THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
VOLUME VII
303
THE WRITINGS
v-7
OF
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
COLLECTED AND EDITED
WITH A LIFE AND INTRODUCTION /
BY
ALBERT HENRY SMYTH
VOLUME VII
1777-1779
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
LONDON : MACMILLAN & CO., LTD.
1906
All rights restrvtd
COPYRIGHT, 1906,
BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.
Set up and electrotyped. Published May, 1906.
\
Norfooott
J. 8. Gushing & Co. Berwick & 8mith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
CONTENTS
VOLUME VII
NO. PAGE
815. Comparison of Great Britain and the United States in
regard to the Basis of Credit in the Two Countries.
1777 . . ... I
8 1 6. To the Committee of Secret Correspondence. January 4,
1777 9
817. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. January 12, 1777 10
8 1 8. To Juliana Ritchie. January 19, 1777 . . . .11
819. To John Hancock. January 20, 1777 . . . .12
820. To Thomas Morris. January 26, 1777 .... 13
821. To M. Montaudouin. January 26, 1777 . . . .13
822. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. January 26, 1777 . . . -15
823. Instructions to Captain Samuel Nicholson. January 26, 1777 16
824. To Joseph Priestley. January 27, 1777 . . . . 18
825. Resolutions of the Commissioners in Paris. February
2, 1777 - 19
826. To Jonathan Williams. February 5, 1777 . . . .21
827. To Lord George Germain. February 7, 1777 ... 22
828. To Mrs. Thompson [at Lille] . February 8, 1777 . . 23
829. The Sale of the Hessians. From the Count de Schaumbergh
to the Baron Hohendorf, Commanding the Hessian
Troops in America. February 18, 1777 ... 27
830. To Richard Peters. March 6, 1777 30
831. To Arthur Lee. March 21, 1777 31
832. Model of a Letter of Recommendation. April 2, 1777 . 36
833. To Lord Stormont. April 2, 1777 36
834. To M. Lith. April 6, 1777 38
835. To Conde d' Aranda. April 7, 1777 40
836. To C. Rybot. April 9, 1777 41
837. To Richard Bache. April 14, 1777 43
838. To the Bishop of Tricomia. April 22, 1777 . . .43
839. To Viscount de Pcnte* de Lima. April 26, 1777 . . -45
T
vi CONTENTS
NO. PAGE
840. To Jan Ingenhousz. April 26, 1777 47
841. Jan Ingenhousz to Benjamin Franklin. June 28, 1777 . 52
842. To Thomas Gushing. May i, 1777 . . . -54
843. To Samuel Cooper. May i, 1777 55
844. To John Winthrop. May i, 1777 . 57
845. To George Washington. June 13, 1777 .... 58
846. To George Washington. June 13, 1777 . . . . 59
847. To Captain Henry Johnson. July 22, 1777 . . .60
848. Bernardin de Saint Pierre to Benjamin Franklin. August
I9> 1 777 6o
849. To George Washington. August, 1777 61
850. To George Washington. September 4, 1777 ... 63
851. To Richard Peters. September 12, 1777 .... 64
852. To ? October 4, 1777 64
853. To James Lovell. October 7, 1777 65
854. To the Marquis de Condorcet. October 12, 1777 . . 67
855. To David Hartley. October 14, 1777 . . . .68
856. To Captains Thomas Thompson and Elisha Hinman. No-
vember 25, 1777 73
857. To Major Thornton. December n, 1777 .... 75
858. To Sir Grey Cooper. December n, 1777 .... 76
859. To James Lovell. December 21, 1777 .... 77
860. To Jonathan Williams. December 22, 1777 ... 78
861. To the Honble Council of the Massachusetts State. Decem-
ber 29, 1777 . . . 79
862. To a Friend. 1777?. . . . . . . . 80
863. A Dialogue between Britain, France, Spain, Holland, Saxony
and America. ?I777 82
864. A Catechism relating to the English National Debt. 1777 . 86
865. To Jan Ingenhousz. ?I777 88
866. To Ralph Izard. January 29, 1778 .. . . -97
867. To James Hutton. February i, 1778 . V. . . 98
868. To David Hartley. February 12, 1778 . . . . 101
869. To Conrad Alexandre Ge'rard de Rayneval. February 22,
1778 . . .";' 104
870. To Arthur Lee. February 23, 1778 105
871. To Conrad Alexandre Ge'rard de Rayneval. February 24,
1778 106
872. To Conrad Alexandre Ge'rard de Rayneval. February 25,
1778 * 107
CONTENTS vii
NO. PACK
873. To David Hartley. February 26, 1778 . . . .107
874. To Thomas Gushing. February 27, 1778 . . . .no
875. To Mrs. Catherine Greene. February 28, 1778 . . .112
876. To Jonathan Williams. February (?), 1778 . . .113
877. To Samuel Adams. March 2, 1778 114
878. To William Lee. March 2, 1778 115
879. To William Lee. March 6, 1778 116
880. A True History of the Difference between the Colonies and
the Author of the Stamp Act. March 12, 1778 . .118
881. To Arthur Lee. March 17, 1778 121
882. To James Hutton. March 24, 1778 122
883. To Ralph Izard. March 30, 1778 123
884. To William Pulteney. March 30, 1778 . . . .124
885. To Mr. and Mrs. Richard Bache. March 31, 1778 . . 126
886. To Henry Laurens. March 31, 1778 127
887. To Henry Laurens. March 31, 1778 128
888. To Conrad Alexandra Ge'rard de Rayneval. April i, 1778 . 128
889. To Arthur Lee. April I, 1778 129
890. From Arthur Lee to Benjamin Franklin. April 2, 1778 . 130
891. To Arthur Lee. April 3, 1778 132
892. To Arthur Lee. April 4, 1778 132
893. To Arthur Lee. April 6, 1778 137
894. To Charles W. F. Dumas. April 10, 1778 . . . . 138
895. To the Grand Pensionary of Holland. April 10, 1778 . 141
896. To Edward Bancroft. April 1 6, 1778 . . . .141
897. From David Hartley to Benjamin Franklin, and Dr. Frank-
lin's Answer. April 23, 1778 142
898. To Comte de Vergennes. April 24, 1778 .... 143
899. From Comte de Vergennes to Benjamin Franklin. April
25, 1778 146
900. To John Ross. April 26, 1778 146
901. From Benjamin Vaughan to Benjamin Franklin. April 28,
1778 149
902. To Arthur Lee. May 17, 1778 154
903. To David Hartley. May 25, 1778 155
904. To John Paul Jones. May 27, 1778 156
905. To John Paul Jones. June I, 1778 157
906. To John Paul Jones. June 10, 1778 158
907. To Georgelin Du Cosquer. June u, 1778 . . .160
908. To David Hartley. June 1 6, 1778 161
viii CONTENTS
NO. PAGK
909. To James Hutton. June 23, 1778 162
