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THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

VOLUME IV

THE WRITINGS

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

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COLLECTED AND EDITED
WITH A LIFE AND INTRODUCTION

ALBERT HENRY SMYTH

VOLUME IV
1760-1766

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THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

LONDON : MACMILLAN & CO., LTD.
1906

Set up and electrotyped. Published February, 1906.

<T, 8. Gushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.

PREFATORY NOTE

SEVERAL letters from Franklin to William Strahan in-
cluded in this volume were copied by permission from the
private collection of Hon. S. W. Pennypacker, Governor
of Pennsylvania. Since these pages were printed the
books and papers relating to Benjamin Franklin, collected
by Governor Pennypacker, have been sold, and the
Franklin-Strahan correspondence is now the property of
Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan.

Several letters and articles contributed by Franklin to
London newspapers in 1765 and 1766, relating to the
Stamp Act, are here for the first time reprinted. Frank-
lin's declaration that he was the author of these articles
exists in the Library of Congress (Stevens Collection,
No. 170).

Certain marginal notes scribbled by Franklin in various
pamphlets, formerly in the Athenaeum Library of Phila-
delphia, and now in the Lenox Library, New York, have
been included hitherto among the works of Franklin.
They concern taxation, the right of impressing seamen,
the prerogatives of Parliament, etc. They are crude and
fragmentary, and were never intended for publication.
Whatever is valuable among them will be found in the
final volume of this edition; all other marginalia are

omitted.

A. H. S.

CONTENTS

VOLUME IV

N°- FAGB

278. To Sir Alexander Dick. January 3, 1760 i

279. To Lord Kames. January 3, 1760 3

280. To John Hughes. January 7, 1760 7

281. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. March 5, 1760 ... 9

282. To Miss Mary Stevenson. May i, 1760 . . . . 10

283. To Lord Kames. May 3, 1760 II

284. To Peter Franklin. May 7, 1760 14

285. To Alexander Small. May 12, 1760 16

286. To Miss Mary Stevenson. May 17, 1760 18

287. To Miss Mary Stevenson. June n, 1760 .... 20

288. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. June 27, 1760 ... 22

289. To Miss Mary Stevenson. September 13, 1760 ... 26
•290. The Interest of Great Britain considered with Regard to her

Colonies. 1760 32

291. To David Hume. September 27, 1760 .... 82

292. To Lord Kames. September 27, 1760 .... 85

293. To Isaac Norris. November 19, 1760 . 86

294. To John Baskerville. 1760 86

295. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. 1760 88

296. To the Printer of the London Chronicle. 1760 . . .89

297. To Hugh Roberts. February 26, 1761 . . . . 95

298. To Miss Mary Stevenson. March 30, 1761 ... 97

299. To Josiah Quincy. April 8, 1761 . . .... 98

300. To Henry Potts. April 23, 1761 loo

301. To Edward Penington. May 9, 1761 .... 106

302. To Miss Mary Stevenson. August 10, 1761 . . . 108

303. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. September 14, 1761 . . no

304. To Miss Mary Stevenson. September 20, 1761 . . .in

305. To William Cullen, M.D. October 21, 1761 , . .116

306. To Miss Mary Stevenson. October 29, 1761 . . • 117

vii

viii CONTENTS

NO. PAGE

307. To Charles Norris and Thomas Leech. November 17, 1761 118

308. To Lord Kames. November, 1761 120

309. To Sir Alexander Dick. January 21, 1762 . . . 123

310. To David Hume. January 24, 1762 127

311. To Charles Norris and Thomas Leech. February 13, 1762 130

312. To Ebenezer Kinnersley. February 20, 1762 . . -131

313. To Miss Mary Stevenson. March 8, 1762 .... 148

314. To Miss Mary Stevenson. March 22, 1762 . . .149

315. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. March 24, 1762 . . .150

316. To Rev. M ? March 30, 1762 152

317. From David Hume to B. Franklin. May 10, 1762 . . 153

318. To David Hume. May 19, 1762 155

319. To Miss Mary Stevenson. June 7, 1762 .... 158

320. To William Strahan. June 14, 1762 . . . . 159

321. On Fire. June 21, 1762 159

322. Electrical Experiments on Amber. July 3, 1762 . . 162

323. To Giambatista Beccaria. July 13, 1762 . . . .163

324. To Oliver Neave. July 20, 1762 169

325. To William Strahan. July 20, 1762 . . . , . 172

326. To William Strahan. July 23, 1762 . . . . .173

327. To Miss Mary Stevenson. August n, 1762 • . . 173

328. To Lord Kames. August 17, 1762 174

329. To William Strahan. August 23, 1762 . . . . 176

330. To John Pringle. December i, 1762 . . . . . 177

331. To William Strahan. December 2, 1762 . . . . 179

332. To William Strahan. December 7, 1762 . . . .180

333. To Peter Collinson. December 7, 1762 .' , . . 182

334. To Caleb Whitefoord. December 7, 1762 . . . .183

335. To Jared Ingersoll. December n, 1762 .... 185

336. To Mr. Peter Franklin. 1762 . . . . . .186

337. To Mrs. Catherine Greene. January 23, 1763 . . . 188

338. To Isaac Norris. February 15, 1763 189

339. To William Strahan. February 23, 1763 . . . .191

340. Congelation of Quicksilver, etc. February 26, 1763 . .191

341. To Miss Mary Stevenson. March 25, 1763 . . . 193

342. To William Strahan. March 28, 1763 . . . .196

343. To Jonathan Williams. April 13, 1763 .... 198

344. To William Strahan. June 2, 1763 199

345. To William Strahan. June 10, 1763 ..... 200

346. To Miss Mary Stevenson. June 10, 1763 . <, . .201

CONTENTS

NO. PAGB

347. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. June 16, 1763 . . . 202

348. To William Strahan. June 28, 1763 ..... 203

349. To William Greene. July 19, 1763 ..... 205

350. To Mrs. Catherine Greene. August i, 1763 . . . 205

351. To William Strahan. August 8, 1763 .... 206

352. To Mrs. Catherine Greene. September 5, 1763 . . . 207

353. To William Strahan. September 22, 1763 .... 208

354. To Jonathan Williams. November 28, 1763 . . . 209

355. To Sir Alexander Dick. December u, 1763 . . . 209

356. To William Strahan. December 19, 1763 . 211

357. To Sir Francis Bernard. January u, 1764 . . . 214

358. To Anthony Todd. January 16, 1764 .... 214

359. To Mrs. Catherine Greene. February 15, 1764 . . . 215

360. To Miss Mary Stevenson. March 14, 1764 . . .216

361. To John Canton. March 14, 1764 ..... 218

362. To John Fothergill, M.D. March 14, 1764 . . .221

363. To William Strahan. March 30, 1764 .... 225
^364. Cool Thoughts on the Present Situation of our Public Affairs.

April 12, 1764 ........ 226

365. To Peter Collinson. April 12, 1764 ..... 241

366. To Peter Collinson. April 30, 1764 ..... 242

367. To William Strahan. May i, 1764 ..... 245

368. To Jonathan Williams. May 24, 1764 .... 247

369. To George Whiten* eld. June 19, 1764 .... 248

370. To William Strahan. June 25, 1764 ..... 249

371. To John Winthrop. July 10, 1764 ..... 250

372. To Colonel Henry Bouquet. August 16, 1764 . . . 252

373. To Anthony Todd. September 2, 1764 .... 255

374. To William Strahan. September 24, 1764 . . . .257

375. To Peter Collinson. September 24, 1764 . . . . 260
•^376. Remarks on a Particular Militia Bill. September 28, 1764 . 261

377. To Colonel Henry Bouquet. September 30, -1764 . . 267

378. Preface to Poor Richard, Improved, 1765. October, 1764 . 269

379. To Jonathan Williams. November 3, 1764 . . .271
^380. Remarks on a Late Protest against the Appointment of

Mr. Franklin an Agent for this Province. November 5,

1764 ...... .... 273

381. To Anthony Todd. November 6, 1764 . . . .285

382. To Sarah Franklin. November 8, 1764 . . . .286

383. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. December 9, 1764 . . . 288

x CONTENTS

NO. PAGE

384. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. December 27, 1764 . . 288

385. A Narrative of the Late Massacres in Lancaster County.

1764 289

386. Petition to the King. 1764 314

387. Preface to the Speech of Joseph Galloway. 1764 . -315

388. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. February 9, 1765 . . . 358

389. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. February 14, 1765 . . . 359

390. To John Ross. February 14, 1765 361

391. To David Hall. February 14, 1765 363

392. From Joseph Galloway to B. Franklin. February 27, 1765 364

393. To the Editor of a Newspaper. May 20, 1765 . . . 367

394. To John Canton. May 29, 1765 370

395. To Sir Alexander Dick. June 2, 1765 .... 371

396. To Lord Kames. June 2, 1765 373

397. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. June 4, 1765 .... 382

398. To John Ross. June 8, 1765 384

399. To Hugh Roberts. July 7, 1765 385

400. To Samuel Rhoads. July 8, 1765 387

401. To Charles Thomson. July n, 1765 389

402. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. July 13, 1765 . , . 391

403. To John Hughes. August 9, 1765 391

404. Four Letters concerning the Stamp Act. (Addressed to the

Printer of The Public Advertiser and of the Gazetteer?)

January 2, 14, and 15, 1766 . . . . . . 393

405. Letter concerning the Gratitude of America. January 6,

1766 400

406. Report of William Pitt's Speech against the Stamp Act.

January, 1766 . . 405

407. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. February 22, 1766 . . . 408

408. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. February 27, 1766 . . . 409

409. To Hugh Roberts. February 27, 1766 .... 410

410. To Charles Thomson. February 27, 1766 . . . .411

411. The Examination of Doctor Benjamin Franklin. 1766 . 412

412. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. April 6, 1766 . . . 449

413. To Thomas Ronayne. April 20, 1766 . . . .451

414. To Jonathan Williams. April 28, 1766 .... 454

415. To Cadwallader Evans. May 9, 1766 .... 455

416. To Giambatista Beccaria. May 29, 1766 . . . • 457

417. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. June 13, 1766 . . . 459

418. To Mrs. Mary Franklin. August 26, 1766 .... 460

CONTENTS

N' PAGE

419. To Sir William Johnson. September 12, 1766 . . .461

420. To Charles Thomson. September 27, 1766 . . . 462

421. To an Unknown Correspondent. October 4, 1766 . . 463

422. To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. October n, 1766 . . . 464

423. To Mrs. Ann Penn. November 20, 1766 .... 466

424. Remarks on a Plan for regulating the Indian Affairs . 1766 467

TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS

A. P. S American Philosophical Society.

B. M British Museum.

B. N Bibliotheque Nationale.

D. S. W Department of State, Washington.

H Harvard University.

L. C Library of Congress.

L. L - Lenox Library.

Lans Lansdowne House.

M.H.S Massachusetts Historical Society.

P. C Private Collection.

P. H. S Pennsylvania Historical Society.

P. R. O Public Record Office.

P. R. O. A. W. I Public Record Office : America and

West Indies.
P. A. E. E. U Paris Departement des Affaires

Etrangeres, — Etats-Unis.

U. of P University of Pennsylvania.

Y Yale University.

B Bigelow.

F Benjamin Franklin.

S Sparks.

V Benjamin Vaughan.

W. T. F W. T. Franklin.

Franklin's Mss. exist in several forms. He made a rough draft of
every letter that he wrote ; he then made a clean copy to send away, and
often retained a letter-press copy. To indicate the state of the docu-
ment, the following abbreviations are used : d. = draft, trans. = transcript,
1. p. = letter-press copy.

278. TO SIR ALEXANDER DICK1 (i. L.)

London, Jan. 3, 1760.

DEAR SIR,

After we took leave of you, we spent some Weeks in York-
shire and Lincolnshire, and at length arriv'd at our House
here in good health, having made a Tour of nearly 1500
Miles, in which we had enjoy'd a great deal of Pleasure, and
received a great deal of useful Information. —

But no part of our Journey affords us, on Recollection a
more pleasing Remembrance, than that which relates to
Scotland, particularly the time we so agreably spent with you,2
your Friends and Family. The many Civilities, Favours and
Kindnesses heap'd upon us while we were among you, have
made the most lasting Impression on our Minds, and have
endear'd that Country to us beyond Expression.

I hope Lady Dick3 continues well and chearful. Be
pleased to present my most respectful Complim*.8 and assure
her I have great Faith in her parting Prayers, that the Purse
she honoured me with will never be quite empty. —

I inclose you one of our Philadelphia Newspapers suppos-
ing it may give you and my good Lord Provost some Pleasure,

1 Sir Alexander Dick (1703-1785), student of medicine at Edinburgh and
Leyden, President of the College of Physicians, Edinburgh. He promoted
the establishment of a medical school in the Royal Infirmary. — ED.

2 At Prestonfield, at the foot of Arthur's Seat, Edinburgh. — ED.

8 Sarah, daughter of Alexander Dick, merchant of Edinburgh. — ED.

VOL. iv — :

2 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1760

to see that we have imitated the Edinburgh Institution of
an Infirmary in that remote Part of the World. Thus they
that do good, not only do good themselves, but by their Ex-
ample are the Occasion of much Good being done by others.
Pray present my best Respects to his Lordship, for whom if
I had not a very great Esteem, I find I should be extreamly
singular. — You will see in the same Paper an Advertisement
of the Acting of Douglas,1 one of your Scottish Tragedies, at
our Theatre, which may show the regard we have for your
Writers. — And as I remember to have heard some Com-
plaints from Persons in Edinburgh that their Letters to their
Friends in America, did not get regularly to hand, I take the
Liberty to send you another Paper, in which you will see the
careful Method they take in those Countries, to advertise
the Letters that remain in the Post Office ; I think it is gen-
erally done every Quarter. By that List of Names, too,
you may form some Judgment of the Proportion of North
Britons in America, which I think you once enquired about.
My Son joins in the sincerest Wishes of Happiness to you
& all yours, and in the Compliments of the Season, with

Dear Sir

Your most obliged, & most
obedient humble Servant

B. FRANKLIN

Please to acqu* honest Pythagoras that I have not forgot
what he desired of me, & that he shall hear from me soon —

1 " At the Theatre, on Society Hill, on Friday Evening, the Seventh in-
stant, will be presented (by particular Desire) DOUGLASS. Tickets to be had
of Mr. Dunlap. Box 75 6d, Pit 5*, Gallery 35." The Pennsylvania Gazette,
September 6, 1759. — ED.

1760] TO LORD KAMES

279. TO LORD KAMES1

London, January 3. 1760.

MY DEAR LORD,

You have been pleased kindly to desire to have all my pub-
lications. I had daily expectations of procuring some of them
from a friend to whom I formerly sent them, when I was in
America, and postponed writing to you, till I should obtain
them ; but at length he tells me he cannot find them. Very
mortifying this to an author, that his works should so soon be
lost ! So I can now only send you my Observations on the
Peopling of Countries, which happens to have been reprinted
here; The Description of the Pennsylvania Fire-place, a
machine of my contriving ; and some little sketches that have
been printed in the Grand Magazine,2 which I should hardly
own, did I not know that your friendly partiality would make
them seem at least tolerable.

How unfortunate I was, that I did not press you and Lady
Kames3 more strongly to favour us with your company
farther. How much more agreeable would our journey have
been, if we could have enjoyed you as far as York. We could
have beguiled the way, by discoursing of a thousand things,
that now we may never have an opportunity of considering
together; for conversation warms the mind, enlivens the

1 From "Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Honourable Henry
Home of Kames" (Edinburgh, 1807). Vol. I, p. 263.

Henry Home, Lord Kames (1696-1782), a judge of the Court of Session;
author of " Elements of Criticism " (1762), " Sketches of the History of Man "
(1773), and "An Introduction to the Art of Thinking" (1761). — ED.

2 The Gentleman's Magazine. — ED.
8 Agatha Drummond. — ED.

4 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1760

imagination, and is continually starting fresh game, that is
immediately pursued and taken, and which would never have
occurred in the duller intercourse of epistolary correspond-
ence. So that whenever I reflect on the great pleasure and
advantage I received from the free communication of senti-
ment, in the conversations we had at Kames, and in the
agreeable little rides to the Tweed side, I shall for ever regret
our premature parting.

-J No one can more sincerely rejoice than I do, on the reduc-
tion of Canada; and this is not merely as I am a colonist,
but as I am a Briton. I have long been of opinion, that the
foundations of the future grandeur and stability of the British
empire lie in America; and though, like other foundations,
they are low and little seen, they are, nevertheless, broad and
strong enough to support the greatest political structure
human wisdom ever yet erected. I am therefore by no means
for restoring Canada. If we keep it, all the country from the
St. Lawrence to the Mississippi will in another century be
filled with British people. Britain itself will become vastly
more populous, by the immense increase of its commerce;
the Atlantic sea will be covered with your trading ships ; and
your naval power, thence continually increasing, will extend
your influence round the whole globe, and awe the world!
If the French remain in Canada, they will continually harass
our colonies by the Indians, and impede if not prevent their
growth ; your progress to greatness will at best be slow, and
give room for many accidents that may for ever prevent it.
But I refrain, for I see you begin to think my notions ex-
travagant, and look upon them as the ravings of a mad
prophet.
Your Lordship's kind offer of Penn's picture is extremely

1760] TO LORD KAMES 5

obliging.1 But were it certainly his picture, it would be too
valuable a curiosity for me to think of accepting it. I should
only desire the favour of leave to take a copy of it. I could
wish to know the history of the picture before it came into
your hands, and the grounds for supposing it his. I have at
present some doubts about it; first, because the primitive
Quakers used to declare against pictures as a vain expence;
a man's suffering his portrait to be taken was conceived as
pride ; and I think to this day it is very little practised among
them. Then, it is on a board; and I imagine the practice
of painting portraits on boards, did not come down so low as
Penn's time ; but of this I am not certain. My other reason
is, an anecdote I have heard, viz. That when old Lord Cob-
ham was adorning his gardens at Stowe with the busts of
famous men, he made inquiry of the family, for the picture
of William Penn, in order to get a bust formed from it, but
could find none: That Sylvanus Bevan, an old Quaker
apothecary, remarkable for the notice he takes of counte-
nances, and a knack he has of cutting in ivory strong like-
nesses of persons he has once seen, hearing of Lord Cobham's
desire, set himself to recollect Penn's face, with which he had
been well acquainted ; and cut a little bust of him in ivory,

1 Nothing is known of this portrait. Tytler says that it was sent to Frank-
lin, and never returned. The most authentic likeness of Penn is that referred
to in the letter as an ivory medallion by Sylvanus Bevan. An engraving of
it by Smithers appeared in the Universal Magazine, January 2, 1797, with
the printed note : " Esteemed by R. Penn a good likeness." Robert Proud
was in England in 1750, and stayed with Bevan. He says: "The likeness is
a real and true one, as I have been informed, not only by himself (S. B.), but
also by the old men in England of the first character in the Society of Friends
who knew him in their youth" (Watson's "Annals," 1844, p. ill). This
ivory carving was bequeathed to Paul Bevan, of Tottenham, from whom it
descended to his grandson, Alfred Waterhouse, and is now in the possession
of Paul Bevan, of London. — ED.

6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

which he sent to Lord Cobham, without any letter or notice
that it was Penn's. But my Lord, who had personally known
Penn, on seeing it, immediately cried out, "Whence comes
this ? It is William Penn himself ! " And from this little bust,
they say, the large one in the gardens was formed.

I doubt, too, whether the whisker was not quite out of use
at the time when Penn must have been of an age appearing
in the face of that picture. And yet, notwithstanding these
reasons, I am not without some hope that it may be his;
because I know some eminent Quakers have had their pic-
tures privately drawn and deposited with trusty friends ; and
I know also that there is extant at Philadelphia a very good
picture of Mrs. Penn, his last wife. After all, I own I have
a strong desire to be satisfied concerning this picture; and
as Bevan is yet living here, and some other old Quakers that
remember William Penn, who died but in 1718, I would
wish to have it sent to me carefully packed up in a box by the
waggon, (for I would not trust it by sea), that I may obtain
their opinion. The charges I shall very cheerfully pay ; and
if it proves to be Penn's picture, I shall be greatly obliged to
your Lordship for leave to take a copy of it, and will carefully
return the original.

My son joins with me in the most respectful compliments
to you and to lady Kames. Our conversation till we came
to York, was chiefly a recollection of what we had seen and
heard, the pleasure we had enjoyed, and the kindnesses we
had received in Scotland, and how far that country had ex-
ceeded our expectations. On the whole, I must say, I think
the time we spent there, was six weeks of the densest happi-
ness I have met with in any part of my life : and the agreeable
and instructive society we found there in such plenty, has left

1760] TO JOHN HUGHES 7

so pleasing an impression on my memory, that did not strong
connexions draw me elsewhere, I believe Scotland would be
the country I should choose to spend the remainder of my
days in. I have the honour to be, with the sincerest esteem
and affection, my dear Lord, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

280. TO JOHN HUGHES1 (A.P.S.)

London, Jan. 7. 1760.

DEAR SIR,

On my Return from our Northern Journey, I found several
of your obliging Favours ; and have now before me those of
June 20, July 4, 25, Aug. 9, 22, 23, Sept. 25, and two of
Oct. 3, for which please to accept my hearty Thanks. I
congratulate you on the glorious Successes of the Year
past. There has been for some time a Talk of Peace, and
probably we should have had one this Winter, if the King of
Prussia's late Misfortunes 2 had not given the Enemy fresh
Spirits, and encouraged them to try their Luck another Cam-
paign, and exert all their remaining Strength, that if possible
they might treat with Hanover in their Hands. If this should
be the Case, possibly most of our Advantages may be given up
again at the Treaty, and some among our great Men begin
already to prepare the Minds of People for this, by discours-
ing, that to keep Canada would draw on us the Envy of other

1 John Hughes, stamp officer (1711-1772), stamp distributor for Pennsyl-
vania, and the counties of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex. He held the office
of Collector of Customs for the Colonies from September 4, 1769, until his
death. His will, dated January 31, 1772, describes him as late of the Province
•of Pennsylvania, but now collector of his Majesty's Customs at Charles-Town
in South Carolina. — ED.

2 Kunersdorf, August 12, 1759. — ED.

8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1760

Powers, and occasion a Confederacy against us; that the
Country is too large for us to people; not worth possessing,
and the like. These Notions I am every day and every where
combating, and I think not without some Success. The Event
God only knows. The Argument that seems to have principal
Weight is, that, in Case of another War, if we keep Possession
of Canada, the Nation will save two or three Millions a Year,
now spent in defending the American Colonies, and be so
much the stronger in Europe, by the Addition of the Troops
now employ'd on that Side of the Water. To this I add, that
the Colonies would thrive and increase in a much greater
Degree, and that a vast additional Demand would arise for
British Manufactures, to supply so great an Extent of Indian
Country, etc., with many other Topics, which I urge occasion-
ally, according to the Company I happen into, or the Persons
I address. And on the whole, I flatter myself that my being
here at this time may be of some Service to the general
Interest of America.

The Acts of the last Year have all come to hand, but not all
in a Condition proper to be laid before the King for his Appro-
bation, as the Governor's propos'd Amendments are tack'd
to 'em, and no Distinction which were agreed to, or whether any
or none ; so that, in some of the most material Acts, there is no
Ascertaining what is intended to be Law and what not. This
Mistake was fallen into, I suppose, from the late Practice of
sending home the Bills refus'd by the Governor, with his pro-
pos'd Amendments, certify'd by the Clerk of the House and
under the Great Seal, that the true State of such refus'd Bills
might be known here. But when Bills are pass'd into Laws,
the Copies to be sent here should be taken from the Rolls
Office after the Laws are deposited there, and certify'd by the

1760] TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN g

Master of the Rolls to be true Copies; and then the Gov-
ernor, under the Great Seal, certifys that the Master of the
Rolls is such an Officer, and that Credit ought to be given to
his Certificate ; or otherwise, that those Copies are true Copies,
agreable to the Laws passed by him as Governor. But the
Certificate with these Laws only expresses, that such Bills were
sent up to him for his Assent on such a Day ; that he proposed
the annex'd Amendments on such a Day, and on such a Day
he pass'd the Bills, without saying a Word whether the
Amendments were agreed to or not. Indeed by that Part of
the Minutes of March and April which came l

281. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)

London, March 5. 1760

MY DEAR CHILD,

I received the Enclos'd some time since from Mr. Strahan.
I afterwards spent an Evening in Conversation with him on
the Subject. He was very urgent with me to stay in England
and prevail with you to remove hither with Sally. He pro-
pos'd several advantageous Schemes to me, which appeared
reasonably founded. His Family is a very agreable one;
Mrs. Strahan a sensible and good Woman, the Children of
amiable Characters, and particularly the young Man, [who
is] sober, ingenious, and industrious, and a [desirable] Person.
In Point of Circumstances there can be no Objection; Mr,
Strahan being [now] living a Way as to lay up a Thousand
Pounds every Year from the Profits of his Business, after
maintaining his Family and paying all Charges. I gave him,

1 The remainder of the letter is lost.— -ED.

10 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

however, two Reasons why I could not think of removing
hither. One, my Affection to Pensilvania, and long established
Friendships and other connections there : The other, your in-
vincible Aversion to crossing the Seas. And without remov-
ing hither, I could not think of parting with my Daughter to
such a Distance. I thank'd him for the Regard shown us
in the Proposal ; but gave him no Expectation that I should
forward the Letters. So you are at liberty to answer or not,
as you think proper. Let me however know your Senti-
ments. You need not deliver the Letter to Sally, if you do
not think it proper.

My best Respects to Mr. Hughes, Mr. Bartram, and all
enquiring Friends. I am, your ever loving Husband,

B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. I have wrote several Letters to you lately, but can
now hardly tell by what Ships.

282. TO MISS MARY STEVENSON ' (P. c.)

Craven Street, May i, 1760.

I embrace, most gladly, my dear Friend's Proposal of a
Subject for our future Correspondence; not only as it will
occasion my hearing from her more frequently, but as it will
lay me under a Necessity of improving my own Knowledge,
that I may be better able to assist in her Improvement. I
only fear my necessary Business and Journeys, with the natu-
ral Indolence of an old Man, will make me too unpunctuai
a Correspondent. For this I must hope some Indulgence.

1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.

1760] TO LORD KAMES

But why will you, by the Cultivation of your Mind, make
yourself still more amiable, and a more desirable Companion
for a Man of Understanding, when you are determin'd, as I
hear, to live single ? If we enter, as you propose, into moral
as well as natural Philosophy, I fancy, when I have fully
establish'd my Authority as a Tutor, I shall take upon me to
lecture you a little on that Chapter of Duty.

But to be serious. Our easiest Method of Proceeding I
think will be, for you to read some Books that I may recom-
mend to you ; and, in the Course of your Reading, whatever
occurs, that you do not thoroughly apprehend, or that you
clearly conceive and find Pleasure in, may occasion either
some Questions for further Information, or some Observa-
tions that show how far you are satisfy'd and pleas' d with
your Author. These will furnish Matter for your Letters to
me, and, in consequence of mine also to you.

Let me know, then, what Books you have already perus'd
on the Subject intended, that I may the better judge what to
advise for your next Reading. And believe me ever, my
dear good Girl, your affectionate Friend and Servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

283. TO LORD KAMES1

London, May 3, 1760.

MY DEAR LORD,

I I have endeavoured to comply with your request in writing
something on the present situation of our affairs in America,
in order to give more correct notions of the British interest

1 From " Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Honourable Henry
Home of Kames," Vol. I, p. 268. — ED.

12 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

with regard to the colonies, than those I found many sensible
men possessed of. Inclosed you have the production, such
as it is. I wish it may in any degree be of service to the pub-
lic. I shall at least hope this from it, for my own part, that
you will consider it as a letter from me to you, and take its
length as some excuse for being so long a-coming.1

I am now reading with great pleasure and improvement
your excellent work, The Principles of Equity. It will be of
the greatest advantage to the Judges in our colonies, not only
in those which have Courts of Chancery, but also in those
which, having no such courts, are obliged to mix equity with
the common law. It will be of more service to the colony
Judges, as few of them have been bred to the law. I have
sent a book to a particular friend, one of the Judges of the
Supreme Court in Pennsylvania. \\

I will shortly send you a copy of the Chapter you are pleased
to mention in so obliging a manner; and shall be extremely
obliged in receiving a copy of the collection of Maxims for
the Conduct of Life, which you are preparing for the use of
your children. I purpose likewise a little work for the benefit
of youth, to be called The Art of Virtue. From the title I
think you will hardly conjecture what the nature of such a
book may be. I must therefore explain it a little. Many
people lead bad lives that would gladly lead good ones, but
know not how to make the change. They have frequently
resolved and endeavoured it; but in vain, because their
endeavours have not been properly conducted. To expect
people to be good, to be just, to be temperate, &c., without
shewing them how they should become so, seems like the

1 This was probably the tract, entitled " The Interest of Great Britain
Considered." — ED.

1760] TO LORD KAMES 13

ineffectual charity mentioned by the Apostle, which consisted
in saying to the hungry, the cold, and the naked, "Be ye fed,
be ye warmed, be ye clothed," without shewing them how
they should get food, fire, or clothing.

Most people have naturally some virtues, but none have
naturally all the virtues. To acquire those that are wanting,
and secure what we acquire, as well as those we have natu-
rally, is the subject of an art. It is as properly an art as paint-
ing, navigation, or architecture. If a man would become a
painter, navigator, or architect, it is not enough that he is
advised to be one, that he is convinced by the arguments of his
adviser, that it would be for his advantage to be one, and that
he resolves to be one, but he must also be taught the princi-
ples of the art, be shewn all the methods of working, and how
to acquire the habits of using properly all the instruments;
and thus regularly and gradually he arrives, by practice, at
some perfection in the art. If he does not proceed thus, he
is apt to meet with difficulties that discourage him, and make
him drop the pursuit.

My Art of Virtue has also its instruments, and teaches the
manner of using them. Christians are directed to have faith
in Christ, as the effectual means of obtaining the change they
desire. It may, when sufficiently strong, be effectual with
many: for a full opinion, that a Teacher is infinitely wise,
good, and powerful, and that he will certainly reward and
punish the obedient and disobedient, must give great weight
to his precepts, and make them much more attended to by his
disciples. But many have this faith in so weak a degree, that
it does not produce the effect. Our Art of Virtue may, there-
fore, be of great service to those whose faith is unhappily not
so strong, and may come in aid of its weakness. Such as are

14 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760-

naturally well disposed, and have been so carefully educated,
as that good habits have been early established, and bad ones
prevented, have less need of this art ; but all may be more or
less benefited by it. It is, in short, to be adapted for universal
use. I imagine what I have now been writing will seem to
savour of great presumption : I must therefore speedily finish
my little piece, and communicate the manuscript to you,
that you may judge whether it is possible to make good such
pretensions. I shall at the same time hope for the benefit
of your corrections. I am, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

284. TO PETER FRANKLIN1

London, May 7, 1760.

SIR

— It has, indeed, as you observe, been the opinion of

some very great naturalists, that the sea is salt only from the
dissolution of mineral or rock salt, which its waters happened1
to meet with. But this opinion takes it for granted that all
water was originally fresh, of which we can have no proof. I
own I am inclined to a different opinion, and rather think all
the water on this globe was originally salt, and that the fresh
water we find in springs and rivers, is the produce of distilla-
tion. The sun raises the vapours from the sea, which form
clouds, and fall in rain upon the land, and springs and rivers
are formed of that rain. As to the rock salt found in mines,
I conceive, that instead of communicating its saltness to the

1 From "Experiments and Observations on Electricity," London, 1769,,
p. 379. Peter Franklin, second son of Josiah Franklin and Abiah Folger,,,
born November 22, 1692, lived at Newport, Rhode Island. — ED.

1760] TO PETER FRANKLIN t$

sea, it is itself drawn from the sea, and that of course the sea
is now fresher than it was originally. This is only another
effect of nature's distillery, and might be performed various,
ways.

It is evident from the quantities of sea-shells, and the bone?
and teeth of fishes found in high lands, that the sea has for-
merly covered them. Then, either the sea has been higher
than it now is, and has fallen away from those high lands ; or
they have been lower than they are, and were lifted up out
of the water to their present height, by some internal mighty
force, such as we still feel some remains of, when whole con-
tinents are moved by earthquakes. In either case it may be
supposed that large hollows, or valleys among hills, might be
left filled with sea- water, which evaporating, and the fluid part
drying away in a course of years, would leave the salt cover-
ing the bottom ; and that salt, coming afterwards to be cov-
ered with earth from the neighbouring hills, could only be
found by digging through that earth. Or, as we know from
their effects, that there are deep fiery caverns under the earth,
and even under the sea, if at any time the sea leaks into any
of them, the fluid parts of the water must evaporate from that
heat, and pass off through some volcano, while the salt,
remains, and by degrees, and continual accretion, becomes a
great mass. Thus the cavern may at length be filled, and the
volcano connected with it cease burning, as many it is said
have done ; and future miners, penetrating such cavern, find
what we call a salt-mine. This is a fancy I had on visiting,
the salt-mines at Northwich, with my son. I send you a piece
of the rock salt which he brought up with him out of the mine.,

... I am, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

16 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

285. TO ALEXANDER SMALL1

May 12, 1760.

DEAR SIR,

Agreeable to your request, I send you my reasons for think-
ing that our NorthEast storms in North America begin first, in
point of time, in the SouthWest parts: That is to say, the air
in Georgia, the farthest of our colonies to the SouthWest,
begins to move Southwesterly before the air of Carolina,
which is the next colony NorthEastward ; the air of Caro-
lina has the same motion before the air of Virginia, which
lies still more NorthEastward; and so on NorthEasterly
through Pensylvania, New-York, New-England, &c., quite
to Newfoundland.

These NorthEast storms are generally very violent, con-
tinue sometimes two or three days, and often do considerable
damage in the harbours along the coast. They are attended
with thick clouds and rain.

What first gave me this idea, was the following circum-
stance. About twenty years ago, a few more or less, I cannot
from my memory be certain, we were to have an eclipse of
the moon at Philadelphia, on a Friday evening, about nine
o'clock. I intended to observe it, but was prevented by a
NorthEast storm, which came on about seven, with thick
clouds as usual, that quite obscured the whole hemisphere.
Yet when the post brought us the Boston newspaper, giving
an account of the effects of the same storm in those parts, I

1 From "Experiments and Observations on Electricity," London, 1769,
p. 381. Dr. Small was an army surgeon, and a member of the Society of Arts.
In 1760 he was in London. — ED.

1760] TO ALEXANDER SMALL 17

found the beginning of the eclipse had been well observed
there, though Boston lies N. E. of Philadelphia about 400
miles. This puzzled me because the storm began with us
so soon as to prevent any observation, and being a N. E.
storm, I imagined it must have begun rather sooner in places
farther to the NorthEastward than it did at Philadelphia. I
therefore mentioned it in a letter to my brother, who lived at
Boston; and he informed me the storm did not begin with
them till near eleven o'clock, so that they had a good observa-
tion of the eclipse : And upon comparing all the other accounts
I received from the several colonies, of the time of beginning
of the same storm, and, since that of other storms of the same
kind, I found the beginning to be always later the farther
NorthEastward. I have not my notes with me here in Eng-
land, and cannot, from memory, say the proportion of tune
to distance, but I think it is about an hour to every hundred
miles.1

From thence I formed an idea of the cause of these storms,
which I would explain by a familiar instance or two. Sup-
pose a long canal of water stopped at the end by a gate. The
water is quite at rest till the gate is open, then it begins to
move out through the gate; the water next the gate is first
in motion, and moves towards the gate; the water next to
that first water moves next, and so on successively, till the
water at the head of the canal is in motion, which is last of all.
In this case all the water moves indeed towards the gate, but
the successive times of beginning motion are the contrary
way, viz. from the gate backwards to the head of the canal.
Again, suppose the air in a chamber at rest, no current through
the room till you make a fire in the chimney. Immediately

1 See Introduction, Vol. I, pp. 57-58. — ED.
VOL. iv — c

18 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

the air in the chimney, being rarefied by the fire, rises; the
air next the chimney flows in to supply its place, moving
towards the chimney ; and, in consequence, the rest of the air
successively, quite back to the door. Thus to produce our
NorthEast storms, I suppose some great heat and rarefaction
of the air in or about the Gulph of Mexico; the air thence
rising has its place supplied by the next more northern, cooler,
and therefore denser and heavier, air ; that, being in motion,
is followed by the next more northern air, &c. &c., in a suc-
cessive current, to which current our coast and inland ridge
of mountains give the direction of NorthEast, as they lie N. E.
and S. W.

This I offer only as an hypothesis to account for this par-
ticular fact; and, perhaps, on farther examination, a better
and truer may be found. I do not suppose all storms gener-
ated in the same manner. Our North West thunder-gusts
in America I know are not; but of them I have written my
opinion fully in a paper which you have seen. I am, etc.

B. FRANKLIN.

286. TO MISS MARY STEVENSON * (L. c.)

(p. c.)
Craven Street, May 17, 1760.

I send my good Girl the Books I mention'd to her last
Night. I beg her to accept them as a small Mark of my Es-
teem and Friendship. They are written in the familiar, easy
Manner, for which the French are so remarkable ; and afford
a good deal of philosophic and practical Knowledge, unem-

1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. ; im-
perfect trans, in L. C. — ED.

1760] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON ig

barras'd with the dry Mathematics us'd by more exact
Reasoners, but which is apt to discourage young Beginners.

I would advise you to read with a Pen in your Hand, and
enter in a little Book short Hints of what you find that is curi-
ous, or that may be useful ; for this will be the best Method
of imprinting such Particulars in your Memory, where they
will be ready, either for Practice on some future Occasion, if
they are Matters of Utility, or at least to adorn and improve
your Conversation, if they are rather Points of Curiosity.
And, as many of the Terms of Science are such as you cannot
have met with in your common Reading and may therefore be
unacquainted with, I think it would be well for you to have a
good Dictionary at hand, to consult immediately when you
meet with a Word you do not comprehend the precise Mean-
ing of. This may at first seem troublesome and interrupting ;
but 'tis a Trouble that will daily diminish, as you will daily
find less and less Occasion for your Dictionary, as you
become more acquainted with the Terms; and in the mean
time you will read with more Satisfaction, because with more
Understanding.

When any Point occurs, in which you would be glad to have
farther Information than your Book affords you, I beg you
would not in the least apprehend, that I should think it a
Trouble to receive and answer your Questions. It will be a
Pleasure, and no Trouble. For tho' I may not be able, out
of my own little Stock of Knowledge, to afford you what you
require, I can easily direct you to the Books, where it may
most readily be found. Adieu, and believe me ever, my
dear Friend, yours affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

20 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1760

287. TO MISS MARY STEVENSON1 (p. c.)

Craven Street, June 11, 1760.

DEAR POLLY:

'Tis a very sensible Question you ask, how the Air can affect
the Barometer, when its Opening appears covered with
Wood? If indeed it was so closely covered as to admit of
no Communication of the outward Air to the Surface of the
Mercury, the Change of Weight in the Air could not possibly
affect it. But the least Crevice is sufficient for the Purpose ;
a Pinhole will do the Business. And if you could look
behind the Frame to which your Barometer is fixed, you
would certainly find some small Opening.

There are indeed some Barometers in which the Body of
Mercury at the lower End is contained in a close Leather Bag,
and so the Air cannot come into immediate Contact with the
Mercury ; yet the same Effect is produc'd. For, the Leather
being flexible, when the Bag is press'd by any additional
Weight of Air, it contracts, and the Mercury is forced up into
the Tube; when the Air becomes lighter, and its Pressure
less, the Weight of the Mercury prevails, and it descends
again into the Bag.

Your Observation on what you have lately read concerning
Insects is very just and solid. Superficial Minds are apt to
despise those who make that Part of the Creation their Study,
as mere Triflers; but certainly the World has been much
oblig'd to them. Under the Care and Management of Man,
the Labours of the little Silkworm afford Employment and
Subsistence to Thousands of Families, and become an im-

1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.

1760] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON

mense Article of Commerce. The Bee, too, yields us its
delicious Honey, and its Wax useful to a Multitude of Pur-
poses. Another Insect, it is said, produces the Cochineal,
from whence we have our rich Scarlet Dye. The Usefulness
of the Cantharides, or Spanish Flies, in Medicine, is known
to all, and Thousands owe their Lives to that Knowledge.
By human Industry and Observation, other Properties of
other Insects may possibly be hereafter discovered, and of
equal Utility. A thorough Acquaintance with the Nature
of these little Creatures may also enable Mankind to prevent
the Increase of such as are noxious, or secure us against
the Mischiefs they occasion. These Things doubtless your
Books make mention of: I can only add a particular late
Instance which I had from a Swedish Gentleman of good
Credit. In the green Timber, intended for Ship-building at
the King's Yards in that Country, a kind of Worms were
found, which every year became more numerous and more
pernicious, so that the Ships were greatly damag'd before they
came into Use. The King sent Linnaeus, the great Naturalist,
from Stockholm, to enquire into the Affair, and see if the Mis-
chief was capable of any Remedy. He found, on Examina-
tion, that the Worm was produced from a small Egg, deposited
in the little Roughnesses on the Surface of the Wood, by a
particular kind of Fly or Beetle ; from whence the Worm, as
soon as it was hatched, began to eat into the Substance of the
Wood, and after some time came out again a Fly of the
Parent kind, and so the Species increased. The season in
which this Fly laid its Eggs, Linnaeus knew to be about a
Fortnight (I think) in the Month of May, and at no other
time of the Year. He therefore advis'd, that, some Days
before that Season, all the green Timber should be thrown

22 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

into the Water, and kept under Water till the Season was over.
Which being done by the King's Order, the Flies missing
their usual Nests, could not increase; and the Species was
either destroy'd or went elsewhere ; and the Wood was effectu-
ally preserved ; for, after the first Year, it became too dry and
hard for their purpose.

There is, however, a prudent Moderation to be used in
Studies of this kind. The Knowledge of Nature may be
ornamental, and it may be useful ; but if, to attain an Emi-
nence in that, we neglect the Knowledge and Practice of
essential Duties, we deserve Reprehension. For there is no
Rank in Natural Knowledge of equal Dignity and Importance
with that of being a good Parent, a good Child, a good Hus-
band or Wife, a good Neighbour or Friend, a good Subject
or Citizen, that is, in short, a good Christian. Nicholas
Gimcrack, therefore, who neglected the Care of his Family,
to pursue Butterflies, was a just Object of Ridicule, and we
must give him up as fair Game to the satyrist.

Adieu, my dear Friend, and believe me ever

Yours affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN

288. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A. P. s.)

London, June 27, 1760.

MY DEAR CHILD,

I wrote a Line to you by the Pacquet, to let you know we
were well, and I promis'd to write you fully by Capt. Budden,
and answer all your Letters, which I accordingly now sit down
to do. I am concern'd that so much Trouble should be given
you by idle Reports concerning me. Be satisfied, my dear,

1760] TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN 33

that while I have my Senses, and God vouchsafes me his Pro-
tection, I shall do nothing unworthy the Character of an
honest Man, and one that loves his Family.

I have not yet seen Mr. Beatty, nor do I know where to
write to him. He forwarded your Letter to me from Ireland.
The Paragraph of your Letter inserted in the Papers, related
to the Negro School. I gave it to the Gentlemen concerned,
as it was a Testimony in favour of their pious Design. But
I did not expect they would have printed it with your Name.
They have since chosen [me] one of the Society, and I am
at present Chairman for the current year. I enclose you an
Account of their Proceedings.1

I did not receive the Prospect of Quebec, which you mention
that you sent me. Peter continues with me, and behaves as
well as I can expect, in a Country where there are many Occa-
sions of spoiling Servants, if they are ever so good. He has
as few Faults as most of them, and I see with only one Eye,
and hear only with one Ear ; so we rub on pretty comfortably.
King, that you enquire after, is not with us. He ran away
from our House, near two Years ago, while we were absent
in the Country ; But was soon found in Suffolk, where he had
been taken in the Service of a Lady, that was very fond of the

1 This relates to a scheme, which had been set on foot by the philanthropic
Dr. Thomas Bray, who passed a large part of his life in performing deeds of
benevolence and charity. He became acquainted with M. D'Allone, at the
Hague, who approved and favored his schemes. M. D'Allone, during his
lifetime, gave to Dr. Bray a considerable sum of money, which was to be
applied to the conversion of negroes in the British Plantations, and at his
death he left an additional sum of nine hundred pounds for the same object.
Dr. Bray formed an association for the management and proper disposal of
these funds. He died in 1730, and the same trust continued to be executed
by a company of gentlemen, called " Dr. Bray's Associates." Dr. Franklin
was for several years one of these associates. — S.

24 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

Merit of making him a Christian, and contributing to his
Education and Improvement. As he was of little Use, and
often in Mischief, Billy consented to her keeping him while
we stay in England. So the Lady sent him to School, has
him taught to read and write, to play on the Violin and French
Horn, with some other Accomplishments more useful in a
Servant. Whether she will finally be willing to part with
him, or persuade Billy to sell him to her, I know not. In the
mean time he is no Expence to us. The dried Venison was
very acceptable, and I thank you for it. We have had it con-
stantly shav'd to eat with our Bread and Butter for Breakfast,,
and this Week saw the last of it. The Bacon still holds out,
for we are choice of it. Some Rashers of it, yesterday relish'd
a Dish of Green Pease. Mrs. Stevenson thinks there was
never any in England so good. The smok'd Beef was also
excellent.

The Accounts you give me of the Marriages of our friends
are very agreeable. I love to hear of every thing that tends
to increase the Number of good People. You cannot con-
ceive how shamefully the Mode here is a single Life. One
can scarce be in the Company of a Dozen Men of Circum-
stance and Fortune, but what it is odds that you find on
enquiry eleven of them are single. The great Complaint is
the excessive Expensiveness of English Wives.

I am extreamly concerned with you at the Misfortune of
our Friend Mr. Griffith. How could it possibly happen?
'Twas a terrible Fire that of Boston. I shall contribute here
towards the Relief of the Sufferers. Our Relations have
escaped I believe generally; but some of my particular
Friends must have suffered greatly.

I think you will not complain this Year, as you did the last,,

1760] TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN 25

of being so long without a Letter. I have wrote to you very
frequently ; and shall not be so much out of the Way of writing
this Summer as I was the last. I hope our friend Bartram is
safely return' d to his Family. Remember me to him in the
kindest Manner.

Poor David Edwards died this Day Week, of a Consump-
tion. I had a Letter from a Friend of his, acquainting me
that he had been long ill, and incapable of doing his Business,
and was at Board in the Country. I fear'd he might be in
Straits, as he never was prudent enough to lay up any thing.
So I wrote to him immediately, that, if he had occasion, he
might draw on me for Five Guineas. But he died before my
Letter got to hand. I hear the Woman, at whose House he
long lodg'd and boarded, has buried him and taken all he
left, which could not be much, and there are some small
Debts unpaid. He maintained a good Character at Bury,
where he lived some years, and was well respected, to my
Knowledge, by some Persons of Note there. I wrote to you
before, that we saw him at Bury, when we went thro* Suffolk
into Norfolk, the Year before last. I hope his good Father,
my old Friend, continues well.

Give my Duty to Mother, and Love to my dear Sally.
Remember me affectionately to all Enquiring Friends, and
believe me ever, my dearest Debby, your loving Husband,

B. FRANKLIN.

26 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

289. TO MISS MARY STEVENSON1 (P. c.)

MY DEAR FRIEND, London> SePt" '* '760-

I have your agreable letter from Bristol, which I take this
first Leisure Hour to answer, having for some time been much
engaged in Business.

Your first Question, What is the Reason the Water at this
place, tho* cold at the Spring, becomes warm by Pumping ? it
will be most prudent in me to forbear attempting to answer,
till, by a more circumstantial account, you assure me of the
Fact. I own I should expect that Operation to warm, not
so much the Water pump'd, as the Person pumping. The
Rubbing of dry Solids together has been long observed to
produce Heat ; but the like Effect has never yet, that I have
heard, been produc'd by the mere Agitation of Fluids, or
Friction of Fluids with Solids. Water in a Bottle, shook for
Hours by a Mill-Hopper, it is said, discover'd no sensible
Addition of Heat. The Production of Animal Heat by Exer-
cise is therefore to be accounted for in another manner, which
I may hereafter endeavour to make you acquainted with.

This Prudence of not attempting to give Reasons before one
is sure of Facts, I learned from one of your Sex, who, as Selden
tells us, being in company with some Gentlemen that were
viewing and considering something which they call'd a Chi-
nese Shoe, and disputing earnestly about the manner of wear-
ing it, and how it could possibly be put on ; put in her Word,
and said modestly, Gentlemen, are you sure it is a Shoe?
Should not that be settled first?

But I shall now endeavour to explain what I said to you
about the Tide in Rivers, and to that End shall make a Figure,
which, tho' not very like a River, may serve to convey my

1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.

1760] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON 27

Meaning. Suppose a Canal 140 Miles long, communicating
at one End with the Sea, and filFd therefore with Sea Water.
I chuse a Canal at first, rather than a River, to throw out of
Consideration the Effects produced by the Streams of Fresh
Water from the Land, the Inequality in Breadth, and the
Crookedness of Courses.

Let A, C, be the Head of the Canal ; C, D, the Bottom of
it ; D, F, the open Mouth of it, next the Sea. Let the strait
prick' d Line, B, G, represent Low- Water Mark, the whole
Length of the Canal. A, F, High- Water Mark: Now if a
Person, standing at E, and observing, at the time of High
Water there, that the Canal is quite full at that Place up to

the Line E, should conclude that the Canal is equally full to
the same Height from End to End, and therefore there was
as much more Water come into the Canal since it was down
at Low- Water Mark, as would be included in the oblong
Space A, B, G, F, he would be greatly mistaken. For the
Tide is a Wave, and the Top of the Wave, which makes High
Water, as well as every other lower Part, is progressive; and
it is High Water successively, but not at the same time, in all
the several Points between G, F, and A, B. And in such a
Length as I have mention' d, it is Low Water at F, G, and
also at A, B, at or near the same time with its being High
Water at E; so that the Surface of the Water in the Canal,
during that Situation, is properly represented by the Curve

28 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

prick'd Line, B, E, G. And on the other hand, when it is
Low Water at E, H, it is High Water both at F, G, and at
A, B, at or near the same time ; and the Surface would then
be describ'd by the inverted Curve Line, A, H, F.

In this View of the Case, you will easily see, that there must
be very little more Water in the Canal at what we call High
Water, than there is at Low Water, those Terms not relating
to the whole Canal at the same time, but successively to its
Parts. And, if you suppose the Canal six times as long, the
Case would not vary as to the Quantity of Water at different
times of the Tide ; there would only be six Waves in the Canal
at the same time, instead of one, and the Hollows in the Water
would be equal to the Hills.

That this is not mere Theory, but conformable to Fact, we
know by our long Rivers in America. The Delaware, on
which Philadelphia stands, is in this particular similar to the
Canal I have supposed of one Wave; for, when it is High
Water at the Capes or Mouth of the river, it is also High
Water at Philadelphia, which stands about 140 Miles from
the Sea; and there is at the same time a Low Water in the
Middle between the two High Waters ; where, when it comes
to be High Water, it is at the same time Low Water at the
Capes and at Philadelphia. And the longer Rivers have
some a Wave and Half, some two, three, or four Waves, ac-
cording to their Length. In the shorter Rivers of this Island,
one may see the same thing in Part ; for Instance, it is High
Water at Gravesend an Hour before it is High Water at Lon-
don Bridge ; and 20 Miles below Gravesend an Hour before it
is High Water at Gravesend. Therefore at the Time of High
Water at Gravesend the Top of the Wave is there, and the
Water is then not so high by some feet where the Top of the

1760] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON' 29

Wave was an Hour before, or where it will be an Hour after,
as it is just then at Gravesend.

Now we are not to suppose that because the Swell or Top
of the Wave runs at the Rate of 20 Miles an Hour, that there-
fore the Current, or Water itself of which the Wave is com-
pos'd, runs at that rate. Far from it. To conceive this
Motion of a Wave, make a small Experiment or two. Fasten
one End of a Cord in a Window near the Top of a House, and
let the other End come down to the Ground ; take this End
in your Hand, and you may, by a sudden Motion, occasion a
Wave in the Cord that will run quite up to the Window ; but
tho' the Wave is progressive from your Hand to the Window,
the Parts of the Rope do not proceed with the Wave, but
remain where they were, except only that kind of Motion that
produces the Wave. So if you throw a Stone into a Pond of
Water when the Surface is still and smooth, you will see a
circular Wave proceed from the Stone as its Centre, quite to
the Sides of the Pond ; but the Water does not proceed with
the Wave, it only rises and falls to form it in the different Parts
of its Course ; and the Waves that follow the first, all make use
of the same Water with their Predecessors.

But a Wave in Water is not indeed in all circumstances
exactly like that in a Cord; for, Water being a Fluid, and
gravitating to the Earth, it naturally runs from a higher Place
to a lower; therefore the Parts of the Wave in Water do actu-
ally run a little both ways from its Top towards its lower Sides,
which the Parts of the Wave in the Cord cannot do. Thus,
when it is high and standing Water at Gravesend, the Water
20 Miles below has been running Ebb, or towards the Sea
for an Hour, or ever since it was High Water there; but the
Water at London Bridge will run flood, or from the Sea yet

30 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

another Hour, till it is High Water or the Top of the Wave
arrives at that Bridge, and then it will have run Ebb an Hour
at Gravesend, &c. &c. Now this Motion of the Water,
occasioned only by its Gravity, or Tendency to run from a
higher Place to a lower, is by no means so swift as the Motion
of the Wave. It scarce exceeds perhaps two Miles in an Hour.

If it went, as the Wave does, 20 Miles an Hour, no Ships
could ride at Anchor in such a Stream, nor Boats row against it.

In common Speech, indeed, this Current of the Water both
Ways from the Top of the Wave is called the Tide; thus we
say, the Tide runs strong, the Tide runs at the rate of i, 2, or 3
Miles an hour, &c.; and, when we are at a Part of the River
behind the Top of the Wave, and find the Water lower than
High- water Mark, and running towards the Sea, we say, the
Tide runs Ebb; and, when we are before the Top of the Wave,
and find the Water higher than Low- water Mark, and running
from the Sea, we say, the Tide runs flood ; but these Expres-
sions are only locally proper ; for a Tide, strictly speaking, is one
whole Wave, including all its Parts higher and lower, and these
Waves succeed one another about twice in twenty-four Hours.

This Motion of the Water, occasioned by its Gravity, will
explain to you why the Water near the Mouth of Rivers may
be salter at High water than at Low. Some of the Salt Water,
as the Tide Wave enters the river, runs from its Top and fore
Side, and mixes with the fresh, and also pushes it back up the
River.

Supposing that the Water commonly runs during the Flood
at the rate of two Miles in an Hour, and that the Flood runs
5 Hours, you see that it can bring at most into our Canal only
a Quantity of Water equal to the Space included in the
Breadth of the Canal, ten Miles of its Length, and the Depth

1760] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON 3I

between Low and High- water Mark: Which is but a four-
teenth Part of what would be necessary to fill all the Space
between Low and High- water Mark for 140 Miles, the whole
Length of the Canal.

And indeed such a Quantity of Water as would fill that
whole Space, to run in and out every Tide, must create so
outrageous a Current, as would do infinite Damage to the
Shores, Shipping, &c., and make the Navigation of a River
almost impracticable.

I have made this Letter longer than I intended, and there-
fore reserve for another what I have farther to say on the Sub-
ject of Tides and Rivers. I shall now only add, that I have not
been exact in the Numbers, because I would avoid perplexing
you with minute Calculations, my Design at present being
chiefly to give you distinct and clear Ideas of the first Principles.

After writing 6 Folio Pages of Philosophy to a young Girl,
is it necessary to finish such a Letter with a Compliment?
Is not such a Letter of itself a Compliment ? Does it not say,
she has a Mind thirsty after Knowledge, and capable of receiv-
ing it ; and that the most agreable Things one can write to her
are those that tend to the Improvement of her Understanding ?
It does indeed say all this, but then it is still no Compliment;
it is no more than plain honest Truth, which is not the Char-
acter of a Compliment. So if I would finish my Letter in the
M ode, I should yet add something that means nothing, and is
merely civil and polite. But, being naturally awkward at
every Circumstance of Ceremony, I shall not attempt it. I
had rather conclude abruptly with what pleases me more
than any Compliment can please you, that I am allow'd to
subscribe myself

Your affectionate Friend, B. FRANKLIN.

32 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760
290, THE

INTEREST

GREAT BRITAIN
CONSIDERED

WITH REGARD TO HER

COLONIES
AND THE ACQUISITIONS OF

CANADA AND GUADALOUPE

TO WHICH ARE ADDED
OBSERVATIONS CONCERNING THE INCREASE OF

MANKIND, PEOPLING OF COUNTRIES, &c.

London :

Printed for T. Becket, at Tully's Head, near
Surry-street in the Strand.

MDCCLX.1

1 From a copy in P. H. S. presented " to the Rev. Dr. Mayhew, from his
humble Serv*, the Author."

See Introduction, Vol. I, pp. 138 and 145. — ED.

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 33

I HAVE perused, with no small pleasure, the Letter addressed
to Two Great Men, and the Remarks on that letter. It is not
merely from the beauty, the force, and perspicuity of expres-
sion, or the general elegance of manner, conspicuous in both
pamphlets, that my pleasure chiefly arises ; it is rather from
this, that I have lived to see subjects of the greatest impor-
tance to this nation publickly discussed without party views
or party heat, with decency and politeness, and with no other
warmth than what a zeal for the honour and happiness of our
King and country may inspire; and this by writers whose
understanding (however they may differ from each other)
appears not unequal to their candour and the uprightness of
their intention.

But, as great abilities have not always the best information,
there are, I apprehend, in the Remarks, some opinions not well
founded, and some mistakes of so important a nature, as to
render a few observations on them necessary for the better
information of the publick.

The author of the Letter, who must be every way best able
to support his own sentiments, will, I hope, excuse me, if I
seem officiously to interfere; when he considers, that the
spirit of patriotism, like other qualities good and bad, is
catching ; and that his long silence since the Remarks ap-
peared, has made us despair of seeing the subject farther
discussed by his masterly hand. The ingenious and candid
remarker, too, who must have been misled himself, before
he employed his skill and address to mislead others, will
certainly, since he declares he aims at no seduction, be dis-
posed to excuse even the weakest effort to prevent it.

And surely if the general opinions that possess the minds of
the people may possibly be of consequence in publick affairs,

VOL. IV — D

34 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

it must be fit to set those opinions right. If there is danger,
as the remarker supposes, that " extravagant expectations"
may embarass "a virtuous and able ministry," and "render
the negotiation for peace a work of infinite difficulty," l there
is no less danger, that expectations too low, thro' want of
proper information, may have a contrary effect, may make
even a virtuous and able ministry less anxious, and less atten-
tive to the obtaining points, in which the honour and interest
of the nation are essentially concerned; and the people less
hearty in supporting such a ministry and its measures.
j The people of this nation are indeed respectable, not for
their numbers only, but for their understanding and their
publick spirit: they manifest the first, by their universal
approbation of the late prudent and vigorous measures, and
the confidence they so justly repose in a wise and good prince,
and an honest and able administration ; the latter they have
demonstrated by the immense supplies granted in Parliament
unanimously, and paid through the whole kingdom with
chearfulness.^ And since to this spirit and these supplies
our "victories and successes"2 have in great measure been
owing, is it quite right, is it generous to say, with the re-
marker, that the people "had no share in acquiring them?"
The mere mob he cannot mean, even where he speaks of the
madness of the people; for the madness of the mob must be
too feeble and impotent, arm'd as the government of this
country at present is, to "overrule,"3 even in the slightest
instances, the "virtue and moderation" of a firm and steady
ministry.

While the war continues, its final event is quite uncertain.
The Victorious of this year may be the vanquish' d of the next.

1 Remarks, p. 6. 2 Ibid., p. 7. 8 Ibid., p. 7.

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 35

It may therefore be too early to say, what advantages we ought
absolutely to insist on, and make the sine quibus non of a
peace. If the necessity of our affairs should oblige us to
accept of terms less advantageous than our present suc-
cesses seem to promise us, an intelligent people as ours is,
must see that necessity, and will acquiesce. But as a peace,
when it is made, may be made hastily ; and as the unhappy
continuance of the war affords us time to consider, among
several advantages gain'd or to be gain'd, which of them
may be most for our interest to retain, if some and not all may
possibly be retained; I do not blame the public disquisition
of these points, as premature or useless. Light often arises
from a collision of opinions, as fire from flint and steel ; and
if we can obtain the benefit of the light, without danger from
the heat sometimes produc'd by controversy, why should we
discourage it?

Supposing then, that heaven may still continue to bless his
Majesty's arms, and that the event of this just war may put
it in our power to retain some of our conquests at the making
of a peace ; let us consider whether we are to confine ourselves
to those possessions only, that were "the objects for which we
began the war." * This the remarker seems to think right,
when the question relates to "Canada, properly so catted; it
having never been mentioned as one of those objects, in any
of our memorials or declarations, or in any national or public
act whatsoever." But the gentleman himself will probably
agree, that if the Cession of Canada would be a real advantage
to us, we may demand it under his second head, as an "indem-
nification for the charges incurred" in recovering our just
rights ; otherwise according to his own principles, the demand

1 Remarks, p. 19.

36 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

of Guadaloupe can have no foundation. That "our claims
before the war were large enough for possession and for secu-
rity too,"1 tho' it seems a clear point with the ingenious
remarker, is, I own, not so with me. I am rather of the
contrary opinion, and shall presently give my reasons.

But first let me observe, that we did not make those claims
because they were large enough for security, but because we
could rightfully claim no more. Advantages gain'd in the
course of this war may increase the extent of our rights. Our
claims before the war contained some security ; but that is
no reason why we should neglect acquiring more when the
demand of more is become reasonable. It may be reasonable
in the case of America to ask for the security recommended
by the author of the letter,3 tho' it would be preposterous
to do it in many other cases : his proposed demand is founded
on the little value of Canada to the French; the right we have
to ask, and the power we may have to insist on an indemnifi-
cation for our expences ; the difficulty the French themselves
will be under of restraining their restless subjects in America
from encroaching on our limits and disturbing our trade;
and the difficulty on our part of preventing encroachments
that may possibly exist many years without coming to our
knowledge.

But the remarker "does not see why the arguments em-
ploy'd concerning a security for a peaceable behaviour in
Canada, would not be equally cogent for calling for the same
security in Europe" 3 On a little farther reflection, he must
I think be sensible, that the circumstances of the two cases
are widely different. Here we are separated by the best and

1 Remarks, p. 19.

2 Page 30 of the Letter, and p. 21 of the Remarks. 8 Remarks, p. 28.

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN

clearest of boundaries, the ocean, and we have people in or
near every part of our territory. Any attempt to encroach
upon us, by building a fort, even in the obscurest corner of
these islands, must therefore be known and prevented im-
mediately. The aggressors also must be known, and the
nation they belong to would be accountable for their aggres-
sion. I In America it is quite otherwise. A vast wilderness
thinly or scarce at all peopled, conceals with ease the march
of troops and workmen. Important passes may be seiz'd
within our limits, and forts built in a month, at a small
expence, that may cost us an age, and a million to remove.
Dear experience has taught us this. But what is still worse,
the wide-extended forests between our settlements and theirs
are inhabited by barbarous tribes of savages, that delight in
war, and take pride in murder, subjects properly neither of
the French nor English, but strongly attached to the former
by the art and indefatigable industry of priests, similarity of
superstitions, and frequent family alliances. These are easily,
and have been continually, instigated to fall upon and mas-
sacre our planters, even in times of full peace between the
two crowns, to the certain diminution of our people and the
contraction of our settlements.1 And though it is known they

1 A very intelligent writer of that country, Dr. Clark, in his " Observations
on the late and present Conduct of the French, &c.," printed at Boston, 1755,
says : —

" The Indians in the French interest are, upon all proper opportunities,
instigated by their priests, who have generally the chief management of their
public councils, to acts of hostility against the English, even in time of pro-
found peace between the two crowns. Of this there are many undeniable
instances : The war between the Indians and the colonies of the Massachu-
setts Bay and New Hampshire, in 1723, by which those colonies suffered so
much damage, was begun by the instigation of the French ; their supplies
were from them, and there are now original letters of several Jesuits to be
produced, whereby it evidently appears, that they were continually animating

38 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

are supply'd by the French, and carry their prisoners to them,
we can by complaining obtain no redress, as the governors of
Canada have a ready excuse, that the Indians are an indepen-
dent people, over whom they have no power, and for whose
actions they are therefore not accountable. Surely circum-
stances so widely different, may reasonably authorize different
demands of security in America, from such as are usual or
necessary in Europe.

The remarker, however, thinks, that our real dependance for
keeping "France or any other nation true to her engagements,
must not be in demanding securities, which no nation whilst
independent can give, but on our own strength and our own
vigilance." * No nation that has carried on a war with dis-
advantage, and is unable to continue it, can be said, under
such circumstances, to be independent; and while either side
thinks itself in a condition to demand an indemnification,
there is no man in his senses, but will, cceteris paribus, prefer

the Indians, when almost tired with the war, to a farther prosecution of it.
The French not only excited the Indians, and supported them, but joined
their own forces with them in all the late hostilities, that have been committed
within his Majesty's province of Nova Scotia. And from an intercepted letter
this year from the Jesuit at Penobscot, and from other information, it is cer-
tain, that they have been using their utmost endeavours to excite the Indians
to new acts of hostility against his Majesty's colony of the Massachusetts Bay ;
and some have been committed. The French not only excite the Indians to
acts of hostility, but reward them for it by buying the English prisoners of
them; for the ransom of each of which they afterwards demand of us the
price, that is usually given for a slave in these colonies. They do this under
the specious pretense of rescuing the poor prisoners from the cruelties and
barbarities of the savages ; but in reality to encourage them to continue their
depredations, as they can by this means get more by hunting the English,
than by hunting wild beasts ; and the French at the same time are thereby
enabled to keep up a large body of Indians, entirely at the expence of the
English."— F.
1 Remarks, p. 25.

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 39

an indemnification that is a cheaper and more effectual
security than any other he can think of. Nations in this
situation demand and cede countries by almost every treaty
of peace that is made. The French part of the island of Sf.
Christopher's was added to Great Britain in circumstances
altogether similar to those in which a few months may prob-
ably place the country of Canada. Farther security has
always been deemed a motive with a conqueror to be less
moderate ; and even the vanquish'd insist upon security as a
reason for demanding what they acknowledge they could not
otherwise properly ask.

The security of the frontier of France on the side of the
Netherlands was always considered, in the negotiation that
began at Gertruydenburgh, and ended with that war. For the
same reason they demanded and had Cape Breton. But a
war concluded to the advantage of France has always added
something to the power, either of France or the House of Bour-
bon. Even that of 1733, which she commenced with declara-
tions of her having no ambitious views, and which finished
by a treaty at which the ministers of France repeatedly de-
clared that she desired nothing for herself, in effect gained for
her Lorrain, an indemnification ten times the value of all her
North American possessions.

In short, security and quiet of princes and states have ever
been deemed sufficient reasons, when supported by power, for
disposing of rights; and such dispositions have never been
looked on as want of moderation. It has always been the
foundation of the most general treaties. The security of
Germany was the argument for yielding considerable posses-
sions there to the Swedes : and the security of Europe divided
the Spanish monarchy by the partition treaty, made between

40 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

powers who had no other right to dispose of any part of it.
There can be no cession that is not supposed at least to in-
crease the power of the party to whom it is made. It is
enough that he has a right to ask it, and that he does it not
merely to serve the purposes of a dangerous ambition.

Canada, in the hands of Britain, will endanger the kingdom
of France as little as any other cession ; and from its situation
and circumstances cannot be hurtful to any other state.
Rather, if peace be an advantage, this cession may be such
to all Europe. The present war teaches us, that disputes
arising in America may be an occasion of embroiling nations
who have no concerns there. If the French remain in Canada
and Louisiana, fix the boundaries as you will between us and
them, we must border on each other for more than 1500 miles.
The people that inhabit the frontiers are generally the refuse
of both nations, often of the worst morals and the least dis-
cretion, remote from the eye, the prudence, and the restraint
of government. Injuries are therefore frequently, in some
part or other of so long a frontier, committed on both sides,
resentment provoked, the colonies are first engaged, and then
the mother countries. And two great nations can scarce
be at war in Europe, but some other prince or state thinks it a
convenient opportunity to revive some ancient claim, seize
some advantage, obtain some territory, or enlarge some power
at the expence of a neighbour. The flames of war once kin-
dled, often spread far and wide, and the mischief is infinite.
Happy it prov'd to both nations, that the Dutch were pre-
vailed on finally to cede the New Netherlands (now the
province of New York) to us at the peace of 1674; a peace
that has ever since continued between us, but must have been
frequently disturbed, if they had retained the possession of

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 41

that country, bordering several hundred miles on our colonies
of Pensilvania westward, Connecticut and the Massachusetts
eastward. Nor is it to be wondered at that people of differ-
ent language, religion, and manners, should in those remote
parts engage in frequent quarrels, when we find, that even
the people of our own colonies have frequently been so exas-
perated against each other in their disputes about boundaries,
as to proceed to open violence and bloodshed.

But the remarker thinks we shall be sufficiently secure in
America, if we "raise English forts at such passes as may at
once make us respectable to the French and to the Indian
nations." * The security desirable in America may be con-
sidered as of three kinds, i. A security of possession, that
the French shall not drive us out of the country. 2. A
security of our planters from the inroads of savages, and the
murders committed by them. 3. A security that the British
nation shall not be obliged, on every new war, to repeat the
immense expence occasioned by this, to defend its possessions
in America.

Forts in the most important passes, may, I acknowledge,
be of use to obtain the first kind of security : but as those situa-
tions are far advanc'd beyond the inhabitants, the expence of
maintaining and supplying the garrisons, will be very great
even in time of full peace, and immense on every interruption
of it ; as it is easy for skulking parties of the enemy in such
long roads thro' the woods, to intercept and cut off our con-
voys, unless guarded continually by great bodies of men.

The second kind of security will not be obtained by such
forts, unless they were connected by a wall like that of China,
from one end of our settlements to the other. If the Indians

1 Remarks, p. 25.

42 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

when at war, march' d like the Europeans, with great armies,
heavy cannon, baggage and carriages, the passes thro' which
alone such armies could penetrate our country or receive
their supplies, being secur'd, all might be sufficiently secure ;
but the case is widely different. They go to war, as they call
it, in small parties, from fifty men down to five. Their hunt-
ing life has made them acquainted with the whole country,
and scarce any part of it is impracticable to such a party.
They can travel thro' the woods even by night, and know how
to conceal their tracks. They pass easily between your forts
undiscovered; and privately approach the settlements of
your frontier inhabitants. They need no convoys of pro-
visions to follow them; for whether they are shifting from
place to place in the woods, or lying in wait for an opportunity
to strike a blow, every thicket and every stream furnishes so
small a number with sufficient subsistence. When they have
surpriz'd separately, and murder'd and scalp'd a dozen fami-
lies, they are gone with inconceivable expedition through
unknown ways, and 'tis very rare that pursuers have any
chance of coming up with them.1 In short, long experience

1 " Although the Indians live scattered, as a hunter's life requires, they may
be collected together from almost any distance, as they can find their subsist-
ence from their gun in their travelling. But let the number of the Indians
be what it will, they are not formidable merely on account of their numbers ;
there are many other circumstances that give them a great advantage over the
English. The English inhabitants, though numerous, are extended over a
large tract of land, 500 leagues in length on the sea shore ; and although
some of their trading towns are thick settled, their settlements in the country
towns must be at a distance from each other : besides, that in a new country
where lands are cheap, people are fond of acquiring large tracts to themselves ;
and therefore in the out settlements, they must be more remote : and as the
people that move out are generally poor, they sit down either where they can
easiest procure land, or soonest raise a subsistence. Add to this, that the
English have fixed, settled habitations, the easiest and shortest passages to

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 43

has taught our planters, that they cannot rely upon forts as a
security against Indians: The inhabitants of Hackney might

which the Indians, by constantly hunting in the woods, are perfectly well
acquainted with ; whereas the English know little or nothing of the Indian
country, nor of the passages through the woods that lead to it. The Indian
way of making war is by sudden attack upon exposed places ; and as soon as
they have done mischief, they retire, and either go home by the same or some
different rout, as they think safest ; or go to some other place at a distance,
to renew their stroke. If a sufficient party should happily be ready to pursue
them, it is a great chance, whether in a country consisting of woods and
swamps, which the English are not acquainted with, the enemy do not lie in
ambush for them in some convenient place, and from thence destroy them.
If this should not be the case, but the English should pursue them, as soon
as they have gained the rivers, by means of their canoes, to the use of which
they are brought up from their infancy, they presently get out of their reach :
further, if a body of men were to march into their country, to the places where
they are settled, they can, upon the least notice, without great disadvantage,
quit their present habitations, and betake themselves to new ones." — CLARK'S
" Observations," p. 13.

" It has been already remarked, that the tribes of the Indians living upon
the lakes and rivers that run upon the back of the English settlements in
North America, are very numerous, and can furnish a great number of fight-
ing men, all perfectly well acquainted with the use of arms as soon as capable
of carrying them, as they get the whole of their subsistence from hunting ;
and that this army, large as it may be, can be maintained by the French with-
out any expence. From their numbers, their situation, and the rivers that run
into the English settlements, it is easy to conceive that they can at any time
make an attack upon, and constantly annoy as many of the exposed English
settlements as they please, and those at any distance from each other. The
effects of such incursions have been too severely felt by many of the British
colonies, not to be very well known. The entire breaking up places that
had been for a considerable time settled at a great expence, both of labour
and money ; burning the houses, destroying the stock, killing and making
prisoners great numbers of the inhabitants, with all the cruel usage they meet
with in their captivity, is only a part of the scene. All other places, that are
exposed, are kept in continual terror ; the lands lie waste and uncultivated
from the danger that attends those that shall presume to work upon them ;
besides the immense charge the governments must be at in a very ineffectual
manner to defend their extended frontiers ; and all this from the influence
the French have had over, but comparatively, a few of the Indians. To the
same or greater evils still will every one of the colonies be exposed, whenever
the same influence shall be extended to the whole body of them." — Ibid., p. 20.

44 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

as well rely upon the tower of London to secure them against
highwaymen and housebreakers.

As to the third kind of security, that we shall not, in a few
years, have all we have now done to do over again in America;
and be obliged to employ the same number of troops, and ships,
at the same immense expence, to defend our possessions there,
while we are in proportion weakened here : such forts, I think,
cannot prevent this. During a peace, it is not to be doubted
the French, who are adroit at fortifying, will likewise erect
forts in the most advantageous places of the country we leave
them, which will make it more difficult than ever to be reduc'd
in case of another war. We know by the experience of this
war, how extremely difficult it is to march an army through the
American woods, with its necessary cannon and stores, suf-
ficient to reduce a very slight fort. The accounts at the treas-
ury will tell you what amazing sums we have necessarily spent
in the expeditions against two very trifling forts, Duquesne
and Crown Point. While the French retain their influence
over the Indians, they can easily keep our long-extended
frontier in continual alarm, by a very few of those people;
and with a small number of regulars and militia, in such a
country, we find they can keep an army of ours in full employ
for several years. We therefore shall not need to be told by
our colonies, that, if we leave Canada, however circumscrib'd,
to the French, "we have done nothing";1 we shall soon be
made sensible ourselves of this truth, and to our cost.

I would not be understood to deny that even if we subdue
and retain Canada, some few forts may be of use to secure the
goods of the traders, and protect the commerce, in case of any
sudden misunderstanding with any tribe of Indians: but

1 Remarks, p. 26.

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 45

these forts will be best under the care of the colonies interested
in the Indian trade, and garrison'd by their provincial forces,
and at their own expence. Their own interest will then
induce the American governments to take care of such forts
in proportion to their importance ; and see that the officers
keep their corps full, and mind their duty. But any troops
of ours plac'd there, and accountable here, would, in such
remote and obscure places, and at so great a distance from the
eye and inspection of superiors, soon become of little conse-
quence, even though the French were left in possession of
Canada. If the four independent companies, maintained by
the Crown in New York more than forty years, at a great ex-
pence, consisted, for most part of the time, of faggots chiefly ;
if their officers enjoy'd their places as sinecures, and were only,
as a writer * of that country stiles them, a kind of military
monks; if this was the state of troops posted in a populous
country, where the imposition could not be so well conceal'd ;
what may we expect will be the case of those that shall be
posted two, three, or four hundred miles from the inhabitants,
in such obscure and remote places as Crown Point, Oswego,
Duquesne, or Niagara ? They would scarce be even faggots ;
they would dwindle to meer names upon paper, and appear
nowhere but upon the muster-rolls.

Now all the kinds of security we have mentioned are ob-
tain'd by subduing and retaining Canada. Our present pos-
sessions in America are secur'd ; our planters will no longer be
massacred by the Indians, who depending absolutely on us
for what are now become the necessaries of life to them, guns,
powder, hatchets, knives, and cloathing ; and having no other
Europeans near, that can either supply them, or instigate

1 Douglass.

46 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

them against us; there is no doubt of their being always
disposed, if we treat them with common justice, to live in
perpetual peace with us. And with regard to France, she can-
not, in case of another war, put us to the immense expence of
defending that long-extended frontier; we shall then, as it
were, have our backs against a wall in America, the sea-
coast will be easily protected by our superior naval power;
and here "our own watchfulness and our own strength " will
be properly, and cannot but be successfully employed. In
this situation the force now employ'd in that part of the world,
may be spar'd for any other service here or elsewhere; sa
that both the offensive and defensive strength of the British
empire, on the whole, will be greatly increased.

But to leave the French in possession of Canada, when it is
in our power to remove them, and depend (as the remarker
proposes) on our own "strength and watchfulness" l to prevent
the mischiefs that may attend it, seems neither safe nor pru-
dent. Happy as we now are, under the best of kings, and in
the prospect of a succession promising every felicity a nation
was ever bless'd with : happy too in the wisdom and vigour
of every part of the administration ; we cannot, we ought not
to promise ourselves the uninterrupted continuance of those
blessings. The safety of a considerable part of the state, and
the interest of the whole are not to be trusted to the wisdom
and vigor of future administrations, when a security is to be
had more effectual, more constant, and much less expensive.
They who can be moved by the apprehension of dangers so
remote as that of the future independence of our colonies (a
point I shall hereafter consider) seem scarcely consistent
with themselves, when they suppose we may rely on the wisdom-

1 Remarks, p. 25.

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 47

and vigour of an administration for their safety. I should
indeed think it less material whether Canada were ceded to
us or not, if I had in view only the security of possession in our
colonies. I entirely agree with the Remarker, that we are in
North America "a far greater continental as well as naval
power," and that only cowardice or ignorance can subject
our colonies there to a French conquest. But for the same
reason, I disagree with him widely upon another point.
| I do not think, that our "blood and treasure has been ex-
pended," as he intimates, "in the cause of the colonies" and
that we are, "making conquests for them;" 1 yet I believe this
is too common an error. I do not say they are altogether
unconcerned in the event. The inhabitants of them are, in
common with the other subjects of Great Britain, anxious for
the glory of her crown, the extent of her power and commerce,
the welfare and future repose of the whole British people. I
They could not, therefore but take a large share in the affronts
offered to Britain, and have been animated with a truely
British spirit to exert themselves beyond their strength, and
against their evident interest. Yet so unfortunate have they
been, that their virtue has made against them; for upon no
better foundation than this, have they been supposed the
authors of a war carried on for their advantage only.

It is a great mistake to imagine, that the American country
in question between Great Britain and France is claimed as
the property of any individuals or publick body in America;
or that the possession of it by Great Britain is likely, in any
lucrative view, to redound at all to the advantage of any per-
son there. On the other hand, the bulk of the inhabitants
of North America are land-owners, whose lands are inferior

1 Remarks, p. 26.

48 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

in value to those of Britain only by the want of an equal num-
ber of people. It is true, the accession of the large territory
claimed before the war began, especially if that be secured
by the possession of Canada, will tend to the increase of the
British subjects faster than if they had been confined within
the mountains: yet the increase within the mountains only,
would evidently make the comparative population equal to
that of Great Britain much sooner than it can be expected
when our people are spread over a country six times as large.
I think this is the only point of light in which this question is
to be viewed, and is the only one in which any of the colonies
are concerned.

No colony, no possessor of lands in any colony, therefore
wishes for conquests, or can be benefited by them, otherwise
than as they may be a means of securing peace on their
borders. No considerable advantage has resulted to the colo-
nies by the conquests of this war, or can result from confirm-
ing them by the peace, but what they must enjoy in common
with the rest of the British people ; with this evident drawback
from their share of these advantages, that they will necessarily
lessen, or at least prevent the increase of the value of what
makes the principal part of their private property, j A people
spread through the whole tract of country, on this side the
Mississipi9 and secured by Canada in our hands, would
probably for some centuries find employment in agriculture,
and thereby free us at home effectually from our fears of
American manufactures. Unprejudic'd men well know that
all the penal and prohibitory laws that ever were thought on
will not be sufficient to prevent manufactures in a country
whose inhabitants surpass the number that can subsist by
the husbandry of it. That this will be the case in America

I76o] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 49

soon, if our people remain confined within the mountains,
and almost as soon should it be unsafe for them to live beyond,
though the country be ceded to us, no man acquainted with
political and commercial history can doubt. / Manufactures
are founded in poverty. It is the multitude of poor without
land in a country, and who must work for others at low wages
or starve, that enables undertakers to carry on a manufacture,
and afford it cheap enough to prevent the importation of the
same kind from abroad, and to bear the expence of its own
exportation.

But no man who can have a piece of land of his own, suf-
ficient by his labour to subsist his family in plenty, is poor
enough to be a manufacturer, and work for a master. Hence
while there is land enough in America for our people, there
can never be manufactures to any amount or value. It is a
striking observation of a very able pen, that the natural lively-
hood of the thin inhabitants of a forest country is hunting;
that of a greater number, pasturage ; that of a middling popu-
lation, agriculture; and that of the greatest, manufactures;
which last must subsist the bulk of the people in a full country,
or they must be subsisted by charity, or perish. | The ex-
tended population, therefore, that is most advantageous to
Great Britain, will be best effected, because only effectually
secured by the possession of Canada. \

So far as the being of our present colonies in North America
is concerned, I think indeed with the remarker, that the
French there are not "an enemy to be apprehended;" 1 but
the expression is too vague to be applicable to the present,
or indeed to any other case. Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli,
unequal as they are to this nation in power and numbers of

1 Remarks, p. 27.
VOL. iv — E

50 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

people, are enemies to be still apprehended ; and the High-
landers of Scotland have been so for many ages by the greatest
princes of Scotland and Britain. The wild Irish were able to
give a great deal of disturbance even to Queen Elizabeth, and
cost her more blood and treasure than her war with Spain.
Canada in the hands of France has always stinted the growth
of our colonies : In the course of this war, and indeed before
it, has disturb'd and vex'd even the best and strongest of them,
has found means to murder thousands of their people and
unsettle a great part of their country. Much more able will
it be to starve the growth of an infant settlement. Canada
has also found means to make this nation spend two or three
millions a year in America; and a people, how small soever,
that in their present situation, can do this as often as we
have a war with them, is, methinks, "an enemy to be appre-
hended."

Our North American colonies are to be considered as the
frontier of the British empire on that side. The frontier of
any dominion being attack'd, it becomes not merely "the
cause" of the people immediately affected, (the inhabitants
of that frontier) but properly "the cause" of the whole body.
Where the frontier people owe and pay obedience, there they
have a right to look for protection. No political proposition
is better established than this. It is therefore invidious to
represent the "blood and treasure" spent in this war, as
spent in "the cause of the colonies" only, and that they are
"absurd and ungrateful " if they think we have done nothing
unless we "make conquests for them," and reduce Canada
to gratify their "vain ambition," &c. It will not be a con-
quest for them, nor gratify any vain ambition of theirs. It
will be a conquest for the whole ; and all our people will, in

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 51

the increase of trade, and the ease of taxes, find the advantage
of it.

Should we be obliged at any time to make a war for the
protection of our commerce, and to secure the exportation of
our manufactures, would it be fair to represent such a war
merely as blood and treasure spent in the cause of the weavers
of Yorkshire, Norwich, or the West, the cutlers of Sheffield,
or the button-makers of Birmingham ? I hope it will appear
before I end these sheets, that if ever there was a national war,
this is truly such a one : a war in which the interest of the
whole nation is directly and fundamentally concerned.
Those who would be thought deeply skilled in human nature,
affect to discover self-interested views everywhere at the
bottom of the fairest, the most generous conduct. Sus-
picions and charges of this kind, meet with ready reception
and belief in the minds even of the multitude ; and therefore
less acuteness and address than the remarker is possessed of,
would be sufficient to persuade the nation generally, that all
the zeal and spirit manifested and exerted by the colonies in
this war, was only in "their own cause," to "make conquest
for themselves," to engage us to make more for them, to
gratify their own "vain ambition."

