popes Gregory XIII (1572-1585) and Sixtus V made fruitless 
attempts to promote a new general federation against the enemy of Christendom. 
Sixtus V, one of the greatest popes and a most far-sighted ruler, pondered the 
possibility of a conquest of Egypt, the construction of the Suez Canal, to secure 
the trade of the Old World, the liberation of the Holy Sepulchre, an alliance with 
Persia, the Druses, Eussia, and Poland. But the most powerful of the Christian 
powers of Europe were in alliance with the Sultan. The counterpoise to Koine 
was to be found in the rooms of the Divan ; it was as though the old relations 
between the papacy and Byzantium had been renewed. Here the common action 


of the Protestant-Mohammedan world against the Catholic was developed in mani- 
fold directions. But " Catholic " France also joined the opponents of the house of 
Hapsburg, and acted as train-bearer to the Porte, while the proud conqueror of the 
Spanish Armada, Elizabeth (Vol. VII, p. 281), proceeded to incite the Sultan to 
a naval war against Spain as a "revenge for Lepanto." The suggestions of the 
maiden queen led to the construction of two hundred galleys in the Turkish yards. 

The emperor Rudolf II was tributary to the Turks. Every year he was 
obliged, like his father before him, to send 130,000 guldens, with an infinite quan- 
tity of silver work and watchmaker's work, to the Sultan, to his wives, and the 
grandees of the Porte by way of homage. At the same time the breaches of the 
peace continued. In view of the disturbed state of Hungary it would be wrong to 
conclude that the Turks were always the aggressors. In the great military camp 
which Hungary had been forming for decades, breaches of the peace and of fron- 
tier rights on both sides were the order of the day. The imperial soldier fought 
with the same wild courage and ferocity as the Turk. We are upon the eve of the 
Thirty Years' "War. To scalp the fallen after a victory, to impale them before the 
camp, to cover the scalp with hay or powder and set fire to it, was as usual as to 
plunder the dead, to outrage women, as common as to break conditions on sur- 
rendering a fortress, and to commit every kind of treacherous surprise and betrayal. 
Yet on both sides was the same conviction of the fear of God and the same piety. 

The noble and capable Grand Vizier Sokolli was murdered on October 11, 
1579, and succeeded by the Albanian Sinan (1580), who had already distin- 
guished himself, as governor of Egypt, by the conquest of Yemen (1571) and 
Goletta (1574), though mutiny among the Janissaries had on two occasions 
obliged him to resign the great seal to his enemies and rivals, Ferhad and Sia- 
vush. On his elevation to the post of Grand Vizier for the third time in 1593, he 
induced the peace-loving Sultan to declare open war upon the emperor on August 
13. Sinan proposed to conquer Bohemia, while his Viziers began the war from 
Bosnia. At the head of 150,000 men he had captured Totis (Tata) and conquered 
the important town of Eaab in 1594 On the death of Murad III, Mohammed III 
(1595-1603), after strangling his nineteen brothers, marched in person to the 
"holy war;" but on August 13, 1595, he was defeated with crushing loss at 
Kalugareni by Michael the Bold, the national hero of Wallachia (cf. the fourth 
main section of this volume). However, accompanied by his wise tutor the 
mufti of Starnboul, and the court historiographer Sead ed-din (pp. 128, 137, and 
159), he conquered Erlau on October 13, 1595. "Drunkenness, the great curse of 
Germany," wrote the Lutheran theologian Georg Mylius from the camp, " has 
chiefly betrayed us into the hands of the temperate and watchful Turks." On 
October 20, Kanizsa, the bulwark of Styria, sank into ruins. Siegmund Bathori, 
who had been independent ruler of Transylvania since 1588, had been attempting 
to break away from the Turkish federation since 1592; in 1597 and 1599 he 
resigned the government, and was finally expelled from Transylvania by the 
imperial troops in 1602. The peasants themselves considered the Turkish govern- 
ment more tolerable than the tyranny of the magnates, and were anxious for 
religious reasons to shake off the yoke of the ultra Catholic house of Hapsburg. 
In 1604 Stephan Bocskay concluded an alliance with the Turks, and was recog- 
nised as prince of Hungary and Transylvania in 1605. The commanding fortress 
of Gran had again fallen into the hands of the Turks in 1604. 

158 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

Ultimately, on June 23, 16.06, peace was made with the representatives of 
Bocskay at Vienna, and with the Turks at Zsitva-Torok (Sitvatorok, near Komorn) 
on November 11. But under what conditions ! The Turks were to retain all 
previous conquests and receive a yearly present of 200,000 gulden. Bocskay was 
recognised in Transylvania and in eight counties of Hungary during his lifetime. 
In a secret protestation the emperor Eudolf II affirmed that his signature had 
been extorted by necessity and was not binding for the future. He was forced to 
take this step by the Protestants in the empire and in Hungary, the fratricidal 
struggle in the house of Hapsburg, bad harvests and a general rise of prices, and 
the incapacity and petty jealousy of his soldiers. That heroic race had not yet 
grown up which was to proceed from the military school of Parma and Orange, 
and to enter the arena of Hungary equipped with masterly strategical skill and 
with an art of warfare and siege work which was made infinitely superior to the 
Turks. After the peace of Zsitva-Torok in 1606 the Hapsburgs did not long 
remain tributary to the Sultans ; thenceforward the Osman Empire made no fur- 
ther accession of territory. The peace marks a halting point in the progress of 
Turkish power that was the transition to impending decay ; and in this depends 
its importance to the history of the world. It was not until 1616 that the correc- 
tions in the documents of the peace were presented by the Austrian ambassador 
von Czernin. He was the first Christian ambassador who entered Constantinople 
publicly with the banner of the cross and accompanied by music. 

(c) The Age of Disturbed Succession ; the Military Frontier, Two circumstances 
saved the Holy Roman Empire from overthrow, internal disturbances and disputes 
concerning the succession in Turkey, and the strengthening of the military frontier. 
In 1603 the Persians took Ta'bris (Tauris, p. 152) and Bagdad from the Sultan, and 
defeated more than fifty thousand men in a pitched battle. The crescent was 
declining to its fall. " The breakwater of Eastern and Western migrations at the 
Golden Horn " still ruled, it is true, over a world extending from the Piif shores 
of Morocco to the Arabian seas, from the Gulf of Oman to the Don, and from the 
angle of the Danube at Waitzen to Georgia. But the Porte's powers had obviously 
flagged duing the fifteen years' struggle from 1591 to 1606, his Asiatic support 
was tottering, and enemies at home, more dangerous than the Persians or Egyp- 
tians, had undermined the army, the navy, and the supremacy of the theocratic 
sultanate. The Mohammedan Empire was founded upon no basis of national senti- 
ment, and any nationalist movement was stifled by the doctrines of the Mohammedan 

The decline of the Osman power dates from the outbreaks in the last quarter of 
the sixteenth century, the revolts in the army, the frequent changes of personnel 
in the Grand Viziership and all the higher posts of the empire ; but the chief cause 
was to be found in the person of the Sultan himself. The tyranny of the Grand 
Viziers, the female government practised by the harem, the system of rapacious 
extortion practised by the Beglerbegs, "the Sultan's sponges," these are evils 
closely connected with the pusillanimity, fear, greed, and licentiousness of Muradll. 
His character was compounded of the strangest contradictions. In common with 
his contemporary, Rudolf II, lu> had not only a pacific disposition, but artistic 
and scientific inclinations. Evidence of his artistic and architectural taste may be 
seen in the numerous buildings, of which many were erected under the Grand 


Vizier Sinan, such as a new seraglio in Scutari, the mosques of Adrianople, Mag- 
nesia on the Sipylos, and Cyprus, in the great fortifications of Erivan, Kars, and 
Shamachi, and the drainage works of Mecca. Even the accounts of his enemies 
praise his interest in music, legislation, and history. But as with Eudolf II so- 
with him, the influence of favourites was predominant in. every department of 
governmental administration. Alfred Lb'bL makes special mention of the poet 
Shemsi, the historian Sead ed-dm, the chancellor Oveis, and the first chamberlain 
Gasnefer, not to speak of women like the ambitious Valide, the Venetian Nur 
Bassa, and others, by whom Murad had no less than one hundred and two 

At the age of thirty-three Mohammed III (1595-1603) was but a sick and 
infirm old man. For the first time since' the foundation of the empire a Padishah 
was seen upon the throne who trembled even at the thunder of the cannon, 
whereas his predecessors had appeared daily before the troops and had been accus- 
tomed to practise archery and throwing the jereed in the Okmeidan. Ahmed I 
(1603-1617) followed his father's example : he was licentious, incapable, and 
proud to the point of insanity. Ahmed died on November 22, 1617, after an 
unprofitable reign of fourteen years. His memory is perpetuated by a great and 
beautiful monument, the Ahmed Mosque, with its six minarets, on the Atmeidan 
in Stamboul. The mosque is a huge yet light and delicate building,, like a vision 
of the air, with a dome supported on four enormous marble pillars, while the inte- 
rior could contain four small mosque*. The six minarets were regarded as an 
infraction of the dignity of the central shrine of Mohammedanism, the .Kaaba of 
Mecca, and the Sultan was forced to add! a seventh praying tower to the Haram 
of the Kaaba to restore its prestige aoid appease the suspicions of the orthodox 

Ahmed left seven sons, the eldest, Osman, being but twelve years of age. Mus- 
tafa I (1617-1618), the brother of the deceased Sultan, therefore succeeded to the 
throne. He, however, was insane, and the body of the Ulemas, Muftis, and the 
Divan resolved upon the unprecedented step of deposing the' Sultan and confining 
him to a tower of the old seraglio. Notwithstanding his minority, Osman II 
(1618-1622) was placed upon the throne. At the age of fourteen he shook off the 
guardianship of his viziers,, executed his younger and more talented brother, and 
undertook a war against the Poles in the forests and steppes of Khotin. His 
Janissaries were conquered, and when he attempted to punish them by extermina- 
tion, they confined him also in the castle of the seven towers, where he was 
strangled by Daud Pasha in May, 1622. The mad Mustafa was brought out of 
his prison, and under his rule the provinces of Georgia, Erivan, Bagdad, and Basra 
were again lost to the Persians in 1622. 

Mustafa I was again deposed, and Murad IV (1623 to February 9, 1640), a 
younger brother of Osman II, was placed upon the throne. In the year 1620 
Gabriel Bethlen had already attempted to secure his recognition as king of Hun- 
gary by sending rich presents to the Porte through Franz Balassy, Stephan Korlath, 
and even by an embassy of the " winter king " Frederic V of the Palatinate. The 
price of this recognition was Waitzen, which fell into the hands of the Pasha 
of Ofen on November 5, 1621. The Sultana Valide Kassamu Mahpeiker gov- 
erned during the minority of her grandson Murad IV ; to her Stamboul owes its 
largest and finest caravanserai, the Valide HaiL. At the same time Mohammed 

160 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

Girai III, the khan of the Crimean Tartars (Vol. II, p. 181), destroyed the 
Turkish fleet ; the Cossacks plundered Bojiik-dere on the Bosphorus ; Abasa, the 
Pasha of Erzeroum, revolted, and the advance of Wallensteiu in 1626 against 
Mausfeld and Bethlen (Vol. VII, p. 292), forced the Turks to raise the siege of 
Neograd. In 1634 Georg I Rak6czy, the successor of Bethlen (died November 15, 
1629), hesitated to join the Sultan in an attack upon the Poles. The Sultan then 
gave his support to one Sze*kely and to Stephan Bethlen, the brother of Gabriel, 
whose claims were also urged by the ambassadors of France and Holland. Mean- 
while the cruel Murad had conquered Tabris and Erivan in a vigorous campaign 
in 1634, had murdered his brothers Bajazet and Suleiman, and recaptured Bagdad 
in 1638. 

Meanwhile the imperial Christian government pursued the task of resistance 
with remarkable energy, by the slow but sure creation of a military frontier, 
which was to secure their ultimate victory. Matthias Corvinus and Ferdinand I 
had already begun the work ; but it was not until the time of Maximilian II that 
this line of fortresses, extending some two hundred German miles from Transyl- 
vania to Dalmatia, was definitely secured. The archduke Charles was appointed 
" permanent residential governor of the Croatian and Windish frontier lands." 
After the fall of Belgrade in 1521 the stream of " Uskokes," Servian and Bosnian 
fugitives, began to pour into Austrian territory. Ferdinand I had granted them 
numerous privileges and immunity from taxation in 1535, and had settled them 
in the Karst deserts of the Sichelburg district, the modern Uskoke mountains. 
They were followed by a steady stream of refugees, who were ready and willing to 
serve in the local levies as cavalry and infantry. From this material the Austrian 
rulers created that militia to guard the Danube and the Save which for two cen- 
turies acted as a bulwark against the Turkish assaults. The bravest of them and 
the scourge of Turkey were the Zengg Uskokes of the maritime frontier. For 
more than a century they were the terror of Adria, and inflicted the most seri- 
ous loss both upon the maritime power of Venice and the continental power of 
Turkey. Piracy was carried on throughout the Mediterranean by the Barbary 
States, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, by the Maltese, the Sicilians, and Neapolitans. 
But the Zengg Uskokes were the pirate kings of Adria ; from their impregnable 
fortress of Zengg (Sign, Senj) on the sheltering Quarnero, the home of the terrible 
Bora, their bold expeditions went forth even to the shores of Persia ; the news- 
papers even reported a conflict between them and the Persians at Lacooson. 


MURAD, the Osman Nero, who, like Nero, was passionately devoted to music, 
was succeeded by his brother Ibrahim I (1640-1648), the Osman Heliogabalus. 
His arrogance and threatening caprice drove the Ulemas, the scribes, and lawyers 
to contract an alliance with the Janissaries in their mosque of Ortajami. Ibrahim 
was the first Sultan to be deposed and murdered under an apparently constitu- 
tional form of procedure (August 18, 1648). 

(a) Mohammed IV. His son,Mohammed IV (1648-1687), ascended the throne 
in the year in which Germany began to rise from the devastation of the Thirty 
Years' War. It was fortunate for the Holy Roman Empire that during this dec- 


ade a succession of feeble Sultans, wars with the Persians, and internal disturb- 
ances had weakened the strength that repeatedly threatened the destruction of 
Christendom. The struggle for the guardianship of the Sultan, who was but ten 
or perhaps even seven years of age, resulted in 1651 in the death of the mother 
of three Sultans, the beautiful Greek slave Tarkhan (Terkhan ; great buildings in 
Stainboul preserve her memory), and brought the empire to the verge of dissolu- 
tion. An attempt was made to relieve the hopeless financial embarrassment by 
tripling the State taxes and debasing the coinage. At the beginning of 1656 crowds 
of peasants appeared from Anatolia to complain of the unprecedented extortion 
practised by their governor. The name " Kunjiber," that is, full of woe, clung 
to them henceforward as a memorial of the continuous oppression under which 
they groaned. Mutinies among the Janissaries and revolts of viziers increased ; to 
appease the mutinous guards, who marched to the seraglio, Mohammed IV sacri- 
ficed thirty of his councillors, whose heads were suspended to the famous plane- 
tree on the Etmeidan. Francesco Morosini conquered Lemnos and Tenedos, while 
Lorenzo Marcello destroyed seventy Turkish sailing-vessels at the entrance to the 

(a) The Two Kuprili. The saviour was at hand. Mohammed Kuprili 
became Grand Vizier in September, 1656. An Albanian peasant boy, he had come 
to Stamboul, and though he could neither read nor write, his keen intelligence 
and his good will had raised him to the highest position in the empire. Kuprili 
crushed the revolt in the blood of thirty thousand victims ; he took Murad IV as 
his model, the pupil of Machiavelli. He destroyed the Venetian fleet of Lazzaro 
Mocenigo, recaptured Lemnos and Tenedos in 1657, conquered the castles of the 
Dardanelles, in 1657-1658 defeated the troops of Georg II, Rakoczy, who had made 
himself independent, and appointed Achatius Barcsay prince of the country with 
an increased tribute of forty thousand ducats. He drove the Cossacks across the 
Dnieper, caused thirty pashas of Asia Minor and Syria to be massacred in a treach- 
erous ambush at Aleppo in the spring of 1659, and placed cartloads of heads on 
the seraglio walls as a warning. He even ventured to repress the insane extrava- 
gance of the seraglio and the harem (1659). His only failure was his enterprise 
against Crete, Cardinal Mazarin having sent relief to the Venetians who were hard- 
pressed in that island. Kuprili retorted by immediately imprisoning the French 
ambassador Jacques de la Haye in 1658, and treated the threats of Louis XIV with 

Kuprili died on November 1, 1661, at the age of eighty. Mohammed IV paid 
him a visit on his deathbed, and promised that his son Ahmed Kuprili should 
succeed him in the office of Grand Vizier, a measure unprecedented in the history 
of this high office. Ahmed was highly educated, and possessed a thorough know- 
ledge of the Koran, the Sunna, and of Mohammedan science in general. His experi- 
ence had been acquired as Pasha of Erzeroum and Damascus, and as Kaim-makam 
of Stamboul, and he became Grand Vizier at the age of twenty-seven. The Sultan 
was then twenty-three years old, absorbed in luxury, the chase, in youths and after- 
wards in women, and was resident in Adrian ople. In 1662 Leopold's troops had 
seized Serimvar in Transylvania ; Ahmed attacked them in the spring of 1663. 
In spite of the fact that the soldiers' pay was stinted by the avaricious Sultan, 
he succeeded in capturing Neuhausel (September 27), Ujivar, Serimvar, and Gran. 
VOL. v n 


However, on August 1, 1664, he was defeated at Sankt Gotthard, a monastery 
on the Eaab (Vol. VII, p. 472). This battle marks a turning point in Turkish mili- 
tary history. The Austrians and Hungarians were co-operating with six thousand 
French under Count Jean Coligny and Francois d'Aubusson, Vicomte de la Feuil- 
lade, with the flower of the French nobility. The Grand Vizier regarded the pow- 
dered and perfumed Frenchmen with their bright uniforms as girls. The army 
was under the leadership of Eaimund, Count Montecuccoli, the Austrian field-mar- 
shal. Before the battle, the cavalry general Johann von Sporck bared his head and 
prayed, " Almighty God, our General on high, if Thou wilt not help us, Thy Chris- 
tian children, yet help not these Turkish dogs, and Thou shalt see somewhat to Thy 
delight." Coligny's French then charged the hostile ranks with the awful war-cry 
"Tue!" and the small-arm volley firing here secured its first triumph. The chapel 
of Sankt Gotthard, built in commemoration of the destruction of the Turkish army, 
is still to be seen. Jealousy and mistrust, as usual, made it impossible to reap the 
full advantage of the Christian victory. In the peace of Vasva"r, on August 10, 1664,. 
the Porte retained the fortresses of Serimvar and Ujvar. But a great moral effect 
was produced ; the Sanjak-i-shereef (the banner of the prophet) which had been 
unfurled in vain on August 13, 1595 (p. 157), had suffered another overthrow. 

Ahmed Kuprili was obliged to seek compensation in the conquest of Crete, 
At ten o'clock in the morning of September 27, 1669, the Proveditore Morosini 
(p. 161) handed to the Grand Vizier the keys of Candia, which the Venetians had 
held for four hundred and sixty-five years. The French relieving force under the 
duke Anne Jules de Noailles and Francois de Vendome was as ineffective as the 
fleet of Pope Clement IX. Naintel, the French ambassador, renewed the capitu- 
lations of Francis I with the Porte (p. 152) on June 3, 1673. According to these,, 
special rights were reserved or confirmed to the French ambassadors, French 
goods, the East India trade, the Catholics in Turkey, the ecclesiastical buildings, 
the French in Pera and Galata, and the Holy Places. 

A short time previously Bacon, Lord Verulam, and Hermann Coming had pub- 
lished suggestions for the solution of the Eastern question. These ideas were 
reopened by G. W. Leibnitz in 1670 and 1671 in his comprehensive memorial, "De 
propositione Eyptiaca," which he presented in person to the most Christian king in 
Paris. His proposals involved nothing less than the conquest of Egypt and the 
cutting of the Suez Canal. A French diplomat ironically observed of the memoir, 
" Mais vous savez que les projets d'une guerre sainte ont cesse* d'etre a la mode 
depuis Saint Louis." 

The place of the powers hitherto predominant is now taken by two new States 
in hostility to the crescent, Poland and Eussia. The Porte had confirmed the 
revolted Cossack Hetman of the Ukraine, Doroscenko, in the position of Sanjak 
Bey, or governor, as though he were dealing with a Turkish province. Poland raised 
a justifiable objection which ended in war. In the early autumn of 1672 Moham- 
med IV and Ahmed Kuprili ravaged Poland with one hundred and fifty thousand 
men as far as Kamenez', Lemberg, and Lublin, and forced the feeble king Michael 
Koribut Wisniowiecki to cede Podolia and the Ukraine in the peace of Budziak 
(Bucsacs) on September 18, 1672. But in the following year the crown field-mar- 
shal Johann Sobieski defeated the Grand Vizier and the Seraskier Hussein Pasha 
on the plain of Chotin (Chocim ; November 10-11, 1673), and captured the green 
banner, which still hangs in St. Peter's at Eome. In 1674-1675 Sobieski, who was 

Turkey in Europe 
and Armenia 


now King Johann III, captured the towns of Hunan and Lemberg and utterly 
defeated Kara Mustafa, the brother-in-law of Kuprili. Doroscenko threw him- 
self into the arms of the Eussians. The Czar Feodor III of Moscow, against whom 
the holy war was declared, came off victorious in three successive campaigns, 
1677-1679. Ahmed Kuprili had previously died at the beginning of November, 

In the peace of Eadyn (Eadzyn), February 11, 1681, the Poles obtained por- 
tions of the Ukraine and Podolia (which had already been of necessity returned 
to them in the peace of Zuravna, concluded on October 27, 1676, between the 
Sobieski and Ibraham Sheitan) ; while the Eussians again obtained access to a port 
on the Black Sea by the cession of the Laporog Cossacks. With this year begins 
the insidious influence of Eussia upon the Turkish Empire. 

(/3) Vienna and Of en. The pathway to this goal could only be engineered 
Dy the triumph and the blood of Austria. On August 10, 1683, the Porte at the 
instigation of Louis XIV had appointed the rebel Count Emerich Tokbly (Vol. VII, 
p. 485), to whom the king of France had sent one De Ferriol as ambassador, as king 
of Hungary, with influence extending over territory belonging to Austria. War 
was thereby rendered inevitable. Prince Eugene of Savoy afterwards declared in 
his memoirs, " Had it not been for Louis XIV, the Moslems and the revolted Hun- 
garians would never have reached the gates of Vienna." 

The arrogant and ignorant Kara Mustafa, who acted as Seraskier and Sirdar, 
with unlimited power, had dreams of founding a second Turkish Empire, of which 
he was to be the ruler, with Vienna as his capital. The emperor Leopold I fled 
to Linz. On March 31, 1683, Pope Innocent II brought about an alliance between 
the emperor and Poland. Charles of Lorraine, with forty thousand men, had been 
enabled to prevent the Turks from crossing the Eaab, and was waiting behind the 
Kahlenberg, anxiously expecting the help of the empire and of the Poles, while 
Count Eudiger of Starhemberg established himself in Vienna with ten thousand 
men. On July 14 two hundred thousand Turks pitched their tents before the 
town, and surrounded the whole of the fortifications, in conjunction with the Tar- 
tars and Khan Selim Giray I. A siege of terrible ferocity began, which lasted for 
forty-five days ; the Turks delivered eighteen assaults and the besieged made twenty- 
four sorties. Notwithstanding a brilliant defence the city was at the last gasp, 
when from the Kahlenberg and Leopoldberg rockets rose in the night of September 
6 and 7 announcing the approach of the relieving army, which had gathered at 
Tulln, on the Danube. In conjunction with Charles of Lorraine, and Johann, 
Georg III of Saxony, Max Emanuel of Bavaria, Georg Friedrich of Waldeck, 
Johann III of Poland gathered his army of seventy thousand men, and made the 
Kahlenberg his base at the outset of the battle, which he concluded on September 
12 with a total defeat of the Turks (cf. Vol. VII, p. 486). On September 13 he 
made his entry into Vienna, and was greeted as the liberator of the town. It was 
not until all danger was past that the emperor returned. 

The Turks fled from Germany for ever, abandoning inestimable treasure. Sobi- 
eski, with Charles of Lorraine, pursued and defeated them at Parkany and cap- 
tured Gran. Kara Mustafa fled to Belgrade, where he was strangled by the 
Sultan's orders on December 25 ; his tragic end was illustrated by numerous con- 
temporary pamphlets and pictures. In 1684 the imperial troops won a series 

164 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

of victories at Wissegrad, Waitzen, Pesth, and Hamzsabe'g over Suleiman Pasha. 
Count Leslie made a victorious advance into Bosnia. The age of Osman triumphs 
had passed ; on August 19 Neuhausel was stormed and captured. But the greatest 
event of this campaign was the siege and the fall of Ofen on September 2, 1686, an 
exploit which saved some portion of the library of the Corvini. The German 
emperor's field-marshal Charles of Lorraine, supported by the German elector 
Maximilian Emanuel, and by troops from all German provinces (Bavaria, Saxony, 
and Brandenburg), had wrested from the hands of the infidels the most important 
Turkish outpost, the capital city of the realm of St. Stephen, and also the remainder 
of those territories. Thus the freedom of the Magyars was by no means due to the 
bravery of that proud and warlike nation. On August 12, 1687, the indefatigable 
Charles defeated sixty thousand troops of Suleiman Pasha in the battle of Mohacs 
(Vol. VII, p. 489), and thus avenged the victory which Suleiman II had gained 
there in 1526. 

The high expectations which were excited by the Austrian victories and 
the simultaneous successes of the Venetians in the Morea are displayed in the 
pamphlet of the year 1687, "The Triumphant Imperial Eagle;" it was already 
reported that the Sultan would have to transfer his capital to Cairo, Damascus, or 
Aleppo. In 1688 Transylvania also gave in her submission to the emperor and 
king of Hungary, and secured full toleration for the four Christian religious com- 
munities that were recognised in the country. In this same year the Turkish 
Empire suffered severely from a famine and from conflagrations. In 1685 the 
Poles had advanced to Jassy and were defeated at Bojan. All the more merito- 
rious were the victories of the Venetians in the Morea under the defender of 
Candia, the capable general Francesco Morosini. They drove the Turks out of 
Dalmatia, conquered Santa Maura, Prevdza, Arta, Corinth, Argos, Patras, Koron(i), 
Modon, Navarino, Napoli di Eomania, and Malvasia. The banner of Saint Mark 
flew once again in Greece, and in the Palace of the Doges the grateful Senate 
erected a triumphal arch to "Morosini the Peloponnesian." It must be said 
that during the siege of Athens the Venetians inflicted great damage upon the 
immortal Parthenon. The powder explosion which was caused in the Parthenon by 
a shell from the batteries of the Venetian general Otto Wilhelm, Count of Kb'nigs- 
mark, on September 26, 1687, at seven o'clock in the evening, completed the destruc- 
tion of this ancient sanctuary of Pallas Athene, the Madonna, and the Panagia. 
The liberation of Greece, the unbroken dream of European Philhellenes, and the 
event for which the oppressed Greeks yearned, had never been so near realisation 
since the fall of Constantinople and Athens. For Athens, however, the interval of 
freedom lasted only until April 9, 1G89, when Morosini, who had been appointed 
Doge, gave up the town which he found untenable. From Porto Lione (the 
Pinuus) he carried off hi safety the Athenian lions, which stand to-day before the 
Arsenal of Venice, as memorials of the abortive attempt at liberation, and of 
the pillaging of Athenian art treasures, and form a counter piece to the bronze 
horses upon the portal of San Marco, which were taken from the sack of Constan- 
tinople in 1204. For three years the town of Pallas was abandoned by its 
inhabitants, until the Sultan allowed the Athenians to return in 1690. Philipp 
Fallmereyer, misinterpreting the fragments of the Monastery of Anargyri, has 
extended this three years' desolation to a period of four hundred years, extending 
from the sixth to the tenth century (cf. p. 47). 


(&) Carlowitz and Poscharewatz. This series of misfortunes led to conspira- 
cies among the Janissaries and Ulemas and to the deposition of the Sultan, who 
was imprisoned in the Seraglio, where he died iorgotten five years later. The 
conspirators passed over the sons of Mohammed IV, Mustafa, who was twenty- 
three years old, and Ahmed, who was fourteen, and appointed his brother Sulei- 
man III (1687-1691) as Sultan. The Germans continued their conquests under 
the Margrave Ludwig "Wilhelm of Baden, and captured Lippa, Illok, Peterwardein, 
and Erlau. On August 11, 1688, Belgrade was surrounded by the elector Max 
Einanuel of Bavaria, with 53,000 troops from the empire and imperial provinces, 
and stormed on September 6 ; it was, however, recaptured on October 18, 1690, by 
the Grand Vizier, Mustafa Kuprili. Charles of Lorraine was fighting on the 
Ehine ; this brilliant leader would no doubt have advanced upon Constantinople, 
after the fall of Belgrade, true to his motto, " aut mine ant nunquam." Mustafa 
Kuprili, known as Fazil, the virtuous, was now the one support of the tottering 
empire. In the new ordinance the " Nisam Jedid " he issued orders for Christian 
toleration, renewed in 1690 the capitulations of 1673 with the Marquis de Chateau- 
neuf, the ambassador of Louis XIV, and after the victory of Tokoly at Zernesht 
over Generals Hausler and Doria he successfully renewed the war with the 
conquest of Nissa, Widdin, Semendria, and Belgrade. 

On July 23, 1691, Suleiman III died, and was succeeded by his brother 
Ahmed II (1691-1695). The Grand Vizier, in whose army three hundred French 
officers were serving, was utterly defeated on August 19 at Slankamen, not far 
from Peterwardein, by the Margrave of Baden (the " Turkish Louis " ) and the 
Brandenburg general Hans Albrecht von Barfus (Vol. VIII) ; with him per- 
ished on the field of battle thirteen pashas, many officers, and twenty thousand 
men. The Germans also suffered severe losses. After the death of Ahmed II, on 
February 6, 1695, and the accession of Mustafa II (1695-1703) the Kapudan 
Pasha, Hussein Pasha, "Mezzo Morto," recaptured Chios from the Venetians 
(February 18). Mustafa in person defeated the bold Count Friedrich von Veter- 
ani-Mallentheim at Lugos on September 22, and took Lippa, while Peter the Great 
of Eussia forced Azov to surrender in July, 1696. 

On July 5, 1697, Prince Eugene of Savoy was appointed commander-in-chief 
of the whole of the imperial army. On July 24 the prince, who was thirty-four 
years of age, took the field; he had already won his spurs before the walls of 
Vienna, and from that moment the fortunes of the Turks deserted them. After 
pacifying a revolt in Upper Hungary, he followed the Sultan by forced marches to 
Zenta; when the sun set upon September 2, 20,000 Turks lay dead upon the 
battlefield, and 10,000 in the Theiss ; only 2,000 escaped. The Sultan was obliged 
to watch the destruction of his army from the opposite bank of the river ; he fled 
to Temesvar and retired across the Danube. This brilliant exploit of the imperial 
army is preserved in memory by the rough German ballad : " Turk, the hour is 
now come that thou wilt be destroyed, for we have determined to put an end to 
thy empire. In truth the disgraceful Frenchman, who stirs up trouble through 
the world, helps thee secretly and without conscience, saying that we shall then 
be overthrown. . . ." Making Transylvania his base of operations, Count Eoger 
of Bussy-Eabutin made an incursion at that moment, with 30,000 cavalry, into the 
Bauat and recaptured Uipalanka on the Danube. 

The results, however, of the peace of Eyswick (Vol. VII, p. 493) and of the 


battle of Zenta could not be utilised to the full, as the emperor was obliged to 
carry on war in four different places at one and the same time. Moreover, the 
Austrian war ministry was utterly exhausted. After more than three months of 
negotiations which were spent in breaking down the resistance of Poland and 
Eussia to the intervention of the sea powers, Holland and England, and in over- 
throwing the influence of the French ambassador in Starnboul, the peace of 
Carlowitz, on the Danube, was concluded on January 26, 1699 (see the plate 
facing this page, " Map for the History of European Turkey "). This peace gave 
the emperor Transylvania and most of Hungary, and to the king of Poland, 
Kamenez ; the Venetian Eepublic secured the Morea, without Lepanto, while 
Eagusa was embodied in the Turkish Empire. The chief result, however, of the 
peace was to place diplomatic relations between the emperor and the Sultan upon 
a basis that corresponded to the dignity of the former. The emperor was now in 
a position to secure the solidarity of the Hungarian territories, though unfortu- 
nately his administrative capacities were not equal to the task. Eevolts on the 
part of the magnates Franz II Eakoczy, Anton Esterhazy-Forchtenstein, Alexander 
Karoly, and others, and of the evangelical population, repeatedly endangered the 
position of this dearly acquired province. 

Mustafa II retired to Adrianople. The Grand Vizier Hussein Kuprili 
employed the peace of Carlowitz for the introduction of opportune reforms ; but 
his premature death in 1703 deprived the empire of his services. His succes- 
sor, Mustafa Daltaban, showed great cruelty to the Catholic Armenians. He, 
together with the Grand Mufti Feisullah, was sacrificed to the Janissaries, who 
then dethroned the Sultan, and set up his brother Ahmed III (1703-1730) under 
the condition that he should transfer his residence back to Constantinople. 
Mustafa II was confined in the Seraglio, where he was poisoned four months after 
his deposition. Like his predecessors, Ahmed devoted himself personally to the 
art of poetry. The most important event in his government was the arrival at 
Bender of the Swedish king, who had been defeated at Poltava in 1709 by the 
Eussians, the Wittelsbach Charles XII (the great-uncle of Johann Kasimir of 
Pfalz-Zweibrucken). The Grand Vizier Ali Chorli had promised him the help of 
the Khan of the Grim Tartars, and thus induced him to enter the Ukraine, in 
spite of the Eussian superiority. The Grand Vizier was prevented from fulfilling 
his promise by his deposition. " Charles Ironhead " (demirbash) as the Turks 
called him, placed one thousand men at Czernovitz on the border of Moldavia to 
keep watch upon the Eussians, and with his faithful friend, Stanislaus Poniatoffsky, 
induced the Turks to declare war against Eussia (November 21, 1710). He had 
already begun secret negotiations with the Greek subjects of the Sultan. At 
Kush on the Pruth the Grand Vizier Baltaji Mohammed defeated the thirty thou- 
sand men of the Czar Peter, with a force three times as great ; but the Czarina 
Katharine succeeded in securing freedom and favourable conditions of peace on 
July 21 and 22, 1711, by bribing Osman Aga and the Grand Vizier. After this 
the Czar gave up his claims to Azov and its territory. After an adventurous 
journey through central Europe the Swedish king returned from Demotika to 
Stralsund in November, 1714. 

Thanks to the treacherous Greeks, who preferred the Osman yoke to the Cath- 
olic government, the Grand Vizier Damad Ali was enabled to recover the Morea 
from the Venetians (1715), who had grown effeminate in the luxurious life of their 




palaces, and did nothing to secure their precious possession. The emperor and 
Pope found an occasion for alliance in the " Holy Federation " of 1697. Their 
united fleet traversed the Archipelago under the papal flag. In 1760 Corfu was 
freed from the Turkish besieging forces by the bold resistance of the Venetian 
general Johanii Matthias, Count of Schulenburg (August 19) ; his marble statue in 
Corfu, erected in 1718 by the Venetian Senate, bears the fine inscription " Adhuc 
viventi." Prince Eugene insisted upon carrying out the terms of the treaty, and 
gathered an army at Futak near Peterwardein. On August 5, in conjunction with 
Prince Alexander of Wurtemberg, he won the battle of Peterwardein, " the Hun- 
garian Gibraltar," in which the Grand Vizier Ali Kamurjich was slain. Pope 
Clement XI sent the prince a consecrated sword and hat. The Banat was con- 
quered by Claudius Florimund Count Mercy, and Temesvar fell (November 13 ; 
cf. VoL VII, p. 517). Eugene decisively rejected an attempt at intervention on 
the part of the sea powers and turned upon Belgrade. The bombardment of the 
island town began on July 23, when the Turkish army approached from Semen- 
dria. The imperial troops had been increased by six infantry battalions from 
the electorate of Bavaria and a dragoon regiment. The Bavarian princes, Karl 
Albrecht and Ferdinand, were before the walls on which their father had per- 
formed his most brilliant feat of arms in 1688 (p. 165). On August 17 Prince 
Ferdinand Albrecht II of Brunswick-Bevern began the assault and the battle; 
Belgrade surrendered on the following day with a garrison of twenty-five thou- 
sand men. The fame of the " noble knight " was in all men's mouths. 

In the spring of 1717 negotiations for peace were begun at Posharewatz (Pass- 
arovitz) on the Danube. The same Christian powers which had formerly made 
such feeble efforts to crush the enemy of Christendom now displayed great 
anxiety to diminish the strength of the Holy Koman Empire. Eugene determined 
to make a military demonstration towards Nish and far into Bosnia. On July 21 
the convention was concluded. The Porte gave up the Banat, with Temesvar, 
Belgrade, and a strip of territory running to the south of the Save. The jurisdic- 
tion of the imperial consuls over subjects of the Eoman Empire resident in the 
Turkish Empire was confirmed in a commercial treaty. 

(<?) The Peace of Belgrade. Between 1722 and 1724 a protracted struggle 
liroke out between the Osmans and the Sefevid Shahs, Hosain and Thamasp of 
Persia (VoL III, p. 382), which brought some advantage to the Eussians by the 
conquest of Daghestan and other provinces on the Caspian Sea ; it resulted on 
September 7, 1730, in the deposition of Ahmed III, who had vainly sacrificed to 
the demand of the Janissaries the Grand Vizier Damad Ibrahim, the Kapudan 
Pasha, and the Kyaya-beg (minister for domestic affairs). Ahmed died in 1736 of 
poison, when war broke out between Eussia and Turkey again. He left a brilliant 
memorial behind him, in respect of his influence upon Osman architecture. 
Edmondo de Amicis, the well-known writer of belles lettres, speaks of this in 
1877 in enthusiastic words: "Indeed the hands which created such glorious works 
cannot have been the hands of a barbarian. The famous fountain of Ahmed III 
is a marvel of grace, richness, and patience, a thing to be kept under a glass case, 
jiot meant for the eyes alone, but seeming to exhale a radiance of its own. How 
magnificent must this gigantic jewel have been when it was unveiled in the 
splendour of its freshness one hundred and sixty years ago." 

168 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

Mahmud I (1730-1754) a nephew of Ahmed, was a learned prince, devoted to 
luxury, science, and fine architecture. He enriched Stamboul with four libraries, a 
mosque, several fountains, and eight summer houses on the banks of the Bosphorus, 
punished drunkenness severely, and induced the Moslems to exchange the wine 
beaker for the coffee cup. He displayed great severity against the libertine 
manners of the women. " Their naked bodies were clothed only with the purple 
folds of the sea-waves," said the historian Izzi (Isi). He displayed a stern 
fanaticism in opposing the movement of the reformer Mohammed Abd el-Wahhab 
and of the Wahhabites in Arabia (1745), and decorated the Kaaba at Mecca with 
extravagant splendour. He allowed the Janissaries to exercise unlimited influence 
upon all affairs of state. 

However, under his government the kingdom reached a further height of pros- 
perity. The campaign of the Turks against the Austrians and Eussians ended in 
the defeat of the Austrians at Kroczka (Tricornium ; July 23, 1739) which led to 
the peace of Belgrade, September 18. The death of Prince Eugene (April 21, 
1736) was a loss severely felt. The imperial generals Friedr. Heinr. von Seck- 
endorf, Ludw. Andr. Count of Khevenhtiller, Georg Olivier Count of Wallis, and 
Wilh. Eeinh. Count of Neipperg endangered all success by their mutual jeal- 
ousies, and were forced to retire from Servia and Bosnia, beyond the Save and 
Danube. They therefore accepted the proposals formulated by the French diplo- 
matist De Villeneuve, which implied the cession of Belgrade, Orsova, Lesser 
Wallachia, and Bosnia. Austria's Eastern policy was checked at this boundary for 
a long period. Eussia, however, which had gained a firm footing on the Baltic 
since the northern war (Vol. VII, p. 501) began to entertain hopes of entering 
upon her inheritance. For the moment, however, she was forced to content her- 
self with Azov, on the Black Sea, which she had captured on July 1, 1736, on her 
first devastation of the Crimea, and to resign her other conquests. 

Turkish politics had never been in such close connection with those of Europe 
as a whole as in the reign of Mahmud I, the Solomon of the Golden Horn. Diplo- 
matists of every country thronged to his court, and rivalled one another in their 
efforts to secure the favour of the Grand Turk and of his viziers, and to. conclude 
favourable commercial treaties. The greatest influence was possessed by the 
French ambassadors such as De Villeneuve, Castellane, and Desailleurs, who 
renewed and increased the old capitulations in 1740 (pp. 152, 165). The success 
of the Turkish army in the campaigns of 1737-1739 was apparently due to the 
prudent counsels of the French renegade Claude Alexandre, Count of Bonneval 
(" Ahmed Pasha," 1675-1747). In 1747 Louis XV sent the Sultan many splendid 
presents, and twenty-two artillerists to work his new guns. In 1748 the Sublime 
Porte offered to act for the king as mediator at the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle ; 
Turkish pride had thus reached its zenith. The Osman imperial historian Izzi 
(see above) relates the conclusion of the peace with the words, " God gave the 
dog power over the swine." 


OSMAN III (1754-1757) a brother of Mahmud I (deceased September 13,1754) 
was fifty-four years of age when he emerged from prison, an embittered and 
hardened character. During his reign the post of Grand Vizier changed hands 


fifteen times. The eldest son of Ahmed III, Prince Mohammed Khan, on whom 
high hopes were et, died before his father. Hence on the death of the Sultan the 
succession went to the second son of Ahmed, Mustafa III (1754-1773). His reign 
was distinguished by the Grand Viziership of Eaghib Mohammed, who gave new 
vigour to the empire, and also won considerable reputation as an author. In 
1747 he routed the Mameluke Beys in Cairo, and on March 23, 1761, he concluded 
a treaty for maritime commerce, trade, and friendship with Frederick the Great 
of Prussia, the sole object of which was to deprive the Austrians of the fruits 
of Carlowitz and Poscharewatz. 

The Polish question brought about a fresh war between the Porte and Eussia. 
On October 6, 1769, the Grand Vizier Hamsa confined the Eussian ambassador 
Obryeskoff in the Castle of the Seven Towers. The Khan of the Nogish Crimean 
Tartars, K(e)rin Giray, entered the Eussian provinces on the Dnieper and Dniester, 
though his death (March, 1769) freed Eussia from this enemy. Mustafa III had 
already adopted the name of Ghazi (the victorious). The Sultan beheaded both 
the Grand Vizier Mohammed Emin, and also the Voivode of Moldavia, Kalli- 
machi, for their ill success against the Eussians under Alexander Golizyn and 
Peter Eumjanzoff (Eomanzoff) at Pruth. Khalil Pasha suffered defeat in 1770 
at Giurgevo, Bucharest, and Slatina. Meanwhile the Eussian fleet under Gregor 
Orloff Spiridoff and John Elphinstone had sailed from the Baltic to the Archi- 
pelago, and landed troops at Vitylo in the Morea. Alexij Orloff had defeated a 
Turkish fleet on July 6 in the roadstead of Cheshme (Krini) at Chios, and burnt it. 
Further, the Christians of Montenegro, the Mainots, and other Greeks of the 
Morea, especially in Kalamata, revolted in numbers under the leadership of 
Eussian officers. But the hour of liberation had not yet struck. The Eussian 
fleet could not force the passage of the Dardanelles, which had been fortified by 
the Hungarian Frenchman Baron Franz Tott (1733-1793) ; the Greek revolt was 
suppressed with great slaughter, with the help of the Albanians, enlisted by the 
Porte. The Albanians inflicted terrible devastation upon Greece, until the Porte 
was forced to take measures against them; but it was not until 1779 that they 
were almost destroyed by Hassan Pasha at Tripolitsa. Eumjanzoff, however, 
captured Kartal, Bender, and Braila. The Sultan determined to propose to the 
emperor by means of the Internuntius, J. A. Franz de Paula von Thugut, the 
partition of Poland, for which purpose he had already taken up arms. He did not 
suspect that this object had already been determined by the northern powers. 
Meanwhile, General Weismann won further victories in 1771 at Giurgevo and 
Tuldsha on the Danube, as did Vassilii Dolgorukii in the Crimea (" Krimskij "). 
The Janissaries began to murmur and refuse obedience. At this moment the 
peace' congress met in August in Focani. The Eussians expressly forbade 
the offered intervention of Austria and Prussia. Meanwhile the war continued. 
The Eussians won further victories. Weismann fell at Kainarje (July 1, 1773); 
Eumjanzoff advanced through Silistria to Varna (November 10). Supported by 
Eussian gold, Ali Bey (Vol. Ill, p. 712) and Thir had revolted in Syria and 
Egypt. A. Orloff bombarded Beyrout. 