910. To Captain Sainneville. June 23, 1778 . . . .163
911. To A. Borel. June 24, 1778 . . 163
912. Proposed Letter to Lord North concerning Prisoners. June,
1778 l6 4
913. To Charles de Weissenstein. July 1,1778. . . .166
914. To Ferdinand Grand. July 3, 1778 173
915. To David Hartley. July 13, 1778 174
916. To James Lovell. July 22, 1778 174
917. To Chevalier de Champigny. July 24, 1778 . . .181
918. To Comte de Vergennes. July 25, 1778 . . . .184
919. To William Lee. August 13, 1778 184
920. To M. de Sartine. August 18, 1778 185
921. To David Hartley. September 3, 1778 . . . .186
922. To John Paul Jones. September 6, 1778 .... 187
923. To David Hartley. September 14, 1778 . . . .188
924. To Charles W. F. Dumas. September 22, 1778 . . .189
925. To Ferdinand Grand. October 14, 1778 .... 190
926. To Comte de Vergennes. October 20, 1778 . . .192
927. To David Hartley. October 20, 1778 . . . 192
928. To Comte de Vergennes. October 22, 1778 . . . 194
929. To David Hartley. October 26, 1778 . . . .194
930. To Ferdinand Grand. November 3, 1778 . . . .198
931. To John Ross. November 5, 1778 199
932. To M. Baron. November 20, 1778 201
933. To Job Prince. November 20, 1778 201
934. To M. Baron. November 21, 1778 202
935. To William Temple Franklin. November 26, 1778 . . 203
936. To David Hartley. November 29, 1778 . . . . 203
937. To Abb de la Roche. December 7, 1778 . . . . 204
938. A Madame Helve'tius. ? 1778 . . . ... 204
939. The Ephemera. ? 1778 . . . . . . . 206
940. Aurora Borealis. ? 1778 . . . . . . 209
941. To Arthur Lee. January 3, 1779 ... . . 215
942. To Ralph Izard. January 4, 1779 2J 6
943. To the Committee of Foreign Affairs. January 15, 1779 . 218
944. To David Hartley. January 25, 1779 . . . .219
945. To Mrs. Margaret Stevenson. January 25, 1779 . . 220
946. To Messrs. Lloyd and others. January 26, 1779 . . 223
947. From David Hartley to Benjamin Franklin. January 23, 1779 225
CONTENTS be
NO. 'ACE
948. To David Hartley. February 3, 1779 . . . .226
949. To Jonathan Williams. February 13, 1779 . . . 229
950. To Comte de Vergennes. February 14, 1779 . . .231
951. To Charles W. F. Dumas. February 19, 1779 -231
952. To David Hartley. February 22, 1779 . . . .232
953. To David Hartley. February 22, 1779 .... 234
954. To Comte de Vergennes. February 25, 1779 . . . 234
955. To Comte de Vergennes. February 25, 1779 . . . 238
956. To Patrick Henry. February 26, 1779 .... 238
957. To Jean de Neufville. February 28, 1779 .... 240
958. To Comte de Vergennes. March 9, 1779 241
959. Passport for Captain Cook. March 10, 1779 . . .242
960. To MM. Hills, Parkes, Adams, Degge, Buckley, Elwood,
and Warren, Officers on board the Alliance. March 11,
1779 . . 243
961. To Arthur Lee. March 13, 1779 2 45
962. To Arthur Lee. March 13, 1779 246
963. From John Paul Jones to Benjamin Franklin. March 6,
1779 . . . 248
964. To John Paul Jones. March 14, 1779 .... 253
965. To Richard Oliver. March 14, 1779 2 55
966. Passport for Richard Oliver. March 14, 1779 . . . 255
967. To Jonathan Williams. March 1 6, 1779 .... 256
968. To Joshua Johnson. March 17, 1779 . . . .258
969. To M. Montaudouin. March 17, 1779 .... 260
970. To William McCreery. March 1 8, 1779 .... 261
971. To Charles W. F. Dumas. March 1 8, 1779 . . .262
972. To Jonathan Williams. March 19, 1779 -263
973. To Daniel-Marc-Antoine Chardon. March 19, 1779 . . 265
974. To Madam Con way. March 25, 1779 .... 266
975. To David Hartley. March 21, 1779 267
976. To the Marquis de Lafayette. March 22, 1779 . . . 269
977. To Arthur Lee. March 27, 1779 271
978. To Arthur Lee. March 27, 1779 273
979. To Stephen Sayre. March 31, 1779 274
980. To William Lee. April 2, 1779 276
981. To John Adams. April 3, 1779 277
982. To Arthur Lee. April 3, 1779 278
983. To Joshua Johnson. April 8, 1779 279
984. To John Adams. April 8, 1779 280
x CONTENTS
NO. PACK
985. To Captain Peter Landais. April 8, 1779 . . .281
986. To Jonathan Williams. April 8, 1779 . . . .281
987. To Messrs. Wharton, Ridley, Johnson, Mease, Ross, Nes-
bit, Cummings, Gridley, and Schweighauser, American
Merchants, now at Nantes. April 8, 1779 . . . 283
988. Passport for a Moravian Vessel. April n, 1779 . . 285
989. From Jean-Paul Marat to Benjamin Franklin. April 12,
1779 286
990. To M. de Sartine. April 18, 1779 287
991. To John Adams. April 21, 1779 287
992. To John Quincy Adams. April 21, 1779 .... 288
993. To Josiah Quincy. April 22, 1779 289
994. From Samuel Cooper to Benjamin Franklin. January 4,
1779 ... .... 291
995. To Samuel Cooper. April 22, 1779 2 9 2
996. To John Adams. April 24, 1779 2 95
997. To John Paul Jones. April 27, 1779 .... 296
998. To Arthur Lee. May 3, 1779 3
999. To Thomas Viny. May 4, 1779 301
1000. To Mrs. Patience Wright. May 4, 1779 .... 302
1001. To John Lloyd. May 4, 1779 304
1002. From David Hartley to Benjamin Franklin. April 22, 1779 305
1003. To David Hartley. May 4, 1779 39
1004. To M. de Sartine. May 8, 1779 312
1005. To M. de Chaumont. May 10, 1779 .... 313
1006. To John Adams. May 10, 1779 314
1007. To Major-General John Beckwith. May 17, 1779 . .315
1008. To the Committee of Foreign Affairs. May 26, 1779 . 317
1009. To Sir Edward Newenham. May 27, 1779 . . .331
1010. To Comte de Verge nnes (?) June I, 1779 . . . 332
ion. To Horatio Gates. June 2, 1779 333
1012. To James Lovell. June 2, 1779 334
1013. To Charles Carroll of Carrollton. June 2, 1779 337
1014. To the Marine Committee of Congress. June 2, 1779 33^
1015. To John Jay. June 2, 1779 341
1016. To Richard Bache. June 2, 1779 343
1017. To Richard Bache. June 2, 1779 344
1018. To Mrs. Sarah Bache. June 3, 1779 .... 346
1019. To Francis Hopkinson. June 4, 1779 .... 350
1020. To William Greene. June 4, 1779 35 x
CONTENTS xi
NO. FACE
1021. To the Council of Massachusetts Bay. June 4, 1779 . 353
1022. To John Adams. June 5, 1779 . . . 354
1023. To Messrs. J. Rocquette, A. Elsevier, and Brothers Roc-