But should they now humbly address the mother country,
in the terms and the sentiments of the remarker; return her
their grateful acknowledgements for the blood and treasure
she had spent in "their cause" ; confess that enough had been
done "for them" ; allow that "English forts, raised in proper
passes, will, with the wisdom and vigour of her administra-
tion," be a sufficient future protection ; express their desires
that their people may be confined within the mountains, lest
they are suffered to spread and extend themselves in the fertile

52 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

and pleasant country on the other side, they should "increase
infinitely from all causes" "live wholly on their own labour"
and become independent; beg therefore that the French
may be suffered to remain in possession of Canada, as their
neighbourhood may be useful to prevent our increase, and the
removing them may "in its consequences be even dangerous." 1
I say, should such an address from the colonies make its ap-
pearance here, though, according to the remarker, it would
be a most just and reasonable one ; would it not, might it not
with more justice be answered; "We understand you, gentle-
men, perfectly well : you have only your own interest in view :
you want to have the people confined within your present
limits, that in a few years the lands you are possessed of may
increase tenfold in value ! You want to reduce the price of
labour by increasing numbers on the same territory, that
you may be able to set up manufactures and vie with your
mother country 1 You would have your people kept in a
body, that you may be more able to dispute the commands
of the crown, and obtain an independency. You would have
the French left in Canada, to exercise your military virtue,
and make you a warlike people, that you may have more con-
fidence to embark in schemes of disobedience, and greater
ability to support them! You have tasted, too, the sweets
of TWO OR THREE MILLIONS Sterling per annum spent among
you by our fleets and forces, and you are unwilling to be
without a pretence for kindling up another war, and thereby
occasioning a repetition of the same delightful doses ! But,
gentlemen, allow us to understand our interest a little likewise ;
we shall remove the French from Canada, that you may live
in peace, and we be no more drained by your quarrels. You

1 Remarks, pp. 50, 51.

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 53

shall have land enough to cultivate, that you may have neither
necessity nor inclination to go into manufactures, and we
will manufacture for you, and govern you."

A reader of the remarks may be apt to say; "If this writer
would have us restore Canada on principles of moderation,
how can we, consistent with those principles, retain Guada-
loup, which he represents of so much greater value !" I will
endeavour to explain this, because by doing it I shall have an
opportunity of showing the truth and good sense of the answer
to the interested application I have just supposed. The
author, then, is only apparently and not really inconsistent
with himself. If we can obtain the credit of moderation by
restoring Canada, it is well : but we should, however, restore
it at all events ; because it would not only be of no use to us,
but "the possession of it (in his opinion) may in its conse-
quences be dangerous."1 As how? Why, plainly, (at
length it comes out) if the French are not left there to check
the growth of our colonies, "they will extend themselves
almost without bounds into the inland parts, and increase
infinitely from all causes; becoming a numerous, hardy,
independent people ; possessed of a strong country, communi-
cating little or not at all with England, living wholly on their
own labour, and in process of time knowing little and inquir-
ing little about the mother country."

In short, according to this writer, our present colonies are
large enough and numerous enough; and the French ought
to be left in North America to prevent their increase, lest they
become not only useless, but dangerous to Britain. I agree
with the gentleman, that, with Canada in our possession, our
people in America will increase amazingly. I know, that

1 Remarks, pp. 50, 51.

54 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

their common rate of increase, where they are not molested by
the enemy, is doubling their numbers every twenty-five years,
by natural generation only; exclusive of the accession of
foreigners.1 I think this increase continuing would probably,
in a century more, make the number of British subjects on
that side the water more numerous than they now are on this ;
but, I am far from entertaining, on that account, any fears of
their becoming either useless or dangerous to us ; and I look
on those fears to be merely imaginary, and without any
probable foundation. The remarker is reserv'd in giving his
reasons; as, in his opinion, this "is not a fit subject for dis-
cussion." I shall give mine, because I conceive it a subject
necessary to be discuss' d ; and the rather, as those fears how
groundless and chimerical soever, may by possessing the mul-
titude, possibly induce the ablest ministry to conform to them
against their own judgment ; and thereby prevent the assur-
ing to the British name and nation a stability and perma-
nency that no man acquainted with history durst have hoped
for, 'till our American possessions opened the pleasing pros-
pect.

The remarker thinks, that our people in America, "finding
no check from Canada would extend themselves almost with-
out bounds into the inland parts, and increase infinitely from

1 The reason of this greater increase in America than in Europe is, that in
old settled countries, all trades, farms, offices, and employments are full, and
many people refrain marrying till they see an opening, in which they can
settle themselves, with a reasonable prospect of maintaining a family : but in
America, it being easy to obtain land, which, with moderate labour will afford
subsistence and something to spare, people marry more readily and earlier in
life, whence arises a numerous offspring and the swift population of those
countries. Tis a common error, that we cannot fill our provinces or increase
the number of them, without draining this nation of its people. The increase
alone of our present colonies is sufficient for both those purposes.

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 55

all causes." The very reason he assigns for their so extend-
ing, and which is indeed the true one, their being "invited to
it by the pleasantness, fertility and plenty of the country,"
may satisfy us, that this extension will continue to proceed as
Iqng as there remains any pleasant fertile country within
their reach. And if we even suppose them confin'd by the
waters of the Mississipi westward, and by those of St. Lau-
rence and the lakes to the northward, yet still we shall leave
them room enough to increase, even in the sparse manner of
settling now practis'd there, till they amount to perhaps a
hundred millions of souls. This must take some centuries to
fulfil, and in the mean time, this nation must necessarily supply
them with the manufactures they consume, because the new
settlers will be employed in agriculture; and the new settle-
ments will so continually draw off the spare hands from the
old, that our present colonies will not, during the period we
have mentioned, find themselves in a condition to manu-
facture even for their own inhabitants, to any considerable
degree, much less for those who are settling behind them.

Thus our trade must, till that country becomes as fully
peopled as England, that is for centuries to come, be con-
tinually increasing, and with it our naval power ; because the
ocean is between us and them, and our ships and seamen
must increase as that trade increases.

The human body and the political differ in this, that the
first is limited by nature to a certain stature, which, when
attain'd, it cannot, ordinarily, exceed; the other by better
government and more prudent police, as well as by change
of manners and other circumstances, often takes fresh starts
of growth, after being long at a stand ; and may add tenfold
to the dimensions it had for ages been confined to. The

56 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

mother being of full stature, is in a few years equaFd by a
growing daughter: but in the case of a mother-country and
her colonies, it is quite different. The growth of the children
tends to increase the growth of the mother, and so the differ-
ence and superiority is longer preserved. Were the inhabit-
ants of this island limited to their present number by any
thing in nature, or by unchangeable circumstances, the
equality of population between the two countries might
indeed sooner come to pass: but sure experience in those
parts of the island where manufactures have been introduc'd,
teaches us, that people increase and multiply in proportion
as the means and facility of gaining a livelihood increase;
and that this island, if they could be employed, is capable of
supporting ten times its present number of people.
! In proportion, therefore, as the demand increases for the
manufactures of Britain, by the increase of people in her
colonies, the number of her people at home will increase, and
with them the strength as well as the wealth of the nation.
For satisfaction in this point let the reader compare in his
mind the number and force of our present fleets with our
fleet in Queen Elizabeth's time 1 before we had colonies. Let
him compare the antient with the present state of our towns
and ports on or near our western coast, Manchester, Liverpool,
Kendal, Lancaster, Glasgow, and the countries round them, that
trade with and manufacture for our colonies, not to mention
Leeds, Halifax, Sheffield and Birmingham, and consider what
a difference there is in the numbers of people, buildings, rents,
and the value of land and of the produce of land, even if he
goes back no farther than is within man's memory. Let him
compare those countries with others on the same island,

1 Namely, 40 sail, none of more than 40 guns.

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 57

where manufactures have not yet extended themselves, ob-
serve the present difference, and reflect how much greater
our strength may be, if numbers give strength, when our
manufacturers shall occupy every part of the island where
they can possibly be subsisted.

But, say the objectors, "there is a certain distance from
the sea, in America, beyond which the expence of carriage
will put a stop to the sale and consumption of your manu-
factures; and this, with the difficulty of making returns for
them, will oblige the inhabitants to manufacture for them-
selves; of course, if you suffer your people to extend their
settlements beyond that distance, your people become useless
to you ;" and this distance is limited by some to 200 miles, by
others to the Apalachlan mountains.

Not to insist on a very plain truth, that no part of a dominion,
from whence a government may on occasion draw supplies
and aids both of men and money, tho' at too great a distance
to be supply'd with manufactures from some other part, is
therefore to be deem'd useless to the whole ; I shall endeavour
to show that these imaginary limits of utility, even in point of
commerce, are much too narrow. The inland parts of the
continent of Europe are farther from the sea than the limits
of settlement proposed for America. Germany is full of
tradesmen and artificers of all kinds, and the governments
there, are not all of them always favourable to the commerce
of Britain, yet it is a well-known fact, that our manufactures
find their way even into the heart of Germany. Ask the great
manufacturers and merchants of the Leeds, Sheffield, Bir-
mingham, Manchester and Norwich goods, and they will
tell you, that some of them send their riders frequently thro'
France or Spain and Italy, up to Vienna, and back thro' the

58 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

middle and northern parts of Germany, to show samples of
their wares and collect orders, which they receive by almost
every mail, to a vast amount. Whatever charges arise on
the carriage of goods, are added to the value, and all paid by
the consumer.

If these nations, over whom we have no government, over
whose consumption we can have no influence, but what arises
from the cheapness and goodness of our wares ; whose trade,
manufactures, or commercial connections are not subject to
the controul of our laws, as those of our colonies certainly are
in some degree : I say, if these nations purchase and consume
such quantities of our goods, notwithstanding the remote-
ness of their situation from the sea ; how much less likely is it
that the settlers in America, who must for ages be employ'd
in agriculture chiefly, should make cheaper for themselves
the goods our manufacturers at present supply them with;
even if we suppose the carriage five, six, or seven hundred
miles from the sea as difficult and expensive as the like dis-
tance into Germany: whereas in the latter, the natural dis-
tances are frequently doubled by political obstructions, I
mean the intermixed territories and clashing interests of
princes. \ ;

But when we consider that the inland parts of America are
penetrated by great navigable rivers % and there are a number
of great lakes, communicating with each other, with those
rivers and with the sea, very small portages here and there
excepted;1 that the sea-coasts (if one may be allow' d the

1 From New York into Lake Ontario, the land-carriage of the several
portages altogether, amounts to but about 27 miles. From Lake Ontario into
Lake Erie, the land-carriage at Niagara is but about 12 miles. All the lakes
above Niagara communicate by navigable straits, so that no land-carriage is
necessary, to go out of one into another. From Presqtf Isle on Lake Erie,

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN

expression) of those lakes only, amount at least to 2700 miles,
exclusive of the rivers running into them ; many of which are
navigable to a great extent for boats and canoes, thro' vast
tracts of country; how little likely is it that the expence on
the carriage of our goods into those countries, should prevent
the use of them. If the poor Indians in those remote parts
are now able to pay for the linen, woollen and iron wares they
are at present furnish'd with by the French and English
traders, though Indians have nothing but what they get by
hunting, and the goods are loaded with all the impositions
fraud and knavery can contrive to inhance their value; will
not industrious English farmers, hereafter settled in those
countries, be much better able to pay for what shall be brought
them in the way of fair commerce?

If it is asked, What can such farmers raise, wherewith to
pay for the manufactures they may want from us ? / 1 answer,
that the inland parts of America in question are well known
to be fitted for the production of hemp, flax, potash, and,
above all, silk; the southern parts may produce olive-oil,
raisins, currans, indigo, and cochineal. Not to mention horses
and black cattle, which may easily be driven to the maritime
markets, and at the same time assist in conveying other com-
modities. That the commodities first mentioned, may easily
by water or land carriage be brought to the sea-ports from
interior America, will not seem incredible, when we reflect,
that hemp formerly came from the Ukraine, and most southern
parts of Russia, to Wologda, and down the Dwina to Arch-
angel, and thence by a perilous navigation round the North

there are but 15 miles land-carriage, and that a good waggon-road, to Beef
River, a branch of the Ohio ; which brings you into a navigation of many
thousand miles inland, if you take together the Ohio, the Mississippi, and all
the great rivers and branches that run into them.

6o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

Cape to England and other parts of Europe. It now comes
from the same country up the Dnieper, and down the Duna
with much land carriage. Great part of the Russia iron, no
high-priced commodity, is brought 300 miles by land and
water from the heart of Siberia. Furs, (the produce too of
America) are brought to Amsterdam from all parts of Siberia,
even the most remote, Kamschatka. The same country fur-
nishes me with another instance of extended inland commerce.

It is found worth while to keep up a mercantile communi-
cation between Peking in China, and Peter sburgh. And none
of these instances of inland commerce exceed those of the
courses by which, at several periods, the whole trade of the
East was carried on. Before the prosperity of the Mamaluke
dominion in Egypt fixed the staple for the riches of the East
at Cairo and Alexandria, whither they were brought from the
Red Sea, great part of those commodities were carried to the
cities of Cashgar and Balk. This gave birth to those towns,
that still subsist upon the remains of their ancient opulence,
amidst a people and country equally wild. From thence those
goods were carried down the Amu, the ancient Oxus, to the
Caspian Sea, and up the Wolga to Astrachan, from whence
they were carried over to, and down the Don to the mouth of
that river; and thence again the Venetians directly, and the
Genoese and Venetians indirectly by way of Kaffa and Trebi-
sonde, dispersed them thro* the Mediterranean and some other
parts of Europe.

Another part of those goods was carried over-land from the
Wolga to the rivers Duna and Neva; from both they were
carried to the city of Wisbuy in the Baltick so eminent for its
sea-laws ; and from the city of Ladoga on the Neva, we are
told they were even carried by the Dwina to Archangel, and

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN" 61

from thence round the North Cape. If iron and hemp will
bear the charge of carriage from this inland country, other
metals will as well as iron ; and certainly silk, since $dt per
Ib. is not above i per cent, on the value, and amounts to £28
per ton. If the growths of a country find their way out of it,
the manufactures of the countries where they go will infallibly
find their way into it.

They who understand the ceconomy and principles of
manufactures, know, that it is impossible to establish them
in places not populous ; and even in those that are populous,
hardly possible to establish them to the prejudice of the places
already in possession of them. Several attempts have been
made in France and Spain, countenanced by the government,
to draw from us and establish in those countries, our hard-
ware and woollen manufactures ; but without success.

The reasons are various. A manufacture is part of a great
system of commerce, which takes in conveniencies of various
kinds, methods of providing materials of all sorts, machines
for expediting and facilitating labour, all the channels of cor-
respondence for vending the wares, the credit and confidence
necessary to found and support this correspondence, the
mutual aid of different artizans, and a thousand other par-
ticulars, which time and long experience have gradually estab-
lished. A part of such a system cannot support itself without
the whole, and before the whole can be obtained the part
perishes. Manufactures where they are in perfection, are
carried on by a multiplicity of hands, each of which is expert
only in his own part ; no one of them a master of the whole ;
and if by any means spirited away to a foreign country, he is
lost without his fellows. Then it is a matter of the extremest
difficulty to persuade a compleat set of workmen, skilled in

62 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

all parts of a manufactory to leave their country together,
and settle in a foreign land. Some of the idle and drunken
may be enticed away, but these only disappoint their em-
ployers, and serve to discourage the undertaking. If by
royal munificence, and an expence that the profits of the trade
alone would not bear, a compleat set of good and skilful hands
are collected and carried over, they find so much of the system
imperfect, so many things wanting to carry on the trade to
advantage, so many difficulties to overcome, and the knot of
hands so easily broken by death, dissatisfaction, and deser-
tion, that they and their employers are discouraged together,
and the project vanishes into smoke.

Hence it happens, that established manufactures are hardly
ever lost, but by foreign conquest, or by some eminent interior
fault in manners or government ; a bad police oppressing and
discouraging the workmen, or religious persecutions driving
the sober and industrious out of the country. There is, in
short, scarce a single instance in history of the contrary, where
manufactures have once taken firm root. They sometimes
start up in a new place; but are generally supported like
exotic plants at more expence than they are worth for any
thing but curiosity ; until these new seats become the refuge
of the manufacturers driven from the old ones.

The conquest of Constantinople, and final reduction of the
Greek empire, dispersed many curious manufacturers into
different parts of Christendom. The former conquests of its
provinces had before done the same. The loss of liberty in
Verona, Milan, Florence, Pisa, Pistoia, and other great cities
of Italy, drove the manufacturers of woollen cloths into Spain
and Flanders. The latter first lost their trade and manu-
factures to Antwerp and the cities of Brabant, from whence

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 63

by persecution for religion, they were sent into Holland and
England. The civil wars during the minority of Charles
the First of Spain, which ended in the loss of the liberty of
their great towns, ended too in the loss of the manufactures of
Toledo, Segovia, Salamanca, Medina del campo, &c. The
revocation of the Edict of Nantes communicated to all the
Protestant parts of Europe, the paper, silk, and other valuable
manufactures of France, almost peculiar at that time to that
country, and till then in vain attempted elsewhere.

To be convinc'd that it is not soil and climate, or even
freedom from taxes, that determines the residence of manu-
facturers, we need only turn our eyes on Holland, where a
multitude of manufactures are still carried on (perhaps more
than on the same extent of territory anywhere in Europe) and
sold on terms upon which they cannot be had in any other
part of the world. And this too is true of those growths,
which by their nature and the labour required to raise them,
come the nearest to manufactures.

As to the commonplace objection to the North American
settlements, that they are in the same climate, and their produce
the same, as that of England; in the first place, it is not true;
it is particularly not so of the countries now likely to be added
to our settlements ; and of our present colonies, the products,
lumber, tobacco, rice and indigo, great articles of commerce,
do not interfere with the products of England: in the next
place, a man must know very little of the trade of the world,
who does not know, that the greater part of it is carried on
between countries whose climates differ very little. Even the
trade between the different parts of these British islands, is
greatly superior to that between England and all the West
India islands put together.

64 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

If I have been successful in proving that a considerable
commerce may and will subsist between us and our future
most inland settlements in North America, notwithstanding
their distance, I have more than half proved no other incon-
veniency will arise from their distance. Many men in such
a country must "know" must "think" and must "care"
about the country they chiefly trade with. The juridical and
other connections of government are yet a faster hold than
even commercial ties, and spread directly and indirectly far
and wide. Business to be solicited and causes depending,
create a great intercourse, even where private property is not
divided in different countries, yet this division will always
subsist where different countries are ruled by the same gov-
ernment. Where a man has landed property both in the
mother country and a province, he will almost always live in
the mother country : this, tho' there were no trade, is singly
a sufficient gain. It is said, that Ireland pays near a million
Sterling annually to its absentees in England. The ballance
of trade from Spain or even Portugal is scarcely equal to this.

Let it not be said we have no absentees from North America.
There are many, to the writer's knowledge ; and if there are
at present but few of them that distinguish themselves here
by great expence, it is owing to the mediocrity of fortune
among the inhabitants of the Northern colonies, and a more
equal division of landed property, than in the West India
islands, so that there are as yet but few large estates. But if
those who have such estates, reside upon and take care of them
themselves, are they worse subjects than they would be if they
lived idly in England ?

Great merit is assumed for the gentlemen of the West
Indies,1 on the score of their residing and spending their

1 Remarks, pp. 47, 48, &c.

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 65

money in England. I would not depreciate that merit; it
is considerable, for they might, if they pleased, spend their
money in France: but the difference between their spending
it here and at home is not so great. What do they spend it in
when they are here, but the produce and manufactures of this
country; and would they not do the same if they were at
home? Is it of any great importance to the English farmer,
whether the West India gentleman comes to London and eats
his beef, pork, and tongues, fresh, or has them brought to
him in the West[ Indies salted; whether he eats his English
cheese and butter, or drinks his English ale at London or in
Barbadoes ? Is the clothier's, or the mercer's, or the cutler's,
or the toyman's profit less, for their goods being worn and
consumed by the same persons residing on the other side of
the ocean ? Would not the profits of the merchant and mari-
ner be rather greater, and some addition made to our navi-
gation, ships, and seamen ? If the North American gentleman
stays in his own country, and lives there in that degree of
luxury and expence with regard to the use of British manufac-
tures, that his fortune enables him to ; may not his example
(from the imitation of superiors so natural to mankind) spread
the use of those manufactures among hundreds of families
around him, and occasion a much greater demand for them,
than it would do if he should remove and live in London?
However this may be, if in our views of immediate advan-
tage, it seems preferable that the gentlemen of large fortunes
in North America should reside much in England, 'tis what
may surely be expected as fast as such fortunes are acquired
there. Their having "colleges of their own for the education
of their youth," will not prevent it. A little knowledge and
learning acquired, increases the appetite for more, and will

VOL. IV — F

66 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

make the conversation of the learned on this side the water
more strongly desired. Ireland has its university likewise ;
yet this does not prevent the immense pecuniary benefit we
receive from that kingdom. And there will always be in
the conveniencies of life, the politeness, the pleasures, the
magnificence of the reigning country, many other attractions
besides those of learning, to draw men of substance there,
where they can, apparently at least, have the best bargain of
happiness for their money.

Our trade to the West India islands is undoubtedly a valu-
able one : but whatever is the amount of it, it has long been
at a stand. Limited as our sugar planters are by the scanti-
ness of territory, they cannot increase much beyond their
present number ; and this is an evil, as I shall show hereafter,
that will be little helped by our keeping Guadaloupe.

The trade to our Northern Colonies is not only greater,
but yearly increasing with the increase of the people : and
even in a greater proportion, as the people increase in wealth
and the ability of spending, as well as in numbers.1 I have

1 The writer has obtained accounts of the exports to North America and
the West India Islands, by which it appears, that there has been some increase
of trade to those Islands, as well as to North America, though in a much less
degree. The following extract from these accounts will show the reader, at
one view the amount of the exports to each, in two different terms of five
years ; the terms taken at ten years' distance from each other, to show the

increase, viz.

First term, from 1744 to 1748, inclusive.

Northern Colonies.

West India

Islands.

1744

£640,114

;£796,"2

1745

534,316

503,669

1746

754,945

472,994

1747

726,648

856,463

1748

830,243

734,095

Total,

3,486,268

3,363,337

Difference, 122,930

£3,486,268

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 67

already said, that our people in the Northern Colonies double
in about 25 years, exclusive of the accession of strangers.
That I speak within bounds, I appeal to the authentic ac-
counts frequently required by the board of trade, and trans-
mitted to that board by the respective governors; of which

Second term, from 1754 to 1758, inclusive.
Northern Colonies. West India Islands.

1754 £1,246,615 i ii £685,675 3 o

*755 1,177,848 6 10 694,667 13 3

1756 1,428,720 1 8 10 733,45s l6 3

1757 i,727»924 2 10 776,488 o 6

1758 1,832,948 13 10 877,571 19 ii

Total, 7,414,057 4 3 3,767,84i 12 ii

Difference, 3,646,215 n 4

£7414,057 4 3
In the first term, total for West India Islands . £3,363,337 10 10

Increase, only

£404,504

In the first term, total for Northern Colonies .
In the second term, ditto ....

3,486,268
7414,057

Increase, £3,927,789 3 I

By these accounts it appears, that the exports to the West India Islands,
and to the Northern Colonies, were in the first term nearly equal ; the differ-
ence being only £122,936 IDS. 4^., and in the second term, the exports to
those islands had only increased ^404,504 2s. id. Whereas the increase
to the Northern Colonies is £3,927,789 3*. id., almost Four Millions.

Some part of this increased demand for English goods may be ascribed to
the armies and fleets we have had both in North America and the West Indies ;
and so much for what is consumed by the soldiery ; their clothing, stores,
ammunition, &c. sent from hence on account of the government, being (as is
supposed) not included in these accounts of merchandize exported ; but, as
the war has occasioned a great plenty of money in America, many of the
inhabitants have increased their expense.

N. B. These accounts do not include any exports from Scotland to Amer-
ica, which are doubtless proportionably considerable ; nor the exports from
Ireland. — F. This note was written after the pamphlet was printed, and
constitutes a concluding page. — ED.

68 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1760

accounts I shall select one as a sample, being that from the
colony of Rhode Island; l a colony that of all the others re-
ceives the least addition from strangers. For the increase of
our trade to those colonies, I refer to the accounts frequently
laid before Parliament, by the officers of the customs, and to
the custom-house books : from which I have also selected one
account, that of the trade from England (exclusive of Scot-
land) to Pensilvania; 2 a colony most remarkable for the
plain frugal manner of living of its inhabitants, and the most

1 Copy of the Report of Governor Hopkins to the Board of Trade, on the

Numbers of People in Rhode Island.

In obedience to your Lordship's commands, I have caused the within
•account to be taken by officers under oath. By it there appears to be in this
colony at this time 35,939 white persons, and 4,697 blacks, chiefly negroes.

In the year 1730, by order of the then lords commissioners of trade and
plantations, an account was taken of the number of people in this colony, and
then there appeared to be 15,302 white persons, and 2,633 blacks.

Again in the year 1748, by like order, an account was taken of the number
of people in this colony, by which it appears there were at that time 29,755

white persons, and 4,373 blacks.

STEPHEN HOPKINS.
Colony of Rhode Island, Dec. 24, 1755.

2 An Account of the Value of the Exports from England to Pensylvania,

in one Year, taken at different Periods, viz.

In 1723 they amounted only to ^15,992 19 4

1 730 they were . . . 48,592 7 5

1737 56,690 6 7

1742 75»295 3 4

1747 82»4Q4 17 7

1752 201,666 19 n

1757 268,426 6 6

N. B. The accounts for 1758 and 1759 are not yet compleated; but
those acquainted with the North American trade, know, that the increase in
those two years has been in a still greater proportion ; the last year being
supposed to exceed any former year by a third ; and this owing to the in-
creased ability of the people to spend, from the greater quantities of money
circulating among them by the war.

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 69

suspected of carrying on manufactures, on account of the
number of German artizans, who are known to have trans-
planted themselves into that country; though even these, in
truth, when they come there, generally apply themselves to
agriculture, as the surest support and most advantageous
employment.

By this account it appears, that the exports to that province
have, in 28 years, increased nearly in the proportion of 17 to i ;
whereas the people themselves, who by other authentic ac-
counts appear to double their numbers (the strangers who
settle there included) in about 16 years, cannot in the 28 years
have increased in a greater proportion than as 4 to i : the
additional demand then, and consumption of goods from
England, of 13 parts in 17 more than the additional number
would require, must be owing to this, that the people having
by their industry mended their circumstances, are enabled to
indulge themselves in finer cloaths, better furniture, and a
more general use of all our manufactures than heretofore.

In fact, the occasion for English goods in North America,
and the inclination to have and use them, is, and must be for
ages to come, much greater than the ability of the people to
pay for them; they must therefore, as they now do, deny
themselves many things they would otherwise chuse to have,
or increase their industry to obtain them; and thus, if they
should at any time manufacture some coarse article, which
on account of its bulk or some other circumstance, cannot so
well be brought to them from Britain, it only enables them
the better to pay for finer goods that otherwise they could not
indulge themselves in: So that the exports thither are not
diminished by such manufacture, but rather increased. The
single article of manufacture in these colonies, mentioned

70 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

by the remarker, is hats made in New England. It is true
there have been, ever since the first settlement of that country,
a few hatters there, drawn thither probably at first by the
facility of getting beaver, while the woods were but little
clear' d, and there was plenty of those animals. The case
is greatly alter'd now. The beaver skins are not now to
be had in New England, but from very remote places and at
great prices. The trade is accordingly declining there, so
that, far from being able to make hats in any quantity for
exportation, they cannot supply their home demand ; and it
is well known that some thousand dozens are sent thither
yearly from London, Bristol, and Liverpool, and sold cheaper
than the inhabitants can make them of equal goodness.

In fact, the colonies are so little suited for establishing
of manufactures, that they are continually losing the few
branches they accidentally gain. The working brasiers,
cutlers, and pewterers, as well as hatters, who have happened
to go over from time to time and settle in the colonies, gradu-
ally drop the working part of their business, and import their
respective goods from England, whence they can have them
cheaper and better than they can make them. They con-
tinue their shops indeed, in the same way of dealing; but
become sellers of brasiery, cutlery, pewter, hats, &c. brought
from England, instead of being makers of those goods.

Thus much as to the apprehension of our colonies becoming
useless to us. I shall next consider the other supposition, that
their growth may render them dangerous. Of this, I own, I
have not the least conception, when I consider that we have
already fourteen separate governments on the maritime coast
of the continent, and if we extend our settlements shall prob-
ably have as many more behind them on the inland side.

1766] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 71

Those we now have, are not only under different governors,
but have different forms of government, different laws, dif-
ferent interests, and some of them different religious per-
suasions, and different manners.

Their jealousy of each other is so great, that however
necessary an union of the colonies has long been, for their
common defence and security against their enemies, and how
sensible soever each colony has been of that necessity, yet
they have never been able to effect such an union among them-
selves, nor even to agree in requesting the mother country to
establish it for them. \ Nothing but the immediate command
of the crown has been able to produce even the imperfect
union, but lately seen there, of the forces of some colonies.
If they could not agree to unite for their defence against the
French and Indians, who were perpetually harassing their
settlements, burning their villages, and murdering their
people ; can it reasonably be supposed there is any danger of
their uniting against their own nation, which protects and
encourages them, with which they have so many connections
and ties of blood, interest and affection, and which His well
known they all love much more than they love one another ?

In short, there are so many causes that must operate to
prevent it, that I will venture to say, an union amongst them
for such a purpose is not merely improbable, it is impossible ;
and if the union of the whole is impossible, the attempt of a
part must be madness : as those colonies, that did not join the
rebellion, would join the mother country in suppressing it. \ "'
When I say such an union is impossible, I mean without the
most grievous tyranny and oppression. People who have
property in a country which they may lose, and privileges
which they may endanger, are generally dispos'd to be quiet ;

72 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

and even to bear much, rather than hazard all. While the
government is mild and just, while important civil and reli-
gious rights are secure, such subjects will be dutiful and obe-
dient. The waves do not rise but when the winds blow.

What such an administration, as the Duke of Alva's in the
Netherlands, might produce, I know not ; but this I think I
have a right to deem impossible. And yet there were two
very manifest differences between that case and ours; and
both are in our favour. The first, that Spain had already
united the seventeen provinces under one visible government,
tho' the states continued independent: The second, that the
inhabitants of those provinces were of a nation, not only dif-
ferent from, but utterly unlike the Spaniards. Had the
Netherlands been peopled from Spain, the worst of oppression
had probably not provoked them to wish a separation of gov-
ernment. It might, and probably would have ruined the
country, but would never have produced an independent
sovereignty. In fact, neither the very worst of governments,
the worst of politicks in the last century, nor the total abolition
of their remaining liberty, in the provinces of Spain itself, in
the present, have produced any independency, that could be
supported. The same may be observed of France.

And let it not be said that the neighbourhood of these to
the seat of government has prevented a separation. While
our strength at sea continues, the banks of the Ohio (in point
of easy and expeditious conveyance of troops) are nearer to
London, than the remote parts of France and Spain to their
respective capitals; and much nearer than Connaught and
Ulster were in the days of Queen Elizabeth. Nobody fore-
tels the dissolution of the Russian monarchy from its extent,
yet I will venture to say, the eastern parts of it are already

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 73

much more inaccessible from Petersburg^ than the country
on the Mississippi is from London; I mean more men in
less time, might be conveyed the latter than the former dis-
tance. The rivers Oby, Jenesea and Lena, do not facilitate
the communication half so well by their course, nor are they
half so practicable as the American rivers. To this I shall only
add the observation of Machiavel, in his Prince, that a
government seldom long preserves its dominion over those
who are foreigners to it; who, on the other hand, fall with
great ease, and continue inseparably annexed to the gov-
ernment of their own nation, which he proves by the fate of
the English conquests in France. Yet with all these disad-
vantages, so difficult is it to overturn an established govern-
ment, that it was not without the assistance of France and
England, that the United Provinces supported themselves:
which teaches us, that if the visionary danger of indepen-
dence in our colonies is to be feared, nothing is more likely
to render it substantial than the neighbourhood of for-
eigners at enmity with the sovereign government, capable
of giving either aid l or an asylum, as the event shall
require. Yet against even these disadvantages, did Spain
preserve almost ten provinces, merely thro' their want of

1 The aid Dr. Franklin alludes to must probably have consisted in early
and full supplies of arms, officers, intelligence, and trade of export and of
import, through the River St. Lawrence, on risks both public and private ; in
the encouragement of splendid promises and a great ally ; in the passage from
Canada to the back settlements being shut to the British forces ; in the quiet
of the great body of Indians ; in the support of emissaries and discontented
citizens; in loans and subsidies to Congress, in ways profitable to France ; in
a refuge to be granted them in case of defeat, in vacant lands, as settlers ; in
the probability of war commencing earlier between England and France, at the
Gulf of St. Lawrence (when the shipping taken were rightfully addressed to
Frenchmen) than in the present case. All this might have happened, as soon
as America's distaste of England had exceeded the fear of the foreign nation ;

74 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

union; which, indeed, could never have taken place among
the others, but for causes, some of which are in our
case impossible, and others it is impious to suppose
.possible.

The Romans well understood that policy which teaches
the security arising to the chief government from separate
states among the governed, when they restored the liberties
of the states of Greece (oppressed but united under Macedon)
by an edict that every state should live under its own laws.1
They did not even name a governor. Independence of each
<0ther, and separate interests, tho' among a people united by
common manners, language, and I may say religion, in-
ferior neither in wisdom, bravery, nor their love of liberty,
to the Romans themselves, was all the security the sovereigns
wished for their sovereignty.

It is true, they did not call themselves sovereigns ; they set
no value on the title; they were contented with possessing
the thing ; and possess it they did, even without a standing
army. What can be a stronger proof of the security of their
possession ? And yet by a policy similar to this throughout,
was the Roman world subdued and held : a world composed
of above a hundred languages and sets of manners, different

a circumstance frequently seen possible in history, and which the British min-
isters took care should not be wanting.

This explanation would have been superfluous, had not the opinion been
very general in England, that, had not the French been removed from Canada,
the revolt of America never would have taken place. Why, then, were the
French not left in Canada at the peace of 1763 ? Or, since they were not left
there, why was the American dispute begun ? Yet, in one sense, perhaps this
opinion is true ; for had the French been left in Canada, the English ministers
would not only have sooner felt, but sooner have seen, the strange fatality of
their plans. — V.

1 " Omnes Grsecorum civitates, quse in Europa", quaeque in Asia" essent, lib-
ertatem ac suas leges haberent," &c. — Liv. lib. xxxiii. c. 30.

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 75

from those of their masters.1 Yet this dominion was un-
shakeable, till the loss of liberty and corruption of manners
in the sovereign state overturned it.

But what is the prudent policy inculcated by the remarker,
to obtain this end, security of dominion over our colonies?
It is, to leave the French in Canada, to "check" their growth,
for otherwise our people may " increase infinitely from all
causes." 2 We have already seen in what manner the French
and their Indians check the growth of our colonies. 'Tis a
modest word, this, check, for massacring men, women and
children. The writer would, if he could, hide from himself
as well as from the public, the horror arising from such a pro-
posal, by couching it in general terms : 'tis no wonder he
thought it a ''subject not fit for discussion" in his letter,
tho' he recommends it as "a point that should be the constant
object of the minister's attention!"

But if Canada is restored on this principle, will not Britain
be guilty of all the blood to be shed, all the murders to be
committed, in order to check this dreaded growth of our own
people? Will not this be telling the French in plain terms,

1 When the Romans had subdu'd Macedon and Illyricum, they were both
form'd into republicks by a decree of the senate, and Macedon was thought
safe from the danger of a revolution, by being divided, into a division common
among the Romans, as we learn from the tetrarchs in scripture. " Omnium
primum liberos esse placebat Macedonas atque Illyrios ; ut omnibus gentibus
appareret, arma populi Romani non liberis servitutem, sed contra servientibus
libertatem afferre ; ut et in libertate gentes quse essent, tutam earn sibi per-
petuamque sub tutela populi Romani esse : et quse sub regibus viverent, et in
presens tempus mitiores eos justioresque respectu populi Romani habere se,
et si quando bellum cum populo Romano regibus fuisset suis, exitum ejus vic-
toriam Romanis, sibi libertatem allaturum crederent.— In quatuor regi-
ones describi Macedoniam, ut suum quseque concilium haberet, placuit : et
dimidium tributi quam quod regibus ferre soliti erant, populo Romano pen-
dere. Similia his et in Illyricum mandata." — Liv. lib. 45. c. 18.

2 Remarks, pp. 50, 51.

76 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

that the horrid barbarities they perpetrate with their Indians
on our colonists are agreeable to us ; and that they need not
apprehend the resentment of a government with whose views
they so happily concur? Will not the colonies view it in this
light: Will they have reason to consider themselves any
longer as subjects and children, when they find their cruel
enemies halloo'd upon them by the country from whence they
sprung, the government that owes them protection as it
requires their obedience? Is not this the most likely means
of driving them into the arms of the French, who can invite
them by an offer of that security their own government
chuses not to afford them? I would not be thought to in-
sinuate, that the remarker wants humanity. I know how
little many good-natured persons are affected by the dis-
tresses of people at a distance, and whom they do not know.
There are even those, who, being present, can sympathize
sincerely with the grief of a lady on the sudden death of a
favourite bird, and yet can read of the sinking of a city in
Syria with very little concern.

If it be, after all, thought necessary to check the growth of
our colonies, give me leave to propose a method less cruel.
It is a method of which we have an example in scripture.
The murder of husbands, of wives, of brothers, sisters, and
children, whose pleasing society has been for some time en-
joyed, affects deeply the respective surviving relations: but
grief for the death of a child just born is short and easily sup-
ported. The method I mean is that which was dictated by
the Egyptian policy, when the "infinite increase" of the
children o) Israel was apprehended as dangerous to the state.1

1 " And Pharaoh said unto his people, behold the people of the children
of Israel are more and mightier than we ; come on, let us deal wisely with

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 77

Let an act of parliament then be made, enjoining the colony
midwives to stifle in the birth every third or fourth child. By
this means you may keep the colonies to their present size.
And if they were under the hard alternative of submitting to
one or the other of these schemes for checking their growth,
I dare answer for them, they would prefer the latter.

But all this debate about the propriety or impropriety of
keeping or restoring Canada is possibly too early. We have
taken the capital indeed, but the country is yet far from being
in our possession; and perhaps never will be! for if our
M — rs are persuaded by such counsellors as the remarker,
that the French there are "not the worst of neighbours," and
that, if we had conquered Canada, we ought for our own
sakes to restore it, as a check to the growth of our colonies, I
am then afraid we shall never take it. For there are many
ways of avoiding the completion of the conquest, that will be
less exceptionable and less odious than the giving it up.

The objection I have often heard, that if we had Canada,
we could not people it, without draining Britain of its inhab-
itants, is founded on ignorance of the nature of population in
new countries. When we first began to colonize in America,
it was necessary to send people, and to send seed-corn; but
it is not now necessary that we should furnish, for a new
colony, either the one or the other. The annual increment
alone of our present colonies, without diminishing their
numbers, or requiring a man from hence, is sufficient in ten
years to fill Canada with double the number of English, that it

them; lest they multiply; and it come to pass that when there falleth out any
war, they join also unto our enemies and fight against us, and so get them up
out of the land. And the king spake to the Hebrew midwives," &c. — Exodus,
Chap. i.

78 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760-

now has of French inhabitants.1 Those who are protestants

among the French will probably chuse to remain under the

English government ; many will chuse to remove, if they can

be allowed to sell their lands, improvements, and effects : the

y rest in that thin-settled country will in less than half a century,,

from the crowds of English settling round and among them,.

be blended and incorporated with our people both in language

and manners.

In Guadalupe the case is somewhat different; and though

1 am far from thinking 2 we have sugar-land enough,3 1 can-
not think Guadalupe is so desirable an increase of it, as other
objects the enemy would probably be infinitely more ready
to part with. A country fully inhabited by any nation is no
proper possession for another of different language, manners
and religion. It is hardly ever tenable at less expence than
it is worth. But the isle of Cayenne, and its appendix Equi-
noctial-France, having but very few inhabitants, and these
therefore easily removed, would indeed be an acquisition every
way suitable to our situation and desires. This would hold
all that migrate from Barbadoes, the Leeward Islands, or
Jamaica. It would certainly recal into an English govern-
ment (in which there would be room for millions) all who have

1 In fact, there has not gone from Britain itself to our colonies, these 20
years past, to settle there, so many as 10 families a year ; the new settlers are
either the offspring of the old, or emigrants from Germany or the north of
Ireland.

2 Remarks, pp. 30, 34.

8 It is often said, we have plenty of sugar-land still unemployed in Jamaica :
but those who are well acquainted with that island, know, that the remaining
vacant land in it is generally situated among mountains, rocks and gullies,
that make carriage impracticable, so that no profitable use can be made of it,
unless the price of sugars should so greatly increase as to enable the planter
to make very expensive roads, by blowing up rocks, erecting bridges, &c., every

2 or 300 yards.

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 7gt

before settled or purchased in Martinico, Guadalupe, Santa
Cruz, or St. John's; except such as know not the value of an,
English government, and such I am sure are not worth
recalling.

But should we keep Guadalupe, we are told it would enable-
us to export £300,000 in sugars. Admit it to be true, though
perhaps the amazing increase of English consumption might
stop most of it here, to whose profit is this to redound ? To,
the profit of the French inhabitants of the island : except a.
small part that should fall to the share of the English pur-
chasers, but whose whole purchase-money must first be added
to the wealth and circulation of France. I grant, however,
much of this £300,000 would be expended in British manu-
factures. Perhaps, too, a few of the land-owners of Guada-
lupe might dwell and spend their fortunes in Britain (though
probably much fewer than of the inhabitants of North
America). I admit the advantage arising to us from these
circumstances, (as far as they go) in the case of Guadalupe, as
well as in that of our other West India settlements. Yet even
this consumption is little better than that of an allied nation
would be, who should take our manufactures and supply us
with sugar, and put us to no great expence in defending the
place of growth.

But though our own colonies expend among us almost the
whole produce of our sugar,1 can we, or ought we to promise
ourselves this will be the case of Guadalupe ? One ioo,ooo£
will supply them with British manufactures; and supposing
we can effectually prevent the introduction of those of France,.
(which is morally impossible in a country used to them) the?
other 200,000 will still be spent in France, in the education ofc

1 Remarks, p. 47.

8o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN* FRANKLIN [1760

their children and support of themselves ; or else be laid up
there, where they will always think their home to be.

Besides this consumption of British manufactures, much
is said of the benefit we shall have from the situation of
Guadalupe; and we are told of a trade to the Caraccas and
Spanish Main. In what respect Guadalupe is better situated
for this trade than Jamaica, or even any of our other islands, I
am at a loss to guess. I believe it to be not so well situated for
that of the windward coast, as Tobago and St. Lucia, which
in this, as well as other respects, would be more valuable pos-
sessions, and which, I doubt not, the peace will secure to us.
Nor is it nearly so well situated for that of the rest of the
Spanish Main as Jamaica. As to the greater safety of our
trade by the possession of Guadalupe, experience has con-
vinced us that in reducing a single island, or even more, we
stop the privateering business but little. Privateers still sub-
sist, in equal if not greater numbers, and carry the vessels into
Martinico, which before it was more convenient to carry into
Guadalupe. Had we all the Caribbees, it is true, they would
in those parts be without shelter.

Yet upon the whole I suppose it to be a doubtful point,
and well worth consideration, whether our obtaining posses-
sion of all the Caribbees would be more than a temporary
benefit, as it would necessarily soon fill the French part of
Hispaniola with French inhabitants, and thereby render it
five times more valuable in time of peace, and little less than
impregnable in time of war ; and would probably end in a few
years in the uniting the whole of that great and fertile island
under a French government. It is agreed on all hands, that
our conquest of St. Christopher's, and driving the French
from thence, first furnished Hispaniola with skilful and sub-

1760] THE INTEREST OF GREAT BRITAIN 81

stantial planters, and was consequently the first occasion of
its present opulence. On the other hand I will hazard an
opinion, that valuable as the French possessions in the West
Indies are, and undeniable the advantages they derive from
them, there is somewhat to be weighed in the opposite scale.
They cannot at present make war with England, without
exposing those advantages while divided among the numerous
islands they now have, much more than they would, were
they possessed of St. Domingo only ; their own share of which
would, if well cultivated, grow more sugar than is now grown
in all their West India Islands.

I have before said I do not deny the utility of the conquest,
or even of our future possession of Guadalupe, if not bought
too dear. The trade of the West Indies is one of our most
valuable trades. Our possessions there deserve our greatest
care and attention. So do those of North America. I shall
not enter into the invidious task of comparing their due esti-
mation. It would be a very long and a very disagreeable
one, to run through every thing material on this head. It is
enough to our present point, if I have shown, that the value
of North America is capable of an immense increase, by an
acquisition and measures, that must necessarily have an effect
the direct contrary of what we have been industriously taught
to fear ; and that Guadalupe is, in point of advantage, but a
very small addition to our West India possessions, rendered
many ways less valuable to us, than it is to the French, who
will probably set more value upon it than upon a country that
is much more valuable to us than to them.

There is a great deal more to be said on all the parts of
these subjects ; but as it would carry me into a detail that I
fear would tire the patience of my readers, and which I am

VOL. IV — G

82 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

not without apprehensions I have done already, I shall reserve
what remains till I dare venture again on the indulgence of
the publick.

291. TO DAVID HUME1

Coventry, September 27, 1760.

DEAR SIR,

I have too long postponed answering your obliging letter,
a fault I will not attempt to excuse, but rather rely on your
goodness to forgive it, if I am more punctual for the future.

I am obliged to you for the favourable sentiments you ex-
press of the pieces sent to you ; though the volume relating to
our Pennsylvania affairs was not written by me, nor any part
of it, except the remarks on the Proprietor's estimate of his
estate, and some of the inserted messages and reports of the
Assembly, which I wrote when at home, as a member of com-
mittees appointed by the House for that service. The rest
was by another hand.2

But though I am satisfied by what you say, that the Duke
of Bedford was hearty in the scheme of the expedition, I am
not so clear that others in the administration were equally in
earnest in that matter. It is certain, that, after the Duke of
Newcastle's first orders to raise troops in the colonies, and
promise to send over commissions to the officers, with arms
and clothing for the men, we never had another syllable from
him for eighteen months ; during all which time the army lay
idle at Albany for want of orders and necessaries; and it

1 Original in the Royal Philosophical Society, Edinburgh. — ED.

2 " The Historical Review of the Constitution and Government of Pennsyl-
vania." See Introduction, Vol. I, p. 137. — ED.

1760] TO DAVID HUME 83

began to be thought at last, that, if an expedition had ever
been intended, the first design and the orders given must,
through the multiplicity of business here at home, have been
quite forgotten.1

I am not a little pleased to hear of your change of senti-
ments in some particulars relating to America; because I
think it of importance to our general welfare, that the people
of this nation should have right notions of us, and I know no
one, that has it more in his power to rectify their notions than
Mr. Hume. I have lately read with great pleasure, as I do
every thing of yours, the excellent Essay on the Jealousy of
Commerce. I think it cannot but have a good effect in pro-
moting a certain interest, too little thought of by selfish man,
and scarcely ever mentioned, so that we hardly have a name
for it ; I mean the interest of humanity, or common good of
mankind. But I hope, particularly from that Essay, an
abatement of the jealousy, that reigns here, of the commerce
of the colonies, at least so far as such abatement may be
reasonable.

I thank you for your friendly admonition relating to some
unusual words in the pamphlet. It will be of service to me.
The "pejorate" and the "colonize" since they are not in
common use here, I give up as bad ; for certainly in writings
intended for persuasion and for general information, one
cannot be too clear ; and every expression in the least obscure
is a fault. The " unshakeable" too, though clear, I give up
as rather low.2 The introducing new words, where we are
already possessed of old ones sufficiently expressive, I confess

1 This was the expedition projected against Canada in the year 1746. — S.

2 The words in question occur in Vol. Ill, p. 68, and Vol. IV, p. 75.
— ED.

84 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

must be generally wrong, as it tends to change the language ;
yet, at the same time, I cannot but wish the usage of our
tongue permitted making new words, when we want them,
by composition of old ones whose meanings are already well
understood. The German allows of it, and it is a common
practice with their writers. Many of our present English
words were originally so made ; and many of the Latin words.
In point of clearness, such compound words would have the
advantage of any we can borrow from the ancient or from
foreign languages. For instance, the word inaccessible,
though long in use among us, is not yet, I dare say, so uni-
versally understood by our people, as the word uncomeatable
would immediately be, which we are not allowed to write.
But I hope with you, that we shall always in America make the
best English of this Island our standard, and I believe it will
be so. I assure you it often gives me pleasure to reflect, how
greatly the audience (if I may so term it) of a good English
writer will, in another century or two, be increased by the
increase of English people in our colonies.

My son presents his respects with mine to you and Dr.
Monro.1 We received your printed circular letter to the
members of the Society,2 and purpose some time next winter
to send each of us a little philosophical essay. With the
greatest esteem, I am, dear Sir, your most obedient and
most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

1 Alexander Monro (1697-1767). — ED.

2 A Philosophical Society lately established at Edinburgh. — ED.

1760] TO LORD KAMES

292. TO LORD KAMES

Coventry, September 27, 1760.

MY DEAR LORD,

We are here upon a journey, which when first proposed
was to have extended farther than the season will now per-
mit. We designed going over to Ireland, and, having made
the tour of that country, we were to have crossed from its
northern part to Dumfries, or some other port on your coast,
which would have given us the pleasing opportunity of seeing
once more our friends in Scotland. This, if we could have
left London early in the summer ; but the litigation between
our province and its Proprietor, in which we were engaged,
confined us in London till the middle of this month. That
cause is indeed at length ended, and in a great degree to our
satisfaction; but, by its continuing so long, we are disap-
pointed in our hopes of spending some more happy days at
Kames, with you and your amiable family.

I do not pretend to charge this to your account as a letter.
It is rather to acknowledge myself in your debt, and to prom-
ise payment. It is some time since I received your obliging
favour of June last. When I return to London, which we
intend after seeing Cheshire, Wales, Bristol, and spending
some time at Bath, I hope to be a more punctual corre-
spondent. I am your Lordship's most obedient and humble
servant, B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. Our thanks to Lady Kames for the receipt. En-
closed we send the Chapter.1

1 This " Chapter " was the " Parable against Persecution." See Introduc-
tion, Vol. I, p. 181. This letter was first printed by Sparks. — ED.

86 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1760

293. TO ISAAC NORRIS, ESQ., SPEAKER (A. P. s.)

DEAR SIR London NOV? 19,1760.

This is just to acknowledge the Receipt of your Favours
of Aug! 24. & 27. with the Bill for 100 £ on Messr? Thom-
linson &c. N. 1876, & to acquaint you, that I have at length
received the Money from the Exchequer and lodg'd it in the
Bank as nearly agreeable to the Directions of the Act as I
possibly could; for they would not, as I acquainted you
before, receive it subject to the Drafts of the Trustees in
Pensylvania, it being contrary to their Rules. — The House
will consider what is to be done with it, & send me the neces-
sary Directions. If I were to advise, it should be to lay it
out in the Stocks, which will certainly at a Peace produce a
Profit of near 20 per Cent, besides the intermediate Interest.
I am applying for the Grant of 1759, but nothing is yet
done in it. I shall write more fully per Bolitho. With the
greatest Esteem, I am, &c B. F.

P. S. The Sum lodg'd in the Bank belonging to the
Province is £26,648..4..6. out of which I have some Fees to
pay, of which I have had the Ace*.

294. TO JOHN BASKERVILLE1 (L. c.)
•r-v ~ Craven Street, London, 1760.

Let me give you a pleasant Instance of the Prejudice some
have entertained against your Work. Soon after I returned,

1 Stevens Collection (31), L. C. copy, with an additional page of biographi-
cal memoranda of Baskerville (1706-1775). This letter was written four

1766] TO JOHN BASKERVILLE 87

discoursing with a Gentleman concerning the Artists of
Birmingham, he said you would [be] a Means of blinding
all the Readers in the Nation ; for the Strokes of your Letters,
being too thin and narrow, hurt the Eye, and he could never
read a Line of them without Pain. "I thought," said I,
"you were going to complain of the Gloss of the Paper,
some object to." "No, no," says he, "I have heard that
mentioned, but it is not that; it Is in the Form and Cut of
the Letters themselves; they have not that Height and
Thickness of the Stroke, which make the common Printing
so much the more comfortable to the Eye." You see this
Gentleman was a Connoisseur. In vain I endeavoured to
support your character against the Charge; he knew what
he felt, and could see the Reason of it, and several other
Gentlemen among his Friends had made the same Ob-
servation, &c.

Yesterday he called to visit me, when, mischievously bent
to try his Judgment, I stept into my Closet, tore off the Top
of Mr. Caslon's specimen, and produced it to him as yours,
brought with me from Birmingham; saying, I had been
examining it, since he spoke to me, and could not for my
Life perceive the Disproportion he mentioned, desiring him
to point it out to me. He readily undertook it, and went
over the several Founts, showing me everywhere what he
thought Instances of that Disproportion ; and declared, that
he could not then read the Specimen, without feeling very
strongly the Pain he had mentioned to me. I spared him
that Time the Confusion of being told, that these were the

years after Baskerville published his quarto Virgil, which " astonished all the
librarians of Europe." Franklin was much interested in Baskerville's " Milton "
(1758), and secured subscribers for it. — ED.

88 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1760

Types he had been reading all his life, with so much Ease to
his Eyes; the Types his adored Newton is printed with, on
which he has pored not a little ; nay, the very Types his own
Book is printed with, (for he is himself an Author,) and yet
never discovered this painful Disproportion in them, till he
thought they were yours. I am, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

295. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN

London, 1760.

MY DEAR CHILD,

Yesterday I received your letter of February loth, in which
you mention that it was some months since you heard from
me. During my journey I wrote several times to you, par-
ticularly from Liverpool and Glasgow, and since my return
some very long letters, that might have been with you before
your last to me; but I suppose the severe winter on your
coast, among other delays, has kept the vessels out. One
packet, Bonnel, was blown quite back to England.

I am sorry for the death of your black boy, as you seem to
have had a regard for him. You must have suffered a good

deal in the fatigue of nursing him in such a distemper. F *

has wrote me a very idle letter, desiring me not to furnish
the woman, pretending to be his wife, with any thing on his
account, and says the letters she shows are a forgery. But
I have one she left with me, in which he acknowledges her to
be his wife, and the children his, and I am sure it is his hand-
writing by comparing it with this he has now wrote to me and
a former one. So he must be a very bad man, and I am
1 A watchmaker, of Philadelphia. — ED.

1760] TO PRINTER OF THE LONDON CHRONICLE 89

glad I never knew him. She was sick and perishing with her
children in the beginning of the winter, and has had of me
in all about four guineas. What is become of her now, I
know not. She seemed a very helpless body, and I found her
in some falsehoods that disgusted me ; but I pitied the poor
children, the more as they were descended though remotely
from our good old friends, whom you remember.

I have now the pleasure to acquaint you, that our business
draws near a conclusion, and that in less than a month we
shall have a hearing, after which I shall be able to fix a time
for my return. My love to all, from, dear Debby, your
affectionate husband, B. FRANKLIN.

296. TO THE PRINTER OF THE LONDON

CHRONICLE * (A. P. s.)

SIR

I met lately with an old Quarto Book on a Stall, the Title-
Page and the Author's Name wanting, but containing Dis-
courses, addressed to some King of Spaine, on the Means of
extending the Greatness of that Monarchy, translated into
English, and said in the last Leaf, to be printed at London
by Bonham Norton and John Bill, Printers to the King's
most excellent Majestic, MDCXXIX. The Author ap-
pears to have been a Jesuit, for, speaking of that Order in
two Places, he calls it our Society. Give me leave to com-
municate to the Public a Chapter of it, so apropos to our
present Situation, (only changing Spain for France,) that I
think it well worth general Attention and Observation, as it
1 From A. P. S. (d.). The document is undated. — ED.

90 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

discovers the Arts of our Enemies, and may therefore help
in some Degree to put us on our Guard against them.

What Effect the Artifices here recommended might have
had in the Times when our Author wrote, I cannot pretend
to say ; but I believe, the present Age being more enlightened
and our People better acquainted than formerly with our
true National Interest, such Arts can now hardly prove so
generally successfull; for we may with Pleasure observe,
and to the Honour of the British People, that tho' Writings
and Discourses like these have lately not been wanting, yet
few in any of the Classes he particularizes seem to be affected
by them, but all Ranks and Degrees among us persist hitherto
in declaring for a vigorous Prosecution of the War, in Pref-
erence to an unsafe, disadvantageous, or dishonourable
Peace; yet as a little Change of Fortune may make such
Writings more attended to and give them greater Weight,
I think the Publication of this Piece, as it shows the Spring
from whence these Scriblers draw their poisoned Waters,
may be of publick Utility. I am, &c. A BRITON.

"CHAP. XXXIV.
" Of the Meanes of disposing the Enemie to Peace.

"Warres, with whatsoever Prudence undertaken and con-
ducted, do not always succeed; many thinges out of Man's
Power to governe, such as Dearth of Provision, Tempests,
Pestilence, and the like, oftentimes interfering and totally
overthrowing the best Designes; so that these Enemies
(England and Holland) of our Monarchy, tho' apparently
at first the weaker, may by disastrous Events of War, on our
Part, become the stronger, and tho' not in such degree, as
to endanger the Body of this great Kingdom, yet, by their

1760] DISPOSING THE ENEMIE TO PEACE 91

greater Power of Shipping and Aptness in Sea Affairs, to be
able to cut off, if I may so speak, some of its smaller Limbs
and Members, that are remote therefrom and not easily de-
fended, to wit, our Islands and Colonies in the Indies;
thereby however depriving the Body of its wonted Nourishe-
ment, so that it must thenceforthe languish and grow weake,
if those Parts are not recovered which possibly may by con-
tinuance of Warre be found unlikely to be done. And the
Enemy puffed up with their Successes, and hoping still for
more, may not be disposed to Peace on such Termes as would
be suitable to the Honour of your Majestic, and to the Wel-
fare of your State and Subjects. In such Case, the following
Meanes may have good Effect.

"It is well knowne, that these Northerne People, though
hardie of Body and bold in Fight, be nevertheless, through
overmuch Eating and other Intemperance, slowe of Wit,
and dull in Understanding, so that they are oftimes more
easilie to be governed and turn'd by Skill than by Force.
There is therefore always Hope, that by wise Counsel and
dextrous Management, those Advantages, which through
crosse Accidents in Warre, have been lost, may again with
Honour be recovered. In this Place I shall say little of the
Power of Money secretly distributed among Grandees or
their Friends or Paramours; that Method being in all
Ages known and Practised. If the Minds of Enemies can
be changed, they may be brought to grant willingly and for
nothing what much Gold would scarcely have otherwise pre-
vailed to obtaine. Yet as the procuring this Change is to
be by fitte Instruments, some few Doublones will not unprof-
itably be disbursed by your Majestic. The manner whereof
I shall now briefely recite.

92 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

"In those Countries, and particularly in England, there
are not wanting Menne of Learning, ingenious Speakers and
Writers, who are nevertheless in lowe Estate, and pinched
by Fortune. These being privately gained by proper
Meanes, must be instructed in their Sermons, Discourses,,
Writings, Poems, and Songs, to handle and specially incul-
cate Points like these which followe. Let them magnine the
Blessings of Peace, and enlarge mightily thereon, which is
not unbecoming grave Divines and other Christian Menne.
Let them expatiate on the Miseries of Warre, the Waste of
Christian Blood, the growing Scarcitie of Labourers and
Workmen, the Dearness of all foreign Wares and Merchan-
dise, the Interruption of Commerce, the Captures of Ships,,
the Increase and great Burthen of Taxes. Let them repre-
sent the Warre as an unmeasurable Advantage to Particulars,
and to Particulars only, (thereby to excite Envie against
those, who manage and provide for the same,) while so
prejudicial to the Commonweale and People in general.
Let them represent the Advantages gained against us as
trivial and of little import ; the Places taken from us, as of
small Trade and Produce, inconvenient for Situation, un-
wholesome for Climate and Ayre, useless to their Nations,
and greatlie chargeable to keepe, draining the home Coun-
tries both of Menne and Money.

"Let them urge, that, if a Peace be forced on us, and those
Places withhelde, it will nourishe secret Griefe and Malice
in the King and Grandees of Spaine, which will ere long
breake forthe in new Warres, when those Places may again
be retaken, without the Merit and Grace of restoring them
willingly for Peace' Sake. Let them represent the making
or continuance of Warres, from view of Gaine, to be Base

1760] DISPOSING THE ENEMIE TO PEACE 93

and unworthy a brave People, as those made from Views of
Ambition are mad and wicked. Let them insinuate that
the Continuance of the present Warre, on their parte, hath
these Ingredients in its Nature. Then let them magnifie the
Great Power of your Majestic, and the Strength of your King-
dome, the inexhaustible Wealthe of your Mines, the Great-
ness of your Incomes, and thence your Abilitie of continuing
the Warre ; hinting withal the new Alliances you may pos-
siblie make; at the same time setting forth the sincere Dis-
position you have for Peace, and that it is only a Concerne
for your Honour, and the Honour of your Realme, that in-
duceth you to insist on the Restitution of the places taken.

"If, with all this, they shrewdly intimate, and cause it to
be understood by artful Words and believed, that their own
Prince is himself in heart for Peace, on your Majestie's
Terms, and grieved at the Obstinacy and Perverseness of
those among his People who are for continuing the Warre,
a marvellous Effect shall by these Discourses and Writings
be produced; and a wonderful strong Party shall your
Majestic raise among your Enemies in favour of the Peace
you desire; insomuch that their own Princes and wisest
Counsellours will in a Sorte be constrained to yeeld thereto.
For in this Warre of Wordes, the Avarice and Ambition,
the Hopes and Fears, and all the Crowd of Human Passions
will be raised and put in array to fight for your Interests
against the reall and substantiall Interest of their own Coun-
tries. The simple and undiscerning Many shall be carried
away by the plausibilitie and well-seeming of these Dis-
courses; and the Opinions becoming more popular, all the
Rich Men, who have great Possessions, and fear the con-
tinuance of Taxes, and hope Peace will end them, shall be

94 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1760

emboldened thereby to crie aloud for Peace; their Depen-
dents, who are many, must do the same.

"All Merchaunts, fearing Loss of Ships and greater Bur-
thens on Trade by farther Duties and Subsidies, and hoping
greater Profits by the ending of the Warre, shall join in the
Crie for Peace. All the Usurers and Lenders of Money to
the State, who on a Peace hope great Profit on their Bar-
gains, and fear if the Warre be continued the State shall
become Bankeroute, and unable to paye them ; these, who
have no small weighte, shall join the Crie for Peace. All
who maligne the bold Conductors of the Warre, and envie
the Glorie they may have thereby obtained; these shall crie
aloud for Peace; hoping that when the Warre shall cease,
such Menne becoming less necessarie shall be more lightly
esteemed, and themselves more sought after. All the Offi-
cers of the Enemie's Armies and Fleets, who wish for Re-
pose and to enjoy their Salaries or Rewardes in Quietnesse,
and without Peril; these and their Friends and Families,
who desire their Safetie and the Solace of their Societie,
shall all crie for Peace.

"All those who be timorous by Nature, amongste whom
be reckoned Menne of Learning that lead sedentarie Lives,
using little Exercise of Bodie, and thence obtaining but few
and weake Spirits; great Statesmen, whose natural Spirits
be exhausted by much thinking, or depressed by overmuch
Feasting; together with all Women, whose Power, weake
as they are, is not a little amongste the Menne ; these shall
incessantly speake for Peace: and finally all Courtiers,
who suppose they conforme thereby to the Inclinations of
the Prince, (ad Exemplum Regis &c.) ; all who are in Places,
fear to lose them, or hope for better ; all who are out of Places,

1761] TO HUGH ROBERTS 95

and hope to obtaine them; with all the worldly minded
Clergy, who seeke Preferment; these, with all the Weighte
of their Character and Influence, shall join the Crie for Peace ;
till it becomes one universal Clamour, and no Sound, but
that of Peace, Peace, Peace, shall be heard from every
Quarter.

"Then shall your Majestie's Termes of Peace be listened
to with much readinesse, the Places taken from you be will-
ingly restored, and your Kingdom, recovering its Strength,
shall only need to waite a few Years for more favourable
Occasions, when the Advantages to your Power, proposed by
beginning the Warre, but lost by its bad Successe, shall
with better Fortune, be finally obtained."

297. TO HUGH ROBERTS 1 (P. c.)

London, Feb. 26, 1761.

DEAR FRIEND,

I think I have before acknowledg'd the Receipt of your
Favour of the i5th of the 5th Month, 1760. (I use your
own Notation, because I cannot tell what Month it was,
without Reckoning.) I thank you for it, however, once
more. I receiv'd it by the hand of your Son, and had the
Pleasure withal of seeing him grown up a solid, sensible
young Man. You will have, I see, a great deal of Satisfaction
in him, and I congratulate you cordially on that head.

I was glad to hear that the Hospital is still supported. I
write to the Managers by this Ship. In my Journeys thro'
England and Scotland I have visited several of the same kind,

1 From the original in the possession of Mr. C. Morton Smith. — ED.

96 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1761

which I think were all in a good Way. I send you by this
Ship sundry of their Accounts and Rules, which were given
me ; possibly you may find a useful Hint or two in some of
them. I believe we shall be able to make a small Collection
here ; but I cannot promise it will be very considerable.

You tell me you sometimes visit the ancient Junto. I wish
you would do it oftner. I know they all love and respect
you, and regret your absenting yourself so much. People
are apt to grow strange, and not understand one another so
well, when they meet but seldom. Since we have held that
Club, till we are grown grey together, let us hold it out to
the End. For my own Part, I find I love Company, Chat, a
Laugh, a Glass, and even a Song, as well as ever; and at
the same Time relish better than I used to do the grave Ob-
servations and wise Sentences of old Men's Conversation;
so that I am sure the Junto will be still as agreeable to me as
it ever has been. I therefore hope it will not be discontinued,
as long as we are able to crawl together.

I thank you for the frequent kind Visits you are so good
as to make my little Family. I now hope in a little Time to
have the Pleasure of seeing them, and thanking my Friends
in Person. With the sincerest Esteem and Regard, I am,
dear Friend, yours affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

Billy presents his regards.

1761] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON 97

298. TO MISS MARY STEVENSON1 (p. c.)
Craven Street, Monday, March 30, 1761.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

Supposing the Fact, that the Water of the Well at Bristol
is wanner after some time pumping, I think your manner
of accounting for that increas'd Warmth very ingenious
and probable. It did not occur to me, and therefore I
doubted of the Fact.

You are, I think, quite right in your Opinion, that the
Rising of the Tides in Rivers is not owing to the immediate
Influence of the Moon on the Rivers. It is rather a sub-
sequent Effect of the Influence of the Moon on the Sea, and
does not make its Appearance in some Rivers till the Moon
has long pass'd by. I have not express'd myself clearly, if
you have understood me to mean otherwise. You know I
have mentioned it as a Fact, that there are in some Rivers
several Tides all existing at the same time; that is, two,
three, or more High-waters, and as many Low-waters, in
different Parts of the same River, which cannot possibly be
all Effects of the Moon's immediate Action on that River;
but they may be subsequent Effects of her Action on the Sea.

In the enclos'd Paper you will find my Sentiments on
several Points relating to the Air, and the Evaporation of
Water. It is Mr. Collinson's Copy, who took it from one I
sent thro' his Hands to a Correspondent in France some
Years since; I have, as he desired me, corrected the Mis-
takes he made in transcribing, and must return it to him;

1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.
VOL. iv — H

98 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1761

but if you think it worth while, you may take a Copy of it.
I would have sav'd you any trouble of that kind, but had not
time.

Some day in the next or the following Week, I purpose
to have the pleasure of seeing you at Wanstead.1 I shall
accompany your good Mama there, and stay till the next
Morning, if it may be done without incommoding your
Family too much. We may then discourse any Points in
this Paper that do not seem clear to you ; and, taking a Walk
to some of Lord Tilney's Ponds, make a few Experiments
there to explain the Nature of the Tides more fully. In
the mean time, believe me to be, with the highest Esteem
and Regard,

Your sincerely affectionate Friend,

B. FRANKLIN.

299. TO JOSIAH QUINCY3

London, April 8, 1761.

DEAR SIR,

I received your very obliging letter of December 25th, by
the hand of your valuable son, who had before favoured me
now and then with a kind visit. I congratulate you on his
account, as I am sure you must have a great deal of satis-
faction in him. His ingenuous, manly, and generous be-
haviour, in a transaction here with the Society of Arts, gave
me great pleasure, as it was much to his reputation.8

1 Home of Mrs. Tickell, aunt of Mary Stevenson. — ED.

2 First printed by Sparks. Josiah Quincy (1709-1784), Colonel of the
Suffolk Regiment, was appointed in 1755 joint commissioner with Thomas
Pownall to negotiate with the colonies of New York and Pennsylvania for aid
in erecting a frontier barrier against the French, at Ticonderoga. — ED.

8 Edmund Quincy was the eldest son of Josiah Quincy. The allusion in

1761] TO JOSIAH QUINCY 99

I am glad my weak endeavours for our common interest
were acceptable to you and my American friends. I shall
be very happy indeed, if any good arises from them. The
people in power here do now seem convinced of the truth of
the principles I have inculcated, and incline to act upon
them; but how far they will be able to do so at a peace,
is still uncertain, especially as the war in Geimany grows
daily less favourable to us. My kinsman, Williams,1 was
but ill informed in the account he gave you of my situa-
tion here. The Assembly voted me fifteen hundred pounds
sterling, when I left Philadelphia, to defray the expense of

the letter is explained by the following passage from the " Memoir of Thomas
Hollis": "In a letter, dated July 2d, 1760, Dr. Mayhew had recommended
to Mr. Hollis's good offices Mr. Edmund Quincy, a gentleman of liberal edu-
cation, who had been in trade several years, and was come to London with
a design to settle a mercantile correspondence there, his father being a gentle-
man of very considerable fortune in New England. Mr. Quincy had thoughts
of engaging in the potash business, but was at some loss about the premium
for encouraging importation ; and the purpose of Dr. Mayhew's application
to Mr. Hollis was, that, as Mr. Hollis was a member of the Society of Arts
and Commerce, he would be both able and willing to resolve any doubts Mr.
Quincy might be under respecting that matter." — Vol. I, p. 120.

By a letter from Mr. Quincy to Mr. Hollis, dated July 25th, 1766, it appears
that he was successful in his scheme for manufacturing potash. "I have the
pleasure to inform you," said he, " that the manufacture of potash is now so
firmly established, it needs no further assistance from the Society, than their
instruction how to assay it, so as to detect fraud, and maintain its credit, con-
cerning which the Society will have a letter from our General Assembly. As
far as my influence extends, I have encouraged the culture of silk in this part
of the world ; and I doubt not, in the course of four or five years, or as soon
as mulberry trees can be brought to be of use, we shall be able to make some
figure in that article, especially should the Society's bounty be continued on
that commodity ; for we find by experience, that the severity of our winters
is no detriment to the eggs of the silk worm, wherever deposited." — Ibid.,

P- 337-

Edmund Quincy died at sea, March 3ist, 1768, on his homeward voyage
from the West Indies, at the age of thirty-five. — ED.

1 Jonathan Williams. — ED.

ioo THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1761

my voyage and negotiations in England, since which they
have given nothing more, though I have been here near four
years. They will, I make no doubt, on winding up the
affair, do what is just ; but they cannot afford to be extrava-
gant, as that report would make them.

Pray make my best respects acceptable to your amiable
family, and do me the justice to believe, that no one more
sincerely wishes a continuance of your happiness, than,

dear friend, yours most affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

300. TO HENRY POTTS x (p. R. o.)
Craven Street, April 23, 1761

SIR

In obedience to the Commands of His Majesty's Post-
master General, signified to me by you, I have considered
Governor Boone's Letter to my Lord Bessborough & the
Extract of his Letter to John Pownall, Esq Secretary to
the Board of Trade, containing a Complaint of some Incon-
veniency to him arising from "the Posts not passing thro'
Perth-Amboy and Burlington (the Route established by Act
of Parliament) in their way between Philadelphia and New
York;" and alledging, that "thro* this Omission it has
happen'd and may happen again that Dispatches received
by him from the Plantation Office could not be answered
by the first Pacquet, whence he may sometimes appear

1 The document is endorsed : " New Jersey, Letter from H. Potts, Esqr. Seer*
to the Post Master Gen! to Mr. Pownall, dated April 29, 1761, inclosS the copy
of a Letter to him from Mr. Franklyn, joint dep'y post master Gen', in No.
America relative to the Alteration which Mr. Boone desird might be made in
the route of the post through New Jersey. Reed Read May I, 1761, K. 11."

— ED.

1761] TO HENRY POTTS

101

tardy to their Lordships with all the Inclinations to be
otherwise, &c."

It is true that the Post Route was thro' the Towns of
Burlington and Amboy in New Jersey, before & at the Time
of making the act of Queen Anne for Establishing the Post
Office, and therefore those Towns were mentioned in the
Act so far as to settle the Rates of Postage between them
and the Cities of New York and Philadelphia; but it has
never been understood that the Route was established by
such mention of those places, or that the Act bound the
Post Office to continue the Posts in any Route then used,
if one better and more convenient could be found. Nor
indeed would such Restraints in an Act of Parliament
relating to America, be of utility, but the contrary. For our
first settlements there being near the Sea, the first Roads
are of course along the Coast where interrupting Waters
from Bays & inlets are more frequent, and Rivers wider
and more difficult of Passage, but in Process of time, as
the People settle farther back & clear the upland Country,
more convenient Roads are found, the Bays and Inlets
avoided, & the Interruption of Ferries less frequent, as
many Rivers are fordable up the Country, that cannot be
crossed near their Mouths but in Boats, —

Something like this has been the Case with regard to the
Old and New Roads thro' the Province of New Jersey. As
soon as the new road in the upper parts of that Province
was open'd, Travellers between Philadelphia & New York
began gradually to abandon the Old Road, which was not
so convenient ; and after some time, on an Application made
to Col. Spotswood, then Deputy Postmaster General, the Post
Route was also chang'd from the Old Road to the New. —

102 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1761

This Change was made about Thirty Years ago, and some
Years before I had any Concern in the Office ; but as it was
a matter much talk'd of at the time, I remember well the
Reasons that were given for the Change which were these,
viz.

That the Ferry over the River Delaware from Bristol
to Burlington, to be pass'd in travelling the old Road, was
a mile and half wide, and in Winter often incumbered with
Ice, so as greatly to delay the Post. That the old Road,
from Burlington to Amboy was for 50 miles chiefly a heavy
loose sand, very fatiguing to the Horses : — That being thro*
a barren Country, it was not well inhabited, nor the Inns
well supply 'd with Provisions : — That being less travelled
than formerly, there was not the same Care taken to provide
suitable Accomodations for Travellers; so that no Gentle-
man passing between New York and Philadelphia tho'
desirous of riding Post, could well travel with him; That
this gradual disuse of the Road occasioned less care to be
taken of the Bridges which were often out of Repair, so that
in rainy Seasons crossing the Brooks & Branches of Rivers
became dangerous and sometimes impracticable to the great
delay and Injury of Travellers: — That the Ferry over to
Amboy necessary to be pass'd on this Road, was near two
Miles wide being at the mouth of Raritan River, and often
so rough from high Winds, or so incumbered with Ice as to
be impassable for many Hours, to the great delay of the
Post as well as other Travellers; and after the Post was
got to Amboy, he had still three large Ferries to cross be-
tween that Place and New York, viz the Ferry over to Staten
Island, the Ferry from Staten Island to long Island 3 miles
wide, and the Ferry from Long Island to New York, in all

1761] TO HENRY POTTS

103

which Places the Ferrymen were generally very dilatory
and backward to carry the Post in bad Weather, availing
themselves of every excuse, as they were by Law to receive
no Ferriage of him. — On the other Hand, the new Road was
over better Ground & kept in better Repair; there were
every where good Accomodations at the Inns ; — Delaware
River was to be cross'd at Trenton, and Raritan River at
Brunswick, where they are both narrow, and the latter
fordable at Low Water; and the People at Elizabeth Town
Point, undertook voluntarily to have a stout Boat always
ready to carry the Post & his Company directly to New
York, by which the three last mention'd Ferries were avoided.
The Change being accordingly made, the Post went no
more thro' Burlington & Amboy; but those Places on that
Account suffered very little Inconveniency ; For an Office
was still continued at each of them; and their Letters sent
over to proper Places on the New Post Road, to be carried
forward by the Post ; and this was easy to do, it being only
cross the Ferry from Burlington to Bristol, thro' which the
Post goes; and but 4 miles from Amboy to Woodbridge
thro' which he also goes. And the Letters for Burlington
were in like manner sent over to that Office from Bristol,
& those for Amboy sent to that Office from Woodbridge. —
Tho' the Letters to and from each Place by Post were always
extreamly few, as they are Towns of little or no Foreign
Trade, the chief Dealing of Amboy being with New York,
& that of Burlington with Philadelphia, to and from which
Places Boats are going almost every day, by which they
always chose to send their Letters, even when the Post pass'd
thro' them. — On the other hand, two other large & thriv-
ing Towns, who make much more use of the Post, are accom-

104 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1761

odated by it on the New Road, viz. Trenton & Brunswick ;
not to mention Prince town where a College is lately erected,
Woodbridge & Elizabeth Town, thro' all which Places the
new Road passes, and where offices have been long estab-
lished.

It is now near 24 Years that I have been concerned in the
management of the offices between Philadelphia and New
York, and in all that time have had no Complaint made to
me of Inconvenience from the Posts continuing the Route
I found them in. — And I must own myself at a Loss to
conceive the difficulty Governor Boone mentions of his Cor-
responding regularly with the Board of Trade, and that " Dis-
patches receiv'd from their Lordships could not be answered
by the first Pacquet, thro* the Posts omission of Burlington &
Amboy in their Route." His Excellency resides at Amboy,
and the Letters for him which arrive at New York in the
Pacquet, must be forwarded to him at farthest within three
days, as the Post goes from New York twice a Week and
passes within 4 miles of Amboy at Woodbridge, where the
Governor's Letters are left, and sent to him immediately
by a special messenger from the Office there. The Post re-
turns twice a Week from Philadelphia to New York, and
passing thro' Woodbridge takes up and carries forward any
Letters left there. The Pacquet stays at New York at
least 20 Days, and During that time the Post passes 6 times
thro* Woodbridge to New York, and would carry forward
any Letters the Governor should lodge at Woodbridge for
that purpose. And if he happened to be at Burlington with
his Assembly, the Post passes equally often thro' Bristol
(within a mile & half of him only just cross a Ferry) where
it cannot be much Trouble to send his Letters. So that on

1761] TO HENRY POTTS 105

the whole I am persuaded it must appear, when duly con-
sider'd, that his Excellency's Want of Punctuality in his
Correspondence with their Lordships cannot justly be
charg'd to the Account of the Post Office.

Mr. Barnard, immediate Predecessor of Governor Boone
tho' he also liv'd at Amboy, made no Complaint of this kind
that I ever heard of. Nor did the next preceding Governor
Belcher, tho' he liv'd great Part of his time at Burlington.
The Governors of New Jersey have sometimes liv'd on the
New Road, at Trenton and at Elizabeth Town; and as
there is no fix'd Place of Residence for Governors in that
Province, future Governors may happen to chuse some of
the Towns on the New Road; so that if the Post Route
were chang'd to Gratify Governor Boone, the next Governor
might desire to have it back again. And I apprehend that
the Delays formerly experienced so frequently in the Deten-
tion of the Post by the wide Ferries in Winter, would if the
old Route was resum'd occasion great Dissatisfaction to
the Governors of Pensilvania, New York & New England,
who as well as the Merchants of their great Trading Towns
would probably remonstrate warmly against it.

Nevertheless, if His Majesty's Postmaster General should
upon the whole think fit to order the old Route to be resum'd,
and the new one with all the Offices so long established upon
it to be drop't it is my Duty to carry their orders into Execu-
tion, which I shall do with great Readiness and Fidelity.
I am

Sir

Your most obedient

humble servant

B. FRANKLIN.

io6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1761

301. TO EDWARD PENINGTON1

London, May 9, 1761.

SIR,

I enclose you a letter from your kinsman, Mr. Springet
Penn,2 with whom I had no acquaintance until lately, but
have the pleasure to find him a very sensible, discreet young
man, with excellent dispositions, which makes me the more
regret, that the government as well as property of our prov-
ince should pass out of that line. There has, by his account,
been something very mysterious in the conduct of his uncle,
Mr. Thomas Penn, towards him. He was his guardian;
but, instead of endeavouring to educate him at home under
his eye in a manner becoming the elder branch of their house,
has from his infancy been endeavouring to get rid of him.

He first proposed sending him to the East Indies. When
that was declined, he had a scheme of sending him to Russia ;
but, the young gentleman's mother absolutely refusing to
let him go out of the kingdom, unless to Pennsylvania to be
educated in the college there, he would by no means hear
of his going thither, but bound him an apprentice to a county
attorney in an obscure part of Sussex, which, after two years'
stay, finding that he was taught nothing valuable, nor could
see any company that might improve him, he left, and re-

1 First printed by Sparks. Edward Penington was a merchant of Phila-
delphia, descended from Isaac Penington, who married Lady Springett (1654).
William Penn married Gulielma Springett, stepdaughter of Isaac Penington.
— ED.

2 Springett Penn, 3d (1738-1762), son of William Penn, 3d. Howard M.
Jenkins thought that the remarks in this letter were inspired by Ann Penn
(the mother of Springett), and that the date of the letter should be 1760.
See "The Family of William Penn" (Jenkins), 1899, p. 215. — ED.

1761] TO EDWARD PENINGTON 107

turned to his mother, with whom he has been ever since,
much neglected by his uncle, except lately that he has been
a little civil, to get him to join in a power of attorney to W.
Peters and R. Hockley for the sale of some Philadelphia
lots, of which he is told three undivided fourth parts belong
to him. But he is not shown the right he has to them; nor
has he any plan of their situation, by which he may be ad-
vised of their value ; nor was he told, till lately, that he had
any such right, which makes him suspect that he may have
other rights that are concealed from him.

In some letters to his father's eldest brother, Springet
Penn, whose heir he is, he finds that Sir William Keith sur-
veyed for him, the said Springet, a manor of seventy-five
thousand acres on the Susquehanna, which he called Sprin-
getsbury, and would be glad to know what became of that
survey, and whether it was ever conveyed away. By search-
ing the records, you may possibly obtain some light in this
and other land affairs, that may be for his interest. The
good inclinations you have shown towards that interest, in
a letter that has been shown to me, encourage me to recom-
mend this matter earnestly to your care and prudence; and
the more privately you carry on your inquiries, for the pres-
ent, the better it will be.

His uncle has lately proposed to him to buy of him Penns-
bury manor house,1 with one thousand acres of the land near
the house, pretending that his principal reason for doing it
was not the value of the land, but an inclination he had to
possess the ancient home of the head of the family, and a
little land round it just to support it. You know the situa-

1 Pennsbury Manor, in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, four miles above Bris-
tol, on the Delaware River. — ED.

io8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1761

tion of that manor, and can judge whether it would be
prudent to sell the part proposed from the rest, and will
advise him concerning it. He has refused to treat about it
at present, as well as to sign the power of attorney for the
sale of the city lots; upon which his late guardian has
brought in an account against him, and demands a debt of
four hundred pounds, which he urges him to pay, for that, as
he says, he very much wants the money, which does not
seem to look well.

Not only the Land Office may be searched for warrants
and surveys to the young gentleman's ancestors, but also
the Record Office for deeds of gift from the first proprietor,
and other subsequent grants or conveyances. I may tell
you in confidence, that some lawyers are of opinion, that the
government was not legally conveyed from the eldest branch
to others of the family; but this is to be farther inquired
into, and at present it is not to be talked of. I am with much
esteem, Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

302. TO MISS MARY STEVENSON1 (P. c.)
Craven Street, Aug. 10, 1761.

DEAR POLLEY

We are to set out this Week for Holland, where we may
possibly spend a Month, but purpose to be at home again
before the Coronation. I could not go without taking Leave
of you by a Line at least, when I am so many Letters in your
Debt.

In yours of May 19, which I have before me, you speak

1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.

1761] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON" 109

of the Ease with which Salt Water may be made fresh by
Distillation, supposing it to be, as I had said, that in Evapo-
ration the Air would take up Water, but not the Salt that was
mix'd with it. It is true, that distilPd Sea Water will not be
salt, but there are other disagreable Qualities that rise with
the Water in Distillation; which indeed several besides Dr.
Hales have endeavoured by sundry Means to prevent; but
as yet their Methods have not been brought much into Use.