Mustafa III died on December 24, 1773 ; as his son Selim (III) was but twelve 
years old, Mustafa's brother Abdul Hamid I (1774-1789) ascended the tottering 
throne. On July 21, 1774, at Kutchuk-Kainarje, four hours from Silistria, that 
peace was concluded which Thugut has named the masterpiece of Eussian diplo- 

170 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

macy. "Russia obtained a kind of protectorate over Moldavia and Wallachia, and 
the Greek Christians in Turkey; so, at any rate, an article in this convention 
referring to Pera and Jerusalem was afterwards interpreted by the Russians. 
Further advantages were certain stations in the Crimea, and free passage in the 
Black and ./Egean Seas. 

Peace was not, however, concluded " for all time." As early as 1783 Grigorii 
Potemkin again invaded the Crimea, seized the peninsula of Taman, drove out the 
Tartar khan, Shahin Giray, and incorporated this country and the Kuban territo- 
ries in the Eussian Empire as the provinces of Tauria and Caucasia. Joseph II 
had come to a meeting in April, 1780, with the Czarina Katharine II in Mohileff, 
and had forced the Sultan to give way by threats of war. In May, 1787, fol- 
lowed the memorable meeting of the rulers in Kherson, where Potemkin inscribed 
upon the southern gate the boastful inscription, " This way to Byzantium." On 
August 16 the Grand Vizier anticipated a revolt of the Janissaries by confining the 
Eussian ambassador Bulgakoff in the castle of the seven towers (Yedekule). On 
October 12 Alexander W. Suvoroff began the second war. Austria had never led 
so powerful an army against the Turks. Their force included 245,000 infantry, 
37,000 cavalry, and 900 guns, but no plan of co-operation with the Russians had 
been evolved. Prince Josias of Saxe-Coburg captured Chotin, the famous Laudon 
Novi and Dubicza in Bosnia in 1788; Potemkin conquered Oczakoff (September 
17, 1788), and in the Crimea the city of Hajibei, the later Odessa (the autumn of 

On April 1, 1789, Abdul Hamid I died, and was succeeded by Selim III, 
an energetic character, and the only son of Mustafa III (1789-1807; see plate 
facing p. 149), who had hitherto pursued his studies in the Seraglio ; he was the 
bitter enemy of Austria. The first important events during the continuation of 
the war were the victories of Coburg and Suvoroff at Foc^aui (August 1 ; cf. above) 
and of the general Karl Joseph, Count Clerfait, at Mehadia on the Cerna at 
Orsova ; on September 22 followed the victory of Suvoroff and Coburg at Martin- 
stie on the Eimnek. On October 8 Belgrade was surrendered, and the imperial 
banner again floated on the battlements of the fortresses. Joseph's system of 
government, however, excited the strongest opposition, both in the Netherlands 
and in Hungary. Austria was obliged to agree to negotiations at Sistova. The 
Eussians gave a decided refusal to send delegates to the congress, and declined to 
admit any intervention whatever on the part of foreign powers. On December 
22, 1790, Suvoroff had stormed Ismail, the strongest of all the fortresses on the 
Danube. The French Revolution forced Austria and Prussia to compose their 
ilifferences (Vol. VIII) ; the result of their deliberations was the convention of 
Sistova on the Danube, August 4, 1791. The allied imperial courts had failed to 
obtain their object, the partition of European Turkey. Leopold II (emperor 
since February 20, 1790) was forced to surrender the fertile district of Wallachia, 
and even his acquisitions of Laudon and Belgrade ; it was settled that the stream 
of Cerna should henceforward form the frontier. Russia carried on communica- 
tions on her own account in Galatz by means of Prince Nikolai W. Repnin, con- 
tenting herself with Oczakoff and the frontier of the Dniester. After the death of 
Potemkin (October 16, 1791), the peace of Jassy was finally concluded on Janu- 
ary 9, 1792, by Count Besborodko. The northern shore of the Black Sea had 
become Russian. 

?2r* 9 '] HISTORY OF THE WORLD 171 




SELIM III undertook the difficult task of defending an empire that was threat- 
ened on every side. Syria, Egypt, and Roumelia, Jessar Pasha in St. Jean d'Arc, 
the Mamelukes in Cairo and Pasvan-Oglu in Widdin on the Danube, together 
with the subject hordes of the Krzalijes or Kyrjalis, and their leader, the famous 
Bulgarian Inje Voivoda, threw off the government of the Sublime Porte almost 
simultaneously. Bonaparte was prepared to put an end to the Venetian republic 
in 1797, and informed the Directorate that France must retain Corfu. " For Corfu 
and Zante," he wrote to Talleyrand, " make us masters of the Adriatic Sea ; with- 
out these it is in vain to attempt to preserve the Turkish Empire." Even before 
this time Talleyrand had turned his eyes upon Egypt. Bonaparte was now ordered 
to seize Malta and Egypt, to drive the English out of the Red Sea, and to pierce 
the Isthmus of Suez. On July 1, 1798, 36,000 Frenchmen seized Egypt. Talley- 
rand attempted to convince the Sultan that the campaign was directed only against 
the Mamelukes. Interference in the Eastern question was bound to force Russia 
into action against France. On September 1 the Porte declared war against 
France, confined the French ambassador Ruffin in the Castle of the Seven Towers 
(Yedikule), supported the European coalition for some time, allowed his fleet to 
co-operate with the Russians, who captured the Ionian Islands from the French. 
However, after Bonaparte's victory at Aboukir on July 25, 1799 (Vol. Ill, p. 713) 
the Sultan resumed his policy of neutrality, and concluded peace with France ; he 
liad to struggle against the most dangerous enemies at home, the decay of the 
finances, the disobedience of the Janissaries, of the Pasha of Janina (Ali ; see 
Fig. 2 of the plate facing p. 184), of Widdin, Syria, and the Wahhabites of Arabia. 

In 1802 the Sultan determined upon a " reorganisation " (Nisan Jedid) of the 
army, a movement equivalent to a coup d'e'tat. The new troop, a militia trained 
in European methods, was to be really a counterpoise to the Janissaries, and 
a Hatti-sherif of 1805 forced the flower of the Osman youth to enlist under 
its flag. 

In 1804 a violent* revolt of the Serbs, under Georg Petrovic, otherwise Czerney 
or Karageorge, broke out at Sibnitza, Deligrad, Stalatz, and Nish against the 
arbitrary methods of the Janissaries ; it was supported, owing to Russian influence, 
by the Hospodars of Moldavia and Wallachia, Konstantin Murusis and Kon- 
stantin Ypsilantis. In 1805 the revolt spread further. In 1806 the Serbs defeated 
the Turks at Shabatz, and after a temporary repulse conquered Belgrade in 
September, 1806, were victorious at Ushitze under Milos Obrenovic in 1807, and 
organised the popular assembly (Skuptshina). Western Europe considered this 
warlike movement as the beginning of the general liberation of the Christian 
rayahs (hearths) from Turkish supremacy, and it is in this fact that its historical 
importance consists. 

First, however, the great theatre of the war was opened in the north. Not 
only had Napoleon I secured his recognition as emperor from the Sultan, 1806, but 
Marshal Brune, who was French ambassador in Constantinople from 1803 to 1805, 

172 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

induced Selim to disown the convention of Jassy (1792), by the deposition of the 
voivodes of Wallachia; the Czar thereupon sent an army to the Danube under 
the Freiherr von Michelson, while the English fleet under Duckworth forced 
the Dardanelles, and appeared in the Sea of Marmora. The capital, however, had 
been thrown into a state of defence by the French ambassador, Count Sebastian i, 
and forced the fleet to retreat to Egypt. Napoleon, on November 11, 1806, wrou- 
to the Sultan from Berlin, to the effect that fate had appointed him the saviour of 
Turkey. He attempted to secure a compact between the Porte and Persia, from 
which Russia had taken Miugrelia, as recently as 1803-1804, with Karabagh, and 
Shirvan in 1805. In the peace of Tilsit (July 7, 1807) the Czar and emperor cer- 
tainly formed a secret compact to capture the Turkish possessions in Europe as 
far as Constantinople, and divide them between themselves (Vol. VIII). The 
Corsican declared that he would never leave Constantinople, to rule which was 
to rule the world. At a later date the Czar Alexander declared to the French 
ambassador, Caulaincourt, Duke of Vicenza, that to Russia Constantinople could 
be nothing else than a provincial town at the extreme end of her empire, that it 
was his by the mere facts of geography, and that he must have the key to the door 
of his own house. 

Meanwhile, however, Turkey was shaken to her very depths. Selim III 
attempted to force a number of troops to wear the uniform of the Nisan .Jedid ; 
the result was the revolt of May 29, 1807. In vain the terrified ruler sacrificed 
his councillors, and flung their heads over the walls of the Seraglio ; in vain did he 
promise to annul the Nisan Jedid. Selim was deposed by a fetva of the Mufti 
(May 31, 1807). Mustafa IV (1807-1808) was raised to the throne by the Ulemas. 
In vain did the victorious general Mustafa Bairaktar (see Fig. 1 on the plate facing 
p. 188) advance from Rustchuk upon the capital. He found that the deposed 
Sultan had been already strangled. In vain did he fetch Prince Mahmud, who 
was utterly terrified, from his hiding-place, and proclaim him Sultan, as the second 
son of Abd ul-Hamid I (July 28, 1808), while he punished the murderers of Selim 
with a fearful massacre, re-established the Nisan Jedid, secured the execution of 
Mustafa IV by the Sultan, and attempted to destroy the Janissaries. This last act 
proved his own destruction. The populace supported the Janissaries ; Bairaktar 
was closely besieged, and blew himself up with his opponents on November 14. 


MAHMUD II (1808-1839 ; see plate facing p. 149) recognised the Janissaries in 
a solemn Hatti-sherif, issued on November 18, as the firmest support of the thrum'. 
The army and the population greeted the one surviving descendant of the Osman 
house with enthusiasm, and the "Chok yasha Sultan Mahmud" resounded from 
thousands of throats in the mosques and on the public squares. The Osman 
dynasty had been saved as by a miracle. The Sultan, who was then twenty-three 
years of age, was confronted by two dangerous opponents, the Serbs and Russians. 
The latter were supporting the Serbs and also the Montenegrins against the Turks 
and the French in l>almatia. However, the war upon the Danube was (.'ontimii'd 
with no great vigour. It was not until the peace of Frederikshamn, of September 
17, 1809, when Russia acquired Finland from Sweden and secured a guarantee 


from Napoleon that the Polish kingdom should not be restored, that the Turkish 
war again took a prominent place in Russian policy. In 1810 Prince Bagration 
was replaced by Count Kamenskii as supreme commander over eighty thousand 
men. He immediately crossed the Danube, and on June 3 captured Bazar jik, 
which was followed by the conquest of Silistria, Sistova, Rustchuk, Giurgevo, and 
Nicopolis. The fear of Napoleon and of a Polish rising prevented further enter- 
prise. After the death of Kamenskii, Golenishcheff-Kutusoff, (Vol. VIII, p. 57), 
who was sixty-five years of age, utterly defeated the Turks on October 12, 1811, at 
Slobodse and Rustchuk. This victory decided the war. The English fleet made a 
demonstration before the Dardanelles to prevent the Sultan agreeing to the conti- 
nental embargo of Napoleon. The peace of Bucharest, May 12, 1812, reconfirmed 
the conventions of Klitchuk-Kainarje and Jassy, ceded Bessarabia to Russia, and 
gave the Serbs an amnesty, greater independence, and an extension of territory. 
The brothers Murusi, the Sultan's Phanariot negotiators, were executed upon their 
return home on account of the extravagance of the concessions made by them to 
the Czar. 

(a) The Foundation of the Servian Principality. The Russians had secured 
an influence in Servia, which Austria 'had obstinately disdained. When, however, 
in May, 1813, the Russians appeared on the Oder and Elbe, the Turkish army 
again advanced into Servia ; Georg Petrovic fled to Russia by way of Austria. The 
Osmans exacted a bitter vengeance upon the country, but on Palm Sunday, April 
11, 1815, Milos Obrenovic appeared with the ancient banner of the Voivodes. The 
people as a whole flocked to the standard, and the Turks were left in possession 
only of their fortresses. On November 6, 1817, MiloS was recognised by the 
bishop, the Kneses, and people, as voivode ; while Karageorge, who had returned 
to the country to ally himself with the Greek Hetairia, was murdered. 

(b) The Greek War of Liberation. Almost contemporary with the Society of 
the Philomusoi, which was founded in Athens in 1812, arose in Greece the secret 
confraternity of the " philiki " ((f>i\itcr) eraipia), whose energies after some years 
brought about the open struggle for freedom. Three young Greeks, Nik. Skuphas 
of Arta, Ath. Tzakaloph of Janina, and Panag. Anagiiostopulos of Andritzena, 
founded the new Hetairia at Odessa in 1814, and swore " to arrive at a decision 
between themselves and the enemies of their country only by means of fire and 
sword." Oaths of appalling solemnity united this growing band of comrades. 
This yearning for liberation proceeded from and was sustained by an intellectual 
renaissance of the nation. From the time of the conquest of Byzantium by the 
Turks, the Greeks had been deprived of all political freedom. But under the 
ecclesiastical protection of their patriarch in Fanar and in monasteries (at Athos 
and Janina in Epirus, and in the theological school of the Peloponnese at Dimit- 
zana) the spark of culture and freedom had glowed amongst the ashes, and was 
kept alive in the language of the Church and the Gospel. As was the case with 
the Armenians and the Jews, superior intelligence and dexterity secured the high- 
est positions for the Greeks in the immediate proximity of the Padishah. After 
the position of first interpreter of the Porte had fallen into their hands (at the end 
of the seventeenth century) all negotiations concerning foreign policy were carried 
on through them ; they were preferred for ambassadorial posts in foreign courts, 

174 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter ir 

and from the eighteenth century the Porte made a practice of choosing from their 
numbers the hospodars of Moldavia and Wallachia. The opinion of an English 
diplomatist upon these Phanariots shortly before the outbreak of the Greek Eevo- 
lution, which was translated by Goethe, is well known, " Under the oppression exer- 
cised by Turkish despotism with a daily increasing force, the Greek character 
acquired a readiness for subterfuge and a perversity of judgment on questions of 
morality, which a continuance of servitude gradually developed to an habitual 
double dealing and treachery, which strikes the foreigner from the first moment." 
However, the Greeks looked anxiously to Eussian champions and liberators, not- 
withstanding all the apparent privileges received from the Porte, from the time of 
the peace of Posharevatz, when the whole of the Morea fell into the possession of 
the Turks. In the devastation which Eussia's attempt to liberate the Morea had 
brought down upon Greece in 1770, when Hellas and Peloponnese suffered inhu- 
man devastation from the Albanians whom the Turks called in, Athens and the 
islands had been spared ; in 1779 the Turks found themselves obliged to send 
Hasan Pasha to destroy the unbridled Albanians at Tripolitsa. In the peace 
of Kutchuk-Kainarje in 1774 Kussia had again been obliged to abandon the 
Greeks to the Osinans, though the Turkish yoke became proportionately lighter 
as the power of the Porte grew feebler. The Hellenes enriched themselves by 
means of commerce ; the sails of the merchantmen sent out by the islands covered 
the Mediterranean. During the French Eevolution almost the entire Levant trade 
of the Venetians and the French fell into their hands. The number of Greek 
sailors was estimated at ten thousand. In their struggles with the pirates their 
ships had always sailed prepared for war, and they had produced a race of war- 
riors stout-hearted and capable, like the Armatoles, who served in the armies of 
Europe. In the mountain ranges of Maina, of Albania, and Thessaly still survived 
the independent spirit of the " wandering shepherds " (" klephts ") who had never 
bowed to the Osman sword. The children of the rich merchants who traded with 
the coasts of Europe studied in Western schools, and readily absorbed the free 
ideals of the American Union and the French Eevolution. In the year 1796 
Konstantinos Ehigas of PheraB (Velestino in Thessaly, Vol. VIII, p. 543) sketched 
in Vienna a plan for the general rising of his nation, and secured an enthusiastic 
support for his aims, which he sang in fiery ballads. When he was planning to 
enter into relations with Bonaparte, whom he regarded as the hero of freedom, he 
was arrested in Trieste in 1798, and handed over by the Austrian police, with five 
of his companions, to the Pasha of Belgrade, who executed him. He died the 
death of a hero, with the words, " I have sown the seed, and my nation will reap 
the sweet fruit." Adamantios Korais (1748-1833) of Smyrna was working in 
Paris together with his associates, before the fall of Napoleon, to bring about the 
intellectual renaissance of the Greeks, the " Palingenesia." At the A T ienua Con- 
gress Count John Kapo d'Istrias (Capodistrias) of Corfu had founded the Hetairia 
of the Philomusoi, which entertained the idea of founding an academy in Athens. 
The only thing wanting to these associations was a leader, as was also the case 
with the Serbs. 

This leader was eventually provided by Eussia. .Alexander Ypsilantis, born of 
a noble Phanariot family (December 12, 1792), was a grandson of the hospodur 
of Wallachia, of the same name, who had been murdered by the Turks in 1805 at 
the age of eighty; he was a son of that Konstantine Ypsilantis who had been 


deposed from the post of hospodar of Wallachia in the same year, and had fled into 
exile. As the Czar's adjutant during the Vienna Congress, he had inspired that 
monarch with enthusiasm for the Hetairia. Eelying upon the silent consent of 
his master, lie went to Kishineff in Bessarabia, in September, 1820, with the object 
of communicating with the leaders of the federation in the Danubian Principali- 
ties,, in Constantinople, and upon the mainland. Availing himself of the difficul- 
ties caused to the Porte by the revolted Ali Pasha of Janina, Alexander Ypsilantis, 
accompanied by his brother Konstantine and Prince Kantakuzenos, crossed the 
Pruth on March 6, 1821, entered Jassy, sent a report on the same night to the 
Czar, who was awaiting the result of the congress at Laibach (Vol. VIII, p. 117), 
and forthwith issued an appeal to the Greek nation. On March 12 he started for 
Wallachia ; not until April 9 did he reach Bucharest with five thousand men. 
But from that moment the movement proved unfortunate. The Czar, whose 
hands were tied by the Holy Alliance and the influence of legitimist theories, 
declared the Greeks to be rebels, and the Eussian consul in Jassy openly disap- 
proved of the Phanariot enterprise. It now became manifest how feeble was the 
popularity of these leaders on the Danube. They were opposed by the Boyars, 
the peasants fell away from them, the Serbs held back, and treachery reigned in 
their own camp. To no purpose did the " Sacred Band " display its heroism at 
Dragashani (in Little Wallachia, June 19, 1821), against the superior forces of 
the Pasha of Silistria and Braila. On June 26 Ypsilantis escaped to Austrian 
territory, where he spent the best years of his life at Munkacs and Theresienstadt 
in sorrowful imprisonment ; his health broke down, and he died shortly after 
his liberation on January 31, 1828. The last of the ill-fated band of heroes, 
Georgakis, the son of Mkolaos, blew himself up on September 20 in the monastery 
of Sekko (Moldavia). The fantastic idea of a greater Greece, embracing the 
Danube States, thus disappeared for ever. 

However, the fire of revolt blazed up the more fiercely in the south, in the 
Morea (Kalamata), which was then deprived of troops. The archbishop Germanos 
of Patras was the first to raise the standard of the cross and of freedom in 
Kalavrita. Like wildfire the revolt extended to the continent and the islands ; 
even the monks of Mount Athos flew to arms. On the nights of the 6th and 
7th of May, two thousand peasants seized the lower town of Athens, raising 
the war-cry, " Christ has risen ! " The islands of Hydra, Spessia, and Psara sent 
out a fleet of eighteen sail with fire-ships on May 3. 

A counter movement of appalling ferocity broke out in the astounded 
Mohammedan world. The enraged Janissaries and people attacked the defence- 
less Greeks in the capital and in Smyrna. Constant executions thinned the 
numbers of the Phanariots, and among the victims of the popular fury were 
the first interpreters of the Porte, Konstantine Murusis, Alexander Mavrokordatos, 
Theodore Ehizos, and others, even the gray-haired patriarch Gregorios V. On 
July 18 the Eussian ambassador, having entered a protest against this punish- 
ment of the innocent,, left Constantinople on August 10, and on May 13 met 
the Czar at Veliki Luki, near Odessa ; the result was a concentration of Eussian 
troops on the Pruth. 

Enthusiasm for the Greek cause spread throughout the whole of Europe. The 
noblest minds championed the cause of the warriors, who were inspired by their 
noble past with the pride of an indestructible nationality, and were defending 

176 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

the cross against the crescent. Since the occupation of Athens by the Venetians 
in 1688 the eyes of educated Europe had turned to the city of Athene. The 
Venetian engineers Vermada and Felice had then drawn up an accurate plan of 
the Acropolis and of the town, which was published by Francesco Fanelli in his 
"Atene Attica" (1707). Ch. Du Cange (Vol. VIII, p. 438) wrote his "History 
of the Empire of Constantinople under the Frankish Emperors " in 1657, and 
in 1680 his " Historia Byzautina." Since the days of George Duke of Bucking- 
ham (1592-1628) and Thomas Earl of Arundel (1586-1646) a taste for the col- 
lection of examples of Greek art had been increasing in England. Wealthy peers 
sent their agents to Greece and the East, or journeyed thither themselves, as 
did Lord Claremont, who commissioned Richard Dalton to make sketches of the 
Greek monuments and works of art in 1749. James Stewart and Nicholas 
Revett published sketches of "The Antiquities of Athens" in 1751 (appeared 
1762 and 1787). In 1776 appeared Richard Chandler's " Travels in Greece." In 
1734 the Society of Dilettanti had been founded in London with avowedly Phil- 
hellenic objects. In 1764 appeared Winckelmann's " History of Ancient Art," 
and in 1787 Edward Gibbon completed his "Decline and Fall of the Roman 
Empire." From 1812 onwards Beethoven's opera, " The Ruins of Athens," had 
aroused fears and sympathy in every feeling heart. Numberless memories and 
recollections carried away the sympathies of Europe, which had only just shaken 
off the yoke of the Corsican conqueror. In 1821 Philhellenic unions were 
formed upon all sides to support the "heroes of Marathon and Salamis" with 
money and arms. The banker Jean Gabr. Eynard of Geneva, the Wurtemberg 
general Norman (cf. Vol. VIII, p. 121), the Frenchman Comte Harcourt, the 
United States, England, King Ludwig I of Bavaria, an artistic enthusiast, and the 
painter Heidegger (since 1844 Freih. von Hey deck) sent money, arms, and ships, 
or volunteer bands. The populations of Europe were inspired by the Greek songs 
of Wilhelm Mliller and the verses of Lord Byron (" The mountains look on 
Marathon, and Marathon looks on the sea"), and his heroic death (April 19, 1824, 
in Missolunghi). Even Goethe, the prince of poets, with all his indifference to 
politics, was fascinated by the fervour of the Greek and Servian popular songs, 
and cast his mighty word into the scale of humanity. 

Far different was the attitude of the cabinets. Vienna in particular, whose 
preponderant influence had been already manifested in the conventions of Karls- 
bad, Troppau, and Laibach (Vol. VIII) checked all action on the part of the 
Czar. Prince Metternich had not forgotten the plans of partition which France 
and Russia had concocted at Tilsit and Erfurt. The powers, therefore, in 
accordance with his proposals, pressed the Porte to make concessions to the 
Greeks, and the rebels to make complete submission to their "legitimate mas- 
ters." To the first of these proposals the political situation was highly favour- 
able. The Persians were in the Asiatic frontier provinces, Candia was in 
a state of revolt, Ali of Janina was holding out against the Sultan's troops, 
the fidelity of Mehemed Ali was suspicious, and the Suliots under Markos 
Botzaris had inflicted a considerable defeat upon the Turks in the plains of 
Passaron. In fact the Sultan gave way so far as to withdraw his troops from 
the Danube and to appoint new hospodars. Among the Greeks the fortunes of 
war varied. The Turks held out at Thermopylae in Athens, in Yonizxa (Acar- 
nania), Lepanto, Nauplia, Corinth, and Patras. The first national assembly at 

25%!5" n *'] HISTORY OF THE WORLD 177 

Argos, and afterwards at Piadha, in December, 1821, chose Alexander Mavrokor- 
datos as its president (" Proedros "), and declared its independence on January 13, 
1822. However, notwithstanding the " Organic Law of Epidauros," there was no 
vigorous concerted action among the Palikars and naval heroes, as a continued 
state of feud existed between the chiefs and captains, Th. Kolokotronis, Odysseus, 
P. Mavromichalis, Th. Negris, G. Karai'skakis, Diakos, G. Konduriotis. Ali 
Pasha then fell in Janina ; his head and his inestimable treasures came to 
Stamboul (February 5, 1822). The Turkish army of occupation was thus free 
to act against the Greeks. On the llth April began the massacres in the 
Island of Chios. A cry of horror went up throughout Europe. The Turkish fleet 
was destroyed by the bravery of the bold incendiaries K. Kanaris, A. Pipinos 
(Pepinis), Theocharis, J. Tombazis, A. Miaulis. The bold Markos Botzaris fell on 
August 21, 1823, with his Suliots, in the course of a sortie against the besiegers of 
Missolunghi (see the historical map facing page 166). 

In his necessity the Sultan now summoned to his aid his most formidable 
vassal Mehemed Ali of Egypt. He first sent his son Ibrahim to Candia for the 
suppression of the revolt, in command of his troops who had been trained by 
French officers. This leader then appeared in the Morea (February 22, 1825), 
where the bayonet and his cavalry gave him a great superiority over the Greeks, 
who, though brave, w T ere badly disciplined and armed. None the less the Greeks 
vigorously protested against the protocol of peace which was issued by the powers 
of August 24, 1824, recommending them to submit to the Porte and promising 
the Sultan's pardon, after almost the whole population of the Island of Psara 
had been slaughtered on the 4th July. Three parties were formed amongst the 
Greeks themselves, one under Mavrokordatos leaning upon England, that of Capo 
d' Istrias leaning upon Eussia, and that of Johannis Kolettis leaning upon France. 
English influence prevailed. On December 21, 1825, the Czar Alexander died at 
Tanganrog, and the youthful Nicholas I ascended the throne. He quickly sup- 
pressed a military revolution in St. Petersburg, and showed his determination to 
break down the influence of Metternich. Canning now sent the Duke of Welling- 
ton to St. Petersburg, and on April 4, 1826, the powers of England and Eussia 
signed a protocol, constituting Greece, like Servia, a tributary vassal State of 
the Porte, with a certain measure of independence. Charles X of France agreed 
to these proposals, as his admiration had been aroused by the heroic defence 
of Missolunghi. Austria alone secretly instigated the Sultan to suppress the 
Greek revolt. Even the help given to the Greeks at that time by Lord Cochrane 
and General Church, by Colonels Fabvier, Vautier, and Heydeck, did not stop the 
Turkish advance. On June 5, 1827, the Acropolis again capitulated, and with it 
the whole of Greece was once again lost to the Hellenes. 

However, a bold attack delivered at a most unexpected point shook the throne 
of the Sultan. On May 28, 1826, Mahmud II issued the Hatti-sherif concerning 
the reform of the Janissaries. Upon the resistance of these latter they were 
received on the Etmeidan by the well-equipped imperial army, supported on 
this occasion by the Ulemas and the people, and were mown down with grape- 
shot. The Sultan forthwith began the formation of a new corps upon European 
models. It was an event of the most far-reaching importance for the empire 
when Mahmud first appeared at the head of the faithful in an overcoat, European 
trousers, boots, and a red fez instead of a turba.n. His triumph, however, was 
VOL. v 12 

178 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter ir 

premature, his army was momentarily weakened, and the reforms were not 
carried out. The invader was already knocking once again at the door of the 
empire. On October 6, 1826, his plenipotentiaries signed an agreement at 
Akkerman, agreeing on all points to the Russian demands for Servia and the 
Danubian Principalities, but refusing that for Greek freedom. In vain did the 
Porte send an ultimatum to the powers on June 10, 1827, representing that 
the right of settling the Greek problem was his alone. On April 11, 1827, 
Capo d' Istrias became president of the free State of Corfu, under Russian 
influence, and Russia, England, and France determined to concentrate their fleets 
in Greek waters on the 6th July. The result of the movements was the battle of 
Navarino, 1 October 20, one of the most murderous naval actions in the whole 
of history ; in four hours nearly one hundred and twenty Turkish warships and 
transports were destroyed. 

This " untoward event " implied a further triumph for Russian policy, which 
had already acquired Grusia, Imeretia (Colchis, 1811), and Gulistan (1813) in 
Asia, and had secured its rear in Upper Armenia by the acquisition of Etchmiad- 
.zin, the centre of the Armenian Church, in the peace of Turkmanchai, 1828. How- 
ever, after the battle of Navarino the Sultan proved more obstinate than ever. In 
a solemn Hatti-sherif he proclaimed in all the mosques his firm intention to secure 
his independence by war with Russia, " which for the last fifty or sixty years had 
been the chief enemy of the Porte." He was without competent officers, and his 
<ihief need was an army, which he had intended to create had he been granted 
time. Thus the mam. power of the Porte, as at the present day, consisted in the 
unruly hordes of Asia, whose natural impetuosity could not replace the lack of 
European discipline and tactical skill. " Pluck up all your courage " Mahmud 
then wrote to his Grand Vizier at the military headquarters, " for the danger is 
great." On May 7 the Russians crossed the Pruth in Europe, and on June 4 the 
Arpatchai in Asia. Ivan Paskevitch conquered the district of Kars and Achal- 
zich, between the Upper Kur and Araxes, and secured a firm base of operations 
against Erzeroum. The Russians on the Danube advanced more slowly. It was 
not until the fall of Braila, on June 17, and of Varna, on October 11, 1828, that 
they ventured to attack the natural fortress of the Balkans. But the approach 
of winter put an end to the struggles. " In view of the enormous sacrifice," says 
Helmuth von Moltke, in his classical description of this war (1845), " which this 
war cost the Russians, it becomes exceedingly difficult to say whether victory 
rested with them or with the Turks." 

A second campaign was therefore necessary to secure a decision. In Eastern 
Roumelia the Russians seized the harbour of Sizebolu, February 15, 1829, in order 
to provision their army. On February 24, Diebich (Vol. VIII) took over the 
supreme command, crossed the Danube in May, and on June 11 defeated and 
put to flight, by means of his superior artillery, the army of the Grand Vizier 
Reshid Mehemed, at Kulevcha. Silistria then surrendered (June 26), and in 
thirteen days (July 14-26) Diebich crossed the Balkans with two army corps ; 
while on July 7 Paskevitch had occupied Erzeroum in Asia. The passage of this 

1 Nav(w)arino is the name of the remnants of a fortress situated at the southern entrance to the har- 
bour, somewhat southwest of the Messenian coast town Neokastron, while the old fortress at the northern 
entrance bears the name of Palii<5 Navarinon. In May, 1904, the Greek major-general Staikos received 
permission to carry out diving operations in those waters. 


mountain barrier, which was regarded as impregnable, produced an overwhelm- 
ing impression upon the Turks, many of whom regarded the Russian success as a 
deserved punishment for the Sultan's reforms. Diebich " Sabalkanski " advanced 
to Adrianople. However, Mustafa Pasha of Bosnia was already advancing. Fear- 
ful diseases devastated the Russian army, which was reduced to twenty thousand 
men. None the less Diebich joined hands with Sizebolu on the Black Sea, and 
with Enos on the ^Egean Sea, although the English fleet appeared in the Darda- 
nelles to protect the capital, from which the Russians were scarce thirty miles 

Both sides were sincerely anxious for peace. However, the Sultan's courage 
was naturally shaken by the discovery of an extensive conspiracy among the old 
orthodox party. The peace of Adrianople, secured by the mediation of the Prus- 
sian general Karl Freiherr von Muffling, on September 14, offered conditions 
sufficiently severe. Before the war the Czar had issued a manifesto promising to 
make no conquests. Now in August, 1828, he demanded possession of the Danube 
islands, of the Asiatic coast from Kuban to Nikolaja, the fortresses and districts 
of Atzshur, Achalzich, and Achalkalaki, with new privileges and frontiers for Mol- 
davia, Wallachia, and Servia. The Sultan under pressure of necessity confirmed the 
London Convention of July 6, 1821, in the tenth article of the peace. The presi- 
dent, Capo d'lstrias, received new subsidies, and loans from the powers ; moreover, 
on July 19, 1828, the powers in London determined upon an expedition to the 
Morea, the conduct of which was intrusted to France. Ibrahim retired, while 
General Maison occupied the Peninsula (September 7). The Greek army, com- 
posed of Palikars, troops of the line, and Philhellenes, was now armed with 
European weapons; it won a series of victories at the close of 1828 at Steveniko, 
Martini, Salona, Lutraki, and Vonizza, and by May, 1829, captured Lepanto, Misso- 
lunghi, and Anatoliko. In 1828 the Cretan revolt again broke out, with success- 
ful results. On July 23, 1829, the National Assembly, tired of internal dissensions, 
which had repeatedly resulted in civil war, conferred dictatorial powers upon the 
president. On February 3, 1830, the powers proclaimed the independence of 
Greece, which the Sultan was forced to acknowledge on April 24. 

(c) The Close of Mahmud's Reign. The understanding between the powers was 
again destroyed by the July revolution in Paris. Moreover, France had now seized 
Algeria, which had hitherto been under the Sultan's supremacy, and the piratical 
activity of the Barbary States was brought to an end. In Turkey also that move- 
ment was now beginning, which will be considered later (p. 191), the literary 
and political revolution of the Young Turkish party. The indefatigable Mahmud 
again resumed his efforts to secure the unity of the empire. He was, however, 
forced to give way to his pasha of Egypt, Mehemed AH, one of the most impor- 
tant rulers whom the East had produced for a long time. He was born in 1769 
at Kavala in Roumelia, opposite the island of Thasos ; he had gone to Egypt in 
1800 with some Albanian mercenaries; in the struggle with the French, English, 
and Mamelukes (1811 ; cf. Vol. Ill, p. 717) he had raised himself to supremacy, 
had conquered the Wahhabites, subjugated Arabia and Nubia, and created a highly 
competent army by means of military reform upon a large scale. When Mahmud II 
declined to meet his extensive demands in return for the help he had rendered 
against the Greeks, Ibrahim, an adopted son of Mehemed, a general of the highest 

180 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [Chapter n 

class, invaded Syria in 1831, defeated the Turks on three occasions, conquered 
Akka, 1832, and advanced to Kiutahia, in Asia Minor, in 1833. In desperation 
Mahmud appealed to Russia for help. Eussia forthwith sent fifteen thousand men 
to the Bosphorus, whilst the fleets of France and England jealously watched the 
Dardanelles. Mehemed Ali was obliged to make peace on May 4, 1833, and was 
driven back behind the Taurus. The most important result of these events, how- 
ever, was the recompense which the Sultan was induced to give to the Russians 
for their help. He had been shown the letters of the French ambassador, which 
revealed the intention of the cabinet of the Tuileries to replace the Osman dynasty 
by that of Mehemed. The result was the convention of Hunkyar-Skalessi (the 
imperial stairs on the Bosphorus, July 8, or May 26, 1833). In this agreement the 
terrified Sultan made a supplementary promise to close the Dardanelles in future 
against every power that was hostile to Russia. When this one-sided conven- 
tion, concluded in defiance of all international rights, became known, the West- 
ern powers were naturally irritated, and Prince Metternich wittily designated the 
Sultan as "le sublime portier des Dardanelles au service du Czar." The naval 
powers withdrew their fleets from the Dardanelles, after entering a protest against 
this embargo. 

In Greece the capable president, Capo d'Istrias, had been murdered on Octo- 
ber 9, 1831, by the Mainots, Constantine and George Mavromichalis ; a short time 
before (August 18, 1831) the aged Miaulis, the Hydriotic partisan, had burnt the 
Greek fleet in the harbour of Poros (Kalaurai). The second president, Augustin 
Capo d'Istrias, maintained his position only for a short time. As aforetime in 
ancient Greece, so now, the primates and Palikars destroyed one another by their 
partisanship and greed, by their envy and jealousy. In March, 1832, the Greek 
crown was offered to the Bavarian Prince Otto, the second son of Ludwig I. On 
April 15 the Bavarian Philhellene, Councillor Friedrich Thiersch, arranged a com- 
mission of regency. Peace seemed to have been secured between the parties when 
King Otto I made his solemn entry into Nauplia, on February 7, 1833. Strat- 
ford Canning had again appeared as British ambassador to the Porte, and devoted 
considerable energy to the Greek cause. The bays of Volo and Arta were estab- 
lished as the northern frontier of the new Greek kingdom ; Samos was declared 
an independent principality, paying tribute to the Porte. In the same year the 
Porte secured possession of the Regency of Tripolis, and crushed the rebellions of 
Albania, Bosnia, Mesopotamia, and Kurdistan (1834). On January 7, King Otto 
entered the city of Pallas which he found in ruins. Thanks to the self-sacrifice of 
rich Greeks, both at home and abroad (Sina, Ursakis, Varvakis, Averot, Zappas, 
Syngros, Sturnaris, Fositza, Valtiuos, Bernardakis, and others), Athens rose like the 
phoenix from dust and ashes, and in a few decades became the political and intel- 
lectual centre of Greece, and the fairest town in the Greek East. From a geo- 
graphical point of view the kingdom was somewhat scurvily treated, owing to 
dissension amongst the powers and resistance on the part of the Porte ; yet it may 
be considered large in comparison with the States of ancient Greece. 

Meanwhile, the will of the Czar was supreme both in Athens and Stamboul. 
Obeying his instructions Mahmud refused to allow the Austrians to blast the rocks 
on the Danube at Orsova, or to permit his subjects to make use of the ships of the 
Austro-Hungarian Lloyd Company, founded in Trieste in 1836; notwithstanding 
this prohibition the company was able to resume with success the old commercial 


relations of the Venetians with the Levant. The Eussian ambassador discounte- 
nanced the wishes of the Grand Vizier and of the Seraskier, who applied to the 
Prussian ambassador, Count Kb'uigsmark, with a request for Prussian officers to be 
sent out, in view of a reorganisation of the army. A chance occurrence decided 
the matter. The " Iron Soldier " Khosrev Pasha discovered the existence of a new 
world of military science, in the course of conversation with the Prussian staff 
officers Von Berg and Helmuth von Moltke, who then happened to be staying in 
Constantinople ; at Khosrev's proposal the Sultan applied to Berlin with a request 
that Moltke's stay in Constantinople might be extended. Frederick William III, 
who was then as reluctant to oblige the Turks, as the other powers were importu- 
nate, granted for the moment an extension of leave for three months ; even this, 
however, secured that remarkable influence of the Prussian military reorganisation 
upon the Turkish army, which continues at the present day. Moltke, under the 
title of " Baron Bey," accompanied the Sultan in 1837 on his journey through 
European Turkey, where the royal reformer was everywhere received with enthu- 
siasm ; he drew up a memorial concerning the possibility of applying the Prussian 
landwehr system to the Osman Empire, examined the most important fortresses in 
the Dardanelles, and from the height of the Seraskier tower, built by Mahmud, 
he completed a great plan of Constantinople and its environs. Together with the 
officers Heinrich von Muhlbach, Karl Freiherr von Vincke-Olbendorf, and Fried- 
rich Leopold Fischer he accompanied General Mehmed Hafiz Pasha during the 
summer of 1837, when this officer was occupied in completing the pacification of 
Kurdistan, which Eeshid Pasha had begun. This expedition and the following 
against Mehemed Ali have been brilliantly described by Moltke in his memorable 
" letters " (1841). 

In 1837 the first bridge over the Golden Horn was built, between Unkapau and 
Asabkapusi ; not until 1845 and 1877 was the new bridge constructed which is 
known as the Valide, after the mother of Abd ul-Mejid. On August 16, 1838, the 
English ambassador Ponsonby secured the completion, in the house of Eeshid 
Pasha at Balta-Nin on the Bosphorus, of that treaty respecting trade and customs 
duties, which has remained the model of all succeeding agreements. By way of 
recompense the English fleet accompanied the Turkish fleet, during all its manoeu- 
vres in the Mediterranean, until its secession to Mehemed Ali. War was declared 
upon him by Sultan Mahmud in May, 1839, when the Druses had revolted against 
the Syrian authorities in the Hauran. However, the Sultan died on July 1, before 
he could receive the news of the total defeat of his army at Nisib (June 24), and 
the desertion of his fleet in Alexandria (July 14). At a later period, after his 
return to the Sublime Porte, Moltke vindicated the capacity which Hafiz Pasha had 
shown in face of the lack of discipline prevailing in his army, although the Ser- 
askier had treated the suggestions of the Prussian officers with contempt. Ibrahim 
did not pursue his master's troops, as his own soldiers were too exhausted to under- 
take any further movements. 

Mahmud II died a martyr to his own ideas and plans ; even his greatest reforms 
remained in embryo ; however, his work lives after him ; he was the founder of a 
new period for Turkey, as Peter the Great, with whom he liked to be compared, 
had been for Eussia. The difficulty of the political situation, the incapacity of his 
predecessors, the slavery imposed by the domestic government and by court eti- 
quette, were the real support of those obstacles which often caused him such 


despondency, that he sought consolation in drunkenness, to the wilful destruction 
of his powers. 


ABD UL-MEJID (1839-1861 ; see the plate facing page 149), the son of Mah- 
mud, undertook at the age of sixteen the government of a State which would irrevo- 
cably have fallen into the power of the Pasha of Egypt had not the ambitious plans 
of France been thwarted by the conclusion of the Quadruple Alliance on July 15,. 
1840 (England, Kussia, Austria, and Prussia). The interference of the alliance 
forced the victorious Pasha Mehemed Ali to evacuate Syria; after the conclusion 
of peace he obtained the Island of Thasos, the cradle of his race, from the Sultan, 
as an appanage of the viceroys of Egypt, in whose possession it still remains. An 
important advance is denoted by the Hatti-sherif of Giilhane (November 3, 1839), 
which laid down certain principles, on which were to be based further special 
decrees or tansimali hairije (beneficial organisation). The reformation proclaimed 
as law what had in fact long been customary, the theoretical equality of the sub- 
jects of every nation, race, and religion before the law. It must be said that in the 
execution of this praiseworthy decree certain practical difficulties came to light. 
Reshid Pasha, the creator of the " hat," was not inspired by any real zeal for reform, 
but was anxious simply to use it as a means for gaining the favour of the Christian 
powers. As early as 1830, for example, a census had been undertaken, the first 
throughout the whole Turkish Empire, the results of which were valueless. No 
official would venture to search the interior of a Moslem house inhabited by 
women and children. It was, moreover, to the profit of the revenue officials to 
represent the number of houses and families in their district as lower than it really 
was, with the object of filling their pockets with the excess. On this account 
Moltke expressed an idea of great weight at that time (1841) which is still condi- 
tionally in force at the present day. . The Porte, unable to secure the obedience 
of the Syrians by a strong government like the military despotism of Ibrahim, 
was equally unable to win over the country by justice and good administration, 
for lack of one necessary condition, an honest official service. It was not to the 
"hat" of Giilhane of 1856, nor yet to the later Hatti-humayun, that reform was 
due, but to the European powers associated to save the crescent. These powers- 
suggested the only permanent solution by supplying the watchword " A la 
franca ; " and urged the Turks to acquire a completer knowledge of the West, 
to learn European languages and sciences, to introduce the institutions of the 
West. Herein lies the transforming power of the " beneficial organisation." 