quette. June 13, 1779 . . . . . 356
1024. The Morals of Chess. June, 1779 357
1025. To Alexander Gillon. July 5, 1779 362
1026. To Jonathan Williams. July 8, 1779 . . . . 363
1027. To John Paul Jones. July 8, 1779 364
1028. To Barbeu Dubourg. August 13, 1779 . . . .365
1029. To the Marquis de Lafayette. August 19, 1779 . . 366
1030. To Benjamin Franklin Bache. August 19, 1779 . . 368
1031. To Mr. Cramer. August 19, 1779 369
1032. To the Marquis de Lafayette. August 24, 1779 37
1033. From the Marquis de Lafayette to Benjamin Franklin.
August 29, 1779 .... ... 371
1034. To Charles Epp. August 27, 1779 371
1035. To J hn D - Schweighauser. September 17, 1779 . . 372
1036. To Pierre Jean Georges Cabanis. September 19, 1779 375
1037. To Pierre Jean Georges Cabanis. September ? 1779 . 376
1038. To Comte de Vergennes. September 26, 1779 . . . 376
1039. To Jonathan Nesbitt. September 29, 1779 . . . 377
1040. To James Lovell. September 30, 1779 .... 378
1041. To Arthur Lee. September 30, 1779 .... 379
1042. To the Marquis de Lafayette. October i, 1779 3^
1043. To Edward Bridgen. October 2, 1779 . . . .381
1044. To John Jay. October 4, 1779 3 82
1045. To Mrs. Elizabeth Partridge. October 11, 1779 . . 393
1046. To John Paul Jones. October 15, 1779 . . . .395
1047. To Captain Peter Landais. October 15, 1779 . . . 397
1048. To the Commissioners of the Navy for the Eastern Depart-
ment. October 17, 1779 398
1049. To James Lovell. October 17, 1779 .... 400
1050. To Jonathan Loring Austin. October 20, 1779 . . 403
1051. To M. Stadel. October 20, 1779 404
1052. To the Commercial Committee of Congress. October 21,
1779 - 405
1053. To a Friend in America. October 25, 1779 . . . 406
1054. To Samuel Cooper. October 27, 1779 .... 407
1055. To Jean Holker. October 28, 1779 409
1056. To Messrs. Fizeaux and Grand. October 28, 1779 49
xii
CONTENTS
1057. To Benjamin Vaughan. November 9, 1779
1058. The Whistle. November 10, 1779
1059. From Mile. Le Veillard to Benjamin Franklin. November
18, 1779
1060. To Giambatista Beccaria. November 19, 1779 .
1061. To Captain Conyngham. November 22, 1779 .
1062. To John Paul Jones. December 6, 1779 ....
1063. To Andres Peder, Count Bernstorff. December 22, 1779 .
1064. To Joshua Johnson. December 29, 1779 .
410
414
417
417
418
419
420
424
TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS
A. p. S American Philosophical Society.
B. M British Museum.
B. N Bibliotheque Nationale.
D. S. W Department of State, Washington.
H Harvard University.
L. C Library of Congress.
L. L. Lenox Library.
Lans Lansdowne House.
M.H.S Massachusetts Historical Society.
P. C Private Collection.
P. H. S Pennsylvania Historical Society.
P. R. O Public Record Office.
P. R. O. A. W. I Public Record Office : America and
West Indies.
P. A. E. E. U Paris Departement des Affaires
Etrangeres, Etats-Unis.
U. of P University of Pennsylvania.
Y Yale University.
B Bigelow.
F Benjamin Franklin.
S Sparks.
V Benjamin Vaughan.
W. T. F W. T. Franklin.
Franklin's Mss. exist in several forms. He made a rough draft of
every letter that he wrote ; he then made a clean copy to send away, and
often retained a letter-press copy. To indicate the state of the docu-
ment, the following abbreviations are used: d. = draft, trans. = transcript,
1. p. = letter-press copy.
815. COMPARISON
OF GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES
IN REGARD TO
THE BASIS OF CREDIT IN THE TWO COUNTRIES 1 (L.C.)
IN the Affair of Borrowing Money, a Man's Credit depends
on some, or all, of the following Particulars.
1. His known Conduct with regard to former Loans, in
the Punctuality with which he discharg'd them.
2. His Industry in his Business.
3. His frugality in his Expences.
4. The Solidity of his Funds, his Estate being good, and
free of prior Debts, whence his undoubted Ability of paying.
5. His well-founded Prospects of greater future Ability,
by the Improvement of his Estate in Value, and by Aids
from others.
6. His known Prudence in Managing his general Affairs,
and the Advantage they will probably receive from the present
Loan he desires.
1 This paper was written in 1777 and was intended to increase the jealousy
the Dutch and other moneyed people in Europe began to entertain of the
English funds, and thereby to facilitate the loan of ,2,000,000 sterling in
compliance with the resolution of Congress, December 23, 1776. It was
translated into several languages, and was widely circulated. It is here
printed from the draft in L. C. Another autograph transcript exists in
The University of Pennsylvania. A gentleman in Prague, Mr. Fritz Done-
bauer, has two Ms. copies of it, one in English, the other a translation by In-
genhousz into French ; the latter evidently intended for Maria Theresa. ED.
VOL. VII B I
2 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
7. His known Virtue and honest Character, manifested
by his voluntary Discharge of Debts, which he could not
otherwise have been oblig'd to pay. The same Circumstances,
that give a private Man credit, ought to have, and will have,
their Weight with Lenders of Money to publick Bodies or to
Nations. If then we consider and compare Britain and Amer-
ica in those several Lights, upon the Question, "To 'which
is it safest to lend Money?" we shall find,
1. With regard to former Loans, that America borrowed
Ten Millions Sterling during the last War, for the Mainte-
nance of her Army of 25,000 Men and other Charges, had faith-
fully discharged and paid that Debt, and all her other Debts,
in 1772. Whereas Britain, during those ten years of Peace
and profitable Commerce, had made little or no Reduction
of her Debt ; but on the contrary from time to time diminished
the Hopes of her Creditors by a wanton Diversion and Mis-
application of the Sinking Fund which had been destin'd
for the Discharging of it.