I have his Pieces on the Subject which I will leave with
your Mother for your Perusal, as you may possibly make
her happy a Day or two with your Company upon our Re-
turn. I have a singular Opinion on this Subject, which I
will venture to communicate to you, tho' I doubt you will
rank it among my Whims. It is certain that the Skin has
imbibing as well as discharging Pores ; witness the Effects of
a Blister Plaister, &c. I have read, that a Man, hired by a
Physician to stand by way of Experiment in the open Air
naked during a moist Night, weighed near 3 Pounds heavier
in the Morning. I have often observ'd myself, that, however
thirsty I may have been before going into the Water to
swim, I am never long so in the Water. These imbibing
Pores, however, are very fine, perhaps fine enough in filtring
to separate Salt from Water; for, tho' I have soak'd by
Swimming, when a Boy, several Hours in the Day for
several Days successively in Salt water, I never found my
Blood and Juices salted by that means, so as to make me
thirsty or feel a salt Taste in my Mouth : And it is remarkable,
that the Flesh of Sea Fish, tho' bred in Salt Water, is not
Salt.

Hence I imagine, that, if People at Sea, distressed by
Thirst when their fresh Water is unfortunately spent, would

I io THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1761

make Bathing-Tubs of their empty Water-Casks, and, filling
them with Sea Water, sit in them an hour or two each Day,
they might be greatly relieved. Perhaps keeping their Clothes
constantly wet might have an almost equal Effect ; and this
without Danger of catching Cold. Men do not catch Cold
by wet Clothes at Sea. Damp, but not wet Linen may pos-
sibly give Colds; but no one catches Cold by Bathing, and
no Clothes can be wetter than Water itself. Why damp
Clothes should then occasion Colds, is a curious Question,
the Discussion of which I reserve for a future Letter, or
some future Conversation.

Adieu, my dear little Philosopher. Present my respectful
Compliments to the good Ladies, your Aunts, and to Miss
Pitt; and believe me ever

Your affectionate Friend,

And humble Servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

303. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)

Utrecht, in Holland, Sept. 14, 1761.

MY DEAR CHILD,

I wrote to you just before we left London, that we were
about to make a short Tour to Holland. I wrote to you
since from Antwerp in Flanders, and am now to acquaint
you, that having seen almost all the principal Places and
Things worthy Notice in those two Countries, we are now
on our Return to London, where we hope to be next Saturday
or Sunday, that we may not miss the Coronation. At
Amsterdam I met with Mr. Crellius and his Daughter that

1761] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON m

was formerly Mrs. Neigh; her Husband, Dr. Neigh, died
in Carolina, and she is married again and lives very well in
that City. They treated us with great Civility and Kindness ;
and will be so obliging as to forward this Letter to you, a
Ship being bound to New York from Amsterdam. We are
in good Health, and have had a great deal of Pleasure, and
received a good deal of Information in this Tour that may
be useful when we return to America. My Love to my
dear Sally, and affectionate Regards to — all Pennsylvania.
Billy presents his Duty. I am, my dear Debby, your ever
loving Husband, B. FRANKLIN.

304. TO MISS MARY STEVENSON1 (p. c.)

[September 20, 1761.]

MY DEAR FRIEND,

It is, as you observed in our late Conversation, a very
general Opinion, that all rivers run into the Sea, or deposite
their Waters there. 'Tis a kind of Audacity to call such
general Opinions in question, and may subject one to censure.
But we must hazard something in what we think the Cause of
Truth : And if we propose our Objections modestly, we shall
tho' mistaken, deserve a Censure less severe, than when we
are both mistaken and insolent.

That some Rivers run into the Sea is beyond a doubt;
such for Instance, are the Amazones and, I think, the Oro-
noko and the Missisipi. The Proof is, that their Waters
are fresh quite to the Sea, and out to some Distance from the
Land. Our Question is, whether the fresh Waters of those

1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.

U2 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1761

Rivers whose Beds are filled with Salt Water to a consider-
able Distance up from the Sea (as the Thames, the Dela-
ware, and the Rivers that communicate with Chesapeak
Bay in Virginia) do ever arrive at the Sea. And as I suspect
they do not, I am now to acquaint you with my Reasons;
or, if they are not allow' d to be Reasons, my Conceptions
at least of this Matter.

The common Supply of Rivers is from Springs, which
draw their Origin from Rain that has soak'd into the Earth.
The Union of a Number of springs forms a River. The
Waters, as they run, exposed to the Sun, Air, and Wind are
continually evaporating. Hence in Travelling one may often
see where a River runs, by a long blueish Mist over it, tho'
we are at such a Distance as not to see the River itself. The
Quantity of this Evaporation is greater or less, in proportion
to the Surface exposed by the same Quantity of Water to
those Causes of Evaporation. While the River runs in a
narrow confined Channel in the upper hilly Country, only
a small Surface is exposed; a greater, as the River widens.
Now, if a River ends in a Lake, as some do, whereby its
Waters are spread so wide as that the Evaporation is equal
to the Sum of all its Springs, that Lake will never overflow ;
And if instead of ending in a Lake, it was drawn into greater
Length as a River, so as to expose a Surface equal in the whole
to that Lake, the Evaporation would be equal, and such
River would end as a Canal; when the Ignorant might
suppose, as they actually do in such cases, that the River
loses itself by running under ground, whereas in truth it
has run up into the Air.

Now many Rivers that are open to the Sea widen much
before they arrive at it, not merely by the additional Waters

1761] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON 113

they receive, but by having their Course stopt by the oppos-
ing Flood-Tide; by being turned back twice in twenty-
four Hours, and by finding broader Beds in the low flat
Countries to dilate themselves in. Hence the Evaporation
of the fresh Water is proportionally increased; so that in
some Rivers it may equal the Springs of Supply. In such
cases, the Salt Water comes up the River, and meets the fresh
in that part where, if there were a Wall or Bank of Earth
across from Side to Side, the River would form a Lake,
fuller indeed at some times than at others, according to the
Seasons, but whose Evaporation would, one time with an-
other, be equal to its Supply.

When the Communication between the two kinds of
Water is open, this supposed Wall of Separation may be
conceived as a moveable one, which is not only pushed
some Miles higher up the River by every Flood Tide from
the Sea, and carried down again as far by every Tide of
Ebb, but which has even this Space of Vibration removed
nearer to the Sea in wet Seasons, when the Springs and
Brooks in the upper Country are augmented by the falling
Rains, so as to swell the River, and farther from the Sea
in dry Seasons.

Within a few Miles above and below this moveable Line
of Separation, the different Waters mix a little, partly by their
Motion to and fro, and partly from the greater specific Gravity
of the Salt Water, which inclines it to run under the Fresh,
while the fresh Water, being lighter, runs over the Salt.

Cast your Eye on the Map of North America, and observe
the Bay of Chesapeak, in Virginia, mentioned above; you
will see, communicating with it by their Mouths, the great
Rivers Susquehanah, Potowmack, Rappahanock, York, and

VOL. IV — I

114 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1761

James, besides a Number of smaller Streams, each as big
as the Thames. It has been propos'd by philosophical
Writers, that to compute how much Water any River dis-
charges into the Sea in a given time, we should measure its
Depth and Swiftness at any Part above the Tide ; as, for the
Thames, at Kingston or Windsor. But can one imagine,
that if all the Water of those vast Rivers went to the Sea,
it would not first have pushed the Salt Water out of that nar-
row-mouthed Bay, and filled it with fresh? The Susque-
hanah alone would seem to be sufficient for this, if it were not
for the Loss by Evaporation. And yet that Bay is salt quite
up to Annapolis.

As to our other Subject, the different Degrees of Heat
imbibed from the Sun's Rays by Cloths of different Colours,
since I cannot find the Notes of my Experiment to send you,
I must give it as well as I can from Memory.

But first let me mention an Experiment you may easily
make yourself. Walk but a quarter of an Hour in your Gar-
den when the Sun shines, with a part of your Dress white,
and a Part black ; then apply your Hand to them alternately,
and you will find a very great Difference in their Warmth.
The Black will be quite hot to the Touch, the White still cool.

Another. Try to fire Paper with a burning Glass. If it is
White, you will not easily burn it ; but if you bring the Focus
to a black Spot, or upon Letters, written or printed, the Paper
will immediately be on fire under the Letters.

Thus Fullers and Dyers find black Cloths, of equal Thick-
ness with white ones, and hung out equally wet, dry in the Sun
much sooner than the white, being more readily heated by the
Sun's Rays. It is the same before a Fire ; the Heat of which
sooner penetrates black Stockings than white ones, and so is

1761] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON 115

apt sooner to burn a Man's Shins. Also Beer much sooner
warms in a black Mug set before the Fire, than in a white one,
or in a bright Silver Tankard.

My Experiment was this. I took a number of little square
Pieces of Broad Cloth from a Taylor's Pattern-Card, of
various Colours. There were Black, deep Blue, lighter Blue,
Green, Purple, Red, Yellow, White, and other Colours, or
Shades of Colours. I laid them all out upon the Snow in a
bright Sunshiny Morning. In a few Hours (I cannot now
be exact as to the Time), the Black, being warm'd most by the
Sun, was sunk so low as to be below the Stroke of the Sun's
Rays ; the dark Blue almost as low, the lighter Blue not quite
so much as the dark, the other Colours less as they were
lighter ; and the quite White remain'd on the Surface of the
Snow, not having entred it at all.

What signifies Philosophy that does not apply to some Use ?
May we not learn from hence, that black Clothes are not so fit
to wear in a hot Sunny Climate or Season, as white ones;
because in such Cloaths the Body is more heated by the Sun
when we walk abroad, and are at the same time heated by the
Exercise, which double Heat is apt to bring on putrid danger-
ous Fevers? That Soldiers and Seamen, who must march
and labour in the Sun, should in the East or West Indies have
an Uniform of white? That Summer Hats, for Men or
Women, should be white, as repelling that Heat which gives
Headachs to many, and to some the fatal Stroke that the
French call the Coup de Soleil ? That the Ladies' Summer
Hats, however, should be lined with Black, as not reverberat-
ing on their Faces those Rays which are reflected upwards
from the Earth or Water? That the putting a white Cap of
Paper or Linnen within the Crown of a black Hat, as some do,

ii6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1761

will not keep out the Heat, tho* it would if placed without ?
That Fruit- Walls being black'd may receive so much Heat
from the Sun in the Daytime, as to continue warm in some
degree thro' the Night, and thereby preserve the Fruit from
Frosts, or forward its Growth ? — with sundry other particu-
lars of less or greater Importance, that will occur from time to
time to attentive Minds ? I am

Yours affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

305. TO WILLIAM CULLEN, M.D.1

London, October 21, 1761.

DEAR SIR,

I hear, that since I had the pleasure of seeing and convers-
ing with you on the subject, you have wrote some of your
sentiments of Fire, and communicated them to the Philo-
sophical Society. If so, as it may be some time before their
publication, I should think myself extremely obliged to you
if I could be favoured with a copy, as there is no subject I am
more impatient to be acquainted with. It should go no
further than my own closet without your permission.

I thank you for the civilities you were so good as to shew my
friend Mr. Shippen, whom I took the liberty of recommending
to your notice the last year. Give me leave to recommend
one friend more to your advice and countenance. The
bearer, Mr. Morgan,2 who purposes to reside some time in
Edinburgh for the completion of his studies in Physic, is a

1 From " An Account of the Life, Lectures, and Writings of William Cullen,
M.D." By John Thomson, M.D., F.R.S. L. & E. Edinburgh, 1832. Vol. I,
p. 140. — ED.

2 See letter to Lord Kames, November, 1761. — ED.

1761] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON 117

young gentleman of Philadelphia, whom I have long known
and greatly esteem ; and as I interest myself in what relates
to him, I cannot but wish him the advantage of your conversa-
tion and instructions. I wish it also for the sake of my coun-
try, where he is to reside, and where I am persuaded he will
be not a little useful. I am, with the greatest esteem and
respect, Dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble
servant, B. FRANKLIN.

306. TO MISS MARY STEVENSON1 (P. c.)

Craven Street, Oct. 29, 1761.

My dear Polly's good Mama bids me write two or three
Lines, by way of Apology for her so long omitting to write.
She acknowledges the Receiving of two agreable Letters from
her beloved Daughter, enclosing one for Sally Franklin, which
was much approv'd (excepting one Word only) and sent as
directed.

The Reasons of her not Writing are, that her Time all Day
is fully taken up, during the DayLight, with the Care of her
Family, and — laying abed in the Morning. And her Eyes
are so bad, that she cannot see to Write in the Evening — for
Playing at Cards. So she hopes that one, who is all Good-
ness, will certainly forgive her, when her Excuses are so sub-
stantial. As for the Secretary, he has not a word to say in his
own Behalf, tho' full as great an Offender, but throws himself
upon Mercy; pleading only that he is, with the greatest
Esteem and sincerest Regard, his dear Polly's ever affectionate
Friend, B. FRANKLIN.

1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.

Ii8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1761

307. TO CHARLES NORRIS AND THOMAS
LEECH l

London, Nov? 17. 1761.
GENTLEMEN,

I have this Day received from each of you a Notification,
(dated Octf i, 1761) that by a Refolve of the Afsembly you
are ordered immediately to draw on me for the whole of
the Parliamentary Grant to our Province for the year I758.2
As I had acquainted the Houfe from time to time thro' the
Speaker with the Purchafes of Stock I had made with that
Money for the Account of the Province, which would have
reap'd the whole Benefit of the expected Rife on a Peace,
I fuppofe the Houfe have been indue' d now to order the
Drafts on the Apprehenfion that Peace might probably be
concluded about the Time of their Arrival in England.
Unfortunately the Negotiations have been broken off, &
the Stocks have thereupon fallen confiderably ; fo that if

1 From the original in the possession of Mr. William F. Havemeyer. A
copy is in P. H. S. — ED.

2 " The Governor has now under consideration the Bill for appointing cer-
tain persons to apply for and receive the distributive Shares & Proportions
which are or shall be allotted to this Province out of the sum or Sums of
Money granted or to be granted by Parliament to his Majestie's Colonies in
America; but before he returns the same, or gives an answer thereto, he desires
the House will inform him whether the Trustees of the Loan Office have drawn
for the sum of Twenty-six Thousand nine hundred and two Pounds eight Shill-
ings Sterling, the part of the Parliamentary Grant allotted to this Province for
the year 1758, which, by an Act passed in the thirty-third Year of his late Maj-
esty, was expressly directed to be drawn for by them, & applied in Abate-
ment of the publick Taxes, & which he understands has already been received
by Mr. Franklin." Minutes of the Provincial Council, Tuesday the 22nd
Sept? 1761.— ED.

1761] TO CHARLES NORRIS AND THOMAS LEECH 119

our 30,000 £ which coft us ;£26,994"7"6, be fold at the
prefent Rates, it will not Net more than £23,837"io"o,
whence inftead of a Gain of 5, or 6,000 £ that we fhould
probably have had by Delaying to draw till a Peace, we
fhall now incur a Lofs here of £3i56"i7"6. However, the
Delay fo far as it has gone, may by the intermediate extream
Rife in the Price of Bills at Philadelphia, far overbalance this
Lofs, fo that on the whole with the Intereft receiv'd here,
the Province may be Gainers, which I fincerely wifh. But
I fend you this early Notice of the prefent State of Things,
by different Conveyances, that if not too late, you may judge
whether it will not be proper to avoid drawing for more than
will probably be in my Hands ; since if you should go far be-
yond what the Stocks when sold will produce, it will be impos-
sible for me duly to honour all your Drafts. I am with the
utmost Respect for yourselves and the Assembly, Gentlemen
Your most obedient

& most humble Servant

B. FRANKLIN.
P. S.

Stocks by this Day's Paper.

3 P* C* Consol (of which we have 5000 £)

at 72j to 71 1
4 P* C* 1760 (of which we have 15,000^)

at 86J to 86
3 P* C* 1761 (of which we have 10,000 £)

at 73l to 73 J-

What they were when I bought may be seen by my former
Letters to the Speaker. I shall state and send the whole
Ace* per next Pacquet.

120 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1761

308. TO LORD KAMES

London, November, 1761.

MY DEAR LORD,

It is long since I have afforded myself the pleasure of writing
to you. As I grow in years, I find I grow more indolent, and
more apt to procrastinate. I am indeed a bad correspondent ;
but what avails confession without amendment?

When I come so late with my thanks for your truly valuable
Introduction to the Art of Thinking^ can I have any right to
inquire after your Elements of Criticism ? I promise myself
no small satisfaction in perusing that work also, when it shall
appear. By the first, you sow thick in the young mind the
seeds of good sense concerning moral conduct, which, as they
grow and are transplanted into life, must greatly adorn the
character and promote the happiness of the person. Permit
me to say, that I think I never saw more solid, useful matter
contained in so small a compass, and yet the method and ex-
pression so clear, that the brevity occasions no obscurity. In
the other you will, by alluring youth to the practice of learning,
strengthen their judgment, improve and enlarge their under-
standing, and increase their abilities of being useful.

To produce the number of valuable men necessary in a
nation for its prosperity, there is much more hope from
schemes of early institution than from reformation. And as
the power of a single man to do national service, in particular
situations of influence, is often immensely great, a writer can
hardly conceive the good he may be doing, when engaged in
works of this kind. I cannot, therefore, but wish you would

1761] TO LORD KAMES 121

publish it as soon as your other important employments will
permit you to give it the finishing hand.

With these sentiments you will not doubt my being serious
in the intention of finishing my Art of Virtue. It is not a mere
ideal work. I planned it first in 1732. I have from time to
time made, and caused to be made, experiments of the method
with success. The materials have been growing ever since.
The form only is now to be given; in which I purpose em-
ploying my first leisure, after my return to my other country.

Your invitation to make another jaunt to Scotland, and
offer to meet us half way en famille, was extremely obliging.
Certainly I never spent my time anywhere more agreeably,
nor have I been in any place, where the inhabitants and
their conversation left such lastingly pleasing impressions
on my mind, accompanied with the strongest inclination
once more to visit that hospitable, friendly, and sensible
people. The friendship your Lordship in particular honours
me with would not, you may be assured, be among the least
of my inducements. My son is in the same sentiments
with me. But we doubt we cannot have that happiness,
as we are to return to America early in the next spring.

I am ashamed that I have been so useless a member to
your Philosophical Society, since they did me the honour of
admitting me. But I think it will not be long before they
hear from me. I should be very glad to see Dr. Cullen's *
paper on Fire. When may we expect the publication? I
have, as you have heard, been dealing in Smoke, and I think
it not difficult to manage, when one is once acquainted thor-
oughly with the principles. But, as the causes are various

1 William Cullen (1710-1790), teacher of Joseph Black and William
Hunter. — ED.

122 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1761

so must the remedies be ; and one cannot prescribe to a pa-
tient at such a distance, without first having a clear state of
its case. If you should ever take the trouble of sending me
a description of the circumstances of your smoky chimneys,
perhaps I might offer something useful towards their cure.
But doubtless you have doctors equally skilful nearer home.

I sent one of your Principles of Equity as a present to a
particular friend of mine, one of the judges of the Supreme
Court in Pennsylvania, where, as there is no court of chan-
cery, equity is often mixed with the common law in their
judgments. I since received two letters from him. In the
first, when he had read but part of the work, he seemed to
think something wanting in it. In the next, he calls his
first sentiments in question. I think I will send you the
letters, though of no great importance, lest, since I have
mentioned them, you should think his remarks might be
of more consequence. You can return them when any
friend is coming this way.

May I take the freedom of recommending the bearer,
Mr. Morgan,1 to your Lordship's protection. He purposes
residing some time in Edinburgh, to improve himself in the
study of physic, and I think will one day make a good figure
in the profession, and be of some credit to the school he
studies in, if great industry and application, joined with
natural genius and sagacity, afford any foundation for the
presage. He is the son of a friend and near neighbour of
mine in Philadelphia,2 so that I have known him from a
child, and am confident the same excellent dispositions,

1 John Morgan, M.D. (1735-1789), an eminent physician of Philadelphia.
— ED.

2 Evan Morgan, merchant. — ED.

1762] TO SIR ALEXANDER DICK 123

good morals, and prudent behaviour, that have procured
him the esteem and affection of all that knew him in his
own country, will render him not unworthy the regard,
advice, and countenance your Lordship may be so good as
to afford him.

My son (with whom I have lately made the tour of Holland
and Flanders) joins with me in best wishes for you and Lady
Kames, and your amiable children. We hope, however far
we may be removed from you, to hear frequently of your
welfare, and of the fortunes of your family; being with the
sincerest esteem and regard, my dear friend, yours most

affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

309. TO SIR ALEXANDER DICK (L. L.)

London, Jan. 21, 1762.

DEAR SIR,

It gives me Pleasure to learn, by yours of Nov. 12. that
my young Friend Mf Morgan has rendered himself agreable
to you, and that your Health and Eyes are much better.

I sent some time since to Mr Dalrymple one of my Ma-
chines for your Chimney, who readily paid the Smith's Bill
for the same. — But now, on discoursing with some Gentle-
men from Edinburgh, I am in doubt whether it is what you
intended and expected. If not, pray let me know, that I
may endeavour to procure for you the Thing that you desire.

However let me tell you, that after more than 20 Years
Experience of my own Contrivances and those of others,
for the Warming of Rooms, and much Thought on the Sub-
ject, I am of Opinion, that this, all Circumstances considered,

124 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

is by far the best for common Use. You will judge of it
when I have explain'd the Manner of Fixing it up, and its
Operation.

It is a thin Iron Plate sliding in a grooved Frame of Iron.
The Opening of your Chimney I suppose is wider than this
Plate with its Frame is long, and deeper than it is wide:
In which Case your Mason is to contract the Opening, by
raising within it two Jambs of Brickwork about 3 Feet high,
and at such a Distance from each other, that the Frame &
Plate being laid on them may rest firmly, and be fix'd by
additional Brickwork above upon the Jambs, and across
from Jamb to Jamb over the Frame, so as to close the Open-
ing above the Frame. This new Brickwork may be fac'd
with Dutch Tiles, Stone or Marble at your Pleasure. This
Work is to be plac'd so far back in the Chimney, that when
the Plate is close thrust in, the Chimney is quite stopt up,
so as to prevent all passage of Air up or down. Then when
you make a Fire, the Plate is to be drawn out so far only as
to admit a Passage for all the Smoke; which will be one,
two, or three Inches, at different Times, according to the
Coldness of the Weather, and the Strength of the Draft
in your Chimney. If at any time, you would have the Fire
speedily blown up, the Plate is to be drawn out as far as the
Hinge and let down to hang perpendicular, which enlarging
the Passage above the Fire, and contracting it before, pro-
duces the Effect by occasioning a stronger Current of Air
where it is required for the purpose.

The Principles of this Construction are these. Chimney
Funnels are made much larger than is necessary for Con-
veying the Smoke. In a large Funnel a great quantity of
Air is continually ascending out of the Room, which must

1762] TO SIR ALEXANDER DICK 125

be supply'd thro1 the Crevices of Doors, Windows, Floors,
Wainscots, &c. This occasions a continual Current of
cold Air from the extream Parts of the Room to the Chim-
ney, which presses the Air warm'd by the direct rays of the
Fire into the Chimney, and carries it off, thereby preventing
its diffusing itself to warm the Room. — By contracting the
Funnel with this Plate, the Draft of Air up the Chimney is
greatly lessened, and the Introduction of cold Air thro' the
Crevices to supply its Place is proportionally lessen'd.
Hence the Room is more uniformly warm'd & with less
Fire; and the Current of cold Air towards the Chimney
being lessen'd it becomes much more comfortable Sitting
before the Fire. —

That the Draft of cold Air into the Room is lessen'd by
this Plate may be demonstrated by several easy Experiments.
When you have a lively Fire burning, and the Plate as far
in as it will bear to be without stopping the Smoak, set the
Door open about \ an Inch, & hold your Hand against the
Crevice ; you will then feel the Cool Air coming in, but slowly
& weakly compar'd with what you will feel, if, while your
Hand continues so plac'd another Person suddenly draws
out the Plate. The stronger pressure of the outward Air
into the Room, will when the Plate is drawn out, push the
Door more strongly; and being shut, the Rushing of the
Air thro' Crevices make a louder Noise. —

Since I first us'd this Contrivance in the Chimneys of my
Lodging here, many Hundreds have been set up in Imita-
tion of it, in and about this City, and they have afforded
general Satisfaction. Simplicity, Cheapness, and Easy
Execution, have all contributed to recommend it. — Then
it is no Obstruction to the Sweeping of the Chimney, is at-

126 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

tended with no ill Smells, & in Summer serves the purpose
of a Chimney Board, by closing the Chimney entirely. —

It has indeed been mistaken by some as intended for the
Cure of Smoaky Chimneys. But that is not to be expected
from it, except in two Cases, viz. where the Chimney smokes
because the Opening is too large, or where the Room is so
tight & the Funnel so big, that all the Crevices together
do not admit Air enough to supply the Draft. In these
Cases it is of Service. But Chimneys often smoke from
other Causes, & must have other Remedies.

Possibly where a Chimney smokes from Wind sometimes
blowing down, it may also be of some Service, the Push of
the heated Air upwards being stronger in its narrow Passage.
But in this Case I have had no Opportunity of seeing it
try'd.

If you are desirous of obtaining still more Heat in your
Room, from the same Fire, I would recommend lining your
Jambs with coving Plates of polish'd Brass. They throw
a vast deal of Heat into the Room by Reflection. I have
done my Parlour Chimney in that Manner with very good
Effect. The Plates are thin, & the Expence of the two,
but about twenty-five Shillings.

Please to acquaint your Friend Dr Hope,1 that I am about
returning to America this Summer, and will send him free
of Charge for Postage in America any Letters containing
Leaves of Plants or small Parcels of Seeds that shall be
committed to my Care by any of his or your medical Friends
there. —

My Son joins in best Wishes for you & your Children.
Our Compliments to the eldest, who proves an excellent

1 John Hope (1725-1786), Professor of Botany at Edinburgh. — ED.

1762] TO DAVID HUME

127

Secretary for you. Be so good as to present our cordial
Regards to Lord Kaims when you see him. I shall write
to him shortly, being much in his Debt. — With the greatest
Esteem, I am,

Dear Sir,

Your most obedient
humble Servant

B. FRANKLIN

310. TO DAVID HUME1

London, January 24, 1762.

DEAR SIR,

In compliance with my Lord MarischaFs request, com-
municated to me by you, when I last had the pleasure of
seeing you, I now send you what at present appears to me
to be the shortest and simplest method of securing build-
ings, &c., from the mischiefs of lightning. Prepare a steel
rod five or six feet long, half an inch thick at its biggest end,
and tapering to a sharp point; which point should be gilt
to prevent its rusting. Let the big end of the rod have a
strong eye or ring of half an inch diameter: Fix this rod
upright to the chimney or highest part of the house, by
means of staples, so as it may be kept steady. Let the pointed
end be upwards, and rise three or four feet above the chimney
or building that the rod is fixed to. Drive into the ground

1 First printed in the third volume of a work entitled, " Essays and Ob-
servations, Physical and Literary ; read before the Philosophical Society in
Edinburgh, and published by them." Mr. Hume was a member of that
Society. The volume containing this letter was published in the year
1771. The original letter is in the Library of the Royal Philosophical Society,
Edinburgh. — ED.

128 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

an iron rod of about an inch diameter, and ten or twelve feet
long, that has also an eye or ring in its upper end. It is
best that the rod should be at some distance from the founda-
tion of the building, not nearer than ten feet, if your ground
will allow so much. Then take as much length of iron rod
of about half an inch diameter, as will reach from the eye in
the rod above, to that in the rod below; and fasten it
securely to those rods, by passing its ends through the rings,
and bending those ends till they likewise form rings.

This length of rod may either be in one or several pieces.
If in several, let the ends of the pieces be also well hooked to
each other. Then close and cover every joint with lead,
which is easily done, by making a small bag of strong paper
round the joint, tying it close below, and then pouring in
the melted lead ; it being of use in these junctures, that there
should be a considerable quantity of metalline contact be-
tween piece and piece. For, if they were only hooked
together and so touched each other but in points, the light-
ning, in passing through them, might melt and break them
where they join. The lead will also prevent the weakening
of the joints by rust. To prevent the shaking of this rod by
the wind, you may secure it by a few staples to the building,
till it comes down within ten feet of the ground, and thence
carry it off to your ground rod; near to which should be
planted a post, to support the iron conductor above the
heads of people walking under it.

If the building be large and long, as an hundred feet or
upwards, it may not be amiss to erect a pointed rod at each
end, and form a communication by an iron rod between
them. If there be a well near the house, so that you can by
such a rod form a communication from your top rod to the

1762] TO DAVID HUME 129

water, it is rather better to do so than to use the ground rod
above mentioned. It may also be proper to paint the iron,
to render it more durable by preserving it from rust.

A building thus guarded, will not be damaged by light-
ning, nor any person or thing therein killed, hurt, or set on
fire. For, either the explosion will be prevented by the
operation of the point; or, if not prevented, then the whole
quantity of lightning exploded near the house, whether
passing from the cloud to the earth or from the earth to the
cloud, will be conveyed in the rods. And, though the iron
be crooked round the corner of the building, or make ever
so many turns between the upper and lower rod, the light-
ning will follow it, and be guided by it, without affecting the
building. I omit the philosophical reasons and experiments
on which this practice is founded ; for they are many, and
would make a book. Besides they are already known to
most of the learned throughout Europe. In the American
British colonies, many houses have been, since the year 1752,
guarded by these principles. Three facts have only come to
my knowledge of the effects of lightning on such houses.1

If I have not been explicit enough in my directions, I
shall, on the least intimation, endeavour to supply the defect.

I am, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

1 For these facts, relating to the houses of Mr. West in Philadelphia, and
of Mr. Raven and Mr. Maine in South Carolina, see " Experiments and Ob-
servations on Electricity," London, 1769, p, 394, and pp. 416-425. — ED.

VOL. iv — K

130 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

311. TO CHARLES NORRIS AND

THOMAS LEECH1 (P. c.)

London, Feb. 13, 1762.

GENTLEMEN

Since mine of Jan? 14 most of the Bills therein mentioned
as not having then appeared have been presented — and I
have accepted three more of them, viz. No. 36, 50. & 121,
which make the whole sum accepted by me £20.500, all
of which is now paid except the three above mentioned Bills
which will be paid in course. The others are noted &
when protested will be paid by Messrs Sargent & Aufrere.

A more unlucky time could not have been pitched upon to
draw Money out of the Stocks here, for it was in the Midst of
the Damp thrown upon them by the Breaking off the Nego-
tiations for Peace, the Resignation of Mr. Pitt, & the entering
into a new War with Spain. All imaginable Care and Pains
was taken to sell our Stocks to the best Advantage, but it could
only be done by Degrees & with Difficulty, there being
some times no Buyers to be found. The whole Produce
of the 15.000^ 4 per cents was no more than £12.436.10.0.
and that of the 15.000^ 3 per Cents only 9. 500. o.o

in all £21.936.10.0.

as you will see by the Broker's Account of Sales inclos'd.
However as the Bills you have drawn will all be honour'd
and paid, no Disappointment will arise to the Trade and
Merchants of the Province, though perhaps notwithstanding
the good Price of Exchange received for the Bills, beyond

1 From the original in the possession of Mr. D. McN. Stauff er. A draft
isinP.H.S. — ED.

1762] TO EBENEZER KINNERSLEY 131

what they would have sold for when the Money was first
invested in the Funds, there may be still some Loss to the
Publick. I am Gentlemen, with great Respect
Your most obedient hum. Serv*.

B. FRANKLIN.

312. TO EBENEZER KINNERSLEY1

London, Feb. 20, 1762.

SIR,

I received your ingenious letter of the i2th of March last,
and thank you cordially for the account you give me of the
new experiments you have lately made in Electricity. It is
a subject that still affords me pleasure, though of late I
have not much attended to it.

Your second experiment, in which you attempted, without
success, to communicate positive electricity by vapour as-
cending from electrised water, reminds me of one I formerly
made, to try if negative electricity might be produced by
evaporation only. I placed a large heated brass plate,
containing four or five square feet, on an electric stand; a
rod of metal, about four feet long, with a bullet at its end,
extended from the plate horizontally. A light lock of cotton,
suspended by a fine thread from the cieling, hung opposite
to, and within an inch of the bullet. I then sprinkled the
heated plate with water, which arose fast from it in vapour.
If vapour should be disposed to carry off the electrical, as
it does the common fire from bodies, I expected the plate
would, by losing some of its natural quantity, become nega-

1 From "Experiments and Observations on Electricity," London, 1769,
p. 397. — ED.

132 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

tively electrised. But I could not perceive, by any motion in
the cotton, that it was at all affected ; nor by any separation
of small cork balls suspended from the plate, could it be
observed that the plate was in any manner electrified.

Mr. Canton here has also found, that two tea-cups, set on
electric stands, and filled, one with boiling, the other with
cold water, and equally electrified, continued equally so,
notwithstanding the plentiful evaporation from the hot
water. Your experiment and his agreeing, show another
remarkable difference between electric and common fire.
For the latter quits most readily the body that contains
it, where water, or any other fluid, is evaporating from the
surface of that body, and escapes with the vapour. Hence
the method long in use in the east, of cooling liquors,
by wrapping the bottles round with a wet cloth, and exposing
them to the wind. Dr. Cullen, of Edinburgh, has given
some experiments of cooling by evaporation;1 and I was
present at one made by Dr. Hadley, then professor of chem-
istry at Cambridge, when, by repeatedly wetting the ball of
a thermometer with spirit, and quickening the evaporation
by the blast of a bellows, the mercury fell from 65, the state
of warmth in the common air, to 7, which is 22 degrees
below freezing; and, accordingly, from some water mixed
with the spirit, or from the breath of the assistants, or both,
ice gathered in small spicula round the ball, to the thickness
of near a quarter of an inch. To such a degree did the
mercury lose the fire it before contained, which, as I imagine,
took the opportunity of escaping, in company with the evapo-
rating particles of the spirit, by adhering to those particles.

1 See " Essay on the Cold produced by Evaporating Fluids " (Edin. Philos.
and Lit. Essays, Vol. II, 1755). — ED.

1762] TO EBENEZER KINNERSLEY I33

Your experiment of the Florence flask, and boiling water,
is very curious. I have repeated it, and found it to succeed
as you describe it, in two flasks out of three. The third
would not charge when filled with either hot or cold water.
I repeated it, because I remembered I had once attempted
to make an electric bottle of a Florence flask, filled with cold
water, but could not charge it at all; which I then imputed
to some imperceptible cracks in the small, extremely thin
bubbles, of which that glass is full, and I concluded none of
that kind would do. But you have shewn me my mistake.
Mr. Wilson had formerly acquainted us, that red-hot glass
would conduct electricity ; but that so small a degree of heat
as that communicated by boiling water, would so open the
pores of extremely thin glass, as to suffer the electric fluid
freely to pass, was not before known. Some experiments
similar to yours, have, however, been made here, before the
receipt of your letter, of which I shall now give you an ac-
count.

I formerly had an opinion that a Ley den bottle, charg'd
and then seaPd hermetically, might retain its electricity for
ever; but having afterwards some suspicion that possibly
that subtil fluid might, by slow imperceptible degrees, soak
through the glass, and in time escape, I requested some of
my friends, who had conveniences for doing it, to make
trial, whether, after some months, the charge of a bottle so
sealed would be sensibly diminished. Being at Birmingham,
in September, 1760, Mr. Bolton of that place opened a bottle
that had been charged, and its long tube neck hermetically
sealed in the January preceding. On breaking off the end
of the neck, and introducing a wire into it, we found it
possessed of a considerable quantity of electricity, which

134 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

was discharged by a snap and spark. This bottle had lain
near seven months on a shelf, in a closet, in contact with
bodies that would undoubtedly have carried off all its elec-
tricity, if it could have come readily through the glass. Yet
as the quantity manifested by the discharge was not ap-
parently so great as might have been expected from a bottle
of that size well charged, some doubt remained whether
part had escaped while the neck was sealing, or had since,
by degrees, soaked through the glass. But an experiment of
Mr. Canton's, in which such a bottle was kept under water
a week, without having its electricity in the least impaired,
seems to show, that when the glass is cold, though extremely
thin, the electric fluid is well retained by it. As that in-
genious and accurate experimenter made a discovery, like
yours, of the effect of heat in rendering thin glass permeable
by that fluid, it is but doing him justice to give you his ac-
count of it, in his own words, extracted from his letter to me,
in which he communicated it, dated Oct. 31, 1760, viz.

" Having procured some thin glass balls, of about an inch
and a half in diameter, with stems, or tubes, of eight or nine
inches in length, I electrified them, some positively on the
inside, and others negatively, after the manner of charging
the Leyden bottle, and sealed them hermetically. Soon after
I applied the naked balls to my electrometer, and could not
discover the least sign of their being electrical ; but holding
them before the fire, at the distance of six or eight inches,
they became strongly electrical in a very short time, and more
so when they were cooling. These balls will, every time
they are heated, give the electrical fluid to, or take it from
other bodies, according to the plus or minus state of it within
them. Heating them frequently, I find will sensibly di-

1762] TO EBENEZER KINNERSLEY 135

minish their power ; but keeping one of them under water a
week did not appear in the least degree to impair it. That
which I kept under water, was charged on the 22d of Sep-
tember last, was several times heated before it was kept in
water, and has been heated frequently since, and yet it still
retains its virtue to a very considerable degree. The break-
ing two of my balls accidentally, gave me an opportunity of
measuring their thickness, which I found to be between
seven and eight parts in a thousand of an inch.

"A down feather, in a thin glass ball, hermetically sealed,
will not be affected by the application of an excited tube, or
the wire of a charged vial, unless the ball be considerably
heated; and if a glass pane be heated till it begins to grow
soft, and in that state be held between the wire of a charged
vial, and the discharging wire, the course of the electrical fluid
will not be through the glass, but on the surface, round by the
edge of it."

By this last experiment of Mr. Canton's, it appears, that
though by a moderate heat, thin glass becomes, in some
degree, a conductor of electricity, yet, when of the thickness of
a common pane, it is not, though in a state near melting, so
rgood a conductor as to pass the shock of a discharged bottle.
There are other conductors which suffer the electric fluid to
pass through them gradually, and yet will not conduct a shock.
For instance, a quire of paper will conduct through its whole
length, so as to electrify a person, who, standing on wax, pre-
sents the paper to an electrified prime conductor ; but it will
not conduct a shock even through its thickness only; hence
the shock either fails, or passes by rending a hole in the paper.
Thus a seive will pass water gradually, but a stream from a
jfire-engine would either be stopped by it, or tear a hole through
it.

136 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

It should seem, that to make glass permeable to the elec-
tric fluid, the heat should be proportioned to the thickness.
You found the heat of boiling water, which is but 210, suffi-
cient to render the extreme thin glass in a Florence flask per-
meable even to a shock. Lord Charles Cavendish, by a very
ingenious experiment, has found the heat of 400 requisite to
render thicker glass permeable to the common current.

"A glass tube (see Plate III.), of which the part C B was
solid, had wire thrust in each end, reaching to B and C.

"A small wire was tied on at Z>, reaching to the floor, in
order to carry off any electricity, that might run along upon
the tube.

"The bent part was placed in an iron pot, filled with iron
filings ; a thermometer was also put into the filings ; a lamp
was placed under the pot ; and the whole was supported upon
glass.

"The wire A being electrified by a machine, before the heat
was applied, the corks at E separated, at first upon the prin-
ciple of the Leyden vial.

"But after the part C B of the tube was heated to 600,
the corks continued to separate, though you discharged the
electricity by touching the wire at E, the electrical machine
continuing in motion.

"Upon letting the whole cool, the effect remained till the
thermometer was sunk to 400."

It were to be wished, that this noble philosopher would
communicate more of his experiments to the world, as he
makes many, and with great accuracy.

You know I have always look'd upon and mentioned the
equal repulsion in cases of positive and of negative electricity,
as a phenomenon difficult to be explained. I have sometimes,

1 762] TO EBENEZER KINNERSLEY 137

too, been inclined, with you, to resolve all into attraction;
but besides that attraction seems in itself as unintelligible
as repulsion, there are some appearances of repulsion that I
cannot so easily explain by attraction ; this for one instance.
When the pair of cork balls are suspended by flaxen threads,
from the end of the prime conductor, if you bring a rubbed
glass tube near the conductor, but without touching it, you
see the balls separate, as being electrified positively ; and yet
you have communicated no electricity to the conductor, for,
if you had, it would have remained there, after withdrawing
the tube ; but the closing of the balls immediately thereupon,
shews that the conductor has no more left in it than its natural
quantity. Then again approaching the conductor with the
rubbed tube, if, while the balls are separated, you touch with
a finger that end of the conductor to which they hang, they will
come together again, as being, with that part of the conductor,
brought to the same state with your finger, i.e. the natural
state. But the other end of the conductor, near which the
tube is held, is not in that state, but in the negative state, as
appears on removing the tube; for then part of the natural
quantity left at the end near the balls, leaving that end to
supply what is wanting at the other, the whole conductor is
found to be equally in the negative state. Does not this indi-
cate, that the electricity of the rubbed tube had repelled the
electric fluid, which was diffused in the conductor while in its
natural state, and forced it to quit the end to which the tube
was brought near, accumulating itself on the end to which the
balls were suspended ? I own I find it difficult to account for
its quitting that end, on the approach of the rubbed tube, but
on the supposition of repulsion ; for, while the conductor was
in the same state with the air, that is, the natural state, it does

138 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

not seem to me easy to suppose, that an attraction should
suddenly take place between the air and the natural quantity
of the electric fluid in the conductor, so as to draw it to, and
accumulate it on the end opposite to that approached by the
tube; since bodies, possessing only their natural quantity of
that fluid, are not usually seen to attract each other, or to
affect mutually the quantities of electricity each contains.

There are likewise appearances of repulsion in other parts
of nature. Not to mention the violent force with which the
particles of water, heated to a certain degree, separate from
each other, or those of gunpowder, when touched with the
smallest spark of fire, there is the seeming repulsion between
the same poles of the magnet, a body containing a subtle
moveable fluid, in many respects analogous to the electric
fluid. If two magnets are so suspended by strings, as that
their poles of the same denomination are opposite to each
other, they will separate, and continue so; or if you lay a
magnetic steel bar on a smooth table, and approach it with
another parallel to it, the poles of both in the same position,
the first will recede from the second, so as to avoid the con-
tact, and may thus be push'd (or at least appear to be push'd)
off the table. Can this be ascribed to the attraction of any
surrounding body or matter drawing them asunder, or draw-
ing the one away from the other ? If not, and repulsion exists
in nature, and in magnetism, why may it not exist in elec-
tricity? We should not, indeed, multiply causes in philoso-
phy without necessity; and the greater simplicity of your
hypothesis would recommend it to me, if I could see that all
appearances might be solved by it. But I find, or think I
find, the two causes more convenient than one of them alone.
Thus I would solve the circular motion of your horizontal

4762] TO EBENEZER KINNERSLEY 139

stick, supported on a pivot, with two pins at their ends, point-
ing contrary ways, and moving in the same direction when
-electrified, whether positively or negatively : When positively,
the air opposite to the points, being electrised positively,
repels the points ; when negatively, the air opposite the points
being also, by their means, electrised negatively, attraction
takes place between the electricity in the air behind the heads
of the pins, and the negative pins, and so they are, in this case,
drawn in the same direction that in the other they were driven.
You see I am willing to meet you half way, a complaisance I
have not met with in our brother Nollet, or any other hypothe-
sis-maker, and therefore may value myself a little upon it,
especially as they say I have some ability in defending even the
wrong side of a question, when I think fit to take it in hand.
What you give as an established law of the electric fluid,
"That quantities of different densities mutually attract each
other, in order to restore the equilibrium," is, I think, not
well founded, or else not well expressed. Two large cork
balls, suspended by silk strings, and both well and equally
electrified, separate to a great distance. By bringing into
contact with one of them another ball of the same size, sus-
pended likewise by silk, you will take from it half its electricity.
It will then, indeed, hang at a less distance from the other,
but the full and the half quantities will not appear to attract
each other, that is, the balls will not come together. Indeed,
I do not know any proof we have, that one quantity of electric
fluid is attracted by another quantity of that fluid, whatever
difference there may be in their densities. And, supposing
in nature a mutual attraction between two parcels of any kind
of matter, it would be strange if this attraction should subsist
strongly while those parcels were unequal, and cease when

140 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

more matter of the same kind was added to the smallest par-
cel, so as to make it equal to the biggest. By all the laws of
attraction in matter, that we are acquainted with, the attrac-
tion is stronger in proportion to the increase of the masses,
and never in proportion to the difference of the masses. I
should rather think the law would be, "That the electric fluid
is attracted strongly by all other matter that we know of,
while the parts of that fluid mutually repel each other."
Hence its being equally diffused (except in particular circum-
stances) throughout all other matter. But this you jokingly
call "electrical orthodoxy." It is so with some at present,
but not with all; and, perhaps, it may not always be ortho-
doxy with anybody. Opinions are continually varying,
where we cannot have mathematical evidence of the nature of
things; and they must vary. Nor is that variation without
its use, since it occasions a more thorough discussion, whereby
error is often dissipated, true knowledge is encreased, and its
principles become better understood and more firmly estab-
lished.

Air should have, as you observe, "its share of the common
stock of electricity, as well as glass, and, perhaps, all other
electrics per se." But I suppose, that, like them, it does not
easily part with what it has, or receive more, unless when
mix'd with some non-electric, as moisture for instance, of
which there is some in our driest air. This, however, is only
a supposition; and your experiment of restoring electricity
to a negatively electrised person, by extending his arm up-
wards into the air, with a needle between his fingers, on the
point of which light may be seen in the night, is, indeed, a
curious one. In this town the air is generally moister than
with us, and here I have seen Mr. Canton electrify the air in

1762] TO EBENEZER KINNERSLEY 141

one room positively, and in another, which communicated by
a door, he has electrised the air negatively. The difference
was easily discovered by his cork balls, as he passed out of one
room into another. Pkre Beccaria, too, has a pretty experi-
ment, which shews that air may be electrised. Suspending a
pair of small light balls, by flaxen threads, to the end of his
prime conductor, he turns his globe some time, electrising
positively, the balls diverging and continuing separate all the
time. Then he presents the point of a needle to his con-
ductor, which gradually drawing off the electric fluid, the
balls approach each other, and touch, before all is drawn from
the conductor; opening again as more is drawn off, and sepa-
rating nearly as wide as at first, when the conductor is re-
duced to the natural state. By this it appears, that when the
balls came together, the air surrounding the balls was just as
much electrised as the conductor at that time ; and more than
the conductor, when that was reduced to its natural state.
For the balls, though in the natural state, will diverge, when
the air that surrounds them is electrised plus or minus, as well
as when that is in its natural state and they are electrised plus
or minus themselves. I foresee that you will apply this
experiment to the support of your hypothesis, and I think
you may make a good deal of it.

It was a curious enquiry of yours, Whether the electricity
of the air, in clear dry weather, be of the same density at the
height of two or three hundred yards, as near the surface of
the earth; and I am glad you made the experiment. Upon
reflection, it should seem probable, that whether the general
state of the atmosphere at any time be positive or negative,
that part of it which is next the earth will be nearer the natural
state, by having given to the earth in one case, or having

142 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762-

received from it in the other. In electrising the air of a room,
that which is nearest the walls, or floor, is least alterecL
There is only one small ambiguity in the experiment, which
may be cleared by more trials ; it arises from the supposition
that bodies may be electrised positively by the friction of air
blowing strongly on them, as it does on the kite and its string.
If at some times the electricity appears to be negative, as that
friction is the same, the effect must be from a negative state
of the upper air.

I am much pleased with your electrical thermometer, and
the experiments you have made with it. I formerly satisfied
myself, by an experiment with my phial and syphon, that the
elasticity of the air was not increased by the mere existence
of an electric atmosphere within the phial ; but I did not know,
till you now inform me, that heat may be given to it by an
electric explosion. The continuance of its rarefaction, for
some time after the discharge of your glass jar and of your
case of bottles, seem to make this clear. The other experi-
ments on wet paper, wet thread, green grass, and green woodr
are not so satisfactory ; as possibly the reducing part of the
moisture to vapour, by the electric fluid passing through it,
might occasion some expansion which would be gradually
reduced by the condensation of such vapour. The fine silver
thread, the very small brass wire, and the strip of gilt paper,
are also subject to a similar objection, as even metals, in such
circumstances, are often partly reduced to smoke, particularly
the gilding on paper.

But your subsequent beautiful experiment on the wire,
which you made hot by the electric explosion, and in that state
fired gunpowder with it, puts it out of all question, that heat
is produced by our artificial electricity, and that the melting;

1762] TO EBENEZER KINNERSLEY 143

of metals in that way, is not by what I formerly called a cold
fusion. A late instance here, of the melting a bell-wire, in a
house struck by lightning, and parts of the wire burning holes
in the floor on which they fell, has proved the same with regard
to the electricity of nature. I was too easily led into that error
by accounts given, even in philosophical books, and from
remote ages downwards, of melting money in purses, swords,
in scabbards, &c., without burning the inflammable matters
that were so near those melted metals. But men are, in
general, such careless observers, that a philosopher cannot
be too much on his guard in crediting their relations of things
extraordinary, and should never build an hypothesis on any
thing but clear facts and experiments, or it will be in danger
of soon falling, as this does, like a house of cards.

How many ways there are of kindling fire, or producing
heat in bodies ! By the sun's rays, by collision, by friction, by
hammering, by putrefaction, by fermentation, by mixtures
of fluids, by mixtures of solids with fluids, and by electricity.
And yet the fire when produced, though in different bodies
it may differ in circumstances, as in colour, vehemence, &c.,
yet in the same bodies is generally the same. Does not this
seem to indicate that the fire existed in the body, though in
a quiescent state, before it was by any of these means excited,
disengaged, and brought forth to action and to view ? May it
not constitute part, and even a principal part, of the solid sub-
stance of bodies ? If this should be the case, kindling fire in
a body would be nothing more than developing this inflam-
mable principle, and setting it at liberty to act in separating
the parts of that body, which then exhibits the appearances of
scorching, melting, burning, &c. When a man lights an hun-
dred candles from the flame of one, without diminishing that

144 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1762

flame, can it be properly said to have communicated, all that
fire ? When a single spark from a flint, applied to a magazine
of gunpowder, is immediately attended with this consequence,
that the whole is in flame, exploding with immense violence,
could all this fire exist first in the spark ? We cannot conceive
it. And thus we seem led to this supposition, that there is
fire enough in all bodies to singe, melt, or burn them, whenever
it is, by any means, set at liberty, so that it may exert itself
upon them, or be disengaged from them. This liberty seems
to be afforded it by the passage of electricity through them,
which we know can and does, of itself, separate the parts even
of water; and perhaps the immediate appearances of fire
are only the effects of such separations ? If so, there would be
no need of supposing that the electric fluid heats itself by the
swiftness of its motion, or heats bodies by the resistance it
meets with in passing through them. They would only be
heated in proportion as such separation could be more easily
made. Thus a melting heat cannot be given to a large wire
in the flame of a candle, though it may to a small one ; and
this not because the large wire resists less that action of the
flame which tends to separate its parts, but because it resists
it more than the smaller wire; or because the force being
divided among more parts, acts weaker on each.

This reminds me, however, of a little experiment I have
frequently made, that shews, at one operation, the different
effects of the same quantity of electric fluid passing through
different quantities of metal. A strip of tinfoil, three inches
long, a quarter of an inch wide at one end, and tapering all the
way to a sharp point at the other, fixed between two pieces of
glass, and having the electricity of a large glass jar sent
through it, will not be discomposed in the broadest part;

1762] TO EBENEZER KINNERSLEY 145

towards the middle will appear melted in spots ; where nar-
rower, it will be quite melted ; and about half an inch of it
next the point will be reduced to smoke.

You were not mistaken in supposing that your account of
the effect of the pointed rod, in securing Mr. West's house
from damage by a stroke of lightning, would give me great
pleasure. I thank you for it most heartily, and for the pains
you have taken in giving me so complete a description of its
situation, form, and substance, with the draft of the melted
point. There is one circumstance, viz. that the lightning was
seen to diffuse itself from the foot of the rod over the wet pave-
ment, which seems, I think, to indicate, that the earth under
the pavement was very dry, and that the rod should have been
sunk deeper, till it came to earth moister and therefore apter
to receive and dissipate the electric fluid. And although, in
this instance, a conductor formed of nail-rods, not much
above a quarter of an inch thick, served well to convey the
lightning, yet some accounts I have seen from Carolina, give
reason to think, that larger may be sometimes necessary, at
least for the security of the conductor itself, which, when too
small, may be destroyed in executing its office, though it does,
at the same time, preserve the house. Indeed, in the con-
struction of an instrument so new, and of which we could
have so little experience, it is rather lucky that we should at
first be so near the truth as we seem to be, and commit so few
errors.

There is another reason for sinking deeper the lower end
of the rod, and also for turning it outwards under ground to
some distance from the foundation; it is this, that water
dripping from the eaves falls near the foundation, and some-
times soaks down there in greater quantities, so as to come

VOL. IV — L

146 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

near the end of the rod though the ground about it be drier.
In such case, this water may be exploded, that is, blown into-
vapour, whereby a force is generated that may damage the
foundation. Water reduced to vapour, is said to occupy
14,000 times its former space. I have sent a charge through
a small glass tube, that has borne it well while empty, but
when filled first with water, was shattered to pieces and driven
all about the room : — Finding no part of the water on the
table, I suspected it to have been reduced to vapour ; and was
confirmed in that suspicion afterwards, when I had filled a
like piece of tube with ink, and laid it on a sheet of clean paper,,
whereon, after the explosion, I could find neither any moisture
nor any sully from the ink. This experiment of the explosion
of water, which I believe was first made by that most ingenious,
electrician Father Beccariat may account for what we some-
times see in a tree struck by lightning, when part of it is re-
duced to fine splinters like a broom ; the sap- vessels being so
many tubes containing a watry fluid, which when reduced to
vapour, rends every tube lengthways. And perhaps it is this-
rarefaction of the fluids in animal bodies killed by lightning
or electricity, that by separating its fibres, renders the flesh
so tender, and apt so much sooner to putrify. I think too,
that much of the damage done by lightning to stone and brick
walls, may sometimes be owing to the explosion of water, found
during showers, running or lodging in the joints or small
cavities or cracks that happen to be in the walls.

Here are some electricians that recommend knobs instead
of points on the upper end of the rods, from a supposition
that the points invite the stroke. It is true that points draw
electricity at greater distances in the gradual, silent way;
but knobs will draw at the greatest distance a stroke. There

1 762] TO EBENEZER KINNERSLEY 147

is an experiment that will settle this. Take a crooked wire
of the thickness of a quill, and of such a length as that one
end of it being applied to the lower part of a charged bottle,
the upper may be brought near the ball on the top of the wire
that is in the bottle. Let one end of this wire be furnished
with a knob, and the other be gradually tapered to a fine
point. When the point is presented to discharge the bottle
it must be brought much nearer before it will receive the
stroke, than the knob requires to be. Points besides tend
to repel the fragments of an electrised cloud, knobs draw them
nearer. An experiment which, I believe I have shewn you,
of cotton fleece hanging from an electrised body, shows this
clearly, when a point or a knob is presented under it.

You seem to think highly of the importance of this dis-
covery, as do many others on our side of the water. Here
it is very little regarded ; so little, that though it is now seven
or eight years since it was made publick, I have not heard of
a single house as yet attempted to be secured by it. It is
true the mischiefs done by lightning are not so frequent here
as with us, and those who calculate chances may perhaps
find that not one death (or the destruction of one house) in
a hundred thousand happens from that cause, and that
therefore it is scarce worth while to be at any expence to
guard against it. But in all countries there are particular
situations of buildings more exposed than others to such
accidents, and there are minds so strongly impressed with
the apprehension of them, as to be very unhappy every
time a little thunder is within their hearing; it may there-
fore be well to render this little piece of new knowledge as
general and as well understood as possible, since to make us
safe is not all its advantage, it is some to make us easy.

148 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1762

And as the stroke it secures us from might have chanced
perhaps but once in our lives, while it may relieve us a hun-
dred times from those painful apprehensions, the latter may
possibly on the whole contribute more to the happiness of
mankind than the former.

Your kind wishes and congratulations are very obliging.
I return them cordially ; being with great regard and esteem,
my dear Sir, your affectionate friend and most obedient
humble servant, B. F[RANKLIN.]

313. TO MISS MARY STEVENSON l (p. c.)

Monday morns, March 8, 1762.

DEAR POLLY,

Your good Mama has just been saying to me, that she
wonders what can possibly be the Reason she has not had a
Line from you for so long a time. I have made no Com-
plaint of that kind, being conscious, that, by not writing
myself, I have forfeited all Claim to such Favour, tho' no
Letters give me more Pleasure, and I often wish to hear from
you ; but Indolence grows upon me with Years, and writing
grows more and more irksome to me.

Have you finished your Course of Philosophy? No
more Doubts to be resolv'd? No more Questions to ask?
If so, you may now be at full Leisure to improve yourself
in Cards. Adieu, my dear Child, and believe me ever your
affectionate Friend, B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. Respects to Mrs. Tickel,2 &c. Mama bids me tell
you she is lately much afflicted and half a Cripple with the

1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.

2 Aunt of Mary Stevenson. — ED.

1762] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON 149

Rheumatism. I send you two or three French Gazettes de
Medecine, which I have just receiv'd from Paris, wherein
is a Translation of the Extract of a Letter you copied out for
me. You will return them with my French Letters on
Electricity, when you have penis' d them.

314. TO MISS [MARY] STEVENSON, AT MRS.
TICKELL'S, WANSTEAD, ESSEX1 (p. c.)

London, March 22, 1762.

I MUST retract the Charge of Idleness in your Studies,
when I find you have gone thro' the doubly difficult Task
of reading so big a Book, on an abstruse Subject, and in a
foreign Language. *

The Question you were about to ask is a very sensible one.
The Hand that holds the Bottle receives and conducts away
the electric Fluid that is driven out of the outside by the
repulsive Power of that which is forc'd into the inside of the
Bottle. As long as that Power remains in the same Situa-
tion, it must prevent the Return of what it had expelPd;
tho' the Hand would readily supply the Quantity if it could
be received.

Your good Mama bids me tell you, that she has made
Enquiry and finds that the School for Lovers 2 will not be
acted till the Benefits are over; but when she hears that it

1 This letter has always hitherto been printed from a fragment in " Experi-
ments and Observations on Electricity," London, 1769, p. 461. I have printed
the whole letter from the original in the possession of T. Hewson Brad-
ford, M.D. — ED.

2 By W. Whitehead, 1762. — ED.

ISO THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

is to be acted she will send you timely Notice. I need not
add that your and your Friends Company at Dinner that
Day will be a great Pleasure to us all. But methinks 'tis a
Pity, that when you are so desirous of studying in that School
it should not be open : and must we be depriv'd of the Hap-
piness of seeing you till it is ? Rather than that should be,
I would almost venture to undertake reading to you a few
Lectures on the Subject myself.

If you are not to be in town in a few Days, I should be
glad you would send the French Letters, on Electricity, as a
Friend is desirous of perusing them.

My sincere Respects to Mrs. Tickell, Mrs. Rooke, Miss
Pitt etc. and believe me ever, my dear Polly

Your affectionate Friend

B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. We were greatly alarm'd in the Night between
Friday and Saturday by a Fire at the Bottom of the Street
that has almost destroy'd two Houses. Our House and
Yard were covered with falling Coals of Fire, but as it rain'd
hard nothing catch'd. We mov'd a few of the most valuable
Things; but suffered no Damage tho' we lost — some Rest.

315. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A.P.S.)

London, March 24, 1762

MY DEAR CHILD,

I condole with you most sincerely on the Death of our
good Mother,1 being extreamly sensible of the Distress and
Affliction it must have thrown you into. Your Comfort will
1 Mrs. Read, the mother of Mrs. Franklin. — ED.

1762] TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN 151

be, that no Care was wanting on your Part towards her,
and that she had lived as long as this Life could afford her
any rational Enjoyment. 'Tis, I am sure, a Satisfaction to
me, that I cannot charge myself with having ever faiFd in
one Instance of. Duty and Respect to her during the many
Years that she call'd me Son. The Circumstances attending
her Death were indeed unhappy in some Respects ; but some-
thing must bring us all to our End, and few of us shall see
her Length of Days. My Love to Brother John Read and
Sister, and Cousin Debbey, and young Cousin Johnny Read,
and let them all know, that I sympathize with them all
affectionately.

This I write in haste, Mr. Beatty having just call'd on me
to let me know, that he is about to set out for Portsmouth,
in order to sail for America. I am finishing all Business
here in order for my Return, which will either be in the
Virginia Fleet, or by the Packet of May next, I am not
yet determined which. I pray God grant us a happy Meet-
ing.

We are all well, and Billy presents his Duty. Mr. Strahan
has receiv'd your Letter, and wonders he has not been able
to persuade you to come over. Mrs. Stevenson desires her
Compliments; she expected Sally would have answer'd
her Daughter's Letter, that went with the Gold Needle. I
have receiv'd yours by the last Pacquet, and one from our
Friend Mr. Hughes. I will try to write a Line to him if I
have Time. If not, please to tell him, I will do all I can to
serve him in his Affair. Acquaint Mr. Charles Norris, that
I send him a Gardner in Bolitho.1 The Particulars of your
Letters I shall answer in the same ship. Tell Sally and

1 That is, in Captain Bolitho's ship. — ED.

152 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

Cousin Johnny that I receiv'd their Letters also. I can now
only add, that I am, as ever, my dear Debby, your affection-
ate Husband, B. FRANKLIN.

316. TO REV. M-

London, March 30, 1762.

REV'D SIR: — I am favoured with yours of the 27th in-
stant, enclosing a bank note of £20, which makes £70 now
repaid by Overal. I acquainted you in mine by last Satur-
day's post that I had reason to think the whole sum to be
repaid would not be so great as I before computed it, and
perhaps not exceeding £79 or £80. It will be a pleasure to:
me to find it so, that I may have no occasion to have re-
course to the law, which is so disagreeable a thing for me,
that through the whole course of my life I have never
entered an action against any man. But I own I was
not a little provoked with these people, as I concluded
they must certainly have known of the mortgage (and in-
deed the letters they have since produced show that they did,
particularly the last you mentioned of December 28, 1756);
and yet when I asked them if there was no mortgage or other
incumbrance on the estate, the man said none that he knew
or had ever heard of; and the woman added: "And to be
sure, if there had been any such thing in so long a time as
we have received the rent, we must have heard of it." There
was such an apparent simplicity in their manner, and they
answered with such readiness and confidence, that I was

1 From John BigeloVs "The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin,"
Vol.X, 287. — ED,

1762] FROM DAVID HUME TO B. FRANKLIN 153

perfectly satisfied; and therefore the more surprised and
chagrined when I afterwards found how easily I had been
imposed on. They likewise had instructed Mr. Winter-
bottom to assure the purchaser (as he did me) that the house
had lately undergone a thorough repair, whereas Spofford in
his letter had informed them "it will soon want a great deal
of repair." I think with you that they are weak and foolish
people; but there seems no small mixture of knavery with
their folly. I likewise imagined, as you do, that they were
but little accustomed to money, from some conversation
between them when they were about to receive it. The man
said he had been bred to a trade, but that he never liked to
work at it. "Well, my dear," says she, "you know you
will now have no occasion ever to work any more." They
seemed to think it so great a sum that it could never be spent.
I am very sensible, sir, that this must have been a dis-
agreeable affair to you, and I am the more obliged. The
very [mutilated] and generous manner in which you have
executed it will ever demand my thankful acknowledge-
ment, which I beg you to accept, and believe me, with the
sincerest esteem and respect, sir, your most obedient and
most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

317. FROM DAVID HUME TO B. FRANKLIN (A.P.S.)

Edinburgh, May 10, 1762.

DEAR SIR,

I have a great many thanks to give you for your goodness
in remembering my request, and for the exact description,
which you sent me of your method of preserving houses

154 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

from thunder. I communicated it to our Philosophical
Society, as you gave me permission, and they desire me to
tell you, that they claim it as their own, and intend to enrich
with it the first collection, which they may publish. The
established rule of our Society is, that, after a paper is read
to them, it is delivered by them to some member, who is
obliged, in a subsequent meeting, to read some paper of
remarks upon it.

It was communicated to our friend, Mr. Russel; who is
not very expeditious in finishing any undertaking ; and he did
not read his remarks, till the last week, which is the reason,
why I have been so late in acknowledging your favour.
Mr. Russel's remarks, besides the just praises of your inven-
tion, contained only two proposals for improving it. One
was, that in houses, where the rain-water is carried off the
roof by a lead pipe, this metallic body might be employed
as a conductor to the electric fire, and save the expense of
a new apparatus. Another was, that the wire might be
carried down to the foundation of the house, and be thence
conveyed below ground to the requisite distance, which
would better secure it against accidents. I thought it
proper to convey to you these two ideas of so ingenious
a man, that you might adopt them, if they appear to you
well founded.

I am very sorry, that you intend soon to leave our hemi-
sphere. America has sent us many good things, gold, silver,
sugar, tobacco, indigo, &c. ; but you are the first philoso-
pher, and indeed the first great man of letters for whom we
are beholden to her. It is our own fault, that we have not
kept him; whence it appears, that we do not agree with
Solomon, that wisdom is above gold ; for we take care never

1 762] TO DAVID HUME

'55

to send back an ounce of the latter, which we once lay our
fingers upon.

I saw yesterday our friend Sir Alexander Dick, who de-
sired me to present his compliments to you. We are all
very unwilling to think of your settling in America, and that
there is some chance of our never seeing you again ; but no
one regrets it more than does,
Dear Sir,
Your most affectionate humble servant,

DAVID HUME.

318. TO DAVID HUME1

London, May 19, 1762.

DEAR SIR, ,

It is no small pleasure to me to hear from you that my
paper on the means of preserving buildings from damage
by lightning, was acceptable to the Philosophical Society.
Mr. Russel's2 proposals of improvement are very sensible
and just. A leaden spout or pipe is undoubtedly a good
conductor, so far as it goes. If the conductor enters the
ground just at the foundation, and from thence is carried
horizontally to some well, or to a distant rod driven down-
right into the earth, I would then propose, that the part under
the ground should be lead, as less liable to consume with
rust than iron. Because, if the conductor near the foot of
the wall should be wasted, the lightning might act on the

1 The original is in the Library of the Royal Philosophical Society, Edin-
burgh. — ED.

2 Alexander Russell (1715-1768) had been physician to the English fac-
tory at Aleppo. He wrote the " Natural History of Aleppo," and was elected
F.R.S. in 1756. — ED.

156 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

moisture of the earth, and by suddenly rarefying it occasion
an explosion, that may damage the foundation. In the
experiment of discharging my large case of electrical bottles
through a piece of small glass tube filled with water, the
suddenly rarefied water has exploded with a force equal,
I think, to that of so much gunpowder; bursting the tube
into many pieces, and driving them with violence in all
directions and to all parts of the room. The shivering of
trees into small splinters, like a broom, is probably owing
to this rarefaction of the sap in the longitudinal pores, or
capillary pipes, in the substance of the wood. And the
blowing up of bricks or stones in a hearth, rending stones
out of a foundation, and splitting of walls, are also probably
effects sometimes of rarefied moisture in the earth, under
the hearth, or in the walls. We should therefore have a
durable conductor under ground, or convey the lightning
to the earth at some distance.

It must afford Lord Marischal 1 a good deal of diversion
to preside in a dispute so ridiculous as that you mention.
Judges in their decisions often use precedents. I have some-
where met with one, that is what the lawyers call a case in
point. The Church people and the Puritans in a country
town had once a bitter contention concerning the erecting
of a Maypole, which the former desired and the latter op-
posed. Each party endeavoured to strengthen itself by
obtaining the authority of the mayor, directing or forbidding
a Maypole. He heard their altercation with great patience,
and then gravely determined thus; "You, that are for hav-

1 George Keith, tenth Earl Marischal (16937-1778), served under Marlbor-
ough, participated in Mar's Rebellion, and escaped to the Continent. Fred-
erick the Great appointed him Governor of Neuchdtel. — ED.

1762] TO DAVID HUME 157

ing no Maypole, shall have no Maypole ; and you, that are for
having a Maypole, shall have a Maypole. Get about your
business, and let me hear no more of this quarrel."

Your compliment of gold and wisdom is very obliging to
me, but a little injurious to your country. The various
value of every thing in every part of this world arises, you
know, from the various proportions of the quantity to the
demand. We are told, that gold and silver in Solomon's
time were so plenty, as to be of no more value in his country
than the stones in the street. You have here at present
just such a plenty of wisdom. Your people are, therefore,
not to be censured for desiring no more among them than
they have; and if I have any, I should certainly carry it
where, from its scarcity, it may probably come to a better
market.

I nevertheless regret extremely the leaving a country in
which I have received so much friendship, and friends whose
conversation has been so agreeable and so improving to me;
and that I am henceforth to reside at so great a distance
from them is no small mortification to, my dear friend,
yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. My respectful compliments, if you please, to Sir
Alexander Dick, Lord Kames, Mr. Alexander, Mr. Russel,
and any other inquiring friends. I shall write to them before
I leave the Island.

158 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

319. TO MISS MARY STEVENSON1 (P. c.)

London, June 7, 1762.
DEAR POLLY,

I received your Favour of the 27th past, and have since
expected your intended philosophical Epistle. But you
have not had Leisure to write it !

Your good Mama is now perfectly well, as I think, except-
ing now and then a few Rheumatic Complaints, which,
however, seem gradually diminishing. I am glad to hear
you are about to enjoy the Happiness of seeing and being
with your Friends at Bromley. My best Respects to the
good Dr. and Mrs. Hawkesworth,2 and say to the dear
Ladies, that I kiss their Hands respectfully and affectionately.

Our Ships for America do not sail so soon as I expected ;
it will be yet 5 or 6 Weeks before we embark, and leave the
old World for the New. I fancy I feel a little like dying
Saints, who, in parting with those they love in this World,
are only comforted with the Hope of more perfect Happiness
in the next. I have, in America, Connections of the most
engaging kind; and, happy as I have been in the Friend-
ships here contracted, those promise me greater and more
lasting Felicity. But God only knows whether these Promises
shall be fulfilled. Adieu, my dear good Girl, and believe
me ever your affectionate Friend, B. FRANKLIN.

1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.

2 John Hawkesworth, LL.D. (1715-1773), editor of Swift (1755) and a
contributor to the Gentleman's Magazine. — ED.

1762] ON FIRE 159

320. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN1

Saturday, June 14, [1762]

MR. FRANKLIN'S compliments to Mr. Strahan, and out of
pure kindness to him offers him an opportunity of exercising
his benevolence as a man and his charity as a Christian.
One Spencer, formerly a merchant of figure and credit in
North America, being by various misfortunes reduced to
poverty, is here in great distress, and would be made happy
by any employment that would only enable him to eat,
which he looks as if he had not done for some time. He is
well acquainted with accounts, and writes a very fair hand,
as Mr. S — may see by the enclosed letter. His expecta-
tions that brought him over, which are touched on in that
letter, are at an end. He is a very honest man, but too much
dispirited to put himself forward. Cannot some smouting
in the writing way be got for him ? Or some little clerkship ?
which he would execute very faithfully. He is at Mr*
Cooper's, at the Hat and Feather, Snow Hill. Mr. F — has-
done what he could to serve him (to little purpose, indeed) i
and now leaves him as a legacy to good Mr. Strahan.

321. ON FIRE 2 (L. c.)

Craven Street, June 21, 1762.

DID you ever see People at work with Spades and Pick*
axes, digging a Cellar? When they have loosen'd the

1 From John Bigelow, " The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin,"
Vol. X, p. 289. — ED.

2 From an Auto. d. (L. C. 36-37). — ED.

i6o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

Earth perhaps a foot deep, that loose Earth must be carried
off, or they can go no deeper; it is in their way, and hinders
the Operation of the Instruments.

When the first foot of Earth is removed, they can dig and
loosen the Earth a foot deeper. But if those who remove
the Earth should with it take away the Spades and Pick-
axes, the Work will be equally obstructed as if they had left
the loose Earth unremoved.

I imagine the operation of Fire upon fuel with the Assist-
ance of Air may be in some degree similar to this. Fire
penetrates Bodies, and separates their Parts; the Air re-
ceives and carries off the Parts separated, which, if not
carried off, would impede the action of the Fire. With
this Assistance therefore of a moderate Current of Air, the
Separation encreases, but too violent a Blast carries off the
Fire itself ; and thus any Fire may be blown out, as a Candle
by the Breath, if the Blast be proportionable.

But, if Air contributed inflammatory Matter, as some
have thought, then it should seem, that, the more Air, the
more the Flame would be augmented, which beyond certain
Bounds does not agree with the Fact.

Some Substances take Fire, that is, are kindled by the
Application of Fire, much sooner than others. This is in
proportion as they are good or bad Conductors of Fire, and
as their Parts cohere with less or more Strength. A bad
Conductor of Fire not easily permitting it to penetrate and
be absorbed, and its force divided among the whole Sub-
stance, its Operation is so much the Stronger on the Sur-
face to which it is apply'd, and is in a small Depth of
Surface strong enough to produce the Separation of Parts
which we call Burning. All Oils and Fats, Wax, Sulphur,

1762] ON FIRE 161

and most vegetable Substances, are bad Conductors of Fire.
The Oil of a Lamp, burning at the Top, may be scarce
warm at the Bottom ; a Candle or a Stick of Wood, inflam'd
at one End, is cool at the other. Metals, which are better
Conductors, are not so easily kindled, tho', when sufficient
Fire is apply'd to them to separate their Parts, they will all
burn. But the Fire apply'd to their Surfaces enters more
easily, is absorb'd and divided; and not enough left on the
Surface to overcome the stronger Cohesion of their Parts.
A close Contact with Metals will for the same Reason pre-
vent the burning of more inflammable Substances. A
flaxen Thread, bound close round an Iron Poker, will not
burn in the Flame of a Candle ; for it must imbibe a certain
Quantity of Fire before it can burn, that is, before its Parts
can separate; but the Poker, as fast as the Fire arrives,
takes it from the Thread, conducts it away, and divides it
in its own Substance.

Common Fire I conceive to be collected by Friction from
the common Mass of that Fluid, in the same manner as the
electrical Fluid is collected by Friction, which I have endeav-
oured to explain in some of my electrical Papers, and, to
avoid length in this Letter, refer you to them. In Wheels,
the Particles of Grease and Oil acting as so many little
Rollers, and Preventing Friction between the Wood and
Wood, do thereby prevent the Collection of Fire.

VOL. IV — M

162 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

322. ELECTRICAL EXPERIMENTS ON AMBER1

Saturday, July 3, 1762.

To try, at the request of a friend, whether amber finely
powdered might be melted and run together again by means
of the electric fluid, I took a piece of small glass tube
about 2 \ inches long, the bore about T^ of an inch diameter,
the glass itself about the same thickness ; I introduced into
this tube some powder of amber, and with two pieces of
wire nearly fitting the bore, one inserted at one end, the
other at the other, I rammed the powder hard between them
in the middle of the tube, where it stuck fast, and was in
length about half an inch. Then leaving the wires in the
tube, I made them part of the electric circuit, and discharged
through them three rows of my case of bottles. The event
was, that the glass was broke into very small pieces and
those dispersed with violence in all directions. As I did not
expect this, I had not, as in other experiments, laid thick
paper over the glass to save my eyes, so several of the pieces
struck my face smartly, and one of them cut my lip a little,
so as to make it bleed. I could find no part of the amber;
but the table where the tube lay was stained very black in
spots, such as might be made by a thick smoke forced on it
by a blast, and the air was filled with a strong smell, some-
what like that from burnt gunpowder. Whence I imagined,
that the amber was burnt, and had exploded as gunpowder
would have done in the same circumstances.

1 From "Experiments and Observations on Electricity," London, 1769,
p. 425. See also Letter to Dr. William Heberden, June 7, 1759 (Vol. Ill,
P- 479)- — ED-

1762] TO GIAMBATISTA BECCARIA 163

That I might better see the effect on the amber, I made
the next experiment in a tube formed of a card rolled up and
bound strongly with packthread. Its bore was about J of
an inch diameter. I rammed powder of amber into this as
I had done into the other, and as the quantity of amber
was greater, I increased the quantity of electric fluid, by
discharging through it at once 5 rows of my bottles. On
opening the tube, I found that some of the powder had ex-
ploded, an impression was made on the tube though it
was not burst, and most of the powder remaining was turned
black, which I suppose might be by the smoke forced through
it from the burnt part : Some of it was hard ; but as it
powdered again when pressed by the fingers, I suppose that
hardness not to arise from melting any parts in it, but merely
from my ramming the powder when I charged the tube.

B. FRANKLIN.

323. TO GIAMBATISTA BECCARIA1

London, July 13, 1762.

REVEREND SIR,

I once promised myself the pleasure of seeing you at
Turin; but as that is not now likely to happen, being just
about returning to my native country, America, I sit down
to take leave of you (among others of my European friends
that I cannot see) by writing.

I thank you for the honourable mention you have so fre-
quently made of me in your letters to Mr. Collinson and

1 This letter, translated into Italian by Baron Vernazza, was published in
Turin, 1769, and republished with sundry variations in Scelta d'Opuscoli,
Milan, 1769, Vol. XV; Turin, 1775, Vol. XI. See "Memorie Istoriche in-
torno gli studi del Padre Giambatista Beccaria," 1783. — ED.

164 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

others, for the generous defence you undertook and executed
with so much success, of my electrical opinions; and for
the valuable present you have made me of your new work,
from which I have received great information and pleasure.
I wish I could in return entertain you with any thing new of
mine on that subject ; but I have not lately pursued it. Nor
do I know of any one here, that is at present much engaged
in it.

Perhaps, however, it may be agreeable to you, as you
live in a musical country, to have an account of the new
instrument lately added here to the great number that charm-
ing science was before possessed of: As it is an instrument
that seems peculiarly adapted to Italian music, especially
that of the soft and plaintive kind, I will endeavour to give
you such a description of it, and of the manner of construct-
ing it, that you, or any of your friends may be enabled to
imitate it, if you incline so to do, without being at the expence
and trouble of the many experiments I have made in en-
deavouring to bring it to its present perfection.

You have doubtless heard the sweet tone that is drawn
from a drinking-glass, by passing a wet finger round its brim.
One Mr. Puckeridge,1 a gentleman from Ireland, was the
first who thought of playing tunes, formed of these tones.
iJe collected a number of glasses of different sizes, fixed
them near each other on a table, and tuned them by putting
into them water, more or less, as each note required. The
tones were brought out by passing his fingers round their
brims. He was unfortunately burnt here, with his instru-
ment, in a fire which consumed the house he lived in. Mr.

1 Richard Puckeridge, or Pockrich, inventor of the musical glasses. He
died in 1759, about seventy years of age. — ED.

1762] TO GIAMBATISTA BECCARIA 165

E. Delaval,1 a most ingenious member of our Royal Society,
made one in imitation of it, with a better choice and form of
glasses, which was the first I saw or heard. Being charmed
by the sweetness of its tones, and the music he produced
from it, I wished only to see the glasses disposed in a more
convenient form, and brought together in a narrower com-
pass, so as to admit of a greater number of tunes, and all
within reach of hand to a person sitting before the instrument,
which I accomplished, after various intermediate trials, and
less commodious forms, both of glasses and construction,
in the following manner.

The glasses are blown as near as possible in the form of
hemispheres, having each an open neck or socket in the
middle. (See Plate, Figure i.) The thickness of the glass
near the brim about a tenth of an inch, or hardly quite
so much, but thicker as it comes nearer the neck, which in
the largest glasses is about an inch deep, and an inch and
half wide within, these dimensions lessening as the glasses
themselves diminish in size, except that the neck of the
smallest ought not to be shorter than half an inch. The
largest glass is nine inches diameter, and the smallest three
inches. Between these there are twenty- three different sizes,
differing from each other a quarter of an inch in diameter.
To make a single instrument there should be at least six
glasses blown of each size; and out of this number one
may probably pick 37 glasses, (which are sufficient for
three octaves with all the semitones) that will be each either
the note one wants or a little sharper than that note, and all

1 Edmund Hussey Delaval (1729-1814), F.R.S., gave an account of the
effects of lightning on St. Bride's Church, and was associated with Frank-
lin in the commission to report on the protection of St. Paul's from light-
ning. — ED.

166 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

fitting so well into each other as to taper pretty regularly
from the largest to the smallest. It is true there are not
37 sizes, but it often happens that two of the same size
differ a note or half note in tone, by reason of a difference
in thickness, and these may be placed one in the other
without sensibly hurting the regularity of the taper form.

The glasses being chosen and every one marked with a
diamond the note you intend it for, they are to be tuned by
diminishing the thickness of those that are too sharp. This
is done by grinding them round from the neck towards the
brim, the breadth of one or two inches, as may be required ;
often trying the glass by a well-tuned harpsichord, comparing
the tone drawn from the glass by your finger, with the note
you want, as sounded by that string of the harpsichord.
When you come near the matter, be careful to wipe the
glass clean and dry before each trial, because the tone is
something flatter when the glass is wet, than it will be when
dry; and grinding a very little between each trial, you will
thereby tune to great exactness. The more care is necessary
in this, because if you go below your required tone, there
is no sharpening it again but by grinding somewhat off the
brim, which will afterwards require polishing, and thus
encrease the trouble.

The glasses being thus tuned, you are to be provided
with a case for them, and a spindle on which they are to
be fixed. (See Plate, Figure 2.) My case is about three
feet long, eleven inches every way wide within at the biggest
end, and five inches at the smallest end ; for it tapers all the
way, to adapt it better to the conical figure of the set of
glasses. This case opens in the middle of its height, and
the upper part turns up by hinges fixed behind. The spindle

1762] TO GIAMBATISTA BECCARIA 167

which is of hard iron, lies horizontally from end to end of
the box within, exactly in the middle, and is made to turn on
brass gudgeons at each end. It is round, an inch diameter
at the thickest end, and tapering to a quarter of an inch at
the smallest. A square shank comes from its thickest end
through the box, on which shank a wheel is fixed by a screw.
This wheel serves as a fly to make the motion equable, when
the spindle, with the glasses, is turned by the foot like a
spinning-wheel. My wheel is of mahogany, 18 inches
diameter, and pretty thick, so as to conceal near its circum-
ference about 25 Ib of lead. An ivory pin is fixed in the
face of this wheel, and about 4 inches from the axis.
Over the neck of this pin is put the loop of the string that
comes up from the moveable step to give it motion. The
case stands on a neat frame with four legs.

To fix the glasses on the spindle, a cork is first to be fitted
in each neck pretty tight, and projecting a little without the
neck, that the neck of one may not touch the inside of
another when put together, for that would make a jarring.
These corks are to be perforated with holes of different
diameters, so as to suit that part of the spindle on which
they are to be fixed. When a glass is put on, by holding it
stiffly between both hands, while another turns the spindle,
it may be gradually brought to its place. But care must be
taken that the hole be not too small, lest, in forcing it up
the neck should split ; nor too large, lest the glass, not being
firmly fixed, should turn or move on the spindle, so as to
touch and jar against its neighbouring glass. The glasses
thus are placed one in another, the largest on the biggest end
of the spindle which is to the left hand; the neck of this
glass is towards the wheel, and the next goes into it in the

168 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

same position, only about an inch of its brim appearing
beyond the brim of the first; thus proceeding, every glass
when fixed shows about an inch of its brim (or three quarters
of an inch, or half an inch, as they grow smaller) beyond
the brim of the glass that contains it; and it is from these
exposed parts of each glass that the tone is drawn, by laying
a finger upon one of them as the spindle and glasses turn
round.

My largest glass is G, a little below the reach of a common
voice, and my highest G, including three compleat octaves.
To distinguish the glasses the more readily to the eye, I have
painted the apparent parts of the glasses within side, every
semitone white, and the other notes of the octave with the
seven prismatic colours, viz. C, red; D, orange; E, yellow;
F, green ; G, blue ; A, indigo ; B, purple ; and C, red again ;
so that glasses of the same colour (the white excepted) are
always octaves to each other.

This instrument is played upon, by sitting before the
middle of the set of glasses as before the keys of a harpsi-
chord, turning them with the foot, and wetting them now
and then with a spunge and clean water. The fingers should
be first a little soaked in water, and quite free from all
greasiness ; a little fine chalk upon them is sometimes useful,
to make them catch the glass and bring out the tone more
readily. Both hands are used, by which means different
parts are played together. Observe, that the tones are best
drawn out when the glasses turn from the ends of the fingers,
not when they turn to them.

The advantages of this instrument are, that its tones are
incomparably sweet beyond those of any other; that they
may be swelled and softened at pleasure by stronger or

1762] TO OLIVER NEAVE 169

weaker pressures of the finger, and continued to any length;
and that the instrument, being once well tuned, never again
wants tuning.

In honour of your musical language, I have borrowed
from it the name of this instrument, calling it the Armonica.1

With great esteem and respect, I am, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

324. TO OLIVER NEAVE2

July 20, 1762.

DEAR SIR,

I have perused your paper on sound, and would freely
mention to you, as you desire it, every thing that appeared
to me to need correction : But nothing of that kind occurs to
me, unless it be, where you speak of the air as "the best
medium for conveying sound." Perhaps this is speaking
rather too positively, if there be, as I think there are, some
other mediums that will convey it farther and more readily.
It is a well-known experiment, that the scratching of a pin at
one end of a long piece of timber, may be heard by an ear
applied near the other end, though it could not be heard at
the same distance through the air. And two stones being
struck smartly together under water, the stroke may be
heard at a greater distance by an ear also placed under
water in the same river, than it can be heard through the air.