Literature also had to follow this intellectual change. Towards the end of the 
eighteenth century, a poet endowed with the powers of the ancient East had 
appeared in Ghalib, and a court poet in the unfortunate Selim III. Heibet ullah Sul- 
tana, a sister of the Sultan Mahmud II, and aunt of the reforming minister Fuad,. 
also secured a measure of popularity. These writers were, however, unable to hinder 
the decay of old forms, or rather the dawn of a new period, the Turkish " modern 
age." The study of the languages of Eastern civilization became neglected in view 
of the need of the study of the West. The new generation knew more of La 
Fontaine, Montesquieu, and Victor Hugo than of Osman Baki (died 1599), the 
Persian Hafiz (died 1399), the Arab Motenebbi (Mutanabbi; died 965). The 


political need of reform made men ambitious to secure recognition for the drafting 
of a diplomatic note rather than for the composition of a Kassited, or of a poem 
with a purpose. In the East as well as in the West mediaeval poetry became a 
lost art. 

It must be said that the new generation, though educated on Western princi- 
ples, did not immediately adopt the honourable character of European bureaucracy. 
The place of the Janissary militia was now occupied by the bureaucracy, which 
with no less power, and with almost military determination, secured the monopoly 
of home administration. This aristocracy of the effendis of Stamboul, like the 
official nobility of the Eoman Empire during its decline, formally laid down the 
principle that the son of a State official must himself become an official ; any other 
occupation, no matter what its name, was regarded as alb (disgrace). The bureau- 
cracy remained a permanent barrier between the Sultan and the people, between 
the Sultan and other nations, ever ready to empty the coffers of the State, and to 
plunder the subjects, regardless of their creed. Such were the calamitous results 
of the " beneficial organisation." 

By the Dardanelles convention, which was concluded with the great powers in 
London on July 13, 1841, the Porte consented to keep the Dardanelles and the 
Bosphorus closed to foreign ships of war in the time of peace. By this act the 
Turkish government gave a much desired support to Eussian aims at predomi- 
nance in the Black Sea. In the same year it was necessary to suppress revolts 
which had broken out in Crete and Bulgaria. The cruelties of the Albanian 
troops on that occasion threw a lurid light upon the principles of the " hat " of 
Gulhane. In consequence of the incursions of Mehmed Shah into the Arabian 
Irak, Suleimanieh, Bagdad, Kerbela, and Armenia (Van) a war with Persia was 
threatened, and the dispute was only composed with difficulty by a peace com- 
mission summoned to meet at Erzeroum. Within the Danubian Principalities the 
sovereign rights of the Porte were often in conflict with the protectorate powers of 
Eussia. In Servia Alexander Karageorgevitch was solemnly appointed Bashbeg, 
or high prince of Servia, by the Porte on November 14, 1842 ; Eussia, however, 
succeeded in persuading Alexander voluntarily to abdicate his position, which 
was not confirmed until 1843 by Eussia, after his re-election at Topchider, near 
Belgrade. The Eoman Catholic (uniate) Armenians, who had already endured a 
cruel persecution in 1828, now at the instigation of their Gregorian co-religionists, 
secured toleration for their independent church in 1835 (Millet) and a representa- 
tive of their own (vekil). A similar persecution, supported by Eussia from Etsh- 
niadsin, also broke out against the Protestant Armenians in 1845. It was not 
until November, 1850, that their liberation was secured by the energetic ambas- 
sador Stratford Canning ; in 1853 they were definitely recognised as a Millet. 

Even more dangerous was the diplomatic breach between the Porte and Greece 
(1847). This young State had grown insolent by reason of the favour and jeal- 
ousy of Europe ; supported by the Eussian party which dominated the Chamber 
of Deputies, Greece had availed herself of the helplessness of the Porte against 
Mehemed Ali, at the time when Abd ul-Mejid began his reign, to send help to 
the Cretans, and had inflicted repeated losses upon the Osman Empire by the 
marauding raids of the klephts on the boundaries of Epirus and Thessaly. In 
his parliamentary speeches the prime minister Kolettis (1844-1847 ; cf. p. 177) 
had repeatedly demanded the general union of the Greeks. Even Moltke had 


defended the following principle in 1842: "Our opinion is that the only natural 
and the only possible solution of the Eastern question is the creation of a Chris- 
tian Byzantine empire in Constantinople, the restoration of which has been already 
begun by Hellas with the support of Europe." At the same time the far-seeing 
military writer had decidedly opposed the partition of Turkey between the powers, 
before whom he held out the example of Poland as a warning. " The partition 
of Turkey," he exclaimed, " is a problem like the division of a diamond ring, 
who is to obtain Constantinople, the costly single stone ? " In short continued 
friction ended in 1846 with a collision between the Turkish ambassador and the 
Greek king, with the breaking off of diplomatic relations, and with a revenge 
taken by the Porte upon his Greek subjects, which might almost have ended in 
war between Greece and Turkey, England and France. Not until September, 
1847, was an understanding between the two neighbours secured, by the inter- 
vention of the Czar on the personal appeal of King Otto. 


(a) The Omens of the Struggle (1848-1853). 1848, a year of revolution, which 
shook Western Europe with its conceptions of freedom, had left Turkey almost 
untouched. Shekib Effendi held a formal conference with Pope Pius IX, in 
Eome, 1848, under commission from the Sultan, who would have been glad to 
hand over to the Pope the protectorate of the Catholics in the East ; the Holy 
Father had sent out the Archbishop Ferrieri, with an appeal to the Oriental com- 
munities, which, however, did not end in that union which the Porte and the 
Pope had hoped for. The revolt of the Boyars and of the Polish fugitives in 
Moldavia and Wallachia speedily resulted in the strengthening of the hospodar 
Mich. Sturdza, and of the appointment of Kantakuzen in place of Bibeskos. 
The Hungarian rising, on which the Porte had staked its hopes for the infliction 
of a blow on Austria, came to nothing, on the capitulation of Vilagos (Vol. VIII, 
p. 207). On the other hand the Sultan, encouraged by the presence of an Eng- 
lish fleet in the Dardanelles, declined to hand over the Hungarian fugitives. 

Austria and Hungary thereupon avenged themselves by taking advantage of a 
claim for damages, which France had now set up. Two parties, the Catholics and 
the Greeks, were quarrelling about the Holy Places in Palestine. The powers 
protecting the Catholics were invariably France or the Pope, while the Greeks had 
been under a Eussian protectorate since 1720. It was to deliver these Holy 
Places, where the Eedeemer had worked and died, from the hands of the Moslems 
that the Crusades had been undertaken. Saladin (Vol. Ill, p. 362) had permitted 
the Latin clergy to perform service in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in 1187, 
while Robert of Anjou had purchased the Holy Places from the caliph in l.'Ui* 
(op. cit. p. 708). After the conquest of the Holy City by Sultan Selim, 1 ;" 1 7, 
the Georgians secured part of Golgotha, all the other remaining places being 
reserved expressly to the Sultan in 1558. This title was further confirmed by the 
capitulations of France with the Sultans (1535, 1621, 1629, and 1740 ; of. p. 168). 
Violent outbreaks of jealousy took place between the Armenians, Greeks, and 
Catholics concerning these marks of favour, and especially concerning tin- posses- 
sion of the Holy Sepulchre. In 1808 the Greeks, after the Church of the Holy 

Turkey in Europe"~\ 
and A nnenia 



Sepulchre had been destroyed by fire, actually reduced the tombs of Godfrey of 
Bouillon and Baldwin to ruins. The Greeks, aided by Kussian money, restored 
the Church of the Holy Sepulchre ; meanwhile the Latins, whose zeal was sup- 
ported by France, gained possession of two chapels in 1820. 

In the year 1850 the Pope and the Catholic patriarch of Jerusalem applied 
first to France, and joined France in a further application to the Porte, to secure 
protection against the Greeks. Fear of Eussia induced the Porte to decide almost 
entirely in favour of Greece, and the only concession made to the Catholics was 
the joint use of a church door in Bethlehem. The emperor Nicholas had a short 
time previously (May 1, 1849) obtained a political triumph by means of the com- 
pact of Balta-Liman regarding the Danubian Principalities and the Dardanelles ; 
relying upon the thirty-third article of the convention, concluded in 1 740, he now 
declared that this measure had deeply wounded the religious feelings of the 
Orthodox Eussians. Austria, labouring as we have seen under insults from the 
Porte, joined with Eussia in demanding and securing through Count Christian 
Leiningen-Westerburg in Stamboul, on February 14, 1853, the withdrawal of the 
Turkish troops from the scene of the revolt in Montenegro and the empire, 
fulfilment of certain demands affecting the private interests of her subjects. 
When the emperor Nicholas demanded guarantees for the unconditional suprem- 
acy of the Greek Church through the ambassador Prince Menshikoff, the refusal 
was answered by a declaration of war upon Turkey in the manifesto of October 
20 (November 1), 1853, which ran as follows: "No other measure remains open 
to us except an appeal to force of arms in order to oblige the Ottoman govern- 
ment to observe the treaties, and to give satisfaction for the insults by which 
it has answered our highly moderate demands, and our legitimate care for the 
protection of the Orthodox faith in the East, which is also the faith of the Eussian 
nation." The Sultan then removed from the Seraglio point to the imperial palace 
of Dolma Bagche, constructed in 1853; since that date the building situated in 
Stamboul has been known as the Old Seraglio. Once again a venerable tradition 
had been broken, and all succeeding Sultans have resided on the shores of the 

(6) The Course of the War; the Congress of Paris; the "Hat" of 1856. On 
July 2, 1853, forty thousand men advanced into the Danube Principalities under 
Michael Gortchakoff. Thereupon the Sultan, under pressure from the excited 
Mohammedan population, declared war, and on November 4 Omar Pasha (see Fig. 
3 of the plate facing page 188) defeated the Eussians at Oltenitza. The united 
French and English fleets left the Bay of Besika, and entered the Bosphorus by the 
Dardanelles. After the Turkish fleet had been destroyed by the Eussians at Sinope 
on November 30, and the Czar Nicholas had rejected the proposals for peace from 
the Vienna conference, the Western powers sent their fleets into the Black Sea, 
recalled their ambassadors from St. Petersburg, and on March 18, 1854, concluded 
an alliance against Eussia with the hereditary "enemy of Christianity." Such 
are the changes brought about by time. Eussia found no supporters. Servia, 
Moldavia, Wallachia, and Bulgaria remained pacific ; only in the Bay of Arta did a 
revolt break out. Austria and Prussia demanded the evacuation of the Danube 
Principalities, and threatened war in the event of the Eussians passing the 
Balkans. The Eussians retreated beyond the Danube, when the Western powers 


despatched a great fleet to the Baltic. Only in Armenia did the war run a favour- 
able course for Eussia. The French under St. Arnaud (cf. Vol. VIII) and the 
English under Lord Raglan, to the number of sixty thousand men, resolved upon 
the conquest of the Crimea. The gaze of Europe was soon concentrated for 
eleven months upon the siege of Sevastopol. Both the allies and the Russians, 
received numerous reinforcements ; in May, 1855, Sardinia sent her minister of 
war, La Marmora, to the Crimea with fifteen thousand men. It was not until 
September 11 that the victorious armies occupied the smoking ruins of the town, 
after the death of the emperor Nicholas, on March 11. The loss of troops, espe- 
cially on the part of the British army, the organisation of which left much to 
be desired, was very considerable when compared with the superior organisation 
of the French. 

In February, 1856, upon the proposal of Austria, a peace congress met in 
Paris, to which Prussia was admitted notwithstanding English objections. Russia 
was forced to cede the mouths of the Danube, and a part of Bessarabia and Kars, 
and to renounce her sole protectorate of the Danubian Principalities. The Danube 
was thrown open to trading vessels, the international Danube commission was. 
organised for Galatz and Sulina, the Black Sea w'as made neutral, and Russia 
was forbidden to maintain more warships upon it than Turkey (this clause was 
annulled by Russia in 1871, at the London conference ; Vol. VIII). For the 
moment Turkey was free from Russian greed for conquest, and the military repu- 
tation of Russia was broken. Napoleon III became the most powerful man in 
Europe, and received numerous applications for alliances. The company of the 
" Messageries Maritimes," founded in Marseilles in 1851, secured the lion's share 
of the new commercial relations with the Levant. 

Turkey, henceforward received into the concert of Europe, promised further 
reforms in the Hatti-humayun of February 18, 1856, and reaffirmed the civic 
equality of all her subjects. The " hat " was received with equal reluctance by 
both Osmans and Christians. Only since 1867 have foreigners been able to secure 
a footing in Turkey. If any advance has been made since these paper promises it 
is due not to the imperial firman but to the increase in international communica- 
tion, which brought the light of civilization to the very interior of Asia. In 1851 
the first railway was built from Alexandria to Suez, by way of Cairo ; shortly after- 
wards the Suez Canal was begun. In Turkey itself new roads were built, harbours- 
constructed, the postal service improved, and telegraph lines erected, especially 
after the events in Jidda and Lebanon (1858-1860). 

(c) Close of the Eeign of Abel ul-Mejid. The dark side of this onward move- 
ment was the shattered condition of the finances. The financial embarrassments 
of the Porte had been steadily increasing since 1848. At that date there was no 
foreign national debt; there were about two hundred millions of small coin in 
circulation, with an intrinsic value of twenty-three and a half per cent of their 
face value. There was a large amount of uncontrolled and uncontrollable paper 
money, covered by no reserve in bullion, and there were heavy arrears in the 
way of salaries and army payments. During the Crimean War, apart from an 
enormous debt at home, a loan of one hundred and forty million marks had been 
secured in England. Three further loans were effected in 1858, 1860, and 1861. 
Expenditure rose, in consequence of the high rate of interest, to two hundred and 


eighty millions of marks annually, while the revenue amounted to one hundred 
and eighty millions only. In 1861 the financial strain brought about a commer- 
cial crisis ; an attempt was made to meet the danger by the issue of twelve hun- 
dred and fifty millions of piastres in paper money, with forced circulation ; while 
the upper officials, bank managers, and contractors, such as Langrand-Dumonceau, 
Eugene Bontoux, and Moritz Hirsch were growing rich, the provinces were impov- 
erished by the weight of taxation, and the unnecessary severity with which the 
taxes were collected. The concert of Europe had guaranteed the first State loan. 
Hence in 1882 originated the international administration of the Turkish public- 
debt ; and this became the basis of the claim for a general supervision of Turkish 
affairs by Western Europe, which was afterwards advanced in the case of Armenia 
and Crete. 

The Porte was thus unable to prevent the appointment of Colonel Alexander 
Johann Cusa, at the instance of France, as prince of Moldavia (January 29) and of 
Wallachia (February 17) ; the personal bond of union thus established between these 
vassal States resulted in their actual union as Koumania in 1861. Cusa's despotic 
rule was overthrown on February 22, 1866, and under the new prince, Karl of 
Hoheuzollern, the country enjoyed a rapid rise to prosperity, although the political 
incapacity of the people, the license granted by the constitution, and the immo- 
rality of the upper classes did not conduce to general order. In Servia the Sultan's 
creature, Alexander Karageorgevitch (p. 183), was forced to abdicate on Decem- 
ber 21-22, 1858, the family of Obrenovitch was recalled, and after the death of 
Milos at the age of eighty (September 26, 1860), Michael Obrenovitch II was elected 
and acknowledged by the Porte. Under the revolutionary and literary government 
of the " Omladina " (" youth ") Servia became the scene of Panslavonic movements, 
hostile to Hungary, which spread to the soil of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and even 
endangered the absolute monarchy of Michael. On March 6, 1867, the last Turk- 
ish troops were withdrawn from Servian soil, in accordance with the agreements, 
of September 4, 1862, and March 3, 1867. After the murder of the prince on 
June 10, 1868, the Skupshtina appointed the last surviving Obrenovitch Prince 
Milan, then fourteen years of age, and passed the new constitution on June 29, 

An additional consequence was that Turkey became again involved in disputes 
with the Western powers; in 1858 the occasion was the murder of the English 
and French consuls at Jidda, in Arabia, and in 1860 the atrocities of the 
Druses against the Christians in Lebanon and Damascus (Vol. Ill, p. 392). To- 
anticipate the interference of the powers the Grand Vizier Fuad Pasha, one of the 
greatest statesmen that Turkey has produced in the nineteenth century, was sent 
to the spot with unlimited powers ; but it was not until a French army of occu- 
pation appeared that the leaders in high places were brought to punishment, and 
the province of Lebanon was placed under a Christian governor. The chief service 
performed by Fuad was that of introducing the Vilayet constitution, the division 
of the Osman Empire into Sanjaks and Kasas, by which means he had already 
produced great effects on the Danube provinces. Had it not been for the opposi- 
tion of the whole company of the Old Turks, the Imams, Mollas, Miitevelis, Hojas, 
the Dervishes, and Softas, in the mosques, the schools, the monasteries, and also 
the coffee-houses, he would possibly have succeeded in cleansing the great Augean 
stable of Arabic slothfulness. 

188 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

\cC] Aid ul-Aziz (1861-1876). Upon the death of Abd ul-Mejid, on June 20, 
1861, his brother, the new ruler, Abd ul-Aziz (1861-1876; see the plate facing 
page 149) was confronted by difficult tasks, and the question arose as to his capacity 
for dealing with them. The good-natured Abd ul-Mejid had generally allowed 
his Grand Viziers to govern on his behalf, but after 1858, when the royal privy 
exchequer had been declared bankrupt, he relapsed into indolence and weak 
sensuality. Notwithstanding the shattered state of the empire, his brother and 
successor, Abd ul-Aziz, promised a government of peace, of retrenchment, and 
reform. To the remote observer he appeared a character of proved strength, in 
the prime of life, and inspired with a high enthusiasm for his lofty calling. All 
these advantages, however, were paralysed by the criminal manner in which his 
education had been neglected. The ruler of almost forty millions of subjects was, 
at that time, scarcely able to write a couple of lines in his own language. The 
result was the failure of his first attempts to bring some order into the adminis- 
tration and the finances, a failure which greatly discouraged him. Until 1871 he 
allowed himself to be guided by two very distinguished men, Fuad and A(a)li Pasha 
(see Fig. 4 of the plate facing this page, " Six Influential Dignitaries of Turkey in 
the Nineteenth Century"); at the same time his want of firmness and insight, his 
nervous excitability, which often made him unaccountable for his actions, and his 
senseless and continually increasing extravagance led him, not only to the arms of 
Ignatieff, " the father of lies," but also to his own destruction. 

In the commercial treaties of 1861-1862 gunpowder, salt, and tobacco had been 
excepted from the general remission of duties. The salt tax, which was shortly 
afterwards revived, was a lamentable mistake. Sheep farmers suffered terribly 
under it, for the lack of salt produced fresh epidemics every year among the flocks 
and destroyed the woollen trade and the manufacture of carpets. The culture of 
the olive and tobacco also suffered under the new imposts, while internal trade 
was hindered by octroi duties of every kind. 

To these difficulties military and political complications were added. Espe- 
cially dangerous was the revolt in Crete (the spring of 1866); in 1863 Greece had 
expelled the Bavarian prince and chosen a new king, George I (formerly Prince 
"\Vilhelm of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glucksburg), and had received the 
seven Ionian Islands from England in 1864; she now supported her Cretan broth- 
ers and co-religionists with money, armies, troops, and ships, notwithstanding the 
deplorable condition of her own finances. Only when an ultimatum had been sent 
to Greece did the Porte succeed in crushing this costly revolt under pressure from 
a conference of the powers in 1869. Meanwhile Ismail Pasha of Egypt had 
received in 1866 and 1867 (Vol. Ill, p. 718) the title of "Khedive" and the right 
to the direct succession. Undisturbed by English jealousy, the "viceroy" con- 
tinued the projects of his predecessor, especially the construction of the Sue/ 
Canal, which had been begun by Lesseps; he increased his army, built warships, 
appointed his own minister of foreign affairs in the person of the Armenian Nubar 
Pasha, travelled in Europe, and invited the courts of the several States to a bril- 
liant opening of the canal in 1869 ; by means of a personal visit to Constantinople, 
by large presents and an increase of tribute, he further secured in 1873 the sov- 
ereignty which he had assumed. 

In the summer of 1867 the Sultan appeared in Western Europe accompanied 
1>v Fuad; it was the first occasion in Oman history that a Sultan had passed the 


On the left, above: 1. Mustafa Bairakdar (or Aleimlur = bearer of the prophet's green stand- 
ard), born 1755; Pasha of Rustshuk, 1806; attempted to restore in 1808 the Sultan Selim III, 
who had been deposed by the Janissaries ; imprisoned the new Sultan Mustafa IV, the murderer 
of Selim ; proclaimed Mustafa's brother Mahimul II as Sultan on July 28, 1808 ; became his 
Grand Vizier ; met his death during a popular revolt of the Ulemas and Janissaries, by blowing 
himself up with his followers. 

(From an old lithograph.) 

On the right, above : 2. All, Pasha of Janina, born 1741 at Tepeleni, in Albania ; a scion of the 
Hissa family, which was descended from the Toskas ; was lord of Tepeleni in 1766, Pasha of Trik- 
kala in Thessaly, 1787 ; secured possession of the town of Janina in 1788, and of a great part of 
Arta in 1789 ; became governor of Roumelia in 1803 after the subjection of the Suliots; ruler of 
Albania, Epirus, Thessalia, and South Macedonia from 1807 ; between 1815 and 1820 increased his 
army to the number of one hundred thousand men in numerous castles ; was outlawed by the 
Sultan Mahmud in July, 1820 ; capitulated, besieged in Janina by Churshid Pasha, on January 10, 
1822, and was treacherously murdered on February 5, 1822. 

(From a portrait painted by L. Dnpre in 1819.) 

In tlie middle, on the left: 3. Omer Pasha, born (as Michael Latas) on November 24, 1806, at 
Plasky, of the Croatian military frontier ; a cadet in the frontier regiment of Ogulin ; deserted 1828, 
went to Widdin in the service of the vizier Hussein Pasha, was converted to Islam, and became 
tutor to Hussein's children ; in 1834 he was a clerk in the war ministry at Constantinople as 
OmerEffendi, writing-master to the prince, afterwards Sultan Abd ul Medshid, Jiiz Bashi (= captain) 
in the Turkish army. As colonel he defeated Ibrahim Pasha at Beksaya in Syria in 1839 ; in 
1842 was military governor in Lebanon; in 1843 captured the rebel Dshuleka in Albania, and 
subdued the revolted Kurds in 1846; from 1848 to April, 1850, was military governor in Bucharest, 
defeated the Russians at Oltenitza in 1853, relieved Silistria in 1854, and led thirty thousand Turks 
before Sebastopol; afterwards governor in Bagdad ; banished to Kursput in 1859, recalled 1861, sup- 
pressed the revolt in Herzegovina in 1862 ; was Mushir (= field-marshal) in 1864, and commander 
of the third army corps in Monastir ; acted unsuccessfully in Crete, 1867; was minister of war, 
1868-1869; and died as Sirdar Ekrem ( generalissimo) on April 18, 1871. 

B-luw, on the right: 4. Mehemet Emin Aali Pasha, born 1815 in Constantinople; in 1833, 
second secretary to the embassy in Vienna; in 1838, ambassadorial councillor; ambassador in 
London, 1840-1844 ; minister of foreign affairs, 1846-1852, grand vizier, 1852 ; governor of Brussa 
in October, 1852; on diplomatic business at Vienna, March, 1855 ; grand vizier in July, 1855 (Ilutti- 
humajun from February 18, 1856); minister without portfolio, November 1, 1856 ; grand vizier 
for the third time, January, 1858, for the fourth time, from August to November, 1861 ; then again 
minister for foreign affairs; grand vizier a fifth timo, in February, 1867 ; imperial administrator in 
the summer of 1867; he was the moving spirit in the work of reforming the Turkish government, 
so far as was practicable, and died at Evenkeni in Asia Minor on September 6, 1871. 

In the centre, on the riyht: 5. Hussein Almi Pasha, born 1<S1!) in the village of Dost-Koj at 
Isparta, in Asia Minor; in 1845 assistant teacher at the royal school (Harbije-Mekdeb) ; major, Infill; 
lieutenant-colonel, 1853; in 1855 chief of the staff under Omer Pasha in Armenia (Kars): in 1N")<; 
director of the military school and chief of the general stall'; in 1864 Mnshir (=r conimaiulout- 
geiieral) of the body-guard; suppressed the Cretan revolt in 1869; then became Seraskier 
(=: minister of war). In 1871 he was banished to Isparta; was general governor of Smyrna in 
1872 ; grand vizier, February 13, 1874, dismissed April -2~>, 1875 ; again minister of war, August, 
1S75, dismissed again on October 2, 1875; in May, 1876, conspired against Abd ul Aziz with 
Midhat Pasha and other enemies of Mahmud Pasha; guided Murad to Dolma Baghtshe in the 
night of May 29-30, 1876 ; killed Abd ul Aziz, and was murdered while minister of war in the 
night of June 15-16, 1876, in the house of Midhat, by the officer Hassan Bey. 

Below, on tlie left : 6. Midlwt Pasha, born 1825 in Bulgaria, of Turkish parents belonging to the 
Mohammedan sect of the Betash ; in 1840 was a writer (Kiatib) in Rustshuk, became \Vali of the 
new Danube vilayet in 1865 by the favour of the grand vizier Fuad ; was president of the state 
council in the ministry in 1S67 ; Wali of Irak Ara'hi in Bagdad, 18(>!); grand vizier on August 1 
1872, aftiT the fall of Mahmud Nedim Pasha ; was dismissed on October 1!), 1S72 ; was minister 
of justice in August, l*7-"> ; again overthrew Mahnind Xedim on May 11, \^~,(\ ; dethroned the 
Sultan Abd ul Aziz on May 30, 1876, in conjunction with Hussein Avni ; was grand vizier, 
I )i-c,-nilp"i -2-2, Is7(i; announced a constitutional form of government in accordance with the pro- 
gramme of June 1, oil December 23, 1876 ; declined the proposals of the conference of the powel> 
011 January 18, 1.H77 (resulting in war with Russia) ; was banished by Abd nl llaiinM February 5, 
1877; general governor of Syria, 1878 ; Wali of Smyrna, 1880; condemned to death, 1881, bill 
banished for life to Tail' in Arabia, where he died on May 8, 1884. 

(3 to ti after photographs from Pera.) 


frontiers of his empire, not for the purpose of making conquests, but to secure the 
favour of his allies. He had already visited the Khedive in Egypt in 1863. Now 
he saw the World's Exhibition at Paris, and that of London in June, 1863. On 
July 24 he paid his respects to the king and queen of Prussia at Coblentz and 
returned to Constantinople by way of Vienna on August 7. The success of Fuad 
Pasha in inducing his master to take this step was a masterpiece of diplomacy 
and patriotism ; unfortunately the journey, which had cost enormous sums, did not 
produce the hoped-for results. On February 11, 1869, Fuad died as also did his 
noble friend and rival A(a)li on September 6, 1871 ; thereupon, simultaneously 
with the fall of the Second Empire, Osman politics entered upon that path which 
for Napoleon III began before the walls of Sebastopol and ended at Sedan. In 
place of the influence of the Western powers the eagles of Russia and Prussia were 
henceforward victorious on the Bosphorus. Upon his death-bed Fuad had written 
from Nizza on January 3, 1869, to Sultan Abd ul-Aziz : " The rapid advance of our 
neighbours and the incredible mistakes of our forefathers have brought us into a 
dangerous position; if the threatening collision is to be avoided, your Majesty 
must break with the past and lead your people in fresh paths." The committee of 
officials which travelled through the provinces of the empire in 1864 expressed 
this thought even more bluntly : " The officials grow rich upon the taxes, while the 
people suffer, working like slaves under the whip. The income of the taxes is 
divided among the officials instead of flowing into the State exchequer." 

One result of the foreign tour was the beginning of railway construction within 
the Turkish Empire. The railways from Chernavoda to Kiistenje (1857), from 
Smyrna to Ai'din (1858), from Eustchuk to Varna (1861), which were constructed 
under pressure from England, were left incomplete, and favoured only the advance 
of English trade. On the recommendation of the Austrian government the 
Belgian Langrand-Duraonceau (p. 187) was appointed concessionaire of the Turkish 
railways by the Porte in the year 1868. When Dumonceau proved a total failure, 
Baron Hirsch undertook the construction of the railways in 1869, and brought 
them to partial completion. He, however, began construction at the point where 
the expense was lowest, namely, on the sea coast, from Constantinople and 
Dedeagash to Saloniki, without any consideration for the justifiable or merely 
hypocritical demands of Austro-Hungary that the Turkish railways should form a 
junction with those of the empire. The result was that greater obstacles were 
thrown in the way of the natural expansion of the trade of Austro-Hungary and 
to some extent of Germany than would ever have been raised by the utmost hos- 
tility of Turkish commercial policy as such ; for English ships henceforward monop- 
olised the trade with the Turkish harbours and also the traffic of the incomplete 
railways which Hirsch constructed from the coast to the interior. Similarly, 
British ships monopolised the Danube trade as far up-stream as Widdin, until the 
obstacle of the Iron Gates had been finally overcome. It was thus not until 1888 
that the much-abused " Ligue principale " was connected with the Hungarian rail- 
way system. It was in the spring of 1870 that the " Turkish bonds " were thrown 
upon the money market amid the venal laudations of the Vienna and Paris press. 
By means of Austrian influence Baron Hirsch secured a loan for Turkey of nearly 
eight hundred million francs, although the creditors were perfectly well aware of 
the disastrous situation of the country, of the financial collapse that had occurred 
in 1875, of the fact that payments of interest and premium had been discontinued, 


and that the value of the new paper was likely to diminish in consequence. 
The owners of Turkish bonds were in 1882 the sufferers of a loss amounting to 
306,900,000 francs, one half of which fell upon Austria, and the other half upon 
Germany and France. 

When the collapse of the national bank was announced on October 6, 1875, by 
the decree of the Grand Vizier Mahmud Pasha, England, which was in possession 
of at least two thousand millions of Turkish state debentures, immediately pro- 
ceeded to purchase the Suez Canal shares (177,602 shares to the value of seventy 
million marks) and to occupy the island of Socotra at the mouth of the Arabian 
Gulf; this was the prelude to the seizure of Cyprus (1878) and of Egypt (1882). 
The extravagance of the Sultan reached the point of madness ; the exchequer was 
exhausted by his architectural projects and by the equipment of the army and 
fleet, while the choice of his councillors was determined by the one idea of alter- 
ing the rule of succession and of securing the throne to his son Yusuf Izz ed-din, 
Ly introducing the right of primogeniture. This attempt to abolish the old custom 
of seniority (p. 123) met with a most vigorous resistance from the Asiatic Turks 
of the old school, the Ulemas, and the Mohammedan clergy ; on the other hand it 
was received with no less favour by the Russian ambassador Ignatieff, who flattered 
the Sultan with a promise that the succession should be protected in case of need 
by the Russian fleet and army. 

Russia had been incessantly working with ever increasing success to recover 
that position in the East which she had lost in the Crimean War. Ignatieff found 
in Greece no longer a helpless protege but a dangerous rival, and proceeded to 
extend the theory of the protectorate over his Christian co-religionists to include 
the Slav subjects of Turkey. Struggles for freedom begun by the Christian peoples 
in the Balkans had left their traces on the Bulgarians. As early as 1762 the 
Proigumene Paysii in the monastery of Chilander on Mount Athos had composed a 
Slavonic-Bulgarian history which may be regarded as the starting point of the 
intellectual renaissance in Bulgaria. The sermons of Bishop Sofronii of Vraca 
(Sophronios of Vratza or Vratsha) published in 1806 formed the first book printed 
in modern Bulgarian. Bulgarians, who regarded the monastery of Chernpitsh as 
the guardian of their freedom, had taken part in the Greek war of liberation in 
1821 and in the Russian campaign in 1829. The primer of Berovitch (1824), the 
grammar, dictionary, and the other writings of Jurii J. Venelin (1802-1839), were 
soon regarded as classics. In 1835 the first Bulgarian school was organised in 
Gabrovo, and in 1839 the first national printing-press was erected. As early as 1872 
the exarchate of Philippopolis possessed 305 elementary schools, 16 secondary 
schools, and 24 girls' schools, with 393 male and female teachers and 14,665 
scholars. In 1884 the first Bulgarian newspaper appeared, the " Ljuboslovie " of 
Fotiuoff in Smyrna ; in 1846 Bogaroff began the publication of the first political 
journal hi Leipsic. The growing national consciousness declined any longer to 
endure the spoliations of the Greek Phanariot clergy. Violent struggles broke out 
(they are continued in the " Macedonian question " of to-day) which ended either in 
the expulsion of the Greek popes and bishops or in bloody suppression by the 
Turkish Bashi-Bazouks. France and the Pope made a vain effort in 1854 to turn 
the Bulgarian movement towards union with Rome. In March, 1870, the hour 
struck for the ecclesiastical liberation of the Bulgarians (separation from the Greek 
patriarchate and the institution of a Bulgarian exarchate proper in Stamboul) ; the 


liberators, who were objects of execration to the Greek patriarchate, were the 
Grand Vizier A(a)li and Ignatieff. 

Supported by Bismarck at a conference held in London during the Franco- 
German War, Kussia had secured the abolition of the clauses of the peace of Paris 
of 1856 ( 11 and 13) prohibiting her from keeping warships in the Black 
Sea (cf. above, p. 186); the Porte had been forced to send a considerable body of 
troops to Yemen in Arabia, and was in receipt of disturbing news from Syria, from 
the Persian frontier, from Servia, and from Bulgaria ; it was obliged in consequence 
to agree with the other powers to Eussia's demands on March 13, 1871, and also 
to lay down certain points for the regulation of the Danube traffic. In 1873 the 
Eussian war minister, Miljutin, reorganised the army on the model of the German 
military system, introducing general conscription and considerably increasing both 
the number of regiments and of soldiers available in time of war. Thereupon the 
Eastern question was again brought upon the stage by the Pan-Slavonic party. 
Thanks to their agitation, a revolt broke out in Herzegovina in 1875, which the 
Porte did not immediately suppress. When a consular commission of the powers 
and Austrian intervention led to no result, the Porte took decided action and would 
have restored order in Montenegro, in Herzegovina, and in Servia by superior force, 
had not Iguatieff opposed the use of menaces. Unfortunately for the Porte, the 
French and German consuls were murdered on May 6, 1876, in the course of a 
riot at Saloniki, and the incident cost Turkey a heavy price. Hardly had a memo- 
randum of Gortchakoff secured a two months' armistice among the revolted parties 
than the Bulgarians revolted in Drenova, Panagiurishte, Koprivshzitza, Gabrovo, 
and Srednagora, and were crushed by the fanatical population with dreadful cruelty, 
the " Bulgarian atrocities " execrated by Gladstone and the English press. 

0) Murad V; the Party of Young Turkey (1876\ 0n May 10, 1876, the 
Softas, the theological students, took up arms in the capital and haughtily requested 
the Sultan, who was regarded as blindly devoted to Eussia, to dismiss the Grand 
Vizier Mahmud Nedim Pasha, to send away Ignatieff, and to begin war against 
Montenegro. In vain did Abd ul-Aziz attempt to calm the storm by summoning 
Mehemed Eu'shdi; the measure of his wrong-doing was full. On May 29 the 
new Grand Vizier and the minister of war Hussein Avni and Midhat Pasha 
declared the Sultan deposed and placed Murad V, the eldest son of Abd ul-Mejid, 
on the throne. Abd ul-Aziz was conveyed to his palace at Chiragan and there 
murdered (as transpired from an inquiry held in 1882) ; a few days after Hussein 
Pasha with other ministers fell beneath the daggers of the avengers in the house 
of Midhat. Even before the tour of the Sultan Abd ul-Aziz to Europe in the 
spring of 1867, a conspiracy had been discovered, directed principally against 
the then Grand Vizier A(a)li Pasha. The chiefs of the movement called them- 
selves Young Turks, la Jeune Turquie, in an opposite sense to that which is 
conveyed by the terms " Young Germany " or la Giovine Italia. The objects of 
this conspiracy were the restoration of the old Turkish regime and of the Turkish 
Empire, with the complete suppression of all non-Mohammedans ; the surest means 
to this end was proclaimed to be the arming of the Mohammedan people and the 
murder of the liberal-minded A(a)li, while the final object was war against Western 
Europe. After the demonstration of the Softas in 1876, the fall of Mahmud Nedim 
Pasha, the deposition of the Sultan, and the miserable failure of the diplomacy of 

192 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

the great powers, Chauvinism again raised its head. As early as October, 1875, the 
Turkish imperial newspaper "Bassiret" had issued an inspiring and revolutionary 
appeal for a crusade of the Mohammedans against the infidels. Special meuti'u 
was made of Algiers, East India, Java, Sumatra, Crimea, and the Caucasus. In 
1876 the " Sabah " (morning) threatened a general levy of three hundred million 
Mohammedans, who were to occupy England and Eussia, France and Austria, and 
to devastate these countries, while Germany was to be spared so long as she 
remained neutral 

The chief persons who shared in the deposition of the Sultan Abd ul-Aziz and 
the enthronement of the Sultan Murad V were Midhat, Hussein Avni Miiterjim 
(see Figs. 5 and 6 of the plate facing p. 188), Mehemed Eiishdi, and Zia Bey; of 
these the first and the last were Young Turks, while the other two were Old Turks, 
assuming this distinction to be possible of maintenance. Apart from these, the 
members of the Young Turkish party set their hopes particularly on Prince Murad 
(Effendi), as they expected him to issue some form of constitution. As a matter 
of fact, when Murad had become Sultan, he proclaimed his intention of granting a 
constitution on July 15, 1876 ; but even then his mind was beginning to be over- 
clouded, and fate willed otherwise. Midhat Pasha was the life and soul of the 
constitutional movement. In the winter of 1876 he drew up a memorial which 
he submitted to the powers. He explained that the main cause of the decline 
of the Turkish Empire was to be found not in religious or racial disputes, but in a 
despotic government and the extravagant whims of the Sultan Abd ul-Aziz. 

Midhat Pasha availed himself by preference of the services of two famous 
authors, Kemal and Zia Bey. These men were also leaders of the " Young Turkish 
party " (cf. the explanation of the plate facing this page). Their aims, however, 
were not only political, but primarily literary. It is in this department that their 
most distinguished services were performed. They abandoned the conventionality of 
classical poetry and the courtly style of prose writing, and found their model either 
in the inexhaustible treasures of the Osman ballad poetry and popular language, 
or, as regards the " moderns," in French literature. The study of Turkish popular 
literature, which was previously confined for the most part to a reference to the 
satires of Hodj Nasr ed-din has been revived in modern times by students such as 
Wilh. liadloff, Herm. Vambe'ry, J. Kunos, and G.Jacob. The wealth of poetry ami 
of moral force, and especially of the pure undefiled Osman language existing in the 
stories, satires, humorous tales, narratives, chap-books, chivalrous and political 
romances, ballads, puppet plays, riddles, and proverbs of the Turkish nation was 
only waiting the discoverer. In this respect the efforts of the Young Turks exer- 
cised a healthy influence upon Osman civilization, even though their first efforts for 
reformation or revolution far exceeded the limits of what was permissible or 

Aali Soavi (Ali Suavi) Effendi was a compound of Peter of Amiens and Maz- 
zini ; but he was entirely faithful to the Koran. Zia Bey (Pasha ; see the plate 
facing this page) had in the year 1859, under the title of Andalus Tarikhi, pub- 
lished a history of the Arab dominion in the Iberian peninsula, which was based 
>n the somewhat-superficial work of Louis Viardot, and amounted to a glorification 
of Moslem civilization, characterised by a hostile attitude to Europe and Christian- 
ity. Kemal Bey, a faithful scholar of his great master and model, Shinassi Effendi, 1 

1 See Figs. 1 and 2 of the plate facing this page, " The Founders of the Young Turkish Movement." 

(From contemporary photographs) 


Above, on the riyht : Ibrahim Shinassi Effendi, born 1826 (1242 of the Hidshra) at Constanti- 
nople; journalist and poet; went to Paris, and on his return attempted to replace the bombastic 
and generally unintelligible style everywhere in vogue by the simple unadorned Turkish language. 
In 1859 (1276 of the Hidshra) he founded the newspaper Terdshiiman-i-ahwal ("The State''); 
removed again to Paris in 1864 (1281 of the Hidshra), and became the founder of modern Turkish 
literature. He died on September 13, 1871 (Redsheb 5, 1288, of the Hidshrn). 

Above, on the left: Kemdl Bey, born December 21, 1840 (Shewwal 2(>, 1 250), at Gallipoli, or in 
the mountains of Tekl'ur (Rodosto) ; studied in Sofia ; was a pupil of Shinassi Effendi from 1857- 
1858 (1274 of the H.); the most important Turkish poet and author of modern times ; died in Chios 
on December 2, 1888 (Rebii'l awwel 28, 1306). 

Below, on the right : Prince Fazil Mustafa Pasha of Egypt, the brother of the Khedive Ismail 
Pasha, who died 1895, and the founder of the Young Turkish reform party ; he came to Constan- 
tinople in 1846 (1262 of the H.) ; was an Ula of the first class in 1851 (1267), vizier, 1857-1858 
(1274), minister without portfolio, 1861 (1278), minister of education, 1862 (1279) ; appointed to 
the unremunerative post of finance minister on November 13, 1862 (Resheb 21, 1279) ; president 
of the financial board for treasury administration, 1865 (1282) ; a second time minister without 
portfolio, 1869 (1286) ; died abroad, 1875 (1292). The daughter of Fazil Mustafa Pasha, the 
princess Nazli Hanum, resident in Cairo, also maintains close relations with the Young 
Turkish party. 

Below, on the left: Abd ul Hamid Zia Pasha, poet and publicist, born at Constantinople, 1825 
(1241) ; secretary in the imperial palace, 1855 (1271) ; translated Spanish and in particular French 
works (Rousseau's "Emile"); under Abd ul Aziz governor of Cyprus; sent by Abd ul Hamid to 
Syria, Konia, and finally to Adana, where he died in 1881 (1298 of the H.). 

The Young Turkish party are those who desire to revive the constitutional programme of 1876 ; 
this was the work of Midhat Pasha, who is not, however, to be reckoned as a member of the party. 
The more recent leaders of the party are given in the following list. All, witli the exception of 
those mentioned under the numbers 4-(>, are still alive. 1. Ahmed Pii/.a Key, editor of the revo- 
lutionary journal appearing in Paris, the " Mescliweret " ("deliberation"). 2. Murad Bey, presi- 
dent of the " Comite Ottoman d'Union et de Progres," who edited in Cairo for some time the 
journals " Zeman " ("time") and "Mizan" (" balance"), and now conducts in conjunction with 
Ahmed lliza Bey the paper "Osmaidi," the organ of the Comite Ottoman, which appears twice a 
month, in Turkish, at Geneva. 3. Halil Ganem, a Syrian Christian of Beirout, collaborator on the 
"Journal des Debats" at Paris, and once deputy for Syria in the Turkish Parliament; he is now 
president of the Comite Turco-Syrien, which publishes the paper "La Jeune Turquie," in Paris. 
4-6. Zia Bey, Ali Suavi Elfendi, and Aghiah Effendi, who published the Turkish paper " Muchbir " 
(" messenger ") in London from 1867 to 1868. 7. Wassif Effendi, now living in Paris, and for- 
merly secretary of Midhat Pasha. 8. Mahmud Djelaleddin Pasha, the husband of Seniha, sister 
of the Sultan Abd ul Hamid; in 1899 he iled to Paris. 9. Tewfik Ebusia, friend and publisher 
of Kemal Bey, now in banishment at Konia. a talented poet and author. 