2. With Regard to Industry in Business; Every Man in
America is employed; the greatest Number in cultivating
their own Lands, the rest in Handicrafts, Navigation, and
Commerce. An idle man there is a rarity; Idleness and
Inutility is a character of Disgrace. In England the Quan-
tity of that Character is immense ; Fashion has spread it far
and wide. Hence the Embarassment of private Fortunes,
and the daily Bankruptcies, arising from the universal fond-
ness for Appearance and expensive Pleasures; and hence,
in some Degree, the Mismanagement of their publick Busi-
ness : For Habits of Business, and Ability in it, are acquired
only by Practice; and, where universal Dissipation and the
perpetual Pursuit of Amusement are the Mode, the Youths
1777] GREAT BRITAIN' AND UNITED STATES 3
who are educated in it can rarely afterwards acquire that pa-
tient Attention and close Application to Affairs, which are so
necessary to a statesman charged with the Care of national
Welfare. Hence their frequent Errors in Policy, and hence
the Weariness at Publick Councils, and the Backwardness
in going to them, the constant Unwillingness to engage in any
Measure that requires Thought and Consideration, and the
readiness for postponing every new Proposition; which
postponing is therefore the only Part of Business that they
come to be expert in, an Expertness produced necessarily
by so much daily Practice. Whereas, in America, men bred
to close Employment in their private Affairs attend with
habitual Ease to those of the publick when engag'd in them,
and nothing fails through Negligence.
3. With regard to Frugality in Expences; the Manner of
Living in America is in general more simple and less Expen-
sive than in England. Plain Tables, plain Clothing, plain
Furniture in Houses, few Carriages of Pleasure. In Amer-
ica an expensive Appearance hurts Credit, and is therefore
avoided ; in England it is often put on with a View of gaming
Credit, and continued to Ruin. In publick Affairs, the Dif-
ference is still greater. In England Salaries of Officers and
Emoluments of office are Enormous. The King has a Million
Sterling per Annum, and yet cannot maintain his Family
free of Debt; Secretaries of State, Lords of the Treasury,
Admiralty, &c., have vast Appointments; an Auditor of the
Exchequer has sixpence in the Pound, or a Fortieth Part,
of all the public Money expended by the Nation, so that,
when a War costs 40,000,000 there is a Million for him :
an Inspector of the Mint, in the last new Coinage, received
4 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
as his Fees 65,000 Sterling a Year; to which Rewards no
Service these Gentlemen can render the Public is by any
means equivalent. This is all paid by the People, who are
oppressed by the Taxes so occasioned, and thereby rendered
less able to contribute to the Payment of necessary national
Debts. In America, Salaries, where indispensable, are
extreamly low ; but much of publick Business is done gratis.
The Honour of serving the Publick ably and faithfully is
deemed sufficient. Public Spirit really exists there, and has
great Effects. In England it is universally deemed a NonEn-
tity, and whoever pretends to it is laugh'd at as a fool, or sus-
pected as a Knave. The Committees of Congress, which
form the Board of War, the Board of Treasury, the Naval
Board, the Committee for Accounts, the Board of Foreign
Transactions for procuring Arms, Ammunition, Clothing
etc., all attend the Business of their respective Functions
without any Salary or Emolument whatever, tho' they
spend in it much more of their Time, than any Lord of
Treasury or Admiralty in England can afford from his
Amusements. A late British Minister computed, that the
whole Expence of the Americans in their civil Govern-
ment, of 3,000,000 People, amounted to but 70,000 sterling
per Annum, and drew from thence a Conclusion, that they
ought to be taxed, 'till their Expence equalled in proportion
to what it cost Britain to govern Eight Millions. He had no
idea of a contrary Conclusion, that, if 3,000,000 may be well
governed for 70,000, Eight Millions may be as well governed
for 3 times that Sum, and therefore the Expence of his own
Government should be diminished. In that corrupted
Nation, no Man is ashamed of being concerned in lucrative
Government Jobs, in which the public money is Egregiously
1777] GREAT BRITAIN AND UNITED STATES 5
misapplied and squandered, the Treasury pillaged, and more
numerous and heavier Taxes are called for, to the great Op-
pression of the People. While the Prospect of a greater
Number of these Jobbs to be occasioned by a War is an In-
ducement with many to cry out for War on all Occasions,
and to oppose every Proposition of Peace. Hence the con-
stant Increase of the national Debt; and the absolute Im-
probability of its ever being discharged.
4. With regard to the Solidity of Funds; the whole thirteen
States of America are engag'd for the Payment of every Debt
contracted by the Congress, and the Debt to be contracted by
the present War is the only Debt they will have to pay ; all,
or nearly all, the former Debts of particular Colonies being
already discharged. Whereas England will have to pay,
not only the enormous Debt this War must occasion, but all
their vast preceding Debt, or the Interest of it; and, while
America is enriching itself by Prizes made upon the British
Commerce, more than it ever did by any Commerce of its
own, under the Restraints of a British Monopoly, Britain is
growing poorer by the loss of that Monopoly, the diminution
of its revenues, and of course less able to discharge the
present indiscreet Encrease of its Expences.
5. With regard to Prospects of greater future Ability, Britain
has none such. Her islands are circumscrib'd by the Ocean.
Excepting a few Parks or Forests, she has no new Land to
cultivate, and cannot therefore extend her Improvements.
Her Numbers of People, too, instead of increasing from
increas'd Subsistence, are continually diminishing from grow-
ing Luxury, and the greater Difficulty of maintaining Fami-
lies, which of course discourages early Marriages. Thus she
will have fewer People to assist in paying her Debts, and that
6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
diminished Number will be poorer. America, on the con-
trary, has, besides her Lands already cultivated, a vast
Territory yet to improve; The Lands cultivated continually
increase in Value with the Encrease of People ; and the peo-
ple, who double themselves by a natural Propagation in 25
Years, will double yet faster by the Accession of Strangers,
as long as Lands are to be had for new Families ; so that every
20 Years there will be a double Number of Inhabitants
oblig'd to discharge publick Debts; and those Inhabitants,
being more opulent, may pay their Shares with greater Ease.
6. With Regard to Prudence in General Affairs, and the
Advantages they expect from the Loan desired. The Ameri-
cans are Cultivators of Land ; those engaged in Fishery and
Commerce are a small Number, compared with the Body of
the People. They have ever conducted their several Gov-
ernments with Wisdom, avoiding Wars and vain, expensive
Projects, delighting only in their peaceable Occupations,
which must, considering the Extent of their yet uncultivated
Territory, find them Employment still for Ages. Whereas
England, ever unquiet, ambitious, avaricious, imprudent,
and quarrelsome, is half her Time engag'd in some War,
or other, always at an expence infinitely greater than the
advantages proposed if it could be obtained. Thus the War
against Spain in 1739, for a Claim of Debt of about 95,000,
(scarce a Groat for the nation), and spent 40,000,000 Ster-
ling in the War, and 50,000 Men ; and made Peace without
obtaining satisfaction. Indeed, there is scarce a Nation in
Europe, against which she has not made War on some frivo-
lous Pretext or other, and by this means has imprudently
accumulated a Debt, that has brought her on the Verge of
bankrupcy. But the most indiscrete of all her Wars is the
1777] GREAT BRITAIN AND UNITED STATES ^
present against America, with whom she might for ages have
preserved her profitable connection by only a just and equitable
Conduct. She is now acting like a mad Shop-keeper, who
should attempt, by beating those that pass his Door, to make
them come in and be his Customers. America cannot sub-
mit to such Treatment, without being first ruined, and, being
ruined, her Custom will be worth nothing. England, to
bring this to pass, is increasing her Debt, and ruining herself
effectually. America, on the other Hand, aims only at estab-
lishing her Liberty, and that Freedom of Commerce which
will be advantageous to all Europe ; while the Abolishing of
the Monopoly which she has hitherto laboured under, will
be an Advantage sufficiently ample to repay the Debt, she
may contract to accomplish it.