1 Some other particulars respecting the Armonica may be found in a letter
to M. Dubourg, December 8, 1772. — ED.

2 From "Experiments and Observations on Electricity," London, 1769*
p. 435. Oliver Neave was one of a family of Anglo-American merchants,
trading in London and Philadelphia. They were also connected with the
shipping firm of Neate and Neave. — ED.

i;o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

I think I have heard it near a mile; how much farther it
may be heard, I know not ; but suppose a great deal farther,
because the sound did not seem faint, as if at a distance,
like distant sounds through air, but smart and strong; and
as if present just at the ear. I wish you would repeat these
experiments now you are upon the subject, and add your own
observations. And if you were to repeat, with your natu-
rally exact attention and observation, the common experi-
ment of the bell in the exhausted receiver, possibly something
new may occur to you, in considering,

1. Whether the experiment is not ambiguous; i.e. whether
the gradual exhausting of the air, as it creates an increasing
difference of pressure on the outside, may not occasion in
the glass a difficulty of vibrating, that renders it less fit to
communicate to the air without, the vibrations that strike it
from within; and the diminution of the sound arise from
this cause, rather than from the diminution of the air?

2. Whether as the particles of air themselves are at a
distance from each other, there must not be some medium
between them, proper for conveying sound, since otherwise
it would stop at the first particle?

3. Whether the great difference we experience in hearing
sounds at a distance, when the wind blows towards us from
the sonorous body, or towards that from us, can be well
accounted for by adding to or subtracting from the swift-
ness of sound, the degree of swiftness that is in the wind at
the time ? The latter is so small in proportion, that it seems
as if it could scarce produce any sensible effect, and yet the
difference is very great. Does not this give some hint, as
if there might be a subtile fluid, the conductor of sound,
which moves at different times in different directions over

1762] TO OLIVER NEAVE I7I

the surface of the earth, and whose motion may perhaps be
much swifter than that of the air in our strongest winds;
and that in passing through air, it may communicate that
motion to the air which we call wind, though a motion in
no degree so swift as its own?

4. It is somewhere related, that a pistol fired on the top of
an exceeding high mountain, made a noise like thunder in
the valleys below. Perhaps this fact is not exactly related:
but if it is, would not one imagine from it, that the rarer the
air, the greater sound might be produced in it from the same
cause ?

5. Those balls of fire which are sometimes seen passing
over a country, computed by philosophers to be often 30
miles high at least, sometimes burst at that height; the air
must be exceeding rare there, and yet the explosion pro-
duces a sound that is heard at that distance, and for 70
miles round on the surface of the earth, so violent too as to
shake buildings, and give an apprehension of an earthquake.
Does not this look as if a rare atmosphere, almost a vacuum,
was no bad conductor of sound?

I have not made up my mind on these points, and only
mention them for your consideration, knowing that every
subject is the better for your handling it.

With the greatest esteem, I am, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

172 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

325. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN [AT BATH]1

London, July 20, 1762.

DEAR SIR : — I received your very kind letter and invita-
tion to Bath where I am sure I could spend some days very
happily with you and Mrs. Strahan, if my time would per-
mit ; but the man-of-war, that is to be our convoy, is under
sailing orders for the 3oth of this month so that Jt is impos-
sible for me to leave London till I leave it forever, having
at least twenty days' work to do in the ten days that are
only left me.

I shall send to the Angel Inn in Oxford a parcel directed to
you, containing books I send as presents to some acquaint-
ance there; which I beg you would cause to be delivered.
I shall write a line to one of them, as you desire. The
parcel is to go by Thursday's coach.

I hope for the pleasure of seeing you before I set out.
Billy and Mrs. Stevenson join in respects and best wishes for
you and Mrs. Strahan, with dear Friend, Yours affection-
ately, B. FRANKLIN

P. S. — I feel here like a thing out of its place, and useless
because it is out of its place. How then can I any longer be
happy in England? You have great power of persuasion,
and might easily prevail on me to do any thing ; but not any
longer to do nothing. I must go home. Adieu.

1 From John Bigelow, " The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin," Vol.
Ill, p. 207. — ED.

1762] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON 173

326. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN [AT OXFORD] '

London, July 23, 1762.

DEAR STRANEY : — As Dr. Hawkes worth calls you, I send
you inclosed a line to my good friend Dr. Kelley; which
you will do me the favour to deliver with the parcel directed
to him. As it is vacation time I doubt whether any other
acquaintance of mine may be in Oxford, or at least any on
whose good nature I could so far presume; tho* according
to the way of the world, having received a civility, gives
one a kind of right to demand another; they took the
trouble of showing me Oxford, and therefore I might re-
quest them to show it to any of my friends. None of the
Oxford people are under any other obligation to me than
that of having already oblig'd me, and being oblig'd to go
on as they have begun. My best respects to Mrs. Strahan,
and love to little Peggy. They say we are to sail in a week
or ten days. I expect to see you once more. I value my-
self much, on being able to resolve on doing the right thing,
in opposition to your almost irresistible eloquence, secretly
supported and backed by my own treacherous inclinations.
Adieu, my dear friend. Yours affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

327. TO MISS MARY STEVENSON 2 (P. c.)

MY DEAR POLLY, Portsmouth, Augt ii, 1762

This is the best Paper I can get at this wretched Inn, but
it will convey what is intrusted to it as faithfully as the

1 From John Bigelow, " The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin," Vol.
Ill, p. 208.— ED.

2 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.

174 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

finest. It will tell my Polly how much her Friend is afflicted,
that he must, perhaps, never again, see one for whom he has
so sincere an Affection, join'd to so perfect an Esteem ; who
he once flatter'd himself might become his own, in the tender
Relation of a Child, but can now entertain such pleasing
Hopes no more. Will it tell how much he is afflicted? No,
it cannot.

Adieu, my dearest Child. I will call you so. Why
should I not call you so, since I love you with all the Tender-
ness, All the Fondness of a Father? Adieu. May the God
of all Goodness shower down his choicest Blessings upon
you, and make you infinitely Happier, than that Event
could have made you. Adieu. And, wherever I am, believe
me to be, with unalterable Affection, my dear Polly, your

sincere Friend,

B. FRANKLIN.

328. TO LORD KAMES1

Portsmouth, August 17, 1762.

MY DEAR LORD,

I am now waiting here only for a wind to waft me to
America, but cannot leave this happy island and my friends
in it, without extreme regret, though I am going to a country
and a people that I love. I am going from the old world to
the new; and I fancy I feel like those, who are leaving this
world for the next : grief at the parting ; fear of the passage ;
hope of the future. These different passions all affect their
minds at once; and these have tendered me down exceed-

1 From " Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Honourable Henry
Home of Kames," Vol. II, p. 10. — ED.

1762] TO LORD KAMES 175

ingly. It is usual for the dying to beg forgiveness of their
surviving friends, if they have ever offended them.

Can you, my Lord, forgive my long silence, and my not
acknowledging till now the favour you did me in sending me
your excellent book? Can you make some allowance for a
fault in others, which you have never experienced in yourself;
for the bad habit of postponing from day to day, what one
every day resolves to do to-morrow? A habit that grows
upon us with years, and whose only excuse is we know not
how to mend it. If you are disposed to favour me, you will
also consider how much one's mind is taken up and dis-
tracted by the many little affairs one has to settle before the
undertaking such a voyage, after so long a residence in a
country; and how little, in such a situation, one's mind is
fitted for serious and attentive reading; which, with regard
to the Elements of Criticism, I intended before I should
write. I can now only confess and endeavour to amend.
In packing up my books I have reserved yours to read on the
passage. I hope I shall therefore be able to write to you
upon it soon after my arrival. At present I can only return
my thanks, and say that the parts I have read gave me both
pleasure and instruction ; that I am convinced of your posi-
tion, new as it was to me, that a good taste in the arts con-
tributes to the improvement of morals ; and that I have had
the satisfaction of hearing the work universally commended
by those who have read it.

And now, my dear Sir, accept my sincere thanks for the
kindness you have shewn me, and my best wishes of happi-
ness to you and yours. Wherever I am, I shall esteem the
friendship you honour me with as one of the felicities of my
life; I shall endeavour to cultivate it by a more punctual

176 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

correspondence, and I hope frequently to hear of your wel-
fare and prosperity. Adieu, my dear friend, and believe
me ever most affectionately yours, B. FRANKLIN.

329. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN l (P. c.)

Portsmouth, Monday, Aug*. 23, 1762.

DEAR SIR : — I have been two Nights on board expecting
to sail, but the Wind continuing contrary, am just now come
on shore again, and have met with your kind Letter of the
2oth. I thank you even for the Reproofs it contains, tho*
I have not altogether deserved them. I cannot, I assure you,
quit even this disagreable Place without Regret, as it carries
me still farther from those I love, and from the Oppor-
tunities of hearing of their Welfare. The Attraction of
Reason is at present for the other side of the Water, but
that of Inclination will be for this side. You know which
usually prevails. I shall probably make but this one Vibra-
tion and settle here forever. Nothing will prevent it, if I
can, as I hope I can, prevail with Mrs. F. to accompany
me, especially if we have a Peace. I will not tell you that
to be near and with you and yours is any part of my In-
ducement: It would look like a Compliment extorted from
me by your Pretences to Insignificancy. Nor will I own
that your Persuasion and Arguments have wrought this
Change in my former Resolutions: tho' it is true that they
have frequently intruded themselves into my Consideration
whether I would or not. I trust, however, that we shall

1 From the original in the possession of Hon. S. W. Pennypacker, Governor
of Pennsylvania. — ED.

1762] TO JOHN" PRINGLE 177

once more see each other, and be happy again together,
which God, &c.

My Love to Mrs. Strahan, and your amiable and valuable
Children. Heaven bless you all whatever becomes of
Your much obliged and affectionate Friend,

B. FRANKLIN.

330. TO JOHN PRINGLE1

Philadelphia, Dec. I, 1762.

SIR,

During our passage to Madeira, the weather being warm,
and the cabbin windows constantly open for the benefit of the
air, the candles at night flared and run very much, which was
an inconvenience. At Madeira we got oil to burn, and with
a common glass tumbler or beaker, slung in wire, and sus-
pended to the cieling of the cabbin, and a little wire hoop for
the wick, furnish'd with corks to float on the oil, I made an
Italian lamp, that gave us very good light all over the table.
The glass at bottom contained water to about one third of
its height ; another third was taken up with oil ; the rest was
left empty that the sides of the glass might protect the flame
from the wind. There is nothing remarkable in all this;
but what follows is particular. At supper, looking on the
lamp, I remarked that tho' the surface of the oil was per-
fectly tranquil, and duly preserved its position and distance
with regard to the brim of the glass, the water under the oil
was in great commotion, rising and falling in irregular
waves, which continued during the whole evening. The

1 From "Experiments and Observations on Electricity," London, 1769,
p. 438. — ED.

VOL. IV — N

178 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

lamp was kept burning as a watch-light all night, till the oil
was spent, and the water only remained. In the morning
I observed, that though the motion of the ship continued
the same, the water was now quiet, and its surface as tran-
quil as that of the oil had been the evening before. At
night again, when oil was put upon it, the water resumed its
irregular motions, rising in high waves almost to the surface
of the oil, but without disturbing the smooth level of that
surface. And this was repeated every day during the voyage.

Since my arrival in America, I have repeated the experi-
ment frequently thus. I have put a pack-thread round a
tumbler, with strings of the same, from each side, meeting
above it in a knot at about a foot distance from the top of the
tumbler. Then putting in as much water as would fill
about one third part of the tumbler, I lifted it up by the knot,
and swung it to and fro in the air ; when the water appeared
to keep its place in the tumbler as steadily as if it had been
ice. But pouring gently in upon the water about as much
oil, and then again swinging it in the air as before, the tran-
quility before possessed by the water was transferred to the
surface of the oil, and the water under it was agitated with
the same commotions as at sea.

I have shewn this experiment to a number of ingenious
persons. Those who are but slightly acquainted with the
principles of hydrostatics, &c. are apt to fancy immediately
that they understand it, and readily attempt to explain it;
but their explanations have been different, and to me not
very intelligible. Others more deeply skilled in those prin-
ciples, seem to wonder at it, and promise to consider it.
And I think it is worth considering : For a new appearance,
if it cannot be explain'd by our old principles, may afford

1762] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN 179

us new ones, of use perhaps in explaining some other obscure

parts of natural knowledge. I am, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

331. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN1

Philadelphia, December 2, 1762

DEAR STRANEY: — As good Dr. Hawkesworth calls you,
to whom my best respects. I got home well the ist of
November, and had the happiness to find my little family
perfectly well, and that Dr. Smith's reports of the diminu-
tions of my friends were all false. My house has been full
of a succession of them from morning to night, ever since
my arrival, congratulating me on my return with the utmost
cordiality and affection. My fellow citizens, while I was on
the sea, had, at the annual election, chosen me unanimously,
as they had done every year while I was in England, to
be their representative in Assembly and would, they say, if
I had not disappointed them by coming privately to town
before they heard of my landing, have met me with 500
horse. Excuse my vanity in writing this to you who know
what has provoked me to it. My love to good Mrs. Stra-
han, and your children, particularly my little wife. I shall
write more fully per next opportunity, having now only time
to add that I am, with unchangeable affection, my dear

friend, Yours sincerely,

B. FRANKLIN.

Mrs. Franklin and Sally desire their compliments and
thanks to you all for your kindness to me while in England.

1 From John Bigelow, " The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin,"
Vol. Ill, p. 214. — ED.

i8o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

332. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN1 (P. c.)

PhiladaDec. 7, 1762.

DEAR FRIEND

I wrote to you some time since to acquaint you with my
Arrival and the kind Reception I met with from my old and
many new Friends, notwithstanding Dr. Smith's false Re-
ports in London of my Interest as declining here. I could not
wish for a more hearty Welcome, and I never experienced
greater Cordiality. We had a long Passage near ten Weeks
from Portsmouth to this Place, but it was a pleasant one;
for we had ten sail in Company and a Man of War 2 to pro-
tect us ; we had pleasant Weather and fair Winds, and fre-
quently visited and dined from ship to ship ; we call'd too at
the delightful Island of Madeira, by way of half-way House,
where we replenished our Stores and took in many Refresh-
ments. It was the time of their Vintage, and we hung the
Cieling of the Cabin with Bunches of fine Grapes, which
serv'd as a Dissert at Dinner for some Weeks afterwards.
The Reason of our being so long at Sea, was, that sailing with
a Convoy, we could none of us go faster than the slowest,
being obliged every day to shorten Sail or lay by till they
came up; this was the only Inconvenience of our having
Company, which was abundantly made up to us by the Sense
of greater Safety, the mutual good Offices daily exchanged
and the other Pleasures of Society. I have no Line from
you yet but I hope there is a Letter on its way to me.

1 From the original in the possession of Hon. S. W. Pennypacker. — ED.

2 It was the Scarborough, Capt. Stott, who took the greatest Care of his
little Convoy that can be imagined, and brought us all safely to our several
Ports. I wish you would mention this to his Honour in your Paper. — F.

1762] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN 181

My Son is not yet arrived, and I begin to think he will
spend the Winter with you. Mr. Hall I suppose writes by
this Ship. I mention'd what you desir'd in your Letter to
me at Portsmouth; he informs me he has made some Re-
mittances since I left England, and shall as fast as possible
clear the Ace1. He blames himself for ordering so large a
Cargo at once, and will keep more within Bounds hereafter.

Mr. Hall sends you I believe, for Sale, some Poetic Pieces
of our young Geniuses ; it would encourage them greatly if
their Performances could obtain any favourable Reception
in England; I wish therefore you would take the proper
Steps to get them recommended to the Notice of the Publick
as far at least as you may find they deserve. I know that no
one can do this better than yourself.

You have doubtless long since done Rejoicing on the
Conquest of the Havana. It is indeed a Conquest of great
Importance; but it has cost us dear, extreamly dear, when
we consider the Havock made in our little brave Army by
Sickness. I hope it will, in the Making of Peace, procure us
some Advantages in Commerce or Possession that may in
time countervail the heavy Loss we have sustained in that
Enterprize.

I must joyn with David in petitioning that you would
write us all the Politicks ; you have an Opportunity of hear-
ing them all, and no one that is not quite in the Secret of
Affairs can judge better of them. I hope the crazy Heads
that have been so long raving about Scotchmen and Scotland
are by this time either broke or mended.

My dear Love to Mrs. Strahan and bid her be well for all
our sakes. Remember me affectionately to Rachey and
my little Wife and to your promising Sons my young Friends

182 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

Billy, George, and Andrew. God bless you, and let me
find you well and happy when I come again to England;
happy England ! My Respects to Mr. Johnson ; I hope he
has got the Armonica in order before this time, and that
Rachey plays daily with more and more Boldness and
Grace, to the absolute charming of all her Acquaintance.

In two Years at farthest I hope to settle all my Affairs in
such a Manner, as that I may then conveniently remove to
England, — provided we can persuade the good Woman
to cross the Seas. That will be the great Difficulty : but you
can help me a little in removing it.

Present my Compliments to all enquiring Friends, and

believe me Ever

My dear Friend

Yours most affectionately

B. FRANKLIN.

333. TO PETER COLLINSON l (P. c.)

PhiladaDec. 7, 1762
DEAR FRIEND

I arrived here the first of last Month and had the great
Happiness, after so long Absence, to find my little Family
well, and my Friends as cordial and more numerous than
ever.

Mr. Bartram I suppose writes to you concerning the great
Bones at the Ohio. I have delivered to him and to the
Library Company what you sent by me.

There is great Complaint here of the last Summer's
Drought. It has occasion' d a great Scarcity of Hay, and if

1 From the original in the possession of Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan. — ED.

1762] TO CALEB WHITEFOORD 183

the Winter proves hard the Creatures must greatly suffer.
Apples too have generally fail'd this Year. Accept my
sincerest Thanks for all your Kindness to me and my Son
while in England and my best Wishes of Long Life, Health,
and Happiness to you and yours.

With the greatest Esteem and Attachment
I am, dear friend,

Yours most affectionately

B. FRANKLIN

334. TO CALEB WHITEFOORD » (A. p. s.)

Philada, Dec. 7, 1762.

DEAR SIR,

I thank you for your kind Congratulations on my Son's
Promotion and Marriage.2 If he makes a good Governor,
and a good Husband, (as I hope he will, for I know he has
good Principles and good Disposition,) those Events will
both of them give me continual Pleasure.

The Taking of the Havania, on which I congratulate you,
is a Conquest of the greatest Importance, and will doubtless
contribute a due Share of Weight in procuring us reasonable
Terms of Peace; if John Bull does not get drunk with
Victory, double his Fists, and bid all the World kiss his
Arse ; till he provokes them to drub him again into his senses.

1 Caleb Whitefoord (1734-1810) lived at 8 Craven Street, next door to
Franklin. See " The Whitefoord Papers," ed. W. A. S. Hewins, M.A., Oxford,
1898, p. 141. I have printed the letter from the rough draft in A. P.S. The
words in brackets are found only in the original letter, as published by Mr.
Hewins. — ED.

2 William Franklin was appointed governor of New Jersey, August, 1762.
He married Miss Downes, September 5, 1762. — ED.

184 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

It has been however the dearest Conquest by far that we
have made [purchased] this War, when we consider the
terrible Havock made by Sickness in that brave Army of
Veterans, now almost totally ruined. I thank you for the
humourous and sensible Print you sent me, which afforded
me and several of my Friends great Pleasure. The Piece from
your own Pencil is acknowledg'd to bear a strong and strik-
ing Likeness, but it is otherwise such a picture of your Friend,1
as Dr. Smith would have drawn, black, and all black.2 I
think you will hardly understand this Remark, but your
Neighbour [good] Mrs. Stevenson can explain it. Painting
has yet scarce made her Appearance among us; but her
Sister Art, Poetry, has some Votaries. I send you a few
Blossoms of American Verse, the Lispings of our young
Muses; which I hope your Motherly Critics will treat with
some indulgence.

I shall never touch the sweet Strings of the British Lyre,
[Harp] without remembring my British Friends, and par-
ticularly the kind Giver of the Instrument, who has my
best Wishes of Happiness for himself and for his Wife and
his Children, when [against] it pleases God to send him
any. I am, Dear Sir, with the sincerest Esteem, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

1 That is, Benjamin Franklin. — ED.

2 "That famous horse Othello, alias Black and all Black."

— "New Foundling Hospital for Wit," 1784, v. 269. — ED.

1 762] TO JARED INGERSOLL 185

335. TO JARED INGERSOLL1

Philadelphia, December n, 1762.

DEAR SIR: — I thank you for your kind congratulations.
It gives me pleasure to hear from an old friend; it will
give me much more pleasure to see him. I hope, therefore,
nothing will prevent the journey you propose for next
summer and the favour you intend me of a visit. I believe
I must make a journey early in the spring to Virginia, but
purpose being back again before the hot weather. You will
be kind enough to let me know beforehand what time you
expect to be here, that I may not be out of the way, for
that would mortify me exceedingly.

I should be glad to know what it is that distinguishes
Connecticut religion from common religion. Communicate,
if you please, some of these particulars that you think will
amuse me as a virtuoso. When I travelled in Flanders, I
thought of your excessively strict observation of Sunday;
and that a man could hardly travel on that day among you
upon his lawful occasions without hazard of punishment;
while, where I was, every one travelled, if he pleased, or
diverted himself in any other way ; and in the afternoon both
high and low went to the play or the opera, where there was
plenty of singing, fiddling and dancing. I looked around
for God's judgments, but saw no signs of them. The cities
were well built and full of inhabitants, the markets filled
with plenty, the people well favoured and well clothed,
the fields well tilled, the cattle fat and strong, the fences,

1 In the possession of the New Haven Colony Historical Society. Jared
Ingersoll (1722-1781) was stamp agent for Connecticut. — ED.

1 86 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1762

houses, and windows all in repair, and no Old Tenor any-
where in the country ; which would almost make one sus-
pect that the Deity is not so angry at that offence as a New
England Justice.

I left our friend Mr. Jackson well, and I had the great
pleasure of finding my little family well when I came home,
and my friends as cordial and more numerous than ever.
May every prosperity attend you and yours. I am, dear
friend, yours affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

336. TO MR. P[ETER] F[RANKLIN,] AT NEWPORT1

. . . You may acquaint the gentleman that desired you
to enquire my opinion of the best method of securing a
powder magazine from lightning, that I think they cannot do
better than to erect a mast not far from it, which may reach
15 or 20 feet above the top of it, with a thick iron rod in one
piece fastened to it, pointed at the highest end, and reaching
down through the earth till it comes to water. Iron is a
cheap metal ; but if it were dearer, as this is a publick thing,
the expence is insignificant ; therefore I would have the rod at
least an inch thick, to allow for its gradually wasting by rust ;
it will last as long as the mast, and may be renewed with it.
The sharp point for five or six inches should be gilt.

But there is another circumstance of importance to the
strength, goodness and usefulness of the powder, which
does not seem to have been enough attended to : I mean the
keeping it perfectly dry. For want of a method of doing

1 From "Experiments and Observations on Electricity," London, 1769,
p. 441. — ED.

1762] TO MR. P[ETEK\ F\RANKUN] 187

this, much is spoilt in damp magazines, and much so dam-
aged as to become of little value. If, instead of barrels, it
were kept in cases of bottles well cork'd; or in large tin
canisters, with small covers shutting close by means of oiPd
paper between, or covering the joining on the canister; or
if in barrels, then the barrels lined with thin sheet lead ; no
moisture in either of these methods could possibly enter
the powder, since glass and metals are both impervious to
water.

By the latter of these means you see tea is brought dry
and crisp from China to Europe, and thence to America,
tho' it comes all the way by sea in the damp hold of a ship.
And by this method, grain, meal, &c., if well dry'd before
'tis put up, may be kept for ages sound and good.

There is another thing very proper to line small barrels
with ; it is what they call tin-foil, or leaf-tin, being tin mill'd
between rollers till it becomes as thin as paper, and more
pliant, at the same time that its texture is extreamly close.
It may be apply'd to the wood with common paste, made
with boiling water thicken'd with flour; and, so laid on,
will lie very close and stick well : But I should prefer a hard,
sticky varnish for that purpose, made of linseed oil much
boil'd. The heads might be lined separately, the tin wrap-
ping a little round their edges. The barrel, while the lining
is laid on, should have the end hoops slack, so that the staves
standing at a little distance from each other, may admit
the head into its groove. The tin-fold should be plyed into
the groove. Then one head being put in, and that end
hoop'd tight, the barrel would be fit to receive the powder,
and when the other head is put in and the hoops drove up,
the powder would be safe from moisture even if the barrel

188 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1763

were kept under water. This tin-foil is but about 18 pence
sterling a pound, and is so extreamly thin, that I imagine a
pound of it would line three or four powder barrels.

I am, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

337. TO MRS. CATHERINE GREENE1 (p. c.)

Phila4a Jany. 23, 1763.

I RECEIVED with great Pleasure my dear Friend's Favour
of Decemr 20, as it informed me that you and yours are all
well. Mrs. Franklin admits of your Apology for dropping
the Correspondence with her, and allows your Reasons to
be good ; but hopes when you have more Leisure it may be
renew' d. She joins with me in congratulating you on your
present happy Situation. She bids me say, she supposes
you proceeded regularly in your Arithmetic, and that, be-
fore you got into Multiplication, you learnt Addition, in
which you must often have had Occasion to say: One that
1 cany, and two, makes Three. — And now I have writ this,
she bids me scratch it out again. I am loth to deface my
Letter so e'en let it be — I thank you for your kind Invita-
tion. I purpose a Journey into New England in the Spring
or Summer coming. I shall not fail to pay my Respects to
you & Mr. Greene when I come your Way. Please to make
my Compliments acceptable to him —

I have had a most agreeable time of it in Europe ; have in
company with my Son, been in most Parts of England,
Scotland, Flanders and Holland; and generally have enjoyed
1 From the Rhode Island Mercury, April 10, 1896. — ED.

1763] TO ISAAC NORRIS 189

a good share of Health. — If you had ask'd the rest of your
Questions, I could more easily have made this Letter longer.
Let me have them in your next. — I think I am not much
alter'd; at least my Esteem & Regard for my Katy (if I
may still be permitted to call her so) is the same, and I
believe will be unalterable whilst

I am

B. FRANKLIN.

My best Respects to your

good Brother & Sister Ward.

My Daughter presents her Compliments.

My Son is not yet arriv'd.

338. TO ISAAC NORRIS (p. H. s.)

PhiladaFeb. 15. 1763

SIR,

It is now six Years, since, in obedience to the Order of
the House, I undertook a Voyage to England, to transact
their Affairs there.

Fifteen Hundred Pounds of the Public Money was at differ-
ent Times put into my Hands, for which I ought to account.

The following Articles are vouched by the Receipts in-
clos'd, viz

1758 Tan. 26. Paid Robert Charles Esqr for ,

J 27 // 6 // o

the Province 20 Guineas

April 20. Paid Richard Partridge Esq

, _. 40 // o . o

for Ditto

May 2. Paid D° for D° .... 30/7 o//o

Sept. 27. Paid T. Osborne for 3 Vols 1 10 // 10 / o
Journals House of Commons /

And for Indexes to the whole I // I / o

190 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1763

1759 Dec. 31. Paid Accounts for Printing ^

sundry Pieces in Defence of \ 213/7 13. o
the Province j

1760 Dec. 2. Paid the Solicitor's Bill 470 // 8 . 8

;£ 792/7 18 //8

Deduct Y^ of the Solicitor's Bill ]
it being charg'd in the Trustees [ 78 // 8 . I

Acct j

,£714:10: 7

I made many other Disbursements for which I have no
Receipts; such as for Postage of Letters and Pacquets,
which were often very heavy, containing Bills and Dupli-
cates &c. under the Great Seal, brought by Post to London
from the Out-Ports, which to compute moderately could not,
I think, fall short of 15 £ per Annum. Also for customary
New Year's Gifts, and Christmas Presents to Door-keepers

& Clerks of the Public Offices, Tavern Dinners for the
Lawyers and our other Friends at Hearings, Coach Hire,

&c. for which I know not what to reckon, having kept no
Account of such things. —

I therefore can make no Claim of Allowance for
them.

The House will therefore please to consider the remainder
of the 1 500 £ put into my Hands, so unaccounted for, as now
in their Disposition ; for as to any Compensation for my Time
& Pains in their Service, tho' I am conscious of having done
faithfully every thing in my Power for the Public Good, ac-
cording to the best of my Abilities, yet as the House, when
they appointed me their Agent at first, and afterwards from
Year to Year, did not vote any particular Sum as my Salary,
I am therefore not warranted to charge any thing, but do now,
with the same Confidence I have ever had in the Justice

1763] CONGELATION OF QUICKSILVER 191

& Goodness of the House, chearfully submit the same to their
present Discretion.

With the greatest Respect & Esteem I am,
Sir, Your most obedient

& most humble Servant

B FRANKLIN

339. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN ' (P. c.)

Philada, Feb. 23. 1763.

DEAR STRANEY : — I have only time to write one line by
this Conveyance, just to congratulate you on the glorious
Peace you have made, the most advantageous for the British
Nation, in my Opinion, of any your Annals have recorded.
The Places you have left or restor'd to the French, I look
upon to be so much in our Power in Case of a future War,
as to be so many Hostages or Pledges of their good Behaviour.

Love to Mrs. Strahan and your Children. Billy joins in
every affectionate Sentiment, with, dear Friend,

Yours affectionately

B. FRANKLIN.

340. CONGELATION OF QUICKSILVER. — COLD
PRODUCED BY EVAPORATION 2 (A. p. s.)

Perth Amboy, Feb. 26, 1763.

THE most remarkable Discovery that has been made within
these Three Years is, that Quicksilver is in reality a melted

1 From the original in the possession of Hon. S. W. Pennypacker. — ED.

2 This is a fragmentary rough draft of a letter in the handwriting of Frank-
lin (A. P. S.). It is not known to whom it was written. — ED.

192 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1763

Metal, with this Character only, that of all others it requires
the least Heat to melt it. The Academy of Sciences at Peters-
burg have found, that by dipping a mercurial Thermometer
into repeated cooling mixtures, and so taking from the Mer-
cury the Heat that was in it, they have brought it down some
hundred degrees (the exact Number I cannot remember) below
the freezing Point, when the Mercury became solid and would
sink no longer; and then the Glass being broke it came out
in the Form of a silver Bullet adhering to a Wire, which was
the slender part that had been in the Tube. Upon tryal it
was found malleable and was hammer' d out to the Bigness
of a Half- Crown, but soon after on receiving a small Degree
of Warmth it return'd gradually to its Fluid State again.
This Experiment was repeated by several Members of that
Academy two Winters successively, and an authentic Account
of it transmitted to our Royal Society.

I suppose you have seen, in the 2d Vol. of the new Philo-
sophical Essays of ye Edinburg Society, an Account of some
Experiments to produce Cold by Evaporation, made by Dr.
Cullen, who mentions the like having been before made at
Petersburgh. I think it is but lately that our European
Philosophers have known or acknowledged any thing of such
a Power in Nature. But I find it has been long known in the
East. Bernier, in the Account of his Travels into India,
written above 100 years since, mentions the Custom of Travel-
lers carrying their Water in Flasks covered with wet wrappers,
and hung to the Pomels of their saddles, so as that the Wind
might act upon them, and so cool the Water. I have also
seen a kind of Jar for cooling Water, made of Potter's Earth
glaz'd, and so porous that the Water gradually oused thro' to
the Surface, supplying Water just sufficient for a Constant

1763] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON" 193

Evaporation. I try'd it and found the Water within much

cooler in a few Hours. This Jar was brought from
Egypt.

341. TO MISS MARY STEVENSON1 (p. c.)

Philad3 March 25, 1763.
MY DEAR POLLEY,

Your pleasing Favour of Nov. n is now before me. It
found me as you suppos'd it would, happy with my American
Friends and Family about me ; and it made me more happy
in showing me that I am not yet forgotten by the dear Friends
I left in England. And indeed, why should I fear they will
ever forget me, when I feel so strongly that I shall ever
remember them !

I sympathise with you sincerely in your Grief at the Sepa-
ration from your old Friend, Miss Pitt. The Reflection that
she is going to be more happy, when she leaves you, might
comfort you, if the Case was likely to be so circumstanced;
but when the Country and Company she has been educated
in, and those she is removing to, are compared, one cannot
possibly expect it. I sympathize no less with you in your
Joys. But it is not merely on your Account, that I rejoice at
the Recovery of your dear Dolly's 2 Health. I love that dear
good Girl myself, and I love her other Friends. I am, there-
fore, made happy by what must contribute so much to the
Happiness of them all. Remember me to her, and to every
one of that worthy and amiable Family, most affectionately.

Remember me in the same manner to your and my good

1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.

2 Miss Dorothea Blount. — ED.

VOL. iv — o

194 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1763

Doctor and Mrs. Hawkesworth. You have lately, you tell
me, had the Pleasure of spending three Days with them at
Mr. Stanley's.1 It was a sweet Society ! I too, once partook
of that same Pleasure, and can therefore feel what you must
have felt. Remember me also to Mr. and Mrs. Stanley, and
to Miss Arlond.

Of all the enviable Things England has, I envy it most its
People. Why should that petty Island, which compared to
America, is but like a stepping-Stone in a Brook, scarce
enough of it above Water to keep one's Shoes dry; why, I
say, should that little Island enjoy in almost every Neighbour-
hood, more sensible, virtuous, and elegant Minds, than we
can collect in ranging 100 Leagues of our vast Forests? But
'tis said the Arts delight to travel Westward. You have
effectually defended us in this glorious War, and in time you
will improve us. After the first Cares for the Necessaries of
Life are over, we shall come to think of the Embellishments,
Already some of our young Geniuses begin to lisp Attempts
at Painting, Poetry, and Musick. We have a young Painter
now studying at Rome.2 Some Specimens of our Poetry I
send you, which if Dr. Hawkesworth's fine Taste cannot ap-
prove, his good Heart will at least excuse. The Manuscript
Piece is by a young Friend of mine, and was occasioned by
the Loss of one of his Friends, who lately made a Voyage to
Antigua to settle some Affairs, previous to an intended Mar-
riage with an amiable young Lady here, but unfortunately
died there. I send it to you, because the Author is a great

1 John Stanley (1714-1786), a blind musician, organist to the Society of
the Inner Temple. He composed the music for Dr. Hawkesworth's oratorios,.
" Zimri " and " The Fall of Egypt." — ED.

2 Benjamin West, atat. 25. — ED.

1763] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON 195

Admirer of Mr. Stanley's musical Compositions, and has
adapted this Piece to an Air in the 6th Concerto of that Gen-
tleman, the sweetly solemn Movement of which he is quite in
Raptures with. He has attempted to compose a Recitative
for it, but not being able to satisfy himself in the Bass, wishes
I could get it supply'd. If Mr. Stanley would condescend to
do that for him, thro* your Intercession, he would esteem it
as one of the highest Honours, and it would make him exces-
sively happy. You will say that a Recitativo can be but a
poor Specimen of our Music. 'Tis the best and all I have at
present, but you may see better hereafter.

I hope Mr. Ralph's Affairs are mended since you wrote. I
know he had some Expectations, when I came away, from a
Hand that would help him. He has Merit, and one would
think ought not to be so unfortunate.

I do not wonder at the behaviour you mention of Dr.
Smith towards me, for I have long since known him thor-
oughly. I made that Man my Enemy by doing him too much
Kindness. }Tis the honestest Way of acquiring an Enemy.
And, since 'tis convenient to have at least one Enemy, who
by his Readiness to revile one on all Occasions, may make one
careful of one's Conduct, I shall keep him an Enemy for that
purpose; and shall observe your good Mother's Advice,
never again to receive him as a Friend. She once admir'd
the benevolent Spirit breath'd in his Sermons. She will now
see the Justness of the Lines your Laureat Whitehead ad-
dresses to his Poets, and which I now address to her.

" Full many a peevish, envious, slanderous Elf
Is, in his Works, Benevolence itself.
For all Mankind, unknown, his Bosom heaves ;
He only injures those, with whom he lives.
Read then the Man ; — does Truth his Actions guide,

196 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1763

Exempt from Petulance, exempt from Pride f
To social Duties does his Heart attend,
As Son, as Father, Husband, Brother, Friend?
Do those, who know him, love him ? If they do,
You 've my Permission : you may love him too."

Nothing can please me more than to see your philosophical
Improvements when you have Leisure to communicate them
to me. I still owe you a long Letter on that Subject, which I
shall pay. I am vex'd with Mr. James, that he has been so
dilatory in Mr. Maddison's Armonica. I was unlucky in
both the Workmen, that I permitted to undertake making
those Instruments. The first was fanciful, and never could
work to the purpose, because he was ever conceiving some
new Improvement, that answered no End. The other I doubt
is absolutely idle. I have recommended a Number to him
from hence, but must stop my hand.

Adieu, my dear Polly, and believe me as ever, with the
sincerest Esteem and Regard, your truly affectionate Friend
.and humble Servant, B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. My love to Mrs. Tickell and Mrs. Rooke, and to
Pitty, when you write to her. Mrs. Franklin and Sally desire
to be affectionately remembered to you. I find the printed
Poetry I intended to enclose will be too bulky to send per the
Packet. I shall send it by a Ship, that goes shortly from hence.

342. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN1

March 28, 1763.

I HAVE received your favours of October 20th and Novem-
ber ist by my son, who is safely arrived with my new daughter.

1 From John Bigelow, " The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin," Vol.
X, p. 291. — ED. .

1763] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN" 197

I thank you for your friendly congratulations on his promo-
tion. I am just returned from a journey I made through his
government, and had the pleasure of seeing him received
everywhere with the utmost respect and even affection of all
ranks of people. As to myself, I mentioned to you in a former
letter that I found my friends here more numerous and as
hearty as ever. It had been industriously reported that I
had lived very extravagantly in England, and wasted a con-
siderable sum of the public money, which I had received out
of your treasury for the Province; but the Assembly, when
they came to examine my accounts and allow me for my ser-
vices, found themselves £2,214 IQs. d. sterling in my debt,
to the utter confusion of the propagators of that falsehood,
and the surprise of all they had made to believe it. The
House accordingly ordered that sum to be paid me, and that
the Speaker should, moreover, present me with their thanks
for my fidelity, etc., in transacting their affairs. [ I congratu-
late you on the glorious peace your ministry have made, the
most advantageous to Britain, in my opinion of any your
annals have recorded. As to the places left or restored to
France, I conceive our strength will soon increase to so great
a degree in North America that in any future war we may
with ease redeem them all ; and therefore I look upon them
as so many hostages or pledges of good behaviour from that
perfidious nation. Your pamphlets and papers, therefore,
that are wrote against the peace with some plausibility, give
me pleasure, as I hope the French will read them and be per-
suaded they have made an excellent bargain. . . .

198 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1763

343. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS1

Philadelphia, April 13, 1763.

LOVING KINSMAN,

You may remember, that about ten years since, when I was
at Boston, you and my brother sent directions here to attach
on Grant's right to some land here, by virtue of a mortgage
given him by one Pitt. Nothing effectual could be done in
it at that time, there being a prior mortgage undischarged.
That prior mortgage is now near expiring, and Grant's will
take place. Pitt's widow is desirous of being enabled to sell
the place, which cannot be done, without paying off Grant's
mortgage. Therefore, if your old demand against Grant still
subsists, you may empower me in any manner you think
proper to recover it.

Is Grant living ? Or, if dead, are there any of his represen-
tatives among you? Inquire. Because here is a person
desirous of purchasing, who perhaps may inquire them out,
and get a discharge from them, before your claim is brought
forward, unless the attachment formerly made in your behalf
is still good, which I am inclined to think may be.

I am going in a few days to Virginia, but expect to be back
in three or four weeks. However, send what you have to say
on this subject to my son, at Burlington, who was formerly
empowered by you, and he will take the steps necessary, if I
should not be returned. I am your loving uncle,

B. FRANKLIN.

1 Jonathan Williams, a merchant residing at Boston, and engaged in the
West Indian trade. He was moderator, in 1773, of the meetings at Faneuil
Hall to forbid the landing of the tea. He married Grace Harris, a niece of
Benjamin Franklin. This letter is printed from " Familiar Letters and Mis-
cellaneous Papers of Benjamin Franklin " (Sparks), Boston, 1833, p. 80. — ED.

1763] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN 199

344. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN1 (p. c.)

Philada June 2, 1763.

DEAR FRIEND,

I have just received your Favour of Feb. 28. being but lately
returned home from Virginia. Dr Kelly in his Letter, ap-
pears the fame senfible, worthy, friendly Man I ever found
him ; and Smith, as uf ual, just his Reverf e.2 — I have done
with him: For I believe no body here will prevail with me
to give him another Meeting. — I communicated your
Postscript to B Mecom, and received the enclosed from him.
I begin to fear things are going wrong with him ; I shall be at
New York in a few Days, and will endeavour to secure you as
far as it may be in his Power, and will write you from Thence.
My Love to good Mrs Strahan & to your Children. I hope
to live to fee George a Bishop. Sally is now with her
Brother in the Jerfeys. M" Franklin joins with me in best
wishes, etc. I am, Dear Sir,

I fear my Letters to you Your most obedient

c/0 Capt. Snead never came to & most humble Servant
hand, as I hear he is taken. B. FRANKLIN.

It was the Ship I came over in, the Carolina.
I wrote pretty fully to you & Mrs Stephenfon,
but kept no Copies. —

1 From the original in the possession of Mr. William F. Havemeyer. — ED.

2 Dr. Kelly, F.R.S., had written to Mr. Strahan, December 17, 1762, regard-
ing William Smith's retraction of his calumnies concerning Franklin. — ED.

200 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1763

345. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN1

Woodbridge, New Jersey, June 10, 1763.

DEAR STRANEY: — I am here in my way to New Eng-
land, where I expect to be till towards the end of summer.
I have writ to you lately, and have nothing to add. 'Tis
against my conscience to put you to the charge of a shilling
for a letter that has nothing in it to any purpose ; but as
I have wrote to some of your acquaintance by this op-
portunity, I was afraid you would not forgive me if I did
not write also to you. This is what people get by not being
always as good-natured as they should be. I am glad,
however that you have this fault ; for a man without faults
is a hateful creature. He puts all his friends out of
countenance ; but I love you exceedingly. I am glad to hear
that Friend was dismissed and got safe with his ship to Eng-
land, for I think I wrote you a long letter by him, and fear'd
it was lost ; tho' I have forgot what was in it, and perhaps it
was not very material; but now you have it. Tell me
whether George is to be a Church or Presbyterian parson.2
I know you are a Presbyterian yourself ; but then I think you
have more sense than to stick him into a priesthood that
admits of no promotion. If he was a dull lad it might not be
amiss, but George has parts, and ought to aim at a mitre.
God bless you, and farewell. If I write much more I must

1 From John Bigelow, " Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin," Vol. Ill,
p. 239. — ED.

2 George Strahan (1744-1824) was Vicar of St. Mary's, Islington, 1773 ;
a Prebendary of Rochester, 1805 ; and Rector of Kingsdown, Kent, 1820-
1824. — ED.

1763] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON 201

use a cover, which will double the postage. So I prudently
cut short (thank me for it) with, Dear Straney,

Your affectionate friend and hum. servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

346. TO MISS MARY STEVENSON1 (p. c.)

Woodbridge, New Jersey, June 10, 1763.

1 WROTE to my dear Friend's good Mama to-day, and said I
should hardly have time to write to you ; but, finding a spare
half Hour, I will indulge myself in the Pleasure of spending it
with you. I have just receiv'd your most agreable Epistle of
March u. The Ease, the Smoothness, the Purity of Diction,
and Delicacy of Sentiment, that always appear in your Let-
ters, never fail to delight me ; but the tender filial Regard you
constantly express for your old Friend is particularly engag-
ing. Continue, then, to make him happy from time to time
with that sweet Intercourse ; and take in return all he can give
you, his sincerest Wishes for you of every kind of Felicity.

I hope, that, by the Time this reaches you, an Account will
arrive of your dear Pittey's safe landing in America among
her Friends. Your Dolly, too, I hope, has perfectly recovered
her Health, and then nothing will remain to give you Uneasi-
ness or Anxiety. Heaven bless you, and believe me ever, my
dear Child, your affectionate Friend and humble Servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.

202 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1763

347. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)

New York, June 16. 1763
MY DEAR CHILD,

We left Woodbridge on Tuesday Morning and went to
Eliz. Town, where I found our Children return'd from the
Falls, & very well : The Corporation were to have a Dinner
that day at the Point for their Entertainment, and prevail'd
on us to stay. There was all the principal People & a great
many Ladies: after Dinner we set out, & got here before
dark. We waited on the Governor & on Gen1 Amherst
yesterday ; din'd with Lord Sterling ; went in the Evening to
my old Friend Mr. Kennedy's Funeral ; and are to dine with
the General to-day. Mr. Hughes and Daughter are well, &
Betsey Holt. I have not yet seen B. Mecom, but shall to-day.
I am very well.

I purpose to take Sally at all Events, & write for her to-day
to be ready to go in the Packet that sails next Friday Week.
If there is no other suitable Company, Mr. Parker will go
with her & take care of her. I am glad you sent some Wax
Candles with the Things to Boston. I am now so us'd to it,
I cannot well do without it. You spent your Sunday very
well, but I think you should go oftner to Church. I approve
of your opening all my English Letters, as it must give you
Pleasure to see that People who knew me there so long and
so intimately, retain so sincere a Regard for me.

My Love to Mr. Rhoads when you see him, and desire he
would send me an Invoice of such Locks, Hinges, and the
like as cannot be had at Philadelphia, and will be necessary

1763] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN 203

for my House, that I may send for them. Let me know from
time to time how it goes on. Mr. Foxcroft and Mr. Parker

join in Compliments to you and Cousin Lizzey. Mr. F

prays his Mamma to forgive him, and he will be a better Boy.
I am, my dear Debby, your affectionate Husband,

B. FRANKLIN*

348. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN1

New York, June 28. 1763.

DEAR FRIEND : — You will hear before this reaches you
that the Indians have renewed their hostilities. They have
not as usual made any previous complaint, and various con-
jectures are therefore made of the cause. Some think it is
merely to secure their hunting countries, which they appre-
hend we mean to take from them by force and turn them
into plantations, though the apprehension is without ground ;
others, that too little notice of them has been taken since
the reduction of Canada, no presents made them as before;
others, that they are offended at the prohibition of selling
them rum or powder, but I do not find this prohibition has
been general, and as to powder, that enough has been al-
lowed them all for their hunting ; others, that they acquired
a relish for plunder in the late war, and would again enjoy
the sweets of it; others, that it is the effect of a large belt
sent among them by the French commander in the Illinois
country before he heard of the peace, to excite them to re-
new the war and assure them of supplies and assistance;

1 From John Bigelow, " The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin,"
Vol. X, p. 293. — ED.

204 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1763

others, think all these causes may have operated together.
The nations chiefly concerned are said to be the Ottawas
and Chippewas, who live west of and north of the Lakes,
and the Delawares on the Ohio, but some other nations who
have not yet appeared are suspected privily to encourage
them. It is, however, a war that I think cannot last long,
though for the present very mischievous to the poor settlers
on the frontiers.

I expected when I left England to have learnt in your
letters the true state of things from time to time among you ;
but you are silent and I am in the dark. I hear that faction
and sedition are becoming universal among you, which I
can scarcely believe, though I see in your public papers a
licentiousness that amazes me. I hear of ins and outs and
ups and downs, and know neither why nor wherefore.
Think, my dear friend, how much satisfaction it is in your
power to give me, with a loss only of half an hour in a month
that you would otherwise spend at cribbage. I left our
friend David and his family well. I hope this will find
you so. I am here on my journey to New England, whence
I hope to return in about two months. Sally goes with me.
Billy and his wife came over here last night from the Jerseys
to spend a few days with their friends at New York, so that
we are all together at present, except my wife, and all join
in best wishes for you and good Mrs. Strahan and your
children. I wrote to you by the last packet, and can now
only add that I am, with sincerest esteem and affection,
dear sir, your most obedient humble servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

1763] TO MRS. CATHERINE GREENE 205

349. TO WILLIAM GREENE1
DEAR SIR, Providence, July 19, 1763.

From the very hospitable and kind treatment we met
with at your house, I must think it will be agreeable to you
to hear, that your guests got well in before the rain. We
hope that you and Mrs. Greene were likewise safe at home
before night, and found all well. We all join in the most
cordial thanks and best wishes, and shall be glad on every
occasion to hear of the welfare of you and yours. I beg you
will present our compliments to your good neighbour, Cap-
tain Fry, and tell him we shall always retain a grateful
remembrance of his civilities.

The soreness in my breast seems to diminish hourly. To
rest and temperance I ascribe it chiefly, though the bleeding
had doubtless some share in the effect. We purpose setting
out to go to Wrentham this afternoon, in order to make an
easy day's journey into Boston to-morrow. Present our
respects to Mrs. Ray, and believe me, with much esteem,
dear Sir, your obliged and most obedient, humble servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

350. TO MRS. CATHERINE GREENE2
DEAR FRIEND Boston, Aug. i, 1763.

I ought to acquaint you that I feel myself growing daily
firmer & freer from the effects of my Fall; and hope a few

1 At Warwick, Rhode Island. This letter was first printed by Sparks, in
« Familiar Letters and Miscellaneous Papers of Benjamin Franklin," Boston,
1833, p. 84. — ED.

a From the Rhode Island Mercury, April 10, 1896.

206 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1763

Days more will make me quite forget it. I shall however
never forget the kindness I met with at your House on that
Occasion. Make my Compliments acceptable to your Mr.
Greene; and let him know that I acknowledge the Receipt
of his obliging Letter and thank him for it. It gave me
great Pleasure to hear you got home before the Rain.

My Compliments too to Mr. Merchant and Miss Ward
if they are still with you ; and kiss the Babies for me. Sally
says, & for me too: — She adds her best Respects to Mr.
Greene, & you and that she could have spent a Week with
you with great Pleasure, if I had not hurried her away. My
Brother is returned to Rhode island. Sister Mecom thanks
you for your kind remembrance of her & presents her
Respects.

With perfect Esteem & Regard, I am, Dear Katy (I can't
yet alter my Stile to Madam)

Your affectionate Friend

B. FRANKLIN

351. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN1

Boston, August 8, 1763.

DEAR FRIEND: — I have received here your favour of May
3d, and postscript of May loth, and thank you cordially for the
sketch you give me of the present state of your political affairs.
If the stupid, brutal opposition your good king and his meas-
ures have lately met with, should as you fear, become general,,
surely you would not wish me to come and live among such

1 From John Bigelow, " The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin,'"
Vol. X, p. 294. — ED.

1763] TO MRS. CATHERINE GREENE 207

people; you would rather remove hither, where we have
no savages but those we expect to be such. /j But I think
your madmen will ere long come to their senses; and
when I come I shall find you generally wise and happy.
That I have not the propensity to sitting still that you appre-
hend, let my present journey witness for me; in which I
have already travelled eleven hundred and forty miles on
this continent since April, and shall make six hundred
and forty more before I see home. No friend can wish
me more in England than I do myself. But before I go
every thing I am concerned in must be so settled here as to
make another return to America unnecessary. My love
to every one of your dear family, of whose welfare I always
rejoice to hear; being with the greatest esteem and affection,
dear sir, yours sincerely, B. FRANKLIN.

352. TO MRS. CATHERINE GREENE1

Boston, September 5, 1763.

DEAR FRIEND,

On my returning hither from Portsmouth, I find your
obliging favour of the i8th past, for which I thank you. I
am almost ashamed to tell you, that I have had another fall,
and put my shoulder out. It is well reduced again, but is
still affected with constant, though not very acute pain. I
am not yet able to travel rough roads, and must lie by awhile,
as I can neither hold reins nor whip with my right hand till
it grows stronger.

1 From " The Familiar Letters of Benjamin Franklin," Boston, 1833, p. 86.
— ED.

208 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1763

Do you think, after this, that even your kindest invitations
and Mr. Greene's can prevail with me to venture myself
again on such roads? And yet it would be a great pleasure
to me to see you and yours once more. Sally and my sister
Mecom thank you for your remembrance of them, and pre-
sent their affectionate regards. My best respects to good
Mr. Greene, Mrs. Ray, and love to your little ones. .1 am
glad to hear they are well, and that your Celia goes alone.

I am, dear friend, yours affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

353. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN l (p. c.)

Boston, Sept. 22, 1763

DEAR FRIEND: I write in pain with an Arm lately dis-
located, so can only acknowledge the Receipt of your Favours
of May 3 and 10, & thank you for the Intelligence they con-
tain concerning your publick Affairs. I am now 400 miles
from home, but hope to be there again in about 3 weeks.
The Indian War upon our Western Settlements was un-
doubtedly stirr'd up by the French on the Missisipi, before
they had heard of the Peace between the two Nations ; and
will probably cease when we are in Possession of what is
there ceded to us. My Respects to Mrs. Strahan and Love
to your Children. I am, dear Friend, very affectionately
yours, B. FRANKLIN.

1 From the original in the possession of Mr. E. B. Holden. — ED.

1763] TO SIR ALEXANDER DICK 209

354. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS1 (p. c.)

Philad* Nov. 28, 1763

LOVING KINSMAN,

I received yours acquainting me that the Chair is shipt.
It is not yet come to hand, but the Armonica is arrived safe,
not a glafs hurt. I am much obliged by your Care of my
little Affairs. — The Houfe, when repaired, I would have you
let to as good a Tenant and for as good a Rent as you can
well get — and let me have the Account of Repairs, that it
may be adjusted as foon as pofsible.

My Wife & Daughter join in Love to you & yours,

with

Your affectionate uncle

B FRANKLIN
Mr Foxcroft's Compliments

I am defired by him to add. —

It is farther my Defire & Direction, that the Rent of the
Houfe be applied to afsist my Sister Mecom in the Main-
tenance of her unhappy Son, and I request you to pay it to

her for that purpose as it arifes.

B. FRANKLIN

355. TO SIR ALEXANDER DICK (L. L.)

Philada Dec. 11, 1763.

DEAR SIR

I take the Opportunity of a Ship from this Place to Leith,
once more to pay my Respects to my good Friend from this

1 From the original in the possession of Mr. E. B. Holden. — ED.
VOL. iv — P

210 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1763

side the Water, and to assure him that neither Time nor
Distance have in the least weakened the Impression on my
Mind, stampt there by his Kindness to me and my Son,
while we were in Scotland. When I saw him last, we talk'd
over the pleasant Hours we spent at Prestonfield, and he
desired me, whenever I should write, to join with mine his
best Respects to you and to Lady Dick, your amiable
Daughter & the rest of your domestic Circle. — He is very
happy in his Government as well as in his Marriage. —

My Daughter has been endeavouring to collect some of
the Music of this Country Production, to send Miss. Dick,
in Return for her most acceptable present of Scotch Songs.
But Music is a new Art with us. She has only obtained a
few Airs adapted by a young Gentleman of our Acquaintance
to some old Songs, which she now desires me to enclose,
and to repeat her Thanks for the Scotch Music with which
we are all much delighted. She sings the Songs to her
Harpsichord, and I play some of the softest Tunes on my
Armonica, with which Entertainment our People here are
quite charmed, and conceive the Scottish Tunes to be the
finest in the World. And indeed, there is so much simple
Beauty in many of them, that it is my Opinion they will
never die, but in all Ages find a Number of Admirers among
those whose Taste is not debauch' d by Art.

I expected before this Time some of yours and Dr Hope's
botanical Orders to execute, which I shall do with great
Pleasure whenever they come to hand. —

Be pleased to present my Respects to our Friends the
Russels, when you see them; to the two Doctors Monro,
Dr Cullen, Dr Clark, M M'Gawen, and any others who
may do me the Honour to enquire after me, not forgetting

1763] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN 211

Pythagoras, who, from his Temperance I conclude is still
living and well. I send him the Picture of a Brother Philos-
opher in this Country. — And withal I send you a Piece of
our American Husbandry, which will show you something
of the State of Agriculture among us; — and a Book of
our Poetry too, which from so remote a Country may prob-
ably be esteem' d some Curiosity if it has no other Merit.
With the sincerest Esteem & Affection, I am,
Dear Sir

Your most obedient

humble Servant,

B. FRANKLIN

356. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN ' (p. c.)

DEAR STRANEY philada Dec" '* '?63-

I have before me your Favours of July 16 and Aug* 18
which is the latest. It vexes me excessively to see that
Parker and Mecom are so much in Arrear with you. What
is due from Parker is safe, and will be paid I think with
Interest; for he is a Man as honest as he is industrious,
and frugal, and has withal some Estate; his Backwardness
has been owing to his bad Partners only, of whom he is now
nearly quit. But as to Mecom, he seems so dejected and
spiritless that I fear little will be got of him. He has dropt
his Paper on which he built his last Hopes. I doubt I shall
lose £200 by him myself but am taking Steps to save what
I can for you ; of which more fully in my next.

Now I am return'd from my long Journeys which have
consumed the whole Summer, I shall apply Myself to such

1 From the original in the possession of Hon. S. W. Pennypacker. — ED.

212 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1763

a Settlement of all my Affairs, as will enable me to do what
your Friendship so warmly urges. I have a great Opinion
of your Wisdom (Madeira apart) and am apt enough to
think that what you seem so clear in, and are so earnest
about, must be right. Tho' I own that I sometimes suspect
my Love to England and my Friends there, seduces me a
little, and makes my own middling Reasons for going over,
appear very good ones. We shall see in a little Time how
Things will turn out. Blessings on your Heart for the
Feast of Politicks you gave me in your last. I could by no
other means have obtained so clear a View of the present
State of your public Affairs as by your Letter. Most of
your Observations appear to me extreamly judicious, strik-
ingly clear and true. I only differ from you in some of the
melancholy Apprehensions you express concerning Conse-
quences; and to comfort you (at the same time flattering
my own Vanity) let me remind you that I have sometimes
been in the right in such Cases, when you happen' d to be
in the wrong; as I can prove upon you out of this very
Letter of yours. Call to mind your former Fears for the
King of Prussia, and remember my telling you that the
Man's Abilities were more than equal to all the Force of
his Enemies, and that he would finally extricate himself and
triumph. This by the Account you give me from Major
Beckwith, is fully verified. You now fear for our virtuous
young King, that the Faction forming will overpower him
and render his Reign uncomfortable. On the contrary, I
am of Opinion that his Virtue and the Consciousness of his
sincere Intentions to make his People happy will give him
Firmness and Steadiness in his Measures and in the Support
of the honest Friends he has chosen to serve him ; and when

1763] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN 213

that Firmness is fully perceiv'd, Faction will dissolve and be
dissipated like a Morning Fog before the rising Sun, leaving
the rest of the Day clear with a Sky serene and cloudless.
Such after a few of the first Years will be the future course of
his Majesty's Reign, which I predict will be happy and truly
glorious. Your Fears for the Nation, too, appear to me as
little founded. A new War I cannot yet see Reason to appre-
hend. The Peace I think will long continue, and your
Nation be as happy as they deserve to be, that is, as happy
as their moderate Share of Virtue will allow them to be:
Happier than that no outward Circumstances can make a
Nation any more than a private Man. And as to their
Quantity of Virtue I think it bids fair for Increasing; if
the old Saying be true, as it certainly is,
Ad exemplar Regis, etc.

My Love to Mrs. Strahan and your Children in which
my Wife and Daughter join, with

Your ever affectionate Friend

B. FRANKLIN

P. S. The Western Indians about Fort Detroit now sue
for Peace, having lost a great Number of their best
Warriors in their vain Attempt to reduce that Fortress;
and being at length assur'd by a Belt from the French Com-
mander in the Ilinois Country, that a Peace is concluded
between England and France, that he must evacuate the
Country and deliver up his Forts, and can no longer supply
or support them. It is thought this will draw on a general
Peace. I am only afraid it will be concluded before these
Barbarians have sufficiently smarted for their perfidious
breaking the last.

214 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

The Governor of Detroit, Major Gladwin, has granted
them a Cessation of Arms till the General's Pleasure is
known.

357. TO SIR FRANCIS BERNARD1 (B. M.)

Philadelphia, January n, 1764.

SIR : — Having heard nothing from Virginia concerning
your Son, I have at length thought the best & surest Way
of bringing him safely here, will be to send from hence a
sober, trusty Person to conduct him up, who will attend him
on the Road, etc. I have accordingly this Day agreed with
Mr Ennis, a very discreet Man, to make the Journey, who
sets out to-morrow Morning. I shall send with him my
own Horse for Mr Bernard, and Money to bear his expences,
with a Letter to Mr. Johnson, engaging to pay any Acc't he
may have against your Son, or any reasonable Debts he may
have contracted there. I hope this will be agreable to you,
& answer the End. I am, with sincere respect, your Ex-
cellency's most obedient and most humble Servant,

B. FRANKLIN.
[Endorsed Jan. 21. 1764.]

358. TO ANTHONY TODD2

Philadelphia, January 16. 1764.

SIR: — In my last I wrote you that Mr. Foxcroft, my
colleague, was gone to Virginia, where, and in Maryland,

1 B. M. Add., MSS., 12,099. Sir Francis Bernard (1711-1779), governor
of New Jersey in 1758 ; transferred to Massachusetts Bay in 1760. — ED.

2 From John Bigelow, " The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin,"
Vol. X, p. 297. A. Todd was secretary of the general post office. — ED.

1764] TO MRS. CATHERINE GREENE 215

some offices are yet unsettled. We are to meet again in
April at Annapolis, and then shall send you a full account
of our doings. I will now only just mention that we hope
in the spring to expedite the communication between Boston
and New York, as we have already that between New York
and Philadelphia, by making the mails travel by night as
well as by day, which has never heretofore been done in
America. It passes now between Philadelphia and New
York so quick that a letter can be sent from one place to
another, and an answer received the day following, which
before took a week, and when our plan is executed between
Boston and New York, letters may be sent and answers
received in four days, which before took a fortnight; and
between Philadelphia and Boston in six days, which before
required three weeks. We think this expeditious communi-
cation will greatly increase the number of letters from Phila-
delphia and Boston by the packets to Britain.

359. TO MRS. CATHERINE GREENE1

Philadelphia, February 15, 1764.
DEAR FRIEND,

I have before me your most acceptable favour of Decem-
ber 24th. Publick business and our publick confusions have
so taken up my attention, that I suspect I did not answer it
when I received it, but am really not certain; so, to make
sure, I write this line to acknowledge the receiving of it, and
to thank you for it. I condole with you on the death of the

1 From "The Familiar Letters of Benjamin Franklin," Boston, 1833, p. 88.
— ED.

216 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

good old lady, your mother. Separations of this kind from
those we love are grievous; but it is the will of God, that
such should be the nature of things in this world. All that
ever were born are either dead, or must die. It becomes us
to submit, and to comfort ourselves with the hope of a better
life and more happy meeting hereafter.

Sally kept to her horse the greatest part of the journey,
and was much pleased with the tour. She often remembers,
with pleasure and gratitude, the kindnesses she met with,
and received from our friends everywhere, and particularly
at your house. She talks of writing by this post; and my
dame sends her love to you, and thanks for the care you
took of her old man, but, having bad spectacles, cannot
write at present.

Mr. Kent's compliment is a very extraordinary one, as
he was obliged to kill himself and two others in order to
make it ; but, being killed in imagination only, they and he
are all yet alive and well, thanks to God, and I hope will
continue so as long as, dear Katy, your affectionate friend,

B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. My best respects to Mr. Greene, and love to "the
little dear creatures." I believe the instructions relating
to the post-office have been sent to Mr. Rufus Greene.

360. TO MISS MARY STEVENSON1 (P.O.)

DEAR POLLY, Phiiad- March 14, 1764.

I have received your kind Letters of Aug^ 30 and Nov. 16.
Please to return my Thanks, with those of my Friend, to*

1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.

1764] TO MISS MARY STEVENSON 217

Mr. Stanley for his Favour in the Musick, which gives great
Satisfaction. I am glad to hear of the Welfare of the Blunt
Family, and the Addition it has lately received ; and particu-
larly that your Dolly's Health is mended. Present my best
Respects to them, and to the good Dr. and Mrs. Hawkes-
worth, when you see them.

I believe you were right in dissuading your good Mother
from coming hither. The Proposal was a hasty Thought
of mine, in which I considered only some Profit she might
make by the Adventure, and the Pleasure to me and my
Family from the Visit ; but forgot poor Polly, and what her
Feelings must be on the Occasion, and perhaps did not suf-
ficiently reflect, that the Inconveniencies of such a Voyage,
to a Person of her Years and Sex, must be more than the
Advantages could compensate.

I am sincerely concerned to hear of Mrs. Rooke's long-
continued Affliction with that cruel Gout. My best Wishes
attend her and good Mrs. Tickell. Let me hear from you
as often as you can afford it. You can scarce conceive the
Pleasure your Letters give me. Blessings on his Soul, that
first invented Writing, without which, I should, at this
Distance, be as effectually cut off from my Friends in Eng-
land, as the Dead are from the Living. But I write so little,,
that I can have no Claim to much from you. Business,
publick and private, devours all my Time. I must return
to England for Repose. With such Thoughts I flatter my-
self, and need some kind Friend to put me often in mind,
that old Trees cannot safely be transplanted.

Adieu, my amiable Friend, and believe me ever yours
most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

218 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

361. TO JOHN CANTON1 (R. s.)

Philada Mar. 14, 1764.

DEAR SIR,

When I left London, I promis'd myself the Pleasure of a
regular Correspondence with you and some others of the
ingenious Gentlemen that compos'd our Club. But after
so long an Absence from my Family and Affairs, I found, as
you will easily conceive, so much Occupation, that philosoph-
ical Matters could not be attended to, and my last Summer
was almost wholly taken up in long Journeys. I am now a
little better settled, and take the Liberty of Beginning that
Commerce of Letters with you, in which I am sure to be the
Gainer.

I have little that is new at present to offer you. I have
made no Experiments myself. Mr. Kinnersley has shewn
me one, that I think is mention'd in a Letter of his to me,
which I left in London, and it is a beautiful one to see. By
a stroke from his Case of Bottles pass'd thro' a fine Iron
Wire, the Wire appears first red hot, and then falls in Drops,
which burn themselves into the Surface of the Table or
Floor. The Drops cool round like very small Shot. I
enclose some of them. This proves that the Fusion of Iron
by a Stroke of Lightning may be a hot and not a cold Fusion
as we formerly supposed, and is agreable to the Ace* pub-
lished some Years since in the Transactions, of the Effects
of Lightning on a Bell Wire in Southwark.

1 From the original in the Library of the Royal Society (" Canton Papers ").
John Canton (1718-1772), electrician, was elected F.R.S. March 22, 1749.
He was the first successfully to repeat in England the experiments of Frank-
lin. — ED.

1764] TO JOHN CANTON 219

Mr. Kinnersley told me of a much stranger Experiment,
to wit, that when he had sometimes electrify'd the Air in his
Room, he open'd the Windows and Doors, and suffer' d the
Wind to blow through, which made no Alteration in the
electric state of the Room tho' the whole Air must have
been changed; That he had even try'd the same abroad
in the open Air on a windy Day, and found the Electricity
remained long after the Operation, tho' the Air first electri-
fy'd must have been all driven away. This surpris'd me, as
it seem'd to indicate that some fix'd Medium subsisted be-
tween the Particles of Air, thro' which Medium they might
pass as Sand can thro' Water; and that such fix'd Medium
was capable of Electrisation. I went to see it, but had
however my Doubts that there might be some Deception
in the Experiment; and tho' at first it seem'd to succeed
astonishingly, I afterwards found what I thought might
occasion the Deception. As your little Balls, which were
us'd to discover the Electricity by their Separation, would be
too much disturb'd by the Wind when it blow'd fresh, Mr.
Kinnersley had put them into a Phial, suspended from the
bottom of the Cork. They were as easily affected there,
by any Electricity in the outward Air as if they had not been
enclos'd; but I suspect that the Glass receives some Degree
of Electricity from the electris'd Air, and so kept the Balls
separated after the electris'd Air was blown away. I think
Mr. Kinnersley was not quite satisfy'd with that Solution
of the Phenomenon. I wish you would try it when you have
Leisure, and let me know the Result.

An ingenious Gentleman in Boston,1 who is a friend of
mine, desired me when there last Summer, to recommend a

1 James Bowdoin. — ED.

220 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

good Instrumentmaker to him, to make a Pedestal of a
new Construction for his Reflecting Telescope. I accord-
ingly recommended our Friend Nairne ; but as it was a new
Thing to Mr. Nairne, it might be well for preventing Mis-
takes, to get some Gentleman accustomed to the Use of
Telescopes in Astronomical Observations, to inspect the
Execution; and I took the Liberty to mention you, as one
who would be good enough to take that Trouble if he re-
quested it. I find he has accordingly wrote to you and sent
his Telescope. If it may not be too much Trouble, I hope
you will oblige him in it, and I shall take it as a Favour
to me. I send you enclosed a second Letter of his. The
Charge of Postage that you pay should be put into his
Account. I have no Improvement to propose. The Whole
is submitted to you.

Please to present my respectful Compliments to Lord
Charles Cavendish & Mr. Cavendish when you see them, to
whom I am much obliged for their Civilities to me when
I was in England. Also to Mr. Price, Mr. Burgh, Mr.
Rose, and the rest of that happy company with whom I
pass'd so many agreable Evenings that I shall always think
of with Pleasure. My best Respects to Mrs. Canton, and
believe me, with sincere Regard,

Dear Sir, your most obedient

& most humble Servant

B. FRANKLIN;

1764] TO JOHN FOTHERGILL, M.D. 221

362. TO JOHN FOTHERGILL, M.D.1

March 14, 1764.

DEAR DOCTOR, — I received your favour of the loth of
December. It was a great deal for one to write whose time
was so little his own. By the way, when do you intend
to live? — i.e., to enjoy life. When will you retire to your
villa, give yourself repose, delight in viewing the operations
of nature in the vegetable creation, assist her in her works,
get your ingenious friends at times about you, make them
happy with your conversation, and enjoy theirs : or, if alone,
amuse yourself with your books and elegant collections ?

To be hurried about perpetually from one sick chamber to
another is not living. Do you please yourself with the
fancy that you are doing good? You are mistaken. Half
the lives you save are not worth saving, as being useless,
and almost all the other half ought not to be saved, as being
mischievous. Does your conscience never hint to you the
impiety of being in constant warfare against the plans
of Providence? Disease was intended as the punishment
of intemperence, sloth, and other vices, and the example of
that punishment was intended to promote and strengthen
the opposite virtues. But here you step in officiously with
your Art, disappoint those wise intentions of nature, and
make men safe in their excesses, whereby you seem to me
to be of just the same service to society as some favourite
first minister who out of the great benevolence of his heart

1 From "The Life of Benjamin Franklin," Bigelow, 5th ed., 1905, Vol. I, p.
452*. The original is in the possession of Mr. John Henry Gurney, of Keswick
Hall, Norwich. — ED.

222 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1764

should procure pardons of all criminals that applied to him;
only think of the consequences.

You tell me the Quakers are charged on your side of the
water with being, by their aggressions, the cause of the war.
Would you believe it that they are charged here, not with
offending the Indians and thereby provoking the war, but
with gaining their friendship by presents, supplying them
privately with arms and ammunition, and engaging them to
fall upon and murder the poor white people on the frontiers ?
Would you think it possible that thousands even here should
be made to believe this, and many hundreds of them be
raised in arms, not only to kill some converted Indians,
supposed to be under the Quakers' protection, but to punish
the Quakers who were supposed to give that protection?
Would you think these people audacious enough to avow
such designs in a public declaration, sent to the Governor?
Would you imagine that innocent Quakers, men of fortune
and character, should think it necessary to fly for safety out
of Philadelphia into the Jersies, fearing the violence of such
armed mobs, and confiding little in the power or inclination
of the government to protect them? And would you imagine
that strong suspicions now prevail that those mobs, after
committing so barbarous murders hitherto unpunished, are
privately tampered with to be made instruments of govern-
ment to awe the Assembly into proprietary measures ? And
yet all this has happened within a few weeks past.

More wonders. You know that I don't love the pro-
prietary and that he does not love me. Our totally different
tempers forbid it. You might therefore expect that the late
new appointments of one of his family would find me ready
for opposition. And yet when his nephew arrived, our

1764] TO JOHN FOTHERGILL, M.D. 223

Governor, I considered government as government, and
paid him all respect, gave him on all occasions my best
advice, promoted in the Assembly a ready compliance with
every thing he proposed or recommended, and when those
daring rioters, encouraged by general approbation of the
populace, treated his proclamation with contempt, I drew
my pen in the cause ; wrote a pamphlet (that I have sent you)
to render the rioters unpopular; promoted an association
to support the authority of the Government and defend the
Governor by taking arms, signed it first myself and was
followed by several hundreds, who took arms accordingly.
The Governor offered me the command of them, but I chose
to carry a musket and strengthen his authority by setting
an example of obedience to his order. And would you
think it, this proprietary Governor did me the honour, in
an alarm, to run to my house at midnight, with his coun-
sellors at his heels, for advice, and made it his head-quarters
for some time. And within four and twenty hours, your
old friend was a common soldier, a counsellor, a kind of
dictator, an ambassador to the country mob, and on his
returning home, nobody again. All this has happened in a
few weeks.

More wonders! The Assembly received a Governor of
the Proprietary family with open arms, addressed him with
sincere expressions of kindness and respect, opened their
purses to them, and presented him with six hundred pounds j
made a Riot Act and prepared a Militia Bill immediately,
at his instance, granted supplies, and did everything that he
requested, and promised themselves great happiness under
his administration, j But suddenly his dropping all inquiries
after the murderers, and his answering the disputes of the

224 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

rioters privately and refusing the presence of the Assembly
who were equally concerned in the matters contained in
their remonstrance, brings him under suspicion; his insult-
ing the Assembly without the least provocation by charging
them with disloyalty and with making an infringement on
the King's prerogatives, only because they had presumed to
name in a bill offered for his assent a trifling officer (some-
what like one of your toll-gatherers at a turnpike) without
consulting him, and his refusing several of their bills or
proposing amendments needless disgusting. \ \

These things bring him and his government into sudden
contempt. All regard for him in the Assembly is lost. All
hopes of happiness under a Proprietary Government are at
an end. It has now scarce authority enough to keep the
common peace, and was another to come, I question, though
a dozen men were sufficient, whether one could find so many
in Philadelphia willing to rescue him or his Attorney General,
I won't say from hanging, but from any common insult.
All this too happened in a few weeks.

In fine, everything seems in this country, once the land of
peace and order, to be running fast into anarchy and confusion.
But we hope there is virtue enough in your great nation to
support a good Prince in the execution of a good government
and the exercise of his just prerogatives against all the at-
tempts of unreasonable faction. I have been already too
long. Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever, yours
affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

1764] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN* 225

363. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN1

Philadelphia, March 30, 1764.

DEAR FRIEND : — I begin to think it long since I had the
pleasure of hearing from you.

Enclosed is one of our last Gazettes, in which you will
see that our dissensions are broke out again, more violently
than ever. Such a necklace of Resolves ! and all nemine
contradicentej I believe you have seldom seen, (if you can
find room for them and our messages in the Chronicle (but
perhaps 'tis too much to ask), I should be glad to have them
there ; as it may prepare the minds of those in power for an
application that I believe will shortly be made from this
Province to the crown, to take the government into its own
hands. They talk of sending me over with it, but it will be
too soon for me. At least I think so at present. Adieu,
my dear Friend, and believe me ever

Yours affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. — My love to my young Wife, and to Mrs. Strahan,
Rachey, Billy, &c., &c. In your next tell me how you all do,
and don't oblige me to come and see before I am quite ready.

1 From John Bigelow, " The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin,"
Vol. Ill, p. 246. — ED.

VOL. IV — Q

226 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764
364. COOL THOUGHTS

ON THE

PRESENT SITUATION

OF OUR
PUBLIC AFFAIRS.

IN A LETTER TO A FRIEND IN THE COUNTRY.

Philadelphia: Printed by W. Dunlap

MDCCLXIV.

Dr. Franklin returned from his first mission to England in 1762,
having accomplished the object for which he was sent out. It was
decided, that the proprietary estates in Pennsylvania should be taxed
in due proportion for the defence of the colony. Thus was taken away
a source of contention, which had embroiled the assembly and gov-
ernors for many years. Other difficulties, however, soon after arose, in
consequence of the opposition of the governor to the wishes of the
assembly. The disputes grew every day more warm, and the discon-
tents became general throughout the province. In this state of things,
it was proposed to petition the King to take the government of the
colony into his own hands, after making a proper remuneration to the
proprietaries ; or, in other words, to convert the Proprietary Govern-
ment into a Royal Government. The following piece was written in
defence of this measure. — S.

Philadelphia, April 12, 1764.

SIR,

Your Apology was unnecessary. It will be no Trouble,
but a Pleasure, if I can give you the Satisfaction you desire.
I shall therefore immediately communicate to you my Mo-
tives for approving the Proposal of endeavouring to obtain a

1764] COOL THOUGHTS 227

Royal Government, in Exchange for this of the Proprietaries ;
with such Answers to the Objections you mention, as, in
my Opinion, fully obviate them.

I do not purpose entering into the Merits of the Disputes
between the Proprietaries and the People. I only observe
it as a Fact known to us all, that such Disputes there are,
and that they have long subsisted, greatly to the Prejudice of
the Province, clogging and embarrassing all the Wheels of
Government, and exceedingly obstructing the publick De-
fence, and the Measures wisely concerted by our Gracious
Sovereign, for the common Security of the Colonies. I may
add it as another Fact, that we are all heartily tired of these
Disputes. j(

It is very remarkable, that Disputes of the same Kind have
arisen in All Proprietary Governments, and subsisted till
their Dissolution; All were made unhappy by them, and
found no Relief but in recurring finally to the immediate
Government of the Crown. Pennsylvania and Maryland, are
the only Two of the Kind remaining, and both at this In-
stant agitated by the same Contentions between Proprietary
Interest and Power, and Popular Liberty. Thro' these
Contentions the good People of that Province are rendered
equally unhappy with ourselves, and their Proprietary, per-
haps, more so than our's ; for he has no Quakers in his As-
sembly to saddle with the Blame of those Contentions, nor
can he justify himself with the Pretence, that turning to the
Church has made his People his Enemies.

Pennsylvania had scarce been settled Twenty Years,
when these Disputes began between the first Proprietor and
the original Settlers ; they continued, with some Intermissions,
during his whole Life; his Widow took them up, and con-

228 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

tinued them after his Death. Her Sons resumed them very
early,1 and they still subsist. Mischievous and distressing
as they have been found to both Proprietors and People,
it does not appear that there is any Prospect of their being
extinguished, till either the Proprietary Purse is unable to
support them, or the Spirit of the People so broken, that they
shall be willing to submit to any Thing, rather than continue
them. The first is not very likely to happen, as that im-
mense Estate goes on increasing.

| Considering all Circumstances, I am at length inclined to
tnink, that the Cause of these miserable Contentions is not
to be sought for merely in the Depravity and Selfishness of
human Minds. For tho' it is not unlikely that in these, as
well as in other Disputes, there are Faults on both Sides,
every glowing Coal being apt to inflame its Opposite; yet
I see no Reason to suppose that all Proprietary Rulers are
worse Men than other Rulers, nor that all People in Pro-
prietary Governments are worse People than those in other
Governments. I suspect therefore, that the Cause is radi-
cal, interwoven in the Constitution, and so become of the very
Nature, of Proprietary Governments; and will therefore
produce its Effects, as long as such Governments continue.
And, as some Physicians say, every Animal Body brings into
the World among its original Stamina the Seeds of that Dis-
ease that shall finally produce its Dissolution ; so the Polit-
ical Body of a Proprietary Government, contains those
convulsive Principles that will at length destroy it.

I may not be Philosopher enough to develop those Prin-
ciples, nor would this Letter afford me Room, if I had Abili-

1 See their Message to the Assembly, in which the Right of sitting on their
own Adjournments is denied. — F.

1764] COOL THOUGHTS 229

ties, for such a Discussion. The Fact seems sufficient for our
Purpose, and the Fact is notorious, that such Contentions
have been in all Proprietary Governments, and have brought,
or are now bringing, them all to a Conclusion. I will only
mention one Particular common to them all. Proprietaries
must have a Multitude of private Accounts and Dealings
with almost all the People of their Provinces, either for
Purchase money or Quit-rents. Dealings often occasion
Differences, and Differences produce mutual Opinions of
Injustice. If Proprietaries do not insist on small Rights,
they must on the Whole lose large Sums; and if they do
insist on small Rights, they seem to descend, their Dignity
suffers in the Opinion of the People, and with it the Respect
necessary to keep up the Authority of Government. The
People, who think themselves injured in Point of Property,
are discontented with the Government, and grow turbulent;
and the Proprietaries using their Powers of Government to
procure for themselves what they think Justice in their
Points of Property, renders those Powers odious. I suspect
this has had no small Share in producing the Confusions
incident to those Governments. They appear, however, to
be, o) all others, the most unhappy.

At present we are in a wretched Situation. The Govern-
ment that ought to keep all in Order, is itself weak, and has
scarce Authority enough to keep the common Peace. Mobs
assemble and kill (we scarce dare say murder) Numbers of
innocent People in cold Blood, who were under the Protec-
tion of the Government. Proclamations are issued to bring
the Rioters to Justice. Those Proclamations are treated
with the utmost Indignity and Contempt. Not a Magistrate
dares wag a Finger towards discovering or apprehending the

230 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

Delinquents, (we must not call them Murderers.) They as-
semble again, and with Arms in their Hands approach the
Capital. The Government truckles, condescends to cajole
them, and drops all Prosecution of their Crimes; whilst
honest Citizens, threatened in their Lives and Fortunes, flie
the Province, as having no Confidence in the Publick Pro-
tection. We are daily threatened with more of these Tu-
mults; and the Government, which in its Distress call'd
aloud on the sober Inhabitants to come with Arms to its
Assistance, now sees those who afforded that Assistance
daily libelPd, abus'd, and menaced by its Partizans for so
doing ; whence it has little Reason to expect such Assistance
on another Occasion : —

In this Situation, what is to be done ? By what Means is
that Harmony between the two Branches of Government to
be obtained, without which the internal Peace of the Province
cannot be well secured ? One Project is, to turn all Quakers
out of the Assembly; or, by obtaining more Members for
the Back Counties, to get a Majority in, who are not Quak-
ers. This, perhaps, is not very difficult to do; and more
Members for those Counties may, on other Accounts, be
proper; but I much question if it would answer this End,
as I see among the Members, that those who are not Quakers,
and even those from the Back Counties, are as hearty and
unanimous in opposing what they think Proprietary In-
justice, as the Quakers themselves, if not more so. Religion
has happily nothing to do with our present Differences, tho'
great Pains is taken to lug it into the Squabble. And even
were the Quakers extirpated, I doubt whether the Proprie-
taries, while they pursue the same Measures, would be a
Whit more at their Ease.

1764] COOL THOUGHTS 231

Another Project is, to chuse none for Assembly-men but
such as are Friends to the Proprietaries. The Number of
Members is not so great, but that I believe this Scheme
may be practicable, if you look for Representatives
among Proprietary Officers and Dependants. Undoubtedly
it would produce great Harmony between Governor and
Assembly: But how would both of them agree with the
People ? Their Principles and Conduct must greatly change,
if they would be elected a second Year. But that might be
needless. Six Parts in Seven agreeing with the Governor,
could make the House perpetual. This, however, would
not probably establish Peace in the Province. The Quarrel
the People now have with the Proprietaries, would then be
with both the Proprietaries and Assembly. There seems to
remain, then, but one Remedy for our Evils, a Remedy
approved by Experience, and which has been tried with
Success by other Provinces; I mean that of an immediate
Royal Government, without the Intervention of Proprietary
Powers, which, like unnecessary Springs and Movements in
a Machine are so apt to produce Disorder.

It is not to be expected that the Proposal of a Change like
this, should meet with no Objections. Those you have
mentioned to me concerning Liberty of Conscience and the
Privileges of Dissenters, are, however, not difficult to answer;
as they seem to arise merely from want of Information, or
Acquaintance with the State of other Colonies, before and
after such Changes had been made in their Government.
Carolina and the Jerseys, were formerly Proprietary Govern-
ments, but now immediately under the Crown; and their
Cases had many Circumstances similar to ours. Of the
First we are told,

232 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

"There was a natural Infirmity in the Policy of their Char-
ter, which was the Source of many of the Misfortunes of the
Colony, without any Imputation on the noble Families con-
cern'd. For the Grantees [the Proprietors] being eight in
Number, and not incorporated, and no Provision being made
to conclude the whole Number by the Voices of the Majority,
there could not be timely Measures always agreed on, which
were proper or necessary for the good Government of the Plan-
tation. In the mean Time the Inhabitants grew unruly and
quarrelled about Religion and Politicks ; and while there was
a mere Anarchy among them, they were expos' d to the Attacks
and Insults of their Spanish and Indian Neighbours, whom
they had imprudently provok'd and injur'd; and as if they
had conspir'd against the Growth of the Colony, they repealed
their Laws for Liberty of Conscience, though the Majority of
the People were Dissenters, and had resorted thither under
the publick Faith for a compleat Indulgence, which they con-
sidered as Part of their Magna Charta. Within these four
Years an End was put to their Sorrows ; for about that Time,
the Lords Proprietors and the Planters, (who had long been
heartily tir'd of each other) were, by the Interposition of the
Legislature, fairly divorced for ever, and the Property of the
Whole vested in the Crown." 1 And the above-mention' d
injudicious and unjust Act, against the Privileges of Dissenters,
was repeal' d by the King in Council.