One of the most popular and distinguished poets of the present time is Shemsi Bey of 
Stambotil, whose war songs have attracted particular attention. We may also mention Ahmed 
Midhat (whose stories and novels are directed against Mohammedan marriage customs), Muallim 
Nadshi, Sami Bey, Sc/.Aji Mahmud Kemal, Mustafa Reshid, Hussam ed din, and Mehmed Risal ; 
all of these have introduced the culture of Western Europe to their countrymen and are continu- 
inu their task. 

TurKey in Europe^ HISTORY OF THE WORLD 193 

and Armenia J 

the creator of modern Osman literature and language, was the most important of all 
the Turkish poets of the modern period. He published a newspaper under the 
title of " Ibret " (pattern), in which he actually defended the Commune of Paris. 
His most important dramatic work was " Silistria " or " Vatan," the Fatherland. 
Though the details of the heroic defence of the Danube forts in 1854 may not be 
historically true, yet he secured a striking success through the exalted tone of his 
love for the " fatherland," a conception formerly unknown to Mohammedanism, 
and by the popular style of the work. Its success led to the author's banishment, 
after the production of this piece in Constantinople in 1873. In conjunction with 
Mehemed Bey, the nephew of the Grand Vizier, Mahmud Nedim Pasha, he founded 
the Turkish newspaper, " Mukhbir," that is, the " Keporter." The paper was sup- 
pressed when the persecution against the Young Turks was begun ; the conspirators 
made their escape safely to Paris. There they came in contact with Fazil Mustafa 
(Mustafa Fasyl ; see the plate facing page 192), the brother of the Khedive Ismail, 
who had been banished on account of his claims to the Egyptian succession. The 
" Mukhbir " continued to appear in Paris and London, and thousands of copies were 
smuggled into Turkey ; some numbers also appeared in French. To the European 
public at large, however, this party assumed a mask of toleration, and concealed 
their fanatical zeal for Mohammedanism under an appearance of free thought. 
Under Mahmud Pasha they were amnestied and recalled. Zia and Eiza Bey, who 
had formerly been ambassadors in Teheran and St. Petersburg, were then the fore- 
most in enlightening the Grand Vizier upon the complicated Bulgarian question 
and the problem of the Catholic Armenians. 

At this period there was also a Turkish theatre at Stamboul, with a repertoire 
of forty to fifty pieces, partly original and partly translations of Moliere by Ahmed 
Vesik, or of Schiller by Ahmed Midhat Effendi, the editor of the official Turkish 
newspaper ; Vesik also published some maps in Turkish for the use of schools, and 
took part in the composition of a great dictionary. Munif Effendi translated part 
of Voltaire's " Entretiens et Dialogues Philosophiques," and followed the example 
of Fuad in proposing the extension and regulation of the narrow, crooked streets of 
Stamboul. Public libraries were founded ; Abd ul-Aziz began a zoological garden, 
and in the medical school of the Seraglio of Galata a museum of natural objects 
was opened to the public. The foundation of the " University " of Constantinople 
can only be described as a failure. Strangely enough, some decades later, in the 
movement for the emancipation of women which found expression in 1895 in the 
newspaper of Tahir Effendi, " Khanimlara Makhsus Gazeta," female collaborators 
like Fatirna Alija, Nigiar Chamin, Harnijeti Zehra, Fahr-en-Msa, Makbula Lemian, 
Emine Wahide, and Renesie, notwithstanding their thorough knowledge of Oriental 
and European languages and morals, spoke out strongly on the side of the Young 
Turks on behalf of the strengthening and retention of Mohammedan customs and 
of the avoidance of European civilization in methods of education. At the same 
time Vambe*ry forecasts from this woman's movement an approximation to Western 
manners and the beginning of a beneficial reform of the State and of society. 

Upon the whole, it is by no means easy to gain a clear idea of the theories and 
ideals of the modern Young Turkish party. Their first official leader was the Cher- 
kess general Hussein Pasha. He was joined by numerous adherents, who called 
themselves Fedayiji, conspirators or martyrs. Even at that time (1860) this free 
federation of Osmans was aiming at the following points : a reform of Turkey 
VOL. v is 


by the Turks without distinction of faith and not by Europe, the abolition of 
despotic government, a responsible ministry composed of honourable statesmen, 
and a Chamber composed of members of all the races and religions within the 
Osman Empire (Bernhard Stern). Khair ed-din Pasha and Khalil Sherif Pasha 
pursued the same objects under Abd ul-Aziz, and were supported by Zia Bey 
and Kemal Bey in writing and speech, and by A(a)li and Fuad in the govern- 
ment. They developed great plans, and actually succeeded in obtaining approval 
for some of them from the tyrannical Sultan, who went so far as to summon an 
Armenian Christian, Agathon Effendi, to the ministry. The programme of Midhat 
in 1876 was, generally speaking, based upon principles borrowed from the AYot ; 
the supremacy of law, universal equality, the strengthening of the Divan against 
the Seraglio, freedom of the press, independence of the judicature, reorganisation 
of the administrative power with respect for the Mohammedan legal code, but also 
in accord with Western experience, order in the palace, a change in the Eastern 
principle of succession, European education for the princes, marriage of the princes 
with European princesses, and the consequent abolition of slavery, of polygamy, 
of concubines, and eunuch government. In conjunction with Fazil and Server 
Pasha, Midhat defended his creations, the constitution, the parliament, and the 
Senate, in his " Iftihad." He demanded a complete severance of the Caliphate 
from the Sultanate, and an abolition of theocratic government. This proposal 
deeply offended the strong ecclesiastical party of the Ulemas. Under the follow- 
ing Sultan he was overthrown ; and the inheritors of his ideas, the Keform Turks, 
or Liberals, as they preferred to be called, continued until recently the struggle 
to secure the liberation of the Sultan Abd ul Hamid II and his people from the 
hands of the Court Camarilla; it may be noted that in May, 1904, public attention 
was occupied with the rumour of the imprisonment of certain young Turks of high 
position. This party included Ahmed Ptiza, the e'ditor of the " Meschweret," Murad 
Bey, a kind of political chameleon, editor of the " Misan," Theodor Kassope, the 
brilliant journalist of the " Haial," Ismail Kemal Bey, Vassilaki Bey, Mehemed 
Ubeidullah, Said Bey, Zia Bey, and Ferdi Bey, and even the Sultan's brother-in- 
law Mahmud Damad (died on January 18, 1903, at Brussels). 


IN sad tones does the Turkish ballad recount the deposition of the " beloved 
ruler Abd ul-Aziz." A gloomy fate, however, still bore heavily upon the Osman 
throne; on August 31, 1876, Murad V, the hope of the Young Turkish party, was 
deposed owing to insanity, and placed in confinement until his death on August 
29, 1904. 

He was succeeded by his brother Abd ul-Hamid II (born September 21, 1842), 
the thirty-fourth sovereign of the Osman house and the twenty-eighth since the 
conquest of Constantinople. A reform of education and of the constitution, the 
improvement of trade and economic life by a vast extension of the railway- 
system, were the objects which this highly gifted monarch set before himself of 
his own free and vigorous will, for the purpose of raising "this nation of gentle- 
men," as Bismarck called the Osmans, to the height of civilization. In vain did 
the Sirdar Abd ul-Kerim drive back the Serbs at Alexinatz (September 1, 1876) into 


the valley of the Morava (on November 1 the Bashi-bazouks had made their way 
beyond Junis and Stolatz as far as the neighbourhood of Belgrade) ; the telegram of 
the Czar Alexander II, despatched from Livadia on October 31, commanded a ces- 
sation of hostilities. In vain did the diplomatic and peaceful Sultan resolve upon 
the extremity of compliance in the peace concluded on February 28, 1877. 

When the powers demanded an independent administration for Bulgaria, 
Midhat Pasha, who had been Grand Vizier since December 22, 1876, answered 
this move by producing a constitution which the Sultan imposed upon his empire 
on December 23. This representative assembly of two hundred Moslems and 
sixty Christians declined the proposals of the conference of the powers. Igna- 
tieff then went round the courts of Europe and secured their agreement to the 
" London protocol," which recommended the Sublime Porte to recognise the auto- 
nomy of the two provinces of Bulgaria and Eastern Eoumelia under Christian 
governors. However, Midhat was overthrown on February 5, 1877, by a palace 
revolution, and Edhem Pasha, his successor, induced the Sultan curtly to decline 
the Eussian proposals on April 9. On April 23 the Czar Alexander II informed 
his troops at Kishineff that war had been declared. On the night of the 24th the 
Cossacks crossed the Pruth, and the whole army advanced into Eoumania, not, as 
before, to secure the " liberation of the Christians," but that of their " Slavonic 
brothers." On April 16 Eoumania had concluded with Eussia a convention admit- 
ting the passage of troops, which was regarded by the Porte as a casus belli in 
the case of that State also. Thereupon the Chamber at Bucharest proclaimed their 
independence. The Turks were in position with 180,000 men along the Danube, 
while 80,000 troops were ready in Asia. Eussia was certain of the benevolent 
neutrality of Germany, and in January, 1887, she had concluded the agreement of 
Eeichstadt with Austria, which secured Bosnia and Herzegovina to Austro-Hungary, 
in the event of her non-interference. On May 3 the Turks declared the shores of 
the Black Sea to be in a state of blockade. On May 6 the Sultan assumed the 
title " Defender of the Faith," and proclaimed the Holy War. 

At the outset the Turkish warship " Seifi " was attacked by Eussian torpedo 
boats below Matchin on the Danube and sunk ; on May 11 a Eussian battery at 
Braila shelled the Turkish monitor " Lutfi Jalil," and blew up the ship with its 
crew. On May 17 the Eusso-Caucasian army stormed Ardakhan and invested 
Kars. However, the victory of Mukhtar Pasha over Loris Melikoff forced the Eus- 
sians to retire to their o\vu country in the middle of July. A Turkish fleet, sup- 
ported by the revolt of the Cherkesses in the Caucasus, bombarded the Eussian 
forts on the Abkhasian coast and captured Sukhum Kaleh; but this possession 
was unavoidably evacuated in August, for the Eussians had then recaptured Kars 
and made a victorious advance to Erzeroum. Mukhtar Pasha undertook the 
defence of Constantinople. The Eussians indeed had not been able to cross the 
Danube at Sistova and Zimnitza until June 29, owing to the floods ; but on July 
7 they reached Trnovo, and General Gurko crossed the Balkans on July 13 (Shipka 
Pass). General Schilder-Schuldner was beaten back at Plevna by Osrnan Nuri 
Pasha, and the Eussian line of retreat was threatened. Had the Turkish com- 
manders been united and able to make a decisive attack upon the Eussians, the 
latter would scarcely have reached the left bank of the Danube. Meanwhile the 
Eussians brought up their reinforcements and the Eoumanian army, in order to 
capture the " Lion of Plevna," who is still celebrated in the Turkish ballad (died 

196 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [Chapter n 

April 5, 1900). On September 11, the birthday of the Russian Czar, after vast 
preparations the great attack was begun upon the defences of Osman Pasha, 
and the Eussians suffered their greatest defeat during the whole campaign; 16,000 
dead and wounded Russians covered the battlefield, the sole result being the cap- 
ture of the redoubt of Grivitza. Finally, on December 10 the wounded Osman, 
whose supply of ammunition had failed, was obliged to surrender to a force three 
times as large as his own, with 40,000 men, 2,000 officers, and 77 guns. 

The fall of Plevna encouraged the Serbs at Nisch on January 11, 1878, and the 
Montenegrins made conquests on the coast of the Adriatic on January 19, 1878 ; 
the Greeks crossed the frontier of Thessaly on February 2. In Bulgaria, after end- 
less marching, Gurko had subdued the Etropol district at the end of December, 
1877, and had effected a junction with the army of Lorn in Philippopolis. On 
January 29, 1878, the Russians reached the Sea of Marmora at Rodosto, after the 
capture of the Shipka army, the destruction of the division of Suleiman, and the 
occupation of Adrianople. On January 31 an armistice was concluded, and then 
the English fleet entered the Sea of Marmora. The Russians now advanced to 
the neighbourhood of Constantinople, and on March 3 dictated the peace of Santo 
Stefano, in which they demanded complete independence for Roumania, Servia, 
Montenegro, and Bulgaria, the cession of Armenia to Russia and of the Dobrudsha 
to Roumania, and would also have cut European Turkey in half by the establish- 
ment of the States of Roumelia and Macedonia. Thereupon England threatened 
war, concentrated Indian troops at Malta, and joined Austria in a demand for a 
congress. Abd ul-Hamid had dissolved the Chambers on February 14 and had 
never recalled them ; on May 20 he had suppressed with bloodshed the conspiracy 
begun by Ali Soavi in favour of Murad, and on May 25 had appointed Mehemed 
Riishdi Pasha as Grand Vizier. He concluded a secret treaty with England on 
June 4, England undertaking the protection of Turkey in Asia, and occupying 
Cyprus by way of return. He, however, was replaced by Safvet Pasha on June 4. 

The demands proposed in the peace of Santo Stefano were considerably reduced 
in the Berlin Congress (June 13 to July 13, 1878); in particular, Eastern Rou- 
melia was left under Turkish supremacy (see the historical map facing page 166). 
Austria, however, was intrusted with the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 
and was given the right to maintain a body of supervisory troops in the Sanjak 
of Novibazar, under the supremacy of the Sultan. Roumania's only reward for the 
valuable service which she had rendered to Russia was the acquisition of the 
barren Dobrudsha in return for Bessarabia, which was ceded to Russia. Greece 
secured the right to a better delimitation of her northern frontier, but it was 
not until 1880 that she secured possession of Thessaly and of the district of Arta in 
Epirus. The war indemnity paid by the Porte to Russia amounted to 802,000,000 
francs. In 1882 Bosnia, which had first to be conquered step by step by the 
Austrian troops under Jos. Philippovich von Philippsberg, received a measure of 
civil government, under which the prosperity of this fertile district considerably 
increased. The Berlin treaty was signed by representatives of all the powers, 
though all were fully aware that it contained merely the germs of fresh entangle- 
ments. Prince Bismarck in his " Thoughts and Recollections " stigmatised the 
treaty as a "dishonourable fiction," while the Pan-Slavonic party blamed the 
" infidelity of their German friend " for the unfavourable results of the Berlin Con- 
gress. Russia did not feel her military power sufficiently great to begin a war 

a r :Slfa rope ] HISTORY OF' THE WORLD 197 

with Austria and England, after she had once lost her opportunity of occupying 
Constantinople. For the blunders of Russian policy, Prince Gortchakoff undoubt- 
edly divided the responsibility with some of his younger adherents, but his free- 
dom from blame is by no means proved. 

When the great German chancellor concluded the alliance with Austria on 
October 7, 1879, and shortly afterwards the Triple Alliance (1883), the far-sighted 
Sultan at once recognised that the welfare of his State was conditional solely upon 
the support of these most powerful influences for European peace. In 1879 the 
deposition of Ismail had indeed been unable to restore the old supremacy of the 
Porte ; the Nile valley fell into the hands of Great Britain in 1882 (Vol. Ill, 
p. 719), and the conquest of the Soudan immediately followed; on May 12, 1881, 
and June 8, 1883, France also declared her protectorate of Tunis (Vol. IV, p. 253). 
However, the Sultan loyally observed the conditions of the Berlin Congress, and 
attempted to increase the prosperity of his empire by a series of innovations. In 
1880 he forced the Albanian League to give in its submission and to cede Dul- 
cigno to Montenegro. The statesmen, Midhat, Mahmud Damad. and Nuri Pasha, 
who had hitherto gone unpunished, were condemned to death on June 9, 1881, 
and banished to Arabia. With the help of German officials, the Sultan secured 
in 1881 a union with the orthodox and a financial reform of high benefit to the 
empire. The revenue was increased by the introduction of the tobacco regie in 
1883. The State was, however, chiefly strengthened by the Sultan's invitation to 
German officers to remodel the organisation of the army (1880), and to elaborate 
a military law, which came into force in 1887. From that date, all men capable 
of bearing arms were forthwith assigned to a certain arm of the service, and on 
attaining their majority were placed under control and incorporated in troops of 
the line for training. In the officers' schools, which were conducted in Constanti- 
nople by the Freiherr von der Goltz from 1883 to 1895, the number of pupils rose- 
from 4,000 to 14,000. In 1880 the old museum of antiquities was built in the- 
Serai gardens (Chinili Kiosk), while the new museum was constructed in 1891. 
In 1891 the School of Art (ecole des beaux arts) was founded close at hand by 
Hamdi Bey, where, notwithstanding the prohibition of the Koran against the^ 
representation of the human countenance, more than one hundred and thirty 
young Turks were permanently instructed in painting, sculpture, and architec- 
tural design. 

The Sultan displayed even greater wisdom in holding aloof from the disturb- 
ances between the Balkan States, though Russian dissatisfaction with her Slavonic 
protectorates gave him every excuse for armed interference, and though his action 
on this occasion was stigmatised as " weakness " by the Young Turkish party ._ 
Roumania was proclaimed a kingdom on March 26, 1881, as also was Servia on. 
March 6, 1882. On April 29, 1879, the Bulgarian Sobranje had chosen Prince? 
Alexander of Battenberg as ruler of the country. On May 9, 1881, he overthrew 
the radical government and the influence of the agitators for a larger Bulgaria in 
Eastern Eoumelia and Macedonia by means of a coup d'etat ; however, on Septem- 
ber 19, 1883, he restored the constitution of Trnovo and undertook the govern- 
ment of Eastern Eoumelia, much against the will of Russia, on September 20, 
1885. Thereupon the jealous Servians declared war upon the Bulgarians (Novem- 
ber 13). After one temporary success at the Dragoman Pass, King Milan was 
defeated by Prince Alexander on November 18 and 19, at Slivnitza and Pirot, 

198 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [Chapter n 

driven back upon Tzaribrod, and was spared in the peace of Bucharest (March 3, 
1886), only at the request of Austria. The reckless financial policy of a rapid 
succession of such ministers as Garashanin, Eistic, Gru(j)ic, Christie", Taushauo- 
vio, Simic, etc., the agitation fomented by the radicals, the domestic quarrels in 
the royal family, the divorce (1888), and the abdication of King Milan in favour 
of his son Alexander I (1889), the latter's coup d'etat (1893), and his marriage 
with Draga Maschin (1 900), were events which gave the unhappy country neither 
peace nor justice. The rise of Bulgaria and its union with Eastern Eoumelia on 
October 5, 1886, aroused the jealousy and the anger of the Czar and of the Panslav- 
ists. On the night of August 21 Prince Alexander was surprised in his konak 
and forced to abdicate ; upon his return he was unable to make his peace with the 
Czar, and was definitely banished from the country on December 7, 1886 (died 
November 17, 1893). After the short regency of Stambuloff and the disturbance 
caused by the appearance of the Russian general Baron Kaulbars, the Sobranje 
chose Prince Ferdinand of Koburg-Kohary as their ruler. Notwithstanding the 
aloofness of the Sultan, the anger of the Czar, and the outrages of the Pan- 
slavists in the country, this prince maintained his position, married Princess 
Louise of Parma in 1893, and from 1896 brought up his son Boris in the faith 
of the orthodox church. After the murder of Starnbouloff, the prince secured a 
reconciliation with the Czar, his recognition by the Sultan, and was able even hi 
Macedonia to bring about the investiture of Bulgarian bishops. Bulgaria responded 
by remaining neutral until 1897. However, this fruitful country was continually 
disturbed by its superfluity of ambitious parliamentarians and professional politi- 
cians ; only in the Macedonian question was the Bulgarian preponderance decided, 
and this through the dissension between the Serbs and the Greeks. However, 
Servia and Greece displayed an attitude of greater hostility, and consequently 
obliged the Porte to make counter preparations and burdensome loans from the 
Ottoman bank. In 1889 a decision of the courts transferred the Turkish railways 
from the hands of Baron Hirsch (p. 187) to the possession of the Porte. German 
influence also secured the construction of the Anatolian railway, which had been 
pushed as far as Angora and Konia in 1896, and which, when continued to the 
Persian Gulf, will greatly strengthen the strategical and economic power of Tur- 
key, and increase her influence upon international trade. After the failure of the 
unceasing efforts of the German Commercial Company for Eastern Trade, founded 
1881, the company, founded at Hamburg in 1889, of the Deutsche Levante Lime 
was able to issue combined tariffs for maritime and railway traffic, and thus suc- 
cessfully to resume commerce with the East. 

Before, however, this decaying empire had been surrounded by the iron girdle 
of the railroad beyond Bagdad, it was shaken to its depths by two disastrous 
events, the Armenian revolt and the war in Thessaly. Paragraph 61 of the 
Treaty of Berlin had demanded protection from the rapacious officials, the Kurds, 
and Cherkesses, and reforms in the administration to help the oppressed people of 
the Armenians, who had shown excellent capacity for trade and manual labor. 
Thanks to the indolence and corruption of the authorities, these reforms were 
introduced with extreme slowness. In 1894 disturbances broke out in Sassun, and 
the cruelty witli which they were suppressed immediately gave the signal for 
revolt in Trebizond, Giimishhane, Samsun, A^ja dune, and the Armenian vilayets; 
Turkish soldiers and Kurds were massacred with the connivance of the authorities. 


The Armenians, entrenched in the mountains of Cilicia at Zeitun, sustained a 
formal siege for a long period, and from London, Athens, Paris, Geneva, and Tiflis 
Armenian agents carried the seeds of revolt into the distressed highlands of Upper 
Armenia and of the Taurus. These very towns in Western Europe served as 
refuges not only for the Armenian agents who were favoured by England, but also 
for their deadly enemies, the Young Turks, of whom France made occasional use 
to put pressure on the Porte. On September 30, 1895, certain Armenians gathered 
before the Sublime Porte, demanding reforms ; on August 26, 1896, these Arme- 
nian conspirators surprised the Ottoman Bank, and after their liberation a mas- 
sacre, apparently led by the soldiers and police, was begun upon the Armenians in 
the capital. When the powers protested against this bloodshed, the massacres 
were stopped and reforms were promised; but the Armenian question remained 
one of the pieces upon the political chessboard, while attention was soon diverted 
to North America, Eastern Asia, and South Africa. The Greek campaign proved 
more disastrous to the Christians than to the once forbearing Sultan. Two visits 
from the German emperor increased and strengthened the reputation of Abd 
ul-Hanrid II, and made German influence supreme with the Porte. 

In Crete it had proved impossible to appease the animosity between the Chris- 
tians and Turks, notwithstanding their common descent, and the breach of the 
convention of Halepa (1878) and the imposition of a constitution which lim- 
ited their freedom (1889) led to a bloody revolt; this movement was increased 
from 1886 by the hopes of the incorporation of the island with the mother 
country, notwithstanding the blockade of the Greek harbours by the powers. On a 
fresh outburst of hostilities in 1896-1897 the Greek Colonel Vassos, with two thou- 
sand men, occupied Platania in Crete on February 15, 1897, and took possession 
of the island in the name of King George. The governor, George Berovitch Pasha, 
left Crete. The powers protested against this violation of international law, bom- 
barded the rebels from their ships, and blockaded the island. When Greece 
declined to withdraw her troops, upon an ultimatum from the powers, the Porte 
declared war on April 17, 1897. The Turkish army advanced into Thessaly under 
Edhem Pasha, and defeated the Greek army, which was badly disciplined and organ- 
ised, under the crown prince of Greece, Constantino, at Turnavos, Larissa, Phersala 
(Pharsalos), Domokos, and in Epirus. On May 19 an armistice was arranged by 
the intervention of the powers, and a peace was concluded at Constantinople on 
September 17, 1897, under the terms of which Greece lost certain frontier districts 
on the north of Thessaly, and undertook to pay a war indemnity of four million 
pounds Turkish, or seventy-five million marks. The heaviest punishment inflicted 
upon Greece was the control of the finances imposed at the proposal of Germany, 
as the Germans had been the chief sufferers from the financial crisis. Greece 
withdrew her troops from Crete, and the island received complete independence 
under the suzerainty of the Sultan ; Prince George of Greece was appointed as 
governor. In 1893 Greece at length completed the canal through the Isthmus 
of Corinth. She has not yet pushed forward her railway system to a junction 
with the more developed system of the Balkan States, but is now advancing 
towards a more prosperous development. 

This short campaign had proved that the efforts of German instructors to 
improve the organisation, the training, mobilisation, leadership, and discipline of 
the Turkish troops had borne good fruit. Thus Turkey reached the close of the 

200 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

century. Vambe'ry, Adolf Wahnnund, and Von der Goltz have prophesied a new- 
life and power for the Osman State under certain conditions. From the intellec- 
tual renaissance in the best men of the nation, they anticipate a revival of the 
powers dormant in the country and a gradual replacing of Asiatic by European 
ideas, a reconciliation between Mohammedanism and Christianity, and the devel- 
opment of a modus vivendi for these two great religions. In view of the inex- 
haustible and in many cases highly gifted population of Asia, the protection of 
the empire, now limited to its own frontiers, is guaranteed by the organisation 
of the empire and the construction of railways and telegraphs. The weak spot in 
Turkey is the Bosphorus, which is unfortified on the land side, though the Darda- 
nelles are strongly fortified. The source of all Turkish evils is to be found in the 
incapacity of the executive ; the extensive spy system, which destroys all confi- 
dence ; the lack of check upon the State expenditure; the permanent condition of 
insolvency which is only concealed by forced loans and reductions of the salaries 
of officials ; the miserable condition of the population ; the dishonourable taxation 
which is the natural consequence, and especially the autocracy of the Sultan, who 
has, with great shortsightedness, reduced the position of Grand Vizier to a shadow. 
The Arab Caliphate must come to some compromise with the Osman Sultanate. 
The centre of gravity in the Turkish Empire need not necessarily be looked for 
in the military force at Constantinople ; much rather should it be found in a body 
of reliable crown advisers and capable officials. The pessimism of the Young 
Turkish party will remain justified until the ruler of the faithful is wise enough 
to abolish the seraglio government of his court favourites, and to intrust the 
administration to competent Europeans working side by side with capable Turk- 
ish officials. The Panislamite movement, represented by the secret society of the 
S(e)nussi (Vol. IV, p. 254), whose fiery ideas excite the populations of Asia and 
Africa, will never be dangerous, if the Christian missions are able to work against 
ifc by those deeds of mercy which alone impress the Moslem. It is not the verse 
of the third Sura of the Koran which is to decide the question, " Ye believers, form 
no friendship with those who are not of your religion," but rather the verse of the 
second Sura, " God is the East, God is the West. He leads all who will in the 
true path." 


" Ah! tell me, mother river Araxes, 

Wherefore doth thy joy fail; 
Art thou, like I myself, in mourning, 
Even in the joyous season of Spring ? " 


THE recent struggles for freedom on the part of the Armenians in Turkey, 
Russia, and Persia, which have been suppressed in blood and tears, can only be 
understood from an historical point of view. It was the fury of the Mohamme- 
dans and the aggressions of marauding Kurds which first turned the attention 
of Europe to the importance of this remarkable branch of the Indo-Germanic 
family of nations and of the Christian faith. Yet this little people, numbering 
about three million souls, can look back like the Greeks upon a great literature 
and history. It was at a comparatively late date that the foremost members of 


the Armenian nation acquired some knowledge of this glorious past ; the knowledge 
opened their eyes to the humiliation in which their citizens had existed for centu- 
ries. In Greece, during the nineteenth century, the war of liberation preceded 
the intellectual and moral renaissance, and it was not until the rise of the free 
kingdom of Hellas that a visible advance was made in the department of art and 
science; whereas Armenia can boast of no political freedom worthy of mention, 
nor is it likely that the Armenians will ever secure any constitutional independ- 
ence and self-government within any district, however small, for the reason that 
they are far too widely scattered throughout Asia and Europe (see map facing 
page 203). At the same time, their reviving consciousness of a bygone unity in 
politics, literature, and above all in religion, has produced an intellectual solidarity 
which has its importance for the historian in view of the lack of a sharply defined 
geographical boundary. It was not until the close of the eighteenth century that 
the educated classes among the Armenians became conscious once again of the fact 
that they had their rights to an existence worthy of human beings, and correspond- 
ing in its main outlines to the civic life of other European nations. They could 
at least pride themselves upon three things, their possession of which can no 
longer be disputed : in the first place, upon the glorious history of a kingdom 
formerly united; secondly, upon the wide developments, both ecclesiastical and 
theological, of the Christian doctrine by which they tenaciously maintained and 
defended the monophysite dogma when once they had embraced it (p. 43 ; cf. also 
Vol. IV, p. 208); and, thirdly, upon their physical and intellectual connection 
with the civilization of Western Europe. 

The area within which this history of fame and suffering ran its course is 
included in the three provinces of Armenia Major, Armenia Minor, and Cicilian 
Armenia. To the population of this area we must add the Armenians of the Dis- 
persion, who from ancient times have migrated into Asia Minor, Persia, Caucasus, 
Eussia, Syria, Egypt, the Balkans, even to Poland, Galicia, Hungary, and Italy. 
Their chief primeval habitation has, however, always been Armenia proper, the 
central source of supply for which was the district at the sources of the Euphrates 
and Tigris, and of the Eion, Kur, and Araxes, in a wild but fruitful district of 
woods, meadows, gardens, and vineyards ; while its central point was in the lofty 
mountains of Ararat and Alagoez, and its boundaries in the lakes of Van, Urmia, 
the Black and Caspian Seas, and the Caucasus. " No traveller will ever forget the 
effect," writes Max Friederichsen, " which is produced by the greatest of the giant 
mountains of the Armenian highlands, the twin peaks of Ararat, when seen for 
the first time, purple in the light -of the setting sun." The impression made by the 
whole system of these volcanoes is enormously increased by their isolation and the 
great difference in elevation between the lowlands of the Araxes, which are but 800 
metres in height, and the lofty peak of Mount Ararat, which is 5,211 metres. This 
relative difference in height of 4,400 metres is unparalleled throughout the world, 
except in east Africa, and may materially have contributed to secure the biblical 
reputation of Ararat as the mountain of the ark. At this point, on the boundary 
of three kingdoms, Turkey, Persia, and Eussia, rises also the national sanctuary of 
the Armenia Etshmiadsin (to the west of Erivan). 

The Assyrian cuneiform inscriptions of Van have, so recently as 1891 and 
1898, thanks to the investigations of Wald. Belck and Friedr. Lehmann, given us 
more accurate information concerning the pre-Armenian empire of Urart(h)u, the 


Aralodii of Herodotus, the Turanian people of the Chaldees, who fixed their capital 
in the garden city of Van-Thuspa, and maintained their independence against the 
Assyrians. After the invasion of the Cimmerians and the Sakian Scythians and 
Scolotes in the seventh and sixth centuries B. c., they were driven out, subjugated, 
and absorbed by the Armenians proper (cf. Vol. Ill, pp. 125, 130). Concerning 
the origin of this new people science is not quite clear, though their greatest his- 
torian, Moses of Khorene, in his Geography of Armenia (440 A. D.), calls them 
the sons of Hayk, and derives their origin from the land of " Thessalia." They 
may possibly be related to the makers of the great Hittite civilization whose 
monuments are still the admiration of travellers in Asia Minor and Syria, or they 
may belong to the Thraco-Phrygian race ; at any rate, the investigations of H. 
Hiibschinann have made it clear that their language is an independent branch of 
the Indo-Germanic family, notwithstanding the strong infusion of Persian, Syrian, 
and Greek elements into the old Armenian language, and of Turkish and Slavonic 
loan-words into modern Armenian. From the anthropological point of view they 
are to be regarded, according to Felix von Luschan, as remnants of a primeval 
population of Asia Minor which has suffered little change. Their cranial devel- 
opments point in this direction ; in the pure types like Druses and Maronites they 
are characterised by the abrupt flattening at the back of the skull. Of a lighter 
color than the Persians, with nearly the same complexion as the dark races of 
Southern Europe, they are for the most part distinguished by a luxuriant growth 
of deep black hair on head and chin; their hooked noses and thick lips give 
them a strongly Semitic appearance. 


AFTER the Armenians had reached the place of their settlement they were 
first under Median and afterwards under Persian and Parthian supremacy. By 
religion, by their ethical code, and by many ties of blood they were closely 
connected with the court and great men of the Parthian empire, until Tigranes I 
broke away and founded the Armenian State, which succumbed in 69 B. c. 
to the generalship of Lucullus and Pornpeius (Vol. Ill, p. 296). The national 
Armenian " Songs of Old Times," of which Moses of Khorene repeatedly speaks 
in laudatory terms, go back to the age of that great "King of Kings" of 
Armenia, Pontus, and Syria. The conversion of the people and the dynasty 
to Christianity belongs to the period of the Parthian Arsacides, and to the 
rise of the Sassanid kingdom in Persia, 226 A. D. (op. cit. p. 297 ; further above, 
'. L'S, and Vol. IV, p. 212). King Trdat (Tiridates ; died 341) was baptised 
:'l by the apostle of the Armenians, Grigor Lusarovitch (Gregory the Eulight- 
ener), who had enjoyed a Greek education at Caesarea Mazaka in Cappadocia; 
this king obliged the nobility and the people to give up the heathen Mazdaism 
of Persia (Vol. Ill, p. 283). The Byzantine Church made its entrance into 
Armenia, as did the Greek and Syrian languages and customs (above, p. 58). 
This, however, was not long to continue. The Catholikos Sahak (died 439) and 
his friend Mesrob (died 441) invented the Armenian alphabet and created an 
Armenian literary language, a translation of the Bible, and a national literature, 
though this was founded on Greek and Syrian models. AVhen, however, the 
council of the Catholikos Babken at Valirsapat recognised in 491, together with 


the Syrians and Egyptians, the strict monophysite doctrine as alone orthodox, and 
solemnly condemned the council of Chalkedon (451), the breach between this 
church (which had been self-governing since 367) and the Greek Church became 
complete. After the downfall of the Sassanid kingdom (651 ; VoL III, p. 303) 
the Armenians came under the dominion of the Arabs, and since that time have 
been subject, with short interruptions, to the Mohammedans, Arabs, Seljuks, Mon- 
gols, Tartans, Persians, and Osmans, without, however, accepting Mohammedanism. 
The Mohammedans tolerated their religion, and set them free from East Eoman 
supremacy, which they hated, until the late Middle Ages (above, pp. 59 and 90), 
with a hatred which runs like a blood-stained thread through the whole of their 
theological literature, notwithstanding all the attempts at reunion which were 
occasionally made on either side. 

How far the Armenians were successful during the Parthian and Sassanid 
period in assimilating the people of Greater Armenia is a question which has 
never yet been thoroughly investigated. However, H. Kiepert has pointed out 
that in the valley of the Upper Tigris and Euphrates during the first thousand 
years of the Christian era the express testimony of Armenian and Syrian authors 
and the place names of the district show the predominance of Aramaic, Syrian, 
and (in the eastern mountains) of Kurdish populations, and in the northern district 
as far as Basean (Phasiane) the dominant Armenian population is decidedly in the 
minority compared with the foreign populations, which belong chiefly to Iberian 
and Georgian stocks ; this, indeed, is the state of affairs at the present day (see 
map facing this page, " Distribution of the Armenians "). From these facts 
H. Hiibschmann has concluded, basing his argument upon the place names 
collected by Indshidshean, that only in Upper Armenia was there anything like 
a dense Armenian population, which had settled in the district of Airarat, Turu- 
beran, and Vaspurakan. According to Wilhelm Tomaschek there was in the 
cantons of Sassan and Khoi a non-Armenian people speaking a non-Armenian 
language so late as the tenth century. Upon the restoration of the old limits of 
the Byzantine Empire in Thrace after the downfall of the east Bulgarian Empire 
(970 A. D. ; p. 87) it was not so much the Greek nationality that brought about the 
revival, but, on the contrary, the Armenian population which gave the Byzantine 
Empire its best rulers and generals between 867 (Basileios I) and 1025 (Basil- 
eios II; cf. p. 49). The Armenian John I Tsimiskes followed the example of 
Constantine V (p. 71) in settling numbers of his compatriots about the newly 
conquered town Philippopolis to secure its safety. 

The kingdom, however, reached its highest pitch of prosperity under the 
Jewish race of the Bagratids, nine kings of which between 859 and 1045 ruled 
almost independently the great buffer State between the empires of the Arab 
caliphs and the East Pioman emperors. At that time the fortified capital of Ani 
on the Arpatshai and Alajajai was decorated like a second Ilion with castles, 
palaces, and churches, the ruins of which astonish, even at the present day, the 
wanderer in the west of Alagoez. Tshoruk in the Caucasus was the cradle of the 
race of the Bagratids ; after their conversion they secured the royal power in 
Grusia as well as in Armenia, and, like their great ancestor Tigranes, showed 
themselves invariably friendly to the Jews. In consequence, numerous colonies 
of the Israelites settled in Erevantashad, Van, Nachitshevan, and Artaxata, 
However, in terror before the invading Seljuks, Senekherim, the last of the Arts- 

204 HISTORY OF THE WORLD \_Chapter n 

runians, ceded his kingdom in 1021 to the East Romans, an example followed by 
Gagik the Bagratid in 1045 ; but submission naturally failed to prevent the utter 
devastation of these districts by the Seljuk and Mongol invaders. 

After the destruction of Ani (p. 91) numbers of fugitives fled into the Cau- 
casus and mountains of Pontus, to Trebizoud, to the Byzantine Empire, to Russia, 
to the Crimea, to Poland and Galicia. A large number settled on the far side 
of the Taurus in the kingdom of Cilicia. At this point hi Tarsos and Sis the 
Armenians once founded a native kingdom (" Armenia Minor "), which from 1080, 
under the Bagratid Rhupen (Reuben ; Vol. Ill, p. 355) and his successors, 
repeatedly joined in battle with Byzantium and in friendship with the crusading 
States, and even attempted a union w r ith Rome, which was often concluded and 
as often broken, for the reason that the Armenians clung tenaciously to their 
national liturgy. 

When, however, in the year 1375 the last king, Leon VI of the house of 
Lusignan (of. p. 106), was obliged to surrender his last castle to the Egyptian 
Mamelukes, the nation preserved a merely ecclesiastical existence in the patriar- 
chate seats of Sis and Etshmiadsin. However, like fire in the ashes, their own 
poetry and literature remained alive, cherished in the numerous monasteries 
of Asia Minor and Southern Europe ; while the industrial population gained 
a living as shepherds and farmers in the gorges of the Tauros and in the 
mountains of Upper Armenia, and the capable townspeople laid the foundation 
of their wealth in Byzantium, Smyrna, Damascus, and Alexandria. The most 
brilliant representative of the abundant Armenian literature of that period was 
Nerses Klajetsi, otherwise Snorhali (the Graceful), Catholikos from 1066 to 1073. 
Many hymns and songs were collected in the " Sharakan," the Armenian litur- 
gical book, while the ballad singers, " Ashuges and Sasandares," whose names have 
disappeared, guarded the perennial fountain of popular poetry, and formed a 
society under the protection of their patron the Surb Karapet (St. John), and 
instituted annual poetical contests in his sanctuary at Mush. 

In the fourteenth century, when the Armenians both in the South and in the 
North succumbed to the Turks, the Turkish yoke was not oppressive ; and, shortly 
after the conquest of Constantinople, in 1463, they received permission to retain 
their own patriarch, while they secured the confidence of the Sublime Porte itself 
and grew rich in its service. In Persia, however, they had to undergo a period of 
deep tribulation when Shah Abbas I (Vol. Ill, p. 382) transported the best portion 
of the Armenian nation, under circumstances of great cruelty, to Ispahan (the 
suburb of Julfa), and in 1614 went so far as to transfer the national sanctuary to 
Persia ; it was not restored to Etshmiadsin, with the relics of St. Gregory, until 


DURING the Persian persecutions the Armenians had been dispersed far west- 
ward, even to Italy and France. In particular a considerable colony was 
received in the Polish town of Lemberg, which with its bishop was induced by 
Jesuit influence in 1625 to accept union with Rome. This was the beginning of 
the great intellectual movement which was soon to embrace the whole of Armenia. 
Clergy were sent out from Etshmiadsiu to found Armenian printing-presses. 
These were erected in 1616 at Lemberg,. in 1640 at Julfa and Livoruo, in 1660 at 


Amsterdam (transferred to Marseilles in 1672), in Constantinople in 1677, and 
elsewhere. " But the imperishable service of winning back the Armenians to 
European culture," says H. Gelzer, " is the glorious work of Mechitar and of his 
order the Mechitarists, who settled at Venice in 1717 on the island of San Lazzaro, 
together with the mission to the Catholic Armenians ; but apart from this, their 
labours as authors and their splendid printing exercised a highly important 
influence upon the development of modern Armenian literature and upon scientific 
knowledge among their nation." Mechitar (the Consoler) da Pietro was born in 
Sebaste (Savas) on February 7, 1676, and after long persecution on the part of his 
compatriots founded a congregation of Armenian Christians in Constantinople in 
1701, a community which soon fell under the suspicion of the patriarch on 
account of its leanings to the Latin Church. In consequence Mechitar removed 
in 1703 to Methoni (Modon) in the Morea, where he received permission from the 
Venetian republic to build a monastery and church. After their secession to the 
communion of the Armenian Uniates, the congregation was confirmed by Pope 
Clement XI in 1712, and received a rule similar to the Benedictine. The war 
which broke out in 1714 between Turkey and the Venetians necessitated a 
migration to Venice, where the Senate granted them the island of San Lazzaro 
(1717), upon which their magnificent monastery was erected. Mechitar died 
there on April 27, 1749. 

The Mechitarists had a ritual of their own for purpose of worship, and devoted 
themselves after 1798, when the first printing-press was set up, more particularly 
to the publication of the classics in Armenian. Their most famous productions 
are their Bibles ; the text was improved by Mechitar in 1733, and appeared in 1805, 
based on the collation of nine manuscripts. The press catalogue of 1716 to 1898 
includes one thousand entries of books, chiefly in the Armenian language, which 
provided numbers of the nation with first-hand information upon Western science, 
Ind upon the history of the Armenian East as derived from manuscripts. Arme- 
nian had been previously written in Europe by the Italians Eivola, Firomalli, and 
Clement Galanus in the seventeenth century, and by the Frenchmen Villotte, La 
Croze, and Villefroye in the eighteenth century ; the brothers William and George 
Whiston translated the history and geography of Moses of Khorene in 1736 ; and 
the " Thesaurus of the Armenian Language " by J. J. Schroder (Amsterdam, 1711- 
1733) is of permanent value. These efforts were, however, isolated and sporadic; 
the united efforts and determination of the Mechitar brothers led to the age of 
renaissance in Armenia, and laid the foundation of Armenian philology in Europe. 

From 1810 the Mechitarists possessed also in Vienna a large monastery, the 
Mechitarist College, a printing-press, and publishing house of their own. After 
the death of Mechitar twenty-one priests migrated from San Lazzaro to Trieste, 
where the support of the bishop and the authorities of the town enabled them to 
found the Mechitar congregation of Trieste on May 19, 1773. The empress Maria 
Theresa conferred important privileges upon the congregation, and on March 20, 
1775, secured their recognition by the State as an ecclesiastical order, and gave 
them a piece of ground. Shortly afterwards the Mechitarist printing-press was 
opened in Trieste in 1776. The French administration, however, of 1810 brought 
about the suppression of the monastery and of the press, which had produced many 
books in Armenian, German, Latin, ancient and modern Greek, Italian, and French. 
The Mechitarists expelled from Trieste came as pilgrims in a state of complete 

206 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

poverty to Vienna. Here they were hospitably received by the emperor Francis, 
and in 1811 founded a new printing-press on a larger scale, which in spite of many 
difficulties (1848) reached a high state of prosperity, producing in particular edi- 
tions of the Latin and Armenian " Fathers of the Church," and liturgies, rituals, 
choral books, and breviaries ; with the support of the Aramian union it exercised 
a wide influence in the East (compare the statement of accounts of Kalemkiar, 
1898). A branch association exists in Moscow. 