7. With regard to character in the honest payment o] debts,
the Punctuality of America in Discharge of Public Debts is
shown under the first head: The general character of the
People in that respect appears from their faithful Payment of
private Debts to England, since the Commencement of the
War. There were not indeed wanting some half politicians
who proposed stopping that Payment, until Peace should be
restored, alledging, that in the usual Course of Commerce,
and of the Credit given, there was always a Debt existing
equal to the Trade of 18 months; that, the Trade amounting
to 5 Millions Sterling per Annum, the Debt must be Seven
Millions and a Half ; That this Sum paid to the British Mer-
chants would operate to prevent the Distress, intended to be
brought on Britain by our stoppage of Commerce with her:
For the Merchants, receiving this Money, and no Orders
with it for further Supplies, would either lay it out in the
Funds, or in employing Manufacturers to accumulate Goods
8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
for a future hungry Market in America upon an expected
Accommodation, by which Means the Funds would be kept
up and the Manufacturers prevented from Murmuring.
But it was alledged, that Injuries from Ministers should not be
reveng'd on Merchants who were our Friends ; that the Credit
was in consequence of private Contracts made in confidence
of good Faith ; that these ought to be held sacred and faith-
fully comply'd with; for that, whatever publick Utility
might be supposed to arise from a Breach of private Faith,
it was unjust, and would in the End be found unwise, Honesty
being in truth the best Policy. On this Principle the Proposi-
tion was universally rejected: And tho' the English prose-
cuted the War with unexampled Barbarity, burning our de-
fenceless Towns in the midst of Winter, and arming Savages
against us, the Debt was punctually paid, and the Merchants
of London have testify'd to the Parliament, and will testify
to all the World, that from their Experience in dealing with us
they had, before the War, no Apprehensions of our Unfairness,
and that, since the War, they have been convinced that their
good Opinion of us was well founded. England, on the con-
trary, an old, corrupt, extravagant and profligate Nation,
sees herself deep in Debt, which she is in no condition to pay,
and yet is madly and dishonestly running deeper, despairing
ever to satisfy her Creditors and having no prospect of dis-
charging her Debts but by a publick Bankrupcy.
On the whole it appears, that, from the general Industry,
Frugality, Ability, Prudence, and Virtue of America, she is
a much safer Debtor than Britain: To say nothing of the
Satisfaction generous Minds must have in reflecting, that by
Loans to America they are opposing Tyranny, and aiding the
Cause of Liberty, which is the Cause of all Mankind.
1777] COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE 9
816. TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRE-
SPONDENCE 1 (D. s. w.)
Paris, January 4, 1777.
GENTLEMEN,
I arrived here about two weeks since, where I found Mr.
Deane. Mr. Lee has since joined us from London. We
have had an audience of the minister, Count de Vergennes,
and were respectfully received. We left for his consideration
a sketch of the proposed treaty. 2 We are to wait upon him
to-morrow with a strong memorial, requesting the aids men-
tioned in our instructions. By his advice, we have had an
interview with the Spanish ambassador, Count d'Aranda, 8
who seems well disposed towards us, and will forward copies
of our memorials to his court, which will act, he says, in per-
fect concert with this.
Their fleets are said to be in fine order, manned and fit for
sea. The cry of this nation is for us, but the court, it is
thought, views an approaching war with reluctance. The
press continues in England. As soon as we can receive a
positive answer from these courts, we shall despatch an ex-
press with it. I am, gentlemen, &c. fi FRANKLIN.
1 The Committee of Secret Correspondence was appointed by Congress
to correspond with the friends of the colonies in Great Britain and elsewhere.
The first members chosen (November 29, 1775) were Harrison, Franklin,
Johnson, Dickinson, and Jay. At the time of the writing of this letter the
members were B. Harrison, R. H. Lee, J. Witherspoon, and W. Hooper. ED.
2 See this sketch in the " Secret Journals of Congress," Vol. II, p. 7. ED.
8 Don Pedro Pablo Abarca y Bolea, Conde d'Aranda (1718-1799), Span-
ish ambassador in France (1773-1784). He sympathized cordially with the
French people and enjoyed their favor and esteem. He played an important
part in the conclusion of the treaty of Paris, and in the following year received
at Madrid the title of " conseiller d'Etat." ED.
io THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
817. TO MRS. MARY HEWSON 1 (P. c.)
Paris, Jan. 12, 1777.
MY DEAR, DEAR POLLY,
Figure to yourself an old Man, with grey Hair Appearing
under a Martin Fur Cap, among the Powder'd Heads of
Paris. It is this odd Figure that salutes you, with handfuls
of Blessings on you and your dear little ones.
On my Arrival here, Mile. Biheron 2 gave me great Pleas-
ure in the Perusal of a Letter from you to her. It acquainted
me that you and yours were well in August last. I have
with me here my young Grandson, Benja. Franklin Bache,
a special good Boy. I give him a little French Language
and Address, and then send him over to pay his Respects to
Miss Hewson. My Love to all that love you, particularly to
dear Polly. I am ever, my dear Friend, your affectionate
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. Temple, 8 who attends me here, presents his Respects.
I must contrive to get you to America. I want all my Friends
out of that wicked Country. I have just seen in the Papers
7 Paragraphs about me, of which 6 were Lies.
1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. ED.
2 Mademoiselle Biheron (1730? -1815), a Parisian artist who made ex-
traordinarily accurate anatomical reproductions in wax. She studied human
anatomy with enthusiasm, dissecting the corpses of soldiers. Her excellent
imitations of the human form in wax were exhibited in Paris on Wednesdays
(admission three livres). The collection finally became the property of
Catherine II. She was a friend of Dr. Dubourg, and in that way Franklin
became acquainted with her. ED.
8 William Temple Franklin. ED.
1777]
TO JULIANA RITCHIE
II
818. TO JULIANA RITCHIE 1 (A. P. s.)
Paris, Jan. 19, 1777.