Another Historian tells us, "Their intestine Distrac-
tions, and their foreign Wars, kept the Colony so low,
that an Act of Parliament, if possible to prevent the
last ruinous Consequences of these Divisions, put the

1 " New and Accurate Account of Carolina," p. 14 ; printed at London,
1733- — F.

1764] COOL THOUGHTS 233

Province under the immediate Care and Inspection of the
Crown." 1

And Governor Johnson, at his first meeting the Assembly
there, after the Change, tells them,

"His Majesty, out of his great Goodness and Fatherly Care
of you, and at the earnest Request and Solicitation of your-
selves, has been graciously pleased, at a great Expence, to
purchase seven Eighths of the late Lords Proprietaries Char-
ter, whereby you are become under his immediate Govern-
ment ; a Blessing and Security we have been long praying for,
and solicitous of ; the good Effects of which we daily experience
by the Safety we enjoy, as well in our Trade, by the Protection
of his Ships of War, as by Land, by an Independent Company
maintain' d purely for our Safety and Encouragement. The
taking off the Enumeration of Rice is a peculiar Favour,"
&c.2

By these Accounts we learn, that the People of that Prov-
ince, far from losing by the Change, obtain'd internal Security
and external Protection, both by Sea and Land ; the Dissen-
ters a Restoration and Establishment of their Privileges, which
the Proprietary Government attempted to deprive them of;
and the whole Province, Favours in point of Trade with
respect to their grand Staple Commodity, which from that
Time they were allowed to carry directly to foreign Ports,
without being oblig'd, as before, to enter in England.

With regard to the neighbouring Province of New-Jersey,
we find, in a Representation from the Board of Trade to the
Crown, dated "Whitehall, October 2, 1701," the following

1 " Account of the British Settlements in America," p. 233, concerning
Carolina. — F.

2 Historical Register, No. 63, for 1731. — F.

234 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1764

Account of it, viz. "That the Inhabitants, in a Petition to his
Majesty the last Year, complained of several Grievances they
lay under by the Neglect or Mismanagement of the Pro-
prietors of that Province, or their Agents; unto which they
also added, that during the whole Time the said Proprietors
have govern'd, or pretended to govern, that Province, they
have never taken care to preserve or defend the same from
the Indians, or other Enemies, by sending or providing any
Arms, Ammunition or Stores, as they ought to have done;
and the said Inhabitants thereupon humbly prayed, his
Majesty would be pleased to commissionate some fit Person,
to be Governor over them. That it has been represented to
us by several Letters, Memorials, and other Papers, as well
from the Inhabitants as Proprietors, that they are at present
in Confusion and Anarchy, and that it is much to be appre-
hended, lest by the Heats of the Parties that are amongst
them, they should fall into such Violences, as may endanger
the Lives of many Persons, and destroy the Colony." 1

In Consequence of these Disorders, and Petitions from the
People, the Proprietors were oblig'd to surrender that Gov-
ernment to the Crown; Queen Anne then reigning; who of
all our Crowned Heads since the Revolution, was by far the
least favourable to Dissenters ; yet her Instructions to Lord
Cornbury, her first Governor, were express and full in their
Favour, viz.

"Instr. 51. You are to permit a Liberty of Conscience to
all Persons (except Papists) so that they may be contented
with a quiet and peaceable Enjoyment of the same, not giving
Offence or Scandal to the Government."

1 " Grants and Concessions, and Original Constitutions of New Jersey,"
printed at Philadelphia by W. Bradford, p. 606. — F.

1764] COOL THOUGHTS 235

"Instr. 52. And whereas we have been informed that
divers of our good Subjects inhabiting those Parts, do make a
religious Scruple of Swearing, and by reason of their refusing
to take an Oath in any Court of Justice and other Places, are
or may be liable to many Inconveniencies, our Will and Pleas-
ure is, that in Order to their Ease in what they conceive to
be Matter of Conscience, so far as may be consistent with
good Order and Government, you take Care that an Act be
passed in the General Assembly of our said Province, to the
like Effect as that passed here in the Seventh and Eighth
Years of his late Majesty's Reign, entitled, 'An Act that the
solemn Affirmation and Declaration of the People called
Quakers, shall be accepted instead of an Oath in the usual
Form;' and that the same be transmitted to us, and to our
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, as before directed.

"Instr. 53. And whereas we have been farther informed,
that in the Settlement of the Government of our said Province,
it may so happen, that the Number of Inhabitants fitly quali-
fied to serve in our Council, in the General Assembly, and in
other Places of Trust and Profit there, will be but small ; it is
therefore our Will and Pleasure, that such of the said People
called Quakers, as shall be found capable of any of those
Places and Employments, and accordingly be elected or ap-
pointed to serve therein, may, upon their taking and signing
the Declaration of Allegiance to us, in the Form used by the
same People here in England, together with a solemn Declara-
tion for the true Discharge of their respective Trusts, be
admitted by you into any of the said Places or Employ-
ments," &C.1

And the same Privileges have been, and still are, fully

1 " Grants and Concessions," &c., p. 633. — F.

236 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

enjoy'd in that Province by Dissenters of all kinds ; the Coun-
cil, Assembly, and Magistracy being filPd with Episcopalians,
Presbyterians, and Quakers, promiscuously, without the least
Distinction or Exclusion of any. We may farther remark,
on the above Report of the Board of Trade, That the Defence
of a Proprietary Province was originally look'd upon as the
Duty of the Proprietaries, who received the Quit-rents, and
had the Emoluments of Government ; whence it was, that in
former Wars, when Arms, Ammunition, Cannon, and Military
Stores of all Kinds, have been sent by the Crown to all the
Colonies under its immediate Government, whose Situation
and Circumstances requir'd it, nothing of the Kind has been
sent to Proprietary Governments. And to this Day, neither
Pennsylvania nor Maryland have receiv'd any such Assistance
from the Crown; nor did Carolina, till it became a King's
Government.

Massachusetts-Bay, in New-England, lost its Charter in
the latter End of King Charles's Reign, when the Charters
of London, and all the Corporations in England, were seized.
At the Revolution the Crown gave them a better Constitution,
which they enjoy to this Day: No Advantages were taken
against the Privileges of the People, tho' then universally
Dissenters. The same Privileges are enjoy'd by the Dissen-
ters in New Hampshire, which has been a Royal Government
ever since 1679, when the Freeholders and Inhabitants peti-
tion'd to be taken under the immediate Protection of the
Crown. Nor is there existing in any of the American Colo-
nies, any Test imposed by Great Britain, to exclude Dis-
senters from Offices. In some Colonies, indeed, where the
Episcopalians and in others the Dissenters, have been pre-
dominant, they have made partial Laws in favour of their

1764] COOL THOUGHTS 237

respective Sects, and laid some Difficulties on the others ; but
those Laws have been, generally, on Complaint, repealed at
home.

It is farther objected, you tell me, that "if we have a Royal
Government, we must have with it a Bishop, and a Spiritual
Court, and must pay Tythes to support an Episcopal Clergy."
A Bishop for America has been long talk'd of in England,, and
probably from the apparent Necessity of the Thing, will
sooner or later be appointed ; because a Voyage to England
for Ordination is extreamly inconvenient and expensive to
the young Clergy educated in America; and the Episcopal
Churches and Clergy in these Colonies cannot so conveniently
be governed and regulated by a Bishop residing in England,
as by one residing among these committed to his Care. But
this Event will happen neither sooner nor later for our being,
or not being, under a Royal Government. And the Spiritual
Court, if the Bishop should hold one, can have Authority only
with his own People, if with them, since it is not likely that
any Law of this Province will ever be made to submit the
Inhabitants to it, or oblige them to pay Tithes ; and without
such Law, Tithes can no more be demanded here than they
are in any other Colony ; and there is not a single Instance of
Tithes demanded or paid in any part of America. A Main-
tenance has, indeed, been established in some Colonies, for
the Episcopal Clergy ; as in Virginia, a Royal Government ;
and in Maryland, a Proprietary Government : But this was
done by Acts of their own, which they were not oblig'd to
make, if they did not chuse it.

That we shall have a standing Army to maintain, is another
Bugbear rais'd to terrify us from endeavouring to obtain a
King's Government. It is very possible, that the Crown may

238 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

think it necessary to keep Troops in America henceforward,
to maintain its Conquests, and defend the Colonies ; and that
the Parliament may establish some Revenue arising out of the
American Trade, to be apply 'd towards supporting those
Troops. It is possible, too, that we may, after a few Years
Experience, be generally very well satisfy'd with that Meas-
ure, from the steady Protection it will afford us against Foreign
Enemies, and the Security of internal Peace among ourselves,
without the Expence or Trouble of a Militia. But assure your-
self, my Friend, that whether we like it or not, our continuing
under a Proprietary Government will not prevent it, nor our
coming under a Royal Government promote and forward it,
anymore than they would prevent or procure Rain or Sunshine.
The other Objections you have communicated to me, are,
that, "in case of a Change of Proprietary for Royal Govern-
ment, our Judges and other Officers will be appointed and
sent us from England ; we must have a Legislative Council ;
our Assembly will lose the Right of Sitting on their own Ad-
journments ; we shall lose the Right of chusing Sheriffs, and
annual Assemblies, and of voting by Ballot." I shall not
enter into the Question, whether Judges from England would
probably be of Advantage or Disadvantage to our Law Pro-
ceedings. It is needless, as the Power of appointing them is
given to the Governor here, by a Law that has received the
Royal Assent, the Act for establishing Courts. The King's
Governor only comes in Place of a Proprietary Governor;
he must (if the Change is made) take the Government as he
finds it. He can alter nothing. The same Answer serves for
all the subsequent Objections. A Legislative Council under
proper Regulations might perhaps be an Amendment of our
Constitution, but it cannot take Place without our Consent,

1764] COOL THOUGHTS 239

as our Constitution is otherwise established; nor can our
Assembly lose the Right 0} Sitting on their own Adjournments;
nor the People that of chusing Sheriffs, and annual Assem-
blies, or of Voting by Ballot; these Rights being all confirmed
by Acts of Assembly assented to by the Crown. I mean the
Acts entitled, "An Act to ascertain the Number of Members
of Assembly and to regulate the Elections;" and "An Act for
Regulating the Elections of Sheriffs and Coroners;" both
passed in the 4th of Queen Anne.

I know it has been asserted, to intimidate us, that those
Acts, so far from being approved by the Crown, were never
presented. But I can assure you, from good Authority, that
they, with forty-eight others, (all pass'd at the same time by
Governor Evans,) were duly laid before the Queen in Council ;
who on the 28th of April, 1709 referred the same to the Board
of Trade. The Board, on the 8th of September, 1709, re-
ported upon the said Fifty Acts, that they had considered the
same, and had taken the Opinion of the Attorney- General
upon several of them in point of Law ; and they represented
against Six of them, as unfit to be continued in force ; but as
to the other forty-four, the Titles of which are given at large,
and among them the two material Acts above mentioned, they
had no Objection to the same. Whereupon there issued two
Orders of the Queen in Council both dated at the Court at
Windsor, the 24th of October, 1 709, one repealing the Six Laws
objected to; and the other, approving the remaining Forty-four.

This is a Fact that you may depend upon. There is there-
fore nothing now that can deprive us of those Privileges but
an Act of Parliament ; and we may rely on the united Justice
of King, Lords, and Commons, that no such Act will ever
pass, while we continue loyal and dutiful Subjects. An Act

240 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1764

of Assembly, indeed may give them up ; but I trust, urgent as
they are for Admission, we shall never see Proprietary Friends
enow in the House to make that detestable Sacrifice.

In fine, it does not appear to me, that this Change of Gov-
ernment can possibly hurt us; and I see many Advantages
that may flow from it. The Expression, Change of Govern-
ment, seems, indeed, to be too extensive; and is apt to give
the Idea of a general and total Change of our Laws and Con-
stitution. It is rather and only a Change o) Governor, that is,
instead of self-interested Proprietaries, a gracious King!
His Majesty who has no Views but for the Good of the People,
will thenceforth appoint the Governor, who, unshackled by
Proprietary Instructions, will be at Liberty to join with the
Assembly in enacting wholesome Laws. At present, when
the King requires Supplies of his faithful Subjects, and they
are willing and desirous to grant them, the Proprietaries inter-
vene and say, unless our private Interests in certain Particulars
are served, NOTHING SHALL BE DONE. This insolent Tri-
bunitial VETO has long encumbered all our Publick Affairs,
and been productive of many Mischiefs. By the Measure
proposed, not even the Proprietaries can justly complain of
any Injury. The being obliged to fulfill a fair Contract is no
Injury. The Crown will be under no Difficulty in compleat-
ing the old Contract made with their Father, as there needs no
Application to Parliament for the necessary Sum, since half
the Quit-Rents of the Lower Counties belongs to the King,
and the many Years Arrears in the Proprietaries' Hands, who
are the Collectors, must vastly exceed what they have a Right
to demand, or any Reason to expect.1

1 In 1722, the Arrears then in their Hands were computed at ,£18,000
Sterling. — F.

1764] TO PETER COLLINSON 241

On the whole, I cannot but think, the more the Proposal
is considered, of an humble Petition to the KING to take this
Province under his Majesty's immediate Protection and Gov-
ernment, the more unanimously we shall go into it. We are
chiefly People of three Countries: British Spirits can no
longer bear the Treatment they have received, nor will they
put on the Chains prepared for them by a Fellow Subject.
And the Irish and Germans have felt too severely the Oppres-
sions of hard-hearted Landlords and arbitrary Princes, to wish
to see, in the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania, both the one and
the other united.

I am, with much Respect, Sir,

Your most obedient, humble Servant,

A. B.

365. TO PETER COLLINSON » (p. c.)

Philad* April 12, 1764.

DEAR SIR

We have just received the following Advice from Northamp-
ton County, viz. one David Owens, a Soldier belonging to the
Regulars, but deserted some time since to the Indians, came
in last Week to Capt. Carns's Post and deliver'd himself up.
He brought with him a white Boy that had been taken Pris-
oner by the Indians last Fall, when they kilPd the People in
the Flat upon Delaware; and also five fresh Indian Scalps.
The Account given by him and the Boy is, that they were

1 From the original in the possession of Mr. Frank T. Sabin. The follow-
ing note is written upon the letter, in the handwriting of Peter Collinson : —

" The above bloody scheme of D. Owen to atone for his Desertion is very
shocking. What must the Five Indian Nations think of the White Men who
vie with them in Cruelties?" — ED.

VOL. IV — R

242 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

with a Party of nine Indians, to wit, 5 men, 2 Women, and
2 Children, coming down Susquehanah to fetch Corn from
their last Year's Planting Place ; that they went ashore and
encamp'd at Night and made a Fire by which they slept :
that in the Night Owens made the White Boy get up from
among the Indians, and go to the other side of the Fire ; and
then taking up the Indians' Guns, he shot two of the Men
immediately, and with his Hatchet dispatched another Man
together with the Women and Children. Two Men only
made their Escape. Owens scalp'd the 5 grown Persons,
and bid the White Boy scalp the Children ; but he declined it,
so they were left. He reports that the Indians were assembling
in great Numbers when he left them.
I am Sir

Your most obedient Servant

B. FRANKLIN

366. TO PETER COLLINSON * (B. M.)

Philada, April 30, 1764.

DEAR FRIEND

I have before me your kind Notices of Feb. 3. and Feb. 10.
Those you enclosed for our Friend Bartram were carefully
delivered. I have not yet seen the Squib you mention against
your People, in the Supplement to the Magazine ; but I think
it impossible they should be worse us'd there than they have
lately been here ; where sundry inflammatory Pamphlets are
printed and spread about to excite a mad armed Mob to
massacre them. And it is my Opinion they are still in some
Danger, more than they themselves seem to apprehend, as

1 Purchased for the British Museum, at Sotheby's, May 5, 1904. — ED.

1764] TO PETER COLLINS ON 243

our Government has neither Goodwill nor Authority enough
to protect them.

By the enclos'd Papers you will see that we are all to pieces
again; and the general Wish seems to be a King's Govern-
ment. If that is not to be obtained, many talk of quitting the
Province, and among them your old Friend, who is tired of
these Contentions, & longs for philosophic Ease and Leisure.

I suppose by this Time the Wisdom of your Parliament has
determin'd in the Points you mention, of Trade, Duties,
Troops and Fortifications in America.

Our Opinions or Inclinations, if they had been known,
would perhaps have weigh'd but little among you. We are
in your Hands as Clay in the Hands of the Potter ; and so in
one more Particular than is generally consider'd: for as the
Potter cannot waste or spoil his Clay without injuring him-
self, so I think there is scarce anything you can do that may
be hurtful to us, but what will be as much or more so to you.
This must be our chief Security ; for Interest with you we
have but little. The West Indians vastly outweigh us of the
Northern Colonies. What we get above a Subsistence we
lay out with you for your Manufactures.

Therefore what you get from us in Taxes you must lose in
Trade. The Cat can yield but her skin. And as you must
have the whole Hide, if you first cut Thongs out of it, 'tis at
your own Expence. The same in regard to our Trade with
the foreign West India Islands. If you restrain it in any
Degree, you restrain in the same Proportion our Power of
making Remittances to you & of course our Demand for
your Goods; for you will not clothe us out of Charity, tho'
to receive 100 per cent for it in Heaven. In time perhaps
Mankind may be wise enough to let Trade take its own Course,

244 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

find its own Channels, and regulate its own Proportions, etc.
At present, most of the Edicts of Princes, Placaerts, Laws &
Ordinances of Kingdoms & States for that purpose, prove
political Blunders. The Advantages they produce not being
general for the Commonwealth; but particular, to private
Persons or Bodies in the State who procur'd them, and at the
Expence of the rest of the People. Does no body see, that if
you confine us in America to your own Sugar Islands for that
Commodity, it must raise the Price of it upon you in Eng-
land ? Just so much as the Price advances, so much is every
Englishman tax'd to the West Indians.

Apropos, Now we are on the Subject of Trade and Manu-
factures, let me tell you a Piece of News, that though it might
displease a very respectable Body among you, the Button-
makers, will be agreable to yourself as a Virtuoso : It is, that
we have discover'd a Beach in a Bay several Miles round, the
Pebbles of which are all in the Form of Buttons, whence it is
called Button-mold Bay; where thousands of Tons may be had
for fetching ; and as the Sea washes down the slaty Cliff, more
are continually manufacturing out of the Fragments by the
Surge. I send you a Specimen of Coat, Wastecoat & Sleeve
Buttons; just as Nature has turn'd them. But I think I
must not mention the Place, lest some Englishman get a
Patent for this Button-mine, as one did for the Coalmine
at Louisburgh, and by neither suffering others to work it,
nor working it himself, deprive us of the Advantage God &
Nature seem to have intended us. As we have now got
Buttons, 'tis something towards our Cloathing; and who
knows but in time we may find out where to get Cloth ? —
for as to our being always supply'd by you, 'tis folly to ex-
pect it. Only consider the rate of our Increase, and tell me

1764] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN 245

if you can increase your Wooll in that Proportion, and
where, in your little Island you can feed the Sheep. Nature
has put Bounds to your Abilities, tho' none to your Desires.
Britain would, if she could, manufacture & trade for all the
World; England for all Britain; — London for all England;
— and every Londoner for all London. So selfish is the
human Mind ! But 'tis well there is One above that rules
these Matters with a more equal Hand. He that is pleas'd
to feed the Ravens, will undoubtedly take care to prevent
a Monopoly of the Carrion. Adieu, my dear Friend, &

believe me ever

Yours most affectionately

B. FRANKLIN l

367. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN2

Philadelphia, May I, 1764.

DEAR STRANEY : — I received your favour of December
2Oth. You cannot conceive the satisfaction and pleasure
you give your friends here by your political letters. Your
accounts are so clear, circumstantial, and complete, that

1 Endorsed upon this letter is the following note in the handwriting of
Peter Collinson: "Extract from Dr. Gale of Conecticut May 10: 1764 If
the report of what your T -r^ment has done for us be complyed with, wee
must then drink Wine of our own Making or none at all.

" The more duties Wee pay the less British Manufactures wee shall be able
to Import and the more wee must be obliged to Manufacture both Woolen
& Linnen — You may easily foresee the Consequences if you by Severe Laws
force us to it — for so fond is the Generallity of our People of Noveltys, they
had rather have goods manufactured from you, than do it themselves but
necessity will force them." — ED.

2 From John Bigelow, " The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin,"
Vol. Ill, p. 248. — ED.

246 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1764

tho' there is nothing too much, nothing is wanting to give
us, as I imagine, a more perfect knowledge of your publick
affairs than most people have that live among you. The
characters of your speakers and actors are so admirably
sketch'd, and their views so plainly opened, that we see and
know everybody; they all become of our acquaintance.
So excellent a manner of writing seems to me a superfluous
gift to a mere printer. If you do not commence author for
the benefit of mankind, you will certainly be found guilty
hereafter of burying your talent. It is true that it will
puzzle the Devil himself to find anything else to accuse you
of, but remember he may make a great deal of that. If I
were king (which may God in mercy to us all prevent) I
should certainly make you the historiographer of my reign.
There could be but one objection — I suspect you might
be a little partial in my favour. But your other qualifica-
tions for an historian being duly considered, I believe we
might get over that.

Our petty publick affairs here are in the greatest confusion,
and will never, in my opinion, be composed, while the Pro-
prietary Government subsists. I have wrote a little piece
(which I send enclos'd) to persuade a change. People talk
of sending me to England to negotiate it, but I grow very
indolent. Bustling is for younger men.

Mrs Franklin, Sally, and my son and daughter of the
Jerseys, with whom I lately spent a week, all join in best
wishes of prosperity to you and all yours with, dear sir,
Your affectionate humble servant,

B. FRANKLIN

P. S. I will do everything in my power to recommend

1764] TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS 247

the work Mr. Griffith l mentions, having the same senti-
ments of it that you express. But I conceive many more of
them come to America than he imagines. Our booksellers,
perhaps, write for but few, but the reason is that a multi-
tude of our people trade more or less to London; and all
that are bookishly dispos'd receive the reviews singly from
their correspondents as they come out.

368. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS3

Philadelphia, May 24, 1764.
DEAR KINSMAN,

The bearer is the Reverend Mr. Rothenbuler, minister
of a new Calvinist German Church lately erected in this
city. The congregation is but poor at present, being many
of them new comers, and (like other builders) deceived in
their previous calculations, they have distressed themselves
by the expense of their building ; but, as they are an indus-
trious, sober people, they will be able in time to afford that
assistance to others, which they now humbly crave for
themselves.

His business in Boston is, to petition the generous and
charitable among his Presbyterian brethren for their kind
benefactions. As he will be a stranger in New England,
and I know you are ready to do every good work, I take the
freedom to recommend him and his business to you for your

1 Ralph Griffiths (1720-1803) was at this time making vigorous efforts to
increase the circulation of the Monthly Review, the success of which was be-
ing injured by the rivalry of Smollett's Critical Review. — ED.

2 From " Familiar Letters and Miscellaneous Papers of Benjamin Frank-
lin," Boston, 1833, p. 93. — ED.

248 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

friendly advice and countenance. The civilities you show
him shall be acknowledged as done to your affectionate

uncle> B. FRANKLIN.

369. TO GEORGE WHITEFIELD (A. p. s.)

DEAR FRIEND, philada> June I9'

I received your Favours of the 2ist past, and of the 3d
Instant, and immediately sent the inclos'd as directed.

Your frequently repeated Wishes and Prayers for my
Eternal, as well as temporal Happiness are very obliging.
I can only thank you for them and offer you mine in re-
turn. I have myself no Doubts that I shall enjoy as much
of both as is proper for me. That Being who gave me
Existence, and thro' almost threescore Years has been con-
tinually showering his Favours upon me, whose very Chas-
tisements have been Blessings to me; can I doubt that he
loves me? And, if he loves me, can I doubt that he will
go on to take care of me, not only here but hereafter ? This
to some may seem Presumption; to me it appears the best
grounded Hope; Hope of the Future, built on Experience
of the Past.

By the Accte I have of your late Labours, I conclude
your Health is mended by your Journey, which gives me
Pleasure. Mrs. Franklin presents her cordial Respects,
with those of, dear Sir, your affect, humble Serv4

B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. We hope you will not be deterr'd from visiting
your Friends here by the bugbear Boston Ace1 of the Un-
healthiness of Philad*.

1764] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN 249

370. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN1 (P. c.)

Philada, June 25. 1764.

DEAR SIR : — I wrote a few lines to you via Liverpool ;
but they were too late for the Ship, and now accompany
this.

I gave Mr Parker a Power of Attorney to act for you and
myself with respect to Mecom's Affairs, who has, under
Oath, surrendred all he possess 'd into his Hands, to be
divided proportionably between us and his other Creditors,
which are chiefly Rivington and Fletcher, and Hamilton
and Balfour. The Effects consist of a Printing Press, some
tolerably good Letters, and some Books and Stationary.
He has rendered particular and exact Accounts, but his
All will fall vastly short of Payment. I suppose it will
scarce amount to 4/ in the Pound. Parker thinks him honest,
and has let him have a small Printing House at Newhaven,
in Connecticut where he is now at work ; but having a Wife
and a Number of small Children, I doubt it will be long
ere he gets anything beforehand so as to lessen much of his
old Debt. I think it would be well for each of his Creditors
to take again what remains unsold of their respective Goods,
of which there are separate Accounts, and join in impower-
ing Mr. Parker to sell the Remainder, to be divided among
us. Tho' on second Thoughts, perhaps the fairest Way
is to sell and divide the whole. You can obtain their Senti-
ments, and send me your own. As to what Parker owes
you, it is very safe, and you must have Interest.

1 From the original in the possession of Hon. S. W. Pennypacker. — ED.

250 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

I hope the Bath will fully re-establish good Mrs. Strahan's
Health. I enjoy the Pleasure with which you speak of your
Children. God has been very good to you, from whence
I think you may be assured, that he loves you, and that he
will take at least as good Care of your future Happiness as
he has done of your present. What Assurance of the Future
can be better founded than that which is built on Experi-
ence of the Past? Thank me for giving you this Hint, by
the Help of which you may die as chearfully as you live.
If you had Christian Faith, quantum suff., this might not be
necessary ; but as matters are it may be of Use.

Your Political Letters are Oracles here. I beseech you
to continue them. With unfeigned Esteem, I am, as ever,

Dear Friend,

Yours affectionately

B. FRANKLIN.

371. TO JOHN WINTHROP1 (H.)

Philada July 10, 1764.

I RECEIVED your Favour of the i2l.h past, and congratulate
you on the Recovery of M" Winthrop & your Children
from the Small Pox.

Mr. Stiles returned Apinus to me sometime since. I
must confess I am pleas 'd with his Theory of Magnetism.
Perhaps I receive it the more readily on Ace1 of the Relation
he has given it to mine of Electricity. But there is one
Difficulty I cannot solve by it quite to my satisfaction, which
is, that if a Steel Ring be made Magnetical by passing Mag-

1 John Winthrop (1714-1779), Professor of Mathematics and Natural
Philosophy at Harvard College (1738- 17 79). — ED.

1764] TO JOHN IVINTHROP 251

nets properly round it, and afterwards broken into two semi-
circles each of them will have strong N. & S. Poles, in what-
ever part the Ring is broken. I have not try'd this, but
have been assur'd 'tis so & I know that a magnetic Bar
broken has after Breaking 4 Poles, i.e. it becomes two com-
pleat Bars.

I think with him that Impermeability to the El. Fluid,
is the Property of all El. per Se; or that, if they permit it
to pass at all, it is with Difficulty, greater or less in different
El. per Se. Glass hot permits it to pass freely, and in the
different degrees between hot and cold may permit it to pass
more or less freely.

I shall think of the affair of your unfortunate College,
and try if I can be of any Service in procuring some Assist-
ance towards restoring your Library. Please to present
my respectful Compliments to Dr. Chauncy, Mr Elliot &
Mr. Cooper & believe me with sincere esteem
Sir

Your most obedient
humble servant

B. FRANKLIN.

My respects to the President & to Mr Danforth.1

1 The President was the Rev. Edward Holyoke, who held office 1737-1769.
Samuel Danforth (1696-1777) was President of the Council of the Massachu-
setts Colony, and a student of natural philosophy and chemistry. — ED.

252 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

372. TO COLONEL HENRY BOUQUET1 (B. M.)

Philadelphia, August 16, 1764.

DEAR SIR: — Returning just now from the Board of
Commissioners, I found your agreable favour of the loth
instant. We had a Meeting on Tuesday, when your Letter
to the Governor was laid before us, his Honour not present
and the Board thin. I think none but myself spoke then
for the measure recommended; so to prevent its being too
hastily refus'd, I moved to refer it to this Day, when we
might have a fuller Board. The principal objection was,
that the Act did not empower us to go farther. To-day
we got over that Objection and all others, and came to a
Resolution which will be communicated to you by the Gov-
ernor, I suppose, and the Money sent by Captain Young.
We have fully, as we understand it, comply'd with your
Requisition. And 'tis a Pleasure to me to have done every
thing you wish'd me to do in the Affair before the Receipt
of your Letter.

I recollect that I once in Conversation promised you some
Papers I had by me, containing Hints for Conducting an
Indian War. I have since found them, and on looking them
over, am of Opinion you will meet with nothing new in
them that is of any Importance; however, to keep my
Promise, I now send them enclosed.

1 B. M. Add. MSS., 21,650.

Colonel Bouquet was born at Rolle, in the canton of Berne, in 1719. He
entered the British service in 1754, and was with Washington in the expedi-
tion against Fort Duquesne, under General Forbes, in 1758. He died at
Pensacola, Florida, in 1765. — ED.

1764] TO COLONEL HENRY BOUQUET 253

The June Packet is arrived from England, as is also our
friend Mr. Allen, but we have no News by them that is
material. France and England are both diligently repair-
ing their Marine; but I suppose 't is a Matter of course,
and not with Intention of any new Rupture. The Minis-
terial Party is said to be continually gaining Strength and
the Opposition diminishing. Abroad the Poles are cutting
one another's Throats a little, about their Election. But
't is their Constitution, and I suppose reckon'd among their
Privileges to sacrifice a few Thousands of the Subjects
every interregnum either to the Manes of the deceas'd King,
or to the Honour of his Successor. And if they are fond of
this Privilege, I don't know how their Neighbours have any
right to disturb them in the enjoyment of it. And yet the
Russians have entered their Country with an Army to pre-
serve Peace! and secure the FREEDOM of the Election!

It comes into my mind that you may easily do me a Kind-
ness, and I ought not, by omitting to acquaint you with the
Occasion, deprive you of the Pleasure you take in serving
your Friends. By this Ship I hear that my Enemies (for
God has blessed me with two or three, to keep me in order)
are now representing me at home as an Opposer and Ob-
structor of his Majesty's Service here. If I know anything
of my own Heart, or can remember any thing of my own
Actions, I think they might have as justly have accus'd me
of being a blackamoore. You cannot but have heard of
the Zeal and Industry with which I have promoted the Ser-
vice in the time of General Braddock, and the Douceurs I
procured for the Officers that served under him. I spent a
Summer in that Service without a Shilling Advantage to
myself, in the Shape of Profit, Commission, or any other

254 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

way whatsoever. I projected a Method of supplying Gen-
eral Shirley with £10,000 worth of Provisions, to be given
at his Request by this Province, and carried the same thro'
the House, so as to render it effectual; together with a Gift
of some Hundreds of warm Wastecoats, Stockings, Mittens,
etc., for the Troops, in their first Winter Service at Albany.
And at Lord Loudon's Request I so managed between the
Governor and Assembly as to procure the Passage of the
£60,000 Act then greatly wanted, and which met with great
difficulty. On your Arrival here you know the Readiness
with which I endeavour'd to serve the Officers in the Affair
of their Quarters. And you have been a Witness of my
Behaviour as a Commissioner, in the Execution of the pres-
ent Act, and of my Forwardness to carry at the Board every
Measure you proposed to promote the Service. What I
would request is, that you would take Occasion in some
Letter to me to express your Sentiments of my Conduct in
these Respects so far as has come to your Knowledge or
fallen under your Observation. My having such a Letter
to produce on Occasion may possibly be of considerable
Service to me. With the most perfect Esteem, I am, dear

sir, your most obedient humble servant

B. FRANKLIN.

Mrs. Franklin and Sally join me in Prayers for your
Success and happy Return.

I send you enclos'd our last political Pamphlet, to amuse
you on some rainy day.

1764] TO ANTHONY TODD 255

373. TO ANTHONY TODD1 (P.R.O.)

Philada., Sept. 2, 1764.

SIR : — We have just received some important News from
Presquisle, on Lake Erie, which it is my Duty to take this
first Opportunity of communicating thro' you to his Majesty's
Postmaster General.

The Public Papers, before this can come to hand, will
have informed you that Sir William Johnson had held a
Treaty at Niagara, & concluded a Peace with all the Indian
Nations or Tribes that were at War with us, the Delawares,
Shawanese, and other Ohio Indians excepted, who had
haughtily refused to send Deputies to the Congress. We
were much concerned to hear of their standing out, as by
their Situation they were most capable of injuring this and
the neighbouring Provinces, and had actually committed all
the late Ravages on the Frontiers of Pensilvania and Vir-
ginia. But these People being inform'd that Col. Bouquet,
from this Province, with 1000 of our Provincials, besides
Regulars, was on his March towards their Country; and
that Col. Bradstreet, with a considerable Force of Regulars,
and New York and New Jersey Provincials, was advancing
along the Back of their Territories by Lake Erie, they suddenly
chang'd their Resolution of continuing the War, and sent
ten of their principal Men as Deputies, who met Col. Brad-
street at Presquisle, and in the most submissive Manner
acknowledg'd their Fault in commencing this War on the
English without the least Cause or Provocation, and humbly
1 P. R. O. A. W. 1. 197. — ED.

256 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

begg'd for Mercy and Forgiveness, and that a Peace might
be granted them. The Colonel, after severely reproving
them, granted them Peace on the following Terms :

1. That all the Prisoners now in their Country should be
immediately collected and delivered up to him at Sandusky
within 25 days, none to remain among them under any pre-
tence of Marriage, Adoption, or otherwise, and the unwill-
ing to be forc'd away.

2. That they should cede to the English, and renounce
forever all Claim to the Posts or Forts now or late in our
Possession in their Country. And that we should be at
Liberty to erect as many new Forts or Trading Houses
as we pleased, wherever we thought them necessary for
Security of our Trade. And that round each Fort now or
hereafter to be built, they should cede to us forever as much
Land as a Cannon could throw a Shot over, to be cultivated
by our People for the more convenient furnishing Provisions
to the Garrison.

3. That in Case any one of the Tribes should hereafter
renew the War against the English, the others should join
us in reducing them and bringing them to Reason. And
that particular Murderers hereafter given up to preserve
Peace, should be tried by the English Law, the Jury to be
half Indians of the same Nation with the Criminal.

4. That six of the Deputies should remain with him as
Hostages, till the Prisoners were restored and these Articles
confirmed.

These Terms were thankfully accepted and signed by the
Deputies with their Marks as usual ; they declaring themselves
fully authorized for that purpose by the Shawanese, Dela-
wares, Hurons of Sandusky, and the other Tribes inhabiting

1764] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN 257

the Plains of Scioto, and all the Countries between Lake
Erie and the Ohio.

The other four Deputies, with an English Officer and an
Indian, were immediately dispatched to acquaint the Nations
with what had passed, and inform them that the Colonel
would not discontinue his March, but proceed to Sandusky,
where he expected their Chiefs would meet him and ratify
the Treaty; otherwise they should find two Armies of War-
riors in their Country, and no future Proposals of Peace
would be hearkned to, but they should be cut off from the
Face of the Earth.

If this Peace holds, it will be very happy for these Col-
onies. We only Apprehend, that the Savages, obtaining a
Peace so easily, without having suffered the Chastisement
they deserve for their late Perfidy, and without being oblig'd
to make any Restitution or Satisfaction for the Goods they
robb'd our Merchants of, and the Barbarities they com-
mitted (except the Cession of those small Tracts round Forts),
will more readily incline to renew the War, on every little
Occasion.

Be pleased to present my Dutiful Respects to the Post-
master-General; and believe me, with much Esteem, sir,
your most obedient humble Servant, fi p

374. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN1

Philadelphia, September 24, 1764.

DEAR MR. STRAHAN : — I wrote to you of the first instant,
and sent you a bill for £13, and a little list of books to be

1 From John Bigelow, "The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin,"
Vol. Ill, p. 253.— -Eo.

VOL. IV — S

258 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

bought with it. But as Mr. Becket has since sent them to
me, I hope this will come time enough to countermand that
order. The money, if you have received it, may be paid
to Mr. Stephenson, to whom we have wrote for sundry things.

I thank you for inserting the messages and resolutions
entire. I believe it has had a good effect ; for a friend writes
me that it is astonishing with what success it was propagated
in London by the Proprietaries; that the resolutions were
the most indecent and undutiful to the Crown, &c., so that
when he saw them, having before heard those reports, he
could not believe they were the same.

I was always unwilling to give a copy of the chapter *
for fear it would be printed, and by that means I should be
deprived of the pleasure I often had in amusing people
with it. I could not, however, refuse it to the two best men
in the world, Lord Kames and Mr. Small, and should not
to the third if he had not been a printer. But you have
overpaid me for the loss of that pleasure by the kind things
you have so handsomely said of your friend in the intro-
duction.

You tell me that the value I set on your political letters
is a strong proof that my judgment is on the decline. People
seldom have friends kind enough to tell them that disagree-
able truth, however useful it might be to know it; and
indeed I learn more from what you say than you intended
I should; for it convinces me that you had observed the
decline for some time past in other instances, as 't is very
unlikely you should see it first in my good opinion of your
writings; but you have kept the observation to yourself
till you had an opportunity of hinting it to me kindly under

1 See " Parable upon Persecution." — ED.

1764] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN 259

the guise of modesty in regard to your own performances.
I will confess to you another circumstance that must con-
firm your judgment of me, which is that I have of late
fancy'd myself to write better than ever I did ; and, farther,
that when any thing of mine is abridged in the papers or
magazines, I conceit that the abridger has left out the very
best and brightest parts. These, my friend, are much
stronger proofs, and put me in mind of Gil Bias's patron,
the homily-maker.

I rejoice to hear that Mrs Strahan is recovering; that
your family in general is well, and that my little woman in
particular is so, and has not forgot our tender connection.
The enlarging of your house and the coach-house and stables
you mention make me think of living with you when I come ;
for I love ease more than ever, and by daily using your
horses I can be of service to you and them by preventing
their growing too fat and becoming restif .

Mrs Franklin and Sally join in best wishes for you and
all yours, with your affectionate

B. FRANKLIN.

DEAR SIR : — I wrote a few lines to you by this opportunity,
but omitted desiring you to call on Mr. Jackson of the Temple
and pay him for the copying a manuscript he sent me which
he paid the stationer for doing on my account. Yours
affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

260 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

375. TO PETER COLLINSON l (P. c.)

Philad* Sept. 24. 1764

DEAR FRIEND

I received your kind Letter of June 29. We hear nothing
here of the Proprietary's relenting. If any have it in charge
from him to offer Concessions for Peace sake (as we are
told from your side the Water they have) they keep them
back in hopes the next Election may put the Proprietaries in
a Condition not to need the proposing them. A few Days
will settle this Point.

I receiv'd the Medal and have sent it forward to Mr.
Elliot.

I shall endeavour to procure you some more of the Natural
Buttons as soon as possible. I am glad my Remarks that
accompany'd them gave you any Satisfaction.2

Our Friend John Bartram has sent a very curious Collec-
tion of Specimens of all the uncommonly valuable Plants
and Trees of North America to the King. He was strongly
persuaded by some to send them thro' the Hands of the Pro-
prietary as the only proper Channel : but I advis'd him not
to pass by his old Friend, to whom it must seem Neglect.
He readily concur'd with my Opinion, and has sent the Box
to you. I am assur'd you have Means enough of introducing
his Present properly : but as John seem'd willing to have as
many Strings as possible to his Bow, for fear of Accidents
I mention'd Dr. Pringle to him as a good Friend of the Arts,
and one who would lend any Assistance in the Matter if nec-

1 From the original in the possession of Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan. — ED.

2 See letter to Collinson, dated April 30, 1764. — ED.

1764] REMARKS ON A MILITIA BILL 261

essary. He is Physician to the Queen ; and I have, in my
Letter to him, hinted the Matter to him ; to prepare him if
you should think fit to advise with him about it.

I wish some Notice may be taken of John's Merit. It
seems odd that a German Lad of his Neighborhood, who has
only got some Smatterings of Botany from him, should be
so distinguish'd on that Account, as to be sent for by the
Queen, and our old Friend, who has done so much, quite
forgotten. He might be made happy, as well as more use-
ful, by a moderate Pension that would enable him to travel
thro' all the New Acquisitions, with Orders to the Governors
and Commanding Officers at the several Outposts, to forward
and protect him in his Journeys.

Please to acquaint Mr. Canton that I acknowledge the
Receipt of his Letter, and shall write to him shortly.
I am, my dear Friend,

Yours affectionately

B. FRANKLIN.

376. REMARKS

ON A PARTICULAR MILITIA BILL REJECTED BY THE
PROPRIETOR'S DEPUTY, OR GOVERNOR.

TO THE FREEMEN OF PENNSYLVANIA

Philadelphia, September 28, 1764.
GENTLEMEN,

Your desire of knowing how the militia bill came to fail,
in the last assembly, shall immediately be complied with.

As the governor pressed hard for a militia law, to secure
the internal peace of the province, and the people of this

262 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

country had not been accustomed to militia service, the
House, to make it more generally agreeable to the freeholders,
formed the bill so that they might have some share in the
election of the officers ; to secure them from having absolute
strangers set over them, or persons generally disagreeable.

This was no more, than that every company should choose,
and recommend to the governor, three persons for each
office of captain, lieutenant, and ensign; out of which three
the governor was to commission one that he thought most
proper, or which he pleased, to be the officer. And that the
captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, so commissioned by the
governor, should, in their respective regiments, choose and
recommend three persons for each office of colonel, lieutenant-
colonel, and major; out of which three the governor was to
commission one, whichever he pleased, to each of the said
offices.

The governor's amendment to the bill in this particular
was, to strike out wholly this privilege of the people, and
take to himself the sole appointment of all the officers.

The next amendment was, to aggravate and enhance all
the fines. A fine that the assembly had made one hundred
pounds, and thought heavy enough, the governor required
to be three hundred pounds. What they had made fifty
Pounds, he required to be one hundred and fifty. These
were fines on the commissioned officers for disobedience to
his commands; but the non-commissioned officers, or com-
mon soldiers, whom, for the same offence, the assembly
proposed to fine at ten pounds, the governor insisted should
be fined fifty pounds.

These fines, and some others to be mentioned hereafter,
the assembly thought ruinously high. But when, in a subse-

1764] REMARKS ON A MILITIA BILL 263

quent amendment, the governor would, for offences among
the militia, take away the trial by jury in the common courts ;
and required, that the trial should be by a court-martial,
composed of officers of his own sole appointing, who should
have power of sentencing even to death ; the House could by
no means consent thus to give up their constituents' liberty,
estate, and life itself, into the absolute power of a proprietary
governor; and so the bill failed.

That you may be assured I do not misrepresent this matter,
I shall give you the last-mentioned amendment (so called)
at full length ; and for the truth and exactness of my copy, I
dare appeal to Mr. Secretary Shippen.

The words of the bill, page 43, were, "Every such person
so offending, being legally convicted thereof," &c. By the
words legally convicted was intended a conviction after
legal trial, in the common course of the laws of the land.
But the governor required this addition immediately to
follow the words "convicted thereof," namely, "by a court-
martial, shall suffer death, or such other punishment as such
court, by their sentence or decree, shall think proper to
inflict and pronounce. And be it farther enacted by the
authority aforesaid, that when and so often as it may be
necessary, the governor and commander-in-chief for the
time being shall appoint and commissionate, under the great
seal of this province, sixteen commissioned officers in each
regiment ; with authority and power to them, or any thirteen
of them, to hold courts-martial, of whom a field officer shall
always be one, and president of the said court; and such
courts-martial shall and are hereby empowered to adminis-
ter an oath to any witness, in order to the examination or
trial of any of the offences, which by this act are made cog-

264 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

nizable in such courts, and shall come before them. Pro-
vided always, that, in all trials by a court-martial by virtue
of this act, every officer present at such trial, before any
proceedings be had therein, shall take an oath upon the
holy Evangelists, before one justice of the peace in the county
where such court is held ; who are hereby authorized to ad-
minister the same, in the following words, that is to say;
'I, A B, do swear, that I will duly administer justice accord-
ing to evidence, and to the directions of an act entitled, An
Act for forming and regulating the militia of the province of
Pennsylvania, without partiality, favour, or affection; and
that I will not divulge the sentence of the court, until it shall
be approved of by the governor or commander-in-chief of
this province for the time being; neither will I, upon any
account, at any time whatsoever, disclose or discover the
•vote or opinion of any particular member of the court-mar-
tial. So help me God.' And no sentence of death, or
other sentence, shall be given against any offender, but by
the concurrence of nine of the officers so sworn. And no
sentence passed against any offender by such court-martial
shall be put in execution, until report be made of the whole
proceedings to the governor or commander-in-chief of this
province for the time being, and his directions signified
thereupon."

It is observable here, that, by the common course of justice,
a man is to be tried by a jury of his neighbours and fellows,
empanelled by a sheriff, in whose appointment the people
have a choice. The prisoner too has a right to challenge
twenty of the panel, without giving a reason, and as many
more as he can give reasons for challenging; and before he
can be convicted, the jury are to be unanimous ; they are all

1764] REMARKS OJV A MILITIA BILL 265

to agree that he is guilty, and are therefore all accountable
for their verdict. But, by this amendment, the jury (if they
may be so called) are all officers of the governor's sole ap-
pointing; and not one of them can be challenged; and,
though a common militia-man is to be tried, no common
militia-man shall be of that jury ; and, so far from requiring
all to agree, a bare majority shall be sufficient to condemn
you. And, lest that majority should be under any check or
restraint, from an apprehension of what the world might
think or say of the severity or injustice of their sentence, an
oath is to be taken, never to discover the vote or opinion of
any particular member.

These are some of the chains attempted to be forged for
you by the proprietary faction ! Who advised the governor
is not difficult to know. They are the very men, who now
clamour at the assembly for a proposal of bringing the trial
of a particular murder to this county from another, where
it was not thought safe for any man to be either juryman or
witness, and call it disfranchising the people, who are now
bawling about the constitution, and pretending vast con-
cern for your liberties. In refusing you the least means of
recommending, or expressing your regard for, persons to be
placed over you as officers, and who were thus to be made
your judges in life and estate, they have not regarded the
example of the King, our wise as well as kind master; who,
in all his requisitions made to the colonies, of raising troops
for their defence, directed, that, "the better to facilitate the
important service, the commissions should be given to such
as, from their weight and credit with the people, may be best
enabled to effectuate the levies." l In establishing a militia

1 See Secretary of State's Letters in the printed Votes. — F.

266 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

for the defence of the province, how could the "weight and
credit" of men with the people be better discovered, than by
the mode that bill directed, namely, by a majority of those
that were to be commanded, nominating three for each
office to the governor, of which three he might take the one
he liked best?

However, the courts-martial being established, and all
of us thus put into his Honour's absolute power, the governor
goes on to enhance the fines and penalties. Thus, in page
49 of the bill, where the assembly had proposed the fine to
be ten shillings, the governor required it to be ten pounds.
In page 50, where a fine of five pounds was mentioned, the
governor's amendment required it to be made fifty pounds.
And, in page 44, where the assembly had said, "shall forfeit
and pay any sum, not exceeding five pounds," the governor's
amendment says, "shall suffer death, or such other punish-
ment as shall, according to the nature of the offence, be in-
flicted by the sentence of a court-martial."

The assembly's refusing to admit of these amendments
in that bill, is one of their offences against the lord proprie-
tary, for which that faction are now abusing them in both
the languages * of the province, with all the virulence that
reverend malice can dictate; enforced by numberless bare-
faced falsehoods, that only the most dishonest and base
would dare to invent, and none but the most weak and credu-
lous can possibly believe.

VERITAS.

1 That is, the English and German languages, both of which were used in
Pennsylvania. — ED.

1764] TO COLONEL HENRY BOUQUET 267

377. TO COLONEL HENRY BOUQUET (B. M.)

Philada, Sept. 30, 1764.
DEAR SIR: —

I have been so totally occupied with the Sitting of the
Assembly and other urgent Affairs, that I could not till now
do myself the Pleasure of writing to you, since the Receipt
of your obliging Favours of August 10 and 22, and a sub-
sequent one relating to Bradstreet's Peace, of which I think
as you do. I thank you cordially for so readily complying
with my Request. Your Letter was quite full and sufficient,
and leaves me nothing to desire by way of Addition, except
that if any Letter of yours relating to the present Expedition
is like to be seen by the Secretary of State, you would take
occasion just to mention me as one ready on that and every
other Occasion to promote the Service of the Crown. The
Malice and Industry of my Adversaries have, I find, made
these Precautions a little necessary.

Your Sentiments of our Constitution are solid and just.
I am not sure that the Change now attempted will immedi-
ately take place, nor am I very anxious about it. But
sooner or later it will be effected. And till it is effected, we
shall have little internal Quiet in the Administration of our
Public Affairs.

I have lately received a Number of new Pamphlets from
England and France, among which is a piece of Voltaire's
on the Subject of Religious Toleration. I will give you a
Passage of it, which being read here at a Time when we are
torn to Pieces by Faction, religious and civil, shows us that

268 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

while we sit for our Picture to that able Painter, 'tis no small
Advantage to us that he views us at a favourable Distance :
"Mais que dirons-nous, dit il, de ces pacifiques Primitijs
que Ton a nommes Quakres par decision, et qui, avec des
usages peut-etre ridicules, ont e*te* si vertueux, et ont enseigne*
inutilement la paix aux reste des hommes? Ils sont en
Pensylvanie au nombre de cent mille; la Discorde, la Con-
tro verse, sont ignore*es dans 1'heureuse patrie qu'ils se sont
faite, et le nom seul de leur ville de Philadelphie, qui leur
rapelle a tout moment que les hommes sont freres, est Pex-
emple et la honte des peuples qui ne connaissent pas encore
la tolerance." 1 The Occasion of his Writing this Traite
sur la Toltrance was what he calls "le Meurtre de Jean
Galas, commis dans Toulouse avec le glaive de la Justice,
le gme Mars 1762." There is in it abundance of good
Sense and sound Reasoning mixed with some of those
Pleasantries that mark the Author as strongly as if he had
affixed his Name. Take one of them as a Sample: " J'ai
aprens que le Parlement de Toulouse et quelques autres
tribunaux, ont une jurisprudence singuliere: ils admettent
des quarts, des tiers sixiemes de preuve. Ainsi, avec six

1 " I do not find this passage precisely in any of Voltaire's writings. It
certainly is not in the most accepted edition of his 'Traite sur la Tolerance.'
Franklin probably quoted at second-hand, for Voltaire knew how to spell.
What he actually wrote, and the foundation for Franklin's quotation, proba-
bly will be found in his * Commentaire sur le livre des Delits et des Peines'
(' GEuvres de Voltaire,' par Benchot, Vol. XLIII, p. 476), and runs as follows :
« Le Parlement de Toulouse a un usage bien singulier. On admet ailleurs des
demi-preuves, qui au fond ne sont que des doutes ; car on sait qu'il n'y a
point de demi-verite's, mais a Toulouse on admets des quarts et des huitiemes
de preuves. On y peut regarder, par exemple, un oui-dire comme un quart,
un autre oui-dire plus vague comme un huitieme ; de sorte que huit rumeurs
qui ne sont qu'un echo d'un bruit mal fonde peuvent devenir une preuve
complete.' " — - B.

1764] PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD, IMPROVED 269

oui-dires (Tun cdte, trois de Pautre, & quatre quarts de
presomtion ils forment trois preuves completes; et sur cette
belle demonstration ils vous vouent un homme sans mise'ri-
corde. Une le*ge*re connoissance de Tart de raisonner
sufirait pour leur faire prendre une autre me'thode. Ce
qu'on apelle une demi-preuve ne peut-£tre qu'un soupcon:
II n'y a point a la rigueur, de demi-preuve ou une chose est
prouvde, ou elle ne Pest pas ; il n'y a point, de milieu. Cent
mille soupcons re*unis ne peuvent pas plus etablir une preuve,
que cent mille zeros ne peuvent composer un nombre. II y
a des quarts de tous dans la musique ; mais il n'y a ni quart
de ve'rite', ni quart de raisonnement."

I send you one of the Pamphlets, Jugement dans I'affaire
du Canady, supposing it may be the more agreeable to you to
see it, as during your War with that Colony you must have
been made acquainted with some of the Characters concerned.

With the truest Esteem and Affection, I am, etc.,

B. FRANKLIN.

378. PREFACE TO POOR RICHARD, IMPROVED

1765 (p. H. s.)

COURTEOUS READER,

The Patriarch Noah, Founder of the New World after
the Flood, is called a Preacher of Righteousness. Right-
eousness, or Justice, is, undoubtedly, of all the Virtues, the
surest Foundation on which to erect and establish a new State.
But there are two humbler Virtues, Industry and Frugality,
which tend more to increase the Wealth, Power and Grandeur

of the Community, than all the others without them.

Of these Virtues Poor Richard has been a Preacher now more

270 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

than thirty Years, and, he hopes, not without some Success. - -
He finds, however, that his Audience increases, and is thence
encouraged to continue his Admonitions, assuring all that
practice them, that they will reap great Advantages to them-
selves, at the same time that they contribute to the Pros-
perity of their Country.

Taxes are of late Years greatly encreased among us, and
now it is said we are to be burthened with the Payment of
new Duties, while our Trade is at the same time to be
curtailed and restricted. I do not mention these Things

by Way of Complaint, or to excite Discontent in others.

I know the late Wars have increased Public Debt, which can
only be discharged by Taxes and Duties; and that 'tis just
and necessary, public as well as private Debts should be

honestly and punctually paid. I have heard too, that

some of our Trade has been illegal, hurtful to the Nation,

and therefore ought to be restricted : And yet, though in

most Cases, my political Faith is, that what our Superiors
think best for us, is really best ; nevertheless, in what relates
to our Commerce with the foreign Islands, I give some Credit
to the Opinion of a very intelligent Merchant, my Neighbour ;
who assures me, that the West India Planters, by superior
Interest at home, have procured the Restraints to be laid on
that Commerce, in order to acquire to themselves the Advan-
tage of solely supplying with their Commodities, both Britain
and her Northern Colonies, and of Course of raising their

Prices on both at Pleasure. If so, and we cannot help it

if it is so ; what are we to do, but, like honest and prudent
Men, endeavour to do without the Things we shall, perhaps,
never be able to pay for ; or if we cannot do without them or
something like them, to supply ourselves from our own

1764] TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS 271

Produce at home. To this End, I have collected and written
a few plain Instructions, which you will find in the Right
Hand Pages of each Month ; First, for making good Wine of
our own wild Grapes. Secondly, for raising Madeira Wine
in these Provinces. Thirdly, for the Improvement of our

Corn Spirits, so as they may be preferable to Rum.

And this seems very material; for as we raise more Corn
than the English West-India Islands can take off, and since
we cannot now well sell it to the foreign Islands, what can
we do with the Overplus better, than to turn it into Spirit,
and thereby lessen the Demand for West- India Rum, which

our Grain will not pay for? Fourthly, for supplying

ourselves with a Syrup, every Way superior to Melasses;
and Fifthly, for obtaining Sugar from our own Vegetables,

in reasonable Plenty. These Things, if attended to,

and practised with Success, may greatly relieve us. I

show my Good- will, however, by offering them to your Con-
sideration ; which is all that is in the Power of
Your faithful Servant,

RICHARD SAUNDERS.

379. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS1

Philadelphia, November 3, 1764.

LOVING KINSMAN,

The case of the Armonica came home to-night, and the
spindle, with all the rest of the work, seems well done. But
on further consideration, I think it is not worth while to take
one of them to London, to be filled with glasses as we intended.

1 From " Familiar Letters and Miscellaneous Papers of Benjamin Frank-
lin," Boston, 1833, p. 94. — ED.

272 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

It will be better to send you one complete from thence,
made under my direction; which I will take care shall be
good. The glasses here will serve for these cases when I
come back, if it please God that I live to return, and some
friends will be glad of them.

Enclosed I send you that imposter's letter. Perhaps he
may be found by his handwriting.

We sail on Wednesday. The merchants here in two
hours subscribed eleven hundred pounds to be lent the
publick for the charges of my voyage, &c. I shall take with
me but a part of it, five hundred pounds sterling. Any
sum is to be had, that I may want. My love to all. Adieu.
Yours affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.1

1 Dr. Franklin was appointed to this second mission to England by the
Assembly of Pennsylvania, October 26, 1764, and he was instructed to depart
with all convenient despatch. As the Assembly had not then in the treasury
any money, that could be appropriated for this purpose, they passed a resolve,
•" that the expense attending his voyage, and the execution of the trust reposed
in him, should be provided for in the next bill prepared by the House for rais-
ing money to defray the public debts." On the strength of this pledge, the
money was loaned by the merchants, although a party had made a consider-
able opposition to the appointment of an agent, who was known to be hostile
to the Proprietaries, and had been active in promoting petitions for a change
of the Pennsylvania government. — S.

1764] REMARKS ON A PROTEST 273

380. REMARKS
ON A LATE PROTEST

AGAINST THE

APPOINTMENT OF MR. FRANKLIN AN AGENT

FOR THIS

PROVINCE.1

I HAVE generally passed over, with a silent Disregard, the
nameless abusive Pieces that have been written against me;
and tho' this Paper, called "A Protest," is signed by some
respectable Names, I was, nevertheless, inclined to treat it
with the same Indifference; but as the Assembly is therein
reflected on upon my Account, it is thought more my Duty
to make some Remarks upon it.

I would first observe then, that this Mode of protesting
by the Minority, with a String of Reasons against the Pro-
ceedings of the Majority of the House of Assembly, is quite
new among us; the present is the second we have had of
the kind, and both within a few Months. It is unknown
to the Practice of the House of Commons, or of any House
of Representatives in America, that I have heard of; and
seems an affected Imitation of the Lords in Parliament,
which can by no Means become Assembly- men of America.
Hence appears the Absurdity of the Complaint, that the
House refused the Protest an Entry on their Minutes. The
Protesters know that they are not, by any Custom or Usage,
intitled to such an Entry, and that the Practice here is not

1 Printed from a copy in P. H. S. An incomplete rough draft exists among
the Franklin papers in A. P. S. For the history of the " Remarks," see the
Life of Franklin. — ED.

VOL. IV — T

274 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

only useless in itself, but would be highly inconvenient to
the House, since it would probably be thought necessary for
the Majority also to enter their Reasons, to justify themselves
to their Constituents, whereby the Minutes would be in-
cumbered, and the Public Business obstructed. More
especially will it be found inconvenient, if such Protests are
made use of as a new Form of Libelling, as the Vehicles of
personal Malice, and as Means of giving to private Abuse
the Appearance of a Sanction, as public Acts. Your Protest,
Gentlemen, was therefore properly refused; and, since it is
no Part of the Proceedings of Assembly, one may with the
more Freedom examine it.

Your first Reason against my Appointment is, that you
"believe me to be the chief Author of the Measures pursued
by the last Assembly, which have occasioned such Uneasiness
and Distraction among the good People of this Province."
I shall not dispute my Share in those Measures ; I hope they
are such as will in time do Honour to all that were concerned
in them. But you seem mistaken in the Order of Time : It
was the Uneasiness and Distraction among the good People
of the Province that occasioned the Measures ; the Province
was in Confusion before they were taken, and they were pur-
sued in order to prevent such Uneasiness and Distraction for
the future. Make one Step farther back, and you will find
Proprietary Injustice, supported by Proprietary Minions and
Creatures, the original Cause of all our Uneasiness and Dis-
tractions.

Another of your Reasons is, "that I am, as you are in-
formed, very unfavourably thought of by several of his
Majesty's Ministers." I apprehend, Gentlemen, that your
Informer is mistaken. He indeed has taken great Pains to

1764] REMARKS ON A PROTEST 275

give unfavourable Impressions of me, and perhaps may flatter
himself, that it is impossible so much true Industry should
be totally without Effect. His long Success in maiming or
murdering all the Reputations that stand in his Way, which
has been the dear Delight and constant Employment of his
Life, may likewise have given him some just Ground for
Confidence, that he has, as they call it, done for me, among
the rest. But as I said before, I believe he is mistaken.
For what have I done that they should think unfavourably
of me ? It cannot be my constantly and uniformly promoting
the Measures of the Crown, ever since I had any Influence
in the Province. It cannot, surely, be my promoting the
Change from a Proprietary to a Royal Government.

If indeed I had, by Speeches and Writings, endeavoured
to make his Majesty's Government universally odious in the
Province. If I had harangued by the Week, to all Comers and
Goers, on the pretended Injustice and Oppressions of Royal
Government, and the Slavery of the People under it ; if I had
written traiterous Papers to this Purpose, and got them trans-
lated into other Languages, to give his Majesty's foreign
Subjects here those horrible Ideas of it. If I had declared,
written and printed, that "the King's little Finger we should
find heavier than the Proprietor's whole Loins," with regard
to our Liberties; then indeed, might the Ministers be sup-
posed to think unfavourably of me. But these are not Ex-
ploits for a Man who holds a profitable Office under the Crown,
and can expect to hold it no longer than he behaves with the
Fidelity and Duty that becomes every good Subject. They
are only for Officers of Proprietary Appointment, who hold
their Commissions during his, and not the King's, Pleasure ;
and who, by dividing among themselves, and their Relations,

276 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

Offices of many Thousands a Year, enjoyed by Proprietary
Favour, feel where to place their Loyalty. I wish they were
as good Subjects to his Majesty ; and perhaps they may be so,
when the Proprietary interferes no longer.

Another of your Reasons is, "that the Proposal of me for
an Agent is extremely disagreeable to a very great Number of
the most serious and reputable Inhabitants of the Province;
and the Proof is, my having been rejected at the last Election,
tho' I had represented the City in Assembly for 14 Years."

And do those of you, Gentlemen, reproach me with this,
who among near Four Thousand Voters, had scarcely a
Score more than I had ? It seems then, that your Elections
were very near being Rejections, and thereby furnishing the
same Proof in your Case that you produce in mine, of your
being likewise extremely disagreeable to a very great Number
of the most serious and reputable People. Do you, honour-
able Sir, reproach me with this, who for almost twice 14 Years
have been rejected (if not being chosen is to be rejected) by the
same People; and unable, with all your Wealth and Con-
nections, and the Influence they give you, to obtain an Elec-
tion in the County where you reside, and the City where you
were born, and are best known, have been obliged to accept
a Seat from one of the out Counties, the remotest of the Prov-
ince ! It is known, Sir, to the Persons who proposed me,
that I was first chosen against my Inclination, and against my
Entreaties that I might be suffered to remain a private Man.
In none of the 14 Elections you mention did I ever appear as
a Candidate. I never did, directly or indirectly, solicit any
Man's Vote. For six of the Years in which I was annually
chosen, I was absent, residing in England ; during all which
Time, your secret and open Attacks upon my Character and

1764] REMARKS ON A PROTEST 277

Reputation were incessant ; and yet you gained no Ground.
And can you really, Gentlemen, find Matter of Triumph in
this Rejection as you call it ? A Moment's Reflection on the
Means by which it was obtained, must make you ashamed
of it.

Not only my Duty to the Crown, in carrying the Post-
Office Act more duly into Execution, was made use of to
exasperate the Ignorant, as if I was encreasing my own Profits,
by picking their Pockets; but my very Zeal in opposing the
Murderers, and supporting the Authority of Government,
and even my Humanity, with regard to the innocent Indians
under our Protection, were mustered among my Offences,
to stir up against me those religious Bigots, who are of all
Savages the most brutish. Add to this the numberless
Falshoods propagated as Truths, and the many Perjuries
procured among the wretched Rabble brought to swear
themselves intitled to a Vote; and yet so poor a Superiority I
obtained at all this Expence of Honour and Conscience!
Can this, Gentlemen, be Matter of Triumph! Enjoy it
then. Your Exultation, however, was short.

Your Artifices did not prevail everywhere ; nor your double
Tickets, and whole Boxes of forged Votes. A great Majority
of the new-chosen Assembly were of the old Members, and
remain uncorrupted. They still stand firm for the People,
and will obtain Justice from the Proprietaries. But what
does that avail to you who are in the Proprietary Interest?
And what Comfort can it afford you, when by the Assembly's
Choice of an Agent, it appears that the same, to you obnoxious,
Man (notwithstanding all your venomous Invectives against
him) still retains so great a Share of the public Confidence ?

But "this step," you say, "gives you the more lively Afflic-

278 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

tion, as it is taken at the very Moment when you were informed
by a Member of the House, that the Governor had assured
him of his having received Instructions from the Proprietaries,
to give his Assent to the Taxation of their Estates, in the same
Manner that the Estates of other Persons are to be taxed;
and also to confirm, for the public Use, the several Squares
formerly claimed by the City." O the Force of Friendship !
the Power of Interest ! What Politeness they infuse into a
Writer, and what delicate Expressions they produce !

The Dispute between the Proprietaries and us was about
the Quantum, the Rate of their Taxation; and not about
the Manner; but now, when all the World condemns them
for requiring a partial Exemption of their Estates, and they
are forced to submit to an honest Equality, 'tis called "as-
senting to be taxed in the same Manner with the People."
Their Restitution of five public Squares in the Plan of the City,
which they had near forty Years unjustly and dishonourably
seized and detained from us, directing their Surveyor to map
Streets over them, (in order to turn them into Lots) and their
Officers to sell a part of them ; this their Disgorging is softly
called confirming them for the public Use ; and instead of the
plain Words, formerly given to the City by the first Proprie-
tary, their Father, we have the cautious pretty Expression of
"formerly claimed by the City." Yes; not only formerly,
but always claimed, ever since they were promised and given
to encourage the Settlers; and ever will be claimed, till we
are put in actual Possession of them. 'Tis pleasant, however,
to see how lightly and tenderly you trip over these Matters,
as if you trod upon Eggs.

But that "very Moment" that precious Moment! Why
was it so long delayed ? Why were those healing Instructions

1764] REMARKS ON A PROTEST 279

so long withheld and concealed from the People? They
were, it seems, brought over by Mr. Allen}- Intelligence was
received by various Hands from London, that Orders were sent
by the Proprietaries, from which great Hopes were enter-
tained of an Accommodation. Why was the Bringing and
the Delivery of such Orders so long denied ? The Reason is
-easily understood. Messieurs Barclays, Friends to both
Proprietaries and People, wished for that Gentleman's happy
Arrival, hoping his Influence, added to the Power and Com-
missions the Proprietaries had vested him with, might prove
effectual in restoring Harmony and Tranquility among us.
But he, it seems, hoped his Influence might do the Business
without those Additions.

There appeared on his Arrival some Prospect, from sundry
Circumstances, of a Change to be made in the House by the
approaching Election. The Proprietary Friends and Crea-
tures knew the Heart of their Master, and how extreamly
disagreeable to him that equal Taxation, that Restitution, and
the other Concessions to be made for the Sake of a Reconcilia-
tion, must necessarily be. They hoped therefore to spare
him all those Mortifications, and thereby secure a greater
Portion of his Favour. Hence the Instructions were not pro-
duced to the last Assembly; though they arrived before the
September Sitting, when the Governor was in Town, and actu-

1 Extract from a letter, dated London, August 6, 1764, from David Bar-
clay and Sons to Messieurs James and Drinker.

"We very much wish for William Allen's happy Arrival on your Side;
when we hope his Influence, added to the Power and Commissions the Pro-
prietaries have invested him with, may prove effectual, in restoring Harmony
and Tranquility among you, so much to be desired by every Well-wisher to
your Province. Pray be assured of our sincerest and best Wishes for the
Success of this salutary Work, and that nothing in our Power to contribute
thereto, will ever be wanting." — F.

280 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

ally did Business with the House. Nor to the new Assembly
were they mentioned, till the "very Moment" the fatal
Moment, when the House were on the Point of chusing that
wicked Adversary of the Proprietary, to be an Agent for the
Province in England.

But I have, you say, a " fixed Enmity to the Proprietaries,"
and "you believe it will preclude all Accommodation of our
Disputes with them, even on just and reasonable Terms."
And why do you think I have a fixed Enmity to the Proprie-
taries ? I have never had any personal Difference with them.
I am no Land-jobber; and therefore have never had any
Thing to do with their Land Office or Officers; if I had,
probably, like others, I might have been obliged to truckle to
their Measures, or have had like Causes of Complaint. But
our private Interests never clashed ; and all their Resentment
against me, and mine to them, has been on the public Account.
Let them do Justice to the People of Pennsylvania, act hon-
ourably by the Citizens of Philadelphia, and become honest
Men ; my Enmity, if that's of any Consequence, ceases from
the "very Moment" and, as soon as I possibly can, I promise
to love, honour and respect them.

In the mean Time, why do you "believe it will preclude all
Accommodation with them on just and reasonable Terms?"
Do you not boast that their gracious Condescensions are in
the Hands of the Governor; and that "if this had been the
usual Time for Business, his Honour would have sent them
down in a Message to the House." How then can my going
to England prevent this Accommodation? The Governor
can call the House when he pleases; and, one would think,
that, at least in your Opinion, my being out of the Way would
be a favourable Circumstance. For then, by "cultivating

1764] REMARKS ON A PROTEST 281

the Disposition shown by the Proprietaries, every reasonable
Demand that can be made on the Part of the People might
be obtained; in vigorously insisting on which, you promise
to unite more earnestly with the rest of the House." It seems
then we have "reasonable Demands" to make, and as you call
them a little higher, equitable Demands. This is much for
Proprietary Minions to own ; but you are all growing better,
in Imitation of your Master, which is indeed very commend-
able. And if the Accommodation here should fail, I hope
that, though you dislike the Person a Majority of two to one
in the House have thought fit to appoint an Agent, you will
nevertheless, in Duty to your Country, continue the noble
Resolution of uniting with the rest of the House in vigorously
insisting on that Equity and Justice, which such an Union will
undoubtedly obtain for us.

I pass over the trivial Charge against the Assembly, that
they "acted with unnecessary Haste in proceeding to this
Appointment, without making a small Adjournment," &c.,
and your affected Apprehensions of Danger from that Haste.
The Necessity of Expedition on this Occasion is as obvious
to every one out of Doors as it was to those within ; and the
Fears you mention are not, I fancy, considerable enough to
break your Rest.

I come then to your high Charge against me, "that I here-
tofore ventured, contrary to an Act of Assembly, to place the
Public Money in the Stocks, whereby this Province suffered
a Loss of 6000^, and that Sum, added to the $ooo£ granted
for my Expences, makes the whole Cost of my former Voyage
to England amount to ELEVEN THOUSAND POUNDS !" How
wisely was that Form in our Laws contrived, which, when a
man is arraigned for his Life, requires the Evidence to speak

1282 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

the Truth, the -whole Truth, and nothing but the Truth! The
Reason is manifest. A Falshood may destroy the Innocent ;
so may Part of a Truth without the Whole; and a Mixture of
Truth and Falshood may be full as pernicious. You, Mr.
Chief Justice, and the other Justices among the Protesters,
.and you, Sir, who are a Counsellor at Law, must all of you
be well acquainted with this excellent Form; and when you
arraign' d my Reputation (dearer to me than Life) before the
Assembly, and now at the respectable Tribunal of the Public,
would it not have well become your Honours to have had some
small regard at least to the Spirit of that Form ?

You might have mentioned, that the Direction of the Act
to lodge the Money in the Bank, subject to the Drafts of the
Trustees of the Loan-Office here, was impracticable; that
the Bank refused to receive it on those Terms, it being con-
trary to their settled Rules to take Charge of Money subject
to the Orders of unknown people living in distant Countries.
You might have mentioned, that the House, being informed
of this, and having no immediate Call for the Money, did them-
selves adopt the Measure of placing it in the Stocks, which
then were low; where it might on a Peace produce a con-
siderable Profit, and in the mean time accumulate an Interest :
That they even passed a Bill, directing the subsequent Sums
granted by Parliament to be placed with the former: That
the Measure was prudent and safe ; and that the Loss arose,
not from placing the Money in the Stocks, but from the im-
prudent and unnecessary drawing it out at the very time when
they were lowest, on some slight uncertain Rumours of a
Peace concluded: That if the Assembly had let it remain
another Year, instead of losing, they would have gained Six
Thousand Pounds; and that, after all, since the Exchange at

1764] REMARKS ON A PROTEST 283

which they sold their Bills was near Twenty per Cent higher
when they drew than when the Stocks were purchased, the
Loss was far from being so great as you represent it.

All these Things you might have said, for they are, and
you know them to be, Part of the whole Truth; but they
would have spoiled your Accusation. The late Speaker of
your honourable House, Mr. Norris, who has, I suppose, all
my Letters to him, and Copies of his own to me, relating to
that Transaction, can testify with how much Integrity and
Clearness I managed the whole Affair. All the House were
sensible of it, being from time to time fully acquainted with
the Facts. If I had gone to Gaming in the Stocks with the
Public Money, and through my Fault a Sum was lost, as your
Protest would insinuate, why was I not censured and punished
for it when I returned? You, honourable Sir, (my Enemy
of seven Years Standing) was then in the House. You were
appointed on the Committee for examining my Accounts;
you reported, that you found them just, and signed that
Report.1

1 Report of the Committee on Benjamin Franklin's Accounts.
"February 19, 1763. In Obedience to the Order of the House, we have
examined the Account of Benjamin Franklin, Esq ; with the Vouchers to us
produced in Support thereof, and do find the same Account to be just, and
that he has expended, in the immediate Service of this Province, the Sum of
Seven Hundred and Fourteen Pounds, Ten Shillings, and Seven Pence, out
of the Sum of Fifteen Hundred Pounds Sterling, to him remitted and paid,
exclusive of any Allowance or Charge for his Support and Services for the
Province.

"JOHN MORTON, JOHN HUGHES,

WILLIAM ALLEN, SAMUEL RHOADS,
JOHN Ross, JOHN WILKINSON,

JOHN MOOR, ISAAC PEARSON.

JOSEPH Fox,

"The House, taking the foregoing Report of the Committee of Accounts
into Consideration, and having spent some Time therein,

284 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

I never solicited the Employ of Agent : I made no Bargain
for my future Service, when I was ordered to England by the
Assembly; nor did they vote me any Salary. I lived there
near six Years at my own Expence, and I made no Charge or
Demand when I came home. You, Sir, of all others, was
the very Member that proposed (for the Honour and Justice
of the House) a Compensation to be made me of the Five
Thousand Pounds you mention. Was it with an Intent to
reproach me thus publicly for accepting it? I thanked the
House for it then, and I thank you now for proposing it : Tho'
you, who have lived in England, can easily conceive, that,
besides the Prejudice to my private Affairs by my Absence, a
Thousand Pounds more would not have reimbursed me.

The Money voted was immediately paid me. But, if I
had occasioned the Loss of Six Thousand Pounds to the Prov-
ince, here was a fair Opportunity of securing easily the great-
est Part of it. Why was not the Five Thousand Pounds

"Resolved,

" That the Sum of Five Hundred Pounds Sterling, per Annum, be allowed
and given to Benjamin Franklin, Esq ; late Agent for the Province of Penn-
sylvania at the Court of Great Britain, during his Absence of six Years from
his Business and Connections, in the Service of the Public j and that the
Thanks of this House be also given to the said Gentleman by Mr. Speaker,
from the Chair, as well for the faithful Discharge of his Duty to this Province
in particular, as for the many and important Services done America in general,
during his Residence in Great Britain."

"Thursday, March 31, 1763. Pursuant to a Resolve of the nineteenth of
last Month, that the Thanks of this House be given to Benjamin Franklin,
Esq ; for his many Services, not only to the Province of Pennsylvania, but to
America in general, during his late Agency at the Court of Great Britain,
the same were this Day accordingly given in Form from the Chair. To which
Mr. Franklin, respectfully addressing himself to the Speaker, made Answer,
' That he was thankful to the House, for the very handsome and generous
Allowance they had been pleased to make him for his Services ; but that the
Approbation of this House was, in his Estimation, far above every other kind
of Recompense.'" — Votes, 1763. — F.

1764] TO ANTHONY TODD 285

deducted, and the Remainder called for ? The Reason is, This
Accusation was not then invented. Permit me to add, that
supposing the whole Eleven Thousand Pounds an Expence
occasioned by my Voyage to England, yet the Taxation of the
Proprietary Estate now established, will, when valued by
Years Purchase, be found in time an Advantage to the Public
far exceeding that Expence. And, if the Expence is at pres-
ent a Burthen, the Odium of it ought to lie on those, who, by
their Injustice, made the Voyage necessary, and not on me,
who only submitted to the Orders of the House in under-
taking it.

I am now to take Leave (perhaps a last Leave) of the Coun-
try I love, and in which I have spent the greatest part of my
Life. Esto perpetua. I wish every kind of Prosperity to my
Friends ; and I forgive my Enemies.

B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, Nov. 5, 1764.

381. TO ANTHONY TODD1 (P. R. o.)

Philadelphia, Nov* 6, 1764

SIR : — Col Bouquet marched from Pittsburgh the 4th of
October, with 1,500 men, down the Ohio, to attack the
Shawana Towns; the Peace made by Col. Bradstreet at
Presquisle not being confirmed. We have not since heard
from either of those armies. I am, etc.,

B. FRANKLIN.

*P. R.O.A. W. I. 197. — ED.

286 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

382. TO SARAH FRANKLIN

Reedy Island, 7 at night, November 8, 1764.

MY DEAR SALLY,

We got down here at sunset, having taken in more live stock
at Newcastle, with some other things we wanted. Our good
friends, Mr. Galloway, Mr. Wharton, and Mr. James, came
with me in the ship from Chester to Newcastle and went
ashore there. It was kind to favour me with their good com-
pany as far as they could. The affectionate leave taken of
me by so many friends at Chester was very endearing. God
bless them and all Pennsylvania.

My dear child, the natural prudence and goodness of heart
God has blest you with make it less necessary for me to be
particular in giving you advice. I shall therefore only say,
that the more attentively dutiful and tender you are towards
your good mamma, the more you will recommend yourself to
me. But why should I mention me, when you have so much
higher a promise in the commandments, that such conduct
will recommend you to the favour of God. You know I have
many enemies, all indeed on the public account, (for I cannot
recollect that I have in a private capacity given just cause of
offence to any one whatever,) yet they are enemies, and very
bitter ones ; and you must expect their enmity will extend in
some degree to you, so that your slightest indiscretions will be
magnified into crimes, in order the more sensibly to wound and
afflict me. It is therefore the more necessary for you to be
extremely circumspect in all your behaviour, that no advan-
tage may be given to their malevolence.

1764] TO SARAH FRANKLIN 287

Go constantly to church, whoever preaches. The act of
devotion in the Common Prayer Book is your principal busi-
ness there, and if properly attended to, will do more towards
amending the heart than sermons generally can do. For they
were composed by men of much greater piety and wisdom,
than our common composers of sermons can pretend to be;
and therefore I wish you would never miss the prayer days;
yet I do not mean you should despise sermons, even of the
preachers you dislike, for the discourse is often much better
than the man, as sweet and clear waters come through very
dirty earth. I am the more particular on this head, as you
seemed to express a little before I came away some inclination
to leave our church, which I would not have you do.

For the rest, I would only recommend to you in my ab-
sence, to acquire those useful accomplishments, arithmetic
and book-keeping. This you might do with ease, if you would
resolve not to see company on the hours you set apart for
those studies.

We expect to be at sea to-morrow, if this wind holds ; after
which I shall have no opportunity of writing to you, till I
arrive (if it please God I do arrive) in England. I pray that
his blessing may attend you, which is worth more than a thou-
sand of mine, though they are never wanting. Give my love
to your brother and sister,1 as I cannot write to them, and
remember me affectionately to the young ladies your friends,
and to our good neighbours. I am, my dear child, your

affectionate father,

B. FRANKLIN.

1 William Franklin, governor of New Jersey, and his wife. — ED.

288 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

383. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)

Saint Helen's Road, Isle of Wight,

Dec. 9. 17645 P.M.
MY DEAR DEBBY,

This Line is just to let you know that we have this moment
come to an Anchor here, and that I am going ashore at
Portsmouth, and hope to be in London on Tuesday Morning.
No Father could have been tenderer to a Child, than Capt.
Robinson has been to me, for which I am greatly oblig'd to
Messrs. James and Drinker; but we have had terrible
Weather, and I have often been thankful that our dear
Sally was not with me. Tell our Friends that din'd with
us on the Turtle that the kind Prayer they then put up for
thirty Days fair Wind for me was favourably heard and
answered, we being just 30 Days from Land to Land.

I am, Thanks to God, very well and hearty. John has
behav'd well to me, and so has everybody on board. Thank
all my Friends for their Favours, which contributed so much
to the Comfort of my Voyage. I have not time to name
Names: You know whom I love and honour. Say all the
proper Things for me to everybody. Love to our Children,
and to my dear Brother and Sister. I am, dear Debby,
your ever loving Husband, B. FRANKLIN.

384. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)

MY DEAR CHILD London Dec' 27' I764

I have just heard that a Ship which left London before I
arriv'd is still at Portsmouth and that a Letter may reach

1764] NARRATIVE OF THE LATE MASSACRES 289

her. I can only write a Line or two, just to let you know
that I am now almost well, tho' for 10 or 12 Days I have been
severely handled by a most violent Cold, that has worried
me extreamly. — Those of my old Friends who were in
town, have given me a most cordial Welcome, but many are
yet in the Country, the Parliament not meeting till the lo'.1*
of next Month ; so nothing has occur'd to be worth a Letter
to my other Friends, but I shall however write them per
Packet. My Love to our Children, and all that kindly

enquire after

Your affectionate Husband

B. FRANKLIN
Mrs. Stevenson desires
her Compliments. —

385. A

NARRATIVE

OF THE LATE MASSACRES,
IN LANCASTER COUNTY,

OF A
NUMBER OF INDIANS, FRIENDS OF THIS PROVINCE,

BY PERSONS UNKNOWN.
WITH SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE SAME.

Printed in the Year
MDCCLXIV.

THESE Indians were the Remains of a Tribe of the Six
Nations, settled at Conestogoe, and thence called Conestogoe
Indians. On the first Arrival of the English in Pennsyl-

VOL. IV — U

290 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

vania, Messengers from this Tribe came to welcome them,
with Presents of Venison, Corn, and Skins; and the whole
Tribe entered into a Treaty of Friendship with the first
Proprietor, William Penn, which was to last "as long as the
Sun should shine, or the Waters run in the Rivers."

This Treaty has been since frequently renewed, and the
Chain brightened, as they express it, from time to time. It
has never been violated, on their Part or ours, till now.
As their Lands by Degrees were mostly purchased, and the
Settlements of the White People began to surround them,
the Proprietor assigned them lands on the Manor of Cones-
togoe, which they might not part with ; there they have lived
many years in Friendship with their White Neighbours, who
loved them for their peaceable inoffensive Behaviour.

It has always been observed, that Indians, settled in the
Neighbourhood of White People, do not increase, but diminish
continually. This Tribe accordingly went on diminishing,
till there remained in their Town on the Manor, but 20
persons, viz. 7 Men, 5 Women, and 8 Children, Boys and
Girls.

Of these, Shehaes was a very old Man, having assisted at
the second Treaty held with them, by Mr. Penn, in 1701,
and ever since continued a faithful and affectionate Friend
to the English; He is said to have been an exceeding good
Man, considering his Education, being naturally of a most
kind, benevolent Temper.

Peggy was Shehaes' 's Daughter; she worked for her aged
Father, continuing to live with him, though married, and
attended him with filial Duty and Tenderness.

John was another good old Man ; his Son Harry helped
to support him.

1764] NARRATIVE OF THE LATE MASSACRES 291

George and Will Soc were two Brothers, both young Men.

John Smith, a valuable young Man of the Cayuga Nation,
who became acquainted with Peggy, Shehaes's Daughter,
some few Years since, married her, and settled in that
Family. They had one Child, about three Years old.

Betty, a harmless old Woman; and her son Peter, a likely
young Lad.

Sally, whose Indian name was Wyanjoy, a Woman much
esteemed by all that knew her, for her prudent and good
Behaviour in some very trying situations of Life. She was
a truly good and an amiable Woman, had no Children of
her own, but, a distant Relation dying, she had taken a
Child of that Relation's, to bring up as her own, and per-
formed towards it all the Duties of an affectionate Parent.