As regards its wealth of Oriental manuscripts, the library at San Lazzaro is one 
of the most important in Europe. In 1816 the congregation assumed the title of 
" Academy," and nominated even non-Catholics as honorary members. The Mechi- 
tarists, with whom the most promising of the Armenian youth continued their 
studies, performed valuable services to their own nation by publishing the hidden 
literary treasures of their people, such as the works of Michael Tshamtsliian 
(Tscchamtschan), Arsen Bagratuni, Leonces Alishan, who celebrated the heroic age 
of their nation in vigorous descriptions and poems ; but they also co-operated witli 
the Orientalists of Western Europe, who upon their side brought west European 
methods to bear upon the Armenian language and history. The pious fathers 
performed a meritorious service in the fact that they not merely stimulated the 
religious life of their nation, but that under the inspiration of the Italian sky they 
imparted to their compatriots the art and science of the West by their sound trans- 
lations of classical authors. They translated into modern Armenian the poems of 
Homer, Virgil, and Milton, the writings of Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, 
Plutarch, Demosthenes, and Tacitus, the poetical works of Byron, Schiller, Alfieri, 
Corneille, Kacine, Dante, and Tasso. 

The scholars who proceeded from the high schools of the Mechitarists in Venice 
and Vienna went for the most part to Constantinople and Smyrna, and made their 
home in the Turkish capital, where the dignitaries of the nation gathered round 
their patriarchate ; they were treated by the Porte, comparatively speaking, with 
great confidence, were employed in the Seraglio, were given the most distinguished 
posts in the Osman administration, and ruled the trade, finances, and even the 
manufactures of Turkey. During the last three centuries, under the careless rule 
of placid Sultans, Turkey had to thank the Armenian population, together with 
the Greeks and Jews, for such advances as the country made in education and 
capacity for taxation. The Armenian was the public singer and musician, he was 
the actor and comedian in what was known as the " Turkish Theatre," he was the 
architect and artistic worker; the principal palaces and mosques of Constantinople 
were designed by Armenian architects and executed by Armenian artists. This 
population of artists, merchants, tax collectors, middlemen, traders, money changers, 
pedlars, handicraftsmen, and porters, together with priests, scholars, and teachers, 
was thus well prepared to receive the sudden revelation of freedom and enlighten- 
ment. It must, however, be said that their increasing wealth and their superior 
industrial capacities brought forth hatred and envy on all sides, as was the case 
with the Jews elsewhere in Europe. 

The first harvest was a growth upon every side of modern Armenian literature, 
composed not in the difficult language of the old church, but in the language of 
the people, which, like modem Greek, differs materially from that of antiquity. 
Poets like Dzerentz, Khorene Narbey, a friend of Victor Hugo, and of Larnartine, 
Beshiktashian, Tersian, Turian, Osganian, Piussignan, and Odian brought the 


dramatists of the West to the Armenian theatres. Intoxicated with the spirit of 
1848, they reflect the ideas of the French romantic school, a spirit which brought 
about dissensions with the " Amiras," the dignitaries, and the ecclesiastical party. 
The strongest impression upon the nation was made by the translations of the 
" Mise"rables " of Victor Hugo, and the " Juif errant " of Eugene Sue by Mamurian. 
In the heroes of these works they recognised the type of their own race. Acri- 
monious pamphlets came forth from the pen of Baronian, fiery speeches from 
Demirdshibashian, Berberian, and Chera, who in thousands of fugitive publica- 
tions and journals disseminated the views of Schopenhauer, Leopardi, and Baude- 
laire, while Madame Dussap preached the emancipation of women, and reopened 
the social question with Arpiar Arpiarian. Scholars, such as Karakashian and 
the Vartabed Elise* Turian, were beginning the political history of Armenia. The 
energy of this intellectual revolution led to the foundation of elementary and 
secondary schools in Constantinople and in all the provinces of the three empires 
inhabited by Armenians. Their leaders in Asia were the Catholikos Khrimian, 
the bishop Sirvantzdiantz, and others in the monasteries of Etshmiadsin, Varak in 
Van, and St. Jacob in Jerusalem. In the Caucasus, Tiflis was a stronghold of the 
liberationist movement; there Abovian, the friend of Friedrich Bodenstedt, and 
Eafael Patkanian (cf. p. 200) were influenced by the German romantic movement 
to stir the nation from its apathy. Ballad and epic poetry found an honoured 
representative in the Caucasus in the person of the " ashug " or " sasandar " 
Sajatnova of Tiflis (1712-1795) ; it was also carefully cherished at Zeitun in 
Cilicia, the first hearth on which the fire of Armenian freedom blazed, and in 
Sassun, the centre of the outburst of the year 1895. 


THE efforts of the Eussians to secure the favour of the Armenians, who had 
obeyed the Osmans and the Persians since 1555, were highly encouraging. In the 
year 1768 the empress Catherine II reminded the Catholikos Simon that her 
predecessors upon the throne, Peter the Great and Catherine I, had assured the 
Catholikos of their particular respect for the Armenian nation by autograph letters 
in 1724 and 1726. Further communications from the Czar Paul I in 1798 and 
1800 opened to the Armenian leaders and clergy the prospect of placing their 
countrymen under the protection of Eussia. The Persian rulers had made 
similar promises to the patriarchs; hence in 1768 Catherine II resolved not 
to let slip the opportunity of " protecting " Armenia, concluded a formal conven- 
tion with the archbishop Arguthianz, afterwards patriarch. In this document 
Armenia was promised nothing less than the restoration of her old independent 
Christian kingdom. Intoxicated by these promises the Armenians rendered impor- 
tant services to the Eussians in all their campaigns against the Osmans and the 
Persians ; their numerous emigrants were so many fiery apostles on behalf of the 
holiness of Eussia, the protector of the Gregorian Church. In steady pursuance 
of her policy Eussia slowly advanced beyond the Caucasus and acquired Georgia 
in 1802. The treaties of Turkmanchai (February 10, 1828; p. 178) and of 
Adrianople (1829) enabled her to wrest from Persia the most important part of 
Upper Armenia, and from the Porte the district about Achalzich and Achalkalaki, 
while the war of 1853-1855 secured her possession of an additional portion of 


Turkish Armenia (p. 186) ; the treaty of Berlin of 1878 (p. 196) advanced the 
Russian frontier in Asia Minor even further into the Armenian district. Bail- 
ways were constructed from Tiflis to Baku and Batoum, from Tiflis to Kars, that is 
to say, almost to the gates of Erzeroum, the Turkish Belfort. At the present day 
the formerly " independent " kingdom of Armenia is a second Poland, partitioned 
between the Turkish, Persian, and Eussian powers. The sphere of Russian inter- 
est extends to Angora, by the last agreement concluded with the Porte (1900), and 
the Persian Aserbeijan is equivalent to a Russian province. 

Since 1828 the three old monasteries of Etshmiadsin, Haghpad, and Sanahine 
have been situated on Russian soil. In this year the hopes of the Armenian 
nation were buried with the corpse of their great patriarch Arguthianz. In 1827 
again General Sibiatshin issued a proclamation to the Armenians: "Armenians, 
your services will be rewarded ; you will fight henceforward under your own flag, 
and the emperor of Russia will provide you with weapons for the defence and 
protection of your fatherland." But in 1828, when Russia had brought her war 
with Persia to a successful conclusion, the patriarch Nerses, who had made great 
sacrifices in providing magazines of corn and equipping an Armenian volunteer 
corps, was curtly referred to the Czar by General Paskevitch. Since that time the 
choice of the patriarch has been conditional upon the Czar's assent. Well-informed 
travellers have often described the Russian government as beneficial, for the reason 
that it has removed and quelled the ancient feuds among the different Transcau- 
casiau chieftains ; this is more especially the case with regard to the last kings of 
Mingrelia, the " Dadians," who were closely related to the Abkhasian family of the 
Sarvasidze. But the Armenians were deceived then, and have been deceived ever 
since. Their hopes were now concentrated upon the giant peak of Ararat, the 
" high altar " of the world ; here the monastery of Etshmiadsin formed the eastern 
landmark of culture, and was in fraternal union with the western landmark, San 
Lazzaro in the Venetian lagoons. Nerses, however (deceased 1857). expended his 
powers in written protests against the infraction of his privileges, which the Rus- 
sians had formerly recognised, and especially against the detested Polosheuie of 
1836, which began the process of Russification, closed the elementary schools, 
forbade the Armenian language as a medium of instruction in the public schools, 
and made the Armenians liable to service in the Russian army amid Russian 

At that moment one of the most fiery of the Armenian apostles of freedom, 
Raffi, uttered the following cry in his novel " Jelalledin " (" The Executioner ") : 
" Oh, fathers and forefathers, I bless not your memories ! Had you built fort- 
resses in place of the monasteries which cover our country, had you bought 
weapons instead of crosses and holy vessels, had you preferred the smoke of gun- 
powder to the incense which fills our churches, our land would now be prosperous. 
In truth, I bless your memories not, ye holy writings and sciences, because ye have 
not given us what life requires and what the world demands. Ye have filled our 
brains with the futile complexities of abstract speculation, have made us corpses, 
dead to all chivalrous feeling. Ye have placed chains upon us, and accustomed us 
to the dishonourable yoke of slavery." Krikor Artsruni gave vent to a similar out- 
burst in Tiflis (1879) : " Perhaps it is still reserved to the Armenians to overthrow 
by their quiet passivity that modern moral principle which even in our enlightened 
century is predominant in Europe, and is the leading thought of civilization, ' Je 


m'insurge, done je suis ,-' it is difficult to avoid a supposition that the Armenian has 
said hitherto, ' I work, I suffer, therefore I am.' If the Armenian with these virtues 
should fall short of victory, if he should be annihilated or forced to migrate from 
his primeval home, this would be a scandal for Europe, since Europe has not 
helped him to realise the principle of future culture, that is to say, peaceful revo- 
lution, or, in one word, reform. If the Armenian in Turkey, who has so often 
striven and suffered for the Christian faith, would fly to arms at the moment 
when Zeitun pours forth its blood (1879), for the sole purpose of self-defence 
against tyrants, and not with the object of attack ; if the Armenian would take 
with one hand the hammer, the ploughshare, or the spade, and with the other the 
rifle, then possibly some means might be found for perpetuating his national life." 
Words like these could not pass without an echo, and the sounding-board was 
ready to hand. Popular feeling had already resulted in the sending of a deputa- 
tion to lay the national grievances before the Berlin Congress in 1878. A band of 
Armenian authors and poets (Arparian, Shahnazar, Pashalian, Zohrab, Sevajian, 
Hrant) had been at work earlier in Constantinople, Geneva, Paris, London, Athens, 
and Tiflis, forming committees and founding newspapers to inspire national enthu- 
siasm among the educated circles of Armenia, while the common shepherds, arti- 
sans, and peasants endured in dumb silence the oppression, the robbery, and the 
outrages of the Lases, Kurds, and Cherkesses. As early as 1840 Abovian had 
summed up the situation in realistic terms in his novel " The Wounds of Armenia ; " 
while Nalbandian had composed the " National Song of Liberation," which, like 
the Greek hymn, stirred the nation to its depths : " Let powder, fire, and sword 
thunder upon my head, yet will I show courage before the enemy." Artsruni was 
the first to scatter this song far and wide in his newspaper, " Mshak," while 
Aghaian, Kamarkatiba, Kerope, Piassi, Pyatkanian, and Emin preached the gospel 
of force. 


A MOVEMENT at once intellectual and political had moreover stirred the Arme- 
nian people to its depths and evolved unity from struggle and quarrel, and a con- 
sciousness of national solidarity as opposed to. ecclesiastical division. This was 
the struggle of the Gregorian Church, and in particular of the patriarchate of Con- 
stantinople, with the Roman Catholic Uniates and with the Protestants among 
their own compatriots. 

(a) The Uniate Armenians. The Armenian Uniates had maintained their 
position since the period of the Crusades and the Unitores, and had gradually 
increased, though to no great extent. In 1562 Pope Pius IV erected in Rome for 
their benefit a printing-press with Armenian type, in which the Psalms and other 
works were printed in 1567. Pius IV presented them with the Church of Saint 
Mary of Egypt, the hospital, and the surrounding buildings. From the time of 
Urban VIII the Armenian youths were brought up in the great college of the 
" Propaganda." Almost contemporaneously with the rise of the Mechitarist 
movement (p. 205) a Catholicate was created in actual communion with Rome. 
Abraham, the Catholic Armenian bishop of Aleppo (1710), founded the monastery 

VOL. V 14 

210 HISTORY OF THE WORLD r/,,^, // 

of Kerem in Lebanon, to which he gave the rule of St. Autonius. In 1740 his 
adherents made him patriarch of Sis, and in 1742 he received the pallium from 
Pope Benedict XIV. He was, however, unable to maintain his position in Cilicia 
against the persecutions of the Gregorians, and the old (orthodox) Catholikos 
transferred his residence to Lebanon, where he died in 1749. At that time many 
Catholic Armenians emigrated to Livorno and established themselves with their 
church under the protection of the grand duke of Tuscany, " the heir and descend- 
ant of the Ehupenids and of the Lusignans of Cyprus." From 1740 to 1866 eight 
patriarchs held the titular throne of Sis in the capital of Bezumar in Lebanon. 
Their influence extended to Cilicia and Syria. 

On the other hand, the Armenian Uniates of Constantinople and Asia Minor 
were under the authority of an apostolic delegate from Koine in the capital ; as 
regards their temporal relations they were subordinate to the orthodox patriarch of 
Constantinople. An impossible situation was thus created, which ended in 1828 
in a violent persecution of the Catholic Armenians in Constantinople. At the 
beginning of January, 1828, some Uniate sarafs, or bankers, were banished from 
Stamboul ; some time later, in the midst of an unusually hard winter, a Hatti- 
sherif was suddenly published, according to which every member of this communion, 
including people belonging to Angora and the neighbouring villages, were obliged 
to return to their own homes within twelve days. About twelve thousand souls, 
including forty-two clergy, were expelled from Constantinople ; some four hundred 
children are said to have succumbed to hunger and cold on the road of Angora. 
Many became converts to Mohammedanism to escape the cruelty of these regula- 
tions. Pertev Effendi, a fiery Turk, had been won over to the patriarch by bribery, 
and had succeeded in gaining the consent of the Sultan Mahmud II by a report 
which accused the hated rivals of the orthodox sarafs of high treason and of alli- 
ance with a " foreign sovereign," the Pope. The Monophysite patriarch then 
attempted to turn the necessities of his compatriots to the advantage of his own 
sect, but his attempts at proselytising were forbidden by the war and police min- 
ister Khosrev Pasha, who explained to him that if the Porte had been interested 
in the conversion of the Catholics he would have desired them to embrace Islam, 
and not to turn from a bad religion to a worse one. It was not until after the 
Eusso-Turkish war, and then only by French intervention, that the " dissidents " 
secured their independence as a Millet (nation) in 1831, notwithstanding the 
Eussian opposition, and obtained a Mohammedan as their vekil (representative ; 
p. 183, above). In 1830 they even obtained a patriarch in the person of Bishop 
Agopos Chukurian, with rights over the Melchites and Chaldeans, the united 
Greeks, Syrians, and the Nestorians of Mesopotamia. The ecclesiastical power 
obtained a primate dependent upon the Pope, while the patriarch, with the tem- 
poral power, remained a subject of the Sultan. 

A hybrid arrangement of this nature was bound to lead to complications ; the 
more so as the Catholic Armenian Church was increasing in strength by numer- 
ous conversions in Urfa, Birejik, Marash, and Malatia. In 1867 Pius IX, at the 
wish of the Catholic Armenians, transferred the seat of the primate from Libanon 
to Constantinople by the bull " Eeversurus." A synod of the Uniate clergy then 
declined to recognise the patriarch of the Pope, Hassun, because he had hitherto 
limited the freedom of the union, and in 1870, on the occasion of the Vatican 
council, they broke away from Eome entirely. The consequences were quarrels 


and outrages in Constantinople, in which the Turkish soldiery took part. Upon 
this side were the most distinguished intellects of the Antonians and most of the 
Mechitarists of Venice. It was not until 1888 that a reconciliation was brought 
about, after Kupelian, their patriarch, had made submission to the Pope in 1879. 
Leo XIII solemnly agreed to their demands, especially to the maintenance of 
the Armenian language and liturgy. According to the lists of the Propaganda, 
the total number of the Armenian Uniates amounts to 103,000 souls, an esti- 
mate which does not however include those to be found in Hungary, liussia, and 

(b) Protestantism in Armenia. The history of Armenian Protestantism is a 
history of suffering. As early as 17CO the priest Debashi in Constantinople had 
unsparingly inveighed against the priests and bishops of his nation, had exposed 
the contradictions between their doctrine and their life, and reproached them with 
their senseless superstition and the formalism of their public worship. The 
formation of evangelical communities was a comparatively recent event, originat- 
ing directly (1813) from the distribution of the old Armenian translation of the 
Bible by the Russian (1815) and the English (1817) Bible societies. A strong 
impression was thereby made upon the clergy, and in 1832 the English Bible 
society attempted to make Holy Scripture accessible to the laity by means 
of translations into modern Armenian and Turkish, but met with the strongest 
opposition from the Gregorian Church. In the same year in which the Ameri- 
can Congregationalist Society of Foreign Missions first sent out their missionary 
Person to Jerusalem, the first German missionaries were sent from Basle to 
Armenia. They laid special emphasis upon two principles, which have guided 
the policy of their beneficial energy to the present day ; the first object was not 
actual missionary work or " conversion," but the revival of the extinct early 
Christian church by means of the Word of God, and this without the object 
of ultimate communion with any one of the existing Western churches. This 
object was to be attained by means of translation, exposition, and introduction 
to the understanding of the Bible by word of mouth and by writing in the school 
and in the pulpit. The Basle mission worked in Shulsha from 1822 to 1835 
under its pioneers Dittrich, Zaremba, Hohenacker, Wb'hr, Pfander, Haas, Judt, 
Spromberg, Hornle, Schneider, and Kreis, until the Paissian government and 
the Catholikos prohibited their work. With equally beneficial results the Ameri- 
cans and Swedes worked in Shamaki, Karakala, Tiflis, Baku, Lenkoran, until 
recent times. There, upon occasion, they suffered considerably from the diffi- 
culties thrown in their way by the intolerance both of the Russian govern- 
ment and the Armenian clergy. From 1831 the missioners of the American 
board continued their work at first in the capital, where the Armenians themselves 
had founded a school of theology ; their energies were then transferred to the 
theological seminary founded by the Americans in Bebek between 1840 and 
1862, which in 1862 was transferred to Mersivan, and splendidly provided by the 
American Robert. Under Eli Smith, Dwight, and Goodell its beneficial influence 
soon extended over the three kingdoms in numerous schools and hospitals. Much 
of the efficacy of their work among this people was due to the fact that they 
taught in the Armenian language. In cases of illness, want, or famine their help 
was given regardless of race or creed. Thousands of Armenians, Greeks, Syrians, 

212 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

Jacobites, and other Christians received their education in Protestant schools, 
without thereby breaking their connection with the Church ; but the Mohamme- 
dans were restrained by the authorities from attending. 

The great influence exercised both directly and indirectly by the Protest- 
ants was very plainly seen in the help they were able to give when the per- 
secution broke out among the Armenians after the Berlin Congress. In 1883 the 
journey of inspection undertaken by the American board throughout the stations 
of its missions made it clear that in reality the bulk of the Armenians would pro- 
fess only the faith which Gregory the Enlightener had preached. Among the 
Armenians, religion and nationality are indissolubly connected. It was for 
this reason that the Americans came into collision as early as 1839 with the 
higher clergy, and in 1844, at the request of the patriarch of Etshmiadsin, the 
Russian government, and the Sultan, the patriarch Mattheos of Constantinople 
pronounced a terrible curse against the new sect, which seemed equally dangerous 
to all three^ parties. The results were persecution, imprisonment, confinement 
in asylums, banishment, and outrage from the mob. Martyrs of the gospel 
suffered hatred and contempt and the closing of their schools at the hands 
of their own compatriots, until the English ambassador Stratford Canning warmly 
espoused the cause of the oppressed, gained toleration for them in 1846, and 
complete independence in November, 1850, as a religious community (= Millet) 
under a vekil (pp. 183, 210), and complete equality with the other Millets in 
1853. The Porte had long hesitated to grant such a recognition, chiefly for 
fear of endangering the authority over the rayahs which Mohammed II had 
granted to the priests in 1453 ; this was valuable for securing the slavish and 
unquestioning obedience of the rayahs. 


Now, however, the last fearful convulsion shook the Turkish Empire. In 
1876 Eussia stood triumphant in Erzeroum and before the walls of Stamboul. In 
the sixteenth article of the peace of Santo Stefano (1878) the following portentous 
phrase was to be read : " As the evacuation of the district which the Russian 
troops had occupied in Armenia, and which is now to be restored to Turkey, may 
bring about disputes and complications which might be dangerous to the mainte- 
nance of good relations between the two countries, the Sublime Porte undertakes, 
without further delay, to introduce into practice the improvements and reforms 
necessitated by local circumstances in the provinces inhabited by the Armenians, 
and to secure the safety of these provinces against the Turks and Cherkesses." 

The English government (Lord Beaconsfield) entered protests against this 
compact, as it made Turkey dependent upon Russia's good will, and conflicted 
with earlier agreements whereby Turkey was placed under the influence of the 
great powers. On the motion of the English government the Berlin Congress, 
at which all the great powers were represented, met in the summer of 1888. On 
the 13th of July of that year was signed the Treaty of Berlin between Russia, 
England, Austria, France, Germany, Italy, and Turkey, which superseded the 
peace of Santo Stefano. The Treaty of Berlin recognised the cessions of terri- 
tory demanded in Asia, with the exception of the Valley of Alashgerd and the 


district of Bajasid, and introduced in favour of the Armenians the following reso- 
lution into the sixty-first article instead of that above quoted : " The Sublime Porte 
undertakes to carry out without further delay the improvements and reforms 
demanded by local necessities in the Armenian provinces of Erzeroum, Van, Bitlis, 
Diarbekir, Mamuret el-Asis, and Sivas (see map facing page 203), and to guarantee 
the security of these provinces against the Cherkesses and Kurds. The Sublime 
Porte shall from time to time inform the six signatory powers who will supervise 
the execution of these reforms of such steps as have been taken in this direction." 
This sixty-first article was proposed by Lord Salisbury, then secretary of state 
for foreign affairs (Vol. VIII) ; its effect was to remove the obligation of Turkey 
to Eussia with reference to the protection of the Armenians, and to make her 
responsible in this matter to the six powers. The Armenians, who had been 
encouraged to regard Eussia as their friend after Santo Stefano, were now induced 
to turn their gaze upon those powers. The Armenian patriarch Nerses, whose 
representation had brought about the introduction of the sixteenth article into 
the peace of Santo Stefano, had explained the bitter lot of his people to the 
Berlin Congress ; one of his deputies was the archbishop Khrimian, Catholikos of 
Etshmiadsin. Although the Armenians as subjects of the Sultan had no locus 
standi before the congress, yet the sixty-first article was practically an answer to 
their request. 

On June 4, 1878, another document was secretly signed by the English 
government in Turkey, which was published shortly afterwards before the con- 
clusion of the Berlin Congress. The " Treaty of Cyprus " assured Turkey of an 
alliance with England in the event of Eussia retaining some of the Armenian 
territory, promised reforms to the Armenians, and secured England in her occu- 
pation of the island of Cyprus (p. 196). English politicians, like all acquainted 
with the East, were well aware that it might be impossible for Turkey to carry- 
out the desired reforms in the face of opposition from her own Mohammedan 
subjects, especially the Kurds and Cherkesses, who were almost independent, 
if she were not supported by compulsion, that is to say, by the Eussian troops 
still on foot in Turkish Armenia. However, the British minister for foreign 
affairs insisted upon the withdrawal of these troops previous to the introduction 
of reform, and thereby surrendered the Armenians once again to their execu- 
tioners, the Kurds and Cherkesses. The short-sightedness which characterised 
the idea of making Cyprus a base for the protection of the Asiatic frontier of 
Turkey was now surpassed by the simplicity displayed in demanding voluntary 
reforms from the Sultan, which would have created a second Bulgaria and East 
Eoumelia in the east of the empire. An admirable judgment upon this policy 
was passed (twenty years before the outbreak of the Boer war) by the Duke of 
Argyll : " In no quarter of the globe has our national policy been dictated by 
such immoral and senseless principles." However, the English government calmly 
pursued their policy. In 1879 they erected military consulates in eight impor- 
tant centres of Turkey, and forced the Porte to introduce the desired reforms into 
the administration without delay. The result was nil. The military consulates 
inspired the Armenian population with the erroneous idea that the time of 
independent government was close at hand for them, and their petitions and 
complaints were now no longer directed to the Turkish officials, but were sent 
immediately to the consuls. 

214 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [Chapter n 

The Gladstone ministry secured an identical note from the powers on June 11, 
1880, demanding a " complete and immediate " execution of the sixty-first article 
of the Treaty of Berlin on the part of the Porte, and a collective note on Sep- 
tember 7, 1880, recounting the reforms individually and characterising them as 
pressing. One sentence in the note may be regarded as prophetic ; it was to the 
effect that the degree of lawlessness prevailing in the Armenian provinces would 
most probably result in the destruction of the Christian population in this 
district. However, when England occupied Egypt in 1882, she lost her claims 
to confidence on the part of the Porte. A wholly different attitude with regard 
to the Armenian question was now adopted by the powers. Germany publicly 
retired, England maintained her military consulates only in Van, Diarbekir, and 
Erzeroum; Eussia's attitude also changed, a fact connected with the change of 
policy immediately following the death of Alexander II. Now began a period 
of attempts to spread Eussian influence and a growing want of confidence in all 
movements towards national freedom. Since 188-4 it was well understood in 
Constantinople that Russia was occupied with extensive plans in Central and 
Eastern Asia, and that it was improbable that she would intervene in the 
Armenian question. 


HOWEVER, in Armenia events moved rapidly ; the sultry stillness that for- 
bodes the tempest had been produced by the disregard of law and justice, by the 
oppression of the tax gatherers, and the robbery of the Kurds and Cherkesses, 
both among the enlightened population of the towns and among the patient 
peasant folk, thanks to the presence of the English military consuls and of foreign 
Armenian agents. The Cherkesses had migrated into Turkey at the period when 
Eussia conquered the Caucasus, and regarded the right of robbery in Upper 
Armenia and in the Taurus as their legal privilege. The Kurds, who extended 
from their chief centre Bitlis on Lake Van to the Euphrates and the Halys, had 
never been entirely subjugated by the Porte, and levied tribute (khafir) from the 
Armenian villages. Like the wild animals of the mountain range, these nomads 
continually changed their scene of operations from one to the other side of the 
inaccessible passes of Kurdistan and Persia, spreading terror now into one valley 
and now into another by robbery, murder, and outrage. Unfortunately in 1891 
the Sultan conceived the idea of organising these lawless tribes into a cavalry 
regiment (hamidied), and armed them with modern weapons in the hope of 
guiding their warlike instincts into some more profitable channel. In the Eussian 
war they had been conspicuous for their want of discipline and tactical training ; 
in peace they became the curse of the country, hateful alike to the Turks and 
Christians. It is true that the unsettled state of those districts and the conse- 
quent uncertainty of justice brought forth among the Armenians themselves bold 
palikars and klephts, like the Greek heroes of the liberation; these, favoured by 
the timid country population and by the designedly inefficient guard that was 
kept upon the Eussian and Persian frontiers, plundered and murdered in the 
service of avenging justice with grievous results to the country and sore suffering 
to just and unjust, as the innocent had to suffer with the guilty. A case in point 
was the robber chieftain Serop, who harassed for years the Vilayet of Bitlis with 


his well-armed band of fugitives (" Fedai "), which was continually reinforced 
from Eussia and Persia. 

It was, however, not in Upper Armenia, but in the Cilician Tauros northwest 
of Tarsos and Iskanderun, that the revolt first broke into flame. In the moun- 
tain district of Zeitun, near Sis, Marash, and Andrum, there had been living 
since the fall of the Ehupenid Empire (p. 204) a strong, prosperous, and indus- 
trious population of shepherds, mountaineers, and peasants, who had maintained 
almost complete independence of Turks and Turcomans. The families of the 
" princes of Zeitun " certainly paid tribute to the Porte, but in other respects 
were independent, as, for instance, are the Albanians and Kurds at the present 
day. Their ballad singers, the Ashuges, extolled their victories over the Turks 
(1819, 1849, 1857, and 1862) and kept alive a sense of patriotism. On January 
15, 1876, new struggles broke out during the Eusso-Turkish war. In the year 
1878 the Turkish commission proposed to introduce the sixty -first article of the 
Treaty of Berlin. The Zeituniots submitted, owing to the representations of the 
English consul of Aleppo, and permitted the construction of a Turkish barracks ; 
but in 1884 blood was shed in offering resistance to the oppressive methods by 
which the Turkish soldiers extorted money. Eevolt broke out; a secret society 
called the Siragan (the living) spread the guerilla war from place to place. Edu- 
cated Armenians like Garabed Mshan hurried from Paris and London to the 
help of their compatriots. The four " barons " of Zeitun Mleh, Hratshia, Abah, 
and Aghassi organised a resistance to the death under the leadership of their 
chief Garabed Gir Panossian, otherwise known as Jellad (the executioner). Like 
the Greek and Albanian palikars or the heroes of Crnagora, he created a little 
Montenegro in the Tauros. When the Turks destroyed the Franciscan monastery 
and murdered the Pater Salvadore, the Armenians hurried to the help of the 
Catholics. It became clear that the division which different missions had brought 
about in the Armenian Church had long since been absorbed by the higher 
" unity in Christ." Until 1896 they held out, with their brave women, against the 
Turks, who finally surrounded Zeitun with forty thousand men under Khemsi 
and Edhem Pasha. At length they submitted after European intervention, 
received forgiveness, a Christian Kaimakam, and a police of their own. Then 
began the beneficent work of Europe and America, as famine and plague were 
devastating the country. 

The successful resistance of Zeitun had, however, also aroused the spirit oi 
independence in the mountains of Upper Armenia. As early as 1887 the chief 
representative in Eussia of Armenian nationalism, the Armenian and Eussian 
general Count Loris-Melikov, had been co-operating with his Egyptian com- 
patriots, the ministers and statesmen Nubar, Tigranes, and Boghos; the Asso- 
ciation Anglo- Armenienne had been formed, with the object of restoring old 
Armenia by diplomatic means. However, the Eussians of those days (p. 213, 
below) had no intention of creating a new " thankless Bulgaria " on the east of 
Turkey. By Eussian politicians Armenia was rather regarded as the fruit which 
was to ripen and fall into their own laps. As in Poland, Hungary, Persia, and 
Egypt, so also in Eussia, rich and clever Armenians had long since been playing 
their part. The generals Dergugasso, Lazarev, Bebutov, Argantinsky, Madatov, 
and the artist Adamian were Armenians. 

For the moment, however, their influence had to yield before stronger forces. 

216 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

In London and Paris two secret societies had been simultaneously formed in 1887, 
under Hampuntzun, Daniel, Garo, and Danadian; these were known as the Hini- 
shak (*he Bell) and Droshak (the Banner), and were destined to oppose the decla- 
ration of the Turkish minister to the effect that " to rid the world of the Armenian 
question, the only way was to rid the world of the Armenians." It is possible 
that anarchists and nihilists may have been represented in the revolutionary com- 
mittees which had their centres at Tiflis, Odessa, Athens, and Geneva ; at any rate, 
the auxiliary federations which were formed, upon the outbreak of the massacres, 
in India, America, and Europe, among the educated of every class or faith, had 
nothing whatever to do with either anarchism or nihilism. Indeed, the population 
and the clergy, like the American missions, were strongly opposed to any such 
movements, owing to their entire lack of prospect. 

To the south of the fruitful plateau of Mush, and dividing it from the north- 
em portion of the great plain of Mesopotamia, there lies a wild district with 
fruitful valleys, from seven to ten thousand feet above the sea, traversed only 
by mountain paths, and in many parts overgrown with forests. Armenians and 
Kurds were here settled in close proximity, the former paying the usual tribute 
(khafir) to the latter. In the year 1893 some of these robbers were instigated to 
an attack on the Armenian villages in the district of Talori. The Kurds were 
defeated, and complained to the authorities of the " revolt," and Turkish troops 
then helped them to " collect taxes." The result was the massacres of Sassun, 
where nine hundred to fifteen hundred men fell victims. At the representations 
of the powers a Turkish commission was despatched on January 26, 1895, "to 
investigate the traitorous dealings of Armenian robbers." Finally the consular 
deputies visited the district of Sassun and Mush in person, and established the 
innocence of the Armenian population. The powers, on May 11, 1904, issued 
demands for some permanent inspectorial authority under a definite governor. 
The Turkish government replied with a counter proposal for an extensive plan of 
reform in sixteen articles, and agreed to a general amnesty for all Armenians under 

On September 30, 1895, the Armenians of Constantinople proposed to empha- 
.sise the demands of the powers for the accomplishment of the promises in the 
Treaty of Berlin, by handing a petition to the Grand Vizier in which the griev- 
ances and demands of their nation were laid down. A procession of two thousand 
Armenians marched through the streets from Stamboul to the Sublime Porte. 
Blows were exchanged with the Softas ; shots were fired, a major was killed, when 
the police scattered the demonstrators ; some were stricken down by the mob or 
were shot by the police, prisoners in police stations were bayoneted, and Armenian 
khans (inns) were stormed in the night. Five hundred Armenians were subse- 
quently taken prisoners; a general panic drove the others into the Armenian 
vdiurches, whence they were only liberated by the interference of the ambassador. 
This unfortunate occurrence was the signal for hundreds of massacres which, 
accompanied and concluded by the blast of trumpets, broke out in all the six pro- 
vinces which were to be the subject of reform, scourged the Christian population 
in four additional provinces, and forced the survivors either to die of hunger or 
change their faith. From Constantinople the massacre extended to Akhissar, 
Trebizond, Erzinghian, Baiburt, Bitlis, Erzeroum, Arabkir, Diarbekir, Malatia, 
Charput, Sivas, Amasia, Aintab, Mersivan, Marash, Kaisarieh, Urfa. According 


to the ambassador's report to the Sultan of February 4, 1895, it is to be supposed 
that from seventy thousand to ninety thousand human beings were slaughtered 
between August, 1895, and February, 1896, and that even more perished from hunger 
and cold. In Germany, Switzerland, and above all in England, the best minds of 
the nation were anxious to send help. Johannes Lepsius in Berlin moved thou- 
sands by his pamphlet " Armenia and Europe," and by his newspaper article " The 
Christian East." Amirkhanyanz, Avataranian, and Garabed Thoumayan wrote and 
spoke to procure relief for the misery of their co-religionists. 

However, the revolutionists of the "Hintshak " were by no means idle. Excited 
by the revolt of the Greeks in Crete, they had appealed to the ambassadors to 
invite the Turkish government to introduce reforms, and threatened disturbances 
if an end were not made of persecution, imprisonment, and murder. These threats 
were renewed in August, 1896. On August 26, twenty-six Armenians of the revo- 
lutionary party made a sudden attack upon the Ottoman bank in Constantinople. 
They declared that they would retain possession of the building and blow it into 
the air in case the Sultan should refuse their demands. They were persuaded to 
abandon their capture under a promise of safe conduct from the Kussian drago- 
man. Meanwhile, however, the excited town, led by the Kurds and Lases, pre- 
pared a counter stroke which cost seven thousand human beings their lives. On 
the 27th, the English agent threatened to land sailors if the general massacre was 
not stopped. The despatch of the ambassador to the Sultan ran as follows : 
" Greatly regret events ; these must stop forthwith, or the existence of Turkey and 
her dynasty will be endangered." The collective note of August 31 emphasises 
the fact that it was in no way a question of the chance meeting of a fanatical mob, 
but that all indications pointed to the existence of a special organisation known to 
the agents of the authorities, if not actually guided by them. No movement was, 
however, made towards reform; the demands of the great powers did not go 
beyond the paper on which they were written. 

Armenia was bleeding to death under these fearful wounds. The Armenian 
question began to appear less imperative, though a repetition of the former horrors 
continued to some extent, limited to special localities, and resulting from the inde- 
pendent spirit and lawlessness of individual Armenian bauds (a case in point was 
that of Antraniks between Mush and Sassun, November, 1901, to May, 1904). 
The jealousy of Russia (which in 1904 deposed the Gregorian archbishop of Georgia, 
Kevork Surenian, for his resistance to an attempt of Russia to appropriate the 
financial administration of the eparchate) and of England had prevented energetic 
interference for half a century ; the eyes of Europe were turned to more important 
events, to the war in China, Cuba, the Philippines, and South Africa. As early as 
February 20, 1894, the French ambassador Pierre Paul Cambon wrote to Casi- 
mir-Pe'rier, " There is no solution to the Armenian question." The Armenian ques- 
tion is but a portion of the Eastern question, and this again is but one piece upon 
the chess-board of European politics. The political objects of the Armenians are 
not the restoration of their old kingdom ; in view of the infusion of foreign nation- 
alities throughout their area (see map facing page 203) this would be impossible; 
but they desire to maintain their nationality, their church and language, and to 
improve their social and moral condition. What they are anxious for is a move- 
ment for freedom by means of administrative reform, reform of the clergy, and 
episcopal administration, means for improving the national education of Christians 

218 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter n 

and of other classes, and means of checking emigration. These were the ideals 
of the recently deceased Catholikos of Etshmiadsin. Paul Rohrbach has justly 
emphasised the fact that all judgments upon the Armenians are from the outset 
distorted, unless they are based upon the fact that by birth, education, and dis- 
position the nation is Oriental. And if the mistakes of the Armenians fill to 
overflowing one scale of the balance, their sufferings are more than an adequate 






THE country known to us as Albania lies on the coast of the Balkan Pen- 
insula, between the thirty-ninth and forty-third degree of latitude north. 
It is a district about four hundred miles in length and one hundred and 
twenty in breadth upon the average, and is inhabited by a population of 
strongly marked nationality. The country has been but little investigated ; in fact, 
there are but two men who have devoted themselves to the knowledge of it. The 
first of these is Johann Georg von Hahn, who carefully explored the country and 
its inhabitants when Austrian consul-general some fifty years ago, and collected a 
mass of valuable information upon the subject ; the other is Gustav Meyer, and 
to him we owe a scientific examination of the Albanian language. The Albanian 
people are known by the Serbs as Arbanassi, to the Greeks as Arvanitis, by the 
Turks and Bulgarians as Arnauts, while in their own language they call themselves 
Shkyipetars. The first of these names is derived from the district of Arberi, as 
it is known in the Toskish dialect, or Arbeni, as the Geg(h)ish dialect has it, the 
district of the Akrokeraunian Mountains, and has from thence been extended to 
include the whole people. The name Shkyipetar means " the understanding," and 
thus denotes those who understand the national language. 1 

The Albanian is not the only inhabitant of the territory above defined. Only 
the north is pure Albanian, while the southeast is pure Greek ; and the southwest, 
on the other hand, contains both races, so intermingled that the children learn both 
languages simultaneously. Moreover, the Roumanians inhabit the district of Pin- 
dos, and Bulgarians and Serbs the district which borders their frontiers ; on the 
other hand, the Albanian race has also extended far beyond the frontiers of the 
country. On the Shah Dagh Albanians have appropriated the whole western por- 
tion of Turkish Servia, extending to Bosnia, and inhabit the mountain region lying 
west and southwest of Novi Bazar. Large numbers of Albanians also dwell 

1 This hypothesis is not, however, to be taken as certain. If we had before us merely the forms 
gkyipoig, " I understand," which is said to be derived from the Latin excipere, and Skyipetar, little could 
then be urged against the theory. There is, however, a simpler form, Skyip, which is an adverb, meaning 
Albanian. From this was immediately derived the adjective Skyipe, "the Albanian " (language), but the 
adverb Skyip can hardly be derived from the Latin excipere. Von Hahn has already pointed out this 
difficulty, observing, "As the verb 'Skipoig ' appears from its form to be a derivative, the question arises 
whether it had not originally the meaning 'to understand Albanian,' which was generalised at a later 
period." In any case the fundamental meaning of "Skyip" appears to be "clear, intelligible." 

220 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter in 

within the kingdom of Greece ; in fact, the whole of Attica, with the exception 
of Athens and the Piraeus, Megara, with the exception of the city, Bceotia, and 
the islands of Hydra and Spezzia, together with many other districts, are inhabited 
by them. However, during the course of the nineteenth century the Albanian 
nationality in these parts has apparently suffered a considerable decrease, owing to 
the fact that many Albanian families have adopted Greek manners and the Greek 
language, as the Greek is considered the more distinguished nationality. About 
eighty thousand Albanians are settled in Italy, divided among the former provinces 
of Nearer and Further Calabria, Basilicata, Capitanata, Terra d'Otranto, Abruzzo 
Ulteriore, and Sicily. The first mentioned were brought over about 1460 by 
Ferdinand I to Naples. Their number was originally considerably greater, but 
many of them have been entirely Italianised in language, dress, and manners. 
Finally, three small Albanian colonies exist upon Austrian soil, one on the Save, 
between Shabatz and Mitrovitza, one at Zara, and one at Pola. 


THE Albanians are divided into two main branches, which are also distin- 
guished from one another by language, the Toskans and the Geg(h)es. The 
former inhabited the south, the latter the central and northern parts of the 
country. Their respective dialects are so different that they have the utmost 
difficulty in understanding one another, and members of one branch are obliged 
by degrees to learn the dialect of the other. In other respects, too, a strange diver- 
gence between the two branches has existed from early times. An attempt has 
been made to explain the difference of dialect on the supposition that the inhabit- 
ants of the north were the Illyrians of antiquity, and those of the south the 
Epirots. This hypothesis is scarcely defensible. Apart from the fact that our 
knowledge of the ethnography of the old Epirots is by no means complete, it will 
be demonstrated later that the ancestors of the Albanians, far from being Illyrians, 
were Thracians. It may be stated that Gegish is the Thracian language as spoken 
by Illyrians, and that Toskish is that language as spoken by Greeks ; in other 
words, that the difference corresponds to that between Lombard and Tuscan 
Italian, namely, Latin in the mouth of Gauls and Latin in the mouth of 

In respect of religion the land is again by no means uniform. The north is 
predominantly Eoman Catholic, while in the south Greek Catholicism holds the 
upper hand. Mohammedanism, moreover, has spread throughout almost the whole 
country, and the number of its devotees is nearly equivalent to that of the Chris- 
tians. The distinguished families, especially in the towns, are Mohammedans ; 
there are, moreover, isolated country districts which are Mohammedan. It will be 
understood that all of these were at one time Christians, and that they have gone 
over to Mohammedanism in consequence of the very various forms of pressure 
which the Turks were able to exert at different times, even within the present 
century. The only tribe which has remained pure Catholic is that of the Miri- 
dites, in the north, from the fact that every apostate was immediately forced to 
leave the district. There are besides districts which are Mohammedan only in 
seeming, and acknowledge Christianity in secret, at the present day as previously. 


Although, as we have said, the Albanians are thus divided by geographical, 
religious, and linguistic differences, yet they form one nationality with a strongly 
marked national character. The Italian Albanian, Vicenzo Dorsa, was entirely 
right when he dedicated his book upon Albania in 1848, " Alia mia nazione divisa 
e dispersa ma una." The chief reason for this uniformity of national character is 
thp conception of the family, which has dominated the whole life of this people. It 
is by the solidarity of family lite that we must explain their tenacious observation 
of ancient customs, which accompany every detail of household life, birth, engage- 
ment, marriage, and death; thus, too, is explicable that fearful scourge of this nation, 
the blood feud, and also the political impotence of the country in spite of the great 
bravery of its inhabitants. 