MADAM, I am much oblig'd to you for your kind Attention
to my Welfare in the Information you give me. I have no
doubt of its being well founded. But as it is impossible to dis-
cover in every case the Falsity of pretended Friends who would
know our Affairs ; and more so to prevent being watch'd by
Spies, when interested People may think proper to place them
for that Purpose ; I have long observed one Rule which pre-
vents any Inconvenience from such Practices. It is simply
this, to be concerned in no Affairs that I should blush to have
made publick, and to do nothing but what Spies may see &
welcome. When a Man's Actions are just & honourable,
the more they are known, the more his Reputation is increased
& established. If I was sure therefore that my Valet de Place
was a Spy, as probably he is, I think I should not discharge
him for that, if in other Respects I lik'd him. The various
Conjectures you mention concerning my Business here must
have their Course. They amuse those that make them, &
some of those that hear them ; they do me no harm, and there-
fore it is not necessary that I should take the least Pains to
rectify them. I am glad to learn that you are in a Situation
that is agreable to you, and that Mr. Ritchie was lately well.
1 Wife of William Ritchie, a merchant of Philadelphia. She had lived for
some years in England, but from 1775 to the time of writing this letter she
resided at Cambray with five young ladies of fortune (" daughters to my par-
ticular friends in England"), who were all under her care. Her letter to
Franklin, dated January 1 2, 1777 (A. P. S.), warned him that he was surrounded
by spies. ED.
12 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN- FRANKLIN [1777
My daughter and her Children were so when I left them, but
I have lost my dear Mrs. Franklin now two Years since. I
have the Honour to be, very respectfully, Madam,
Your most obedient humble Serv*
B. F.
819. TO JOHN HANCOCK 1 (D. s. w.)
Paris, January 20, 1777.
DEAR SIR,
The bearer, Captain Balm, 2 is strongly recommended to
me as a very able officer of horse, and capable of being ex-
tremely useful to us, in forming a body of men for that ser-
vice. As he has otherwise an excellent character, I take the
liberty of recommending him to my friends as a stranger of
merit, worthy of their civilities, and to the Congress as an
officer, who, if employed, may greatly serve a cause, which
he has sincerely at heart. With great respect, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1 John Hancock was at this time President of Congress. This letter was
printed by Jared Sparks, " The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American
Revolution," Boston, 1829. ED.
2 Martin de la Balme was brevetted as lieutenant-colonel of cavalry (May
26, 1777), was made inspector of cavalry (July 18, 1777), and resigned Octo-
ber 12, 1777. He was formerly subadjutant of the gendarmerie (light-
horse). He applied to M. Lenoir for a passport to go to Philadelphia, and
showed to him this letter and similar ones to other members of Congress.
Lenoir referred the request to Count de Vergennes, who replied (January 29,
1777) : "The Government not being able to acknowledge those who wish to
go and try their fortune in that part of America, absolutely cannot do what
would prove undeniably that it was aware of their projects. I can only thank
you, Sir, for having refused M. la Balme's request, and I beg you to be good
enough to persevere in your refusal in the case of any other request of the
same kind." ED.
1777]
TO M. MONTAUDOUIN
SIR,
820. TO THOMAS MORRIS 1 (D. s. w.)
Paris, January 26, 1777.
We have expected some Remittances from you to our credit,
in consequence of the Sales which have been made at Nantes.
You must be sensible how very unbecoming it is of the Situa-
tion we are in, to be dependent on the credit of others. We
therefore desire that you will remit with all possible Expe-
dition the Sum allotted by the Congress for our expenses.
[B. FRANKLIN, for the Commissioners]
821. TO M. MONTAUDOUIN 2 (L. c.)
Paris, Jan* 26*, 1777.
SIR : We are very much obliged to you for the informa-
tion contained in yours of the 2ist.
Mr. Williams' good sense will prevent him from being
1 Thomas Morris was United States commercial agent at Nantes. He was
a brother of Robert Morris, and was appointed through his influence. His
career and his life were soon ended by his surrender to intemperance, but not
before he was the cause, by reason of his conduct and his negligence, of much
trouble and distress to Franklin and the other commissioners. George Lupton
wrote to William Eden that he " has turned out the greatest drunkard the
world ever produced" (August 20, 1777).
The letter in L. C. is an auto, draft by Lee, with a note " to Mr. T. Morris "
by Franklin. ED.
2 The Montaudouin Brothers were a firm of Nantes merchants, who were
associated with Jonathan Williams and John D. Schweighauser in the sale of
prizes. M. Montaudouin (the elder) was a gentleman of culture, acquainted
with men of science, and gifted with some facility in the making of verse.
He was a cousin german of Mme. Duboccage, the poetess whom Voltaire
14 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
materially embarrassed by any manoeuvre employed to make
him counteract our instructions.
We cannot so entirely comprehend this obligation we have
to the mayor and alderman of your city, as to know in what
terms to return it. As it is probable one of our number will
soon be in Nantes, 1 he will be able to thank him in person.
In the meantime we beg the favour of you, sir, to make them
our acknowledgments in such manner as you may think
becoming. We have the honour to be, with very great es-
teem, sir, Your most obedient servants.
[THE COMMISSIONERS]
crowned with laurel. In the letter (December 21, 1776) to which this one is
a reply, Montaudouin invited Franklin to dinner at Nantes, expressed very
fully the sentiment that Franklin inspired in France, and included these verses
of his own making :
"PORTRAIT DE M. LE DOCTEUR BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
" Ce sage nous a fait connoitre
Les effets merveilleux d'un feu subtil et prompt
Venant de la nature, et son ame peut-Stre.
Plus d'un laurier couvre son front
II a fait a Philadelphie
Un temple & la philosophic,
Un thr6ne pour la liberte,
De 1'Europe bient6t bannie ;
Dans les deux mondes respect6
II est par son heureux genie
Ses moeurs douces, sa bonhomie,
Son ton et sa simplicity
Surtout pour sa philanthropic,
L'honneur de I'am6rique, et de 1'humanite." (A. P. S.)
ED.
1 Arthur Lee arrived in Nantes, February n, 1777. He wrote to Franklin
(February 13)," I have thanked the Mayor, who is a very honest man." ED.
1777] TO MRS. MARY HEWSON 15
822. TO MRS. MARY HEWSON 1 (p. c.)
Paris, Jan. 26, 1777.
DEAR POLLEY,
I wrote a few Lines to you by Dr. B[ancroft], and have since
seen your Letter to Jona. by which I have the great Pleasure
of learning, that you and yours were well on the i?th.
What has become of my and your dear Dolly ? 2 Have you
parted? for you mention nothing of her. I know your
Friendship continues; but perhaps she is with one of her
Brothers. How do they all do?
I have not yet receiv'd a Line from my dear old Friend, your
Mother. Pray tell me where she is, and how it is with her.
Jonathan, who is now at Nantes, told me that she had a Lodg-
ing in Northumberland Court. I doubt her being com-
fortably accommodated there. Is Miss Barwell a little more
at rest, or as busy as ever? Is she well? And how fares
it with our good Friends of the Henckel Family ?