The Reader will observe, that many of their Names are
English. It is common with the Indians that have an
affection for the English, to give themselves, and their Chil-
dren, the Names of such English Persons as they particularly
esteem.

This little Society continued the Custom they had begun,
when more numerous, of addressing every new Governor,
and every Descendant of the first Proprietor, welcoming
him to the Province, assuring him of their Fidelity, and pray-
ing a Continuance of that Favour and Protection they had
hitherto experienced. They had accordingly sent up an
Address of this Kind to our present Governor, on his Arrival ;
but the same was scarce delivered, when the unfortunate
Catastrophe happened, which we are about to relate.

On Wednesday, the i4th of December, 1763, Fifty-seven
Men, from some of our Frontier Townships, who had pro-
jected the Destruction of this little Commonwealth, came,

292 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

all well mounted, and armed with Firelocks, Hangers and
Hatchets, having travelled through the Country in the
Night, to Conestogoe Manor. There they surrounded the
small Village of Indian Huts, and just at Break of Day
broke into them all at once. Only three Men, two Women,
and a young Boy, were found at home, the rest being out
among the neighbouring White People, some to sell the
Baskets, Brooms and Bowls they manufactured, and others
on other Occasions. These poor defenceless Creatures
were immediately fired upon, stabbed, and hatcheted to
Death! The good Shehaes, among the rest, cut to Pieces
in his Bed. All of them were scalped and otherwise horribly
mangled. Then their Huts were set on Fire, and most of
them burnt down. When the Troop, pleased with their
own Conduct and Bravery, but enraged that any of the poor
Indians had escaped the Massacre, rode off, and in small
Parties, by different Roads, went home.

The universal Concern of the neighbouring White People
on hearing of this Event, and the Lamentations of the younger
Indians, when they returned and saw the Desolation, and
the butchered half-burnt Bodies of their murdered Parents
and other Relations, cannot well be expressed.

The Magistrates of Lancaster sent out to collect the re-
maining Indians, brought them into the Town for their
better Security against any farther Attempt; and it is said
condoled with them on the Misfortune that had happened,
took them by the Hand, comforted and promised them Pro-
tection. They were all put into the Workhouse, a strong
Building, as the Place of greatest Safety.

When the shocking News arrived in Town, a Proclamation
was issued by the Governor, in the following Terms, viz.

1764] NARRATIVE OF THE LATE MASSACRES 293

"WHEREAS I have received Information, that on Wednes-
day, the Fourteenth Day of this Month, a Number of People,
armed, and mounted on Horseback, unlawfully assembled
together, and went to the Indian Town in the Conestogoe
Manor, in Lancaster County, and without the least Reason
or Provocation, in cool Blood, barbarously killed six of the
Indians settled there, and burnt and destroyed all their
Houses and Effects : And whereas so cruel and inhuman an
Act, committed in the Heart of this Province on the said
Indians, who have lived peaceably and inoffensively among
us, during all our late Troubles, and for many Years before,
and were justly considered as under the Protection of this
Government and its Laws, calls loudly for the vigorous
Exertion of the civil Authority, to detect the Offenders, and
bring them to condign Punishment; I have therefore, by
and with the Advice and Consent of the Council, thought
fit to issue this Proclamation, and do hereby strictly charge
and enjoin all Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, Constables, Officers
Civil and Military, and all other His Majesty's liege Sub-
jects within this Province, to make diligent Search and En-
quiry after the Authors and Perpetrators of the said Crime,
their Abettors and Accomplices, and to use all possible
Means to apprehend and secure them in some of the publick
Goals of this Province, that they may be brought to their
Trials, and be proceeded against according to Law.

"And whereas a Number of other Indians, who lately
lived on or near the Frontiers of this Province, being willing
and desirous to preserve and continue the ancient Friendship,
which heretofore subsisted between them and the good
People of this Province, have, at their own earnest Request,
been removed from their Habitations, and brought into the

294 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

County of Philadelphia and seated for the present, for their
better Security, on the Province Island, and in other places
in the Neighbourhood of the City of Philadelphia, where
Provision is made for them at the public Expence; I do
therefore hereby strictly forbid all Persons whatsoever, to
molest or injure any of the said Indians, as they will answer
the contrary at their Peril.

"Given under my Hand, and the Great Seal of the said
Province, at Philadelphia, the Twenty-second Day of December,
Anno Domini One Thousand Seven Hundred and Sixty-
three, and in the Fourth Year of His Majesty1 s Reign.

"By his Honour's Command, " JOHN PENN*

"JOSEPH SHIPPEN, Jun., Secretary.
"God save the King."

Notwithstanding this Proclamation, those cruel Men
again assembled themselves, and hearing that the remaining
fourteen Indians were in the Workhouse at Lancaster, they
suddenly appeared in that Town, on the 27th of December.
Fifty of them, armed as before, dismounting, went directly
to the Workhouse, and by Violence broke open the Door,
and entered with the utmost Fury in their Countenances.
When the poor Wretches saw they had no Protection nigh,
nor could possibly escape, and being without the least
Weapon for Defence, they divided into their little Families,
the Children clinging to the Parents ; they fell on their Knees,
protested their Innocence, declared their Love to the English,
and that, in their whole Lives, they had never done them
Injury; and in this Posture they all received the Hatchet!
Men, Women and little Children were every one inhumanly
murdered ! — in cold Blood !

1764] NARRATIVE OF THE LATE MASSACRES 295

The barbarous Men who committed the atrocious Fact, in
defiance of Government, of all Laws human and divine,
and to the eternal Disgrace of their Country and Colour, then
mounted their Horses, huzza'd in Triumph, as if they had
gained a Victory, and rode off — unmolested i

The Bodies of the Murdered were then brought out and
exposed in the Street, till a Hole could be made in the Earth
to receive and cover them.

But the Wickedness cannot be covered, the Guilt will
lie on the whole Land, till Justice is done on the Murderers.

THE BLOOD OF THE INNOCENT WILL CRY TO HEAVEN FOR
VENGEANCE.

It is said that, Shehaes being before told, that it was to
be feared some English might come from the Frontier into
the Country, and murder him and his People; he replied,
"It is impossible: there are Indians, indeed, in the Woods,
who would kill me and mine, if they could get at us, for my
Friendship to the English; but the English will wrap me
in their Matchcoat, and secure me from all Danger." How
unfortunately was he mistaken !

Another Proclamation has been issued, offering a great
Reward for apprehending the Murderers, in the following
Terms, viz.

"WHEREAS on the Twenty-second Day of December last,
I issued a Proclamation for the apprehending and bringing
to Justice, a Number of Persons, who, in Violation of the
Public Faith, and in Defiance of all Law, had inhumanly
killed six of the Indians, who had lived in Conestogoe Manor,
for the Course of many Years, peaceably and inoffensively,
under the Protection of this Government, on Lands assigned

296 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

to them for their Habitation; notwithstanding which, I
have received Information, that on the Twenty-seventh of
the same Month, a large Party of armed Men again as-
sembled and met together in a riotous and tumultuous
Manner, in the County of Lancaster, and proceeded to the
Town of Lancaster, where they violently broke open the
Workhouse, and butchered and put to Death fourteen of
the said Conestogoe Indians, Men, Women and Children,
who had been taken under the immediate Care and Protec-
tion of the Magistrates of the said County, and lodged for
their better Security in the said Workhouse, till they should
be more effectually provided for by Order of the Govern-
ment; and whereas common Justice loudly demands, and
the Laws of the Land (upon the Preservation of which not
only the Liberty and Security of every Individual, but the
Being of the Government itself depend) require, that the
above Offenders should be brought to condign Punishment;
I have therefore, by and with the Advice of the Council,
published this Proclamation, and do hereby strictly charge
and command all Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, Constables,
Officers Civil and Military, and all other His Majesty's
faithful and liege Subjects within this Province, to make
diligent Search and Enquiry after the Authors and Per-
petrators of the said last- mentioned Offence, their Abettors
and Accomplices, and that they use all possible Means to
apprehend and secure them in some of the public Goals of
this province, to be dealt with according to Law.

"And I do hereby further promise and engage, that any
Person or Persons, who shall apprehend and secure, or
cause to be apprehended and secured, any Three of the
Ringleaders of the said Party, and prosecute them to Con-

1764] NARRATIVE OF THE LATE MASSACRES 297

viction, shall have and receive for each, the public Reward
of Two Hundred, Pounds; and any Accomplice, not con-
cerned in the immediate shedding the Blood of the said
Indians, who shall make Discovery of any or either of the
said Ringleaders, and apprehend and prosecute them to Con-
viction, shall, over and above the said Reward, have all the
Weight and Influence of the Government, for obtaining His
Majesty's Pardon for his Offence.

"Given under my Hand, and the Great Seal of the said
Province, at Philadelphia, the Second Day 0} January, in
the Fourth Year of His Majesty's Reign, and in the Year
of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Sixty-four.

"JOHN PENN.
"By his Honour's command,

"JOSEPH SHIPPEN, Jun., Secretary.
"God save the King."

These Proclamations have as yet produced no Dis-
covery; the Murderers having given out such Threatenings
against those that disapprove their Proceedings, that the
whole Country seems to be in Terror, and no one durst
speak what he knows; even the Letters from thence are
unsigned, in which any Dislike is expressed of the
Rioters.

There are some, (I am ashamed to hear it,) who would
extenuate the enormous Wickedness of these Actions, by
saying, "The Inhabitants of the Frontiers are exasperated
with the Murder of their Relations, by the Enemy Indians,
in the present War." It is possible; — but though this might
justify their going out into the Woods, to seek for those
Enemies, and avenge upon them those Murders, it can

298 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

never justify their turning into the Heart of the Country,
to murder their Friends.

If an Indian injures me, does it follow that I may revenge
that Injury on all Indians ? It is well known, that Indians
are of different Tribes, Nations and Languages, as well as
the White People. In Europe, if the French, who are White
People, should injure the Dutch, are they to revenge it on
the English, because they too are White People ? The only
Crime of these poor Wretches seems to have been, that they
had a reddish-brown Skin, and black Hair ; and some People
of that Sort, it seems, had murdered some of our Relations.
If it be right to kill Men for such a Reason, then, should any
Man, with a freckled Face and red Hair, kill a Wife or Child
of mine, it would be right for me to revenge it, by killing all
the freckled red-haired Men, Women and Children, I could
afterwards anywhere meet with.

But it seems these People think they have a better Justifica-
tion; nothing less than the Word of God. With the Scrip-
tures in their Hands and Mouths, they can set at nought
that express Command, Thou shall do no Murder; and
justify their Wickedness by the Command given Joshua to
destroy the Heathen. Horrid Perversion of Scripture and of
Religion! To father the worst of Crimes on the God of
Peace and Love ! Even the Jews, to whom that particular
Commission was directed, spared the Gibeonites, on Account
of their Faith once given. The Faith of this Government
has been frequently given to those Indians; but that did not
avail them with People who despise Government.

We pretend to be Christians, and, from the superior Light
we enjoy, ought to exceed Heathens, Turks, Saracens, Moors,
Negroes and Indians, in the Knowledge and Practice of

1764] NARRATIVE OF THE LATE MASSACRES 299

what is right. I will endeavour to show, by a few Examples
from Books and History, the Sense those People have had of
such Actions.

Homer wrote his Poem, called the Odyssey, some Hundred
Years before the Birth of Christ. He frequently speaks of
what he calls not only the Duties, but the Sacred Rites of
Hospitality, (exercised towards Strangers, while in our
House or Territory) as including, besides all the common
Circumstances of Entertainment, full Safety and Protection
of Person, from all Danger of Life, from all Injuries, and
even Insults. The Rites of Hospitality were called sacred,
because the Stranger, the Poor, and the Weak, when they
applied for Protection and Relief, were, from the Religion of
those Times, supposed to be sent by the Deity to try the
Goodness of Men, and that he would avenge the Injuries
they might receive, where they ought to have been protected.
These Sentiments therefore influenced the Manners of all
Ranks of People, even the meanest; for we find that when
Ulysses came, as a poor Stranger, to the Hut of Eumasus,
the Swineherd, and his great Dogs ran out to tear the ragged
Man, Eum&us drave them away with Stones; and

"'Unhappy Stranger!' (thus the faithful Swain
Began, with Accent gracious and humane,)
' What Sorrow had been mine, if at my Gate
Thy rev'rend Age had met a shameful Fate!
But enter this my homely Roof, and see
Our Woods not void of Hospitality.1
He said, and seconding the kind Request,
With friendly Step precedes the unknown Guest,
A shaggy Goat's soft Hide beneath him spread,
And with fresh Rushes heap'd an ample Bed.
Joy touch'd the Hero's tender Soul, to find
So just Reception from a Heart so kind :

300 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

And Oh, ye Gods ! with all your Blessings grace '
(He thus broke forth) 'this Friend of human Race!

The Swain reply'd. It never was our guise
To slight the Poor, or aught humane despise.
For Jove unfolds the hospitable Door,
'T is Jove that sends the Stranger and the Poor."

These Heathen People thought, that after a Breach of the
Rites of Hospitality, a Curse from Heaven would attend them
in every thing they did, and even their honest Industry in
their Callings would fail of Success. Thus when Ulysses
tells Eum&us, who doubted the Truth of what he related, "If
I deceive you in this, I should deserve Death, and I consent
that you should put me to Death;" Eum&us rejects the
Proposal, as what would be attended with both Infamy and
Misfortune, saying ironically,

" Doubtless, O Guest ! great Laud and Praise were mine;
If, after social Rites and Gifts bestow'd,
I stain'd my Hospitable Hearth with Blood.
How would the Gods my righteous Toils succeed,
And bless the Hand that made a Stranger bleed?
No more."

Even an open Enemy, in the Heat of Battle, throwing
down his Arms, submitting to his Foe, and asking Life and
Protection, was supposed to acquire an immediate Right to
that Protection. Thus one describes his being saved, when
his Party was defeated;

" We turn'd to Flight ; the gath'ring Vengeance spread
On all Parts round, and Heaps on Heaps lie dead.
The radiant Helmet from my Brows unlac'd,
And lo, on Earth my Shield and Javelin cast,
I meet the Monarch with a Suppliant's Face,
Approach his Chariot, and his Knees embrace.
He heard, he sav'd, he plac'd me at his Side ;
My State he pity'd, and my Tears he dry'd ;

1764] NARRATIVE OF THE LATE MASSACRES 301

Restrained the Rage the vengeful Foe express'd,
And turn'd the deadly Weapons from my Breast.
Pious to guard the Hospitable Rite,
And fearing Jove, whom Mercy's Works delight.'1

The Suitors of Penelope are by the same ancient Poet
described as a sett of lawless Men, who were regardless oj
the sacred Rites of Hospitality. And therefore when the
Queen was informed they were slain, and that by Ulysses,
she, not believing that Ulysses was returned, says,

" Ah no ! some God the Suitors Deaths decreed,
Some God descends, and by his Hand they bleed :
Blind, to contemn the Stranger's righteous Cause,
And violate all hospitable Laws !

The Powers they defy'd ;

But Heav'n is just, and by a God they dy'd."

Thus much for the Sentiments of the ancient Heathens.
As for the Turks, it is recorded in the Life of Mahomet, the
Founder of their Religion, That Khaled, one of his Captains,
having divided a Number of Prisoners between himself and
those that were with him, he commanded the Hands of his
own Prisoners to be tied behind them, and then, in a most
cruel and brutal Manner, put them to the Sword; but he
could not prevail on his Men to massacre their Captives,
because in Fight they had laid down their Arms, submitted,
and demanded Protection. Mahomet, when the Account
was brought to him, applauded the Men for their Humanity ;
but said to Khaled, with great Indignation, "Oh Khaled,
thou Butcher, cease to molest me with thy Wickedness. If
thou possessedst a Heap of Gold as large as Mount Obod,
and shouldst expend it all in God's Cause, thy Merit would
not efface the Guilt incurred by the Murder of the meanest
of those poor Captives."

302 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

Among the Arabs or Saracens, though it was lawful to put
to Death a Prisoner taken in Battle, if he had made himself
obnoxious by his former Wickedness, yet this could not be
done after he had once eaten Bread, or drank Water, while
in their Hands. Hence we read in the History of the Wars
of the Holy Land, that when the Franks had suffered a great
Defeat from Saladin, and among the Prisoners were the King
of Jerusalem, and Arnold, a famous Christian Captain, who
had been very cruel to the Saracens; these two being brought
before the Soltan, he placed the King on his right Hand, and
Arnold on his left; and then presented the King with a Cup
of Water, who immediately drank to Arnold; but when
Arnold was about to receive the Cup, the Soltan interrupted,
saying, "I will not suffer this wicked Man to drink, as that,
according to the laudable and generous Custom of the Arabs,
would secure him his Life."

That the same laudable and generous Custom still pre-
vails among the Mahometans, appears from the Account
but last Year published of his Travels by Mr. Bell, of Anter-
mony, who accompanied the Czar, Peter the Great, in his
Journey to Derbent through Daggestan. "The Religion of
the Daggestans," says he, "is generally Mahometan, some
following the Sect of Osman, others that of Haly. Their
Language for the most Part is Turkish, or rather a Dialect
of the Arabic, though many of them speak also the Persian
Language. One Article I cannot omit concerning their
Laws of Hospitality, which is, if their greatest Enemy comes
under their Roof for Protection, the Landlord, of what Con-
dition soever, is obliged to keep him safe, from all Manner of
Harm or Violence, during his Abode with him, and even to
conduct him safely through his Territories to a Place of
Security."

1764] NARRATIVE OF THE LATE MASSACRES 303

From the Saracens this same Custom obtained among the
Moors of Africa; was by them brought into Spain, and there
long sacredly observed. The Spanish Historians record with
Applause one famous Instance of it. While the Moors
governed there, and the Spaniards were mixed with them, a
Spanish Cavalier, in a sudden Quarrel, slew a young Moorish
Gentleman, and fled. His Pursuers soon lost Sight of him,
for he had, unperceived, thrown himself over a Garden Wall.
The Owner, a Moor, happening to be in his Garden, was
addressed by the Spaniard on his Knees, who acquainted
him with his Case, and implored Concealment. "Eat this,"
said the Moor, giving him Half a Peach; "you now know
that you may confide in my Protection." He then locked
him up in his Garden Apartment, telling him, that as soon
as it was Night he would provide for his Escape to a Place
of more Safety. The Moor then went into his House, where
he had scarce seated himself, when a great Croud, with loud
Lamentations, came to his Gate, bringing the Corps of his
Son, that had just been killed by a Spaniard. When the
first Shock of Surprize was a little over, he learnt, from the
Description given, that the fatal Deed was done by the Per-
son then in his Power. He mentioned this to no One; but
as soon as it was dark, retired to his Garden Apartment, as
if to grieve alone, giving Orders that none should follow him.
There accosting the Spaniard, he said, "Christian, the Per-
son you have killed is my Son : his Body is now in my House.
You ought to suffer; but you have eaten with me, and I
have given you my Faith, which must not be broken. Fol-
low me." He then led the astonished Spaniard to his Stables,
mounted him on one of his fleetest Horses, and said, "Fly
far while the Night can cover you. You will be safe in the

304 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

Morning. You are indeed guilty of my Son's Blood; but
God is just and good, and I thank him that I am innocent of
yours, and that my Faith given is preserved."

The Spaniards caught from the Moors this Punto of
Honour, the Effects of which remain, in a great Degree, to this
Day. So that when there is Fear of a War about to break
out between England and Spain, an English Merchant there,
who apprehends the Confiscation of his Goods as the Goods
of an Enemy, thinks them safe, if he can get a Spaniard to
take Charge of them; for the Spaniard secures them as his
own, and faithfully redelivers them, or pays the Value, when-
ever the Englishman can safely demand it.

Justice to that Nation, though lately our Enemies, and
hardly yet our cordial Friends, obliges me, on this Occasion,
not to omit mentioning an Instance of Spanish Honour,
which cannot but be still fresh in the Memory of many yet
living. In 1746, when we were in hot War with Spain, the
Elizabeth, of London, Captain William Edwards, coming
through the Gulph from Jamaica, richly laden, met with a
most violent Storm, in which the Ship sprung a Leak, that
obliged them, for the Saving of their Lives, to run her into
the Havannah. The Captain went on Shore, directly
waited on the Governor, told the Occasion of his putting in,
and that he surrendered his Ship as a Prize, and himself and
his Men as Prisoners of War, only requesting good Quarter.
"No, Sir," replied the Spanish Governor; "if we had taken
you in fair War at Sea, or approaching our Coast with hostile
Intentions, your Ship would then have been a Prize, and your
People Prisoners. But when distressed by a Tempest, you
come into our Ports for the Safety of your Lives, we, though
Enemies, being Men, are bound as such, by the Laws of

1764] NARRATIVE OF THE LATE MASSACRES 305

Humanity to afford Relief to distressed Men, who ask it of
us. We cannot, even against our Enemies, take Advantage
of an Act of God. You have Leave therefore to unload
your ship, if that be necessary, to stop the Leak; you may
refit here, and trafnck so far as shall be necessary to pay the
Charges; you may then depart, and I will give you a Pass,
to be in Force till you are beyond Bermuda. If after that you
are taken, you will then be a Prize ; but now you are only a
Stranger, and have a Stranger's Right to Safety and Protec-
tion." The Ship accordingly departed and arrived safe in
London.

Will it be permitted me to adduce, on this Occasion, an
Instance of the like Honour in a poor unenlightened African
Negroe. I find it in Capt. Seagrave's Account of his Voyage
to Guinea. He relates that a New England Sloop, trading
there in 1752, left their second Mate, William Murray, sick
on Shore, and sailed without him. Murray was at the House
of a Black, name Cudjoe, with whom he had contracted
an Acquaintance during their Trade. He recovered, and
the Sloop being gone, he continued with his black Friend,
till some other Opportunity should offer of his getting home.
In the mean while, a Dutch Ship came into the Road, and some
of the Blacks going on board her were treacherously seized
and carried off as Slaves. Their Relations and Friends,
transported with sudden Rage, ran to the House of Cudjoe
to take Revenge, by killing Murray. Cudjoe stopped them
at the Door, and demanded what they wanted? "The
White Men," said they, "have carried away our Brothers
and Sons, and we will kill all White Men ; give us the White
Man that you keep in your House, for we will kill him."
"Nay," said Cudjoe, "the White Men that carried away

VOL. IV — X

306 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

your Brothers are bad Men, kill them when you can catch
them; but this White Man is a good Man, and you must not
kill him." "But he is a White Man," they cried; "the
White Men are all bad, and we will kill them all." "Nay,"
says he, "you must not kill a Man, that has done no Harm,
only for being white. This Man is my Friend, my House is
his Fort, and I am his Soldier. I must fight for him. You
must kill me, before you can kill him. What good Man will
ever come again under my Roof, if I let my Floor be stained
with a good Man's Blood !" The Negroes, seeing his Reso-
lution, and being convinced by his Discourse that they were
wrong, went away ashamed. In a few Days Murray
ventured abroad again with Cudjoe, when several of them
took him by the Hand, and told him they were glad they
had not killed him; for, as he was a good (meaning an in-
nocent) Man, their God would have been angry, and would
have spoiled their Fishing. "I relate this," says Captain
Seagrave, "to show, that some among these dark People have
a strong Sense of Justice and Honour, and that even the most
brutal among them are capable of feeling the Force of Rea-
son, and of being influenced by a Fear of God (if the Know-
ledge of the true God could be introduced among them,)
since even the Fear of a false God, when their Rage subsided,
was not without its good Effect."

Now I am about to mention something of Indians, I beg
that I may not be understood as framing Apologies for all
Indians. I am far from desiring to lessen the laudable
Spirit of Resentment in my Countrymen against those now
at War with us, so far as it is justified by their Perfidy and
Inhumanity. I would only observe, that the Six Nations,
as a Body, have kept Faith with the English ever since we

1764] NARRATIVE OF THE LATE MASSACRES 307

knew them, now near an Hundred Years; and that the
governing Part of those People have had Notions of Honour,
whatever may be the Case with the Rum-debauched, Trader-
corrupted Vagabonds and Thieves on the Sasquehannah and
Ohio, Sit present in Arms against us. As a Proof of that
Honour, I shall only mention one well-known recent Fact.
When six Catawba Deputies, under the Care of Colonel
Bull, of Charlestown, went by Permission into the Mohawks
Country, to sue for and treat of Peace for their Nation, they
soon found the Six Nations highly exasperated, and the
Peace at that Time impracticable: They were therefore
in Fear for their own Persons, and apprehended that they
should be killed in their Way back to New York; which
being made known to the Mohawk Chiefs by Colonel Bull,
one of them, by Order of the Council, made this Speech to
the Catawbas;

"Strangers and Enemies,

"While you are in this Country, blow away all Fear out
of your Breasts; change the black Streak of Paint on your
Cheek for a red One, and let your Faces shine with Bear's
Grease: You are safer here than if you were at home.
The Six Nations will not defile their own Land with the
Blood of Men that come unarmed to ask for Peace. We shall
send a Guard with you, to see you safe out of our Territories.
So far you shall have Peace, but no farther. Get home to
your own Country, and there take Care of yourselves, for there
we intend to come and kill you."

The Catawbas came away unhurt accordingly.
It is also well known, that just before the late War broke
out, when our Traders first went among the Piankeshaw

308 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

Indians, a Tribe of the Twightwees, they found the Prin-
ciple of giving Protection to Strangers in full Force; for,
the French coming with their Indians to the Piankeshaw
Town, and demanding that those Traders and their Goods
should be delivered up ; the Piankeshaws replied, the English
were come there upon their Invitation, and they could not
do so base a Thing. But the French insisting on it, the
Piankeshaws took Arms in Defence of their Guests, and a
Number of them, with their old Chief, lost their Lives in
the Cause; the French at last prevailing by superior Force
only.

I will not dissemble that numberless Stories have been
raised and spread abroad, against not only the poor Wretches
that are murdered, but also against the Hundred and Forty
christianized Indians, still threatned to be murdered; all
which Stories are well known, by those who know the Indians
best, to be pure Inventions, contrived by bad People, either
to excite each other to join in the Murder, or since it was
committed, to justify it ; and believed only by the Weak and
Credulous. I call thus publickly on the Makers and Ven-
ders of these Accusations to produce their Evidence. Let
them satisfy the Public that even Will Soc, the most ob-
noxious of all that Tribe, was really guilty of those Offences
against us which they lay to his Charge. But if he was,
ought he not to have been fairly tried ? He lived under our
Laws, and was subject to them; he was in our Hands, and
might easily have been prosecuted; was it English Justice
to condemn and execute him unheard? Conscious of his
own Innocence, he did not endeavour to hide himself when
the Door of the Workhouse, his Sanctuary, was breaking
open. "I will meet them," says he, "for they are my

1764] NARRATIVE OF THE LATE MASSACRES 309

Brothers." These Brothers of his shot him down at the
Door, while the Word Brothers was between his Teeth.

But if Will Soc was a bad Man, what had poor old Shehaes
done? What could he or the other poor old Men and
Women do? What had little Boys and Girls done? What
could Children of a Year old, Babes at the Breast, what
could they do, that they too must be shot and hatcheted?
Horrid to relate ! And in their Parents Arms ! This is
done by no civilized Nation in Europe. Do we come to
America to learn and practise the Manners of Barbarians?
But this, Barbarians as they are, they practise against their
Enemies only, not against their Friends.

These poor People have been always our Friends. Their
Fathers received ours, when Strangers here, with Kindness
and Hospitality. Behold the Return we have made them!
When we grew more numerous and powerful, they put
themselves under our Protection. See, in the mangled
Corpses of the last Remains of the Tribe, how effectually
we have afforded it to them !

Unhappy People ! to have lived in such Times, and by
such Neighbours ! We have seen, that they would have been
safer among the ancient Heathens, with whom the Rites of
Hospitality were sacred. They would have been considered
as Guests of the Publick, and the Religion of the Country
would have operated in their Favour. But our Frontier
People call themselves Christians! They would have been
safer, if they had submitted to the Turks; for ever since
Mahomet's Reproof to Khaled, even the cruel Turks never
kill Prisoners in cold Blood. These were not even Prisoners.
But what is the Example of Turks to Scripture Christians?
They would have been safer, though they had been taken

310 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

in actual War against the Saracens, if they had once
drank Water with them. These were not taken in War
against us, and have drank with us, and we with them,
for Fourscore Years. But shall we compare Saracens to
Christians ?

They would have been safer among the Moors in Spain,
though they had been Murderers of Sons ; if Faith had once
been pledged to them, and a Promise of Protection given.
But these have had the Faith of the English given to them
many Times by the Government, and, in Reliance on that
Faith, they lived among us, and gave us the Opportunity
of murdering them. However, what was honourable in
Moors, may not be a Rule to us; for we are Christians!
They would have been safer it seems among Popish Span-
iards, even if Enemies, and delivered into their Hands by a
Tempest. These were not Enemies ; they were born among
us, and yet we have killed them all. But shall we imitate
idolatrous Papists, we that are enlightened Protestants?
They would have even been safer among the Negroes of
Africa, where at least one manly Soul would have been
found, with Sense, Spirit and Humanity enough, to stand
in their Defence. But shall Whitemen and Christians act
like a Pagan Negroe ? In short it appears, that they would
have been safe in any Part of the known World, except in
the Neighbourhood of the CHRISTIAN WHITE SAVAGES of
Peckstang and Donegall!

O, ye unhappy Perpetrators of this horrid Wickedness!
reflect a Moment on the Mischief ye have done, the Dis-
grace ye have brought on your Country, on your Religion,
and your Bible, on your Families and Children! Think
on the Destruction of your captivated Country-folks (now

1764] NARRATIVE OF THE LATE MASSACRES 311

among the wild Indians) which probably may follow, in
Resentment of your Barbarity ! Think on the Wrath of
the United Five Nations, hitherto our Friends, but now
provoked by your murdering one of their Tribes, in Danger
of becoming our bitter Enemies. Think of the mild and
good Government you have so audaciously insulted; the
Laws of your King, your Country, and your God, that you
have broken; the infamous Death that hangs over your
Heads; for Justice, though slow, will come at last. All
good People everywhere detest your Actions. You have
imbrued your Hands in innocent Blood; how will you
make them clean? The dying Shrieks and Groans of the
Murdered, will often sound in your Ears : Their Spectres will
sometimes attend you, and affright even your innocent
Children! Fly where you will, your Consciences will go
with you. Talking in your Sleep shall betray you, in the
Delirium of a Fever you yourselves shall make your own
Wickedness known.

One Hundred and Forty peaceable Indians yet remain
in this Government. They have, by Christian Missionaries,
been brought over to a Liking, at least, of our Religion;
some of them lately left their Nation which is now at War
with us, because they did not chuse to join with them in their
Depredations; and to shew their Confidence in us, and to
give us an equal Confidence in them, they have brought and
put into our Hands their Wives and Children. Others have
lived long among us in Northampton County, and most of
their Children have been born there. These are all now
trembling for their Lives. They have been hurried from
Place to Place for Safety, now concealed in Corners, then
sent out of the Province, refused a Passage through a neigh-

312 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

bouring Colony, and returned, not unkindly perhaps, but
disgracefully, on our Hands. O Pennsylvania! Once re-
nowned for Kindness to Strangers, shall the Clamours of a
few mean Niggards about the Expence of this Publick Hos-
pitality, an Expence that will not cost the noisy Wretches
Sixpence a Piece, (and what is the Expence of the poor
Maintenance we afford them, compared to the Expence
they might occasion if in Arms against us) shall so sense-
less a Clamour, I say, force you to turn out of your Doors
these unhappy Guests, who have offended their own Country-
folks by their Affection for you, who, confiding in your
Goodness, have put themselves under your Protection?
Those whom you have disarmed to satisfy groundless Sus-
picions, will you leave them exposed to the armed Madmen
of your Country? Unmanly Men! who are not ashamed
to come with Weapons against the Unarmed, to use the
Sword against Women, and the Bayonet against young
Children; and who have already given such bloody Proofs
of their Inhumanity and Cruelty.

Let us rouze ourselves, for Shame, and redeem the Honour
of our Province from the Contempt of its Neighbours; let
all good Men join heartily and unanimously in Support of
the Laws, and in strengthening the Hands of Government;
that JUSTICE may be done, the Wicked punished, and the
Innocent protected; otherwise we can, as a People, expect
no Blessing from Heaven; there will be no Security for our
Persons or Properties; Anarchy and Confusion will prevail
over all; and Violence without Judgment, dispose of every
Thing.

When I mention the Baseness of the Murderers, in the
Use they made of Arms, I cannot, I ought not to forget, the

1764] NARRATIVE OF THE LATE MASSACRES 313

very different Behaviour of brave Men and true Soldiers, of
which this melancholy Occasion has afforded us fresh In-
stances. The Royal Highlanders have, in the Course of
this War, suffered as much as any other Corps, and have
frequently had their Ranks thinn'd by an Indian Enemy;
yet they did not for this retain a brutal undistinguishing
Resentment against all Indians, Friends as well as Foes.
But a Company of them happening to be here, when the
140 poor Indians above mentioned were thought in too
much Danger to stay longer in the Province, chearfully
undertook to protect and escort them to New York, which
they executed (as far as that Government would permit
the Indians to come) with Fidelity and Honour; and their
captain Robinson, is justly applauded and honoured by all
sensible and good People, for the Care, Tenderness and
Humanity, with which he treated those unhappy Fugitives,
during their March in this severe Season.

General Gage, too, has approved of his Officer's Conduct,
and, as I hear, ordered him to remain with the Indians at
Amboy, and continue his Protection to them, till another
Body of the King's Forces could be sent to relieve his Com-
pany, and escort their Charge back in Safety to Philadelphia,
where his Excellency has had the Goodness to direct those
Forces to remain for some Time, under the Orders of our
Governor, for the Security of the Indians; the Troops of
this Province being at present necessarily posted on the
Frontier. Such just and generous Actions endear the
Military to the Civil Power, and impress the Minds of all
the Discerning with a still greater Respect for our national
Government. I shall conclude with observing, that Cowards
can handle Arms, can strike where they are sure to meet

314 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

with no Return, can wound, mangle and murder; but it
belongs to brave Men to spare and to protect; for, as the

Poet says,

" Mercy still sways the Brave."

386. PETITION TO THE KING, (L. c.)

FOR CHANGING THE PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT OF
PENNSYLVANIA INTO A ROYAL GOVERNMENT.1

To THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY, IN COUNCIL,

The Petition of the Representatives of the Freemen of
the Province of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met,

Most humbly sheweth;

That the Government of this Province by Proprietaries
has by long Experience been found inconvenient, attended
with many Difficulties and Obstructions to your Majesty's
Service, arising from the Intervention of Proprietary private
Interests in publick Affairs and Disputes concerning those
Interests.

That the said Proprietary Government is weak, unable
to support its own Authority, and maintain the common
internal Peace of the Province; great Riots have lately
arisen therein, armed Mobs marching from Place to Place,
and committing violent Outrages and Insults on the Govern-
ment with Impunity, to the great Terror of your Majesty's
Subjects. And these Evils are not likely to receive any

1 Drafted by Dr. Franklin, and adopted by the Assembly of Pennsylvania,
in 1764. — ED.

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 315

Remedy here, the continual Disputes between the Pro-
prietaries and People, and their mutual Jealousies and Dis-
likes preventing.

We do, therefore, most humbly pray, that your Majesty
would be graciously pleased to resume the Government of
this Province, making such Compensation to the Proprieta-
ries for the same as to your Majesty's Wisdom and Good-
ness shall appear just and equitable, and permitting your
dutiful Subjects therein to enjoy under your Majesty's
more immediate Care and Protection, the Privileges that
have been granted to them by and under your Royal

Predecessors.

Signed By order of the House.

387. PREFACE TO
THE SPEECH OF JOSEPH GALLOWAY, ESQ;

ONE OF THE MEMBERS FOR PHILADELPHIA COUNTY:

In Answer

TO THE SPEECH OF JOHN DICKINSON, ESQ; DELIVERED IN THE
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY, OF THE PROVINCE OF PENNSYLVANIA, MAY
24, 1764. ON OCCASION OF A PETITION DRAWN UP BY ORDER, AND
THEN UNDER THE CONSIDERATION OF THE HOUSE; PRAYING HIS
MAJESTY FOR A ROYAL, IN LIEU OF A PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT.

Audi et alter am Partem,

Philadelphia :

Printed and sold by W. Dunlap, in Market-Street.
MDCCLXIV.

316 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

While the petition to the King for a royal government in Pennsyl-
vania was under discussion in the Assembly, Mr. John Dickinson made
a speech against it, which was printed in a pamphlet, with a long preface
by another hand. Mr. Galloway published a reply, entitled, "The Speech
of Joseph Galloway, One of the Members for Philadelphia County, in
Answer to the Speech of John Dickinson, delivered in the House of
Assembly of the Province of Pennsylvania, May 24th, 1764." To this
reply was prefixed the following Preface, written by Dr. Franklin. — ED.

IT is not merely because Mr. Dickinson's Speech was
usher'd into the World by a Preface, that one is made to this
of Mr. Galloway. But as in that Preface a Number of
Aspersions were thrown on our Assemblies, and their Pro-
ceedings grossly misrepresented, it was thought necessary
to wipe those Aspersions off, by some proper Animadversions ;
and by a true State of Facts, to rectify those Misrepresen-
tations.

The Preface begins with saying, that "Governor Denny
whose Administration will never be mentioned but with
Disgrace, in the Annals of this Province, was induced by
Considerations to which the World is now no Stranger, to
pass sundry Acts," &c., thus insinuating, that by some
unusual base Bargain secretly made but afterwards dis-
cover'd, he was induc'd to pass them.

It is fit, therefore, without undertaking to justify all that
Governor's Administration, to shew what those Considera-
tions were. Ever since the Revenue of the Quitrents first,
and after that the Revenue of Tavern-Licenses, were settled
irrevocably on our Proprietaries and Governors, they have
look'd on those Incomes as their proper Estate, for which
they were under no Obligations to the People: And when
they afterwards concurr'd in passing any useful Laws, they
considered them as so many Jobbs, for which they ought

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 317

to be particularly paid. Hence arose the Custom of Presents
twice a Year to the Governors, at the close of each Session
in which Laws were past, given at the Time of Passing. They
usually amounted to a Thousand Pounds per Annum. But
when the Governors and Assemblies disagreed, so that
Laws were not pass'd, the Presents were withheld. When
a Disposition to agree ensu'd, there sometimes still remain' d
some Diffidence. The Governors would not pass the Laws
that were wanted, without being sure of the Money, even all
that they call'd their Arrears; nor the Assemblies give the
Money without being sure of the Laws. Thence the Neces-
sity of some private Conference, in which, mutual Assurances
of good Faith might be receiv'd and given, that the Trans-
actions should go hand in hand. What Name the impartial
Reader will give to this Kind of Commerce, I cannot say :
To me it appears, an Extortion of more Money from the
People, for that to which they had before an undoubted
Right, both by the Constitution and by Purchase : But there
was no other Shop they could go to for the Commodity they
wanted, and they were oblig'd to comply. Time establish'd
the Custom, and made it seem honest ; so that our Governors,
even those of the most undoubted Honor, have practis'd it.
Governor Thomas, after a long Misunderstanding with
the Assembly, went more openly to work with them in man-
aging this Commerce and they with him. The Fact is curi-
ous, as it stands recorded in the Votes of 1742-3. Sundry
Bills sent up to the Governor for his Assent had lain long in
his Hands without any Answer. Jan. 4. The House "Or-
dered, That Thomas Leech, and Edward Warner, wait upon
the Governor, and acquaint him, that the House had long
waited for his Result on the Bills that lie before him, and

3i8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

desire to know when they may expect it." The Gentlemen
return and report, "That they waited upon the Governor,
and delivered the Message of the House according to Order,
and that the Governor was pleased to say, 'He had had the
Bills long under Consideration, and waited the Result of the
House.' " The House well understood this Hint; and im-
mediately resolv'd into a Committee of the whole House,
to take what was called the Governor's support into Con-
sideration, in which they made, the Minutes say, some Prog-
ress; and the next Morning it appears, that that Progress,
whatever it was, had been communicated to him; for
he sent them down this Message by his Secretary; "Mr.
Speaker, The Governor commands me to acquaint you,
that as he has received Assurances of a good Disposition
in the House, he thinks it incumbent on him to shew the like
on his Part; and therefore sends down the Bills, which lay
before him, without any Amendment."

As this Message only shew'd a good Disposition, but con-
tain'd no Promise to pass the Bills ; the House seem to have
had their Doubts; and, therefore, February 2, when they
came to resolve, on the Report of the Grand Committee, to
give the Money, they guarded their Resolves very cautiously,
viz, "Resolved, That on the Passage of such Bills as now
lie before the Governor, the Naturalization Bill, and such
other Bills as may be presented to him, during this Sitting,
there be PAID him the Sum of Five Hundred Pounds. Re-
solved also, That on the Passage of such Bills as now lie before
the Governor, the Naturalization Bill, and such other Bills
as may be presented to him this Sitting, there be PAID to
the Governor the further Sum of One Thousand Pounds,
for the current Year's Support; and that Orders be drawn

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 319

on the Treasurer and Trustees of the Loan-Office, pursuant
to these Resolves." The Orders were accordingly drawn,
with which being acquainted, he appointed a Time to pass
the Bills which was done with one Hand, while he received
the Orders in the other; and then with the utmost polite-
ness, thank' d the House for the Fifteen Hundred Pounds,
as if it had been a pure Free Gift, and a mere mark of their
Respect and Affection. "/ thank you, Gentlemen," (says
he) "for this Instance of your Regard; which I am the more
pleased with, as it gives an agreeable Prospect of future
Harmony between me and the Representatives of the People."

This, Reader, is an exact Counterpart of the Transaction
with Governor Denny; except that Denny sent Word to
the House, that he would pass the Bills before they voted the
Support. And yet here was no Proprietary Clamour about
Bribery, &c. And why so? Why, at that Time, the Pro-
prietary Family, by Virtue of a secret Bond they had ob-
tained of the Governor at his Appointment, were to share
with him the Sums so obtained of the People !

This Reservation of the Proprietaries they were at that
Time a little asham'd of, and therefore such Bonds were
then to be Secrets. But as in every kind of Sinning, frequent
Repetition lessens Shame, and increases Boldness, we find
the Proprietaries ten Years afterwards, openly insisting on
these Advantages to themselves, over and above what was
paid to their Deputy: "Wherefore," (say they,)1 "on this
Occasion, it is necessary that we should inform the People,
through yourselves, their Representatives, that as, by the Con-
stitution, our Consent is necessary to their Laws, at the same
Time that they have an undoubted Right to such as are neces-

1 That is, to the assembly. — V.

320 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

sary for the Defence and real Service of the Country; so it
will tend the better to facilitate the several Matters which
must be transacted with us, for their Representatives to
shew a Regard to us and our Interest"

This was in their Answer to the Representation of the
Assembly, (Votes, December, 1754, p. 48,) on the Justice
of their contributing to Indian Expences, which they had
refused. And on this Clause the Committee make the
following Remark; "They tell us, their Consent is necessary
to our Laws, and that it will tend the better to facilitate the
Matters which must be transacted with them, for the Repre-
sentatives to shew a Regard to their INTEREST: That is,
as we understand it, though the Proprietaries have a Deputy
here, supported by the Province, who is, or ought to be,
fully impower'd to pass all Laws necessary for the Service
oj the Country, yet, before we can obtain such Laws, we
must facilitate their Passage, by paying Money for the Pro-
prietaries, which they ought to pay, or in some Shape make
it their particular INTEREST to pass them. We hope, how-
ever, that, if this Practice has ever been begun, it will never
be continued in this Province; and that, since, as this very
Paragraph allows, we have an undoubted Right to such Laws,
we shall always be able to obtain them from the Goodness
of our Sovereign, without going to Market for them to a
Subject." Time has shewn that those Hopes were vain;
they have been oblig'd to go to that Market ever since,
directly, or indirectly, or go without their Laws. The Prac-
tice has continued, and will continue, as long as the Pro-
prietary Government subsists, intervening between the
Crown and the People.

Do not, my courteous Reader, take Pet at our Proprietary

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 321

Constitution, for these our Bargain and Sale Proceedings in
Legislation. 'Tis a happy Country where Justice, and what
was your own before, can be had for Ready Money. 'Tis
another Addition to the Value of Money, and of Course
another Spur to Industry. Every Land is not so bless'd.
There are Countries where the princely Proprietor claims
to be Lord of all Property; where what is your own shall
not only be wrested from you, but the Money you give to
have it restor'd, shall be kept with it, and your offering so
much, being a Sign of your being too rich, you shall be
plunder' d of every Thing that remained. These Times are
not come here yet: Your present Proprietors have never
been more unreasonable hitherto, than barely to insist on
your Fighting in Defence of their Property, and paying the
Expence yourselves; or if their estates must, (ah! must) be
tax'd towards it, that the best of their Lands shall be tax'd
no higher than the worst of yours.

Pardon this Digression, and I return to Governor Denny;
but first let me do Governor Hamilton the Justice to observe,
that whether from the Uprightness of his own Disposition,
or from the odious Light the Practice had been set in on
Denny's Account, or from both, he did not attempt these
Bargains, but pass'd such Laws as he thought fit to pass,
without any previous Stipulation of Pay for them. But
then, when he saw the Assembly tardy in the Payment he
expected, and yet calling upon him still to pass more Laws,
he openly put them in Mind of the Money, as a Debt due
to him from Custom. "In the Course of the present Year,"
(says he, in his Message of July 8, 1763) "a great Deal of
public Business hath been transacted by me ; and I believe,
as many useful Laws enacted, as by any of my Predecessors

VOL. IV — Y

322 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

in the same Space of Time; yet I have not understood, that
any Allowance hath hitherto been made to me for my Sup-
port, as hath been customary in this Province."

The House having then some Bills in hand, took the
Matter into immediate Consideration, and voted him Five
Hundred Pounds; for which an Order or Certificate was
accordingly drawn ; and on the same Day the Speaker, after
the House had been with the Governor, reported, "That his
Honor had been pleased to give his Assent to the Bills, by
enacting the same into Laws. And Mr. Speaker farther re-
ported, that he had then, in behalf of the House, presented
their Certificate of Five Hundred Pounds to the Governor,
who was pleased to say, he was obliged to the House for the
same." Thus we see the Practice of purchasing and paying
for Laws, is interwoven with our Proprietary Constitution,
us'd in the best Times, and under the best Governors. And
yet, alas, poor Assembly ! How will you steer your brittle
Bark between these Rocks? If you pay ready Money for
your Laws, and those Laws are not lik'd by the Proprietaries,
you are charg'd with Bribery and Corruption : If you wait
a While before you pay, you are accus'd of detaining the
Governor's customary Right, and dun'd as a negligent or
dishonest Debtor, that refuses to discharge a just Debt !

But Governor Denny's Case, I shall be told, differs from
all these, for the Acts he was induced to pass, were, as the
Prefacer tells us, " contrary to his Duty, and to every Tie of
Honor and Justice." Such is the Imperfection of our Lan-
guage, and perhaps of all other Languages, that notwith-
standing we are furnished with Dictionaries innumerable,
we cannot precisely know the import of Words, unless we
know of what Party the Man is that uses them. In the

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 323

Mouth of an Assemblyman, or true Pennsylvanian, "Con-
trary to his Duty and to every Tie of Honor and Justice,"
would mean, the Governor's long Refusal to pass Laws, how-
ever just and necessary, for taxing the Proprietary Estate;
a Refusal contrary to the Trust reposed in the Lieutenant-
Governor, by the Royal Charter, to the Rights of the People,
whose Welfare it was his Duty to promote, and to the
Nature of the Contract, made between the Governor and the
Governed, when the Quitrents and License Fees were estab-
lish'd, which confirm'd what the Proprietaries call our un-
doubted Right to necessary Laws. But in the Mouth of the
Proprietaries, or their Creatures, "contrary to his Duty, and to
every Tie of Justice and Honor," means, his Passing Laws,
contrary to Proprietary Instructions; and contrary to the
Bonds he had previously given to observe those Instructions :
Instructions however, that were unjust and unconstitutional,
and Bonds that were illegal and void from the beginning.

Much has been said of the Wickedness of Governor Denny
in Passing, and of the Assembly in prevailing with him to
pass those Acts. By the Prefacer's Account of them, you
would think the Laws so obtain'd were all bad, for he speaks
of but seven, of which six, he says, were repeaPd, and the
seventh reported to be "fundamentally WRONG and UNJUST,"
and "ought to be repeaPd, unless six certain Amendments
were made therein." 1 Whereas in fact there were nineteen
of them ; and several of those must have been good Laws, for
even the Proprietaries did not object to them. Of the eleven
that they opposed, only six were repeaFd; so that it seems

1 The act is intitled, " An Act for granting to his Majesty the Sum of One
Hundred Thousand Pounds ; striking the same in Bills of Credit, and sinking
the Bills by a Tax on all Estates real and personal."

324 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

these good Gentlemen may themselves be sometimes as 'wrong
in opposing, as the Assembly in enacting Laws. But the
Words fundamentally WRONG and UNJUST are the great Fund
of Triumph to the Proprietaries and their Partizans. These
their subsequent Governors have unmercifully dinn'd in the
Ears of the Assembly on all occasions ever since, for they
make a Part of near a Dozen of their Messages. They have
rung the Changes on those Words, till they have work'd them
up to say that the Law was fundamentally wrong and unjust
in Six several Articles; (Governor's Message, May iyth,
1764,) instead of "ought to be repealed, unless six Altera-
tions or Amendments could be made therein." A Law unjust
in six several Articles, must be an unjust Law indeed ; Let us
therefore once for all, examine this unjust Law, Article by
Article, in order to see whether our Assemblies have been such
Villains as they are represented.

The first Particular in which their Lordships proposed the
Act should be amended, was, "That the real Estates to be
tax'd, be defined with Precision, so as not to include the un-
surveyed waste Land belonging to the Proprietaries." This
was at most, but an Obscurity to be cleared. up. And tho*
the Law might well appear to their Lordships incertain in
that Particular ; with us, who better know our own Customs,
and that the Proprietaries waste unsurveyed Land, was never
here considered among Estates real, subject to Taxation,
there was not the least Doubt or Supposition, that such Lands
were included in the Words, "all Estates real and personal."
The Agents therefore, knowing that the Assembly had no
intention to tax those Lands, might well suppose they would
readily agree to remove the Obscurity.

Before we go farther, let it be observed, That the main

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 325

Design of the Proprietaries, in opposing this Act, was, to pre-
vent their estates being tax'd at all. But as they knew that
the Doctrine of Proprietary Exemption, which they had en-
deavoured to enforce here, could not be supported there, they
bent their whole Strength against the Act on other Principles
to procure its Repeal, pretending great willingness to submit
to an equitable Tax; but that the Assembly, out of mere
Malice, because they had conscientiously quitted Quakerism
for the Church ! were wickedly determin'd to ruin them, to
tax all their unsurvey'd Wilderness Lands, and at the highest
Rates, and by that Means exempt themselves and the People,
and throw the whole Burden of the War on the Proprietary
Family.

How foreign these Charges were from the Truth, need not
be told to any Man in Pennsylvania. And as the Proprietors
knew, that the Hundred Thousand Pounds of paper money,
struck for the defence of their enormous Estates, with others,
was actually issued, spread thro' the Country, and in the
Hands of Thousands of poor People, who had given their
Labor for it, how base, cruel,and inhuman it was, to endeavour,
by a Repeal of the Act, to strike the Money dead in those
Hands at one Blow, and reduce it all to Waste Paper, to the
utter Confusion of all Trade and Dealings, and the Ruin of
Multitudes, merely to avoid paying their own just Tax ! —
Words may be wanting to express, but Minds will easily
conceive, and never without Abhorrence !

The second Amendment proposed by their Lordships was,
"That the located uncultivated Lands belonging to the Pro-
prietaries shall not be assessed higher than the lowest Rate,
at which any located uncultivated Lands belonging to the
Inhabitants shall be assessed." Had there been any Pro-

326 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

vision in the Act, that the Proprietaries Lands and those of
the People, of the same Value, should be taxed differently, the
one high, and the other low, the Act might well have been
call'd in this Particular fundamentally wrong and unjust.
But as there is no such Clause, this cannot be one of the Par-
ticulars on which the Charge is founded; but, like the first,
is merely a Requisition to make the Act deary by express
Directions therein, that the Proprietaries Estate should not
be, as they pretended to believe it would be, tax'd higher in
proportion to its Value, than the Estates of others. As to their
present Claim, founded on that Article, "that the best and
most valuable of their Lands, should be tax'd no higher than
the worst and least valuable of the People's," it was not then
thought of; they made no such Demand; nor did any one
dream, that so iniquitous a Claim would ever be made by
Men who had the least Pretence to the Characters of Honor-
able or Honest.

The third Particular was, "That all Lands not granted by
the Proprietaries within Boroughs and Towns, be deemed
located uncultivated Lands, and rated accordingly, and not
as Lots." The Clause in the Act that this relates to, is, "And
whereas many valuable Lots of Ground within the City of
Philadelphia, and the several Boroughs and Towns within
this Province, remain unimproved ; Be it enacted, &c., That
all such unimproved Lots of Ground within the City and
Boroughs aforesaid, shall be rated and assessed, according to
their Situation and Value, for and towards raising the Money
hereby granted." The Reader will observe, that the word
is all unimproved Lots, and that all comprehends the Lots
belonging to the People, as well as those of the Proprietary.
There were many of the former, and a Number belonging even

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 327

to Members of the then Assembly; and considering the
Value, the Tax must be proportionably as grievous to them,
as the Proprietary's to him.

Is there among us a single Man, even a Proprietary Rela-
tion, Officer, or Dependant, so insensible of the Differences
of Right and Wrong, and so confus'd in his notions of just
and unjust, as to think and say, that the Act in this Particular,
was fundamentally 'wrong and unjust? I believe not one.
What then, could their Lordships mean by the propos'd
Amendment? Their Meaning is easily explain'd. The
Proprietaries have considerable Tracts of Land within the
Bounds of Boroughs and Towns, that have not yet been
divided into Lots : They pretended to believe, that by Virtue
of this Clause, an imaginary Division would be made of those
Lands into Lots, and an extravagant Value set on such
imaginary Lots, greatly to their Prejudice : It was answered,
that no such Thing was intended by the Act; and that by
Lots, was meant only such Ground as had been surveyed and
divided into Lots, and not the open undivided Lands. If
this only is intended, say their Lordships, then let the Act be
amended, so as clearly to express what is intended. This is
the full Amount of the third Particular. How the Act was
understood here, is well known by the Execution of it, before
the Dispute came on in England; and therefore before their
Lordships' Opinion on the Point could be given; of which
full Proof shall presently be made. In the mean Time it
appears, that the Act was not on this Account fundamentally
wrong and unjust.

The fourth Particular is, "That the Governor's Consent
and Approbation be made necessary to every Issue and Ap-
plication of the Money to be raised by Virtue of such Act."

328 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

The Assembly intended this, and tho't they had done it in the
Act. The Words of the Clause being, "That [the Commis-
sioners named] or the major Part of them, or of the Survivors
of them, "with the Consent and Approbation of the Governor
or Commander-in- Chief of this Province, for the Time being,
shall order and appoint the Disposition of the Monies arising
by Virtue of this Act, for and towards paying and cloathing
two Thousand seven Hundred effective Men," &c. It was
understood here, that as the Power of disposing was expressly
to be with the Consent and Approbation of the Governor, the
Commissioners had no Power to dispose of the Money 'without
that Approbation. But their Lordships, jealous (as their
Station requires) of this Prerogative of the Crown, and being
better acquainted with the Force and Weakness of Law Ex-
pression, did not think the Clause explicit enough, unless the
words "and not otherwise" were added, or some other Words
equivalent. This Particular, therefore, was no more than
another Requisition of greater Clearness and Precision, and
by no Means a Foundation for the Charge of fundamentally
•wrong and unjust.

The fifth Particular was, "That Provincial Commissioners
be named to hear and determine Appeals, brought on the
Part of the Inhabitants, as well as the Proprietaries." There
was already subsisting a Provision for the Appointment of
County Commissioners of Appeal, by whom the Act might
be, and actually has been, as we shall presently shew, justly
and impartially executed, with Regard to the Proprietaries ;
but Provincial Commissioners, appointed in the Act, it was
thought might be of Use in regulating and equalizing the
Modes of Assessment of different Counties, where they were
unequal ; and, by affording a second Appeal, tend more to the

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 329

Satisfaction both of the Proprietaries and the People. This
Particular was therefore a mere proposed Improvement of
the Act, which could not be, and was not, in that respect,
denominated fundamentally wrong and unjust.

We have now gone thro' five of the six proposed Amend-
ments, without discovering any Thing on which that Censure
could be founded; but the sixth remains, which points at a
Part of the Act, wherein we must candidly acknowledge there
is something, that, in their Lordships' View of it, must justify
their Judgment: The Words of the 6th Article are, "That
the Payments by the Tenants to the Proprietaries of their
Rents, shall be according to the Terms of their respective
Grants; as if such Act, had never been passed.*' This re-
lates to that Clause of the Act, by which the Paper Money was
made a legal Tender in " Discharge of all Manner of Debts,
Rents, Sum and of Sums of Money whatsoever, &c., at the
Rates ascertained in the Act of Parliament made in the sixth
of Queen Anne."

From the great Injustice frequently done to Creditors, and
complain 'd of from the Colonies, by the vast Depreciation of
Paper Bills, it was become a general fixed Principle with the
Ministry, that such Bills, whose Value, tho' fixed in the Act,
could not be kept fixed by the Act, ought not to be made a
legal Tender in any Colony, at those Rates. The Parliament
had before passed an Act to take that Tender away in the four
New England Colonies, and have since made the Act general.
This was what their Lordships would therefore have proposed
for the Amendment. But it being represented, That the
chief Support of the Credit of the Bills, was the legal Tender,
and that without it they would become of no Value; it was
allowed generally to remain, with an Exception to the Pro-

330 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

prietaries' Rents, where there was a special Contract for Pay-
ment in another Coin. It cannot be denied, but that this was
doing Justice to the Proprietaries, and that had the Requisi-
tion been in favour of all other Creditors also, the Justice had
been equal, as being general. We do not therefore presume
to impeach their Lordships Judgment, that the Act, as it en-
forced the Acceptance of Bills for Money at a Value which
they had only nominally, and not really, was in that respect
fundamentally wrong and unjust.

And yet we believe the Reader will not think the Assembly
so much to blame, when he considers, That the making Paper
Bills a legal Tender had been the universal Mode in America
for more than threescore Years. That there was scarce a
Colony, that had not practised that Mode, more or less. That
it had always been thought absolutely necessary, in order to
give the Bills a Credit, and thereby obtain from them the Uses
of Money. That the Inconveniencies were therefore sub-
mitted to, for the Sake of the greater Conveniencies. That
Acts innumerable of the like Kind had been approved by the
Crown. And, that if the Assembly made the Bills a legal
Tender at those Rates to the Proprietaries, they made them
also a legal Tender to themselves, and all their Constituents,
many of whom might suffer in their Rents, &c., as much, in
proportion to their Estates, as the Proprietaries.

But if he cannot on these Considerations, quite excuse the
Assembly, what will he think of those Honourable Proprie-
taries, who when Paper Money was issued in their Colony for
the common Defence of their vast Estates, with those of the
People, and who must therefore reap, at least, equal Advan-
tages from those Bills with the People, could nevertheless
wish to be exempted from their Share of the unavoidable Dis-

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 331

advantages. Is there upon Earth a Man besides, with any
Conception of what is honest, with any Notion of Honor, with
the least Tincture in his Veins of the Gentleman, but would
have blush'd at the Thought; but would have rejected with
Disdain such undue Preference, if it had been offered him?
Much less would he have struggled for it, mov'd Heaven and
Earth to obtain it, resolv'd to ruin Thousands of his Tenants
by a Repeal of the Act, rather than miss of it,1 and enforce it
afterwards by an audaciously wicked Instruction, forbidding
Aids to his King, and exposing the Province to Destruction,
unless it was complied with. And yet, — These are Honour-
able Men.2

Here, then, we have had a full View of the Assembly's
Injustice; about which there has been so much insolent
Triumph! But let the Proprietaries and their discreet
Deputies hereafter recollect and remember; that the same
august Tribunal, which censured some of the Modes and
Circumstances of that Act, did at the same Time establish
and confirm the Grand Principle of the Act, viz., "That the
Proprietary Estate ought, with other Estates, to be taxed:"
And thereby did in Effect determine and pronounce, that

1 This would have been done, and the Money all sunk in the Hands of the
People, if the Agents, Benjamin Franklin and Robert Charles, had not inter-
posed, and voluntarily, without Authority from the Assembly so to do, but at
their own Risque, undertaken that those Amendments should be made, or
that they themselves would indemnify the Proprietaries from any Damages
they might sustain for want thereof. An Action which, as the Prefacer says
in another Case, " Posterity perhaps may find a Name for." — F.

2 It is not easy to guess from what Source our Proprietaries have drawn
their Principles. Those who study Law and Justice, as a Science, have estab-
lished it a Maxim in Equity, " Qui sentit commodum, sentire debet et onus."
And so consistent is this with the common Sense of Mankind, that even our
lowest untaught Coblers and Porters feel the Force of it in their own Maxim,
(which they are honest enough never to dispute) " Touch Pot, touch Penny."

332 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

the Opposition so long made in various Shapes to that just
Principle, by the Proprietaries, was fundamentally WRONG
and UNJUST. An Injustice, they were not, like the Assembly,
under any Necessity of committing for the public Good; or
any other Necessity but what was impos'd on them by those
base Passions that act the Tyrant in bad Minds, their Self-
ishness, their Pride, and their Avarice.

I have frequently mentioned the equitable Intentions of the
House in those Parts of the Act that were supposed obscure,
and how they were understood here. A clear Proof thereof
is found, as I have already said, in the actual Execution of the
Act ; in the Execution of it before the Contest about it in Eng-
land, and therefore before their Lordships' Objections to it
had a Being. When the Report came over, and was laid
before the House, one Year's Tax had been levied ; and the
Assembly, conscious that no Injustice had been intended to
the Proprietaries, and willing to rectify it if any should appear,
appointed a Committee of Members from the several Coun-
ties, to examine into the State of the Proprietaries' Taxes thro'
the Province, and nominated on that Committee a Gentleman
of known Attachment to the Proprietaries, and their Chief
Justice, Mr. Allen, to the end that the strictest Enquiry might
be made. Their Report was as follows;

"We, the Committee appointed to enquire into, and con-
sider the State of the Proprietary Taxation thro' the several
Counties, and report the same to the House, have, in pursu-
ance of the said Appointment, carefully examined the Returns
of Property, and compared them with the respective Assess-
ments thereon made through the whole Province : and find,

"First, That no Part of the unsurveyed waste Lands be-
longing to the Proprietaries have, in any instance, been
included in the Estates taxed.

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 333

"Secondly, That some of the located uncultivated Lands,
belonging to the Proprietaries in several Counties, remains
unassessed, and are not, in any County, assessed higher than
the Lands under like Circumstances belonging to the In-
habitants.

"Thirdly, That all Lands not granted by the Proprietaries,
within Boroughs and Towns, remain untaxed, excepting in a
few Instances, and in those they are rated as low as the Lands
which are granted in the said Boroughs and Towns.

"The whole of the Proprietary Tax of eighteen Pence in the
Pound, amounts to £566 45. lod. And the Sum of the Tax
on the Inhabitants for the same Year, amounts, thro' the
several Counties, to £27,103 12$. Sd. And it is the Opinion of
your Committee, that there has not been any Injustice done
to the Proprietaries, or Attempts made to rate or assess any
Part of their Estates higher than the Estates of the like Kind
belonging to the Inhabitants, are rated and assessed ; but on
the contrary, we find, that their Estates are rated, in many
Instances, below others.

"Thomas Leech, George Ashbridge,

"Joseph Fox, Emanuel Carpenter,

"Samuel Rhoads, John Blackburn,

"Abraham Chapman, William Allen."

The House communicated this Report to Governor Ham-
ilton, when he afterwards pressed them to make the stipulated
Act of Amendment ; acquainting him at the same Time, that
as in the Execution of the Act, no Injustice had hitherto been
done to the Proprietary, so, by a Yearly Inspection of the
Assessments, they would take Care that none should be done
him ; for that, if any should appear, or the Governor could at

334 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

any Time point out to them any that had been done, they
would immediately rectify it ; and, therefore, as the Act was
shortly to expire, they did not think the Amendments neces-
sary. Thus that Matter ended during that Administration.

And had his Successor, Governor Penn, permitted it still
to sleep, we are of Opinion it had been more to the Honor of
the Family, and of his own Discretion. But he was pleas 'd
to found upon it a Claim manifestly unjust, and which he was
totally destitute of Reason to support. A Claim, that the
Proprietaries' best and most valuable located uncultivated
Lands should be taxed no higher than the worst and least
valuable of those belonging to the Inhabitants: To enforce
which, as he thought the Words of one of the Stipulations
seem'd to give some Countenance to it, he insisted on using
those very Words as sacred, from which he could " neither
in Decency or in Duty," deviate, tho' he had agreed to deviate
from Words of the same Report, and therefore equally sacred
in every other Instance. A Conduct which will, as the
Prefacer says in Governor Denny's case, for ever disgrace the
Annals of his Administration.1

Never did any Administration open with a more promising
Prospect. He assur'd the people, in his first Speeches, of the
Proprietaries' paternal Regard for them, and their sincere
Dispositions to do every Thing that might promote their
Happiness. As the Proprietaries had been pleased to appoint
a Son of the Family to the Government, it was thought not
unlikely that there might be something in these Professions ;
for that they would probably chuse to have his Administration
made easy and agreeable, and to that End might think it pru-

1 For a fuller account of this Dispute, the Reader is referred to the News-
papers, and Votes of Assembly. — F.

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 335

dent to withdraw those harsh, disagreeable, and unjust In-
structions, with which most of his Predecessors had been
hamper'd.

The Assembly therefore believ'd fully, and rejoic'd sin-
cerely. They show'd the new Governor every Mark of Re-
spect and Regard that was in their Power. They readily and
cheerfully went into every Thing he recommended to them.
And when he and his Authority were insulted and indanger'd
by a lawless murdering Mob, they and their Friends, took
Arms at his Call, and form'd themselves round him for his
Defence, and the Support of his Government.

But when it was found, that those mischievous Instruc-
tions still subsisted, and were even farther extended; when
the Governor began, unprovok'd, to send the House affronting
Messages, seizing every imaginary Occasion of reflecting on
their Conduct ; when every other Symptom appeared of fixt
deep-rooted Family Malice, which could but a little while
bear the unnatural Covering that had been thrown over it,
what Wonder is it, if all the old Wounds broke out and bled
afresh, if all the old Grievances, still unredressed, were
recollected ; if Despair succeeded of any Peace with a Family,
that could make such Returns to all their Overtures of Kind-
ness? And when, in the very Proprietary Council, compos'd
of stanch Friends of the Family, and chosen for their Attach-
ment to it, 'twas observed, that the old Men (i Kings, Chap.
12.) withdrew themselves, finding their Opinion slighted, and
that all Measures were taken by the Advice of two or three
young Men (one of whom too denies his Share in them)
is it any Wonder, since like Causes produce like Effects, if the
Assembly, notwithstanding all their Veneration for the first
Proprietor, should say, with the Children of Israel under the

336 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

same Circumstances, "What Portion have we in David, or
Inheritance in the Son of Jesse? To your Tents, O Israel" !

Under these Circumstances, and a Conviction that while
so many natural Sources of Difference subsisted between
Proprietaries and People, no Harmony in Government
could long subsist; without which, neither the Commands
of the Crown could be executed, nor the public Good pro-
moted; the House resum'd the Consideration of a Measure
that had often been propos'd in former Assemblies; a
Measure that every Proprietary Province in America had,
from the same Causes, found themselves oblig'd to take,
and had actually taken or were about to take; and a
Measure that had happily succeeded wherever it was taken ;
I mean the Recourse to an immediate Royal government.

They therefore, after a thorough Debate, and making
no less than twenty-five unanimous Resolves, expressing
the many Grievances this Province had long laboured under,
thro' the Proprietary Government; came to the following
Resolution, viz. "Resolved, nemine contradicente, That
this House will adjourn, in order to consult their Constitu-
ents, whether an humble Address should be drawn up and
transmitted to his Majesty, praying, that he would be gra-
ciously pleased to take the People of this Province under his
immediate Protection and Government, by compleating the
Agreement heretofore made with the first Proprietary for
the Sale of the Government to the Crown, or otherwise as
to his Wisdom and Goodness shall seem meet." *

1 These words, "by completing the Agreement," &c., are omitted by the
honest Prefacer, in his Account of the Resolve, that they might not interfere
with his Insinuation of the Measure's being impracticable ; " Have the Pro-
prietors, by any Act of theirs, forfeited the least tittle of what was granted
them by his Majesty's Royal Ancestors? Or can they be deprived of their

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 337

This they ordered to be made public, and it was pub-
lished accordingly in all the NewsPapers; the House then
adjourn' d for no less than seven Weeks, to give their Con-
stituents Time to consider the Matter, and themselves an
Opportunity of taking their Opinion and Advice. Could
any thing be more deliberate, more fair and open, or more
respectful to the People that chose them? During this
Recess, the People in many Places, held little Meetings with
each other; the Result of which was, that they would mani-
fest their Sentiments to their Representatives, by petition-
ing the Crown directly of themselves, and requesting the
Assembly to transmit and support those Petitions. At the
next Meeting many of these Petitions were delivered to the
House with that Request; they were signed by a very great
Number1 of the most substantial Inhabitants, and not the
least Intimation was receiv'd by the Assembly from any
other of their Constituents, that the Measure was disapproved,

Charter Rights without their Consent ? " &c. Sensible that these Questions
are impertinent, if those Rights are already sold. — F.

1 The Prefacer, with great Art, endeavours to represent this Number as
insignificant. He says the Petitioners were but 3500, and that the Province
contains near Three Hundred Thousand Souls ! His Reader is to imagine
that Two Hundred and Ninety-Six Thousand Five Hundred of them were
apply'd to, and refus'd to sign it. The Truth is, that his Number of Souls is
vastly exaggerated. The Dwelling- Houses in the Province, in 1752, did not
exceed 20,000. Political Arithmeticians reckon generally but 5 Souls to a
House, one House with another ; and therefore, allowing for Houses since
built, there are not probably more than a Hundred and ten Thousand Souls
in the Province ; That of these scarce 22,000 could with any Propriety be
Petitioners. And considering the scattered Settlement of the Province ; the
general Inattention of Mankind, especially in new Countries, to public Affairs;
and the indefatigable Pains taken by the Proprietaries' new Allies, the Pres-
byterian Clergy of Philadelphia, (who wrote circular Letters to every Congre-
gation in the County, to deter them from petitioning, by dutiful Intimations,
that if we were reduced to a Royal Government, it would be the " Ruin of the
Province,") 'tis a Wonder the Number (near a sixth Part) was so great as
VOL. iv — z

338 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

except in a Petition from an obscure Township in Lancaster
County, to which there were about forty Names indeed,
but all evidently signed by three Hands only.

What could the Assembly infer from this expressed Will-
ingness of a Part, and Silence of the Rest ; but that the Meas-
ure was universally agreeable? They accordingly resum'd
the Consideration of it, and tho' a small, very small Opposi-
tion then appear 'd to it in the House, yet as even that was
founded, not on the Impropriety of the Thing, but on the
suppos'd unsuitableness of the Time, or the Manner ; and a
Majority of nine tenths being still for it, a Petition was drawn
agreeable to the former Resolve, and order'd to be trans-
mitted to his Majesty.

But the Prefacer tells us, that these Petitioners for a
Change were a " Number of rash, ignorant, and incon-
siderate People," and generally of a low Rank. To be sure
they were not of the Proprietary Officers, Dependants, or
Expectants, and those are chiefly the People of high Rank
among us; but they were otherwise generally Men of the
best Estates in the Province, and Men of Reputation. The
Assembly who come from all Parts of the Country, and
therefore may be supposed to know them at least as well
as the Prefacer, have given that Testimony of them. But
what is the Testimony of the Assembly, who in his Opinion
are equally rash, ignorant, and inconsiderate with the Peti-
tioners? And if his Judgment is right, how imprudently and
contrary to their Charter have his THREE HUNDRED THOU-

it was. But if there had been no such Petitions, it would not have been
material to the Point. The Assembly went upon another Foundation. They
had adjourned to consult their Constituents ; they return'd satisfy'd that the
Measure was agreeable to them, and nothing appear'd to the contrary. — F.

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 339

SAND SOULS acted in their Elections of Assembly men, these
twenty Years past; for the Charter requires them to chuse
Men of most Note for Virtue, Wisdom, and Ability!

But these are Qualities engross'd it seems, by the Pro-
prietary Party. For they say, "The WISER and BETTER
Part of the Province had far different Notions of this Measure ;
they considered, that the Moment they put their Hands
to these Petitions they might be surrendering up their Birth-
right." I felicitate them on the Honor they have thus be-
stow'd upon themselves, on the sincere Compliments thus
given and accepted, and on their having with such noble
Freedom discarded the snivelling Pretence to Modesty,
couch'd in that threadbare Form of Words, Though ive say
it, that should not say it. But is it not surprising, that during
the seven Weeks' Recess of the Assembly, expressly to con-
sult their Constituents on the Expediency of this Measure;
and during the fourteen Days the House sat deliberating
on it after they met again; these their Wisdoms and Better-
nesses should never be so kind as to communicate the least
Scrap of their Prudence, their Knowledge, or their Considera-
tion to their rash, ignorant, and inconsiderate Representa-
tives? Wisdom in the Mind is not, like Money in the Purse,
diminish' d by Communication to others. They might have
lighted up our farthing Candles for us, without lessening
the Blaze of their own Flambeaux. But they suffer'd our
Representatives to go on in the Dark, till the fatal Deed was
done, and the Petition sent to the King, praying him to take
the Government of this Province into his immediate Care,
whereby, if it succeeds, "our glorious Plan of public Liberty,
and Charter Privileges is to be barter'd away," and we are
to be made Slaves for ever! Cruel Parsimony! to refuse

340 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

the Charity of a little Understanding, when God had given
you so much, and the Assembly begg'd it as an Alms. O,
that you had but for once remember'd and observed the
Counsel of that wise Poet, Pope, where he says,

" Be Niggards of Advice on no Pretence ;
For the worst Avarice is that of Sense."

In the Constitution of our Government, and in that of
one more, there still remains a Particular Thing that none
of the other American Governments have, to wit, the Appoint-
ment of a Governor by the Proprietors, instead of an Appoint-
ment by the Crown. This Particular in Government has
been found inconvenient, attended with Contentions and
Confusions wherever it existed, and has therefore been
gradually taken away from Colony after Colony, and every-
where greatly to the Satisfaction and Happiness of the People.

Our wise first Proprietor and Founder, was fully sensible
of this, and being desirous of leaving his People happy,
and preventing the Mischiefs that he foresaw must in time
arise from that Circumstance, if it was continued, he deter-
mined to take it away, if possible, during his own Lifetime.
They accordingly entred into a Contract, for the Sale of the
Proprietary Right of Government to the Crown, and actu-
ally received a Sum in Part of the Consideration. As he
found himself likely to die, before that Contract (and with
it his Plan for the Happiness of his People) could be corn-
pleated ; he carefully made it Part of his last Will and Testa-
ment, devising the Right of the Government to two Noble
Lords, in Trust that they should release it to the Crown.
Unfortunately for us, this has never yet been done. And
this is merely what the Assembly now desire to have done.

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 341

Surely he that form'd our Constitution, must have under-
stood it. If he had imagin'd, that all our Privileges de-
pended on the Proprietary Government, will any one suppose
that he would himself have meditated the Change, that he
would have taken such effectual Measures, as he thought
them, to bring it about speedily, whether he should live or
die? Will any of those who now extol him so highly,
charge him at the same time with the Baseness of endeavour-
ing thus to defraud his People of all the Liberties and Privi-
leges he had promised them, and by the most solemn
Charters and Grants assur'd to them, when he engag'd them
to assist him in the Settlement of his Province ? Surely none
can be so inconsistent ! And yet this Proprietary Right of
Governing or appointing a Governor, has, all of a sudden,
chang'd its Nature; and the Preservation of it, become of
so much Importance to the Welfare of the Province, that
the Assembly's only Petitioning to have their venerable
Founder's Will executed, and the Contract he entered into
for the Good of his People completed, is stil'd, an " Attempt
to violate the Constitution for which our Fathers planted a
Wilderness; to barter away our glorious Plan of public
Liberty and Charter Privileges; a risquing of the whole
Constitution; an offering up our whole Charter Rights;
a wanton sporting with Things sacred," &c.

Pleasant, surely it is, to hear the Proprietary Partizans,
of all Men, bawling for the Constitution, and affecting a
terrible concern for our Liberties and Privileges. They
who have been, these twenty Years, cursing our Constitution,
declaring that it was no Constitution, or worse than none;
and that Things could never be well with us, 'till it was new
modell'd, and made exactly conformable to the British Con-

342 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

stitution. They who have treated our distinguishing
Privileges as so many Illegalities and Absurdities ; who have
solemnly declared in Print, that though such Privileges
might be proper in the Infancy of a Colony, to encourage
its Settlement, they became unfit for it in its grown State,
and ought to be taken away : They, who by numberless Fals-
hoods, propagated with infinite Industry, in the Mother
Country, attempted to procure an Act of Parliament for the
actual depriving a very great Part of the People of their
Privileges. They too, who have already deprived the whole
People, of some of their most important Rights, and are
daily endeavouring to deprive them of the rest! Are these
become Patriots, and Advocates for our Constitution ? Won-
derful Change ! Astonishing Conversion ! Will the Wolves
then protect the Sheep, if they can but persuade 'em to give
up their Dogs? Yes; the Assembly would destroy all their
own Rights, and those of the People; and the Proprietary
Partizans are become the Champions for Liberty! Let
those who have Faith, now make Use of it : For 'tis rightly
defin'd the evidence oj Things not seeny certainly never was
there more Occasion for such Evidence, the Case being
totally destitute of all other.

It has been long observ'd, that Men are, with that Party,
Angels or Demons, just as they happen to concur with or
oppose their Measures. And I mention it for the Comfort
of old Sinners, that in Politics, as well as in Religion, Re-
pentance and Amendment, tho' late, shall obtain Forgive-
ness, and procure Favour. Witness the late Speaker, Mr.
Norris, a steady and constant Opposer of all the Proprietary
Encroachments, and who, for thirty Years past, they have
been therefore continually abusing, allowing him no one

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 343

Virtue or good Quality whatsoever; but now, as he show'd
some Unwillingness to engage in this present Application to
the Crown, he is become all at once the faithful Servant —
but let me look at the Text, to avoid Mistakes — and, indeed,
I was mistaken. I thought it had been faithful Servant of
the Public, but I find 'tis only of the House. Well chosen,
that Expression, and prudently guarded. The former,
from a Proprietary Pen, would have been Praise too much,
only for disapproving the Time of the Application. Could
you, much respected Sir, go but a little farther; and dis-
approve the Application itself; could you but say, the
Proprietary Government is a good one, and ought to be con-
tinued ; then might all your political Offences be done away,
and your scarlet Sins become as Snow and Wool ; then might

you end your Course with (Proprietary) Honor. P

should preach your funeral Sermon, and S , the Poisoner

•of other Characters, embalm your Memory. But those
Honors you will never receive; for, with returning Health
and Strength, you will be found in your old Post, firm for
your Country.

There is Encouragement too for young Sinners. Mr.
Dickenson, whose Speech our Prefacer has introduced to
the World, tho' long hated by some, and disregarded by the
rest, of the Proprietary Faction, is at once, for the same
Reason as in Mr. Harris's Case, become a Sage in the Law,
and an Oracle in Matters relating to our Constitution. I
shall not endeavour to pluck so much as a Leaf from these
the young Gentleman's Laurels. I would only advise him
carefully to preserve the Panegyrics with which they have
adorn'd him: In time they may serve to console him, by
balancing the Calumny they shall load him with, when he

344 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

does not go through with them in all their Measures: He
will not probably do the one, and they will then assuredly
do the other. There are Mouths that can blow hot as well
as cold, and blast on your Brows the Bays their Hands have
plac'd there. Ex per to crede Roberto. Let but the Moon
of Proprietary Favour, withdraw its Shine for a Moment,
and that "great Number of the principal Gentlemen of Phila-
delphia" who apply'd to you for the Copy of your Speech,
shall immediately despise and desert you.

"Those principal Gentlemen! " what a Pity it is that their
Names were not given us in the Preface, together with their
admirable Letter! We should then have known where to
run for Advice, on all Occasions. We should have known
who to chuse for our future Representatives. For undoubt-
edly these were they that are elsewhere called "the WISER
and BETTER Part of the Province." None but their Wis-
doms could have known beforehand, that a Speech which
they never heard, and a Copy of which they had never seen,
but were then requesting to see, was "a spirited Defence,"
and "of our Charter Privileges;" and that "the Publication
of it would be of great Utility, and give general Satisfaction."
No inferior Sagacity could discover, that the Appointment
of a Governor by the Proprietor, was one of our "Charter
Privileges;" and that those, who oppos'd the Application
for a Royal Government, were therefore Patriot Members,
appearing on the Side of our Privileges and our Charter!

Utterly to confound the Assembly, and shew the Excellence,
of Proprietary Government, the Prefacer has extracted from
their own Votes, the Praises they have from time to time
bestowed on the first Proprietor, in their Addresses to his
Sons. And tho' Addresses are not generally the best Reposi-

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 345

tories of Historical Truth, we must not in this Instance deny
their Authority.1

1 In the Preface to Dickinson's Speech, the following character of William
Penn was inserted, every phrase in which was taken, as the writer said, from
the minutes of the assembly. — ED.

"WILLIAM PENN,
A man of principles truly humane,

An advocate for

Religion and Liberty,

Possessing a noble spirit,

That exerted itself
For the good of mankind,

Was
The great and worthy founder

Pennsylvania.
To its inhabitants, by Charter,

He granted and confirmed
Many singular Privileges and Immunities,

Civil and religious ;

Which he continually studied

To preserve and defend for them,

Nobly declaring,

That they had not followed him so far

To lose a single tittle

Of the Great Charter

To which all Englishmen were born !

For these services,

Great have been the acknowledgments
Deservedly paid to his merit ;

And his memory

Is dear to his people,

Who have repeatedly confessed,

That,

Next to Divine Providence,
Their happiness, prosperity, and increase

Are owing

To his wise conduct and singular goodness,
Which deserve ever to be remembered,

With

Gratitude and Affection,
By Pennsylvanians."

346 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

That these Encomiums on the Father, tho* sincere, have
occur'd so frequently, was owing, however, to two Causes;
first, a vain Hope the Assemblies entertain' d, that the
Father's Example, and the Honors done his Character,
might influence the Conduct of the Sons; secondly, for that
in attempting to compliment the Sons on their own Merits,
there was always found an extreme Scarcity of Matter.
Hence, ike Father ', ike honored and honorable Father, was so
often repeated, that the Sons themselves grew sick of it;
and have been heard to say to each other with Disgust,
when told that A. B. and C. were come to wait upon them
with Addresses on some public Occasion, "Then I suppose
•we shall hear more about our Father" So that, let me tell
the Prefacer, who perhaps was unacquainted with this An-
ecdote, that if he hop'd to curry more Favor with the Family,
by the Inscription he has fram'd for that great Man's Monu-
ment, he may find himself mistaken; for, — there is too
much in it of our Father.

If therefore, he would erect a Monument to the Sons,
the Votes of Assembly, which are of such Credit with him,
will furnish him with ample Materials for his Inscription.

To save him Trouble, I will essay a Sketch for him, in the
Lapidary Style, tho' mostly in the Expressions, and every-
where in the Sense and Spirit of the Assembly's Resolves

and Messages.

Be this a Memorial

Of T and R P ,

P of P ,!

Who, with Estates immense,
Almost beyond Computation,

When their own Province,
And the whole British Empire,

1 That is, Thomas and Richard Penn, Proprietors of Pennsylvania. — ED.

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 347

Were engag'd in a bloody and most expensive War,
Begun for the Defence of those Estates,

Could yet meanly desire
To have those very Estates

Totally or Partially

Exempted from Taxation,

While their Fellow-Subjects all around them,

Groan'd
Under the universal Burthen.

To gain this Point,

They refus'd the necessary Laws

For the Defence of their People,

And suifer'd their Colony to welter in its Blood,

Rather than abate in the least

Of these their dishonest Pretensions.

The Privileges granted by their Father,

Wisely and benevolently
To encourage the first Settlers of the Province,

They,

Foolishly and cruelly,

Taking Advantage of public Distress,

Have extorted from the Posterity of those Settlers ;

And are daily endeavouring to reduce them

To the most abject Slavery :
Tho' to the Virtue and Industry of those People

In improving their Country,
They owe all that they possess and enjoy.

A striking Instance
Of human Depravity and Ingratitude ;

And an irrefragable Proof,

That Wisdom and Goodness

Do not descend with an Inheritance;

But that ineffable Meanness
May be connected with unbounded Fortune.1

What then avails it to the Honor of the present Proprie-
tors, that our Founder, and their Father, gave us Privileges,
if they, the Sons, will not permit us the Use of them, or

1 Votes and Proceedings of the House of Representatives, 1754, passim;
*755» *756» !757» passim; 1758, 1759, 1760, 1761, 1762, 1763, 1764, /*«»/».
— F.