THE strongly marked conservatism apparent in all these facts has also con- 
tributed to the maintenance of numerous survivals of the old heathen popular 
religion side by side with the different religions which individuals have adopted 
as their official belief. As survivals of this nature Von Hahn quotes the belief in 
the Elves, a household spirit, three monsters known as Kutshedra, Siikjennesa, and 
Ljubia, the Ore, Mauthi, Fatiles, Dive, Fljamea, Kukudi, Vurvulak (known among 
the Geges as Ljuvgat and Karkancholi), the Shtrigea, Dramgua, and the men with 
tails. There is no reason to suppose that these demoniacal beings are the survivals 
of some old pure Albanian popular belief ; they probably represent, to some degree, 
remnants of early Greek, Roman, Slavonic, Turkish, and perhaps gipsy supersti- 
tion. The origin of the component parts of this popular belief cannot be pointed 
to with certainty. When we examine the appellations of these separate beings, it 
might be supposed that they originated from the nation from whose language they 
took their names ; but no reliance can be placed on this theory. The Albanian 
vocabulary for every department of life is a motley mixture taken from all possible 
languages, so that it is highly probable that in mythology foreign names might often 
represent native conceptions. 

The Elves, known as the " Happy Ones," or as the " Brides of the Mountain," 
display a considerable resemblance to the fairies of German mythology, who bear 
the same name. They are generally feminine, about the size of twelve-year-old 
children, of great beauty, clothed in white, and of vaporous form. They come 
down in the night from the mountains to the homes of men, and invite beautiful 
children to dance ; often, too, they take little children out of the cradles to play 
with them upon the roofs of the houses, but bring them back unharmed. Similar 
is the character of the Mauthi, as she is known in Elbassan, who is probably to 
be identified with the southern Albanian " Beauty of the Earth." She, too, is a 
fairy clothed in gold, with a fez adorned with precious stones ; " the man who 
steals this is fortunate for the whole of his life." Goddesses of fate are the 
Ore and the Fatiles ; the former goes about the country and immediately fulfils 
all the blessings and curses which she hears. The Fatiles are the same as the 
ancient Greek Moirai. The Attic Albanians have only one of these deities, who 
still bears the ancieni name of Moira ; however, all the gifts which are offered to 
her upon a birth in the house are tripled. Horrible demons are the cannibal female 
monsters Kutshedra, Siikjennesa, and Ljubia. Connected with them is the Fljamea 

222 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [Chapter m 

of Elbassan, also a female demon, who cau afflict with epilepsy. The Dif, or the 
Dive in the plural, are giants of supernatural size, while the household spirit, the 
Vittore, is conceived as a brightly coloured snake, which lives in the wall of 
the house, and is greeted with respect and wishes of good fortune by any one 
of the inhabitants who catches sight of it. The Vurvulak, known in some places 
as vampires, are sufficiently explained by this second title. Of a similar nature 
are the Ljuvgats, " Turkish corpses with long nails, which go about in their 
grave clothes, devouring what they find, and strangling men," as also are the Kar- 
kantsholjes or Kukudes, the corpses of gipsies whose breath is poisonous. 


THE literary monuments of the people are very few; all that can be called 
literature is confined to translations of the Bible and similar ecclesiastical com- 
positions, to national songs, and a few attempts at poetry among the Italian Alba- 
nians, and in Albania itself. Among the former we may mention Girolamo de 
Eada (1870), who has treated of the heroic period of his nation, that is to say, the 
wars of Skanderbeg (p. 225). The poet of Albania most famous amongst his com- 
patriots is Nezim Bey of Bremet. He was a scholar acquainted with Arabic and 
Persian literature, and it was under the influence of these Oriental literatures that 
his poems were composed, as they indeed declare by their strong infusion of 
Arabic and Persian words. The spirit also is unmistakably Oriental, and their 
similarity with the poems of Hafiz, for instance, is unmistakable. The national 
songs are not without a beauty which is strikingly foreign to our ideas. 

The creation of a true literature implied the fulfilment of one previous con- 
dition, the creation, namely, of a uniform alphabet. Publications have hitherto 
appeared partly in Greek and partly in Latin script. As, however, the Albanian 
language contains a large number of sounds, these two alphabets were found insuf- 
ficient, and it was necessary to supplement the deficiency by diacritic sounds, dots 
and marks, and so forth. The best of the alphabets employed hitherto is that of 
Konst. Kristoforidis. of Elbassan ; he employed the Latin alphabet increased by a 
number of diacritic signs employed upon a sound system. There is, moreover, in 
Elbassan and Berat a so-called national alphabet, consisting of fifty-two signs, 
which was invented, according to Gustav Meyer, by the Greek schoolmaster 
Theodore in Elbassan towards the end of the eighteenth century 


THE problem of Albanian origins and of the ethnographical affinities of this 
nation has not yet been entirely solved. The general hypothesis is that they are 
descendants of the old Epirots, whose Greek origin is denied by many scholars. 
It has been further supposed that these Epirots were Illyrians, and individuals 
have again assumed the identity of these Illyrians with the Pelasgians (con- 
cerning these last see Vol. IV, p. 259) ; others again have supposed an immigration 
of the Albanians from the Caucasus, where a people of like name exist (VoL III, 
p. 297). This theory is supported neither by history nor philology, though it must 
be said that all other hypotheses are raised upon foundations no less insecure. 

The Albanians 


Modern Albanian is a mixed language to an extent without parallel elsewhere ; 
Latin, Illyrian, Eoumanian, Greek, Turkish, and Slavonic words from different dia- 
lects have been infused among the pure Albanian words. This much, however, 
is absolutely certain, that Albanian is an Indo-Germanic language ; hence the con- 
nection with Illyrian is not intrinsically improbable, for this latter also belonged 
to the Indo-Germanic family. However, the phonetic changes which are char- 
acteristic of Albanian by no means entirely correspond with those characteristic of 
Illyrian. Adequate remnants of early Illyrian have come down to us in the proper 
names of the Eoman inscriptions from the different Illyrian-speaking provinces, 
and also in the Messatic and Venetian inscriptions. From these sources it appears 
that the Indo-Germanic palatal sounds become in Illyrian c and g (%), while in 
Albanian they become s and z; the Indo-Germanic aspirated media become 
spirants in Illyrian and pure media in Albanian. Finally, Indo-Germanic inter- 
vocalic s appears to become h in Illyrian and s in Albanian. These phonetic 
differences definitely remove Albanian from Illyrian, and point to an entirely 
different group of the Indo-Germanic languages. 

From the nature of the question, only one hypothesis remains open to us, that 
the Albanians were Thracians, and the phonetic changes above mentioned entirely 
correspond with those characteristic of Thracian. Moreover, Gustav Meyer has 
adduced the further fact that the transformation of the Latin element in Albanian 
is in complete correspondence with the similar transformation in Eoumanian. He 
is therefore entirely justified in concluding one ethnological origin for the two 
languages, but he is mistaken in his supposition that either the pre-Eoman Eou- 
manians spoke a language related to the Illyrian, or that both nations before coming 
under Eoman influence absorbed a foreign and non-Indo-Germanic element. It is 
hardly disputable that the pre-Eoman element of the Eoumanian was the Dacian 
nationality ; this, however, is shown to be of Thracian race, both by the records 
of antiquity and by the remains of its language, though these are certainly exiguous. 
Hence it follows that the basis of Albanian was Thracian. We have, moreover, no 
record whatever of the existence of any non-Indo-Germanic people in these districts ; 
the Bulgarians belonged to a much later period. 

From the geographical point of view, no difficulty stands in the way of the 
hypothesis of a Thracian origin for Albanian. The Thracian nationality extended 
formerly to the borders of Macedonia, whence the road to Illyria and Epirus 
lay open through the valley of the Haliakmon (the modern Grarnmo), and from 
the sources of these there would be no difficulty in descending the valley of the 
Eordaieus (the modern Devol). Thus the immigrants would arrive in the district 
of Elbassan. Though this town is not the Albanopolis, the capital of the Albanoi 
mentioned by Ptolemseus (Elbassan was known in antiquity as Skampa), yet, on 
the other hand, the district of those Albanians was situated precisely in this 
neighbourhood. They are mentioned side by side with the Taulantians, the Eor- 
daians, and the Dassaretes, and the modern district of Arberi, from which, as 
we have mentioned above, the name of Albanian is derived, lies but a little further 

224 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter in 


OUR information upon the actual history of the Albanians is for the most part 
very fragmentary. Native historical sources there are none ; we are reduced to 
the references derived from the history of those nations with whom the Albanians 
were brought into connection. Hence our chief sources are the Byzantine chroni- 
clers, " who trouble themselves very rarely about these remote provinces." Our 
earliest direct information belongs to the year 1042 ; at that date, after subjugat- 
ing the Bulgarian revolt, Michel Paphlago, the governor of Dyrrhachium, gathered 
an army of sixty thousand men from his province and advanced with it against the 
Serbs. When the Normans made their expeditions of conquest (1081-1101 ; p. 92), 
the rule of the despots of Epirus from the house of the Komnenes begins (until 
1318; p. 109). The land then fell again into the hands of the Byzantine empe- 
rors ; but the restless population repeatedly rose in revolt, and the most cruel 
coercion failed to secure a definite pacification. In the year 1343 fresh disturb- 
ances broke out, of which the Servian king, Stephan Dusan, took advantage to 
conquer the whole of Albania, Thessalia, and Macedonia, and assumed the cor- 
responding title of emperor of these countries (p. 109 f.). Upon his death the 
Servian kingdom fell into confusion, and Nicephorus, son of the last despot, 
attempted to seize the government of Albania, but was defeated by the Albanians 
and killed in battle (1357-1358). The Albanians now fell again partly into the 
hands of the Servian despot Simon. As, however, he troubled himself but little 
about the country, the Albanians founded two practically independent provinces, 
a southern province under Gjinos Vayas, and a northern province under Peter 
Ljoshas. Then began a period of Albanian migration, during which large portions 
of Macedonia, Thessalia, ^Etolia, and Acarnania were occupied by parties starting 
from Durazzo. Thence the Albanians spread further to Livadia, Bceotia, Attica, 
South Eubosa, and the Peloponnese (see p. 219). After the death of Peter Ljoshas 
(1374), John Spata seized the town of Arta. His rule was a period of long 
struggles with different opponents, which continued almost until his death in 
1400. About this time most of the country was conquered by Carlo I Tocco (died 
July 4, 1429) ; he bequeathed what he had won to his nephew Carlo II Tocco of 
Cephallenia (p. 133), but was obliged, however, to cede the town of Janina in 1430 
to Murad II, and to acknowledge his supremacy. 

The process of converting the country to Mohammedanism then began, which 
has continued till within the last century. It was chiefly the upper classes that 
embraced Mohammedanism, and for this reason they were able to found native 
dynasties, which in some cases actually acquired hereditary rule. Of these native 
pashas of Janina the best known is Ali, who was born in 1 741 at Tepeleni, and 
murdered on February 5, 1822, in a summer house on the lake of Janina, by 
Khurshid Pasha (see Fig. 2 of the plate facing page 188). 

North Albania, which had become a Servian province, has a history of its own. 
About the year 1250 it went over to the Catholic Church, as appears from the 
letters of Pope Innocent IV. The family legend of the Miredite chieftain pre- 
serves the memory of this event. The disruption from Servia, in which the noble 
family of the Balzen took a prominent part, occurred after the death of Stephan 
Dusan (1355) about 1368. 

The Alb 

anians I 



With the year 1383 begin the invasions of the Osmans, which the Albanians 
opposed with Venetian help. Among these Turco-Albanian struggles those of 
Skanderbeg stand out prominently. Shortly after 1403, when the son of Yban 
Kastrioti (Johann Kastriota), the dynast of Mat, and Voisava, the Servian princess 
of Polog, was born, 1 Georg Kastrioti was carried off in 1423, with his three 
brothers, by the Emir, Murad II, in the course of an incursion into southern 
Albania, kept as a hostage for his father's fidelity, and employed in the royal 
Seraglio. There he was brought up in the Mohammedan faith, and given the 
name of Skander (Iskander or Alexander) Beg. Conspicuous for his handsome 
form and intellectual powers, he soon obtained a superior post hi the administra- 
tion. In 1442, upon the death of his father, Yban, his principality was occupied 
by the Emir, and his brothers were killed. The revolts conducted by Arianites 
Komnenos (died 1461), Depas (Thopia), and Zenempissa were crushed by the 
Osmans. Kastriota concealed his thirst for vengeance, and remained in the 
Turkish service as if nothing had occurred. When, however, at the close of 1443 
the Hungarians defeated the Turks (p. 134), Georg escaped, with three hundred 
Albanians, from the Turkish camp, and seized Kruja, (Kroja, Croja) by treachery. 
He readopted Christianity, inspired his compatriots to fight for their independence, 
and occupied the whole district in a month. All the chiefs placed themselves 
under his command, and paid tribute for the maintenance of the revolt. Skander- 
beg continued the war with vigour, and in 1444, with fifteen thousand men, 
he defeated the Turkish army forty thousand strong under Ali Pasha and other 
Osman generals in the district of Dibra (Divra, on the Black Drim). In the year 
1449 he attacked Murad with one hundred thousand men, but was defeated and 
forced to withdraw from Kruja, which he besieged. After the death of Murad II, 
in 1451, he remained victorious upon the whole (p. 142), notwithstanding disunion 
among the chieftains and several defeats which he suffered ; in the ten years' 

1 Branilo, Serb, captain of the Servian prince Alex. Gioritch of Ballona 
at Kanina (about 1356) 

Descendants, intermarried with Albanians (Thopia and others) 


Johannes Kastriota, count of Mat, from 1410 vassal of the Osman emir, 
G. Voisava, daughter of the Servian lord of Polog 

StaniSa two other 

Georg (Skanderbeg), 




two other 

G. Tiirkin sons 

* after 1403, t 1478 






Andronike, daughter 

G. Stefan 

brother of 

one Thopia 

Hamsa (Bra- 

of the Arianites 


the Arian- 


nas Kastriota) 


of Monte-- 

ites Kom- 






t 1455 

Johann, lord of Soleto in Naples and 

duke of San Pietro in Galatina 

married Irene of Servia 

Baron Fossacena 
of Naples (1900) 

VOL. V-15 

Marchese Auletta Kastriota 
of Naples 

[about 1900] 


" Prince " Juan d'Aladro 
Kastriota, * in Spain, 
diplomatic agent of 
Spain at the Hague, 
Albanian pretender 
since Feb. 1902 

226 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter in 

armistice of May, 1461, Albania was formally ceded to him. He showed great 
organising ability, and made the country a stronghold of Christianity, and his 
vigorous services to this faith induced Pope Pius II to select him as general for 
his proposed crusade in the year 1464 (p. 144). The result of this movement was 
a further outbreak of war, and once again the Turks were defeated. But on 
January 17, 1468, Skanderbeg died at Alessio (Ljesh, near the mouth of the Driu). 
His son being still a minor, the Turks were victorious. It cost them, however, 
ten years' fighting before they reconquered Kruja, on June 15, 1478, and succeeded, 
thanks to the retreat of Venice (p. 146), in bringing the land under their sway in 
1479. After that date large bodies emigrated from North Albania, and the major- 
ity of the Albanian colonies in Italy belong to that period (cf. above, p. 220). 
Another part of the conquered Albanians preferred to remain upon the spot and 
accept Mohammedanism, while the remaining third fled into the mountain gorges. 


THE forty years of struggle carried on by Ali to secure his despotism (pp. 176, 
224) had so entirely accustomed this wild people to a military life, that when the 
Greek revolution broke out upon and after the fall of the despot (capitulation of 
Jauiua, January 10, 1822) they eagerly seized this fresh opportunity for plunder 
and booty. The Mohammedan Albanians joined the Turks, while the Christians, 
especially the Armatoles and Klephts (in particular the Suliots), living in the 
southern mountains joined the Greeks. In the course of this long struggle with 
their Mohammedan brothers the Christian Albanians were largely exterminated. 
After the battle of Navarino, 1827, the energy of the Albanians was turned 
against the Turks. They revolted under Arslan Bey and Mustafa Pasha of 
Scutari, and their rising was favoured by the Russo-Turkish war, the simultaneous 
revolt of Daud Pasha in Bagdad, and the insurrection of Mehemed Ali in Egypt. 
After the conclusion of the peace of Adrianople in 1829 Reshid Pasha appeared 
upon the scene with the whole of the Turkish army. In 1831 the revolt broke 
out once again ; but, when Mustafa was defeated by Reshid Pasha at Perlape, the 
Albanians were again obliged to submit. A later revolt of the Mohammedan, 
population extended into Albania after 1843, as a consequence of a general levy 
of troops from the mountain regions of Rumelia to Bulgaria. Omar Pasha 
defeated the Albanians in 1844 at Kaplanly and Kalkandeleu and conquered 
Prishtina. A further revolt in the summer of 1848 was speedily suppressed. 

In the year 1879 the Northern Albanians opposed the concession of a part of 
Albania to Servia and Montenegro, which had been arranged by the treaty of 
Berlin, but in 1880 and again in 1881 their revolts were subdued by Dervish 
Pasha. In 1887 disturbances broke out in Albania upon the imposition of a new 
land tax. These movements were* repeated from year to year in the pursuit of blood 
feuds, frontier quarrels, etc. So lately as the outset of 1902 Khemsi Pasha hud 
some trouble in restoring peace at Diakovo ; but in 1904 the revolt was renewed. 
A significant fact is the vigorous interest taken in the solution of the " Albanian 
question " by the leader of the Young Turkish movement, Ismail Kernel Be}- (p. 194),. 
who made Brusselshis base of operations. In the spring of 1902 Aladro Kastriota, 
a supposed descendant of Skanderbeg (see genealogical tree on p. 225), attempted 
to stir national Albanian feeling, though without any immediate success. 






THE general term " Sudetic Lands," as employed to include Bohemia, 
Moravia, and Silesia, is only partially founded upon geographical facts. 
These countries, as compared with the neighbouring regions of the 
Alps and Carpathians, form in any case a uniform district, of which 
the component parts are not divided from one another by any great mountainous 
frontier, while they are collectively distinguished from the adjoining territories 
by the uniformity of their elevation. On the other hand, all three countries are 
completely independent of one another by reason of their respective hydrograph- 
ical isolation, and from the fact that they are watered by different river systems. 
Bohemia's river system converges on the Elbe and flows towards the North Sea ; 
Moravia's waters are carried by the March to the Danube, while the main rive^r 
of Silesia, the Oder, empties itself into the Baltic. In respect of configuration, 
also, two of these countries are not materially distinguished from the adjoining 
territories. Bohemia alone Is a land enclosed on all sides by natural frontiers ; 
the southern boundary of Moravia, on the other hand, lies entirely open towards 
Austria, while its boundary on the Bohemian side is marked by the Bohemian 
and Moravian highlands. Silesia, again, possesses a natural frontier only upon 
the south and southwest, that is, on the side of Bohemia and Moravia, and not 
upon the north and the east. 

Three great independent mountain ranges divide Bohemia from its non-Austrian 
neighbours: the Bohmer Wald divides it from Bavaria, the Erz Gebirge from 
Saxony, and from Silesia the Riesen Gebirge and the Sudeten, which at the same 
time form the northeastern boundary of Bavaria.* The boundary between Moravia 
and Hungary is chiefly occupied by the western spurs of the Carpathians, offshoots 
of which form a natural bridge between the Carpathians and the Alps. All these 
mountain ranges are, however, but of moderate height (the highest peaks in the 
Riesen Gebirge reach an average height of just over five thousand feet) ; they are, 
however, distinguished by thick forests and great scenic beauty, while the Erz 
Gebirge is volcanic in character, as is proved by the numerous ancient and histori- 
cally famous hot springs and baths of Bohemia. 

The hydrographical system of Bohemia appears as one isolated watercourse 
running through the centre of the country from north to south, and receiving all 
the streams from west and east. The Moldau rises in the Bohmer Wald, and first 
flows in a northerly direction from Prague to Melnik until its confluence with the 



Elbe, the Elbe flowing from the Kiesen Gebirge first in a southerly and then 
in a northwesterly direction. The course of these rivers and of their tribu- 
taries on the left the Vottava, Berauu, and Eger, and on the right the Lusch- 
nitz and Sazava points to a gradual slope of the country from the frontiers 
towards the centre. Moravia, on the contrary, slopes southwards, as is shown by 
the course of the March ; this also receives the streams from the Bohemian and 
Moravian highlands on the west, the Zwittava, Schwarzava, Oslava, Iglava, and 
Thaya, together with tributaries from the Sudeten and Carpathian Mountains, 
the Thess, Bistritza, Bechva, and Oslava. The upper reaches alone of the Oder 
lie within our district ; it rises on Moravian soil, forms part of the frontier between 
Moravia and Silesia, and receives tributaries both from the Sudeten (the Oppa) 
and from the Beskiden (Ostravitza, Olsa). The natural and comparatively easy 
passage from the Oder to the March at the " Moravian Gate " made the valley of 
these two streams one of the most important lines in communication from the 
earliest period ; its importance has been commemorated in the name " Amber 
Eoad," and its value consisted in the fact that it was an immediate means of 
communication between the Baltic coast and the Danube, and thus formed a pas- 
sage from the Roman Empire to German territory. Thus geographical configura- 
tion informs us of the important part which two at least of these districts have 
played in the commerce of the world, at an epoch upon which we have no written 
source of information. 

Access to Bohemia was made possible in antiquity by a number of mountain 
passes as well as by the waterway of the Elbe ; here were formed the earliest lines 
of commercial intercourse, which, in spite of advanced civilization and intercom- 
munication, have remained fixed by the topographical character of the country. 
In particular the need of salt, which was not to be found in the Sudeten countries, 
obliged the early opening of intercourse with all parts of the world, from Bohemia 
to the Saxon districts (Halle), from Bohemia and Moravia to the Danube district 
(Salzkammergut), from Moravia and Silesia to Hungary and Poland. In Carolin- 
gian times we hear of imports of iron and metals into these Slavonic countries, 
and also of exports of furs, wax, horses, and slaves. Prague was an important 
commercial centre of the tenth century, and, according to the evidence of a 
Jewish traveller, Ibrahim ibn-Yakub, was visited by Russian and Slavonic mer- 
chants from Cracow, and by Mohammedans and Jews ; it was in connection with 
Passau and Regensburg by means of tracks over the Bohmer Wald, with Erfurt 
and Halle by the passes of the Erz Gebirge, and with Meissen by the difficult 
" Serbensteig." The Riesen Gebirge, according to the testimony of Thietmar, was 
crossed from early times by the difficult path which ran towards Iglau, that is, 
towards the Bohemo-Moravian frontier; it there joined the ancient line of com- 
munication leading from the interior of Bohemia through Moravia to Poland upon 
the one hand and Hungary upon the other. The connection of Moravia with 
Austria was early accomplished by means of bridges over the Thaya River. As 
the navigable rivers and the tracks which entered the country from without, and 
were continued within it, formed the first sign-posts pointing to permanent settle- 
ments, so also did the complex system of smaller rivers within the country. Apart 
from the earliest Germanic civilization in the first centuries of our era, concerning 
which geography has no clear evidence to give, we may at any rate establish the 
fact that Slavonic emigrants crossed the frontier forests and took possession of the 


valleys and plains. Here they founded their little villages in circular form, or 
more often in oblong shape, upon either side of some one thoroughfare ; here the 
nobles erected their " castles," often in swamps and upon river islands. The above- 
mentioned Ibrahim has given us a description of the road to Prague as it was in 
the second half of the tenth century : " The road runs across mountains and through 
wildernesses; at the end of the forest there is a swamp of about two miles in 
length, over which a bridge has been thrown to the town of Prague." Kosmas 
says of the Moravian castle of Podivin, that it lay in the middle of the river 
Zuratka (Schwarzava). 

German colonisation then produced a great transformation in the topography 
of the country. In Silesia the Slav had brought scarcely one-third of the arable 
area under cultivation in more than six centuries, and when we consider what 
wide districts in the east and north of Moravia the Germans were the first to 
colonise, we can gain a general picture of the civilization of the Sudeten country 
from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The princes who invited the Germans 
into Slavonic territory were well aware of the advantageous configuration of their 
district, and knew that it promised a new and profitable sphere for all those 
branches of agricultural activity which had long been practised in Western Ger- 
many. The employment of the heavy German iron plough instead of the light Slavo- 
nic mattock vastly increased the productivity of the soil. New objects of cultivation, 
especially the vine, which were introduced by the colonists, have for centuries 
played a most important part in the domestic economy of the towns and monas- 
teries. The clearing of the forests and the deforestation of the country advanced 
uniformly with colonisation. The Germans by their mining operations opened up 
a source of wealth and financial activity of which the Slavs had never dreamed ; 
a number of towns (Kuttenberg in Bohemia, Iglau in Moravia, Benischau in Silesia, 
and others) owe their origin and development to copper smelting. This work of 
civilization was originally led by the monasteries, which were founded and main- 
tained in large numbers by the princes and nobility, especially the monasteries of 
the Cistercian and Prsemonstratian orders, whose activity can be clearly traced, 
especially in Moravia and Silesia. Both countries, which were but ill provided 
with monasteries and foundations until the middle of the twelfth century, 
developed in the course of this and the next century many such centres of intel- 
lectual and economic life which rapidly developed into large territorial lordships. 
Side by side with these, the towns and villages developed on the basis of German 
rights into independent corporations, partly in connection with older and smaller 
settlements, but in many cases by fresh settlements in the districts hitherto unin- 
habited. Another new feature which completed the transformation was the rise, 
in and after the twelfth century, of numerous castles belonging to the great 
and small landowners of the upper and lower nobility. These were erected for 
the most part upon heights, mountain peaks, steep precipices, and dominated the 
adjoining territory, with the land or water ways which pass beneath them. In the 
fourteenth century most of them became notorious as the eyries of robber knights, 
who were a continual object of annoyance to the town populations ; now their 
romantic ruins remain to us as the last memorial of their former political and 
economic power. 

Upon the whole the distribution of nationalities corresponds with this histori- 
cal course of development, although here, too, many changes in detail have taken 

230 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [Chapter iv 

place from age to age. At the present day the plains of Bohemia, with the central 
part of the country and the east boundary towards Moravia, are occupied by the 
Slavonic population, while the Germans surround them in a fairly continuous 
ring on the north, west, and south. Colonies of German-speaking nationalities 
of greater or smaller size are also to be found sporadically in the interior. Finally, 
the German race has largely modified the population of all the larger towns ; in 
fact the central point and the earliest settlement of the Germans in Bohemia is 
the German colony in Prague, the existence of which is evidenced as early as the 
eleventh century. In Moravia national distinctions are less strongly marked ; but 
here also the largest continuous Germanic area exists in the mountainous north 
and on the lower Austrian frontier. In Moravia the essentially German character 
of all the large towns is more strongly marked than in Bohemia ; these again are 
in connection with the greater or smaller isolated German settlements, such as 
Iglau, Briiun, Wischau, Neutitschein, and others. In Silesia the conditions are 
entirely similar. 

As regards the numbers of the populations in the mediaeval towns of Bohemia, 
Moravia, and Silesia, direct evidence is hardly obtainable in any case, and calcula- 
tions have been made concerning very few places. Thus it is said that in the 
year 1390 Eger had 7,155 inhabitants, in the year 1446, 7,340, and in the year 
1500, 5,525. Information from a wholly unreliable source concerning the town of 
Olmiitz (in the year 1060, 10,000 inhabitants, in the year 1415, 29,000) contra- 
dicts all other experience. On the other hand, the estimate of 1466 taken from 
the papal document of that year, to the effect that there were about 12,000 com- 
municants in Briinn, appears not incredible. 

The natural position of the Sudetic countries as a link between the east and 
west and the north and south of Europe, together with the great wealth and 
fertility of their soil, explains the important position which they once occupied. 
Attempts have been made at different times to make them the centre of a great 
empire ; as, for instance, in the time of Samo, under the Moravian dynasty of 
Mohnir, or again in the case of Bohemia during the domination of the Pfemyslids, 
and finally by the Luxemburg kings. These efforts have sooner or later resulted 
in total failure, probably in large measure from the fact that the interconnection 
of these three countries is by no means so strong as that of Silesia with the north 
and of Moravia with the southern neighbouring States, a relation further indicated 
by the configuration of the country. 


THE conclusions of those who have investigated the pre-historic period in 
Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia are marked by wide divergency. AVhile the majority 
of them support the view that here, as in other districts of Central Europe, Celts, 
Germans, and Slavs followed one another, yet other inquirers assert that the Sluvs 
are indigenous to these districts. Between these two views stand suppositions 
apparently more moderate, to the effect that the Hercynian Boii were not in any 
way related to the Celtic Boii, that the Marcomannian kingdom had its centre on 
Bavarian soil, or that both the Celtic and the Germanic people occupied but 
very limited portions of Bohemia and Moravia. In view of all this uncertainty 


it would appear difficult to suppose that in the heart of Europe a wide district 
remained untouched for centuries, like a lonely island in the midst of the heav- 
ing ocean, or that the mighty waves of Celtic and Germanic migration, which 
are attested by sure evidence, were beaten back by the mountain ranges of 
Bohemia and the neighbouring countries on the east. It is far more probable 
that one of the earliest waves of that Germanic migration which drove the 
Cimbri and Teutons southwards about the year 115 B. c. washed over the soil of 
Bohemia and Moravia. Poseidonios informs us that the Cirnbri upon their march 
attacked the Boii in the Hercynian forest, were driven back, and turned aside to 
the Ister. We may interpret this information to mean that the Cimbri invaded 
Bohemia over the Erz Gebirge from the north, that after an unsuccessful struggle 
with the Boii they turned aside to the plains of the March, and thence reached 
the Danube, Pannonia, and eventually the Skordiski on the Save. 

About two generations after these events, about the year 60 B. c., the Boii 
evacuated the country to which they have permanently given their name, 
Boiohoemum, Boiahaim, Boehmen, or Bohemia, most of them removing to Pan- 
nonia or Noricum. In the time of C. Julius Csesar the inhabitants of the Hercyn- 
ian mountain forest are said to have been a Celtic tribe of the Volcae Tectosages. 
They, however, were expelled or subjugated by the advancing Marcomanni, who 
had settled earlier on the Main ; this movement was carried out under the leader- 
ship of Mar(o)bod about the year 12 B. c. About the same time the Quadi, who 
were related to the Marcomanni, found a settlement in Moravia. The name of 
this country in its oldest form, Mar-aha, Mar-awa, appears as a compound of two 
old German words, the one meaning " a spring " and the other " water ; " as a 
matter of fact, the name of the district corresponds with the name of the main 
river, the March. Our evidence for the early Germanic occupation of Silesia rests 
upon a basis no more certain than the evidence for Bohemia and Moravia; the 
name of Silesia is derived from that of the German tribe of the Vandilian Silingi, 
of whom Ptolemaios also speaks as dwelling in this district. The history of the 
Marcomanni and the Quadi in Bohemia and Moravia, so far as it is known to us, is 
confined to military conflicts with the Eomans, which grew more frequent under 
the emperor Marcus Aurelius (165-180 A. D.). The triumphal column which he 
erected in Rome in memory of his victory over these nations displays, even at the 
present day, a magnificent repressntation of these struggles, with many valuable 
details of the life of the Quadi in ancient Moravia. 

Though the result of this war seemed to have portended the destruction of 
these nations, yet their name continues for another three centuries, until 
the westward expedition of Attila drove the main body of the Marcomanni and the 
Quadi, like so many other German tribes, out of their settlements. During the 
fifth and sixth centuries the deserted districts are said to have been occupied by 
many other German tribes, the Heruli, Rugii, Langobardi ; of these events we 
have no accurate knowledge. The historical centre of gravity lay at that time 
exclusively in the European west and south, where a number of Germanic races 
were attempting to found new empires upon the ruins of Rome. 

During these centuries, when the history of Central Europe is veiled in 
<deep obscurity, proceeded the steady emigration of the Slavs into the wide 
districts between the Elbe and the Vistula, and southwards to the Danube 
districts, which had been deserted by the general migration of the Germans 

232 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [Chapter iv 

to Eoman territory. It is indeed uot entirely clear whether the stream came 
exclusively from the upper reaches of the Vistula, or whether strong bodies of 
emigrants may not have come to Moravia and Northern Hungary from the Slav- 
kingdoms on the south. 

However, before the Slav races could attain any political organisation in their 
new homes, they succumbed about the middle of the sixth century to the Avars, 
who advanced from the south of the Danube in a westerly and northerly direction 
as far as Thuringia. The period of their subjugation seems to have lasted for 
about half a century, until the Slav population on the central Danube succeeded 
in shaking off the yoke of the Avars under the leadership of one Samo, whose 
Frankish origin cannot be disputed. The result of this success was the founding 
of an extensive Slav empire, the central point of which may have been situated in 
the Moravia and Bohemia of to-day. It had, however, no permanent existence, 
and after the death of Samo (685) the empire fell to pieces. 


THE further development of the Slav settlement, its extension, and its political 
organisation are hidden from us by a gap in tradition, extending over more than a 
century and a half. We may, however, conclude that the international develop- 
ment of the country progressed considerably, from the Bohemian legend as related 
by Kosrnas in the beginning of the twelfth century, which tells of Krok, Libusha, 
and of Pfemysl, the farmer of Staditz, who was called from the ploughshare to the 
throne, and became the ancestor of the first royal house of Bohemia. 

It is probable that political and social life in Moravia developed much more 
quickly and strongly during the same period ; for before Bohemia emerges from 
the obscurity of legend into the clear light of history, there rises on Moravian soil, 
quietly and without any legendary history, a self-contained principality known as 
the Moravian kingdom of the Moimirids, after the founder of the dynasty, Moimir 
(Mojmir). During the military period of Charles the Great it is unknown, and 
only appears in its full power during the peaceful reign of Louis the Pious. While 
Moimir did homage to the German emperor and offered presents, he extended his 
power eastwards, driving out of his country the neighbouring Slav prince who had 
settled in Neitra. The Frankish counts in the East Mark and in Pannonia had 
every opportunity of watching the growth of the neighbouring Moravian kingdom, 
and the fact that the Slav prince took refuge with them upon his expulsion, and 
received their support, tends to show that Moirnir's aspirations met with no 
approval upon this side. However, serious opposition to the powers rising on the 
frontier of the empire formed no part of the policy of Louis the Pious. 

After the treaty of Verdun (843) Louis the German took over, with his districts 
in the East, the task of securing the supremacy of the empire formerly founded by 
the emperor Charles over the neighbouring Slavs ; it was inevitable that a struggle 
between the two States should break out, as indeed the Franks had already expected 
on their side. Even the fragmentary descriptions which have come down to us 
give an idea of the fury and extent of this struggle, in which the weaker side, the 
Moimirid principality, always reappears upon the scene, heroically maintaining 
its position in spite of repeated defeat. Moimir himself escaped into his fortified 


castles from the first attack which the German king delivered in the year 846. 
His rule, however, was brought to an end by a domestic conspiracy led by his own 
nephew Kastiz (Eastislav). The second Moimirid then received the inheritance of 
his uncle from the hands of the Franks, to govern the land likewise under their 
supremacy. The struggle, however, soon broke out anew, because Eastislav fol- 
lowed in his predecessor's footsteps, and strove to secure complete independence 
of the Frankish kingdom. German armies repeatedly marched upon Moravia in 
the years 855, 864, 866, and 869. However, no decisive battle took place. At 
one time by pretended submission, and at another by flight into his impregnable 
castles, Kastislav forced the Franks either to make peace or to retire from the 
inhospitable country. Once again domestic treachery placed the Moravian prince 
in the power of Louis (870). The defeater of Eastislav, his nephew Svatopluk 
(Zwentibold), secured the supremacy over the whole of Moravia under the pro- 
tectorate of France, while his uncle was punished by blinding and confinement 
in a French monastery. 

The political struggle for the foundation of a powerful Slav empire was accom- 
panied, from the outset, by a serious attempt to break the ecclesiastical ties which 
united these countries with Germany. German, Italian, and Greek priests were 
working simultaneously in the country, and the obviously disastrous consequences 
to the land afforded the prince Eastislav a plausible excuse for appearing before 
the Eoman Pope Nicholas I with a request that he should decide what priests 
should henceforward be permitted to preach and teach in Moravia. The Pope, 
however, is said to have declined to consider the question, or perhaps to have 
decided it against the wishes of the Moravian prince, who in 863 asked for 
fresh teachers from the Greek emperor Michael III, to preach the true faith to 
the Moravian nation in their own language. The mission was entrusted to the 
brothers Constantine (Kyrillos, Cyrillus) and Methodius of Thessalonica (p. 77). 
Their spiritual work in Moravia began in the year 864 ; as, however, they possessed 
no high ecclesiastical rank, they confined themselves at first to the education of 
the children. As they desired to fulfil the object of their mission, the introduction 
of divine service in the Slavonic language, both into the Moravian and also into 
the neighbouring Slav kingdom of the Pannonian prince Kozel, the brothers, accom- 
panied by the most capable of their scholars, betook themselves to Eome in 867, 
in order to secure the Pope's permission for the use of the Slavonic liturgy. Pope 
Hadrian II is said to have fulfilled the wish of the Moravians in 868. Feeling, 
however, a presentiment of approaching death, Constantine resolved not to return to 
Moravia ; he entered the monastery at Eome, took the name Cyril as a monk, and 
died shortly afterwards, on February 14, 869. The continuation of his apostolic 
work was left to his brother Methodius, who had been consecrated bishop in Eome. 
- Hardly, however, had he returned to Moravia with the intention of resuming the 
struggle against the German clergy, so successfully begun, when the revolution 
took place, which cost Eastislav his throne and freedom, and transferred Moravia 
practically into a Frankish mark. Methodius then succumbed to his opponents ; 
for two years and a half, during the first years of the reign of Svatopluk in 
Moravia, he remained a prisoner in a German monastery. 

Friendly as were the relations existing between the new Moravian prince and 
the neighbouring German Empire, and in particular with Karlmann the count of 
the East Mark, they continued but a short time. So soon as Karlmann had 

234 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter ir 

reason to suspect the fidelity of Svatopluk, he seized his person and his property, 
and retained him at his court in honourable confinement, with the idea that his 
removal would make it easier to establish Frankish supremacy in Moravia. How- 
ever, the oppressed Moravian population began a desperate attempt to secure their 
freedom. Karlmann thought that he could intrust the task of crushing this move- 
ment to no more suitable person than Svatopluk, so entirely had the Slav won 
the confidence of the German. Hardly, however, did Svatopluk find himself among 
his own people than he gave rein to his long-repressed fury, and with one blow 
destroyed not only the army which had been sent to his support, but also all sem- 
blance of Frankish dominion in Moravia. In the two following years (872 and 
873) Karlmann was unable to break down the resistance of Svatopluk. Not until 
the year 874 have we direct evidence of the conclusion of a peace at Forchheim, 
under which Svatopluk promised fidelity, obedience, and the usual annual tribute. 
Peace for eight years followed this act of submission. 

During the period of this national rising the Moravians also remembered 
Methodius in his imprisonment abroad ; their representations at Rome eventually 
induced Pope John VIII to order the Bavarian bishops to liberate the Moravian 
apostle. Methodius immediately proceeded (about the outset of the year 873) to 
Kozel, in the Panuonian principality, and shortly afterwards to Moravia, where he 
was received with marks of high respect on the part of the prince and people. 
Svatopluk, however, failed to appreciate the help which might have been given to 
his political plans by a firm establishment of the Slavonic church in the country. 
During the dogmatic quarrels between Methodius and the Bavarian clergy he 
maintained a position of neutrality ; he went so far as to express the wish that 
Methodius should prove his orthodoxy in Rome before the Pope. The latter was 
thus for the second time obliged to journey thither, and in the year 880 returned 
to his diocese under full papal protection, and with further recognition of the 
dignity of his position. Even now, however, it was impossible for him to gain a 
complete victory over his opponents in Moravia ; the Bavarian clergy maintained 
their position in the country, and threw obstacles in his way. It was not until the 
last years of his life (he died on April 6, 885) that his position in Moravia became 
more peaceful. 

"Within this period (882-884) occurred many violent political struggles between 
Svatopluk and the neighbouring Frankish districts. The Moravian prince then 
appeared as the protector of one portion of two families who were stmggling to 
secure the position of count in the Traungau and in the East Mark, while Arnulf 
(Arnolf), the son of Karlmann, who governed the marks of Karantania and Pan- 
nonia, supported the opposition party. The war began in 882. In 883 Svatopluk 
was raging in Pannonia " like a wolf," and in the following year hostilities were 
renewed. The feud was only repressed upon the interference of the emperor 
Charles III in the East Mark in August, 884. In 885 peace was concluded 
between Svatopluk and Arnulf, which resulted in a mutual understanding so 
complete that, when Arnulf became candidate for the crown of Germany in 
Frankfort in the year 887, Svatopluk zealously supported him. 

ruder such circumstances the work of Cyril and Methodius could not flourish 
in Moravia, the more so as the death of the latter had thrown the entire responsi- 
bility upon the feeble shoulders of a disciple. In the very year of the death of 
Methodius, the year of Svutopluk's reconciliation with the Franks, a general perse- 


cution of the disciples of Methodius began in Moravia ; only a few received per- 
mission from Svatopluk to leave the country. The Slav priests then took refuge 
in the south Slavonic countries, where their liturgy found a field unexpectedly 
productive (p. 78). 

Thus politically as well as ecclesiastically Moravia remained in peaceful 
dependence upon the Fraukish empire until the year 890. At that time diver- 
gent conceptions concerning the relation of the Moravian princes to the German king 
brought forth new points of difference, which were only to be solved by further 
fighting. In the first campaign in 892, and more especially in the following year, 
the Moravians held the field; but in the year 895, when the power of the Slav 
kingdom for resistance was to be tested for the third time, Svatopluk died a sudden 
but natural death. With him disappeared irrevocably the whole splendour of the 
Moravian kingdom. The violent struggle between the brothers, who were the 
heirs of Svatopluk, accelerated the downfall, and the strength of the country was 
further weakened by the secession of both Bohemian and Silesian districts, over 
which the military power of Svatopluk had extended his dominion. Under these 
circumstances it was impossible for the country to resist for any length of time the 
fearful attacks of the Magyars, who advanced with barbaric ferocity. In the year 
306 Moravia succumbed to this enemy, whom she had hardly had time to observe, 
much less to fear, after concluding in the year 901 a peace with her great enemy 
the Franks, which in no way limited her constitutional independence. The 
Moimirids had eyes only for the limitations which hindered their national devel- 
opment upon the West, and failed to see the dangers which threatened their unpro- 
tected eastern frontier ; this neglect brought about the downfall of their carefully 
constructed empire. 



THE downfall of the old Moravian kingdom made room for the development 
of other Slavonic States which had existed under the protection and government 
of the Moimirid Empire at the time of its highest power ; such were the Bohemian 
duchy on the west and the Polish duchy on the northeast of Moravia. The for- 
tunes of Bohemia in particular were, during the ninth century, often closely linked 
with those of her more important neighbour on the east. The expeditions of the 
Franks were on several occasions directed against both countries. The activity of 
the Slav apostles in Moravia seems not to have been unheeded in Bohemia ; there 
is evidence for the fact that the Bohemian Duke Bofivoi was baptised by Methodius. 
In individual points, however, the relations of the two countries in politics and 
religion are somewhat obscure, for the reason that the history of Bohemia is of a 
very legendary character until late in the ninth century. Bofivoi, a contemporary 
of Svatopluk, is the first historical prince in Bohemia, and his name follows a long 
series of mythical rulers. 