But, principally, I want to know how it is with you. I hear
you have not quite settled yet with those people. I hope,
however, that you have a sufficient Income, and live at your
Ease, and that your Money is safe out of the Funds. Does
my Godson remember any thing of his Doctor Papa? 3 I sup-
pose not. Kiss the dear little Fellow for me ; [not ?] forgetting
1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. ED.
2 Dorothea Blount. ED.
8 An allusion to a letter from Mrs. Hewson (September 3, 1776), in which
she told Franklin, " We drank your health to-day ; the person who first pro-
posed the toast was my son William who took up his glass of wine and water
(for he is still very sober) & said ' My Doctor Papa's health 1 ' He came
up to me this moment whispering, ' Give my love to Dr. Papa.' " ED.
16 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
the others. I long to see them and you. What became of the
Lottery Ticket I left with your good Mother, which was
to produce the Diamond Earings for you? Did you get
them? If not, Fortune has wrong'd you, for you ought
to have had them. I am, my dear Friend, ever yours with
sincere Esteem and Affection,
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. 27 11 ; Jan 7 . They tell me, that, in writing to a Lady
from Paris, one should always say something about the Fash-
ions. Temple observes them more than I do. He took
Notice, that at the Ball in Nantes, there were no Heads less
than 5 and a few were 7 Lengths of the Face, above the Top
of the Forehead. You know that those who have practised
Drawing, as he has, attend more to Proportions, than People
in common do. Yesterday we din'd at the Duke de Roche-
foucault's, where there were three Dutchesses and a countess,
and no Head higher than a Face and a half. So, it seems,
the farther from Court, the more extravagant the Mode.
823. INSTRUCTIONS TO CAPTAIN SAMUEL
NICHOLSON (L. c.)
Paris, January 26, 1777.
SIR : You are directed to proceed to Boulogne, and there
purchase, on as good terms as possible, a cutter suitable for
the purpose of being sent to America. The purchase being
made, despatch the vessel to Havre de Grace to the care of
Mons. Limozin, and agree in the bargain to have her de-
livered at said port, at the risk and expense of the original
1777] TO CAPTAIN SAMUEL NICHOLSON' 17
owner, at which stipulate to make the payment. Should
you miss of one at Boulogne, proceed to Calais and pursue
the same directions. If you fail there, pass to Dover, or Deal,
and employ a person there to make the purchase as for Mr.
Limozin of Nantes, at whose house the payment shall be
made. Your skill in maritime affairs will enable you to
judge of the vessel proper for our purpose, in which we wish
you to embark yourself for Havre and on your arrival put
the vessel into the care of Mr. Limozin, to be filled with every
thing necessary for her to proceed the designed voyage, at
the same time directing Mr. Limozin to call her and speak
of her as his own, after which you will instantly set off
for this place, to inform us of your proceedings. Meantime
you are, on purchasing, to write, first post, not to us but
to Mr. Le Grand, Banq : rue Mons Mart, vis-a-vis S* Joseph,
a Paris, only saying in a few words that you have made a
purchase, and shall draw on him soon for the money favour
of Mr. Limozin, or words to that purpose. This letter will
be shown us, and we shall regulate our proceedings accord-
ingly.
Should you be obliged on purchasing, to pay at Dover or
Deal, Mons. Le Grand's letter will give a sufficient credit for
that purpose and at Calais or Boulogne you will address
yourself, on the score of advice and assistance in money
matters, to the persons to whom you will have letters directed,
but on no other account, and avoid hinting your proceedings
or views to any one. But should Capt. Hynsen arrive from
London and you, let him go in the vessel you purchase
to Havre and there wait our further orders. Should he ar-
rive and no vessel be purchased, in such case procure him a
passage to Havre and direct him to apply to Mr. Limozin
VOL. VII C
i8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
for our directions. In the whole, we have to wish you to
make the utmost despatch and to conduct with the utmost
secrecy and the economy consistent with hastening as fast
as possible the object in view.
[BENJAMIN FRANKLIN]
824. TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY (L. c.)
Paris, Jan. 27, 1777.
DEAR SIR,
I received your very kind Letter of Feb y last, 1 some time
in September. Major Carleton, 2 who was so kind as to for-
ward it to me, had not an Opportunity of doing it sooner.
I rejoice to hear of your continual Progress in those useful
Discoveries; I find that you have set all the Philosophers
of Europe at Work upon Fix'd Air; and it is with great
Pleasure I observe how high you stand in their Opinion;
for I enjoy my Friends' fame as my own.
The Hint you gave me jocularly, that you did not quite
despair of the Philosopher's Stone, draws from me a Request,
that, when you have found it, you will take care to lose it
again; for I believe in my conscience, that Mankind are
wicked enough to continue slaughtering one another as long
as they can find Money to pay the Butchers. But, of all
the Wars in my time, this on the part of England appears to
me the wickedest; having no Cause but Malice against
Liberty, and the Jealousy of Commerce. And I think the
1 Priestley's letter was dated February 13, 1776, and was printed by Sparks,
Vol. VIII, p. 171 ; and in The Pennsylvania Magazine, Vol. 27, p. 169. ED.
2 Brother of Guy Carleton, first Lord Dorchester, governor of Quebec. ED.
1777] RESOLUTIONS OF THE COMMISSIONERS 19
Crime seems likely to meet with its proper Punishment ; a
total loss of her own Liberty, and the Destruction of her own
Commerce.
I suppose you would like to know something of the state
of Affairs in America. In all Probability we shall be much
stronger the next campaign than we were in the last ; better
arm'd, better disciplin'd, and with more Ammunition.
When I was at the camp before Boston, 1 the Army had not
5 Rounds of Powder a Man. This was kept a Secret even
from our People. The World wonder'd that we so seldom
fir'd a Cannon ; we could not afford it ; but we now make
Powder in Plenty.
To me it seems, as it has always done, that this War
must end in our favour, and in the Ruin of Britain, if she
does not speedily put an end to it. An English Gentleman
here the other day, in Company with some French, remarked,
that it was folly in France not to make War immediately;
And in England, reply 'd one of them, not to make Peace.
Do not believe the reports you hear of our internal Divi-
sions. We are, I believe, as much united as any People
ever were, and as firmly.
B. FRANKLIN.
825. RESOLUTIONS OF THE COMMISSIONERS
IN PARIS (U.OFP.)
Paris, FebT 21 1777.
IT is considered that in the present situation of things at
the Courts of France and Spain, we find no probability of
1 In October, 1775.
20 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
obtaining any effectual aid, alliance or declaration of war
against Great Britain, without the following stipulation;
therefore
We the Commissioners plenepotentiary from the Congress
of the United States of America, are unanimously of Opinion,
that if France or Spain should conclude a Treaty of Amity
and Commerce with our States, and enter into a war with
Great Britain in consequence of that, or of open aid given to
our States ; it will be right and proper for us, or in absence
of the others, for any one of us, to stipulate and agree that
the United States, shall not separately conclude a Peace,
nor aid Great Britain against France or Spain, nor inter-
mit their best exertions against Great Britain during the con-
tinuance of such War. Provided always that France &
Spain, do on their part enter into a similar stipulation, with
our States. B. FRANKLIN
SILAS DEANE
ARTHUR LEE
Paris, Feb y 5* 1777.