348 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

forcibly rend them from us? David may have been a Man
after God's own Heart, and Solomon the wisest of Proprietors

and Governors ; but if Rehoboam will be a tyrant and a ,

who can secure him the Affections of the People! The
Virtue and Merit of his Ancestors may be very great; but
his Presumption in depending on these aloney may be much
greater.

I lamented a few Pages ago, that we were not acquainted
with the Names of those "principal Gentlemen the wiser
and better Part of the Province." I now rejoice that we are
likely some time or other to know them; for a Copy of a
Petition to the King is now before me; which, from its
similarity with their Letter, must be of their inditing, and will
probably be recommended to the People, by their leading
up the Signing.

On this Petition I shall take the Liberty of making a few
Remarks, as they will save me the Necessity of following
farther the Preface, the Sentiments of this and that being
nearly the same.

It begins with a formal Quotation from the Petition,1
which they own they have not seen, and of Words that are
not in it, and after relating very imperfectly and unfairly,
the Fact relating to their Application for a Copy of it, which

is of no Importance; proceeds to set forth, "That As

we and all your American Subjects must be governed by
Persons authorized and approved by your Majesty, on the
best Recommendation that can be obtained of them, we can-
not perceive our Condition in this Respect to be different
from our Fellow- Subjects around us, or that we are thereby
less under your Majesty's particular Care and Protection,

1 The petition of the assembly to the King for a Royal Government. — ED.

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 349

than they are, since there can be no Governors of this Prov-
ince without your Majesty's immediate Approbation and
Authority:'

Such a Declaration from the wiser Part of the Province,
is really a little surprizing. What ! when Disputes concern-
ing Matters of Property are daily arising between you and
your Proprietaries, cannot your Wisdoms perceive the least
Difference, between having the Judges of those Disputes
appointed by a Royal Governor, who has no Interest in
the Cause; and having them appointed by the Proprietaries
themselves, the principal Parties against you, and during
their Pleasure too? When Supplies are necessary to be
rais'd for your Defence, can you perceive no Difference
between having a Royal Governor, free to promote his
Majesty's Service, by a ready Assent to your Laws, and a
Proprietary Governor, shackled by Instructions, forbidding
him to give that Assent, unless some private Advantage is
obtain'd, some Profit got, or unequal Exemption gain'd
for their Estate, or some Privilege wrested from you ? When
Prerogative, that in other Governments is only used for the
Good of the People, is here strained to the extreme, and
used to their Prejudice, and the Proprietaries' Benefit, can
you perceive no Difference ? When the direct and immediate
Rays of Majesty benignly and mildly shine on all around
us, but are transmitted and thrown upon us thro' the Burn-
ing-Glass of Proprietary Government, can your Sensibili-
ties feel no Difference? Shelter'd perhaps, in Proprietary
Offices, or benumb'd with Expectations, it may be you
cannot. But surely you might have known better than to
tell his Majesty, " that there can be no Governors of this
Province, without his immediate Approbation." Don't you

350 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

know, who know so much, that by our blessed Constitu-
tion the Proprietors themselves, whenever they please, may
govern us in Person, without such Approbation?

The petition proceeds to tell his Majesty, "That the par-
ticular Mode of Government, which we enjoy, under your
Majesty, is held in the highest Estimation by Good Men
of all Denominations among us; and hath brought Multi-
tudes of industrious People from various Parts of the World,"
&c. Really! can this be from Proprietary Partizans?
That Constitution, which they were for ever censuring, as
defective in a Legislative Council, defective in Government
Powers, too popular in many of its Modes ; is it now become
so excellent? Perhaps as they have been tinkering it these
twenty Years, till they have stript it of some of its most valu-
able Privileges, and almost spoilt it, they now begin to like
it. But then it is not surely, this present Constitution, that
brought hither those Multitudes. They came before. At
least it was not that Particular in our Constitution, the Pro-
prietary Power of appointing a Governor, which attracted
them ; that singular Particular which alone is now in ques-
tion; which our venerable Founder first, and now the
Assembly, are endeavouring to change.

As to the remaining valuable Part of our Constitution,
the Assembly have been equally full and strong in express-
ing their Regard for it, and perhaps stronger and fuller;
for their Petition in that respect, is in the Nature of a Peti-
tion of Right, it lays Claim, tho' modestly and humbly, to
those Privileges on the Foundation of Royal Grants, on
Laws confirmed by the Crown, and on Justice and Equity;
as the Grants were the Considerations offered to induce them
to settle, and which they have in a Manner purchas'd and

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 351

paid for, by executing that Settlement without putting the
Crown to any Expence.

Whoever would know what our Constitution was, when
it was so much admir'd, let him peruse that elegant farewell
Speech of Mr. Hamilton, Father of our late Governor, when
as Speaker he took his Leave of the House, and of public
Business, in 1739, and then let him compare that Con-
stitution with the present. The Power of appointing public
Officers by the Representatives of the People, which he so
much extols: Where is it now? Even the bare naming
to the Governor in a Bill, a trivial Officer to receive a Light-
house Duty, which could be considered as no more than a
mere Recommendation, is, in a late Message, stil'd "an
Encroachment on the Prerogative of the Crown ! " The
sole Power of raising and disposing of the Public Money,
which he says was then lodged in the Assembly, that inesti-
mable Privilege, What is become of it ? Inch by Inch they
have been wrested from us in Times of public Distress,
and the rest are going the same Way. I remember to have
seen, when Governor Hamilton was engag'd in a Dispute
with the Assembly on some of those Points, a Copy of that
Speech, which then was intended to be reprinted, with a
Dedication to that honorable Gentleman, and this Motto
from John Rogers's Verses in the Primer.

" We send you here a little Book,

For you to look upon ;
That you may see your Father's Face,
Now he is dead and gone."

Many a such little Book has been sent by our Assemblies
to the present Proprietaries. But they don't like to see
their Father's Face; it puts their own out of Countenance.

352 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

The Petition proceeds to say, "That such Disagreements
as have arisen in this Province, we have beheld with Sorrow,
but as others around us are not exempted from the like Mis-
fortunes, we can by no means conceive them incident to the
Nature 0} our Government, which hath often been adminis-
tred with remarkable Harmony: And your Majesty, before
whom our late Disputes have been laid, can be at no Loss,
in your great Wisdom, to discover whether they proceed
from the above Cause, or should be ascribed to some others."
The Disagreements in question, are Proprietary Disagree-
ments in Government, relating to Proprietary private In-
terests. And are not the Royal Governments around us
exempt from these Misfortunes? Can you, really, Gentle-
men, by no Means conceive, that Proprietary Government
Disagreements are incident to the Nature of Proprietary
Governments? Can they in Nature be incident to any
other Governments? If your Wisdoms are so hard to con-
ceive, I am afraid they will never bring forth.

But then our Government "hath often been administred
with remarkable Harmony." Very true; as often as the
Assembly have been able and willing to purchase that Har-
mony, and pay for it, the Mode of which has already been
shewn. And yet that word often seems a little unluckily
chosen; the Flame that is often put out, must be as often
lit. If our Government "hath often been administred with
remarkable Harmony," it hath as often been administred
with remarkable Discord. One often is as numerous as the
other. And his "Majesty," if he should take the Trouble
of looking over our Disputes to which the Petitioners, to
save themselves a little Pains, modestly and decently refer
him, where will he, for twenty Years past, find any but

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 353

Proprietary Disputes concerning Proprietary Interests; or
Disputes that have been connected with and arose from
them?

The Petition proceeds to assure his Majesty, "that this
Province (except from the Indian Ravages) enjoys the most
perfect internal Tranquility! " Amazing! What! the most
perfect Tranquility ! when there have been three atrocious
Riots within a few Months ! When, in two of them horrid
Murthers were committed on twenty innocent Persons, and
in the third, no less than one Hundred and forty like Mur-
thers were meditated, and declar'd to be intended, with as
many more as should be occasion'd by any Opposition!
When we know that these Rioters and Murderers have
none of them been punish 'd, have never been prosecuted,
have not even been apprehended ! when we are frequently
told, that they intend still to execute their Purposes, as soon
as the Protection of the King's Forces is withdrawn. Is
our Tranquility more perfect now, than it was between the
first Riot and the second, or between the second and the
third? And why "except the Indian Ravages" if a little
Intermission is to be denominated "the most perfect Tran-
quility"? for the Indians too have been quiet lately. Almost
as well might Ships in an Engagement talk of the "most
perfect Tranquility" between two Broadsides. But "a
Spirit of Riot and Violence is foreign to the general Temper
of the Inhabitants." I hope and believe it is; the Assembly
have said nothing to the contrary. And yet, is there not too
much of it ? Are there not Pamphlets continually written,
and daily sold in our Streets, to justify and encourage it?
Are not the mad armed Mob in those Writings instigated
to imbrue their Hands in the Blood of their Fellow Citi-

VOL. IV — 2 A

354 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1764

zens ; — by first applauding their Murder of the Indians,
and then representing the Assembly and their Friends as
worse than Indians, as having privately stirr'd up the In-
dians to murder the White People, and arm'd and rewarded
them for that purpose? Lies, Gentlemen, villainous as ever
the Malice of Hell invented ; and which, to do you Justice,
not one of you believes, tho' you would have the Mob believe
them.

But your Petition proceeds to say, "that where such Dis-
turbances have happened, they have been speedily quieted."
By whom were they quieted? The two first, if they can be
said to be quieted, were quieted only by the Rioters them-
selves going home quietly, (that is without any Interruption)
and remaining there till their next Insurrection, without any
Pursuit, or Attempt to apprehend any of them. And the
third, was it quieted, or was the Mischief they intended pre-
vented, or could it have been prevented, without the Aid
of the King's Troops march'd into the Province for that
Purpose? "The civil Powers have been supported." In
some sort. We all know how they were supported. But
have they been fully supported? Has the Government
sufficient Strength, even with all its Supports, to venture on
the apprehending and Punishment of those notorious Offen-
ders ? If it has not, why are you angry at those who would
strengthen its Hands by a more immediate Royal Authority?
If it has, why is not the Thing done ? Why will the Govern-
ment, by its Conduct, strengthen the Suspicions (groundless
no doubt) that it has come to a private Understanding with
those Murderers, and that Impunity for their past Crimes is
to be the Reward of their future political Services ? O, but,
says the Petition, "There are perhaps Cases in all Govern-

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 355

ments, where it may not be possible speedily to discover
Offenders." Probably; is there any Case in any Govern-
ment where it is not possible to endeavour such a Discovery ?
There may be Cases where it is not safe to do it: And per-
haps the best thing our Government can say for itself, is,
that that is our Case. The only Objection to such an
Apology must be, that it would justify that Part of the As-
sembly's Petition to the Crown which relates to the Weakness
of our present Government.1

Still, if there is any Fault, it must be in the Assembly;
for, says the Petition, "if the Executive Part of our
Government should seem in any Case too weak, we conceive
it is the Duty of the Assembly, and in their Power, to strengthen
it." This weakness, however, you have just deny'd. "Dis-
turbances," you say, "have been speedily quieted, and the
civil Power supported;" and thereby you have deprived
your insinuated Charge against the Assembly of its only
Support. But is it not a Fact known to you all, that the
Assembly did endeavour to strengthen the Hands of the
Government? That, at his Honor's Instance, they pre-
par'd and pass'd in a few Hours, a Bill for extending hither
the Act of Parliament for dispersing Rioters? That they
also pass'd and presented to him a Militia Bill, which he
refus'd, unless Powers were thereby given him over the Lives
and Properties of the Inhabitants, which the public Good
did not require, and which their Duty to their Constituents

1 The assembly, being called upon by the governor for their advice on that
occasion, did, in a message, advise his sending for and examining the magis-
trates of Lancaster county and borough, where the murders were committed,
in order to discover the actors ; but neither that, nor any of the other meas-
ures recommended, were ever taken. Proclamations indeed were published,
but soon discontinued. — F.

356 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN* FRANKLIN [1764

would not permit them to trust in the Hands of any Pro-
prietary Governor? You know the Points, Gentlemen;
they have been made public. Would you have had your
Representatives give up those Points? Do you intend to
give them up when at the next Election you are made As-
sembly-men? If so, tell it us honestly beforehand, that
we may know what we are to expect, when we are about to
chuse you?

I come now to the last Clause of your Petition, where,
with the same wonderful Sagacity with which you in another
Case discovered the Excellency of a Speech you never heard,
you undertake to characterize a Petition you own you never
saw; and venture to assure his Majesty that it is "exceeding
grievous in its Nature ; that it by no Means contains a proper
Representation of the State of this Province; and is repug-
nant to the general Sense of his numerous and loyal Sub-
jects in it." Are then his Majesty's "numerous and loyal
Subjects" in this Province all as great Wizards as yourselves,
and capable of knowing without seeing it, that a Petition is
repugnant to their general Sense?

But the Inconsistence of your Petition, Gentlemen, is not
•so much to be wonder'd at; the Prayer of it is still more
•extraordinary; "We therefore most humbly pray, that your
Majesty would be graciously pleased wholly to disregard the
said Petition of the Assembly." What ! without Enquiry !
without Examination! without a Hearing of what the As-
sembly might say in Support of it! "wholly disregard" the
Petition of your Representatives in Assembly, accompany'd
by other Petitions signed by Thousands of your Fellow Sub-
jects, as loyal, if not as wise and as good as yourselves !
Would you wish to see your great and amiable Prince act a

1764] PREFACE TO SPEECH OF J. GALLOWAY 357

Part that could not become a Dey of Algiers? Do you, who
are Americans ; pray for a Precedent of such Contempt in
the treatment of an American Assembly! Such "total Dis-
regard " of their humble Applications to the Throne ? Surely
your Wisdoms here have overshot yourselves. But as Wis-
dom shews itself, not only in doing what is right, but in con-
fessing and amending what is wrong, I recommend the latter
particularly to your present Attention; being persuaded of
this Consequence, That tho' you have been mad enough to
sign such a Petition, you never will be Fools enough to pre-
sent it.

There is one Thing mentioned in the Preface, which I
find I omitted to take Notice of as I came along, the Refusal
of the House to enter Mr. Dickenson's Protest on their
Minutes : This is mentioned in such a Manner there, and in
the News Papers, as to insinuate a Charge of some Partiality
and Injustice in the Assembly. But the Reasons were
merely these, That tho' Protesting may be a Practice with
the Lords of Parliament, there is no Instance of it in the
House of Commons, whose Proceedings are the Model fol-
low'd by the Assemblies of America; that there is no Prece-
dent of it in our Votes, from the beginning of our present
Constitution ; and that the introducing such a Practice, would
be attended with Inconveniences, as the Representatives in
Assembly, are not, like the Lords in Parliament, unaccount-
able to any Constituents; and would therefore find it neces-
sary for their own Justification, if the Reasons of the Minor-
ity for being against a Measure were admitted in the Votes,
to put there likewise the Reasons that induc'd the Majority
to be for it. Whereby the Votes, which were intended only
as a Register of Propositions and Determinations, would be

358 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

fill'd with the Disputes of Members with Members ; and the
public Business be thereby greatly retarded, if ever brought
to a period.

As that Protest was a mere Abstract of Mr. Dickenson's
Speech, every Particular of it will be found answered in the
following Speech of Mr. Galloway, from which it is fit that
I should no longer detain the Reader.

388. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)

London, Feb. 9. 1765

MY DEAR CHILD,

I have been so hurried of late, that I could not write much
by this Packet. One Letter to the Speaker, and one to you,
are all I shall be able to make out. Thanks to God, I am
got perfectly well, my Cough quite gone. My Arms, too, con-
tinue mending, so that I can now put on and off my Cloaths,
but do not practice it yet, as it still hurts me a little. John
continues with me, behaves very well, and talks of returning
with me. Mrs. Stevenson has bought the Things you
wrote for, and they will go in Capt. Robinson. She presents
her Compliments, & wishes you would come over & bring
Sally. I purpose sending in the Chest some Books for
Cousin Colbert, if the Bookseller sends them in time enough.

I hope to be able to return about the End of Summer. I
will look out for a Watch for Sally, as you desire, to bring with
me. The Reason I did not think of it before, was your
suffering her to wear yours, which you seldom use yourself.
Major Small arrived here about 3 Weeks since, very well,
and gave me the Pleasure of hearing that he left you and

1765] TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN* 359

Sally and our other Children well also. The News of Col.
Bouquet's Success gave great Satisfaction here, but to none
more than myself, upon his Account as well as the Country's.
I don't know whether I mention'd in any former Letter that
I could wish you to send me what Letters come to your
hands directed for me in my Absence. I particularly want
those that went from the Post- Office here.

I am oblig'd to our Landlord for his Civility, and shall
always remember it. I hope by this Time your Trouble of
Moving is over, & that you are compleatly settled. I
went to see Mrs. West. She was then unwell, and I did not
see her ; and have since been too busy ; but shall wait on them
again very soon. My Love to all. I am, my dear Debby,
your affectionate Husband, B. FRANKLIN.

389. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)

London, Feb. 14. 1765.
MY DEAR CHILD,

By Capt. Robinson you will receive a Case. Mrs Steven-
son has sent you, with the Blankets, Bedticks, &c. you wrote
for. No new China was to be had that would match the
Cup and Saucer; but a Friend who had a Set at the same
time with me, spar'd me the Remains of his, which are now
sent. In the Case I return Mr Thomas Wharton's Woollen
Gown, which he was so kind to lend me, and which was so
comfortable a Companion in my Winter Passage. Please
to deliver it to him with my grateful Acknowledgements.
The blue Mohair Stuff is for the Curtains of the Blue Cham-
ber. The Fashion is to make one Curtain only for each

360 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

Window. Hooks are sent to fix the Rails by at Top, so that
they might be taken down on Occasion. I almost wish I had
left Directions not to paint the House till my Return. But
I suppose tis done before this time. —

I am glad their Pamphlets give you so little Concern. I
make no other Answer to them at present than what appears
in the Seal of this Letter. — In yours of Decf 12. which was
Wednesday, you say, "7 set you down jor being in London on
Sunday last." You were very near right. — I landed that
Day at Portsmouth. So that if you had said England in-
stead of London it would have been exact. A few Hours,
however brought me here.

I have seen Mrs West. She is very well, and desires to be
remembred to you and Sally. Mrs Empson is gone to Ire-
land. — Major Small sends his Compliments, Mrs Stevenson
who is but poorly, and Polly send their's, as do Mr & Mre
Strahan. Miss Betsy Graeme lodges not far from me, and
is pretty well.

Remember me affectionately to all our good Friends who
contributed by their Kindness to make my Voyage comfort-
able. To Mr Roberts, Mrs Thompson, Mrs Smith, Mrs
Potts, Mrs Shewell; Mess" Whartons, Capt. Falkner, Brothers
& Sisters Reads & Franklins, Cousin Davenport, and every
body. —

Let no one make you uneasy with their idle or malicious
Stories or Scribblings, but enjoy yourself and Friends, and
the Comforts of Life that God has bestow'd on you, with a
chearful Heart. Let Sally divert you with her Music. Put
her on Practising on the Armonica. Mr Brenmer with his
Violin may assist and improve her there as well as on the
Harpsichord. A few Months, I hope, will finish Affairs

1765] TO JOHN ROSS 361

here to my Wish, and bring me to that Retirement and Re-
pose with my little Family, so suitable to my Years, and
which I have so long set my Heart upon. — I am, my dear

Debby, your ever affectionate Husband

B. FRANKLIN.

Love to Sally and our other
Children. — I have seen
Amelia Evans, She complains
that Sally does not write to her .

I have wrote to Messrs. Thomas & Samuel Wharton per
Capt. Mc Pharson, under Care of Mr Meredith.

390. TO JOHN ROSS1

London, February 14, 1765.
DEAR SIR : —

I received your obliging favour of December 2oth, and am
glad to find that, though so distant from them, I still live in
the remembrance of my friends.

We have been of late so much engaged in our general
American affairs that it was necessary to let what particu-
larly related to our Province to sleep awhile for the present ;
but it is nevertheless working gradually to its point, and will,
I believe, end as we wish it. For the Quakers, who, to show
their moderation as regards the proprietors, have (of them-
selves) undertaken to persuade them to reasonable measures,
will, on finding them obstinate, give their whole force and
weight to procure a happy event to the petition, especially
as they dread nothing more than what they see otherwise

1 From " Life and Correspondence of George Read. By his Grandson,
William Thompson Read, Philadelphia, 1870," p. 46. John Ross (1714-1 776),
a lawyer of Philadelphia. — ED.

362 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

inevitable, their friends in Pennsylvania falling totally under
the domination of Presbyterians.

The changes you mention in the magistracy indicate the
measures intended, and manifest the means by which they
are to be brought about. The hasty setting aside such un-
exceptionable magistrates merely for their political opinions
was not, however, a step the most prudent, for I think it
will have different effects from those proposed by it.

The stamp-act, notwithstanding all the opposition we
have been able to give it, will pass. Every step in the law,
every newspaper, advertisement, and almanac is severely
i taxed. If this should, as I imagine it will, occasion less law
and less printing, it will fall particularly hard on us lawyers
and printers.

The Parliament will, however, ease us in some partic-
ulars relating to our commerce, and a scheme is under con-
sideration to furnish us with a currency, without which we
can neither pay debts nor duties.

It is said here among the merchants that North America
owes them no less than four millions sterling. Think what
a sum the interest of this debt amounts to ! — pay them
honestly.

Be pleased to present my hearty respects to our friends
Potts, Pawlin and Morton. They do not I dare say, sleep a
jot the worse for their dismission. There are times in which
'The post of honour is a private station/ But those times
will not, I think, long continue. At least nothing in my
power shall be wanting to change them.

My respects to Mrs. Ross, and my young friends of your
family; and believe me, with sincere regard, dear Sir, your
most obedient, humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

1765] TO DAVID HALL 363

P. S. I send you a pamphlet, wrote, I have reason to
believe, under the direction of the ministry, with a view to
make us Americans easy, which shows some tenderness for
us.

391. TO DAVID HALL1 (p. c.)

London, Feb. 14, 1765

DEAR MR. HALL,

I received your obliging Letter of Decemr 20, with the
Newspapers. I am glad to hear of Col. Bouquet's Success,
hope the deserting Hostages will be recover'd, and the Peace
firmly established. The French being now totally remov'd
from North America, we may, I think, expect the Indians
will be more manageable for the future.

The Stamp Act, notwithstanding all the Opposition that
could be given it by the American Interest, will pass. I think
it will affect the Printers more than anybody, as a Sterling
Halfpenny Stamp on every Half Sheet of a Newspaper, and
Two Shillings Sterling on every Advertisement, will go near
to knock up one Half of both. There is also Fourpence
Sterling on every Almanack. I have just sent to Mr Strahan
to forward 100 Reams of the large Half Sheets to you, such
as the Chronicle is done on, for present use, and shall, as
soon as possible, send you a Pair of Paper Molds for that
size, otherwise the Stamp on the Gazette will cost a Penny
Sterling, even when you do not print a Half Sheet.

Robert Hampden Esq., one of the Post Masters General,
is now, by the Death of his Brother, become Lord Trevor,

1 From the original in the possession of Mr. Simon Gratz. — ED.

364 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

and should have his Papers directed, To the Right Honourable
Earl Trevor, General Post Office, London.

The Opposition is come to nothing. The little Squibs
you see in the Papers are regarded by nobody. But for
Politicks I refer you to Mf Strahan.
My Love to Cousin Molly and your children.
I am
Yours affectionately

B. FRANKLIN

392. FROM JOSEPH GALLOWAY TO B. FRANKLIN

(A. P. s.)
Philadelphia, FebT 27. 1765.

DEAR SIR,

I wrote to you by the Packet, inclosing a Copy of the
Extract of a Letter from Thomas Penn Esq. to his Nephew,
the Governor, which is inclosed in this Letter.

This Account of the Petitions for a Change of this Govern-
ment from Proprietary to Royal, has struck our Friends with
the utmost Consternation. And indeed, I am not a little
alarmed at the Consequences. For, you well know, the
Assembly Party are the only Loyal Part of the People here,
and are those very persons, who have preserved the Peace
and good Order of the Province, not only against the Paxton
Rioters and Murderers, but also in these Times of general
Tumult and Distraction, when all the Powers of this Govern-
ment were asleep, and its Officers were active in the Op-
position; and they conceive, that this good Demeanor and
remarkable Services to the Crown justifies their Claim of
some Share of Merit, and at least entitles them to a Hearing
of their Complaints.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

The Politician.
Painted by S. Elmer, and engraved by T. Ryder.

1765] FROM JOSEPH GALLOWAY TO B. FRANKLIN 365

But they say if this Extract be true, that his Majesty's
Privy Council has rejected the Humble Petitions of their
Representatives without even a Hearing; that they have
not been permitted, when they have approached the Throne
with the utmost Duty and Loyalty, to breathe forth their
Complaints against Proprietary Oppression and Injustice,
which has often wounded their own Welfare, and obstructed
their essential Duties to the Crown; and that they have
nothing now left, but to groan, if they dare to groan at all,
under the Tyranny of a private Subject, without the least
Hopes of Redress, the Royal Ear being shut against a Part
of his Liege Subjects, the most Dutiful and Loyal.

They further say, what you well know, that the Laws are
not, nor have been, for many years Duly Executed: That
no Justice is to be obtained against the Proprietors, or their
adherents; that the most Flagitious Offenders, even Mur-
derers and Rebels, are travelling about the Country with
Impunity; and that they have no Protection of Life, nor
Safety of Person or Property. These, with many other
Complaints, are constantly issuing from the Hearts of the
People; the Proprietary Dependents excepted, who greatly
rejoice and even insult the Petitioners and their Friends.
Since the receipt of this incredible Letter, extracts whereof
have been industriously sent all over the Province, in order
to Spirit up the Temper and violent Disposition of their
Party, I have left nothing in my Power unessayed among our
Friends to oppose the Torrent, and to prevail on them to
discredit this account, and to believe that his Majesty will
yet hear their Petitions and redress their aggrievances. And
I have been obliged, to give many Extracts of your Letter
to me, respecting the State of those Petitions, to convince

366 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

them of my Assurances, which has in some Degree pre-
vented their Dispair, as they have been from thence induced
to discredit the Extract.

Our Assembly, anxious to know the result of the Petitions,
have adjourned to the 6th of May next; who are inviolably
attached to his Majesty, and firmly determined to become
his immediate Subjects, if there are any Human Means left
to effect it. And since the Assurances that have been re-
ceived, that our Liberties will be preserved on the Change,,
all their Constituents (the Proprietary Dependents and Pres-
byterians excepted) are determined to support them in the
Attempt. Should this Account from the Proprietor prove
true, (which God forbid,) that their Petitions are rejected
without a Hearing, I fear their Consternation and Distress
will be wrought still higher. For, while the present members
are continued, I am convinced they will never cease entreat-
ing his Majesty to rescue them from the Oppression of his
private Subjects; and that there is a great Probability to
presume their Continuance, will appear from the Accounts
of the last Election I transmitted you by Captn Friend.

Wherefore, I hope the Petitions, as you have written and I
have confidently declared, are not rejected, or laid aside, but
will be resumed when the more important American Affairs
are settled. Nothing less than a Change, I think, will
satisfy the people ; certain I am, a Dismission without a Hear-
ing never can : But I fear will throw this already too unhappy
Province into equal Disorder and Confusion with its neigh-
bouring Colonies.

You will therefore be pleased to inform me in what State
the Petitions are before his Majesty's Council, by the earliest
Opportunity, that I may be enabled to satisfy the People,, who

1765] TO THE EDITOR OF A NEWSPAPER 367

rely upon us with Certainty. In the mean Time, be assured,,
that nothing in my Power shall be wanting to preserve ye
Peace, and render them Easy. Believe me, dear Friend, ever
yours most affectionately,

Jos. GALLOWAY.

393. TO THE EDITOR OF A NEWSPAPER1

(A. P. s.)

Monday, May 20, [1765.]

SIR,

In your Paper of Wednesday last, an ingenious Correspon-
dent that calls himself THE SPECTATOR, and dates from
PimlicOj under the Guise of Good Will to the News-writers,
whom he calls an "useful Body of Men in this great City,"
has, in my Opinion, artfully attempted to turn them &
their Works into Ridicule, wherein if he could succeed, great
Injury might be done to the Public as well as to those good
People.

Supposing, Sir, that the "We hears" they give us of this
& t'other intended Voyage or Tour of this & t'other great
Personage, were mere Inventions, yet they at least offer us an
innocent Amusement while we read, and useful Matter of
Conversation when we are disposed to converse.

Englishmen, Sir, are too apt to be silent when they have
nothing to say ; too apt to be sullen when they are silent ; and,
when they are sullen, to hang themselves. But, by these
We hears, we are supplied with abundant funds of Discourse,
we discuss the Motives for such Voyages, the Probability of

1 Printed from the original draft in A. P. S. The name of the newspaper
for which it was intended is not mentioned. Its object plainly was to dis-
credit the false reports continually circulated respecting the colonies. — ED.

368 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

their being undertaken, and the Practicability of their Exe-
cution. Here we display our Judgment in Politics, our
Knowledge of the Interests of Princes, and our Skill in Geog-
raphy, and (if we have it) show our Dexterity moreover in
Argumentation. In the mean time, the tedious Hour is
kill'd, we go home pleas'd with the Applauses we have
received from others, or at least with those we secretly give to
ourselves : We sleep soundly, & live on, to the Comfort of
our Families. But, Sir, I beg leave to say, that all the Arti-
cles of News that seem improbable are not mere Inventions.
Some of them, I can assure you on the Faith of a Travel-
ler, are serious Truths. And here, quitting Mr. Spectator of
Pimlico, give me leave to instance the various numberless
Accounts the Newswriters have given us, with so much
honest Zeal for the welfare of Poor Old England, of the
establishing Manufactures in the Colonies to the Prejudice
of those of this Kingdom. It is objected by superficial
Readers, who yet pretend to some Knowledge of those
Countries, that such Establishments are not only improb-
able, but impossible, for that their Sheep have but little
Wooll, not in the whole sufficient for a Pair of Stockings a
Year to each Inhabitant; and that, from the Universal
Dearness of Labour among them, the Working of Iron and
other Materials, except in some few coarse Instances, is
impracticable to any Advantage.

Dear Sir, do not let us suffer ourselves to be amus'd with
such groundless Objections. The very Tails of the American
Sheep are so laden with Wooll, that each has a little Car or
Waggon on four little Wheels, to support & keep it from
trailing on the Ground. Would they caulk their Ships, would
they fill their Beds, would they even litter their Horses with

1765] TO THE EDITOR OF A NEWSPAPER 369

Wooll, if it were not both plenty and cheap ? And what sig-
nifies Dearness of Labour, when an English Shilling passes
for five and Twenty? Their engaging 300 Silk Throwsters
here in one Week, for New York, was treated as a Fable, be-
cause, forsooth, they have "no Silk there to throw." Those,
who made this Objection, perhaps did not know, that at the
same time the Agents from the King of Spain were at Quebec
to contract for 1000 Pieces of Cannon to be made there for
the Fortification of Mexico, and at N York engaging the
annual Supply of woven Floor-Carpets for their West India
Houses, other Agents from the Emperor of China were at
Boston treating about an Exchange of raw Silk for Wooll, to
be carried in Chinese Junks through the Straits of Magellan.
And yet all this is as certainly true, as the Account said to
be from Quebec, in all the Papers of last Week, that the In-
habitants of Canada are making Preparations for a Cod and
Whale Fishery this " Summer in the upper Lakes." Ignorant
People may object that the upper Lakes are fresh, and that
Cod and Whale are Salt Water Fish : But let them know, Sir,
that Cod, like other Fish when attack'd by their Enemies, fly
into any Water where they can be safest ; that Whales, when
they have a mind to eat Cod, pursue them wherever they fly ;
and that the grand Leap of the Whale in that Chase up the
Fall of Niagara is esteemed, by all who have seen it, as one of
the finest Spectacles in Nature. Really, Sir, the World is
grown too incredulous. It is like the Pendulum ever swinging
from one Extream to another. Formerly every thing printed
was believed, because it was in print. Now Things seem to
be disbelieved for just the very same Reason. Wise Men
wonder at the present Growth of Infidelity. They should
have considered, when they taught People to doubt the

VOL. IV — 2 B

370 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

Authority of Newspapers and the Truth of Predictions in
Almanacks, that the next Step might be a Disbelief in the
well vouched Accts of Ghosts Witches, and Doubts even of
the Truths of the Creed !

Thus much I thought it necessary to say in favour of an
honest Set of Writers, whose comfortable Living depends on
collecting & supplying the Printers with News at the small
Price of Sixpence an Article, and who always show their
Regard to Truth, by contradicting in a subsequent Article
such as are wrong, — for another Sixpence, — to the great
Satisfaction & Improvement of us Coffee-house Students in
History & Politics, and the infinite Advantage of all future
Livies, Rapins, Robertsons, Humes, and McAulays, who may
be sincerely inclin'd to furnish the World with that rara Avis,
a true History. I am, Sir, your humble Servant,

A TRAVELLER.

394. TO JOHN CANTON1

Craven Street, May 29, 1765-

DEAR SIR

As you seem'd desirous of seeing the magic Circle I men-
tion'd to you, I have revised the one I made many Years
since, and with some Improvements, send it you.

I have made it as distinct as I could, by using Inks of dif-
ferent Colours for the several Sets of interwoven Circles \
and yet the whole makes so perplext an Appearance, that I
doubted whether the Eye could in all Cases easily trace the

1 The original of this letter is in the Museum of the Guild Hall, London,
deposited by R. Canton, a great-grandson of John Canton, F.R.S. A fac-
simile of it is among the " Canton Papers " (Royal Society). — ED.

1765] TO SIR ALEXANDER DICK 371

Circle of Numbers one would examine, thro' all the Maze
of Circles intersected by it. I have therefore, in the middle
Circle, mark'd the Centers of the Green, Yellow, and Blue
Sets ; so that when you would cast up the Numbers in any
Circle of either of those Colours, if you fix one Foot of the
Compasses in the Center of the same Colour, and extend the
other to any Number in that Circle, it will pass round over
all the rest successively.

This magic Circle has more Properties than are mentioned
in the Description of it, some of them curious & even sur-
prizing ; but I could not mark them all without occasioning
more Confusion in the Figure, nor easily describe them with-
out too much Writing. When I have next the Pleasure of
seeing you, I will point them out.

I am, dear Sir,

Your most obedient

humble servant

B. FRANKLIN
Mr. Canton

P. S. You have my union Square of 8, and the great
perfect one of 16 ; I enclose one of 6, & one of 4, which I
assure you, I found more difficult to make (particularly
that of 6) tho' nothing near so good.

395. TO SIR ALEXANDER DICK (L. L.)

Cravenstreet, London, June 2, 1765.

DEAR SIR

I received your kind Congratulations on my Return to
Britain, by Mr Alexander, which was very obliging. The
Slip to Dr Morgan I sent after him to America, where I hope

372 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

he is safely arrived before this time. He always express' d
himself greatly obliged to you for the Notice you took of him
and the Countenance you afforded him; and I shall always
thank you cordially for the Regard you were so good as to pay
my Recommendation. — I think he will prove of great Use
to his Country as well as an Honour to the Medical School of
Edinburgh.

I have perused the Memorandum you sent me from your
Friend Mr Swinton, and wish I was able to give him the In-
formation he desires. I should have wrote to you sooner on
this Head, but that I hoped to obtain some Lights from a
Person daily expected in Town, but who came not till lately,
and I now find is as unacquainted as myself. I can only say,
that I remember Peter Sonmans, who sold considerable Tracts
of Land in the Jerseys ; and that since his Death, one Nevil,
whose Sister Sonmans married, has continued to sell Lands
of the same Property in her Right. But what remains, or
in what Situation, I am ignorant ; nor can I answer the other
Questions with any degree of Precision. But I will send the
Memorandum, with your Letter to my Son, if you think
proper. He continues Governor of that Province, and I am
sure will take pains to be satisfy'd in every Particular, and
send you a full Answer. — I can however inform you that
there is a Right to 5000 Acres in Pensilvania ; belonging to the
Representatives of that same Arent Sonmans as I believe, he
being describ'd in a Memorandum I have of old Rights,
Arent Sonmans of Wallyford. Mid Lothian in the Kingdom
of Scotland. Those Representatives may, if they think fit
to dispose of that Right, hear of a Purchaser by applying to
me. —

There is now at Edinburgh a young Gentleman of America,

1765] TO LORD KAMES 373

Mr Samuel Bard,1 Son of a Friend of mine. He is studying
Physic there. I have known him from a Child, and always
had an Affection for him, as he appeared to have the most
amiable Dispositions. I beg your Countenance towards him,
and that you would occasionally favour him with your
Advice in his Studies.

Be pleased to present my best Respect to Lady Dick &
your Children, and allow me to assure you that no one re-
joices more in your and their Felicity than, Dear Sir,
Your affectionate & most
obedient Humble Servant

B FRANKLIN

My Son who is very happy in his Government hitherto,
desires to be very respectfully remembered to you —

396. TO LORD KAMES2

Craven Street, London, June 2, 1765.

MY DEAR LORD,

I received with great pleasure your friendly letter by Mr.
Alexander, which I should have answered sooner by some
other conveyance, if I had understood that his stay here was
like to be so long. I value myself extremely on the con-
tinuance of your regard, which I hope hereafter better to
deserve, by more punctual returns in the correspondence you
honour me with.

You require my history from the time I set sail for America.

1 Samuel Bard (1742-1821), son of Dr. John Bard, of New York, was first
president of the New York College of physicians and surgeons. — ED.

2 From " Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Honourable Henry
Home of Kames," Vol. II, p. 16. — ED.

374 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

I left England about the end of August, 1762, in company
with ten sail of merchant ships, under a convoy of a man-of-
war. We had a pleasant passage to Madeira, where we were
kindly received and entertained; our nation being then in
high honour with the Portuguese, on account of the protection
we were then affording them against the united invasions of
France and Spain. 'Tis a fertile island, and the different
heights and situations among its mountains afford such tem-
peraments of air, that all the fruits of northern and southern
countries are produced there ; corn, grapes, apples, peaches,
oranges, lemons, plantains, bananas, &c. Here we furnished
ourselves with fresh provisions, and refreshments of all kinds ;
and, after a few days, proceeded on our voyage, running
southward until we got into the trade winds, and then with
them westward, till we drew near the coast of America. The
weather was so favourable, that there were few days in which
we could not visit from ship to ship, dining with each other,
and on board of the man-of-war; which made the time pass
agreeably, much more so than when one goes in a single ship ;
for this was like travelling in a moving village, with all one's
neighbours about one.

On the ist of November, I arrived safe and well at my own
liome, after an absence of near six years, found my wife and
daughter well; the latter grown quite a woman, with many
amiable accomplishments acquired in my absence; and my
friends as hearty and affectionate as ever, with whom my
house was filled for many days, to congratulate me on my re-
turn. I had been chosen yearly during my absence to repre-
sent the city of Philadelphia in our provincial Assembly ;
and, on my appearance in the House, they voted me £3000
Sterling for my services in England, and their thanks deliv-

1765] TO LORD KAMES 375

ered by the Speaker. In February following my son arrived
with my new daughter; for, with my consent and approba-
tion, he married soon after I left England a very agreeable
West India lady, with whom he is very happy. I accom-
panied him into his government, where he met with the kind-
est reception from the people of all ranks, and has lived with
them ever since in the greatest harmony. A river only parts
that province and ours, and his residence is within seventeen
miles of me, so that we frequently see each other.

In the spring of 1763, I set out on a tour through all the
northern Colonies to inspect and regulate the Postoffices in
the several provinces. In this journey I spent the summer,
travelled about 1600 miles, and did not get home till the be-
ginning of November. The Assembly sitting through the
following winter, and warm disputes arising between them
and the Governor, I became wholly engaged in public affairs ;
for, besides my duty as an Assemblyman, I had another trust
to execute, that of being one of the Commissioners appointed
by law to dispose of the public money appropriated to the
raising and paying an army to act against the Indians, and
defend the frontiers. And then in December, we had two
insurrections of the back inhabitants of our province, by
whom twenty poor Indians were murdered, that had, from
the first settlement of the province, lived among us, under the
protection of our government. This gave me a good deal of
employment ; for, as the rioters threatened farther mischief,
and their actions seemed to be approved by an increasing
party, I wrote a pamphlet entitled "A Narrative, &*c."
(which I think I sent you) to strengthen the hands of our
weak Government, by rendering the proceedings of the
rioters unpopular and odious. This had a good effect ; and

376 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

afterwards, when a great body of them with arms marched
towards the capital, in defiance of the Government, with an
avowed resolution to put to death 140 Indian converts then
under its protection, I formed an Association at the Governor's
request, for his and their defence, we having no militia. Near
i coo of the citizens accordingly took arms ; Governor Penn
made my house for some time his head-quarters, and did every
thing by my advice; so that, for about forty-eight hours, I
was a very great man ; as I had been once some years before,
in a time of public danger : But the fighting face we put on,
and the reasonings we used with the insurgents, (for I went
at the request of the Governor and Council, with three others,
to meet and discourse them,) having turned them back and
restored quiet to the city, I became a less man than ever;
for I had, by these transactions, made myself many enemies
among the populace; and the Governor, (with whose family
our public disputes had long placed me in an unfriendly light,
and the services I had lately rendered him not being of the
kind that make a man acceptable,) thinking it a favourable
opportunity, joined the whole weight of the proprietary inter-
est to get me out of the Assembly; which was accordingly
effected at the last election, by a majority of about 25 in 4000
voters. The House, however, when they met in October,
approved of the resolutions taken while I was Speaker,1 of
petitioning the crown for a change of Government, and re-
quested me to return to England, to prosecute that petition;
which service I accordingly undertook, and embarked at the

1 Mr. Isaac Norris, who had long acted as Speaker of the Assembly of Penn-
sylvania, resigned that office on account of ill health, May 26th, 1764, and
Dr. Franklin was appointed as his successor. He continued Speaker till the
Assembly was dissolved in September following. — S.

1765] TO LORD KAMES 377

beginning of November last, being accompanied to the ship,
sixteen miles, by a cavalcade of three hundred of my friends,
who filled our sails with their good wishes, and I arrived in
thirty days at London.

Here I have been ever since, engaged in that and other
public affairs relating to America, which are like to continue
some time longer upon my hands; but I promise you, that
when I am quit of these, I will engage in no other ; and that,
as soon as I have recovered the ease and leisure I hope for,
the task you require of me, of finishing my Art o) Virtue, shall
be performed. In the mean time, I must request you would
excuse me on this consideration, that the powers of the mind
are possessed by different men in different degrees, and that
every one cannot, like Lord Kames, intermix literary pursuits
and important business without prejudice to either.

I send you herewith two or three other pamphlets of my
writing on our political affairs, during my short residence in
America ; * but I do not insist on your reading them ; for I
know you employ all your time to some useful purpose.

In my passage to America I read your excellent work, the
Elements o] Criticism, in which I found great entertainment :
much to admire and nothing to reprove. I only wished you
had examined more fully the subject of Music, and demon-
strated, that the pleasure which artists feel in hearing much
of that composed in the modern taste, is not the natural pleas-
ure arising from melody or harmony of sounds, but of the
same kind with the pleasure we feel on seeing the surprising
feats of tumblers and rope-dancers, who execute difficult
things. For my part I take this to be really the case, and

1 These were " A Narrative of the Late Massacres," " Cool Thoughts,"
and the "Preface to Galloway's Speech." — ED.

378 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

suppose it the reason why those, who being unpractised in
music, and therefore unacquainted with those difficulties,
have little or no pleasure in hearing this music. Many pieces
of it are mere compositions of tricks. I have sometimes, at a
concert, attended by a common audience, placed myself so as
to see all their faces, and observed no signs of pleasure in them
during the performance of a great part that was admired by
the performers themselves; while a plain old Scottish tune,
which they disdained, and could scarcely be prevailed on to
play, gave manifest and general delight.

Give me leave on this occasion to extend a little the sense of
your position, that "Melody and Harmony are separately
agreeable, and in union delightful," and to give it as my
opinion, that the reason why the Scotch tunes have lived so
long, and will probably live for ever (if they escape being
•stifled in modern affected ornament), is merely this, that they
are really compositions of melody and harmony united, or
rather that their melody is harmony. I mean the simple
tunes sung by a single voice. As this will appear paradoxi-
cal, I must explain my meaning. In common acceptation,
indeed, only an agreeable succession of sounds is called
Melody, and only the co-existence of agreeing sounds, Har-
mony. But, since the memory is capable of retaining for some
moments a perfect idea of the pitch of a past sound, so as to
compare with it the pitch of a succeeding sound, and judge
truly of their agreement or disagreement, there may and does
•arise from thence a sense of harmony between the present and
past sounds, equally pleasing with that between two present
sounds.

Now the construction of the old Scotch tunes is this, that
.almost every succeeding emphatical note is a third, a fifth, an

1765] TO LORD KAMES 379

octave, or in short some note that is in concord with the pre-
ceding note. Thirds are chiefly used, which are very pleasing
concords. I use the word emphatical to distinguish those
notes which have a stress laid on them in singing the tune,
from the lighter connecting notes, that serve merely, like
grammar articles, to tack the others together.

That we have a most perfect idea of a sound just past, I
might appeal to all acquainted with music, who know how
easy it is to repeat a sound in the same pitch with one just
heard. In tuning an instrument, a good ear can as easily
determine that two strings are in unison by sounding them
separately, as by sounding them together ; their disagreement
is also as easily, I believe I may say more easily and better
distinguished, when sounded separately; for when sounded
together, though you know by the beating that one is higher
than the other, you cannot tell which it is.1 [I have ascribed to
memory the ability of comparing the pitch of a present tone
with that of one past. But, if there should be, as possibly
there may be, something in the ear, similar to what we find
in the eye, that ability would not be entirely owing to memory.
Possibly the vibrations given to the auditory nerves by a par-
ticular sound may actually continue some time after the cause
of those vibrations is past, and the agreement or disagreement
of a subsequent sound become by comparison with them more
discernible. For the impression made on the visual nerves
by a luminous object will continue for twenty or thirty seconds.
Sitting in a room, look earnestly at the middle of a window
a little while when the day is bright, and then shut your eyes ;
the figure of the window will still remain in the eye, and so
distinct that you may count the panes.

1 The passage enclosed in brackets is omitted by Tytler, and published by
Sparks. — ED.

380 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

A remarkable circumstance attending this experiment, is,
that the impression of forms is better retained than that of
colors ; for after the eyes are shut, when you first discern the
image of the window, the panes appear dark, and the cross
bars of the sashes, with the window frames and walls, appear
white or bright; but, if you still add to the darkness in the
eyes by covering them with your hand, the reverse instantly
takes place, the panes appear luminous and the cross bars
dark. And by removing the hand they are again reversed.
This I know not how to account for. Nor for the following ;
that, after looking long through green spectacles, the white
paper of a book will on first taking them off appear to have
a blush of red; and, after long looking through red glasses,
a greenish cast; this seems to intimate a relation between
green and red not yet explained.]

1 Farther, when we consider by whom these ancient tunes
were composed, and how they were first performed, we shall
see that such harmonical succession of sounds was natural
and even necessary in their construction. They were com-
posed by the minstrels of those days to be played on the
harp accompanied by the voice. The harp was strung with
wire, [which gives a sound of long continuance,] and had no
contrivance, like that in the modern harpsichord, by which
the sound of the preceding could be stoppt, the moment a
succeeding note began. To avoid actual discord, it was
therefore necessary that the succeeding emphatic note should
be a chord with the preceding, as their sounds must exist at
the same time. Hence arose that beauty in those tunes
that has so long pleased, and will please for ever, though
men scarce know why. That they were originally composed

1 Here Tytler resumes. — ED.

1765] TO LORD KAMES 381

for the harp, and of the most simple kind, I mean a harp
without any half notes but those in the natural scale, and
with no more than two octaves of strings, from C to C, I
conjecture from another circumstance, which is, that not one
of those tunes, really ancient, has a single artificial half note
in it, and that in tunes where it was most convenient for the
voice to use the middle notes of the harp, and place the key
in F, there the B, which if used should be a B flat, is always
omitted by passing over it with a third. The connoisseurs in
modern music will say, I have no taste; but I cannot help
adding, that I believe our ancestors, in hearing a good song,
distinctly articulated, sung to one of those tunes, and accom-
panied by the harp, felt more real pleasure than is commu-
nicated by the generality of modern operas, exclusive of that
arising from the scenery and dancing. Most tunes of late
composition, not having this natural harmony united with
their melody, have recourse to the artificial harmony of a
bass, and other accompanying parts. This support, in my
opinion, the old tunes do not need, and are rather confused
than aided by it. Whoever has heard James Oswald play
them on his violoncello, will be less inclined to dispute this
with me. I have more than once seen tears of pleasure in
the eyes of his auditors; and yet, I think, even his playing
those tunes would please more, if he gave them less modern
ornament. My son, when we parted, desired me to present
his Affectionate respects to you, Lady Kames, and your
amiable children: be so good with those, to accept mine,
and believe me, with sincerest esteem, my dear Lord, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. I do promise myself the pleasure of seeing you and
my other friends in Scotland, before I return to America.

382 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

397. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)

London, June 4. 1765

MY DEAR CHILD,

I have now before me your Favours of April 13. 15. 17.
23, May 14, 18, 20; not so many Letters as Dates, some
of them having two or three. As to the Cause con-
cerning the Lot, I have never been in the least uneasy
about it, desiring only that Justice might be done, which
I do not doubt. I hope Robinson was not long missing
after your Letters, as I really have a great Esteem for him.
I could have wished to have been present at the Finishing
of the Kitchen, as it is a mere Machine, and, being new to
you, I think you will scarce know how to work it ; the several
Contrivances to carry off Steam & Smell and Smoke not
being fully explained to you. The Oven I suppose was put
up by the written Directions in my former Letter. You
mention nothing of the Furnace. If that Iron One is not set,
let it alone till my Return, when I shall bring a more con-
venient copper one.

You wonder how I did to travel 72 Miles in a short winter
Day, on my Landing in England, and think I must have
practis'd Flying. But the Roads here are so good, with
PostChaises & fresh Horses every ten or twelve Miles, that
it is no difficult Matter. A Lady that I know has come
from Edinburgh to London, being 400 Miles, in three Days
& half. You mention the Payment of the 500 Pounds,
but do not say that you have got the Deeds executed. I
suppose however that it was done. I received the two
Post Office Letters you sent me. It was not Letters of that
Sort alone that I wanted ; but all such as were sent to me
from any one whomsoever.

1765] TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN 383

I cannot but complain in my Mind of Mr. Smith, that
the House is so long unfit for you to get into, the Fences
not put up, nor the other necessary Articles got ready. The
Well I expected would have been dug in the Winter, or early
in the Spring; but I hear nothing of it. You should have
garden'd long before the Date of your last, but it seems the
Rubbish was not removed. I am much obliged to my good
old Friends that did me the Honour to remember me in the
unfinished Kitchin. I hope soon to drink with them in the
Parlour.

I am very thankful to the good Ladies you mention for
their friendly Wishes. Present my best Respects to Mrs.
Grace, and Dear Precious Mrs. Shewell, Mrs. Masters,
Mrs. Galloway & Miss, Mrs. Redman, Mrs. Graeme, Mrs*
Thomson, Mrs. Story, Mrs. Bartram, Mrs. Smith, Mrs.
Hilborne, and all the others you have nam'd to me. My
Love also to our Brothers and Sisters and Cousins as if
particularly mentioned. I have delivered yours to Mrs.
& Miss Stevenson, Mr. & Mrs. Strahan and their Family,
Mrs. Empson, Mrs. West, & our Country Cousins. Miss
Graham is not come to Town as I have heard.

It rejoices me to learn that you are freer than you us'd to
be from the HeadAch, and that Pain in your Side. I am
likewise in perfect Health. God is very good to us both in
many Respects. Let us enjoy his Favours with a thankful
& chearf ul Heart ; and, as we can make no direct Return
to him, show our Sense of his Goodness to us, by continuing
to do Good to our Fellow Creatures, without Regarding the
Returns they make us, whether Good or Bad. For they are
all his Children, tho' they may sometimes be our Enemies.
The Friendships of this World are changeable, uncertain,

384 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

transitory Things; but his Favour, if we can secure it, is
an Inheritance for ever. I am, my dear Debby, your ever
loving Husband, B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. Our Neighbour Swan's Son came to me in a poor
naked Condition, telling me he had been cast away. I gave
him my Surtout Coat, and lent him Twenty-Six Shillings,
which he said his Father would repay if he did not. En-
clos'd I send his Note for a Guinea. I would have you
ask for it. If paid 'tis well. If not, 'tis no great matter.

398. TO JOHN ROSS1

London, June 8, 1765.

DEAR SIR; —

If, according to the custom here, I congratulate you on
your having a severe fit of the gout, I cannot avoid mixing
some condolence with my congratulation, for I too have lately
had a visit or rather visitation from the same friend (or
enemy) that confined me near a fortnight. And notwith-
standing the salutary effects people talk of to comfort us under
our pain, I fancy we should both of us willingly hazard being
without them, rather than have these means of procuring
them too frequently repeated. I may possibly be, as they
tell me, greatly obliged to the gout; but the "condition of
this obligation is such," that I cannot heartily say / thank ye.
I hope, however, your slow recovery proved at length a per-
fect one. And I pray that your established health may long
continue.

1 From " Life and Correspondence of George Read. By his grandson,
William Thompson Read, Philadelphia, 1870," p. 47. ED.

1765] TO HUGH ROBERTS 385

The outrages committed by the frontier people are really
amazing! But impunity for former riots has emboldened
them. Rising in arms to destroy property, public and pri-
vate, and insulting the King's troops and fort, is going great
lengths indeed. If, in Mr. Chief's opinion, our Resolves
might be called rebellion, what does the gentleman call this?
I can truly say, it gives me great concern. Such practices
throw a disgrace over our whole country that can only be
wiped off by exemplary punishment of the actors, which
our weak government cannot or will not inflict. And the
people I pity for their want of sense. Those who have
inflamed and misled them have a deal to answer for.

Our petition, which has been becalmed for some time,
is now getting under way again, and all appearances are for
us. I hope before Captain Friend sails to give you some
account of our progress.

My respectful compliments to Mrs. Ross, and my friends,
the young ladies, to whom I wish every felicity.

I am, dear sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

399. TO HUGH ROBERTS1

London, July 7, 1765.

DEAR FRIEND,

Your kind Favour of May 2oth, by the Hand of our good
Friend Mr. Neave, gave me great Pleasure. I find on these
Occasions, that Expressions of steady, continued Friendship,
such as are contain' d in your Letter, tho' but from one or a

1 From the original in the Museum of Independence Hall, Philadelphia,
where it was deposited by Mr. C. Morton Smith. — ED.

VOL. IV — 2C

386 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

few honest and sensible Men, who have long known us,
afford a Satisfaction that far outweighs the clamorous
Abuse of 1000 Knaves and Fools. While I enjoy the Share
I have so long had in the Esteem of my old Friends, the
Bird-and-Beast People you mention may peck, and snarl,
and bark at me as much as they think proper. There is
only some Danger, that I should grow too Vain on their
Disapprobation.

I am pleas'd with your Punning, not merely because I
like Punning in general, but because I learn from your
using it, that you are in good Health and Spirits, which I
pray may long continue. Our Affairs are at a total Stop
here, by the Present unsettled State of the Ministry, but
will go forward again as soon as that is fix'd. Nothing yet
appears that is Discouraging.

I have not yet found an Engraver that will do our Seal
well and reasonably. Kirk asked me Twenty Guineas, and
some others a Little less. I think we had better Content
ourselves with the old one; but shall enquire farther.1 Re-
member me respectfully and affectionately to your good
Dame and Children, and accept my Thanks for your kind
Visits to my little Family in my Absence.

I wish you would continue to meet the Junto, notwithstand-
ing that some Effects of our publick political Misunderstand-
ings may sometimes appear there. 'Tis now perhaps one of
the oldest Clubs, as I think it was formerly one of the best,
in the King's Dominions. It wants but about two years of

1 On the 20th of August he wrote : " I informed you lately, that twenty
guineas were demanded by Kirk for engraving the Hospital seal. I have
since found a man that will do it for ten, but I suppose will hardly do it so
well Let me know your sentiments of this expense." — ED.

1765] TO SAMUEL RHOADS 387

Forty since it was established. We loved and still love one
another ; we are grown Grey together, and yet it is too early
to Part. Let us sit till the Evening of Life is spent. The
Last Hours are always the most joyous. When we can stay
no longer, 'tis time enough then to bid each other good
Night, separate, and go quietly to bed. Adieu, my dear
Friend, yours affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

400. TO SAMUEL RHOADS (P. H. s.)

London July 8. 1765

DEAR FRIEND

I have before me your Favour of May 2ol.h wherein you
mention that you had not heard from me, which I, a little
wonder at, as I wrote to you the i4th of February, and find
that Letters to some other Friends of the same date were got
to hand.

I congratulate you on Your Retirement, and you being
able to divert yourself with farming; 'tis an inexhaustible
source of perpetual Amusement. Your Country Seat is of a
more secure kind than that in the Assembly : and I hope not
so much in the Power of the Mob to jostle you out of. —
I say hope for after what we have lately heard of your Mobs,
one cannot say that any Property or Possession is Safe
certainly. —

I am much oblig'd to you for Spurring our Friends in their
Correspondance. They have not been Wanting.

The Malice of our Adversaries I am well acquainted with,
but hitherto it has been Harmless; all their Arrows shot
against us, have been like those that Rabelais speaks of which

388 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1765

were headed with Butter hardened in the Sun. — As long as
I have known the World I have observ'd that Wrong is
always growing more Wrong till there is no bearing it, and
that right however opposed, comes right at last. —

The Change so much wish'd for & now become so neces-
sary must sooner or later take Place, and I think it, Nearer
at hand, whatever may be given out to the Contrary. —

I have prophesied to them here, that they will by these
Acts, Lose more in Trade than they Can get in Taxes. ,

There was a Bill Brought in with a Clause to impower the
Military Officers to quarter Soldiers on Private Houses.
This If it had passed we apprehended might be used to awe
us & as an Instrument of Oppression upon Occasion, &
therefore we opposed it vigorously. I think I may Value
myself on having a considerable Place in getting this Clause
struck out, and another put in that may Occasionally save
our Province a great Deal of Money. —

As to the House, I am sencible I give you a great Deal of
Trouble, and I doubt not your care to get it finished, but it
seems to me that the Workmen have been unkind to keep
Mre Franklin so long unsettled.

My best Respects to good Mre Rhoads, your Son &
Daughter, with Thanks for their Remembrance of me I am,
Dear Friend

Yours affectionately

B. FRANKLIN

1765] TO CHARLES THOMSON 389

401. TO CHARLES THOMSON1

London, July n, 1765.

DEAR FRIEND,

I am extremely obliged by your kind Letters of April i2th
and 1 4th, and thank you for the intelligence they contain.
The Outrages continually committed by those misguided
people, will doubtless tend to convince all the considerate
on your side of the water, of the weakness of our present
Government, and the necessity of a Change. I am sure it
will contribute toward hastening that Change here so that
upon the whole, Good will be brought out of Evil; but yet
I grieve to hear of such horrid disorders. The Letters and
accounts boasted of from the Proprietor, of his being sure of
retaining the Government, as well as those of the sums
offered for it, which the people will be obliged to pay, &c.,
are all idle Tales, fit only for knaves to propagate, and
Fools to believe. A little Time will dissipate all the smoke
they can raise to conceal the real state of things.

The unsettled state of the ministry, ever since the Parlia-
ment rose, has stopped all proceeding in publick affairs,
and ours amongst the rest; but, Change being now made,
we shall immediately proceed, and with the greater Chear-
fulness, as some we had reason to doubt of are removed,
and some particular friends are put in place. What you
mention of the Lower Counties is undoubtedly right. Had
they ever sent their laws home, as they ought to have done,
that of priority of Payment of Residents would undoubtedly

1 From the original in the Library of the New York Historical Society.
Charles Thomson (1729-1824), Secretary of the first Continental Con-
gress. — ED.

390 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

have been repealed. But the end of all these things is nigh ;
at least it seems to be so.

The spiking of the Guns was an audacious Piece of vil-
lainy, by whomsoever done. It shows the necessity of a
regular enclosed Place of Defence, with a constant Guard to
take care of what belongs to it, which, when the Country
can afford it, will, I hope, be provided.

Depend upon it, my good neighbour, I took every step in
my power to prevent the passing of the Stamp Act. Nobody
could be more concerned in interest than myself to oppose it
sincerely and heartily. But the Tide was too strong against
us. The nation was provoked by American Claims of In-
dependence, and all Parties joined in resolving by this act
to settle the point. We might as well have hindered the
sun's setting. That we could not do. But since 'tis down,
my Friend, and it may be long before it rises again, let us
make as good a night of it as we can. We may still light
candles. Frugality and Industry will go a great way toward
indemnifying us. Idleness and Pride tax with a heavier
hand than Kings and Parliaments; if we can get rid of the
former, we may easily bear the latter.

My best respects to Mrs. Thomson. Adieu, my Dear
Friend, and believe me ever yours affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

Excuse my man John's miserable clerkship.

1765] TO JOHN HUGHES 391

402. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)

London, July 13, 1765.

MY DEAR CHILD,

I had the great Pleasure of hearing from you and Sally
last Night by the Packet. I cannot now answer every
particular of your Letters, having many to write that are to
go by this Day's Mail, but will by the next Opportunity.
Mrs. Stevenson bids me tell Sally, that the striped Gown I
have sent her will wash, but it must be with a light hand in
a cold lather. I am glad to hear of Capt. Robinson's Arrival,
it gives me Pleasure, that so many of my Friends honour'd
our new Dining-Room with their Company. You tell me
only of a Fault they found with the House, that it was too
little, and not a Word of any thing they lik'd in it : Nor how
the Kitchen Chimneys perform; so I suppose you spare me
some Mortification, which is kind. I wonder you put up
the Oven without Mr. Roberts's Advice, as I think you told
me he had my old Letter of Directions; but I can add no
more, only that I am very well and in good Spirits. I wrote
you largely by Capt Friend, and sent a Case mark'd B. F.
with a number of Particulars. My love to all. Your affec-
tionate Husband, B. FRANKLIN.

403. TO JOHN HUGHES1

London, Aug. 9. 1765.

DEAR FRIEND.

Since my last I have received your Favr of June 20. The
Account you give me of the Indiscretion of some People

1 From " Swedish Holsteins in America," Norristown, Pa., 1892, p. 253.

392 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1765

with you, concerning the Government here, I do not wonder
at. 'Tis of a Piece with the rest of their Conduct. But the
Rashness of the Assembly in Virginia is amazing! I hope
however that ours will keep within the Bounds of Prudence
and Moderation ; for that is the only way to lighten or get
clear of our Burthens.

As to the Stamp Act, tho' we purpose doing our Endeavour
to get it repeal'd, in which I am sure you would concur with
us, yet the Success is uncertain : — If it continues, your un-
dertaking to execute it may make you unpopular for a Time,
but your acting with Coolness and Steadiness, and with
every Circumstance in your Power of Favour to the People,
will by degrees reconcile them. In the mean time, a firm
Loyalty to the Crown & faithful Adherence to the Gov-
ernment of this Nation, which it is the Safety as well as
Honour of the Colonies to be connected with, will always
be the wisest Course for you and I to take, whatever may
be the Madness of the Populace or their blind Leaders,
who can only bring themselves and Country into Trouble
and draw on greater Burthens by Acts of rebellious Ten-
dency. —

In mine of June 29, I send you the Bill of Fees I have
paid, amounting to £5, 10.0. Since which I have paid another
Demand of £2. 4.6 Treasury Fees for a second Warrant, &c,
the first not having included the Lower Counties. — I now
send with this, your Commission, with a Letter from the
Secretary of the Stamp Office with whom you are to cor-
respond. —

As to our Petition, the new Secretary of State, General
Conway, has appointed next Wednesday to give us an
Audience upon it, when I suppose it will be presented. And

1766] LETTERS CONCERNING THE STAMP ACT 393

I have very little doubt of a favourable Progress and
Advantageous Issue. —

I am, my dear Friend,

Yours affectionately

B FRANKLIN.

404. LETTERS CONCERNING THE STAMP ACT

TO THE PRINTER OF

The Public Advertiser? JANUARY 2, 1766.
SIR,

Pacificus in your Paper of Friday last, tells us, that the
inhabitants of New England "are descended from the Stiff-
Rumps in Oliver's Time;" and he accounts for their being
"so tenacious of what they call their Rights and Liberties;"
from the independent Principles handed down to them by
their Forefathers, and that Spirit of Contradiction, which
he says, is " the distinguishing Characteristic of Fanaticism."
But it seems the Inhabitants of Virginia and Maryland,
who are descended from the Royalists of the Church of
England, driven hence by those very Oliverian Stiff-Rumps,
and never tinctured with Fanaticism, are, in the present
Case, as stiff-rump'd as the others, and even led the Way in
asserting what "they call their Rights." So that this Hy-
pothesis of Fanaticism appears insufficient to account for
the Opposition universally given to the Stamp Act in America ;
and I fancy the Gentleman thought so himself, as he mends
it a little after, by lumping all the Americans under the gen-
eral Character of "Housebreakers and Felons."

1 Printed here from Goddard's Pennsylvania Chronicle, February 23, 1767.
— ED.

394 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

Supposing them such, his Proposal of "vacating all their
Charters, taking away the Power of their Assemblies, and
sending an armed Force among them, to reduce them all to
a military Government, in which the Order of the command-
ing Officer is to be their Law," will certainly be a very justifi-
able Measure. I have only some Doubts as to the Expe-
diency of it, and the Facility of carrying it into Execution.
For I apprehend 'tis not unlikely they may set their Rumps
more stiffly against this Method of Government, than ever
they did against that by Act of Parliament. But, on second
Thoughts, I conceive it may possibly do very well; For
though there should be, as 'tis said there are, at least 250000
fighting Men among them, many of whom have lately seen
Service; yet, as one Englishman is to be sure as good as
five Americans, I suppose it will not require Armies above
50,000 Men in the whole, sent over to the different Parts of
that extensive Continent, for reducing them; and that a
three or four Year's Civil War, at perhaps less Expence than
ten or twelve Millions a Year, Transports, and Carriages
included, will be sufficient to compleat Pacificus's Pacifica-
tion, notwithstanding any disturbance our restless Enemies
in Europe might think fit to give us while engaged in this
necessary Work. I mention three or four Years only; for
I can never believe the Americans will be able to spin it out
to seventy, as the Hollanders did the War for their Liberties
against Spain, how much soever it may be found the Interest
of our own numerous Commissaries, Contractors, and Offi-
cers afraid of Half Pay, to continue and protract it.

It may be objected, that by ruining the Colonies, killing
one half the People, and driving the rest over the Mountains,
we may deprive ourselves of their Custom for our Manu-

1766] LETTERS CONCERNING THE STAMP ACT 395

factures : But a Moment's Consideration will satisfy us, that
since we have lost so much of our European Trade, it can
only be the Demand in America that keeps up, and has of
late so greatly enhanced the Price of those Manufactures,
and therefore a stop put to that Demand will be an Advan-
tage to us all, as we may thereafter buy our own Goods cheaper
for our own Use at Home. I can think of but one Objec-
tion more, which is, that Multitudes of our Poor may starve
for want of Employment. But our wise Laws have provided
a Remedy for that. The Rich are to maintain them.
I am, Sir,

Your humble Servant,

PACIFICUS SECUNDUS.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE
Gazetteer, JANUARY 2, 1766.

VINDEX PATRIAE, a writer in your paper, comforts himself,
and the India Company, with the fancy, that the Americans,
should they resolve to drink no more tea, can by no means
keep that Resolution, their Indian corn not affording "an
agreeable, or easy digestible breakfast." Pray let me, an
American, inform the gentleman, who seems ignorant of
the matter, that Indian corn, take it for all in all, is one of
the most agreeable and wholesome grains in the world;
that its green leaves roasted are a delicacy beyond expression ;
that samp, hominy, succatash, and nokehock, made of it,
are so many pleasing varieties; and that johny or hoecake,
hot from the fire, is better than a Yorkshire muffin — But

1 Printed here from Goddard's Pennsylvania Chronicle, February 23, 1767.
— ED.

396 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

if Indian corn were as disagreeable and indigestible as the
Stamp Act, does he imagine we can get nothing else for
breakfast? — Did he never hear that we have oatmeal in
plenty, for water gruel or burgoo; as good wheat, rye and
barley as the world affords, to make frumenty; or toast
and ale ; that there is every where plenty of milk, butter and
cheese; that rice is one of our staple commodities; that for
tea, we have sage and bawm in our gardens, the young leaves
of the sweet white hickery or walnut, and, above all, the
buds of our pine, infinitely preferable to any tea from the
Indies; while the islands yield us plenty of coffee and
chocolate? — Let the gentleman do us the honour of a
visit in America, and I will engage to breakfast him every
day in the month with a fresh variety, without offering him
either tea or Indian corn. — As to the Americans using no
more of the former, I am not sure they will take such a
resolution ; but if they do, I fancy they will not lightly break
it. I question whether the army proposed to be sent among
them, would oblige them to swallow a drop more of tea than
they chuse to swallow; for, as the proverb says, though
one man may lead a horse to the water, ten can't make him
drink. Their resolutions have hitherto been pretty steadily
kept. They resolved to wear no more mourning ; — and it
is now totally out of fashion with near two millions of people ;
and yet nobody sighs for Norwich crapes, or any other of
the expensive, flimsey, rotten, black stuffs and cloths you
used to send us for that purpose, with the frippery gauses,
loves, ribands, gloves, &c. thereunto belonging. — They re-
solved last spring to eat no more lamb; and not a joint of
lamb has since been seen on any of their tables, throughout
a country of 1500 miles extent, but the sweet little creatures

1766] LETTERS CONCERNING THE STAMP ACT 397

are all alive to this day, with the prettiest fleeces on their
backs imaginable. Mr. Vindex's very civil letter will, I
dare say, be printed in all our provincial news-papers, from
Nova-Scotia to Georgia; and together with the other kind,
polite and humane epistles of your correspondents Pacificus,
Tom Hint, &c. &c. contribute not a little to strengthen us
in every resolution that may be of advantage, to our country

at least, if not to yours.

HOMESPUN.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE

Gazetteer* JANUARY 14, 1766.

TOM HINT'S virulence against the people of New- York
has been in some sort accounted for by himself, in one of
his former letters. It seems, tho' he lived several years in
that country, they never extended to him any of that civility
they generally shew to strangers. He now tells us, in your
paper of Saturday, by way of fresh abuse on that whole
people, that "he admires their wonderful sagacity in dis-
tinguishing the gentleman from the scoundrel ; for in serious
truth, it would be a difficult matter for an old country-man
to make that distinction among them, after living with them
for many years." This will excuse my remarking, that this
old country man has little of that sagacity himself, and from
the difficulty he supposed in making such distinction, might
naturally conceive an opinion when he arrived there, that
he should be able easily to pass upon those ignorant new-
country men, as a gentleman. The event, it seems, did not

1 Printed here from Goddard's Pennsylvania Chronicle^ March 9, 1767.
— ED.

398 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

answer his expectations ; and hence he had reason to admire
their sagacity, but still continues to be angry at its conse-
quences— It puts me in mind of a short story, which, in
return for his scraps of plays, I will take the liberty of telling
him. Two journeymen Snips during the season of little
business, agreed to make a trip to Paris, with each a fine
lac'd waistcoat, in which they promised themselves the great
pleasure of being received and treated as gentlemen. On
the road from Calais at every inn, when they called for any
thing hastily, they were answered, Tout a 1'heure, Tout a
1'heure; which not a little surprized them. At length,

D these French scoundrels, says one, how shrewd

they are ! I find it won't do ; — e'en let us go back again
to London — Aye, says t'other, they must certainly deal
with the devil, or dress'd as we are dress'd, they could not
possibly all at first sight have known us to be two taylors.

F. B.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE

Gazetteer,1 JANUARY 15, 1766.

o ••••••

GIVE me leave, Master John Bull, to remind you, that
you are related to all mankind ; and therefore it less becomes
you than anybody, to affront and abuse other nations. But
you have mixed with your many virtues a pride, a haughti-
ness, and an insolent contempt for all but yourself, that,
I am afraid, will, if not abated, procure you one day or other
a handsome drubbing. Besides your rudeness to foreigners,
you are far from being civil even to your own family. The

1 Printed here from Goddard's Pennsylvania Chronicle, March 23, 1767-
— ED.

1766] LETTERS CONCERNING THE STAMP ACT 399

Welch you have always despised for submitting to your
government : but why despise your own English, who con-
quered and settled Ireland for you; who conquered and
settled America for you? Yet these you now think you
may treat as you please, because forsooth, they are a con-
quered people. Why despise the Scotch, who fight and die
for you all over the world ? Remember you courted Scotland
for one hundred years, and would fain have had your wicked
will of her. She virtuously resisted all your importunities ;
but at length kindly consented to become your lawful wife.
You then solemnly promised to love, cherish, and honour
her, as long as you both should live; and yet you have ever
since treated her with the utmost contumely, which you now
begin to extend to your common children. But, pray, when
your enemies are uniting in a Family Compact against you,
can it be discreet in you to kick up in your own house a
Family Quarrel? And at the very time you are inviting
foreigners to settle on your lands, and when you have more
to settle than ever you had before, is it prudent to suffer
your lawyer, Vindex, to abuse those who have settled there
already, because they cannot yet speak " plain English?" —
It is my opinion Master Bull, that the Scotch and Irish, as
well as the Colonists are capable of speaking much plainer
English than they ever yet spoke, but which I hope they will
never be provoked to speak.

. . » » • *

HOMESPUN.

400 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766
405. LETTER

CONCERNING THE

GRATITUDE OF AMERICA,

AND THE PROBABILITY AND EFFECTS OF A UNION WITH
GREAT BRITAIN; AND CONCERNING THE REPEAL OR SUS-
PENSION OF THE STAMP ACT.

[London,] January 6, 1766.

SIR,

f I have attentively perused the paper you sent me, and am
of opinion, that the measure it proposes, of an union with
the colonies, is a wise one; but I doubt it will hardly be
thought so here, till it is too late to attempt it. The time
has been, when the colonies would have esteemed it a great
advantage, as well as honour to be permitted to send mem-
bers to Parliament; and would have asked for that privi-
lege, if they could have had the least hopes of obtaining it.
The time is now come when they are indifferent about it,
and will probably not ask it, though they might accept it if
offered them; and the time will come, when they will cer-
tainly refuse it. But if such an union were now established
(which methinks it highly imports this country to establish)
it would probably subsist as long as Britain shall continue
a nation.' j This people, however, is too proud, and too
much despises the Americans, to bear the thought of admit-
ting them to such an equitable participation in the govern-
ment of the whole. \

Then the next best thing seems to be, leaving them in the
quiet enjoyment of their respective constitutions ; and when
money is wanted for any public service, in which they ought

1766] CONCERNING THE GRATITUDE OF AMERICA 401

to bear a part, calling upon them by requisitorial letters
from the crown (according to the long-established custom)
to grant such aids as their loyalty shall dictate, and their
abilities permit. The very sensible and benevolent author
of that paper seems not to have known, that such a constitu-
tional custom subsists, and has always hitherto been prac-
tised in America; or he would not have expressed himself
in this manner; "It is evident, beyond a doubt, to the in-
telligent and impartial, that after the very extraordinary
efforts, which were effectually made by Great Britain in
the late war to save the colonists from destruction, and at-
tended of necessity with an enormous load of debts in con-
sequence, that the same colonists, now firmly secured from
foreign enemies, should be somehow induced to contribute
some proportion towards the exigencies of state in future."
This looks as if he conceived the war had been carried on
at the sole expense of Great Britain, and the colonies only
reaped the benefit, without hitherto sharing the burden,
and were therefore now indebted to Britain on that account.
And this is the same kind of argument that is used by those,
who would fix on the colonies the heavy charge of unreason-
ableness and ingratitude, which I think your friend did not
intend.

Please to acquaint him, then, that the fact is not so ; that,
every year during the war, requisitions were made by the
crown on the colonies for raising money and men; that
accordingly they made more extraordinary efforts, in pro-
portion to their abilities, than Britain did; that they raised,
paid, and clothed, for five or six years, near twenty- five thou-
sand men, besides providing for other services, as building
forts, equipping guard-ships, paying transports, &c. And

VOL. IV — 2D *

402 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

that this was more than their fair proportion is not merely
an opinion of mine, but was the judgment of government
here, in full knowledge of all the facts; for the then minis-
try, to make the burthen more equal, recommended the case
to Parliament, and obtained a reimbursement to the Ameri-
cans of about two hundred thousand pounds sterling every
year; which amounted only to about two fifths of their
expense; and great part of the rest lies still a load of debt
upon them; heavy taxes on all their estates, real and per-
sonal, being laid by acts of their assemblies to discharge it,
and yet will not discharge it in many years.

While, then, these burdens continue; while Britain re-
strains the colonies in every branch of commerce and manu-
factures that she thinks interferes with her own; while she
drains the colonies, by her trade with them, of all the cash
they can procure by every art and industry in any part of
the world, and thus keeps them always in her debt; (for
they can make no law to discourage the importation of your
to them ruinous superfluities, as you do the superfluities of
France; since such a law would immediately be reported
against by your Board of Trade, and repealed by the crown ;)
I say, while these circumstances continue, and while there
subsists the established method of royal requisitions for
raising money on them by their own assemblies on every
proper occasion; can it be necessary or prudent to distress
and vex them by taxes laid here, in a Parliament wherein
they have no representative, and in a manner which they
look upon to be unconstitutional and subversive of their
most valuable rights ? And are they to be thought unreason-
able and ungrateful if they oppose such taxes?

Wherewith, they say, shall we show our loyalty to our

1 766] CONCERNING THE GRATITUDE OF AMERICA 403

gracious King, if our money is to be given by others, with-
out asking our consent? And, if the Parliament has a right
thus to take from us a penny in the pound, where is the line
drawn that bounds that right, and what shall hinder their
calling, whenever they please, for the other nineteen shillings
and eleven pence? Have we then any thing that we can
call our own? It is more than probable, that bringing
representatives from the colonies to sit and act here as mem-
bers of Parliament, thus uniting and consolidating your
dominions, would in a little time remove these objections
and difficulties, and make the future government of the
colonies easy; but, till some such thing is done, I appre-
hend no taxes, laid there by Parliament here, will ever be
collected, but such as must be stained with blood; and I
am sure the profit of such taxes will never answer the expense
of collecting them, and that the respect and affection of the
Americans to this country will in the struggle be totally lost,
perhaps never to be recovered; and therewith all the com-
mercial and political advantages, that might have attended
the continuance of this respect and this affection.

In my own private judgment, I think an immediate repeal
of the Stamp Act would be the best measure for this coun-
try ; but a suspension of it for three years, the best for that.
The repeal would fill them with joy and gratitude, reestab-
lish their respect and veneration for Parliament, restore at
once their ancient and natural love for this country, and
their regard for every thing that comes from it; hence the
trade would be renewed in all its branches; they would
again indulge in all the expensive superfluities you supply
them with, and their own new-assumed home industry would
languish. But the suspension, though it might continue

404 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

their fears and anxieties, would at the same time keep up
their resolutions of industry and frugality; which in two
or three years would grow into habits, to their lasting advan-
tage. However, as the repeal will probably not be now
agreed to,1 from what I think a mistaken opinion, that the
honour and dignity of government is better supported by
persisting in a wrong measure once entered into, than by
rectifying an error as soon as it is discovered ; we must allow
the next best thing for the advantage of both countries, is
the suspension; for, as to executing the act by force, it is
madness, and will be ruin to the whole.

The rest of your friend's reasonings and propositions
appear to me truly just and judicious. I will therefore
only add, that I am as desirous of his acquaintance and
intimacy, as he was of my opinion.
I am, with much esteem,

Your obliged friend,

B. FRANKLIN.2

1 It was, however, agreed to in the same year, viz. in 1766. — V.

2 The name of the person, to whom this letter is addressed, is not known.
The letter, to which it is a reply, appears to have contained the letter of some
third person equally unknown. — V.

1766] FRANKLINS REPORT OF PITTS SPEECH 405

406. Ms. REPORT BY BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
OF WILLIAM PITT'S SPEECH AGAINST THE
STAMP ACT.

Addressed to "Mr. Strahan, Printer, New Street, Shoe Lane." No

date.1

MR. PITT spoke some time before one could divine on
which side of the Question relating to America he would
be; but beginning first to mention the Stamp Act by the
soft Term of that unhappy Act, he went on, and every
Time he had Occasion to mention it, it was by a Term
still stronger, as unconstitutional ', unjust, oppressive etc.
till he finally declar'd in express Terms that the British
Parliament had in his Opinion no Right to raise internal
Taxes in America, tho' it had to regulate their Commerce,
and even restrain their Manufactures. He said many
Things in favour of America, particularly that they had
always readily granted Aids to the Crown in all our Wars,
on Requisitions made to their several Assemblies, and par-
ticularly in the last War far beyond their Abilities, which
the Parl* here considering had made them some Compensa-
tion; that the Act was therefore unnecessary; that no Minis-

1 Pitt's speech on the Stamp Act was delivered January 14, 1766. It was
printed in Hansard, Vol. XVI, 97-101. The debate was taken by Sir Robert
Dean, assisted by the Earl of Charlemont. The whole debate was published
in "Political Debates: a Paris, chez J. W. Imprimeur, rue du Colombier
Fauxbourg St. Germain, a THotel de Saxe, MDCCLXVI. [Prix 30 sous]."
A false place of impression was put upon the book in order to evade the
resentment of the House. Franklin must have written this report in January,
1766, and sent it to Mr. Strahan. The manuscript is in the possession of
Hon. S. W. Pennypacker. — ED.

406 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

ter before the last (naming all the Ministers in order from
the Revolution and giving their Characters, some of whom
were remarkable for their Firmness and Resolution, as well
as their Understanding,) had ever thought fit or ventur'd
to tax the Colonies; that he himself was sometimes repre-
sented as rash enough for anything; and there had not
been wanting some during his Admn that urg'd him to it
as a thing that would have been acceptable to Gentlemen
here, but they could not get him to burn his Fingers, with
so unnecessary, so unjust, and therefore so odious a Meas-
ure: The Arguments of virtual Representation, of the Case
of the Colonies being the same with that of Corporations
in England, or of the Non-Electors here, he treated with
great Contempt as trifling, insignificant, and ridiculous;
asserted that Representation in Parl? was originally and
properly of Landed Property; that every 40* a Year of landed
Property in England still is represented by the Owners
having a Right to vote in County Elections; but that tho'
a Man in America had £1000 a Year in Land, it gave him
no right to vote for a single Member of Parliam* That
the Representation of the Commons was not an original
Part of the Constitution; the Owners of Lands only were
call'd to Parliam*, and all the Lands in England were di-
vided between the King, the Church, and the Barons. The
Church, God bless it, had one Third at least. The Com-
mons were mere Tenants or Copy holders. But now the
Case was greatly alter'd. The Church was stript of most
of its Lands, and the Nobles had sold so much of theirs,
that what remained in their Hands was but like a Drop of
the Bucket compared to what was now in the Hands of the
Commons. It was therefore on Ace* of their Lands pro-

1766] FRANKLINS REPORT OF PITTS SPEECH 407

perly that the Commons were represented in Parliament.
As to the Representatives of Boroughs, it was wrong to suffer
their sitting in Parliamf It was the rotten Part of our
Constitution, and could not stand another Century. How
could we with any Face maintain, that a Burrough of half
a dozen Houses ought to have a Representative in Parl?
to take care of its Interests ; and yet three Millions of People
in America with many Millions of Landed Property should
not have a single Vote in the Election of any one Member.
Mr. Grenville saying in Defense of the Act that he had
before the Measure was entred into, call'd upon the House,
and ask'd if there was any one Member that doubted the
Right of Parliament to lay an internal Tax on America;
and there was not one. Mr. Pitt answered, that that by no
means prov'd the Rectitude of the Measure: for that there
had long been in the House a Tenderness of opposing Minis-
terial Measures, a kind of — what shall I call it — Modesty,
that made the Members rather doubt their own Judgments.
He wish'd therefore that the young Members would apply
themselves more to the Study of Publick Affairs, and quali-
fie themselves better to judge of them. That their Silence
should be no Proof of the goodness of a ministerial Measure,
he reminded the House, that from Year to Year he had in
the same Manner call'd upon the House, to know if any
one dislik'd our then Continental Connections, and but one
ever took the Freedom to speak his Mind on that Head,
and he should like him the better for it as long as he hVd;
"for he indeed said frankly, that he did not like what he
was pleas'd to call my German War." l But with the rest
it went down glibly. That Oppositions were generally in-

1 Lord le Despencer, formerly Sir Francis Dashwood. — ED.

408 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

terested, but his Sentiments of this Act had always been
the same, and he had ever dislik'd it as destructive to Liberty;
a Word often made use of by ambitious Men, only as a
Horse on which they might mount and ride into Preferment;
but he had no such Views.