However, the foundation of a uniform kingdom, and the definite establishment 
of the Christian faith in Bohemia, belongs to the period of the sons of Bofivoi, 
Spitiguev (Spitihnev) and Wratislav, and his grandsons Wenzel the Saint and 

236 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [Chapter iv 

Boleslav I. As early as the reign of Wenzel ( Wenceslaus ; see Figs. 1 and 2 of the 
plate facing page 248) took place the first inevitable collision between the German 
Empire, which had gained in strength since the time of Henry the Fowler, and the 
Slav power, which had grown up during the Hungarian wars. The struggle had 
fatal effects upon German prosperity. Wenzel was a peace-loving prince, whose 
mind was bent more upon the salvation of the Church than on temporal success ; he 
readily recognised the supremacy of the German king, and agreed to the old tribute, 
when Henry I appeared before Prague in the year 928. When, however, Wenzel 
in the course of domestic struggles lost his life in the year 935 at the hands of 
his brothers and allies, and Boleslav I, " the fratricide," became duke, the war with 
Germany broke out afresh. The Bohemian prince held out for a long time in the 
frontier fortresses and abattis, which protected his country against King Otto I, 
then hard pressed by enemies on many sides; eventually, however, Boleslav's 
strength grew feeble, and in 950 he submitted to the same conditions under which 
his brother and predecessor had recognised German supremacy. In the battle of the 
Lechfeld in the year 955 a Bohemian auxiliary force fought side by side with the 
troops of the united German races. Boleslav, who protected his frontiers against 
the impetuous Magyars, pursued the defeated enemy, and inflicted further defeat 
upon them. 

About this time appeared a dangerous rival to the rising Premyslid principality ; 
this was the Polish Empire. We first become acquainted with the existence of 
this new power in the lowlands between the Oder and the Warthe about 963 ; 
its political centre was Gnesen, and it extended southwest to the modern Silesia, 
where it touched the Bohemian kingdom. At first the two Slav principalities 
maintained friendly relations ; the Polish Duke Mesko I (Mieczyslav, Mscislav, 
Miseco; died 992) married Dubrava, the daughter of Boleslav I of Bohemia. 
She it was who won over both her husband and his people to Christianity. 
As early as the year 968 a Polish bishopric was founded in Posen, whereas 
the bishopric of Prague did not exist before the year 973 (probably 975). Bohe- 
mian auxiliary troops supported Mesko in his struggles against his northern 
neighbours. The Polish and Bohemian princes (this latter the son and namesake 
of Boleslav I) made an alliance, and joined in helping the Bavarian duke Henry 
against the Emperors Otto II and Otto III in the years 976 and 983-985. Then, 
however, the band of friendship between the two brothers-in-law was broken ; 
Dubrava had died in 977. In the year 990 our authorities speak of the " bitter 
hostility " existing between the two, as the Pole had captured a considerable dis- 
trict " Regnum " from Bohemia, and had succeeded in maintaining his position in a 
series of battles. Accurate geographical information is wanting, but from the 
mention Ot. the place Niemtsch (Nemci) it has been concluded that the scene of 
the war was Silesia. A long period of bitter struggle between the two neighbour- 
ing States followed, which severely tested the resources of the Premyslid kingdom. 

After about a century of development Bohemia had now arrived at a turning- 
point which is marked upon the one hand by a decline in political power, and on 
the other by violent domestic convulsions. That period came when Adalbert, the 
second bishop of Prague, abandoned " the blind nation rushing to its own downfall," 
left his country and his home, and preferred to sacrifice his life in missionary work 
among the savage Prussians (997). It is the period when a noble native family, the 
Slavuikings, from which Adalbert was sprung, was exterminated by Duke Bole- 

Sf orav<a '] HISTORY OF THE WORLD 237 

slav II and the nobility. The contagion of discord soon extended to the royal 
family, and the Pf emyslids and the Bohemians were governed by dukes, designated 
by the chroniclers as " basilisks," or " poisonous vipers." 

Hardly had Boleslav III, the son of Boleslav II, assumed the government in 
the year 999 than he attempted to destroy his two younger brothers, Jaromir and 
Udalrich, and upon the failure of his attempt drove them out of the country with 
their mother ; they found a refuge at the imperial court in Germany. The con- 
dition of affairs naturally enabled the warlike Polish Duke Boleslav I Chabri 
(Chrobry or Chrabry ; 992-1025) to seize Bohemia, with the help of dissatisfied 
Bohemian nobles, at the outset of the year 1003, after previously conquering the 
German frontier land between the Oder and the Elbe, and also Moravia. He 
declined, however, to do homage to the emperor for his new dominions, and 
Henry II resolved to deprive the Pole of his latest acquisitions. Bohemia was 
reconquered at the first attack (1004), and Prince Jaromir was invested with 
the duchy of Bohemia. The struggle for the other conquests of the Pole ended 
in a long war between the German emperor, who was supported by the 
Bohemians, and Boleslav Chabri; the war occupied almost the entire reign of 
this prince. 

In the course of the struggle between the Bohemian and Polish powers victory 
returned to the flag of the former, especially after the death of Boleslav Chabri 
(1025), when a period of internal confusion began in Poland; while in Bohemia, 
after the short rule of Jaromir, his brother Udalrich seized the reins of govern- 
ment, with the support of his bold son Bfetislav. To Bfetislav is in particular due 
the achievement of obtaining from Poland the land of Moravia in 1029, the last of 
the great conquests of the period of Boleslav Chabri. The union of this district 
with Bohemia materially increased the prestige and the strength of the Pfemyslid 

After the death of his father Udalrich (1034) Bfetislav took over the sole 
government. In 1039 he undertook an expedition into Poland with a large army, 
and made a victorious advance as far as Gnesen, plundering and devastating the 
land on all sides. At the point where the corpse of the Bishop of Prague, Adal- 
bert, had been laid to rest after his martyrdom at the hands of the Prussians (997), 
Bfetislav atoned for the ingratitude of his forefathers to this noble man ; he made 
his Bohemian and Moravian subjects renounce at the martyr's grave, while they 
were in arms, a number of heathen customs of long standing, against which Adal- 
bert had already inveighed. The " sacred burden," the remains of the martyr, were 
then brought back to his native land. The conquests, however, of certain districts 
of Poland had to be abandoned when the emperor Henry III protested against 
them. Like Henry II before him, his son was determined to prevent the creation 
of a great Slav empire on the east of Germany. Bfetislav accepted the challenge 
forthwith, and in the first year of the war (1040) he secured a great success. In 
the following year, however, the course of the campaign was so disastrous to the 
Bohemians, owing to the treacherous desertion of certain nobles to the emperor's 
cause, that the Bohemian ruler was forced to sue for peace. Only two Silesian 
districts of his Polish conquests were left to him, and these were shortly afterwards 
perforce restored to the Polish prince in return for a yearly tribute. Henceforward 
Bfetislav renounced all military operations against the German Empire, and indeed 
supported the emperor in his campaigns, especially against Hungary. Bfetislav 

238 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [cha&er ir 

secured peace and quiet for the advancement of civilization and economic pros- 
perity in his own territories. During his government in Bohemia and Moravia 
several important monasteries were founded. In the interior of his extensive 
empire he hoped to be able to secure permanent order, even after his death, through 
his heir. He bequeathed to his first-born son, Spitignev, the government in 
Bohemia, together with the general right of supremacy ; Moravia he divided among 
his three j^ounger sons, Wratislav, Konrad, and Otto. A fifth son, Jaromir, waa 
intended for the ecclesiastical profession. 

Bfetislav had, however, taken inadequate measures to secure the performance 
of these conditions, and the reaction began immediately after his death (1055). 
Spitignev deprived his Moravian brothers of their rule, destroyed the nobility of 
Moravia, who attempted to offer resistance to his aggressive measures, and finally, 
for unknown reasons, expelled from Bohemia the Germans, who had acquired great 
influence during his father's reign; he also banished his mother, Judith von 
Schweinfurt, the first German princess who had occupied the throne of the Pfemy- 
slids. However, the government of Spitignev lasted scarcely six years (1055- 

His brother and successor, Duke Wratislav IT, reverted to his father's policy, 
both with relation to the government and the adjoining Moravian districts, and also 
in regard to his relations with the German emperor. Bfetislav had given Moravia 
its first monastery by his foundation at Eaigern (1048), and Wratislav, notwith- 
standing the great difficulties raised in his path by his brother Jaromir-Gebhard, 
bishop of Prague, founded the bishopric of Olmiitz in 1062, which afterwards 
became the ecclesiastical centre of Moravia. . Of very considerable importance to 
Bohemia and to -the German Empire are the personal relations upon which Duke 
Wratislav entered with the emperor Henry IV ; these endured unchanged during 
the whole government of the two rulers, notwithstanding the general secession of 
the princes from the emperor and the warnings of Pope Gregory VII. As a reward 
for this personal fidelity and for the constant military help which the formidable 
reputation of his troops was able to give the emperor, the Bohemian duke was 
rewarded at different times by neighbouring pieces of territory, though he was 
unable to maintain a permanent supremacy over them ; and in the year 1086 he 
was allowed to assume the dignity of king, though this was merely a personal 
concession to himself. So great was the reputation possessed by Wratislav in 
Germany that the archbishop Wezilo of Mayence announced the elevation of the 
Bohemian duke to the dignity of king in these words to the Pope : "All are 
agreed that he would have been worthy of even higher favour, if any such could 
have been found for him." Only in his own house did Wratislav fail to secure 
peace. There were continual quarrels now with his brother the bishop of Prague, 
now again with his other brothers the Moravian princes, and also with his son 
and his nephews. These differences often caused local disturbance, and some- 
times forced him to take up arms against his opponents. The cause of them 
among the Pfemyslids and they were to endure for almost the next century and 
a half consisted in that regulation for the succession, the" Justitia Bohemorum," 
which Duke Bretislav is said to have arranged upon his death-bed ; according to 
this, supremacy was to fall to the eldest son of the house. 

It was the Moravian princes who more particularly revolted against the power 
of the Duke of Bohemia in the attempt to establish their claim to the Bohemian 


throne. During the reign of the two successors of Wratislav (died 1092), his sons 
Bretislav II and Bofivoi, we have struggles with Udalrich of Briinn and Lutold of 
Znaim (1101), and some years later (1105 and 1107) with Duke Svatopluk of 
Olmiitz ; these produced very serious disturbances. At the same time the Premy- 
slid Empire was involved in numerous military enterprises abroad: at one time 
against Hungary, at another against Poland ; now upon its own initiative, and again 
as following the German kings. The relations of the country to the empire were 
by no means disturbed by this internal confusion ; on the contrary, the emperor was 
often called in as arbitrator. This struggle increases in dramatic force until it 
reaches its highest point in the year 1125. Duke Vladislav, also a son of Wrat- 
islav II, had died, and had been succeeded in the government by his younger 
brother Sobeslav ; he was opposed by his cousin Prince Otto of Olmiitz, who found 
a powerful ally in King Lothar of Siipplingenburg. Hitherto German kings had 
offered no direct interference in the struggle of the Bohemian rivals, but Lothar 
led the army to Bohemia in person to support the cause of his protdg^ Otto. 
The result was the fearful battle of Kulm on February 18, 1126, in which not 
only the German knights in the king's service met with total defeat, but the 
Moravian prince was also slain. 

The wars of succession were, however, not concluded. During the government 
of Sobeslav (1125-1140) the country was in a continual state of internal ferment. 
However, the duke vigorously suppressed one conspiracy after another, and thus 
secured time to carry on his numerous foreign wars, chiefly against Poland, which 
he repeatedly devastated (1132-1135), then in the service of King Lothar, with 
whom he had made peace immediately after the battle of Kulm ; he took part in 
Lothar's wars in Germany, Italy, and Hungary. 


UNDER the successor of Sobeslav, his nephew Vladislav II, the smouldering fire 
blazed up. The youthful Bohemian duke was opposed simultaneously by a num- 
ber of Bohemian Premyslid princes, by the Moravian princes of Briinn, Olmiitz, and 
Znaim, and by a portion of the Bohemian nobility. Thanks, however, to his own 
determination, to the fidelity of his followers (including his brother Thebald and 
the bishop of Olmiitz, Heinrich Zdik), and also to the vigorous support afforded by 
the emperor Konrad II, a half-brother of his wife Gertrude, he forced the allies to 

The struggles of the Duke of Bohemia with the Moravian Pf emyslids, especially 
with Konrad of Znaim, endured for years. Eventually the forces of the latter were 
exhausted, and the world-inspiring idea of a second crusade diverted men's minds 
from the monotony of domestic strife. The close relations of Bohemia to the Ger- 
man Empire at that time, and also the energy of Bishop Heinrich of Olmiitz, made 
the political movements felt in this country in full force. The summons for a 
crusade to Palestine (1147), and for a simultaneous enterprise against the heathen 
Wends on the lower Elbe and Vistula, was enthusiastically received by Bohemia 
and Moravia. Under the leadership of Bishop Heinrich and some of the Premy- 
slid princes, one party started off with the northern crusading army, while Duke 
Vladislav with a no less splendid force joined Konrad III and the eastern host, 


though the duke was forced to return from Constantinople or Nikaia by reason of 
the great hardships of the campaign. 

A few years later, on June 25, 1150, death deprived the duke of his faithful 
counsellor, Bishop Heinrich of Olmiitz. The bishop was a personality of very high 
importance both in the ecclesiastical and political world. Fully penetrated by 
German ideas and German culture, he was respected both by the emperor Conrad 
and by Pope Eugenius III, who selected him for important diplomatic missions, 
such, for instance, as the attempted union between the Greek and Eoman Churches 
proposed by the Pope. The Pope's words to the emperor respecting this bishop are 
more than a mere compliment : " Though we should have been very glad to keep 
with us for some time in high honour and affection this good and pious man, yet 
we send him back to your Highness, knowing as we do how great is your need 
of him." Between the years 1142 and 1147 we see Heinrich at least once every 
year at the German court, and in personal attendance upon the emperor Conrad. 
Heinrich's position in the empire can be well inferred from the words of the 
emperor in an official document, to the effect that he had chosen the bishop of 
Olmiitz in preference to all the bishops in the empire, on account of his stainless 
faith as a teacher and mediator in all things pertaining to the service of God. His 
energy as regards Bohemia and Moravia was very considerably paralysed by the 
endless quarrels of the Pfemyslids among themselves. The fact is, however, of 
importance that he was, by means of his connection with Germany, the first means 
of bringing the ideas of German civilization into Moravia and the Pfemyslid coun- 
tries ; for the church of Olmiitz, for instance, he secured, in full accordance with 
German custom, a grant of jurisdictional immunity, a privilege which had 
hitherto been unknown in this district, and was soon to become of great impor- 
tance to legal developments in Bohemia and Moravia. 

The reign of Vladislav continued long after the death of Bishop Heinrich ; the 
king lived in prosperity and fame to his latest years. The dangers threatened by 
Moravia had been obviated for the moment by establishing Bohemian Pfemyslids 
in the divided principalities ; it is true that many a banished Premyslid prince was 
living abroad, only waiting for the moment when the throne of Vladislav should 
begin to totter ; yet he was successful in preserving his rule for a long time from 
any shattering blow. An important means to this end was the fact that upon the 
accession of Frederic I Barbarossa to the German throne in 1152 Vladislav con- 
tinued in the traditional path of fidelity to the emperor and empire. At the right 
moment, and by means of the dexterous mediation of Bishop Daniel of Prague, the 
tie between the two princes was drawn even closer (June, 1156). The Duke of 
Bohemia undertook to place his subjects at the emperor's disposal for military 
expeditions, and in return for this he received certain small concessions of ter- 
ritory, and also the honour of kingship, which, exactly seventy years before, had 
been conferred by the emperor Henry IV upon Wratislav II, the grandfather of 

Bohemia now entered upon a military period. First of all the country shared 
in Barbarossa's Polish campaign of 1157, crossed the Oder, and cleared the 
path far into a foreign country for the imperial army. Though the enterprise had 
no importance for Bohemia itself, it was of great import to the independent prin- 
cipality of Silesia. This campaign, which was repeated in 1163, resulted in the 
recall of the sons of Vladislav II by the Polish duke Boleslav IV Kendzierzavy. 

Bohemia, Moravia, 
and Silesia 



In 1146 he had driven his brother Vladislav II from the throne, and forced him 
to nee to his half-brother, the emperor Conrad III 1 of Germany (he died about 
the end of 1162 or the beginning of 1163). These children were then reinstated 
in their father's inheritance, Breslau, Glogau, and Oppeln. The Polish supremacy 
over these districts was indeed maintained for a considerable period. But the 
three princes, Boleslav, Mesko (Mieczyslav, Mscislav), and Conrad, who had spent 
the whole of their youth in Germany, were the first who brought Silesia within the 
area of Western civilization. It is of great historical importance that the Bohe- 
mian king co-operated in the first attempt to sunder Silesia from Poland, and 
connect it with the German Empire. 

In the year following the Polish war the Bohemians received a summons to a 
campaign against Milan. The youthful Bohemian knights enthusiastically sup- 
ported the summons, though the older nobility regarded the new policy with sus- 
picion and distrust. Vladislav, without consulting his nobles, had been crowned by 
the emperor on January 11, 1158, at an imperial diet in Eegensburg, and had 
agreed to Frederic's conditions, without their consent. Their opposition, however, 
went for nothing. The spirit and bravery of the Bohemian warriors contributed 
largely to secure victories for the emperor, both in this year and in his later cam- 
paigns and conflicts in Italy (1161, 1162, and 1167). It must be said that their 
plundering habits procured them an evil reputation both abroad and in the emper- 
or's countries. Successful, too, was an expedition which King Vladislav led to 
Hungary in 1164, in order to support his prote^ Stephan III in the struggle for 
the succession against Stephan IV, who was supported by the Byzantine emperor. 
The treasures of the Greek campaign provided a rich booty. 

Towards the end of Vladislav's reign his relations with Frederic Barbarossa 
were clouded, for many reasons. Upon his resolve to transfer the government of 
Bohemia to his son Frederic without the consent of Barbarossa, the German 
emperor opposed this arbitrary action on the part of the Bohemian king, and, 
instead of Frederic, made his cousin Sobeslav II duke of Bohemia. The imme- 
diate consequence was a protracted struggle for the throne. Frederic was obliged 
to give way at first, but at a later period he recovered the emperor's favour and 
reconquered the supremacy from Sobeslav (1179). 

In this struggle he was supported by Germany, and also, in particular, by the 

1 The emperor Henry IV, f 1106 

married 1. Frederic (I) of Suabia, t 1105 

2. Leopold III, the saint of Austria, t 1136 

Emperor Henry V, t 1125 

1. Frederi 
married Ju 
of Henry 

Emperor ] 

c (II) the 
of Suabia, 
dith, sister 
the Proud 

^rederic I 
a, t 1190 

Emperor Conrad 2. Leopold IV, 
III, t 1152 t!141 

Henry II 
t 1177 

Otto von Agnes 
Freising, married 
t 1158 Vladislav II of 
Poland, t end of 
1162 or beginning 
of 1163 

Boleslav I 
the Long of 
Breslau (see Fig. 9 of 
plate facing p. 248) 

Mesko of 

Conrad of 
(see Fig. 10 of plate 
facing p. 248) 

VOL. V 16 

242 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [Chapter iv 

Moravian prince Conrad Otto, who, in all probability, was sprung from a collateral 
branch of the Bohemian Pfemyslids, and had succeeded under King Vladislav II 
to the principality of Znaim upon the extinction of a native line of rulers. From 
the beginning of Sobeslav's reign, Briinn and Olmiitz were governed by his younger 
brothers, Udalrich and Wenzel, so that the Moravian branch of the Pfemyslids 
became entirely extinct about the year 1174. However, the struggle between 
Bohemia and Moravia broke out once again. The second reign of Frederic, the 
" inexperienced helmsman," as a contemporary chronicler names him, was no less 
short than the former ; a popular rising forced him to flight, and he applied for 
help to the emperor. The ducal throne of Bohemia seemed destined to fall to 
the Moravian prince Conrad Otto, who already united under his rule the three 
component kingdoms of Moravia. However, Frederic Barbarossa summoned the 
two Pfemyslids to appear before his court at Regensburg, and delivered his deci- 
sion on September 29, 1182 : Frederic was to reign in Bohemia, as before, while 
Conrad Otto was henceforward to govern Moravia as a margraviate, immediately 
depending on the emperor and in complete independence of Bohemia. This 
decision if maintained in its original form would have had great importance 
for the internal development of the Pfemyslid Empire. This, however, did not 
prove to be the case ; the interests of Barbarossa and of his successor were 
diverted from the affairs of the East by events in other parts of the empire, 
and it was inconceivable that the weak country of Moravia could maintain 
its independence of Bohemia without support. The emperors, it is true, did 
not entirely renounce their claims to treat Moravia as an immediate depend- 
ency of the empire ; at the same time they did not prevent the Bohemian and 
Moravian princes from arranging their mutual relations according to their own 
will and pleasure. Apparently, Conrad Otto acknowledged the dependence of 
Moravia upon Bohemia in the year 1186, in return for a guarantee of the succes- 
sion to the Bohemian throne. This arrangement was made after a military con- 
flict, the result of which was indecisive. In any case he was duke of Bohemia 
in 1189, and thus united both countries under his government. 

He died on September 9, 1191, far from his home in Sicily, in the train of 
Henry VI. The struggle for the supremacy in Bohemia and Moravia thereupon 
broke out again between the two lines of the Sobeslavids and Vladislavids, and 
the emperor eventually decided in the .favour of the latter, conferring Bohemia 
(1192) upon Premysl Ottokar and Moravia upon Vladislav Heinrich, the two 
younger brothers of the duke Frederic, who died in 1189. Peace, however, was 
not even then secured. In the following year the brothers were driven out by 
their cousin Heiurich Bfetislav, who was also bishop of Prague, and ruled over 
both countries until 1197. His death seemed likely to become the occasion of 
a further struggle for the succession between the two brothers, Premysl Ottokar 
and Vladislav Heinrich. The latter, however, was a peaceable character, and 
found a solution of the difficulty by offering his brother an arrangement for the 
partition of the empire, which occurred to his mind when the armies were drawn 
up for battle on December 6, 1197. The proposition was that Pfemysl Ottokar 
should rule in Bohemia and Vladislav Heinrich in Moravia, while both " were to 
have one mind as they had one rule." Though this arrangement does not in the 
least represent the nature of their subsequent relations, it none the less remains 
certain that with this convention a new age begins in the history of the 
Premyslid kingdom. 



THIS fraternal compact of 1197 brought to a somewhat unexpected conclusion 
the unfruitful period of Bohemian history, during which the domestic policy of 
the country was dominated by continual quarrels concerning the succession, while 
economic development and the progress of culture was checked, and only the 
unbridled warlike temperament of the people was stimulated. However, towards 
the close of the twelfth century the military element falls into the background of 
the history of the Bohemian territories, while civilization and progress gain the 
upper hand. Feud and quarrel in the royal family disappear, and brotherly love 
and unity promote the bold plans conceived by the head of the family, the Duke 
of Bohemia, for the aggrandisement of his empire and his royal house. The Ger- 
man emperor no longer settles Bohemian affairs at his own will and pleasure; on 
the contrary, the Bohemian princes derive considerable advantage from the strug- 
gles and confusion prevailing in the German Empire. 

Supported with unselfish devotion by his Moravian brother, the Margrave 
Vladislav Heinrich (died 1222), both in his diplomatic and military enterprise, the 
new duke of Bohemia cleverly utilised the quarrel of the rival German kings, 
Philip of Swabia and Otto of Brunswick, to secure the recognition of Bohemia as a 
kingdom for himself and his successors, first from Philip, then from Otto after 
Philip's secession to the other side, finally from Pope Innocent III (1204). Hardly 
had the youthful Hohenstauffen Frederic II appeared upon the political scene 
than the duke induced him also to confirm the existence of the kingdom, first in 
the year 1212 and afterwards in 1216, to recognise his firstborn son as a successor 
to Bohemia, and to grant other privileges in addition. This event marks the 
advancement of the right of primogeniture as the principle of succession against 
the right of seniority which had previously been accepted. Advancement in politi- 
cal prosperity was accompanied by great changes in the interior of the country. 
Under these two princes, Pfemysl Ottokar and Vladislav Heinrich, Bohemia and 
Moravia, the civilization of which was then somewhat backward, strove to rival 
the economic prosperity of Western Germany. 

German colonisation gave the Slav territories, from a political standpoint, a new 
constitution for town and village, and from a social standpoint a class of free peas- 
ants and -citizens, hitherto unknown. The colonists taught the country the need 
for more thorough tilling of the soil, the method of making forest and swamp a 
source of economic profit, and the mode of extracting and working copper. They 
gave a new impulse to trade, developed and improved the handicrafts and the arts. 
In the course of this revolution in every department of life the Czechs displayed a 
receptivity to foreign institutions, customs, and manners which is surprising, in view 
of their strong national spirit, and unparalleled in their later history. 

The prosperous beginning of German colonisation received a further impulse 
under King Wenzel I (1230-1253), notwithstanding the numerous military entangle- 
ments into which Bohemia was then drawn, chiefly with Austria, and in spite of 
the appalling danger threatened by the Mongol invasion of the year 1241. For 
the moment, however, Bohemia was spared. 

It was Moravia, and especially Silesia, that suffered most heavily from the bar- 
barians. The years 1157 and 1163 (p. 240) were, as regards the progress of polit- 
ical development and civilization, an important turning point in the history of 

244 HISTORY OF THE WORLD \_Chapter iv 

Silesia, as the government of the three Silesian princes betokens an entry of Ger- 
manising influences upon a large scale. The figures most distinguished from this 
point of view are Duke Boleslav I, the Long (1157-1202); his son Heinrich, the 
Bearded (1203-1238), who is known for his participation in the founding of the 
German orders in Prussia; and his descendant Heinrich II (1238-1241). The 
dominions of the latter extended far beyond the three original Silesian principalities. 
He ruled Cracow and part of Great Poland, which his father had already conquered 
in the course of continual wars against his Polish cousins. However, this brilliant 
development of the Silesian principality was shaken to its depths in March, 1241, 
by the invasion of the Mongols, who reduced Poland to a desert as they advanced, 
and forced the Duke of Silesia to oppose them, if he did not wish to see the destruc- 
tion of the civilization laboriously acquired in the course of the last hundred years. 
The bloody battle on the " Wahlstatt " at Liegnitz (April 9, 1241) cost the lives of 
Heinrich and of numerous knights in his following. But the thunder-cloud which 
threatened Western Europe had burst. The Tartars changed their course, avoided 
the army which had been prepared for battle at Zittau on the frontier of Bohemia and 
Silesia, under the leadership of King Wenzel, and hastened to join their main force 
in Hungary. Moravia alone suffered severe devastation in its Eastern district. 
The further history of the Mongol invasion, which continued until the spring of 
1 242 and kept the neighbouring territories of Austria and Moravia in suspense, ran 
its course upon Hungarian soil (cf. Vol. II, p. 175). 

The next important event in the history of Bohemia was the death of Frederic II, 
duke of Austria, and the last male descendant of the house of Babenberg, who was 
killed on June 15, 1246, in the battle on the Leitha against the Hungarians. The 
marriage between his niece Gertrude and the Bohemian prince Vladislav, who 
was now also margrave of Moravia, was not celebrated until this time, although 
it had been arranged years before ; it seemed destined to bring the heritage of the 
house of Babenberg into the hands of the Pfemyslids. The most dangerous oppo- 
nent of the Bohemian claims was the emperor Frederic II, who desired to secure 
the Austrian territories, as being an imperial fief in abeyance. However, the strug- 
gle for the inheritance of Duke Friedrich soon came to a rapid end, owing to the 
death of the Margrave Vladislav in 1247 and of the emperor in 1250. The claims 
of inheritance and of constitutional right were now thrown into the background ; 
the disputed possessions passed to the greater power and the greater diplomatic 
capacity of the neighbouring princes of Bohemia-Moravia, and of Hungary and 
Bavaria, who were struggling for the prey. The new margrave of Moravia, 
Pfemysl Ottokar, the grandson of King Wenzel I, soon defeated Otto, the duke 
of Bavaria, after a short struggle in Upper and Lower Austria. In the year 1251 
he was recognised as duke by the nobility and the towns of that district, and fur- 
ther secured his conquests by his connection with Margareta, the sister of the last 
Babenberg and the widow of King Henry VII; in February, 1252, he married 
her, although she was considerably older than himself. 

For the possession of Styria a lengthy struggle began between King Be"la IV of 
Hungary and Pfemysl Ottokar II, who also inherited the crown of Bohemia on the 
death of his father in 1253 (see Fig. 17 of the plate facing page 248). At the outset, 
success inclined to the side of the Magyar, chiefly owing to the support of the ?<>)>{ 
(1254); eventually, however, the Bohemian king proved victorious in this quarter 
after his success at the battle of Kroissenbrunn (the neighbourhood of Mairlu-gg). 


In July, 1260, the dissolution of his marriage with the aged Margareta, his marriage 
with Cunigunde, the young granddaughter of the Hungarian king (1261), and his 
investiture with the two duchies of Austria and Styria by the German king Eichard 
(1262), crowned the remarkable prosperity which had marked the first period of the 
reign of King Pfemysl Ottokar II. 

The following decade (1273) also brought to the Bohemian king fame and vic- 
tory in many of his military enterprises, and an increase of territory through his 
acquisition of Carinthia and Carniola, and of a certain power of protectorate over 
Eger and the surrounding district. Pfemysl Ottokar II had then reached the zenith 
of his power. The domestic policy of his reign was marked by the continuation 
and the increase of the work of German colonisation, which his father and grand- 
father had introduced into the Pfemyslid kingdom. In this task he found a zeal- 
ous helper in Bishop Bruno of Olmiitz, who was descended from the family of the 
Holstein counts of Schaumberg and administered the bishopric of Moravia from 
1245 to 1281 ; he proved the king's best councillor in all diplomatic and political 
undertakings. Bishop Bruno, together with Bishop Heinrich Zdik of Olmiitz and 
Bishop Adalbert of Prague, formed a spiritual constellation in the history of the 
Pf emyslids. They set in motion a religious, civilizing, and political influence which 
were felt far beyond the boundaries of their respective dioceses. 

The privileges of the German towns greatly increased from that period in Bohe- 
mia and Moravia ; and the settlements of Germans in villages and towns, with 
their activity in trade and manufacture, especially in mining, rapidly advanced. 
This advance in civilization is the permanent result of the wide activities of 
Pfemysl Ottokar II ; for that vast political construction, the Bohemian- Austrian 
monarchy, which he seemed to have erected with so much cleverness, proved to bo 
unstable ; it was too largely founded upon the weakness of the German Empire 
and upon the vacillation and helplessness of the nominal kings of Germany. 
Hence for Pfemysl Ottokar the choice of Eudolf of Hapsburg as the Eomano-Ger- 
man emperor (October 1, 1273) marks the beginning of the decline of the Bohe- 
mian power. This declension was rapidly completed. Premysl Ottokar refused to 
acknowledge his feudal dependency upon the new German king, thus challenging the 
emperor and the empire to war. For almost two years the Bohemian king suc- 
ceeded in staving off the threatening secession of Styria and Austria, for the reason 
that Eudolf's attention was fully occupied elsewhere, while his means were insuf- 
ficient to provide any vigorous support for his open and secret adherents in these 
territories. However, in the autumn of 1276 the Hapsburg led the imperial army 
through Austria to the walls of Vienna. Ottokar was abandoned, both by the 
Austrian nobles and by some of his most powerful Bohemian nobility, with the 
result that the two opponents never met in conflict; the Bohemian king pre- 
ferred submission to the hazardous alternative of giving battle. The peace of 
Vienna (November 21, 1276) deprived Pfemysl Ottokar II of his position as a 
great power; he was obliged to surrender Austria, Styria, Carinthia, and other 
districts which he had conquered and not inherited, and to receive Bohemia and 
Moravia as the vassal of the German emperor. 

This humiliating settlement, however, could not possibly be regarded by the 
proud prince as a permanent embargo on his schemes. Concerning the future 
relations of Bohemia with the empire, and regarding certain important points in 
the peace of Vienna, more particularly the amnesty to the Bohemian lords who had 


deserted Pfemysl Ottokar, and the proposed marriage of a son and daughter of the 
two princes, misunderstandings broke out, which soon ended in that fresh struggle 
with Rudolf which the Bohemian king was anxious to provoke. In the battle of 
Diirnkrut (on the Marchfeld), on August 26, 1278, Premysl Ottokar was captured, 
in a condition of exhaustion after a heroic struggle, and murdered by certain knights 
who had a private grudge against him. 

The Pfemyslid territories now surrendered, almost without resistance, to the 
German king, who was regarded with considerable favour by the German popula- 
tion of the towns, by a portion of the nobility, and not least by Bishop Bruno. 
However, disturbances and revolts of the nobility were caused by the appointment 
of the margrave Otto of Brandenburg to act as regent for Wenzel, the son of Pfe- 
mysl Ottokar, who was only seven years old ; Otto was installed in Bohemia by 
Eudolf of Hapsburg, who took Moravia entirely under his own care, leaving the 
administration of it to Bishop Bruno. Additional causes of disturbance were 
a famine, and the general misery resulting from many years of war. Thus the 
first years after the death of their great king were a time of misery for Bohemia, 
When, however, Wenzel II (who became the son-in-law and received the support 
of the German king) ascended the throne in 1283 (see Fig. 18 of the plate facing 
page 248) an Indian summer of prosperity seemed to have begun for the house of 
Pfemysl. A return to prosperity was facilitated both by a peaceable and serious 
government and by the riches of the country, especially the income from the silver- 
mines. The young king, with his vivid interest in art .and science, gained a great 
reputation for the Bohemian court, and made it a favourite resort of artists and 

This internal development was accompanied by a successful foreign policy. 
After the struggle with the Mongols, Silesia ceases to rank among the countries of 
importance in the history of the world, and from 1241 its history is purely local. 
Once again the country was broken into petty principalities, some of which were 
in continual hostility with Poland, and were thus driven into connection with the 
Pfemyslid kingdom through affinities of civilization and race. In the decisive 
battle on the Marchfeld the dukes of Breslau, Glogau (see Fig. 10 of the plate 
facing page 248, " Bohemian, Moravian, and Silesian Princes "), and Oppeln acted 
as the independent allies of the Bohemian king. Among the Silesiau princes, 
Heinrich IV of Breslau (1273-1290 ; see Fig. 12 of the same plate) became promi- 
nent at that time ; like his grandfather Hemrich II, he acquired the principality of 
Cracow, and thus gained supremacy over the whole of the Polish Empire. How- 
ever, when he died, leaving no issue, the confusion in Poland and Silesia broke 
out the more violently. In the course of these troubles, King Wenzel of Bohemia, 
supported by several Silesian dukes, who recognised him as their feudal over- 
lord, succeeded in conquering Cracow in 1291, and assumed the crown of Poland 
in Giiesen in 1300, thus uniting the heritage of the Piasts with that of the 

Nor was this the end. In the following year (1301) the male line of the Hun- 
garian royal house of Arpud became extinct, and one party In the country offered 
this crown to the Bohemian king ; he did not accept it himself, but transferred it 
to his son Wenzel III, who was crowned king of Hungary at Stuhlweissenburg. 
However, -this period of brilliant prosperity lasted but a short time for the Pfe- 
myslids. The Hungarian crown could not be retained in face of the Angevin 


claims, and in the year 1304 Wenzel III abandoned Hungary. At the same time 
Wenzel II became involved in war with the German king Albrecht. In the course 
of this struggle he died in 1305, at the age of thirty-four. When his heir was 
meditating an advance upon Poland in the following year (1306) to crush the 
rising of Vladislav Lokietek, the Polish claimant to the throne, he was murdered 
by an assassin in the castle of Olmiitz ; he died at the age of seventeen, the last 
male descendant of the 'house of the Premyslids, leaving no issue, although 


CLAIMS to the Bohemian inheritance were now raised from two quarters : Duke 
Heinrich of Carinthia relied upon the claim of his wife Anna, the eldest sister of 
King Wenzel III ; on the other hand the German king Albrecht regarded Bohe- 
mia and Moravia as escheated fiefs of the empire, and conferred them upon his 
eldest son, Duke Eudolf of Austria. After the premature death of Eudolf in 1307, 
Heinrich of Carinthia succeeded in securing a majority of the votes of the Bohe- 
mian nobility, and it was only in Moravia that King Albrecht could secure recog- 
nition for his second son Friedrich. However, when Albrecht fell in the following 
year (1308) under the murderous attack of his nephew Johannes (" Parricida "), 
Duke Friedrich was obliged to refrain from all attempts to continue the war 
against Heinrich in Bohemia, and also to surrender Moravia, with the exception of 
certain towns which remained in his possession as a pledge for the repayment of 
the expenses of the war. 

Heinrich of Carinthia was, however, unable to cope with the difficult party 
questions which troubled Bohemia. King and nobles, nobles and towns, were in 
a state of perpetual hostility. The result was seen in disturbances and acts of 
aggression which lost Heinrich his prestige in the country. A new party arose, 
led by the abbot Conrad of Konigssaal, which attempted to secure a new ruler by 
the marriage of Elizabeth, the youngest daughter of King Wenzel-II. Their choice 
fell upon Johann, the young son of the new German emperor Heinrich VII of 
Luxemburg. 1 On September 1, 1310, the marriage of the German prince, who was 
fourteen years of age, with the Bohemian princess, who was eighteen, was cele- 
brated in Speyer. The German emperor had previously released the Bohemians 
from their oath to the Duke of Carinthia (in the previous July) at Frankfort, and 
had invested his son with Bohemia and Moravia, as escheated fiefs of the empire. 
The conquest of the country was not a lengthy task, as King Heinrich, recognising 
the hopelessness of resistance, speedily entered upon negotiations and voluntarily- 
left the country. The occupation of Moravia was accomplished with equal facility. 
Johann even assumed the title of king of Poland, as a sign that he proposed to 
maintain the claims of his Pfemyslid predecessors to this crown. 

The course of his government was soon, however, considerably disturbed, 
chiefly in consequence of the hostile feeling entertained by the high Bohemian 

1 See Figs. 3 and 4 of the plate facing page 248, "Bohemian, Moravian, and Silesiau Princes at the 
Close of the Middle Ages." 

248 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter ir 

nobility for Archbishop Peter of Mainz and other German counsellors, whom King 
Heinrich had sent to direct his inexperienced son. Johann found his difficulties 
increased by the death of his imperial father (1313), which deprived him of the 
support of the German Empire. He was obliged to consent to the expulsion of 
the Germans from Bohemia, and to resign the government of the country to Hein- 
rich of Lipa, the most powerful of the Bohemian barons. Peace, however, was not 
even then secured. Financial disputes between the king and his chief adviser, 
the extraordinary connection between Lipa and the Dowager Queen Elizabeth, the 
former consort both of Wenzel II and Duke Rudolf, who resided in Konigingratz, 
and overshadowed the court of the queen proper, together with other causes, led 
to the forcible removal of Lipa (1315), whereupon Archbishop Peter again received 
the position of chief minister. After a rule of two years he was again forced to 
yield to the powerful nobles (1317). King Johann was weary of these domestic 
troubles, and turned his attention to foreign affairs, especially to the rivalry between 
Ludwig of Bavaria and Friedrich the Fair of Austria for the German crown ; con- 
sequently the government of Bohemia and the work of resistance to the nobles 
devolved upon his wife Queen Elizabeth, who received very little support from 
her husband. The result was a general revolt against the king (1318), which he 
was powerless to suppress. Finally, by the intervention of Ludwig of Bavaria, a 
somewhat degrading compromise with the revolted barons was effected at Tauss, 
and the king was forced to content himself with his title, his position, and the rich 
income of his territory. 

King Johann, a restless, cheerful, somewhat extravagant, but highly gifted and 
chivalrous character, secured a great extension of territory for Bohemia in the 
course of the numerous enterprises and intrigues in which he was continually 
involved. After the death of the margrave Waldemar of Brandenburg, the Ober- 
lausitz fell into his hands (1319). In 1322 he received in pawn from Ludwig of 
Bavaria the town of Eger, with its territory, which have ever since remained in the 
possession of Bohemia. He was able definitely to liberate Moravia from all the 
claims and demands which the Hapsburgs could make upon that province. For a 
few years (1331-1333) he even secured possession cf part of Lombardy, the govern- 
ment of which he intrusted to his eldest son Karl, while his youngest son, Johann 
Heinrich, received the province of Tyrol, with the hand of Margareta Maultasch, 
in 1330 ; but Johann Heinrich was unable permanently to maintain his hold of 
this possession (only to 1441). 

The most important acquisition made by King Johann was that of Silesia, 
which gave to Bohemia an enormous increase of extent and power. The connec- 
tion of the Silesian princes (see Figs. 13 to 15 of the plate facing this page) with 
Bohemia had begun under the last of the Pfemyslids, and had been dissolved upon 
the extinction of this race ; it was made permanent under the rule of King Johann. 
As early as the year 1327, upon the occasion of an expedition against Poland, 
Johann received the homage of the dukes of Upper Silesia, including those of 
Teschen, Falkenberg, Auschwitz, Ratibor, and finally of Oppeln. In the same year 
Breslau recognised the Bohemian king as its feudal over-lord ; this example was 
followed in 1328 by most of the duchies of Lower Silesia, Liegnitz, Brieg, 
Sagan, Ols. In 1331 Johann forced Glogau to do homage by a threat of invasion. 
These acquisitions were further secured by a treaty between King Johann and the 
Polish king Casimir, son of Vladislav Lokietek (p. 247), in 1335, whereby Johann 


1 and 2. Duke Wenzel the Saint (Saint Wenceslas, f 935). 

1. The left third of the triptych of Thomas of Modena ; Madonna with child between St. 

Wenzel and St. Palmatius. Until 1780 on the wall of the high altar of the Kreuz- 
kapelle of Karlstein, now in the Hofmuseum at Vienna. (After Josef Neuwirth's 
work : " Mediseval Wall Paintings and Panels of Castle Karlstein in Bohemia.") 

2. Statue of the fourteenth century with the sign manual of Peter Parler, from Prague 


3. King John (1311-1346), and 

4. Queen Elisabeth of Bohemia. 

(From a manuscript in the Vienna Hof bibliothek. After Josef Neuwirth ; " The Cycle of Luxem- 
burg Paintings at Karlstein.") 

5 and 6. Charles IV (1346-1378). 

5. As margrave of Moravia, or crown prince. 

6. As emperor. 

7. Wenceslas IV, as German king : Wenzel (1378-1419). 

8. Jobst Margrave of Moravia (1375-1411). 

(5-8 after miniatures in the Iglau Bergrecht manuscript preserved in the town archives at Iglau. ) 

9-15. Seals of Silesian Princes. 

9. Boleslav the Long (1162-1201); the only genuine seal, from a document dated Leubus, 
1175. Inscription : Bolezlaus dux Zle(sie). 

10. Conrad I ( 1266) of Glogau. First ducal seal engraved both on obverse and reverse; 

from a document dated Leubus, 1253. Obverse : Conradus dei gra(tia) dux Zlesie et 
Polonie. Reverse : S(igillum) ducis Conradi. 

11. Heinrich III (1241-1266), in coat of mail and armour, with sword and eagle shield, bare- 

headed, under the gate of a castle or town ; from a document dated Breslau, 1266. 

12. Heinrich IV (1266-1290) ; the features somewhat obliterated ; bareheaded, the figure in 

striking correspondence with that on the tomb in the Breslau Kreuzkirche; a great 
seal of high technical excellence from a document dated Breslau, 1288. Outer inscrip- 
tion : Sigil(lum) Henrici quarti dei gra(tia) ducis Slesie. Inner inscription : et domini 

13. Konrad of Ols ; from a document dated Trebnitz, 1341. 

14. Wenzel I of Brieg ; from a document dated Breslau, 1353. 

15. Ladislaus of Oppeln ; from a document dated Breslau, 1386. 

(9 and 10 after Alwin Schultz, Silesian seals to 1250 ; 11 and 12 after Paul Pfotenhauer, Sile- 
sian seals from 1250 to 1300 ; 13-15 after vol. xxvi of the Vereins ftir Geschichte uiid 
Altertum Schlesiens.) 