Mr. Conway remarked on this that the Preferment he was
in was not of his own seeking; and that whenever the honble
Gentleman for whose Abilities and Integrity he had the high-
est Veneration should be, as he sincerely hop'd he would soon
be, appointed to supersede him, he should with great Pleasure
mount his Horse and ride out again.

These are the Particulars you chiefly desir'd an Ace1 of-
'Tis the best I can give you. But I am sensible the Expres-
sion is far short of that us'd by the Speakers.

407. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN * (P. c.)

London, February 22, 1766.

MY DEAR CHILD,

I am excessively hurried, being, every hour that I am awake,
either abroad to speak with members of Parliament, or taken
up with people coming to me at home concerning our Ameri-
can affairs, so that I am much behindhand in answering my
friends' letters. But though I cannot by this opportunity
write to others, I must not omit a line to you, who kindly write
me so many. I am well. It is all I can say at present, ex-
cept that I am just made very happy by a vote of the Commons
for the repeal of the Stamp Act. Your ever loving husband,

B. FRANKLIN.

1 The original letter is in the Fonthill collection, the property of Mrs.
Alfred Morrison. — ED.

1 766] TO HUGH ROBERTS 409

408. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)

London, Feb. 27, 1766.

MY DEAR CHILD,

I wrote you a few days ago by Mr. Penrose, via Maryland,,
when I wrote also to the Speaker, to Mr. Galloway, Mr.
Hughes, and Mr. Hall. I have now as little time as then to
enlarge, having wrote besides to-day so much, that I am
almost blind. But, by the March Packet, I shall freely
answer your late Letters. Let the Vaults alone till my Re-
turn. As you have a WoodYard, perhaps they may not be
necessary. I send you some curious Beans for your Garden.
Love to Sally & all Relations ; and to all the Ladies that do
me the Honour to enquire after me. I congratulate you on
the soon expected Repeal of the Stamp Act ; and on the great
Share of Health we both enjoy, tho* now going in Fourscore,
(that is, in the fourth score.) Mr. Whitfield calPd to-day, &
tells me a surprizing Piece of News. Mr. Dunlap is come
here from Barbadoes, was ordain'd Deacon on Saturday last,
and Priest on Sunday. Inclos'd are a few of my Political
Cards. In haste, but very well. I am, my dear Girl, your
ever loving Husband,

B. FRANKLIN.

409. TO HUGH ROBERTS1

London, Feb. 27, 1766.

DEAR FRIEND,

I receiv'd your kind Letter of Nov. 27. You cannot con-
ceive how much Good the cordial Salutations of an old Friend

1 From the original in the Museum of Independence Hall, Philadelphia \.
presented by Mr. C. Morton Smith. — ED.

4io THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

do the Heart of a Man so far from home, and hearing fre-
quently of the Abuses thrown on him in his Absence by the
Enemies, that Party has rais'd against him. In the mean
time, I hope I have done even those Enemies some Service in
our late Struggle for America. It has been a hard one, and
we have been often between Hope and Despair ; but now the
Day begins to clear. The Ministry are fix'd for us, and we
have obtain'd a Majority in the House of Commons for Re-
pealing the Stamp Act, and giving us Ease in every Commer-
cial Grievance. God grant that no bad News of farther
Excesses in America may arrive to strengthen our Adversaries,
and weaken the hands of our Friends, before this good Work
is quite compleated.

The Partisans of the late Ministry have been strongly crying
out Rebellion, and calling for Force to be sent against America.
The Consequence might have been terrible ; but milder Meas-
ures have prevailed. I hope, nay, I am confident, America
will show itself grateful to Britain on this Occasion, and
behave prudently and decently.

I have got a Seal done for four Guineas, which I shall send
per Friend. My Respects to good Mrs. Roberts, and to your
valuable Son. Remember me affectionately to the Junto,
and to all enquiring Friends. Adieu, my dear Friend. Your
Integrity will always make you happy. Believe me ever yours

affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

1766] TO CHARLES THOMSON 411

410. TO CHARLES THOMSON1

London, Feb? 27, 1766.

MY GOOD FRIEND AND NEIGHBOUR,

I forgot whether I before acknowledged the Receipt of
your kind Letter of Sept. 24. I gave an Extract of it to a
Friend, with an extract from mine to which it was an answer,
and he printed both in the London Chronicle, with an Intro-
duction of his own; and I have reprinted every thing from
America, that I thought might help our Common Cause.

We at length, after a long and hard struggle, have gained
so much ground, that there is now little Doubt the Stamp Act
will be repealed, and reasonable relief given us besides in our
Commercial grievances and those relating to our Currency.
I trust the Behaviour of the Americans on the occasion will
be so prudent, decent, and grateful, as that their Friends here
will have no reason to be ashamed, and that our enemies, who
predict that the Indulgence of Parliament will only make us
more insolent and ungovernable, may find themselves, and be
found, false Prophets.

My Respects to Mrs. Thomson. I have not had the Pleas-
ure of hearing from you by any of the late opportunities, but
am so bad a correspondent myself that I have no right to take
Exceptions, and am, nevertheless, your affectionate Friend
and very humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

1 From the original in the New York Historical Society. — ED.

412 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

411. THE EXAMINATION OF DOCTOR
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN &c.,

IN THE BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS,

RELATIVE TO THE REPEAL OF THE AMERICAN STAMP
ACT, IN 1766.

No previous event in the life of Dr. Franklin gave him so much:
celebrity, as his examination before the House of Commons, while the
repeal of the Stamp Act was under discussion in Parliament. The
promptness and pertinency with which he replied to every question,,
the perfect knowledge of the subject manifested in his answers, his
enlarged and sound views of political and commercial affairs, and the
boldness and candor with which he expressed his sentiments, excited
the surprise of his auditors, and were received with admiration by the
public, when the results of the examination appeared in print. The
dates are fixed by the following extracts from the journal of the House
of Commons, as given by Mr. Vaughan.

"February $d, 1766. Benjamin Franklin and a number of other
persons ordered to attend the committee of the whole House, to whom
it was referred to consider farther the several papers, which were pre-
sented to the House by Mr. Secretary Conway.

"February \$th. Benjamin Franklin, having passed through his
examination, was excepted from farther attendance.

"February 24^. The resolutions of the committee were reported
by the chairman, Mr. Fuller ; their seventh and last resolution setting
forth, that it was their opinion that the House be moved, that leave be
given to bring in a bill to repeal the Stamp Act."

The account of the examination was first published in 1767, without
the name of printer or publisher. It was translated into French, and
widely circulated in Europe. It has been frequently reprinted in both
the English and French languages. — S.

The first edition was published in 1766, without any clue "either ta
when the examination was held, or when or by whom it was printed."
Almon evidently feared prosecution, and the printers of most of the
subsequent editions used much the same precautions. As no prosecu-
tion was instituted Almon became bolder, and issued an edition with a
title [The Examination of Dr. Benjamin Franklin, Relative to the

1766] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 413

Repeal of the American Stamp Act, in MDCCLXVI [London: J.
Almon] MDCCLXVII] Ford. I have reprinted from the first edition,
and have indicated in the foot-notes every instance in which the second
-edition varies from the first. — ED.

Q. WHAT is your name, and place of abode ?

A. Franklin, of Philadelphia.

Q. Do the Americans pay any considerable taxes among
themselves ?

A. Certainly many, and very heavy taxes.

Q. What are the present taxes in Pennsylvania, laid by the
laws of the colony ?

A. There are taxes on all estates real and personal, a poll
tax, a tax on all offices, professions, trades and businesses,
according to their profits; an excise on all wine, rum, and
other spirits; and a duty of Ten Pounds per head on all
Negroes imported, with some other duties.

Q. For what purposes are those taxes laid ?

A . For the support of the civil and military establishments
of the country, and to discharge the heavy debt contracted
in the last war.

Q. How long are those taxes to continue?

A. Those for discharging the debt are to continue till 1772,
and longer, if the debt should not be then all discharged.
The others must always continue.

Q. Was it not expected that the debt would have been
sooner discharged?

A. It was, when the peace was made with France and
Spain — But, a fresh war breaking out with the Indians, a
fresh load of debt was incurred; and the taxes, of course,
continued longer by a new law.

414 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

Q. Are not all the people very able to pay those taxes?

A. No. The frontier counties, all along the continent,
having been frequently ravaged by the enemy and greatly
impoverished, are able to pay very little tax. And therefore,
in consideration of their distresses, our late tax laws do ex-
pressly favour those counties, excusing the sufferers; and I
suppose the same is done in other governments.

Q. Are not you concerned in the management of the Post-
Office in America?

A. Yes. I am Deputy Post-Master General of North-
America.

Q. Don't you think the distribution of stamps by post to
all the inhabitants very practicable, if there was no oppo-
sition?

A. The posts only go along the seacoasts; they do not,
except in a few instances, go back into the country; and if
they did, sending for stamps by post would occasion an ex-
pence of postage amounting, in many cases, to much more
than that of the stamps themselves.

Q. Are you acquainted with Newfoundland?

A. I never was there.

Q. Do you know whether there are any post-roads on that
island ?

A. I have heard that there are no roads at all; but that the
communication between one settlement and another is by
sea only.

Q. Can you disperse the stamps by post in Canada?

A. There is only a post between Montreal and Quebec.
The inhabitants live so scattered and remote from each other,
in that vast country, that posts cannot be supported among
them, and therefore they cannot get stamps per post. The

1766] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 415

English Colonies too, along the frontiers, are very thinly
settled.

Q. From the thinness of the back settlements, would not
the stamp act be extremely inconvenient to the inhabitants,
if executed?

A. To be sure it would; as many of the inhabitants could
not get stamps when they had occasion for them without
taking long journeys, and spending perhaps Three or Four
Pounds, that the Crown might get Six pence.

Q. Are not the Colonies, from their circumstances, very
able to pay the stamp duty?

A. In my opinion there is not gold and silver enough in the
Colonies to pay the stamp duty for one year.

Q. Don't you know that the money arising from the stamps
was all to be laid out in America?

A. I know it is appropriated by the act to the American
service ; but it will be spent in the conquered Colonies, where
the soldiers are, not in the Colonies that pay it.

Q. Is there not a balance of trade due from the Colonies
where the troops are posted, that will bring back the money
to the old colonies ?

A. I think not. I believe very little would come back. I
know of no trade likely to bring it back. I think it would
come from the Colonies where it was spent directly to Eng-
land; for I have always observed, that in every Colony the
more plenty the means of remittance to England, the more
goods are sent for, and the more trade with England carried
on.

Q. What number of white inhabitants do you think there
are in Pennsylvania?

A. I suppose there may be about 160,000.

416 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

Q. What number of them are Quakers ?

A. Perhaps a third.

Q. What number of Germans?

A. Perhaps another third; but I cannot speak with
certainty.

Q. Have any number of the Germans seen service, as
soldiers, in Europe?

A. Yes, many of them, both in Europe and America.

Q. Are they as much dissatisfied with the stamp duty as
the English?

A. Yes, and more; and with reason, as their stamps are,
in many cases, to be double.1

Q. How many white men do you suppose there are in
North America?

A. About 300,000, from sixteen to sixty years of age.

Q. What may be the amount of one year's imports into
Pennsylvania from Britain?

A. I have been informed that our merchants compute the
imports from Britain to be above 500,000 Pounds.

Q. What may be the amount of the produce of your
province exported to Britain?

A. It must be small, as we produce little that is wanted in
Britain. I suppose it cannot exceed 40,000 Pounds.

Q. How then do you pay the balance ?

A. The balance is paid by our produce carried to the
West-Indies, and sold in our own islands, or to the
French, Spaniards, Danes, and Dutch; by the same carried
to other colonies in North-America, as to New-England,
Nova-Scotia, Newfoundland, Carolina, and Georgia; by
the same, carried to different parts of Europe, as Spain, Por-
1 doubled, 2d ed. — ED.

1766] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 417

tugal, and Italy. In all which places we receive either money,
bills of Exchange, or commodities that suit for remittance to
Britain; which, together with all the profits on the industry
of our merchants and mariners, arising in those circuitous
voyages, and the freights made by their ships, center finally
in Britain to discharge the balance, and pay for British manu-
factures continually used in the province, or sold to foreigners
by our traders.

Q. Have you heard of any difficulties lately laid on the
Spanish trade?

A. Yes, I have heard, that it has been greatly obstructed
by some new regulations, and by the English men-of-war and
cutters stationed all along the coast of America.

Q. Do you think it right that America should be protected
by this country and pay no part of the expence ?

A. That is not the case. The Colonies raised, cloathed
and payed, during the last war, near 25000 men, and spent
many millions.

Q. Were you not reimbursed by parliament?

A. We were only reimbursed what, in your opinion, we
had advanced beyond our proportion, or beyond what might
reasonably be expected from us ; and it was a very small part
of what we spent. Pennsylvania, in particular, disbursed
about 500,000 Pounds, and the reimbursements, in the whole,
did not exceed 60,000 Pounds.

Q. You have said that you pay heavy taxes in Pennsyl-
vania ; what do they amount to in the Pound ?

A. The tax on all estates, real and personal, is Eighteen
Pence in the Pound, fully rated; and the tax on the profits
of trades and professions, with other taxes, do, I suppose,
make full Half a Crown in the Pound.

VOL. IV — 2 E

418 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

Q. Do you know any thing of the rate of exchange in Penn-
sylvania, and whether it has fallen lately?

A. It is commonly from 170 to 175. I have heard, that it
has fallen lately from 175 to 162 and a half ; owing, I suppose,
to their lessening their orders for goods ; and when their debts
to this country are paid, I think the exchange will probably be
at par.

Q. Do not you think the people of America would submit
to pay the stamp duty, if it was moderated ?

A. No, never, unless compelled by force of arms.

Q. Are not the taxes in Pennsylvania laid on unequally, in
order to burthen the English trade; particularly the tax on
professions and business?

A. It is not more burthensome in proportion than the tax
on lands. It is intended and supposed to take an equal pro-
portion of profits.

Q. How is the assembly composed? Of what kinds of
people are the members, landholders or traders?

A. It is composed of landholders, merchants, and artificers.

Q. Are not the majority landholders?

A. I believe they are.

Q. Do not they, as much as possible, shift the tax off from
the land, to ease that, and lay the burthen heavier on trade ?

A. I have never understood it so. I never heard such a
thing suggested. And indeed an attempt of that kind could
answer no purpose. The merchant or trader is always skilled
in figures, and ready with his pen and ink. If unequal
burthens are laid on his trade, he puts an additional price on
his goods; and the consumers, who are chiefly landholders,
finally pay the greatest part, if not the whole.

Q. What was the temper of America towards Great Britain
before the year 1763?

1766] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 419

A. The best in the world. They submitted willingly to the
government of the Crown, and paid, in all their courts, obedi-
ence to acts of parliament. Numerous as the people are in
the several provinces, they cost you nothing in forts, citadels,
garrisons, or armies, to keep them in subjection. They were
governed by this country at the expence only of a little pen,
ink and paper. They were led by a thread. They had not
only a respect, but an affection for Great-Britain; for its
laws, its customs and manners, and even a fondness for its
fashions, that greatly increased the commerce. Natives of
Britain were always treated with particular regard ; to be art
Old- England man was, of itself, a character of some respect,
and gave a kind of rank among us.

Q. And what is their temper now?

A. O, very much altered.

Q. Did you ever hear the authority of parliament to make
laws for America questioned till lately ?

A. The authority of parliament was allowed to be valid
in all laws, except such as should lay internal taxes.
It was never disputed in laying duties to regulate com-
merce.

Q. In what proportion hath population increased in
America ?

A. I think the inhabitants of all the provinces together,
taken at a medium, double in about 25 years. But their
demand for British manufactures increases much faster, as
the consumption is not merely in proportion to their numbers,
but grows with the growing abilities of the same numbers to
pay for them. In 1723, the whole importation from Britain
to Pennsylvania, was but about 15,000 Pounds Sterling; it
is now near Half a Million.

420 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

Q. In what light did the people of America use to consider
the parliament of Great-Britain?

A. They considered the parliament as the great bulwark
and security of their liberties and privileges, and always spoke
of it with the utmost respect and veneration. Arbitrary
ministers, they thought, might possibly, at times, attempt to
oppress them; but they relied on it, that the parliament, on
application, would always give redress. They remembered,
with gratitude, a strong instance of this, when a bill was
brought into parliament, with a clause, to make royal in-
structions laws in the colonies, which the House of Commons
would not pass, and it was thrown out.

Q. And have they not still the same respect for parliament ?

A. No, it is greatly lessened.

Q. To what causes1 is that owing?

A. To a concurrence of causes; the restraints lately laid
on their trade, by which the bringing of foreign gold and silver
into the Colonies was prevented; the prohibition of making
paper money among themselves ; and then demanding a new
and heavy tax by stamps ; taking away, at the same time, trials
by juries, and refusing to receive and hear their humble
petitions.

Q. Don't you think they would submit to the stamp-act,
if it was modified, the obnoxious parts taken out, and the duty
reduced to some particulars, of small moment?

A. No; they will never submit to it.

Q. What do you think is the reason that the people of 2
America increase faster than in England?

A. Because they marry younger, and more generally.

Q. Why so?

1 cause, 2d ed. — ED. 2 in, 2d ed. — ED.

1766] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 421

A. Because any young couple, that are industrious, may
easily obtain land of their own, on which they can raise a
family.

Q. Are not the lower rank * of people more at their ease in
America than in England?

A. They may be so, if they are sober and diligent, as they
are better paid for their labour.

Q. What is your opinion of a future tax, imposed on the
same principle with that of the stamp-act? How would the
Americans receive it?

A. Just as they do this. They would not pay it.

Q. Have not you heard of the resolutions of this House, and
of the House of Lords, asserting the right of parliament relat-
ing to America, including a power to tax the people there?

A. Yes, I have heard of such resolutions.

Q. What will be the opinion of the Americans on those
resolutions ?

A. They will think them unconstitutional and unjust.

Q. Was it an opinion in America before 1763, that the
parliament had no right to lay taxes and duties there ?

A. I never heard any objection to the right of laying duties
to regulate commerce; but a right to lay internal taxes was
never supposed to be in parliament, as we are not represented
there.

Q. On what do you found your opinion, that the people in
America made any such distinction?

A. I know that whenever the subject has occurred in con-
versation where I have been present, it has appeared to be
the opinion of every one, that we could not be taxed by a par-
liament where 2 we were not represented. But the payment

1 ranks, 2d ed. — ED. 2 wherein, 2d ed. — ED.

422 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

of duties laid by an act of parliament, as regulations of com-
merce, was never disputed.

Q. But can you name any act of assembly, or public act
of any of your governments, that made such distinction ?

A. I do not know that there was any; I think there was
never an occasion to make any such act, till now that you
have attempted to tax us; that has occasioned resolutions
of assembly, declaring the distinction, in which I think every
assembly on the continent, and every member in every
assembly, have been unanimous.

Q. What, then, could occasion conversations on that sub-
ject before that time?

A. There was in 1754 a proposition made, (I think it
came from hence) that in case of a war, which was then ap-
prehended, the governors of the Colonies should meet, and
order the levying of troops, building of forts, and taking
every other necessary measure for the general defence; and
should draw on the treasury here for the sums expended,
which were afterwards to be raised in the colonies by a
general tax, to be laid on them by act of parliament. This
occasioned a good deal of conversation on the subject;
and the general opinion was, that the parliament neither
would nor could lay any tax on us, till we were duly repre-
sented in parliament ; because it was not just, nor agreeable
to the nature of an English constitution.

Q. Don't you know there was a time in New- York, when
it was under consideration to make an application to parlia-
ment to lay taxes on that Colony, upon a deficiency arising
from the assembly's refusing or neglecting to raise the neces-
sary supplies for the support of the civil government ?

A. I never heard of it.

1766] EXAMINATION" OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 423

Q. There was such an application under consideration in
New- York; and do you apprehend they could suppose the
right of parliament to lay a tax in America was only local,
and confined to the case of a deficiency in a particular Colony,
by a refusal of its assembly to raise the necessary supplies ?

A. They could not suppose such a case, as that the as-
sembly would not raise the necessary supplies to support
its own government. An assembly that would refuse it must
want common sense; which cannot be supposed. I think
there was never any such case at New- York, and that it
must be a misrepresentation, or the fact must be misunder-
stood. I know there have been some attempts, by minis-
terial instructions from hence, to oblige the assemblies to
settle permanent salaries on governors, which they wisely
refused to do; but I believe no assembly of New York, or
any other Colony, ever refused duly to support government
by proper allowances, from time to time, to public officers.

Q. But in case a governor, acting by instruction, should
call on an assembly to raise the necessary supplies, and the
assembly should refuse to do it, do you not think it would
then be for the good of the people of the colony, as well as
necessary to government, that the parliament should tax
them?

A. I do not think it would be necessary. If an assembly
could possibly be so absurd, as to refuse raising the sup-
plies requisite for the maintenance of government among
them, they could not long remain in such a situation; the
disorders and confusion occasioned by it must soon bring
them to reason.

Q. If it should not, ought not the right to be in Great
Britain of applying a remedy?

424 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

A. A right, only to be used in such a case, I should have
no objection to ; supposing it to be used merely for the good
of the people of the Colony.

Q. But who is to judge of that, Britain or the Colony?

A. Those that feel can best judge.

Q. You say the Colonies have always submitted to ex-
ternal taxes, and object to the right of parliament only in
laying internal taxes; now can you shew, that there is any
kind of difference between the two taxes to the Colony on
which they may be laid?

A. I think the difference is very great. An external tax
is a duty laid on commodities imported; that duty is added
to the first cost and other charges on the commodity, and,
when it is offered to sale, makes a part of the price. If the
people do not like it at that price, they refuse it ; they are not
obliged to pay it. But an internal tax is forced from the
people without their consent, if not laid by their own repre-
sentatives. The stamp act says, we shall have no commerce,
make no exchange of property with each other, neither
purchase, nor grant, nor recover debts ; we shall neither marry
nor make our wills, unless we pay such and such sums ; and
thus it is intended to extort our money from us, or ruin us
by the consequences of refusing to pay it.

Q. But supposing the internal1 tax or duty to be laid on the
necessaries of life, imported into your colony, will not that be
the same thing in its effects as an internal tax ?

A. I do not know a single article imported into the North-
ern Colonies, but what they can either do without, or make
themselves.

Q. Don't you think cloth from England absolutely neces-
sary to them?

1 external, 2d ed. — ED.

1766] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 425

A. No, by no means absolutely necessary; with industry
and good management, they may very well supply them-
selves with all they want.

Q. Will it not take a long time to establish that manu-
facture among them; and must they not in the mean while
suffer greatly?

A. I think not. They have made a surprising progress
already. And I am of opinion, that before their old clothes
are worn out, they will have new ones of their own making.

Q. Can they possibly find wool enough in North America ?

A. They have taken steps to increase the wool. They
entered into general combinations to eat no more lamb,
and very few lambs were killed last year. This course
persisted in, will soon make a prodigious difference in the
quantity of wool. And the establishing of great manufac-
tories, like those in the clothing towns here, is not necessary,
as it is where the business is to be carried on for the purposes
of trade. The people will all spin, and work for themselves,
in their own houses.

Q. Can there be wool and manufacture enough in one or
two years?

A. In three years, I think there may.

Q. Does not the severity of the winter, in the Northern
Colonies, occasion the wool to be of bad quality?

A. No; the wool is very fine and good.

Q. In the more Southern Colonies, as in Virginia, don't
you know, that the wool is coarse, and only a kind of hair?

A. I don't know it. I never heard it. Yet I have been
sometimes in Virginia. I cannot say I ever took particular
notice of the wool there, but I believe it is good, though I
cannot speak positively of it ; but Virginia and the Colonies

426 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1766

south of it have less occasion for wool; their winters are
short, and not very severe; and they can very well clothe
themselves with linen and cotton of their own raising for the
rest of the year.

Q. Are not the people in the more Northern Colonies
obliged to fodder their sheep all the winter?

A. In some of the most Northern Colonies they may be
obliged to do it, some part of the winter.

Q. Considering the resolutions of parliament, as to the
right, do you think, if the stamp act is repealed, that the
North Americans will be satisfied?

A. I believe they will.

Q. Why do you think so?

A. I think the resolutions of right will give them very
little concern, if they are never attempted to be carried into
practice. The Colonies will probably consider themselves in
the same situation, in that respect, with Ireland ; they know
you claim the same right with regard to Ireland, but you
never exercise it. And they may believe you never will
exercise it in the Colonies, any more than in Ireland, unless
on some very extraordinary occasion.

Q. But who are to be the judges of that extraordinary
occasion? Is not the parliament?

A. Though the parliament may judge of the occasion, the
people will think it can never exercise such right, till repre-
sentatives from the Colonies are admitted into parliament;
and that, when ever the occasion arises, representatives will
be ordered.

Q. Did you never hear that Maryland, during the last
war, had refused to furnish a quota towards the common
defence?

1766] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 427

A. Maryland has been much misrepresented in that
matter. Maryland, to my knowledge, never refused to con-
tribute or grant aids to the crown. The assemblies, every
year, during the war, voted considerable sums, and formed
bills to raise them. The bills were, according to the con-
stitution of that province, sent up to the council, or upper
house, for concurrence, that they might be presented to the
governor, in order to be enacted into laws. Unhappy dis-
putes between the two houses, arising from the defects of that
constitution principally, rendered all the bills but one or two,
abortive. The proprietary's council rejected them. It is
true, Maryland did not 1 contribute its proportion ; but it was,
in my opinion, the fault of the government, not of the people.

Q. Was it not talked of in the other provinces, as a proper
measure, to apply to parliament to compel them?

A. I have heard such discourse; but, as it was well
known that the people were not to blame, no such applica-
tion was ever made, nor any step taken towards it.

Q. Was it not proposed at a public meeting?

A. Not that I know of?

Q. Do you remember the abolishing of the paper currency
in New England, by act of assembly?

A. I do remember its being abolished in the Massachu-
setts Bay.

Q. Was not Lieutenant- Governor Hutchinson principally
concerned in that transaction?

A. I have heard so.

Q. Was it not at that time a very unpopular law?

A. I believe it might, though I can say little about it, as
I lived at a distance from that province.

1 did not then contribute, 2d ed. — ED.

428 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

Q. Was not the scarcity of gold and silver an argument
used against abolishing the paper?

A. I suppose it was.

Q. What is the present opinion there of that1 law? Is
it as unpopular as it was at first?

A. I think it is not.

Q. Have not instructions from hence been sometimes sent
over to governors, highly oppressive and unpolitical?

A. Yes.

Q. Have not some governors dispensed with them for
that reason?

A. Yes, I have heard so.

Q. Did the Americans ever dispute the controuling power
of parliament to regulate the commerce?

A. No.

Q. Can any thing less than a military force carry the stamp
act into execution?

A. I do not see how a military force can be applied to
that purpose.

Q. Why may it not?

A. Suppose a military force sent into America, they will
find nobody in arms ; what are they then to do ? They can-
not force a man to take stamps who chuses to do without
them. They will not find a rebellion; they may indeed
make one.

Q. If the act is not repealed, what do you think will be
the consequences?

A. A total loss of the respect and affection the people of
America bear to this country, and of all the commerce that
depends on that respect and affection.
1 the law, 2d ed. — ED.

i;66] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 429

Q. How can the commerce be affected?

A. You will find, that if the act is not repealed, they will
take very little of your manufactures in a short time.

Q. Is it in their power to do without them?

A. I think they may very well do without them.

Q. Is it their interest not to take them?

A. The goods they take from Britain are either neces-
saries, mere conveniences, or superfluities. The first, as
cloth, &c. with a little industry they can make at home;
the second they can do without, till they are able to provide
them among themselves; and the last, which are much the
greatest part, they will strike off immediately. They are
mere articles of fashion, purchased and consumed because
the fashion in a respected country ; but will now be detested
and rejected. The people have already struck off, by general
agreement, the use of all goods fashionable in mournings,
and many thousand pounds worth are sent back as un-
saleable.

Q. Is it their interest to make cloth at home?

A. I think they may at present get it cheaper from Britain,
I mean of the same fineness and workmanship; but, when
one considers other circumstances, the restraints on their
trade, and the difficulty of making remittances, it is their
interest to make every thing.

Q. Suppose an act of internal regulations connected with
a tax; how would they receive it?

A. I think it would be objected to.

Q. Then no regulation with a tax would be submitted
to?

A. Their opinion is, that, when aids to the Crown are
wanted, they are to be asked of the several assemblies,

430 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

according to the old established usage; who will, as they al-
ways have done, grant them freely. And that their money
ought not to be given away, without their consent, by persons
at a distance, unacquainted with their circumstances and
abilities. The granting aids to the Crown is the only means
they have of recommending themselves to their sovereign;
and they think it extremely hard and unjust, that a body of
men, in which they have no representatives, should make a
merit to itself of giving and granting what is not its own, but
theirs ; and deprive them of a right they esteem of the utmost
value and importance, as it is the security of all their other
rights.

Q. But is not the post-office, which they have long re-
ceived, a tax as well as a regulation?

A. No; the money paid for the postage of a letter is not
of the nature of a tax; it is merely a quantum meruit for a
service done ; no person is compellable to pay the money if
he does not chuse to receive the service. A man may stilly
as before the act, send his letter by a servant, a special mes-
senger, or a friend, if he thinks it cheaper and safer.

Q. But do they not consider the regulations of the post-
office, by the act of last year, as a tax ?

A. By the regulations of last year the rate of postage was-
generally abated near thirty per cent through all America;
they certainly cannot consider such abatement as a tax.

Q. If an excise was laid by parliament, which they might
likewise avoid paying, by not consuming the articles excised,
would they then not object to it ?

A. They would certainly object to it, as an excise is un-
connected with any service done, and is merely an aid,
which they think ought to be asked of them, and granted

1766] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 431

by them, if they are to pay it ; and can be granted for them
by no others whatsoever, whom they have not impowered
for that purpose.

Q. You say they do not object to the right of parliament,
in laying duties on goods to be paid on their importation;
now, is there any kind of difference between a duty on the
importation of goods, and an excise on their consumption ?

A. Yes, a very material one; an excise, for the reasons I
have just mentioned, they think you can have no right to
lay within their country. But the sea is yours; you main-
tain, by your fleets, the safety of navigation in it, and keep
it clear of pirates; you may have therefore a natural and
equitable right to some toll or duty on merchandizes carried
through that part of your dominions, towards defraying the
expence you are at in ships to maintain the safety of that
carriage.

Q. Does this reasoning hold in the case of a duty laid on
the produce of their lands exported? And would they not
then object to such a duty?

A. If it tended to make the produce so much dearer
abroad, as to lessen the demand for it, to be sure they
would object to such a duty; not to your right of laying it,
but they would complain of it as a burthen, and petition you
to lighten it.

Q. Is not the duty paid on the tobacco exported, a duty
of that kind?

A. That, I think, is only on tobacco carried coastwise,
from one Colony to another, and appropriated as a fund
for supporting the college at Williamsburgh, in Virginia.

Q. Have not the assemblies in the West-Indies the same
natural rights with those in North- America ?

432 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

A. Undoubtedly.

Q. And is there not a tax laid there on their sugars
exported?

A. I am not much acquainted with the West-Indies;
but the duty of four and a half per cent on sugars exported
was, I believe, granted by their own assemblies.

Q. How much is the poll-tax in your province laid on
unmarried men?

A. It is, I think, Fifteen Shillings, to be paid by every
single freeman, upwards of twenty-one years old.

Q. What is the annual amount of all the taxes in Penn-
sylvania?

A. I suppose about 20,000 Pounds sterling.

Q. Supposing the stamp act continued, and enforced,
do you imagine that ill humour will induce the Americans
to give as much for worse manufactures of their own, and
use them, preferably to better of ours?

A. Yes, I think so. People will pay as freely to gratify
one passion as another, their resentment as their pride.

Q. Would the people at Boston discontinue their trade?

A. The merchants are a very small number compared
with the body of the people, and must discontinue their
trade, if nobody will buy their goods.

Q. What are the body of the people in the Colonies?

A. They are farmers, husbandmen or planters.

Q. Would they suffer the produce of their lands to rot?

A. No; but they would not raise so much. They would
manufacture more, and plough less.

Q. Would they live without the administration of justice
in civil matters, and suffer all the inconveniencies of such a
situation for any considerable time, rather than take the

1 766] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 433

stamps, supposing the stamps were protected by a sufficient
force, where every one might have them?

A. I think the supposition impracticable, that the stamps
should be so protected as that every one might have them.
The act requires sub-distributors to be appointed in every
county town, district, and village, and they would be neces-
sary. But the principal distributors, who were to have had
a considerable profit on the whole, have not thought it worth
while to continue in the office; and I think it impossible to
find sub-distributors fit to be trusted, who, for the trifling
profit that must come to their share, would incur the odium,
and run the hazard, that would attend it ; and, if they could
be found, I think it impracticable to protect the stamps in
so many distant and remote places.

Q. But in places where they could be protected, would
not the people use them, rather than remain in such a situa-
tion, unable to obtain any right, or recover by law any
debt?

A. It is hard to say what they would do. I can only
judge what other people will think, and how they will act,
by what I feel within myself. I have a great many debts
due to me in America, and I had rather they should remain
unrecoverable by any law, than submit to the stamp act.
They will be debts of honour. It is my opinion the people
will either continue in that situation, or find some way to
extricate themselves; perhaps by generally agreeing to pro-
ceed in the courts without stamps.

Q. What do you think a sufficient military force to pro-
tect the distribution of the stamps in every part of America ?

A. A very great force; I can't say what, if the disposition
of America is for a general resistance.

VOL. IV — 2F

434 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

Q. What is the number of men in America able to bear
arms, or of disciplined militia?

A. There are, I suppose, at least

[Question objected to. He withdrew. Called in again.]

Q. Is the American stamp act an equal tax on the coun-
try?

A. I think not.

Q. Why so?

A. The greatest part of the money must arise from law-
suits for the recovery of debts, and be paid by the lower
sort of people, who were too poor easily to pay their debts.
It is, therefore, a heavy tax on the poor, and a tax upon
them for being poor.

Q. But will not this increase of expence be a means of
lessening the number of law-suits?

A. I think not; for as the costs all fall upon the debtor,
and are to be paid by him, they would be no discourage-
ment to the creditor to bring his action.

Q. Would it not have the effect of excessive usury?

A. Yes; as an oppression of the debtor.

Q. How many ships are there laden annually in North-
America with flax-seed for Ireland?

A. I cannot speak to the number of ships; but I know,
that, in 1752, 10,000 hogsheads of flax-seed, each contain-
ing 7 bushels, were exported from Philadelphia to Ireland.
I suppose the quantity is greatly increased since that time ;
and it is understood that the exportation from New- York
is equal to that from Philadelphia.

Q. What becomes of the flax that grows with that flax-seed ?

A. They manufacture some into coarse, and some into
a middling kind of linen.

Q. Are there any slitting- mills in America?

1766] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 435

A. I think there are three, but I believe only one at
present employed. I suppose they will all be set to work,
if the interruption of the trade continues.

Q. Are there any fulling mills there?

A. A great many.

Q. Did you never hear that a great quantity of stockings
were contracted for, for the army, during the war, and manu-
factured in Philadelphia?

A. I have heard so.

Q. If the stamp act should be repealed, would not the
Americans think they could oblige the parliament to repeal
every external tax-law now in force?

A. It is hard to answer questions of what people at such
a distance will think.

Q. But what do you imagine they will think were the
motives of repealing the act?

A. I suppose they will think that it was repealed from a
conviction of its inexpediency; and they will rely upon it,
that while the same inexpediency subsists, you will never
attempt to make such another.

Q. What do you mean by its inexpediency?

A. I mean its inexpediency on several accounts; the
poverty and inability of those who were to pay the tax ; the
general discontent it has occasioned; and the impractica-
bility of enforcing it.

Q. If the act should be repealed, and the legislature
should shew its resentment to the opposers of the stamp
act, would the Colonies acquiesce in the authority of the
legislature? What is your opinion they would do?

A. I don't doubt at all, that if the legislature repeal the
stamp act, the Colonies will acquiesce in the authority.

436 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1766

Q. But if the legislature should think fit to ascertain its
right to lay taxes, by any act laying a small tax, contrary
to their opinion, would they submit to pay the tax ?

A. The proceedings of the people in America have been
considered too much together. The proceedings of the
assemblies have been very different from those of the mobs,
and should be distinguished, as having no connection with
each other. The assemblies have only peaceably resolved
what they take to be their rights ; they have taken no meas-
ures for opposition by force; they have not built a fort,
raised a man, or provided a grain of ammunition, in order
to such opposition. The ringleaders of riots, they think
ought to be punished; they would punish them themselves,
if they could. Every sober, sensible man, would wish to see
rioters punished, as, otherwise, peaceable people have no
security of person or estate. But as to an internal tax, how
small soever, laid by the legislature here on the people there,
while they have no representatives in this legislature, I
think it will never be submitted to. They will oppose it to
the last. They do not consider it as at all necessary for you
to raise money on them by your taxes; because they are,
and always have been, ready to raise money by taxes among
themselves, and to grant large sums, equal to their abilities,
upon requisition from the Crown. They have not only
granted equal to their abilities, but, during all the last war,
they granted far beyond their abilities, and beyond their pro-
portion with this country (you yourselves being judges), to
the amount of many hundred thousand pounds; and this
they did freely and readily, only on a sort of promise, from
the secretary of state, that it should be recommended to par-
liament to make them compensation. It was accordingly

I ;66] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 437

recommended to parliament, in the most honourable man-
ner for them. America has been greatly misrepresented and
abused here, in papers, and pamphlets, and speeches, as un-
grateful, and unreasonable, and unjust; in having put this
nation to 1 immense expence for their defence, and refusing
to bear any part of that expense. The colonies raised, paid,
and clothed near 25,000 men during the last war; a number
equal to those sent from Britain, and far beyond their pro-
portion; they went deeply into debt in doing this, and all
their taxes and estates are mortgaged for many years to
come, for discharging that debt. Government here was at
that time very sensible of this. The colonies were recom-
mended to parliament. Every year the king sent down to
the house a written message to this purpose; That his
Majesty, being highly sensible of the zeal and vigour with
which his faithful subjects in North- America had exerted
themselves, in defence of his Majesty's just rights and pos-
sessions, recommended it to the house to take the same into
consideration, and enable him to give them a proper com-
pensation. You will find those messages on your own jour-
nals every year of the war to the very last; and you did
accordingly give 200,000 Pounds annually to the Crown,
to be distributed in such compensation to the Colonies.

This is the strongest of all proofs, that the Colonies, far
from being unwilling to bear a share of the burthen, did
exceed their proportion; for if they had done less, or had
only equalled their proportion, there would have been no
room or reason for compensation. Indeed, the sums, re-
imbursed them, were by no means adequate to the expence
they incurred beyond their proportion ; but they never mur-

1 an immense expence, 2d ed. — ED.

438 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

mured at that; they esteemed their Sovereign's approba-
tion of their zeal and fidelity, and the approbation of this
house, far beyond any other kind of compensation; there-
fore there was no occasion for this act, to force money from
a willing people ; they had not refused giving money for the
purposes of the act; no requisition had been made; they
were always willing and ready to do what could reasonably be
expected from them, and in this light they wish to be considered.

Q. But suppose Great-Britain should be engaged in a
war in Europe, would North-America contribute to the sup-
port of it?

A. I do think they would as far as their circumstances
would permit. They consider themselves as a part of the
British empire, and as having one common interest with it;
they may be looked on here as foreigners, but they do not
consider themselves as such. They are zealous for the
honour and prosperity of this nation; and, while they are
well used, will always be ready to support it, as far as their
little power goes. In 1739 they were called upon to assist
in the expedition against Carthagena, and they sent 3,000
men to join your army. It is true, Carthagena is in America,
but as remote from the Northern Colonies, as if it had been
in Europe. They make no distinction of wars, as to their
duty of assisting in them. I know the last war is commonly
spoke of here, as entered into for the defence, or for the sake,
of the people in America. I think it is quite misunderstood.
It began about the limits between Canada and Nova-
Scotia; about territories to which the Crown indeed laid
claim, but 1 were not claimed by any British Colony ; none
of the lands had been granted to any Colonist; we had

1 -which were not, 2d ed. — ED.

1766] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 439

therefore no particular concern or interest in that dispute.
As to the Ohio, the contest there began about your right of
trading in the Indian country, a right you had by the treaty
of Utrecht, which the French infringed; they seized the
traders and their goods, which were your manufactures;
they took a fort which a company of your merchants, and
their factors, and correspondents, had erected there to
secure that trade. Braddock was sent with an army to
retake that fort, (which was looked on here as another
encroachment on the King's territory) and to protect your
trade. It was not till after his defeat, that the Colonies
were attacked. They were before in perfect peace with
both French and Indians; the troops were not, therefore,
sent for their defence.

The trade with the Indians, though carried on in America,
is not an American interest. The people of America are
chiefly farmers and planters; scarce any thing that they
raise or produce is an article of commerce with the Indians.
The Indian trade is a British interest; it is carried on with
British manufactures, for the profit of British merchants
and manufacturers; therefore the war, as it commenced
for the defence of territories of the Crown the property of
no American, and for the defence of a trade purely British,
was really a British war, and yet the people of America made
no scruple of contributing their utmost towards carrying
it on, and bringing it to a happy conclusion.

Q. Do you think, then, that the taking possession of the
King's territorial rights, and strengthening the frontiers,
is not an American interest?

A. Not particularly, but conjointly a British and an
American interest.

440 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

Q. You will not deny, that the preceding war, the war
with Spain, was entered into for the sake of America; was
it not occasioned by captures made in the American seas ?

A. Yes; captures of ships carrying on the British trade
there with British manufactures.

Q. Was not the late war with the Indians, since the peace
with France, a war for America only?

A. Yes; it was more particularly for America than the
former; but was rather a consequence or remains of the
former war, the Indians not having been thoroughly paci-
fied; and the Americans bore by much the greatest share
of the expence. It was put an end to by the army under
General Bouquet; there were not above 300 regulars in
that army, and above 1000 Pennsylvanians.

Q. Is it not necessary to send troops to America, to defend
the Americans against the Indians?

A. No, by no means; it never was necessary. They
defended themselves when they were but a handful, and the
Indians much more numerous. They continually gained
ground, and have driven the Indians over the mountains,
without any troops sent to their assistance from this coun-
try. And can it be thought necessary now to send troops
for their defence from those diminished Indian tribes, when
the Colonies are become so populous and so strong ? There
is not the least occasion for it ; they are very able to defend
themselves.

Q. Do you say there were not more than 300 regular
troops employed in the late Indian war?

A. Not on the Ohio, or the frontiers of Pennsylvania,
which was the chief part of the war that affected the Colonies.
There were garrisons at Niagara, Fort Detroit, and those

1766] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 441

remote posts kept for the sake of your trade; I did not
reckon them; but I believe, that on the whole the number
of Americans or provincial troops, employed in the war,
was greater than that of the regulars. I am not certain,
but I think so.

Q. Do you think the assemblies have a right to levy
money on the subject there, to grant to the Crown?

A. I certainly think so; they have always done it.

Q. Are they acquainted with the declaration of rights?
And do they know, that, by that statute, money is not to be
raised on the subject but by consent of parliament?

A. They are very well acquainted with it.

Q. How then can they think they have a right to levy
money for the Crown, or for any other than local pur-
poses ?

A. They understand that clause to relate to subjects
only within the realm; that no money can be levied on
them for the Crown, but by consent of parliament. The
Colonies are not supposed to be within the realm; they
have assemblies of their own, which are their parliaments,
and they are, in that respect, in the same situation with
Ireland. When money is to be raised for the Crown upon
the subject in Ireland, or in the Colonies, the consent is
given in the Parliament of Ireland, or in the assemblies of
the Colonies. They think the parliament of Great-Britain
cannot properly give that consent, till it has representatives
from America; for the petition of right expressly says, it
is to be by common consent in parliament; and the people
of America have no representatives in parliament, to make
a part of that common consent.

Q. If the stamp act should be repealed, and an act

442 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

should pass, ordering the assemblies of the Colonies to
indemnify the sufferers by the riots, would they obey it?

A. That is a question I cannot answer.

Q. Suppose the King should require the Colonies to
grant a revenue, and the parliament should be against their
doing it, do they think they can grant a revenue to the
King, without the consent of the parliament of Great-
Britain ?

A. That is a deep question. As to my own opinion,
I should think myself at liberty to do it, and should do it,
if I liked the occasion.

Q. When money has been raised in the Colonies, upon
requisitions, has it not been granted to the King?

A. Yes, always; but the requisitions have generally been
for some service expressed, as to raise, clothe, and pay
troops, and not for money only.

Q. If the act should pass requiring the American assem-
blies to make compensation to the sufferers, and they should
disobey it, and then the parliament should, by another act,
lay an internal tax, would they then obey it?

A. The people will pay no internal tax; and I think
an act to oblige the assemblies to make compensation is
unnecessary; for I am of opinion, that, as soon as the
present heats are abated, they will take the matter into con-
sideration, and if it is right to be done, they will do it of
themselves.

Q. Do not letters often come into the post-offices in
America, directed to some inland town where no post goes?

A. Yes.

Q. Can any private person take up those letters, and
carry them as directed?

1766] EXAMINATION- OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 443

A. Yes; any friend of the person may do it, paying the
postage that has accrued.

Q. But must not he pay an additional postage for the
distance to such inland town?

A. No.

Q. Can the post-master answer delivering the letter,
without being paid such additional postage?

A. Certainly he can demand nothing, where he does no
service.

Q. Suppose a person, being far from home, finds a letter
in a post-office directed to him, and he lives in a place to
which the post generally goes, and the letter is directed to
that place; will the post-master deliver him the letter, with-
out his paying the postage receivable at the place to which
the letter is directed?

A. Yes; the office cannot demand postage for a letter
that it does not carry, or farther than it does carry it.

Q. Are not ferry men in America obliged, by act of
parliament, to carry over the posts without pay?

A. Yes.

Q. Is not this a tax on the ferry-men?

A. They do not consider it as such, as they have an
advantage from persons travelling with the post.

Q. If the stamp act should be repealed, and the Crown
should make a requisition to the Colonies for a sum of
money, would they grant it?

A. I believe they would.

Q. Why do you think so?

A. I can speak for the Colony I live in ; I had it in instruc-
tion from the assembly to assure the ministry, that, as they
always had done, so they should always think it their duty, to

444 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

grant such aids to the Crown as were suitable to their circum-
stances and abilities, whenever called upon for that purpose,
in the usual constitutional manner; and I had the honour
of communicating this instruction to that honourable gentle-
man then minister.

Q. Would they do this for a British concern, as suppose a
war in some part of Europe, that did not affect them ?

A. Yes, for any thing that concerned the general interest.
They consider themselves a part of the whole.

Q. What is the usual constitutional manner of calling on
the Colonies for aids ?

A. A letter from the secretary of state.

Q. Is this all you mean; a letter from the secretary of
state?

A. I mean the usual way of requisition, in a circular letter
from the secretary of state, by his Majesty's command, re-
citing the occasion, and recommending it to the Colonies ta
grant such aids as became their loyalty, and were suitable to
their abilities.

Q. Did the secretary of state ever write for money for the
Crown ?

A. The requisitions have been to raise, clothe, and pay
men, which cannot be done without money.

Q. Would they grant money alone, if called on?

A. In my opinion they would, money as well as men, when
they have money, or can make it.

Q. If the parliament should repeal the stamp act, will the
assembly of Pennsylvania rescind their resolutions?

A. I think not.

Q. Before there was any thought of the stamp act, did-
they wish for a representation in parliament?

1766] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 445

A. No.

Q. Don't you know, that there is, in the Pennsylvania
charter, an express reservation of the right of parliament to
lay taxes there?

A. I know there is a clause in the charter, by which the
King grants, that he will levy no taxes on the inhabitants,
unless it be with the consent of the assembly, or by act of
parliament.

Q. How, then, could the assembly of Pennsylvania assert,
that laying a tax on them by the stamp act was an infringe-
ment of their rights ?

A. They understand it thus; by the same charter, and
otherwise, they are entitled to all the privileges and liberties
of Englishmen; they find in the great charters, and the peti-
tion and declaration of rights, that one of the privileges of
English subjects is, that they are not to be taxed but by their
common consent; they have therefore relied upon it, from
the first settlement of the province, that the parliament never
would, nor could, by colour of that clause in the charter, as-
sume a right of taxing them, till it had qualified itself to exer-
cise such right, by admitting representatives from the people
to be taxed, who ought to make a part of that common consent.

Q. Are there any words in the charter that justify that
construction ?

A. "The common rights of Englishmen," as declared by
Magna Charta, and the petition of right, all justify it.

Q. Does the distinction between internal and external
taxes exist in the words of the charter ?

A. No, I believe not.

Q. Then, may they not, by the same interpretation, object
to the parliament's right of external taxation?

446 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

A. They never have hitherto. Many arguments have
been lately used here to shew them, that there is no difference,
and that, if you have no right to tax them internally, you
have none to tax them externally, or make any other law to
bind them. At present they do not reason so ; but in time
they may possibly be convinced by these arguments.

Q. Do not the resolutions of the Pennsylvania assembly
say, all taxes?

A. If they do, they mean only internal taxes; the same
words have not always the same meaning here and in the
Colonies. By taxes, they mean internal taxes; by duties,
they mean customs ; these are their ideas of the language.

Q. Have you not seen the resolutions of the Massachusetts
Bay assembly?

A. I have.

Q. Do they not say, that neither external nor internal taxes
can be laid on them by parliament ?

A. I don't know that they do; I believe not.

Q. If the same Colony should say neither tax nor imposi-
tion could be kid, does not that province hold the power of
parliament can lay neither?

A. I suppose, that, by the word imposition, they do not
intend to express duties to be laid on goods imported, as
regulations of commerce.

Q. What can the Colonies mean then by imposition, as
distinct from taxes?

A. They may mean many things, as impressing of men or
of carriages, quartering troops on private houses, and the like ;
there may be great impositions that are not properly taxes.

Q. Is not the post-office rate an internal tax laid by act of
parliament ?

1766] EXAMINATION OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 447

A. I have answered that.

Q. Are all parts of the Colonies equally able to pay
taxes ?

A. No, certainly; the frontier parts, which have been
ravaged by the enemy, are greatly disabled by that means;
and therefore, in such cases, are usually favoured in our tax
laws.

Q. Can we, at this distance, be competent judges of what
favours are necessary?

A. The parliament have supposed it, by claiming a right
to make tax- laws for America ; I think it impossible.

Q. Would the repeal of the stamp act be any discourage-
ment of your manufactures? Will the people that have
begun to manufacture decline it?

A. Yes, I think they will; especially if, at the same time,
the trade is opened again, so that remittances can be easily
made. I have known several instances that make it probable.
In the war before last, tobacco being low, and making little
remittance, the people of Virginia went generally into family
manufactures. Afterwards, when tobacco bore a better price,
they returned to the use of British manufactures. So fulling-
mills were very much disused in the last war in Pennsylvania,
because bills were then plenty, and remittances could easily
be made to Britain for English cloth and other goods.

Q. If the stamp act should be repealed, would it induce
the assemblies of America to acknowledge the rights of
parliament to tax them, and would they erase their reso-
lutions ?

A. No, never.

Q. Are there no means of obliging them to erase those
resolutions ?

448 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

A. None that I know of; they will never do it, unless com-
pelled by force of arms.

Q. Is there a power on earth that can force them to erase
them?

A. No power, how great soever, can force men to change
their opinions.

Q. Do they consider the post-office as a tax, or as a regu-
lation ?

A. Not as a tax, but as a regulation and conveniency;
every assembly encouraged it, and supported it in its infancy,
by grants of money, which they would not otherwise have
done ; and the people have always paid the postage.

Q. When did you receive the instructions you mentioned ?

A. I brought them with me, when I came to England,
about 15 months since.

Q. When did you communicate that instruction to the
minister ?

A. Soon after my arrival, while the stamping of America
was under consideration, and before the bill was brought in.

Q. Would it be most for the interest of Great Britain, to
employ the hands of Virginia in tobacco, or in manufactures ?

A. In tobacco, to be sure.

Q. What used to be the pride of the Americans ?

A. To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of Great
Britain.

Q. What is now their pride ?

A. To wear their old cloaths over again, till they can make
new ones.

withdrew.

1766] TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN 449

412. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)

London, April 6, 1766.
MY DEAR CHILD,

As the Stamp Act is at length repeal'd, I am willing you
should have a new Gown, which you may suppose I did not
send sooner, as I knew you would not like to be finer than your
Neighbours, unless in a Gown of your own Spinning. Had
the Trade between the two Countries totally ceas'd, it was a
Comfort to me to recollect, that I had once been cloth'd from
Head to Foot in Woollen and Linnen of my Wife's Manufac-
ture, that I never was prouder of any Dress in my Life, and
that she and her Daughter might do it again if it was neces-
sary. I told the Parliament, that it was my Opinion, before
the old Cloaths of the Americans were worn out, they might
have new ones of their own making. And indeed if they had
all as many old Cloathes as your old Man has, that would not
be very unlikely, for I think you and George reckon'd when I
was last at home at least 20 pair of old Breeches. Joking
apart, I have sent you a fine Piece of Pompadour Sattin, 14
Yards, cost n shillings a Yard; a silk Negligee and Petticoat
of brocaded Lutestring for my dear Sally, with two dozen
Gloves, 4 Bottles of Lavender Water, and two little Reels.
The Reels are to screw on the Edge of a Table, when she
would wind Silk or Thread. The Skein is to be put over
them, and winds better than if held in two Hands. There
is also an Ivory Knob to each, to which she may with
a Bit of Silk Cord hang a Pinhook to fasten her plain
work to, like the Hooks on her weight. I send you also
Lace for two Lappet Caps, 3 Ells of Cambrick (the Cam-
brick by Mr. Yates) 3 Damask Table Cloths, a Piece of

VOL. IV — 2G

450 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

Crimson Morir for Curtains with Tassels, Line and Binding.
A large true Turkey Carpet cost 10 Guineas, for the Dining
Parlour. Some oil'd Silk; and a Gimcrack Corkscrew,
which you must get some Brother Gimcrack to show you the
Use of. In the Chest is a Parcel of Books for my Friend Mr.
Coleman, and another for Cousin Colbert. Pray did he
receive those I sent him before? I send you also a Box
with three fine Cheeses. Perhaps a Bit of them may be left
when I come home. Mrs. Stevenson has been very dili-
gent and serviceable in getting these things together for you,
and presents her best Respects, as does her Daughter, to
both you and Sally. There are too boxes included in your
Bill of Lading for Billy.

I received your kind Letter of Feb. 20. It gives me great
Pleasure to hear, that our good old friend Mrs. Smith is on
the Recovery. I hope she has yet many happy years to live.
My Love to her. I fear, from the Account you give of
brother Peter, that he cannot hold it long. If it should
please God, that he leaves us before my Return, I would
have the PostOffice remain under the Management of their
Son, till Mr. Foxcroft and I agree how to settle it.1

There are some Droll Prints in the Box, which were given
me by the Painter, and, being sent when I was not at home,
were pack'd up without my Knowledge. I think he was
wrong to put in Lord Bute, who had nothing to do with the
Stamp Act. But it is the Fashion here to abuse that Noble-
man, as the Author of all Mischief. ... I am, my dear
Debby, your affectionate husband, B. FRANKLIN.

1 Peter Franklin, the last surviving brother of Dr. Franklin, died July ist,
1766, in the seventy-fourth year of his age. He had formerly resided at New-
port, Rhode Island ; but, at the time of his death, he was deputy postmaster
in Philadelphia. — S.

i ;66] TO THOMAS RONAYNE 451

413. TO THOMAS RONAYNE1

London, April 20, 1766.

SIR,

I have received your very obliging and very ingenious
letter by Captain Kearney. Your observations upon the
electricity of fogs and the air in Ireland, and upon different
circumstances of storms, appear to me very curious, and I
thank you for them. There is not, in my opinion, any part
of the earth whatever which is, or can be, naturally in a
state of negative electricity; and, though different circum-
stances may occasion an inequality in the distribution of
the fluid, the equilibrium is immediately restored by means of
its extreme subtilty, and of the excellent conductors with
which the humid earth is amply provided. I am of opinion,
however, that when a cloud, well charged positively, passes
near the earth, it repels and forces down into the earth that
natural portion of electricity, which exists near its surface,
and in buildings, trees, &c., so as actually to reduce them
to a negative state before it strikes them. I am of opinion,
too, that the negative state in which you have frequently
found the balls, which are suspended from your apparatus,
is not always occasioned by clouds in a negative state; but
more commonly by clouds positively electrified, which have
passed over them, and which in their passage have repelled
and driven off a part of the electrical matter, which naturally
existed in the apparatus; so that, what remained after the
passing of the clouds diffusing itself uniformly through the
apparatus, the whole became reduced to a negative state.

If you have read my experiments made in continuation

1 From M. Dubourg's edition of Franklin's works; Tome I, p. 265. Ronayne
was one of a family of glass manufacturers at Cork. — ED.

452 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

of those of Mr. Canton, you will readily understand this;
but you may easily make a few experiments, which will
clearly demonstrate it. Let a common glass be warmed be-
fore the fire, that it may continue very dry for some time ;
set it upon a table, and place upon it the small box made use
of by Mr. Canton, so that the balls may hang a little beyond
the edge of the table. Rub another glass, which has pre-
viously been warmed in a similar manner, with a piece of
black silk, or a silk handkerchief, in order to electrify it.
Hold then the glass above the little box, at about the distance
of three or four inches from that part, which is most distant
from the balls ; and you will see the balls separate from each
other; being positively electrified by the natural portion of
electricity, which was in the box, and which is driven to the
further part of it by the repulsive power of the atmosphere
in the excited glass. Touch the box near the little balls
(the excited glass continuing in the same state) and the balls
will again unite ; the quantity of electricity which had been
driven to this part being drawn off by your finger. With-
draw then both your finger and the glass, at the same instant,
and the quantity of electricity which remained in the box,
uniformly diffusing itself, the balls will again be separated,
being now in a negative state. While things are in this
situation, begin once more to excite your glass, and hold it
above the box, but not too near, and you will find, that,
when it is brought within a certain distance, the balls will
at first approach each other, being then in a natural state.
In proportion as the glass is brought nearer, they will again
separate, being positive. When the glass is moved beyond
them, and at some little farther distance, they will unite
again, being in a natural state. When it is entirely removed,

1766] TO THOMAS RONAYNE 453

they will separate again, being then made negative. The
excited glass in this experiment may represent a cloud posi-
tively charged, which you see is capable of producing in
this manner all the different changes in the apparatus, without
the least necessity for supposing any negative cloud.

I am nevertheless fully convinced, that there are negative
clouds; because they sometimes absorb, through the me-
dium of the apparatus, the positive electricity of a large jar,
the hundredth part of which the apparatus itself would
have not been able to receive or contain at once. In fact,
it is not difficult to conceive that a large cloud, highly charged
positively, may reduce smaller clouds to a negative state,
when it passes above or near them, by forcing a part of their
natural portion of the fluid either to their inferior surfaces,
whence it may strike into the earth, or to the opposite side,
whence it may strike into the adjacent clouds ; so that, when
the large cloud has passed off to a distance, the small clouds
shall remain in a negative state, exactly like the apparatus ;
the former (like the latter) being frequently insulated bodies,
having communication neither with the earth nor with other
clouds. Upon the same principle it may easily be conceived
in what manner a large negative cloud may render others
positive.

The experiment, which you mention, of filing your glass
is analogous to one which I made in 1751, or 1752. I had
supposed in my preceding letters, that the pores of glass
were smaller in the interior parts than near the surface, and
that on this account they prevented the passage of the elec-
trical fluid. To prove whether this was actually the case or
not, I ground one of my phials in a part where it was ex-
tremely thin, grinding it considerably beyond the middle,

454 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

and very near to the opposite superficies, as I found, upon
breaking it after the experiment. It was charged neverthe-
less after being ground, equally well as before, which con-
vinced me, that my hypothesis on this subject was erroneous.
It is difficult to conceive where the immense superfluous
quantity of electricity on the charged side of a glass is de-
posited.

I send you my paper concerning Meteors, which was
lately published here in the Philosophical Transactions,
immediately after a paper by Mr. Hamilton on the same

subject. I am, Sir, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

414. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS1 (P. c.)

London, April 28, 1766
DEAR COUSIN

I have received several of your kind Favours since my
Arrival in England, the last by your good Brother, the sub-
ject not in the least disagreable as you apprehend, but in
Truth it has not been at all in my Power to do what you
desired: if for no other reason, yet for this that there has
been no Vacancy.

I congratulate you on the Repeal of that Mother of Mis-
chief the Stamp Act, and on the Ease we are like to obtain
in our Commerce. My time has been extreamly taken up,
as you may imagine in these general Affairs of America, as
well as in the particular one of our Province, yet I did not
forget the Armonica, for Cousin Josiah: but with all my

1 From the original in the possession of the Misses Bradford, of Philadel-
phia. — ED.

1 766] TO CADWALLADER EVAN'S 455

Endeavours I have not yet been able to procure one. There
is only one Man that makes them well, his Price no less than
34 Guineas, asks 40. I bid him 100 Guineas for three, he
refus'd it. I then agreed to give him the 34 Guineas for
one. He promised to make it now a 12 month since, I have
call'd on him often 'till I am tir'd, and do not find he has
yet done a Glass of it. If I could have got this, Josiah should
have had it or mine. But I fear it will not be got at all.
And I hope his waiting till my Return, tho' it may seem long
will be no disadvantage, as all his Improvement on the Organ
in the mean time will go towards his better playing on the
Armonica when he gets it.

I rejoice to hear of the Welfare and Increase of your
Family. I pray God to bless them all and you, being Your

affectionate Uncle,

B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. Sister Mecom speaks very affectionately of you,
and gratefully of your Kindness to her in her late Troubles.
The Bearer, Mr. Sears, is entering into Business as a Mer-
chant here. He is a Friend of mine, and I recommend him
to your Acquaintance and Civilities.

415. TO CADWALLADER EVANS1

London, May 9, 1766.

DEAR SIR,

I received your kind letter of March 3d, and thank you for
the intelligence and hints it contained. I wonder at the
complaint you mention. I always considered writing to the

1 Printed from Sparks.

456 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

Speaker as writing to the Committee. But if it is more to
their satisfaction, that I should write to them jointly, it shall
be done for the future.

My private opinion concerning a union in Parliament
between the two countries is, that it would be best for the
whole. But I think it will never be done. For though I
believe, that, if we had no more representatives than Scotland
has, we should be sufficiently strong in the House to prevent,
as they do for Scotland, any thing ever passing to our disad-
vantage ; yet we are not able at present to furnish and main-
tain such a number, and, when we are more able, we shall be
less willing than we are now. The Parliament here do at
present think too highly of themselves to admit representa-
tives from us, if we should ask it; and, when they will be
desirous of granting it, we shall think too highly of ourselves
to accept of it. It would certainly contribute to the strength
of the whole, if Ireland and all the dominions were united and
consolidated under one common council for general purposes,
each retaining its particular council or parliament for its
domestic concerns. But this should have been more early
provided for. In the infancy of our foreign establishments
it was neglected, or was not thought of. And now the affair
is nearly in the situation of Friar Bacon's project of making a
brazen wall round England for its eternal security. His ser-
vant, Friar Bungey, slept while the brazen head, which was
to dictate how it might be done, said Time is, and Time was.
He only waked to hear it say, Time is past. An explosion
followed, that tumbled their house about the conjuror's ears.

I hope, with you, that my being here at this juncture has
been of some service to the colonies. I am sure I have spared
no pains. And as to our particular affair, I am not in the

1766] TO G1AMBATISTA BECCARIA 457

least doubtful of obtaining what we so justly desire, if we con-
tinue to desire it ; though the late confused state of affairs on
both sides of the water has delayed our proceeding. With
great esteem, I am, dear friend, yours affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

416. TO GIAMBATISTA BECCARIA1

London, May 29, 1766.

REVEREND SIR.

I have the pleasure to transmit to you herewith the thanks
of our society for your most ingenious work on electricity 2
and permit me to add my own to them. It was communicated
to me, according to your desire, before it was presented to
the society, and I have heartily commended it as well mer-
iting their attention. Before it is printed in the Transac-
tions I desire to know if there are not some errors in that
part of the table where you say :

Pili leporis accipiunt a tibiali albo pauculum, e dopo;

Tibiale album dat pilis leporis plurimunij ed in seguito;

1 From " Memorie Istoriche intorno gli studi del Padre Giambatista Bec-
caria." Turin, 1783, p. 146. — ED.

2 The work to which Franklin refers was entitled " Novorum quorumdam in
re electrica experimentorum specimen, quod regiae Londinensi societati mitte-
bat die n Januarii, anni 1766, Joannes Baptista Beccaria ex scholis piis,"
printed in folio by Fontana in Turin, and reprinted with some additions and
illustrations in Volume LVI of the " Philosophical Transactions."

The " thanks " of the Royal Society, communicated by Franklin to Father
Beccaria were framed as follows, " Viro ornatissimo, et 0iXo<ro0txorarw, Joanni
Baptistae Beccariae ex scholis piis, et regiae societatis Londinensis socio C.
Morton soc. reg. Londin. secret, et synedrus et academiar. imperial. Leopold-
inae S. C. et Petropolitanae socius S.P.D.

" Elegans, et doctissimum opus tuum de aliquibus circa rem electricam
experimentis Societati regiae Londinensi in comitiis suis ordinariis hodie
recitatum fuit, quo nomine gratiae societatis tibi publicae statutae sunt.
Datum ex aedibus societatis maii I. 1766." — ED.

458 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

Tibiale album accipit a tibiali nigro pauculum, quindi

Tibiale nigrum dat tibiali albo plurimum.1

If these are not errors in the writing, but agree with the
facts, I should like to know from what circumstances of
the experiments you believe it happens that in the alternate
friction of those substances one of them does not give the
same quantity, that the other receives.

I should have thanked you before this for the favour that
you did me sometime ago in sending me your books on
electricity and for the honourable mention in them that
you have made of me. I assure you that no work that I
have read on this subject has given me so much pleasure
as these books. There is in press a new edition of my writ-
ings, with many additions; when it shall be finished I shall
beg you to accept a copy of it. Included in it is a little ar-
ticle on meteorology, read sometime ago before the Society
— but not as yet printed in the Transactions. Since I
returned here from America in 1765 I have discovered a
new thing in electricity: if a strong spark is made to pass
in the dark near bodies that live by light (so I may express
myself) these bodies shine brightly for some moments
after. It is not necessary that the electric fire should tra-
verse the body — a spark is sufficient which passes at a
distance of 2 or 3 inches. I suppose that Bologna's Stone
could be used for this experiment. We used an artificial
composition of calcined oyster shells, burned with sulphur

1 In the Turin edition and in The Philosophical Transactions these lines
read : —

*' Pili leporis accipiunt a tibiali albo pauculum.
" Tibiali album dat pilis leporis.
" Tibiali album accipit a tibiali nigro.
"Tibiali nigrum dat tibiali albo." — ED.

1766] TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN1 459

in a crucible. A spark of your "lightning table" would give
a light of long duration. I send you a small piece of wood
covered with a little of this composition made and given to
me by Mr. Canton a member of our society. The discov-
erer of this electrical effect is Mr. Lane who has also in-
vented a fine method by the means of a screw to give shocks
exactly equal, with a certain determined force, for medical
purposes. The bottle always discharging itself, when it has
received the quantity of fire which will strike at the distance
determined by the screw. I am pleased to hear that you read
English although you do not write it. This is my case with
the Italian. We can therefore correspond with greater
facility, if it pleases you, each of us writing in his own lan-
guage. In this way I will more frequently take occasion
to express to you the great esteem and respect with which
I am Reverend Sir

Your Most Ob. and Humble Servant
BENJ. FRANKLIN

417. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)

London, June 13, 1766.

MY DEAR CHILD,

Mrs. Stevenson has made up a Parcel of Haberdashery for
you, which will go in Capt. Robinson. She will also send you
another Cloak in the Room of that we suppose lost in Capt.
Kerr. I wrote to you in Capt. Sparks that I had been very ill
lately. I am now nearly well again, but feeble. To-morrow
I set out with my Friend Dr. Pringle (now Sir John) on a
Journey to Pyrmont, where he goes to drink the Waters ; but
I hope more from the Air and Exercise, having been us'd, as

460 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

you know, to have a Journey once a Year, the want of which
last Year, has, I believe, hurt me, so that tho' I was not quite
to say sick, I was often ailing last Winter, & thro' the
Spring. We must be back at farthest in Eight Weeks, as my
Fellow Traveller is the Queen's Physician, and has leave
for no longer as she will then be near her Time. I pur-
pose to leave him at Pyrmont, and visit some of the principal
Cities nearest to it, and call for him again when the Time for
our Return draws nigh. My Love to Sally &c. I am,
my dear Debby, your affectionate Husband,

B. FRANKLIN.

418. TO MRS. MARY FRANKLIN * (A. p. s.)

London, Aug* 26, 1766.

DEAR SISTER : — It has pleased God at length to take
from us my only remaining Brother, and your affectionate
Husband, with whom you have lived in uninterrupted Har-
mony and Love near half a Century.

Considering the many Dangers & Hardships his Way of
Life led him into, and the Weakness of his Constitution, it is
wonderful that he lasted so long. It was God's Goodness
that spared him to us. Let us, instead of repining at what
we have lost, be thankful for what we have enjoyed.

Before this can reach you, everything that can be said to
you by way of Consolation, will have been said to you by
your Friends, or will have occurred to your own good Under-
standing. It is therefore needless for me to enlarge on that
Head. But as you may be under some Apprehensions for
your future Subsistence, I am desirous of making you as easy

1 Relict of Peter Franklin. — ED.

1766] TO SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON- 461

and comfortable in that respect as I can. Your adopted Son,
Mr. Brown, has wrote to me, very properly, "that he shall
always think it his Duty to stand by and assist you to the
utmost of his Power." He is yet young; but I hope he has
Solidity enough to conduct a Printing House with Prudence
and to Advantage. I shall, therefore, put one into his Hands,
to be carried on in Partnership with you ; and if he manages
well, I shall hereafter farther encourage him. I have not
time to write him now, but shall by the Packet. I have, how-
ever, desired my Wife to deliver to you and him the Press and
Letters that were B. Mecom's, which Mr. Parker us'd at
Burlington ; and to let you go into the House where I suppose
they are, as the Rent of that you are now in is heavy. I can
now only add that I am, as ever,

Your affectionate Brother
B. FRANKLIN.

419. TO SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON1 (P. c.)

London, Sept. 12, 1766.

SIR

I am honoured with yours of the ioth of July, just come to
hand, with that for Mr Secretary Conway under a flying Seal,
which I have clos'd and forwarded. He is now in another
Department, but it will go of course to Lord Shelbourne, who
I think is rather more favourably dispos'd towards such
Undertakings.

I have long been of Opinion that a well-conducted western
Colony, if it could be settled with the Approbation of the
Indians, would be of great National Advantage with respect

1 From the original in the possession of Mr. Simon Gratz. — ED.

462 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

to the Trade, and particularly useful to the old Colonies as
a Security to their Frontiers. I am glad to find that you,
whose Knowledge of Indian affairs and the Temper of those
People far exceeds mine, entertain the same Sentiments, and
think such an Establishment in the Illinois Country practi-
cable. I shall not fail to use my best Endeavours here in
promoting it, and obtaining for that purpose the necessary
Grants; and I am happy that this Occasion introduces me
to the Correspondence of a Gentleman whose Character I
have long esteemed, and to whom America is so much obliged.

It grieves me to hear that our Frontier People are yet
greater Barbarians than the Indians, and continue to murder
them in time of Peace. I hope your Negociations will pre-
vent a new War, which those Murders give great Reason to
apprehend ; and that the several Governments will find some
Method of preventing such horrid Outrages for the future.

With Sincere and great Regard I have the Honour to be,
Sir,

Your most obedient

& most humble Servant

B. FRANKLIN

420. TO CHARLES THOMSON1

London, Sept. 27* 1766.
DEAR FRIEND AND NEIGHBOUR,

I received your very kind Letter of May 2oth, which came
here while I was absent in Germany. The favourable senti-
ments you express of my Conduct, with regard to repeal of the
Stamp Act, give me real Pleasure ; and I hope in every other

1 From the original in the New York Historical Society. — ED.

1766] TO AN UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 463

matter of Publick concern, so to behave myself as to stand
fair in the opinion of the wise and good, — what the rest
think and say of me will then give me less concern —

That Part of your Letter, which relates to the situation of
People's minds in America before and after the repeal, was
so well exprest, and in my Opinion so proper to be generally
read and understood here, that I had it printed in the London
Chronicle. I had the Pleasure to find, that it did good in
several instances within my Knowledge.

There are Claimers [enough] of Merits in obtaining the
Repeal. But, if I live to see you, I will let you know what an
Escape we had in the beginning of the Affair, and how much
we were obliged to what the Profane would call luck and the
pious Providence.

You will give an old man leave to say, My Love to Mrs.
Thomson. With sincere regard, I am your affectionate
Friend, B. FRANKLIN.

421. TO AN UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT

(A. P. s.)

Cr. Street, London, Oct. 4. 1766.
REvd SIR,

Since my Return from abroad I have been inform'd of your
good Purpose to dispose of the Profits of One Thousand
Pounds in the Instruction of Negro Children in America;
and I am desired by the Associates 1 to give you some account
of the Nature of landed estates in America of the Value of
One Thousand Pounds & to apply the Rents and Profits
thereof to the Support of Schools for the Instruction of Negro

1 Society of the Friends of Dr. Bray. — ED.

464 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN* FRANKLIN [1766

Children. And I have been desired by the Associates to con-
sider the Matter, and give my Opinion where & in what
Manner the Purchase may best be made. I do accordingly
acquaint you, that I think the best Province to make the Pur-
chase in is Pennsylvania, where Titles are generally clear;
and that it would be well to impower three Persons in Phila-
delphia to purchase Ground Rents within that City and other
safe & profitable Estate in or near the same, as Bargains may
offer, in Trust for the Purposes you mention ; drawing for the
Money here from time to time as the Purchases are made;
the Money remaining at Interest here till so drawn for. And
the Rents as received by such Trustees to be applied as you
direct. Any farther Advice or Assistance that I can give in
the Choice of Trustees or otherwise, shall not be wanting:
being respectfully,

Revd Sir,

Your most obed*

humble Servt
B. F.

422. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)

London, Oct. u, 1766.

MY DEAR CHILD,

I received your kind little Letter of August 26, by the
Packet. Scarce any one else wrote to me by that Oppor-
tunity. I suppose they imagin'd I should not be return'd
from Germany. . . . Pray did you ever get the Letters
and Cambrick I sent you by Mr. Yates? You told me he
had lost them, but hop'd to find them again. You do not
say in any of your subsequent Letters whether he found
them, or whether our generous Adversaries have got them,

1766] TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN 465

and keep them for their own Amusement, as you know they
did some of my former. I wish you would always mention
the Dates of the Letters you receive from me; for then, as
I generally keep Copies, I should know what get to hand,
and what miscarry.

I grieve for the loss of dear Miss Ross. She was indeed an
amiable Girl. It must be a great Affliction to her Parents
and Friends. In my last I desired you to get Mr. Rhoads
to send me a little Sketch of the Lot and Wall; but I have
since found one he sent me before; so it is not necessary;
only tell me whether it takes in Part of the late controverted
Lot, and how high it comes on both sides, and whereabouts
the Wall is. By the way, you never have told me what the
Award was. I wish I could see a Copy of it.

There are but two Franklins remaining in England, de-
scended from my Grandfather; to wit, my Uncle John's
grandson, Thomas Franklin, who is a Dyer at Lutterworth
in Leicestershire, and has a Daughter about 13 years of age,
named Sally. He brought her to town to see me in the
Spring, and Mrs. Stevenson persuaded him to leave the
Child under her care for a little Schooling and Improvement,
while I went abroad. When I return' d, I found her indeed
much improv'd, and grown a fine Girl. She is sensible, and
of a sweet, obliging Temper, but is now ill of a violent Fever,
and I doubt we shall lose her, which particularly afflicts
Mrs. Stevenson, not only as she has contracted a great Affec-
tion for the Child, but as it was she that persuaded her
Father to leave her here. Mrs. Stevenson presents her best
Respects. Polly is gone home to her Aunt's at Kensington.
My love to our Children and all enquiring Friends. I am
your ever loving Husband, B. FRANKLIN.

VOL. IV — 2 H

466 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

P. S. I must request you to procure of some Friend of
ours, a Copy of our Fire Company Articles, and a Copy of
the Insurance Articles, and send them as soon as you can
to Irenaeus Moe, Esqe at Barbadoes, Bridgetown.

423. TO MRS. ANN PENN1 (P. c.)

London, Nov. 20, 1766.

DEAR MADAM,

I received yours of the eleventh Instant, and condole
with you most sincerely on the loss of your Son2 — my amiable
young friend.

It must have been a heavy loss to you; For he was truly
a good Child; His last Will is only the last Instance of the
affectionate dutiful Regard he always paid you, and of a
peace with the rest. I waive the common Topics of Con-
solation used on such Occasions. I knew that to a Person
of your good Understanding they must all have occurred of
them selves and I know besides by Experience, that the best
Remedy for Grief is Time.

I shall as you desire transmit the Account and Copy of
the Will to Mr. Pennington. The Power of Attorney you
send him must be acknowledged, or proved before the Lord
Mayor of Dublin, and should be drawn with an express
Clause enabling him to Sell Land; in other respects the
common form is sufficient. The Will should be a Certi-
fied Copy from the Office where wills are recorded. If in

1 From the original in the possession of Miss Frances M. F. Donnel, of
Sunbury, Pennsylvania. Ann Penn (nee Vaux) was widow of William Penn, 3d,
of Shamagarry, Ireland. — ED.

2 Springett Penn. — ED.

i;66] PLAN FOR REGULATING INDIAN AFFAIRS 467

anything there or here I can do you acceptable service, it
will be a Pleasure to Receive your Commands; being with
great Esteem & Respect
Dear Madam,

Your most obedient Humble Servant

B. FRANKLIN.

424. REMARKS

THE PLAN FOR REGULATING THE INDIAN AFFAIRS.
Written at the Request of Lord Sthelburne].1 (L. C.)

THE Regulations in this Plan seem to me to be in general
very good; but some few appear to want Explanation, or
farther Consideration.

Clause 3. Is it intended by this Clause to prevent the
Trade that Indians, living near the Frontiers, may chuse to
carry on with the Inhabitants, by bringing their Skins into
the Settlements? This Prevention is hardly practicable; as
such Trade may be carried on in many Places out of the
Observation of Government, the Frontier being of great
Extent, and the Inhabitants thinly settled in the Woods,
and remote from each other. The Indians, too, do not every-
where live in Towns sufficiently numerous to encourage
Traders to reside among them; but in scattered Families,

1 The exact date of the " Remarks " is unknown, but the Plan remarked
upon was under the consideration of the Ministry before the close of 1766.
See letter to Sir William Johnson, Sept. 12, 1766. I have printed from an
auto, draft in L. C. The "Plan" will be found in Penna Archives, Phila.,
1853, 4, 182 et seq.— -ED.

468 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

here and there, often shifting their Situation for the sake of
better Hunting ; and if they are near the English Settlements,
it would seem to them very hard to be obliged to carry their
Skins for sale to remote Towns or Posts, when they could
dispose of them to their Neighbours, with less Trouble and to
greater Advantage; as the goods they want for them, are
and must be dearer at such remote Posts.

4. Those Laws [the colony "laws for regulating Indian
affairs or commerce"] are the result of long Experience, made
by People on the Spot, interested to make them good ; and
it seems they should be well considered before they are
repealed, to make way for new and untried Schemes.

By whom are they to be repealed? By the Colony As-
semblies, or by Parliament? Some Difficulty will arise here.

13. The Districts seem too large for this. The Indians
under the Care of the Northern Superintendent, border on
the Colonies of N. Scotia , Quebec, New Hampshire, Massa-
chusetts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pensilvania,
Maryland, Virginia; the superintendent's Residence, re-
mote from several of these, may occasion great Incon-
venience, if his Consent is always to be necessary in such
Cases.

14. This seems too much to be done, when the Vastness
of the District is considered. If there were more districts
and smaller, this might be more practicable.

15 and 1 6. Are these Agents or Commissaries to try
Causes where Life is concerned? Would it not be better to
send the Criminals into some civil Government for Trial,
where good Juries can be had?

1 8. " Chief for the whole Tribe who shall constantly
reside with the Commissary," &c. Provision must then be

1766] PLAN FOR REGULATING INDIAN AFFAIRS 469

made for his Maintenance, as particular Indians have no
Estates, but live by Hunting ; and their Public has no Funds.
Being us'd to Rambling, it would perhaps not be easy to
find one, who would be oblig'd to this constant Residence.

22. If the Agent and his Deputies, and the Commissaries,
are not to trade, should it not be a Part of their Oath, that
they will have no Concern in such Trade, directly or in-
directly? Private Agreements between them and the Trad-
ers, for Share of Profits, should be guarded against ; and the
same between them and the Purchasers of Lands from
Indians.

31. "or trading at any other Post," &c. This

should be so express'd, as to make the Master liable for the
offence of the Servant ; otherwise it will have no Effect.

33. I doubt the Settling such Tariffs will be a matter of
Difficulty. There may be Differences of Fineness, Goodness,
and Value, in the Goods of different Traders, and the like
in the Peltry of different Indians that cannot be properly
allowed for by general Tariffs. It seems contrary to the
Nature of Commerce, for Government to interfere in the
Prices of Commodities. Trade is a voluntary Thing be-
tween Buyer and Seller, in every Article of which each
exercises his own Judgment, and is to please himself. Sup-
pose either trader or Indian is dissatisfied with the Tariff,
and refuses barter on those Terms; are the Refusers to be
compelled? If not, why should an Indian be forbidden to
take more Goods for his Skins than your Tariff allows, if
the Trader is willing to give them ; or a Trader more Skins
for his Goods, if the Indian is willing to give them ? Where
there are a number of different Traders, the separate desire
of each to get more Custom will operate in bringing their

470 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1766

goods down to a reasonable Price. It therefore seems to
me, that Trade will best find and make its own Rates ; and
that Government cannot well interfere, unless it would take
the whole Trade into its own hands (as in some Colonies it
does), and manage it by its own Servants, at its own Risque.

38. I apprehend, that if the Indians cannot get Rum of
fair Traders, it will be a great Means of defeating all these
Regulations that direct the Trade to be carried on at certain
Posts. The Country and Forests are so very large, it is im-
possible to guard every Part, so as to prevent unlicens'd
Traders drawing the Indians and the Trade to themselves,
by Rum and other spirituous Liquors, which all savage
People are so fond of. I think they will generally trade
where they can get Rum, preferably to where it is refus'd
them ; and the propos'd Prohibition will therefore be a great
Encouragement to unlicens'd Traders, and promote such
Trade. If the Commissaries, or Officers at the Posts, can
prevent the Selling of Rum during the Barter for other Goods,
and until the Indians are about going away, it is perhaps all
that is practicable or necessary. The missionaries will,
among other things, endeavour to prevail with them to live
soberly and avoid Drunkenness.

39. The Indian Trade, so far as Credit is concerned,
has hitherto been carried on wholly upon Honour. They
have among themselves no such Thing as Prisons or Con-
finement for Debt. This Article seems to imply, that an
Indian may be compelled by Law to pay a Debt of 50 [shil-
lings] or under. Our legal Method of Compulsion is by
Imprisonment. The Indians cannot and will not imprison
one another; and, if we attempt to imprison them, I
apprehend it would be generally dislik'd by the Nations,

1766] PLAN FOR REGULATING INDIAN AFFAIRS 471

and occasion Breaches. They have such high Ideas of
Personal Liberty, and such slight ones of the Value of
Personal Property, that they would think the Disproportion
monstrous between the Liberty of a Man and a Debt of a
few Shillings; and that it would be excessively inequitable
and unjust, to take away the one for a Default in Payment
of the other. It seems to me, therefore, best to leave that
Matter on its present Footing ; the Debts under 50 [shillings]
as irrecoverable by Law, as this Article proposes for the
Debts above 50 [shillings]. Debts of Honour are generally
as well paid as other Debts. Where no Compulsion can be
used, it is more Disgraceful to be dishonest. If the Trader
thinks his Risque greater in trusting any particular Indian,
he will either not do it, or proportion his Price to his Risque.

44. As the Goods for Indian Trade all come from England,
and the Peltry is chiefly brought to England, perhaps it
will be best to lay the Duty here, on the Exportation of the
one, and the Importation of the other; to avoid meddling
with the Question of the Right to lay Duties in America by
Parliament here.

If it be thought proper to carry this Plan into Execution,
would it not be well to try it first in a few Posts, to which the
present Colony Laws for regulating Indian Trade do not
reach; that by Experience its Defects may be discovered
and amended, before it is made general, and those Laws
repealed to make way for it? If the Indians find by Ex-
perience, that they are better us'd in their Trade at the Posts
under these Regulations, than at other Places, may it not
make them desirous of having the Regulations extended to
other Places; and, when extended, better satisfy'd with
them upon Reflection and Comparison?

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