16-24. Seals of Bohemian Kings. 

16. Wenceslaus I (1230-1253); from a document dated 1232. Obverse. 

17. Pfemysl Ottocar II (1253-1278). Obverse. 

18. Wenceslaus II (1283-1305), the last but one of the Premyslids. Obverse. 

19. Sigismund (1419-1437). 

20. Ladislaus Postumus (1452-1457); imperial seal. 

21. Georg Podiebrad (1458-1471). 

22. Wladislaw (1471-1516). 

23. Matthias Corvinus (1479-1490). 

24. Ludwig (1516-1526). 

(16-24 from the originals in the Moravian State Archives at Briinn.) 


















i i 







renounced the claims to the Polish crown, which he had hitherto maintained as 
heir of the Pfemyslids, receiving in return the cession of the Silesian districts 
under Polish government. 


WHEN Johann fell, " the crown of knighthood," in the battle of Crecy-en-Pon- 
thieu (on August 26, 1346, the anniversary of the death of Pfemysl Ottokar II), 
the domestic resources of Bohemia had been greatly shaken by his extravagant 
and unsystematic government. However, his successful foreign and military 
policy, which secured a position for his son and heir, Charles, had largely counter- 
balanced these disadvantages ; for a time the Bohemian king ruled over a more 
extensive territory than any of his predecessors had ever acquired, with the 
exception of Pfemysl Ottokar II. To this power was now added the dignity of 
the empire. Thanks to the diplomacy of his father, Charles was elected as 
"Charles IV" on July 11, 1346, after the deposition of the emperor Ludwig of 

On the death of his father, Charles was more than thirty years of age, and had 
enjoyed a wide experience in his youth (see Figs. 5 and 6 of the plate facing page 
248). His father had sent him at an early age to complete his education at the 
court of Paris, and his intellectual powers soon made it possible for him to take 
part in the business of government. At the age of fifteen he was sent to Parma to 
administer, to guide, and to defend his father's Italian acquisitions. In the year 
1332, at the age of sixteen, he won a brilliant victory over his powerful adversaries 
at San Felice. However, the Italian lands eventually proved untenable, and were 
sold by King Johann in the following year. In 1333 Charles received the title of 
margrave of Moravia, and took over the government of the hereditary dominions. 
He at once reduced the shattered resources of the kingdom to order. Intrigues 
among the nobles caused at times serious dissension between father and son. 
These quarrels reached their highest point in the years 1336-1337 when Charles 
was forced to resign the administration of Bohemia. But in 1338 a complete 
reconciliation was effected, and in 1341 King Johann, of his own initiative, secured 
the recognition of Charles as his successor in the Bohemian kingdom, during his 
own lifetime. Of special importance to Charles was the year 1342, when his 
former tutor and his father's friend at the French court, the archbishop Pierre 
Koger of Rouen, ascended the papal chair as Clement VI. These two highly gifted 
men are said to have predicted their careers to one another during their intercourse 
in Paris. The support of the Pope enabled Charles in 1344 to raise the bishopric 
of Prague, which had hitherto been subject to the metropolitan see of Mainz, to 
the rank of an independent archbishopric, with jurisdiction over the bishopric of 
Olmu'tz in Moravia and the newly founded bishopric of Leitomischl in Bohemia. 
Clement VI also took an honourable share in the promotion of the future king of 
Bohemia to the throne of Germany. Charles was spared the trouble of a struggle 
with the emperor Ludwig of Bavaria, who had been deposed on July 11, 1346, for 
as he was on the point of marching against Ludwig he received the news of his 
rival's death (1347). 

Charles was therefore able to devote himself with greater vigour to the diffi- 
cult task of conducting the business of the empire. As regarded the administration 
of his hereditary territories, he found a welcome supporter in his brother Johann 

250 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter ir 

Heinrich, upon whom he conferred the margraviate of Moravia as an hereditary- 
fief (December 26, 1349). So long as he lived, this brother was bound to Charles 
by ties of affection and friendship, and supported him zealously and unselfishly in 
his military and diplomatic enterprises. Their mutual relation is comparable to 
that which existed between King Pfemysl Ottokar I and Vladislav Heinrich 
(p. 243). Moravia being thus secured by inheritance to the second line of the 
Luxemburg house, the diocese of Olmutz and the province of Troppau were 
declared fiefs of the crown of Bohemia and made independent of the margraviate 
of Moravia. The duchy of Troppau had been already founded by King Pfemysl 
Ottokar II, who had reserved it for the support of his illegitimate son Nikolaus I ; 
it had also been conferred as a fief by King Johann in 1318 upon the son and 
namesake of Nikolaus, so that the arrangement of Charles only confirmed his 
father's dispositions. The rest of Silesia Charles had already in 1348 incorporated 
with the Bohemian crown as emperor of Germany. 

The assertion of the emperor Maximilian that Charles IV was the stepfather 
of the empire and the father of Bohemia is justified as regards the latter part of 
the remark. The whole of Charles's political activity was inspired by the idea 
of making his family and his country a great power. From the beginning of his 
independent reign to his death he exerted every effort to raise Bohemia to the level 
of civilization and intellectual development already attained by more advanced 
countries. He extended his capital of Prague and laid the foundation of its great 
development, increasing its beauty by such constructions as the Cathedral of St. 
Veit, the Castle of Hrads, the Teyn Church, and the bridge over the Moldau. He 
summoned artists of famous capacity, both German and Italian, architects and 
painters, brass founders and sculptors, goldsmiths and other miniature art workers, 
To his lively interest in science he was himself an historical and theological 
author the University of Prague owes its origin, at a time when such educa- 
tional institutions were rare on this side of the Alps except in France (134S ; VoL 
VII, p. 152). Bologna and Paris served as patterns for the organisation of the 
university. Charles showed an extreme interest in jurisprudence. He was able 
to regulate imperial affairs by ordinances establishing a laud peace, by the " Golden 
Bull" of 1356 (op. cit. p. 179), and other edicts; he conceived the idea of providing 
a uniform legal code for Bohemia and Moravia in the Majestas Carolina. How- 
ever, his intentions were frustrated by the resistance of the native nobility. Further 
important legal work was achieved in Silesia during his reign, such as the land 
register for the duchy of Breslau, " a magnificent work, which has been a model for 
all later surveys ; " the Silesian common law code, a redaction of the " Sachsen- 
spiegel," with special modifications; and, finally, a special municipal code for 
Breslau. And Charles worked no less vigorously to secure material prosperity in 
his own dominions. Mining, forestry, agriculture, and cattle farming then became 
extremely productive. Prague, next to Breslau, which he regarded with no less 
care, became one of the most important commercial centres in Central Europe, and 
a meeting-place of traffic from the south to the north, from the west to the east. 

The energy manifested by Charles IV in promoting the advance of intellectual 
and material prosperity deserves the more recognition for the reason that severe 
plagues ravaged the country during the first years of his rule; such were the 
black death, the Jewish plague, the flagellant outburst (see coloured plate facing 
page 178 of VoL VII). Though these plagues did not prove so destructive in the 


hereditary lands of Charles as elsewhere, they were none the less a powerful 
obstacle to the development of trade and intercourse, of education and art. 

It must also not be forgotten that the emperor's time was largely occupied by 
political business, military campaigns, and journeys to different parts of the empire, 
so that he was often absent from his hereditary territories for months at a time. 
The results of the energy which Charles IV displayed through the thirty years 
of his reign seem, in brief, to have been the securing of a prosperous future to the 
house of Luxemburg, which then counted numerous male descendants. Partly by 
bold opposition, partly by clever diplomacy, he gradually overcame the influence of 
the Wittelsbach family, which had hitherto been powerful, and finally secured from 
them the important Mark of Brandenburg for his own house (1373 ; op. cit. p. 180). 
At the beginning of his reign he was opposed by the king of Poland, whose hostility 
was supported by Duke Bolko of Schweidnitz-Jauer, the last of the Silesian princes 
who remained independent of Bohemia. In the year 1348, however, Charles con- 
cluded an offensive and defensive alliance with the king of Bohemia, while he so- 
far secured the good favour of Bolko as to induce him to conclude a pact of 
inheritance with Bohemia in 1364; by this agreement Charles, who entered upon 
a third marriage in 1353, with Anna, daughter of the Duke of Schweidnitz, 
secured a reasonable prospect of acquiring the latter's principality. These hopes 
were realised in a few years by the death of Bolko in 1368. 

Charles had also a difficult problem to deal with in his relations with his 
stepson, Rudolf IV of Austria. This prince was inspired by an invincible 
ambition for supremacy and power. He was anxious to secure an exceptional 
position for his kingdom among the German principalities, and when Charles 
opposed these ambitious designs, Rudolf was ready to adopt any and every 
means for their execution. He produced forged documents, and, what was more 
dangerous, made alliances with foreign princes against the emperor, supporting 
especially King Ludwig of Hungary, who caused Charles IV serious anxiety on 
more than one occasion. However, the diplomatic skill of the Luxemburg 
monarch was able gradually to overcome these dangers, and eventually to turn 
them to his own account. After 1363 the attention of Duke Rudolf was 
occupied by the acquisition of the Tyrol, and he began to feel the need of the 
emperor's support. In February, 1364, in the course of a meeting of nobles at 
Briinii, he concluded with Charles an important succession treaty, whereby the 
Luxemburg and Hapsburg families were respectively to inherit one another's 
lands in case either house should become extinct in the male and female line. 

Charles considerably increased his dominions by purchase and by acquisition 
in other ways, especially in the Upper Palatinate and in Lausitz ; in other ways, 
too, he attempted to secure for his family the prospect of succession to neigh- 
bouring thrones, particularly by well-considered family alliances. Both Rudolf IV, 
and also his brother Duke Albrecht III, who succeeded him as Duke of Austria 
in 1365, were married to daughters of Charles IV. His son Wenzel (born 1361), 
by Anna, was originally betrothed to the niece, at that time the heiress of King 
Ludwig of Hungary. When, however, in after years, this monarch had daughters 
of his own, the betrothal was dissolved, and in 1371 Wenzel married Johanna, 
the daughter of Albrecht, duke of Bavaria. Charles IV attempted to marry his 
second son, Sigismund (Siegmund), to Maria, the elder daughter and heiress, 
apparent of Ludwig of Hungary. 


Charles IV left his family in a strong position when he died, at the age of 
sixty-three, on November 29, 1378. Wenzel had already been appointed German 
emperor (1376) by the Electors, and was also in possession of Bohemia and 
Silesia. The second son, Sigismimd, received the Mark of Brandenburg, and 
the youngest, Johann, part of the Lausitz. The rnargraviate of Moravia had been 
governed until 1383 by Wenzel, the brother of Charles IV, who also ruled the 
duchy of Luxemburg. The Bohemian king held the feudal rights over this pro- 
vince, and after the death of the margrave Johann in 1375 the country was 
divided among his three sons, Jo(b)st (Jodok), Prokop, and Johann Sobeslav. 


RARELY do grandfather, father, and grandson display differences of life and 
character so profound as may be noted in the case of Johann, Charles, and Wenzel. 
The diplomatic powers of King Johann reappear as practical statesmanship of a 
high order in the case of Charles ; in Wenzel, however, scarce the humblest rem- 
nant of political capacity is discernible ; again, the extravagance of the grandfather 
becomes remarkable economy in the son and avarice in the grandson. Johann 
is a fiery, impetuous, chivalric figure, seeking and finding death in the press of 
battle ; Charles is a more patriarchal character, with no preference for war, though 
far from cowardly ; Wenzel, as years pass by, exhibits a voluptuousness immoder- 
ate and even brutal, cowardice conjoined with cruelty, a blend of indolence and 

Feeble as was his capacity for empire (see Fig. 7 of the plate facing page 248) 
this prince was now confronted with the task of governing not only the realm of 
a great dynasty, but also the administration of the vast German Empire, with its 
various and divergent interests ; this, too, at a period when all the material for 
political and social conflagration had been collected. Shortly before the death of 
Karl IV an event had occurred which threw the critical nature of the general sit- 
uation into strong relief. Two Popes were disputing the tiara, each with his own 
following among the princes and the clergy, Urban VI at Rome and Clem- 
ent VII at Avignon. Wenzel, whose special business it should have been, as Ger- 
man emperor, to allay the schism in the Church, calmly contemplated the spread 
of this disorder in every direction. Another difficult problem for his consideration 
was the position of his brother Sigismund in Hungary. The Luxemburg prince 
had married Maria, the elder daughter of King Ludwig I, who had no male issue, 
and occupied the throne of Hungary and also, after 1370, that of Poland ; on Lud- 
wig's death in 1382 his son-in-law claimed the Polish and Hungarian kingdoms 
in the right of his wife. The attempt to secure Poland resulted in total failure, 
while Hungary was only secured after a severe struggle, which absorbed more of 
Wenzel's resources than he could well spare. Within the empire, again, the king 
was hard pressed by the struggle between the princes and the towns. The 
partiality which he at first displayed for the latter was succeeded by indecision 
when his support proved inadequate to secure victory for the towns, and his 
diminishing interest in German affairs eventually lost him the sympathies of all 
parties alike. 

These various foreign complications, for the successful solution of which 
Wenzel possessed neither the judgment, the force of will, nor the tenacity, became 


far more dangerous on account of the rise of political, social, and religious diffi- 
culties, with which he was too weak to cope, within his own hereditary territories. 
However, these menacing dangers were not apparent at the outset of his govern- 
ment in Bohemia. The organisation which Karl JV had set on foot continued to 
work excellently for a time, and Wenzel was not the man to strike out a line of 
his own. He continued the great architectural works which his father had 
begun ; he extended the university ; literary work, especially in the Czech lan- 
guage, met with his zealous support. It was at this period that Huss altered and 
simplified the Bohemian orthography. 

But the signs of dissension in the public life of Bohemia grew more and more 
distinct. The University of Prague in particular was the starting point of the 
first line of cleavage. The Bohemian element in the population had grown until 
it outnumbered the other three nationalities, the Bavarians, Saxons, and Poles, 
and the result was a demand for a corresponding redistribution of votes in munici- 
pal and other corporations. Soon, again, the Bohemian nationality . diverged 
from the other three nations upon religious questions, which had entirely occu- 
pied the attention of the clergy since the days of Charles IV. The German 
preacher Conrad Waldhauser, whom Charles had summoned from Austria to 
Prague, then supported the Czech Milicz of Kremsier in his crusade against the 
immorality of laity and clergy. They both died during Charles' reign, and the 
activity of then 1 successors became rather nationalist than religious, and was 
directed against the German mendicant orders, the Dominicans and Augustin- 
ians on the one hand, and on the other against the upper clerg}*, the archbishop of 
Prague and the chapter. Wenzel became involved in the quarrel, and treated the 
archbishop of Prague, Johann von Jenstein, and his officials with undue severity. 
In the course of the conflict they were taken prisoners, examined under torture, 
and severely punished ; one of them, Doctor Johann von Pomuk, otherwise 
Nepomuk, who had been so brutally mishandled as to be past all hope of 
recovery, was drowned in the Moldau at the king's orders. This happened in 
the year 1393. 

In the very next year the king was to discover the weakness of the foundations 
supporting the power which he exercised with such despotism in Bohemia. The 
most distinguished noble families formed a confederacy with the object of over- 
throwing the king's advisers and of recovering their former rights to a share in 
the administration. 

Their enterprise was especially dangerous to Wenzel, for the reason that they 
had secured the support of the king's cousin Jost (Jobst, Jodokus), the margrave 
of Moravia. Jost, whose personality is henceforward of considerable importance in 
the history of Wenzel's reign, had been margrave and over-lord of Moravia since 
the death of his father Johann (1375 ; see Fig. 8 of the plate facing page 248). 
Important estates had been bequeathed to his two brothers, who were independent 
of Jost. But no love was lost between them from the outset, and the enmity 
between Jost and Procop resulted in a furious struggle between the brothers in 
Moravia, which caused great suffering for a long period to the whole margraviate, 
and especially to the bishopric of Olmutz. Jost, an ambitious and capable char- 
acter, succeeded in securing the confidence of the self-mistrustful king of Bohemia, 
and was allowed to assume part of his imperial duties in return for an adequate 
consideration. To begin with, he was appointed (1383) vicar of the empire for 

264 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter iv 

Italy, as Wenzel hoped that his cousin would clear his way for a progress to Rome. 
In return for the military and pecuniary help which he gave to Wenzel and 
Sigismund in the Hungarian war, Jost obtained the Mark of Brandenburg on 
mortgage in 1388; to this were soon added Luxemburg and the governorship of 
Alsace. When Wenzel first (about 1387) entertained the idea of abdicating the 
German crown, he had thoughts of transferring it to his Moravian cousin. Jost 
had serious hopes of securing that dignity, as is proved by the fact that in 1389 
he concluded compacts with Duke Albrecht III, " in the event of his becoming 
king of Germany." The plan, however, came to nothing. In the year 1390 Jost 
was again appointed imperial vicar for Italy, with a view to the more serious con- 
sideration of the papal question and the crowning of Wenzel as emperor ; but the 
margrave was induced to decline the honour by reason of the outbreak of dis- 
turbances in Bohemia, and personally took the lead of the aristocratic league 
against the king, and secured for this movement the support of King Sigismund 
of Hungary, Duke Albrecht of Austria, and the margrave Wilhelm of Meissen. 

Wenzel was able to rely only upon the humble resources of his cousin Procop 
of Moravia and of his youngest brother Johann of Gb'rlitz. But before hostilities 
were actually begun the confederates succeeded in capturing the king's person 
(May 8, 1394). His two allies attempted to rescue him, the sole result being 
that Wenzel was confined first in a Bohemian and afterwards in an Austrian 
castle. Meanwhile Jost administered the government of Bohemia. Germany 
then began to menace the conspirators, who liberated the king. A war broke out 
in Bohemia and Moravia which seemed likely to be prolonged by the weakness 
of Wenzel and the mutual animosity of the several members of the royal family. 
At the outset Sigismund, king of Hungary, drove his cousin Jost out of the field 
by the conclusion of a secret reconciliation with his brother Wenzel, whereby he 
secured the office of General Vicar in Germany (March, 1396), with the reversion 
of the German crown. About a year later (February, 1397) Wenzel in turn made 
peace with Jost and allowed him to establish a kind of co-regency in Prague. 

Suddenly, however, he renounced his compact with Jost and summoned Procop 
to be his permanent adviser (1398) ; this, too, at a time when the temper of the 
German electors had grown threatening owing to the weakness of Wenzel's gov- 
ernment. Wenzel then betook himself to Germany, held a diet in Frankfort 
(1398), and travelled thence to Charles VI of France to discuss the difficult prob- 
lem of allaying the papal schism. Meanwhile, the federated nobles, supported 
by Jost and Sigismund, began war in Bohemia against Weuzel and Procop. The 
struggle continued until the end of August, 1400, when Wenzel received the 
news of her own deposition and of the election of Euprecht of the Palatinate 
as king of the Romans. Wenzel was naturally furious at the insult. He could 
not, however, summon up resolution to strike an immediate blow for the recovery 
of his position. He made a second attempt at reconciliation with Sigismund ; but 
the brothers again quarrelled concerning the conditions under which the king of 
Hungary should take up arms against the empire on behalf of Wenzel, and Sigis- 
mund reluctantly retired to Bohemia. Jost seized the opportunity for a decisive 
stroke. In alliance with the Bohemian barons, the archbishop of Prague, and the 
margrave of Meissen he forced Wenzel to accept a regency for Bohemia, and again 
secured his possession of Lausitz and of the Brandenburg Mark (August, 1401). 

Wenzel was anxious to put an end to this tutelage ; for this purpose he again 


concluded a compact with Sigismund at the beginning of 1402, appointing him 
vicegerent or co-regent in Bohemia, and conferring on him the imperial vicariate 
for Germany. The king of Hungary repaid this mark of confidence by making 
Weiizel a prisoner (March, 1402), and by capturing shortly afterwards his most faith- 
ful supporter, the margrave Procop. Sigismund entered upon relations of extreme 
intimacy with the Austrian dukes, intrusted them with the care of the person of 
the Bohemian king in August, 1402, and concluded with them important pacts 
of inheritance, considerably to the disadvantage of Jost of Moravia, whose Mark of 
Brandenburg he treated as his own. The position was at length entirely changed 
by a rising in Hungary which obliged Sigismund to abandon Bohemia, and by the 
flight of Wenzel from Austria to his own country (November, 1403), where he was 
received with much jubilation, owing to the general hatred of the Austrian rule. 
Jost was reconciled to Wenzel, chiefly for the reason that his brother Procop, with 
whom he had been in continual hostility, tad died in the year 1405, and the 
attacks of Sigismund and the Hapsburgs upon the Bohemian king were success- 
fully repulsed. Southern Bohemia, Moravia, and Austria suffered terrible devasta- 
tion between 1404 and 1406 from the wars between the princes and also from the 
ravages of the dangerous robber bands which then became the curse of the country. 

Silesia suffered no less than Bohemia and Moravia under the unhappy govern- 
ment of King Wenzel. At the outset of his reign he interfered in a violent quarrel 
between Breslau and the local chapter, and espoused the cause of the town against 
the despotic aggression of its opponents (1381). Shortly afterwards he involved 
this important commercial centre (p. 250) in a long feud with the dukes of Oppeln 
upon the question of a heavy guarantee for the king's financial necessities. In the 
course of this struggle the travelling merchants of Breslau suffered heavy losses in 
property and purse. Some of the Silesian princes, in particular those of Teschen, 
remained faithful to Wenzel and secured high offices at the Bohemian court ; 
others, however, broke their feudal ties with Bohemia and formed connections with 
Vladislav Jagellon, the reigning king of Poland. 

These numerous indications of retrogression and decay in the hereditary Lux- 
emburg territories would perhaps have been less ominous had not the religious 
and nationalist movement among the Bohemian nation then attained its high- 
est point, declaring war with terrible determination both against the Catholic 
Church and against German influence in general. The best-known representa- 
tive of the reform movement among the Bohemian clergy is John Huss ; he had 
been a leading figure among the lecturers at the university since 1396, and as 
preacher in the Bethlehem chapel at Prague enjoyed an unexampled popularity 
among all classes of the population. He and his followers fulminated in the 
Bohemian language against the immorality of clergy and laity, especially against 
the sale of ecclesiastical offices (simony), whereby the ranks of the clergy were 
filled with unworthy members. Livings and benefices had been multiplied to such 
an extent in Bohemia and Moravia that even small churches supported numerous 
priests in idleness. These and other evils formed a widespread social malady of 
the period, and as early as the middle of the fourteenth century had been com- 
bated by Waldhauser and Milicz (p. 253) in Bohemia, by Heinrich of Herford in 
Germany, and by John Wiclif in England. Nowhere, however, did these ecclesias- 
tical quarrels fall upon a soil so rich in national animosities as in Bohemia. The 
war broke out upon the question of the condemnation of Wiclif's writings, which. 


had made their way into Bohemia and were enthusiastically received by the reform 
party among the clergy. The cathedral chapter requested the university to oppose 
the dissemination of Wiclif s works and opinions; they met with a refusal from 
the Bohemian " nation " in the university which was practically led by Huss. The 
breach existing in the university and within the nation was widened. 

The same opposition reappeared a few years later upon the question of con- 
cluding the papal schism. The Council of Pisa (1409) proposed to settle the 
question definitely by observing an ecclesiastical neutrality and refusing obedience 
to either Pope. In the University of Prague the idea commended itself only to 
the Bohemian "nation;" the three remaining nationalities in conjunction with the 
upper clergy adhered firmly to the Eoman Pope Gregory XII. King Wenzel, in 
contrast to Ruprecht, declared for ecclesiastical neutrality, and the Czech party 
induced him to issue that fatal decree whereby the Bohemian " nation," though in 
the minority, was henceforward to have three votes in all university discussions 
and resolutions, while the three non-Bohemian nations were to have but one vote 
between them. This measure implied the despotic repression of Germans and 
foreigners. Their sole remedy was migration to other German universities. The 
studium of Leipsic owes its foundation to this circumstance (end of 1409). 

Huss, who must be regarded as the prime mover in this momentous trans- 
action, had shaken off his opponents with unusual success. He was the more 
emboldened for the struggle with the higher clergy, in particular with Archbishop 
Zbynek of Prague. This ecclesiastic had forcibly deprived the clergy of their 
Wicliffite books, which he condemned to be burnt, and had also taken measures 
against the license of the preachers in every direction, and was anxious to confine 
their activity to the parish churches. When Huss declined to obey these regula- 
tions and continued to preach reform from the pulpit of the Bethlehem chapel he 
was excommunicated. However, the bulk of the population, the university, the 
court, the queen Sophie (Wenzel's second wife from 1389), and the king himself 
were on the side of Huss, while the archbishop was supported only by his clergy 
and by the new Pope, John XXIII. 

The further development of these divisions was largely influenced by general 
political events. King Ruprecht had died in the year 1410. The simultaneous 
choice of the two Luxemburg princes, Jost of Moravia and Sigismund of Hungary, 
was but a temporary danger, as the former died in January, 1411 (Vol. VII, 
p. 191). Of the many descendants of the house of Luxemburg there remained only 
King Wenzel of Bohemia and King Sigismund of Hungary, neither having male 
issue. They agreed without difficulty to share the inheritance of their Moravian 
cousin, and laid aside all previous grounds of dispute. Sigismuud took the Mark 
of Brandenburg, which he forthwith mortgaged to the Burgrave Friedrich of 
Nuremberg ; Wenzel added Moravia and Lausitz to Bohemia. Sigismund was 
then unanimously chosen king of Germany. Wenzel reserved to himself the right 
of acquiring the dignity of emperor at the hands of tin 1 Pope. 

They attempted by similar means to conclude the schism in the Church, 
recognising John XXIII, then resident in Rome, as against the other two who laid claim to the papal tiara. Hopes of a general recognition 
induced the Pope to modify his attitude to Huss and to refrain from summoning 
him to Rome; this policy was the more feasible because the chief opponent of 

3, the archbishop Zbynek, died in the year 1411, and his aged successor was a 


JULY 6, 1415 

(From a sixteenth century MS. in the Bohemian Museum at Prague) 

Jftfftl *'] HISTORY OF THE WORLD 257 

mere tool in the hands of King Wenzel. Huss, however, was stimulated to further 
invective in his preaching against ecclesiastical abuses by John XXII I's issue of 
indulgences to secure money for the struggle against his opponents, a proceeding 
which gave further ground for serious complaints, Once again the nation sup- 
ported Huss, with his pupils and friends. On this occasion, however, Wenzel 
resolved to give vigorous support, for political reasons, to the minority who 
opposed reform. The result was the imprisonment and execution of certain 
persons who publicly opposed the proceedings of the papal commissioners, while 
further complaints were made in Eome against Huss, who consequently incurred a 
papal sentence of excommunication (1412). Huss retired from Prague, but con- 
tinued his work throughout the country with increased zeal, while in the capital 
itself the tension between the two parties was in no degree diminished. 

Sigismund then considered that it might be possible to make an end of the 
religious disputes which shook the Bohemian hereditary lands, Bohemia itself, and 
also Moravia, to their centre, by bringing Huss before the Council of Constance, 
where the most influential representatives of political and ecclesiastical Europe 
had gathered to conclude the schism and to introduce general measures of church 
reform. Huss arrived a fortnight before the first sitting of the council, on 
November 3, 1414, accompanied by several Bohemian nobles, under a safe-conduct 
from Sigismund. This fact, however, did not prevent the council from imprison- 
ing Huss on November 28. Sigismund and Wenzel made no attempt to interfere, 
in spite of their express promise guaranteeing a safe passage and return for Huss. 
The nobility of Bohemia and Moravia pressed his case with increasing firmness, 
and sent letters of warning to the king and the council ; but after more than six 
months' imprisonment in misery Huss was deprived of his spiritual office as an 
arch-heretic by the council on July 6, 1415, and the secular power then executed 
the sentence of death by burning. 1 

Huss died a true martyr to his religious zeal. The firmness, the love of truth, 
and the contempt of death which he displayed before his judges at Constance 
were a powerful incitement to his strong body of adherents in Bohemia and 
Moravia to cling the more tenaciously to his doctrines. Shortly before his death, 
his pupil, Jacobellus of Mies, came forward with a claim, based upon the 
commands of Holy Scripture, for communion in both kinds (sub utraque specie). 
Huss offered no objection, and his followers thus gained, to their great advan- 
tage, a tangible symbol of their divergence from the Catholic Church, which 
ultimately gave the Hussites the name of Utraquists. No priest was tolerated who 
would not dispense the sacrament in both kinds ; and since the Council of Con- 
stance rejected this innovation as being opposed to the existing custom of the 
Church, occasion was given for the expulsion of the Catholic clergy in every 
direction. Nobles and knights, in accordance with the custom of the age, soon 
formed a league for the purpose of protecting communion in both kinds and 
freedom of preaching in the country. They were unanimously resolved to regard 
the University of Prague and not the Council of Constance as their supreme eccle- 
siastical authority until the choice of a new Pope. 

Strong measures were taken against the apostates ; the fathers of the council 
issued excommunications and an interdict without delay. Hussite disciples were 

1 See the plate facing this page, "The Burning of John Huss by the Council of Constance on July 6, 1415." 
VOL. V 17 

L'58 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter iv 

burned in Olmlitz when they attempted to preach the new doctrine in that city. 
A second magister of Prague, Hieronymus, was burned in Constance on May 30, 
141 G. Bishop Johannof Leitomischl, who was regarded as chiefly responsible next 
to Sigismund for the condemnation of Huss, was appointed bishop of Olmiitz, and 
displayed great zeal for the extirpation of the heresy. But these measures served 
only to intensify the spirit of opposition after the death of Huss from year to year, 
and soon made the breach irremediable. The only measures which commended 
themselves to the new Pope, Martin V, were excommunication and anathema, 
which produced the smaller effect, as the Hussites themselves now began to break 
up into sects and parties, which went far beyond the doctrine of the magister of 
Prague. The most numerous, and afterwards the most important, of these sects 
was that of the Taborites, who took their name from Mount Tabor, where they 
originally held their meetings. As regarded religion, they professed a return to 
the conditions of primitive Christianity, and adherence only to the actual letter of 
the Bible. At the same time their political and social views and objects were 
marked by extreme radicalism. The more moderate opposition among the Huss- 
ites, or Utraquists, were known from their symbol as Calixtins (chalicemen) or 
as Pragers, as the Prague school was their spiritual centre. 

King Wenzel, who had favoured the Hussites since the condemnation of their 
founder, was impelled by his brother Sigismund and the Pope to entertain 
seriously the idea of interference, in view of the dangerous and revolutionary 
spirit which animated an ever increasing circle of adherents. At the outset of the 
year 1419 he remodelled the Hussite council of the Neustadt in Prague by intro- 
ducing Catholics, and recalled the priests who had been expelled. However, 
mutual animosities had risen to such a pitch that on July 30, 1419, when the 
Catholics disturbed or insulted a procession, the Hussites, under their leader Zizka, 
stormed the parliament house in the Neustadt and threw some of the Catholic 
councillors out of the windows. The councillors were then beaten and stabbed to 
death by the infuriated populace. The excitement in the city and the country 
was increased a few weeks afterwards by the sudden death of King Wenzel on 
August 19, 1419, the consequence of a fearful access of fury at the outbreak of the 


SIGISMUND, the last descendant of the house of Luxemburg, was now con- 
fronted with the difficult task of securing his accession to the heritage of his 
brother, Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia. In each of these three countries the 
political situation and the prospects of his recognition were different. In Bohemia 
he might expect a bitter opposition, as long as he maintained his hostility to the 
Hussite movement. In Moravia this movement had indeed obtained a firm footing 
among the nobility and the population. Here, however, there was a counteracting 
force in the bishopric of Olmiitz and its numerous feudatories, led by Bishop 
Johaun, " the man of iron," who strove vigorously for the suppression of the 
heresy. Further, the most important towns, such as Brimn, Olmiitz, Znaim, Iglau, 
and others were populated by a majority of Catholic and German inhabitants, 
and neither they nor the nobility had any intention of opposing the rights of 
the Luxemburg claimant. Finally, Sigismund could be certain of meeting with 
ready submission in Silesia, which was entirely Germanised, and regarded the 


struggle in Bohemia primarily from a nationalist point of view, condemning 
it for its anti-German tendency. Hence Sigismund did not enter Bohemia, but 
intrusted the government to the dowager queen Sophie (p. 256) and to some 
councillors from the moderates among the nobility ; he appeared in Briinn in 
December, 1419, where he summoned the provincial assembly. An embassy 
also appeared from Bohemia to ask for the king's recognition of the four articles 
of belief, which had been drawn up by the Hussite sects a short time previously 
in a general assembly at Prague ; these were, first, freedom of preaching ; second, 
communion in both kinds ; third, the observance of apostolic poverty by the clergy ; 
fourth, the suppression and punishment of deadly sins. Sigismund, however, 
declined to declare his position, and put off the deputies until he should arrive in 
Bohemia itself. 

He did not, however, proceed to Bohemia, but hurried immediately from 
Briinn to Breslau, into which town he made a formal entry on January 5, 1420, 
Here he declared his real attitude towards the Hussites as his religious and 
political opponents. Towards the close of Wenzel's reign the artisans of Breslau 
had raised a revolt against the aristocratic council and the whole system of 
xoyal administration, following the example of the Hussites at Prague, who had 
killed councillors and usurped the power and authority. Sigismund did not 
hesitate to bring the revolutionaries to justice ; he executed twenty-three of them 
in the public square on March 4, 1420, condemned the numerous fugitives to 
death in contumaciam, declared their rights and property forfeit, and most strictly 
limited the freedom and the privileges of the guilds as a whole. This action was 
intended as a menace to the Bohemians, and its meaning became plainer on March 
15, 1420, when a citizen of Prague, who had ventured to express publicly in 
Breslau his opinion upon the condemnation of Huss, and to declare himself a 
Hussite, was burned as a heretic at Sigismund's orders. Two days afterwards 
he ordered the crusade bull against the Hussites which Pope Martin V had 
issued to be read from the pulpits of the Breslau churches. The embassy from 
Prague, which had also come to Breslau to negotiate with the king, naturally left 
the city entirely undeceived, and upon its return to Prague wisely advised a union 
of the moderate Calixtins and radical Taborites, and issued an appeal for war upon 
their common enemy, the Luxemburg ruler. 

A few weeks later Sigismund entered Bohemia with a strong army, composed 
chiefly of Germans and Silesians. He could calculate upon the support of many 
towns which had remained German and Catholic (for example, Kuttenberg), and on 
the advantage derived from the possession of the two fortresses which dominated 
Prague, the Hradshin and the Wysherad. However, the siege of Prague (May to 
June, 1420) was a failure. An attempt to relieve the defenders of the Wysherad 
was defeated, and in the murderous battle of November 1, 1420, the king's army 
was shattered, and many of the Catholic nobility of Moravia who had followed him 
were included in the overthrow. In February, 1421, Sigismund again made trial 
of his fortune in war against Bohemia, and was forced to retreat, or rather to flee, 
through Moravia to Hungary. On all three occasions the undaunted Taborite 
army had held the field under its general, Zizka. Conscious of their power, the 
Taborites now took the offensive, and conquered during the following months a 
number of towns and fiefs which had remained Catholic. The process of trans- 
forming the German towns of Bohemia into Czech settlements went on simulta- 

260 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [chapter iv 

neously with these conquests, so far as it had not been already completed by 
earlier events. A few towns only were able to. resist the change. In June, 1421, 
the assembly of Caslau had already declared the crown to be forfeit, the king 
being "the deadly enemy of the Bohemian nation." The provisional government 
offered the Bohemian throne to the king of Poland. 

Sigismund was a restless and undaunted character ; in this and in many other 
good and bad qualities he reminds us of his grandfather, King John. Once again 
he resumed the struggle, although the dangers which threatened him in Hungary 
made it impossible for him to think of continuing the war in Bohemia without 
foreign help. Germany equipped a crusading army at his appeal, increased, it is 
said, to two hundred thousand men by contingents from Meissen and Silesia. 
Bohemia was invaded in September, 1421, but the furious attacks of the Hussite 
bands inflicted heavy loss, and forced the army to withdraw almost as soon as it 
had crossed the frontier. It was not for several years that the empire undertook 
any fresh military enterprise against Bohemia. 

Most important to Sigismund was the support and co-operation of Duke 
Albrecht V of Austria, which was continued from the beginning to the end of the 
war. The price paid for this help was, indeed, considerable. Sigismund gave the 
duke Elizabeth, his only child and heiress, in marriage, ceded certain towns and 
castles, and afterwards gave him the governorship, and finally complete posses- 
sion, of the margraviate of Moravia under the convention of October 1-4, 14215. 
Albrecht was gradually able, with the help of the bishop of Olmutz, to with- 
draw this province from Hussite influence, to crush the Hussite barons, and to 
make the province a base of operations against Moravia. 

These facts induced Zizka to turn his attention to the neighbouring province 
in the year 1424 ; but at the outset of the campaign this great general succumbed 
to an attack of some kind of plague at Pfibislau, a little town on the frontier of 
Bohemia and Moravia, on October 11, 1424. Before his death bitter quarrels had 
broken out between the several Hussite sects, though these had hitherto been 
allayed by the energy of the great general. However, after his death an irreme- 
diable disruption took place. His special adherents, who were known as the 
" Orphans," separated from the Taborites. The leadership of the latter was under- 
taken by Prokop Holy (" Rasa," the shorn one), who took a leading position in the 
general Hussite army during the warfare of the following years. He was the chief 
stimulus to the enterprises which the Bohemians undertook after 1424 against 
all the neighbouring provinces, and he spread the Hussite wars to Austria and 
Hungary, to Silesia and the Lausitz, to Saxony and Brandenburg, to the Palatinate 
and Franconia. The Hussite expeditions were repeated annually, now in one 
direction, now in another, spreading terrible misery throughout the whole of Cen- 
tral Europe. In many countries, especially in Silesia, the Hussites were not 
content with mere raids, but left permanent garrisons in the conquered towns and 
castles, which incessantly harassed and devastated the surrounding districts. To 
such a height did the danger rise that the princes of the empire were induced to 
undertake a second crusade against Bohemia in the summer of 1427, while King 
Sigismund was occupied with the war against the Turks. Once again the enter- 
prise ended with the panic and flight of the German army when confronted at 
Tachau by the Hussites, whom a long series of victories had filled with hope and 
confidence. It seemed absolutely impossible to subdue this enemy in the field. 


and the opinion was further strengthened by the Hussite exploits in the following 

The last act of this tragic period of Bohemian history began at the outset of 
the year 1431. Sigismund attempted to reach a solution of the problem at any 
cost on wholly new principles : a council had begun the war, a council should end 
it. He succeeded in winning over to his view Pope Martin V, who summoned a 
general council of the Church at Basle, and intrusted the conduct of it to the 
cardinal Giuliano Cesarini, with instructions to make the suppression of the Hus- 
site movement one of the chief topics of debate. The cardinal first insisted on 
trying whether a crusade under his spiritual leadership would not be the quickest 
means to the desired end. This expedition to Bohemia ended, like its predecessors, 
with a terrible defeat of the Germans at Taus on August 14, 1431 ; and negotia- 
tions were then attempted, to which, indeed, more moderate parties in Bohemia had 
long since manifested their inclination. While the Hussite armies in 1432 and 
1433 marched plundering and massacring through Austria, North Hungary, Silesia, 
Saxony, and Brandenburg to the Baltic, an embassy from Prague appeared in 
Basle during the first months of 1433. When no conclusion could be reached 
there, the ambassadors of the council betook themselves to Prague, and concluded, 
on November 30, 1433, the Compactata of Prague. The material point was the 
recognition (though under conditions and incompletely) of the four articles of 
Prague of 1419 ; concerning the acceptance or refusal of these King Sigismund, 
who was then in Briinn, had declined to commit himself. 

Of decisive importance for further developments was the split between the 
moderate Calixtins, who included the majority of the Bohemian nobility, and the 
Taborites and Orphans. The dissension ended in a conflict at Lipan in Bohemia on 
May 30, 1434, when the radicals suffered a severe defeat. The path was now 
cleared for peace, which was concluded on July 5, 1436, by the publication of the 
Compactata at the assembly of Iglau. The reconciliation of the Bohemians with 
the Church was followed by a further reconciliation with King Sigismund, who 
was then recognised as king of Bohemia in return for certain political and national 
concessions. Only for a year and a half did he enjoy the peaceful possession of 
this throne. On December 9, 1437, he died, after numerous misunderstandings and 
breaches of the terms of peace had begun to rouse strong feeling against him 
among the Hussites. 


ON his death-bed Sigismund recommended his son-in-law, Duke Albrecht V 
of Austria, as his successor to the choice of the Bohemian nobles who stood round 
him. Albrecht (II) inherited both the German and the Hungarian crown from 
Sigismund, and his claim to Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia was based upon the 
principles formulated under the emperor Charles IV to regulate the succession 
in the house of Luxemburg, and also upon the various succession treaties and 
marriage connections between the Luxemburg and Hapsburg families. However, 
the prince whom the Hussite wars had made conspicuous in Bohemia could secure 
recognition from two only of the parties then dominant in the country, the Cath- 
olics, led by Baron Ulrich of Rosenberg, and the Calixtins, whose spokesman was 
Meinhard of Neuhaus. The Taborites, who were then guided by Hemrich Ptacek 

262 HISTORY OF THE WORLD [Chapter iv 

of Pirkstein, offered the crown of Bohemia to a Slavonic prince, Casimir, the brother 
of Vladislav, king of Poland ; their action brought about a civil war in Bohemia 
itself, as well as a Polish invasion both of this country and of Silesia, which had 
already done homage to Albrecht. 

While this struggle was in progress, Albrecht suddenly died on October 27,. 
1439, leaving no male issue. Not until February, 1440, did his widow Elizabeth 
bear a son, who was named Ladislaus (Vladislav IV) Postumus (see Tig. 20 of the 
plate facing page 248). Though this prince enjoyed, beyond the shadow of a doubt,, 
his father's justifiable claims to the inheritance, yet the party of Ptacek of Pirk- 
stein passed over the Hapsburg claim and secured, by au almost unanimous vote 
in the assembly of Prague, the choice of Albrecht, duke of Bavaria, as king of 
Bohemia ; he, however, declined the honour under the influence of a secret warn- 
ing from Ulrich von Eosenberg, the leader of the Catholics. The Taborites then 
attempted to induce the emperor Friedrich, the uncle and guardian of Ladislaus, 
to accept the crown of Bohemia. When this plan failed, they professed their readi- 
ness to recognise Ladislaus himself, provided that he were brought up in Bohemia. 
During these endless party struggles Ulrich of Eosenberg kept the upper hand. 
He was the most powerful of the Bohemian nobles, and derived the greatest advan- 
tages from the confusion which prevailed during this interregnum. The greater 
part of the country and the capital, Prague, were in his power and in that of his 
allies, the Calixtins ; the Taborites were restricted to four only of the thirteen 
circles of Bohemia. 

The position was changed after the death of Ptacek of Pirkstein in 1444, when 
the youthful George Podiebrad and Kunstadt undertook the leadership of the 
advanced Hussite party. In the year 1448 he seized Prague by a bold and sudden 
attack, and there assisted his party to gain a complete victory. For two years civil 
war again raged in Bohemia, until the close of the year 1450, when it was agreed 
at the general assembly at Prague to approach the emperor again upon the ques- 
tion of the surrender of the young king. On this occasion Friedrich III came to 
an understanding by direct negotiation with George Podiebrad, without consult- 
ing the other party leaders. In 1451 he intrusted Podiebrad with the regency in 
liolumaia during the minority of Ladislaus. The Bohemian estates confirmed this- 
decision at the assembly of April 24, 1452. Podiebrad, moreover, adhered to these 
conditions. When a revolution of the Austrian nobility against the emperor broke 
out in the following year, Ladislaus was released from his position as a minor and,, 
in name at least, became king of Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia. In October, 
1453, the memorable year of the T