It is farther considered, that in the present peril of the
liberties of our Country, it is our duty to hazard every thing
in their support & defence.
Therefore Resolvd unanimously
That if it should be necessary, for the attainment of any
thing, in our best judgment, material to the defence & sup-
port of the public cause ; that we should pledge our persons,
or hazard the censure of the Congress by exceeding our In-
structions we will, for such purpose most chearfully risque
our personal liberty or life. B. FRANKLIN
SILAS DEANE
ARTHUR LEE
1777] TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS 21
826. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS 1 (p. c.)
Paris, Feb. 5, 1777.
DEAR COUSIN
I receiv'd several Letters from you last Night which I put
into Mr. Dean's Hands who answers them. I forwarded
yours to London for Mr. Blount some time since. Since you
are likely to stay at Nantes for some time longer I enclose
some Letters receiv'd here for you. I think Connection with
Mr. S. 3 might be advantageous to you both in the way of
Business. Besides he is rich and has handsome Daughters.
I know not whether you can get one of them. I only know
you may deserve her. 8
Mr. Lee in his way to the South of France will call at
Nantes. He sets out to-morrow or next Day and will take
our Dispatches for America.
I am ever, your affectionate Uncle
B. FRANKLIN
1 From the original in the possession of Mr. Louis A. Biddle. ED.
2 John D. Schweighauser, a Nantes merchant, was United States agent
for the sale of prizes in Brittany, and United States commercial agent at
Nantes. ED.
8 Jonathan Williams married, September 12, 1779, Mariamne Alexander,
daughter of William Alexander, of Edinburgh, a connection of Lord Stirling.
Williams was a son of Grace Williams (nte Harris) and a grandnephew of
Franklin. He Was born in Boston, May 26, 1750. President Adams
appointed him (February 16, 1801) a major in the Second Regiment of
Artillerists and Engineers. He assumed command (December 15, 1801) of
the embryo military school, which preceded the Military Academy of West
Point, of which he was the first superintendent. ED.
22 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
827. TO LORD GEORGE GERMAIN 1 (L. c.)
Paris, Feb y 7 th , 1777.
WHEREAS the snow Dickenson with her cargoe, which was
the property of the Congress of the United States of America,
was by an act of Piracy in some of her crew carried into the
port of Bristol in England, and there as we are informed,
was converted to the use of the government of Great Britain,
and the perpetrators of so base and dishonest an action, the
mate, etc., were rewarded instead of being punished for their
wickedness, and whereas another vessel with her Cargoe
of Tobacco, being also the property of the United States,
or of some inhabitants of the same, was lately carried into
the port of Liverpool, in England, by a similar act of treachery
in her crew ; and a third has in the same manner been car-
ried into Halifax;
We therefore being commissioners plenipotentiary from
the Congress of the United States of America do, in their name
and by their authority, demand from the court of Great Britain,
a restitution of those vessels and their cargoes, or the full
value of them ; together with the delivery of the pirates into
our hands, to be sent where they may be tried and punish'd
as their crimes deserve.
We feel it our duty to humanity to warn the court of Great
1 Viscount Sackville (1716-1785), known from 1720 to 1770 as Lord
George Sackville, and from 1770 to 1782 as Lord George Germain, was
appointed by Lord North in 1775 a lor( * commissioner of trade and planta-
tions, and likewise Secretary of State for the colonies. Franklin addressed
him as "one of the principal Secretaries of State to the King of Great
Britain." This letter is endorsed (L. C), " not sent." ED.
1777] TO MRS. THOMPSON [AT LILLE^ 23
Britain of the consequences of protecting such offenders
and of encouraging such actions as are in violation of all
moral obligations and therefore subversive of the firmest
foundation of the laws of nations.
It is hop'd that the Government of Great Britain will not
add to the unjust principles of this war, such practices as
would disgrace the meanest state in Europe; and which
must forever stain the character of the British nation. We are
sensible that nothing can be more abhorrent from the senti-
ments and feelings of the Congress of the United States,
than the authorizing so base a kind of war as a retaliation
of these practices will produce. We are, therefore more
earnest in pressing the court of Great Britain to prevent by
the act of justice which is demanded, the retaliation, to which
necessity, in repugnance to principles, will otherwise compel.
B. FRANKLIN
SILAS DEANE
ARTHUR LEE.
828. TO MRS. THOMPSON [AT LILLE] (L. c.)
Paris, February 8, 1777
You are too early, Hussy, (as well as too saucy,) in calling
me Rebel; you should wait for the Event, which will deter-
mine whether it is a Rebellion or only a Revolution. Here the
Ladies are more civil ; they call us les Insurgens, a Character
that usually pleases them: And methinks all other Women
who smart, or have smarted, under the Tyranny of a bad Hus-
band, ought to be fixed in Revolution Principles, and act
accordingly.
24 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
In my way to Canada last Spring, I saw dear Mrs. Barrow
at New York. Mr. Barrow had been from her two or three
Months to keep Gov. Tryon and other Tories Company on
board the Asia, one of the King's Ships which lay in the Har-
bour; and in all that time [that] naughty Man had not
ventured once on shore to see her. Our Troops were then
pouring into the Town, and she was packing up to leave it,
fearing, as she had a large House, they would incommode
her by quartering Officers in it. As she appeared in great
Perplexity, scarce knowing where to go, I persuaded her to
stay; and I went to the general Officers then commanding
there, and recommended her to their Protection ; which they
promised and perform'd. On my Return from Canada,
(where I was a Piece of a Governor and I think a very good
one for a Fortnight, and might have been so till this time if
your wicked Army, Enemies to all good Government, had not
come and driven me out,) I found her still in quiet Possession
of her House. I inquired how our People had behav'd to
her. She spoke in high terms of the respectful Attention
they had paid her, and the Quiet and Security they had
procur'd her. I said I was glad of it ; and that, if they had
us'd her ill, I would have turn'd Tory. Then says she, with
that pleasing Gayety so natural to her, / wish they had. For
you must know she is a Toryess as well as you, and can as
flippantly call Rebel. I drank Tea with her; we talk'd
affectionately of you and our other friends the Wilkeses, of
whom she had received no late Intelligence. What became
of her since, I have not heard. The Street she then lived in
was some months after chiefly burnt down ; but, as the Town
was then, and ever since has been, in Possession of the King's
Troops, I have had no Opportunity of knowing whether she
1777]
TO MRS. THOMPSON \_AT LILLE}
suffered any Loss in the Conflagration. I hope she did not,
as, if she did, I should wish I had not persuaded her to stay
there.
I am glad to leam from you, that that unhappy, tho'
deserving Family, the W s, are getting into some Business,
that may afford them Subsistence. I pray, that God will
bless them, and that they may see happier Days. Mr.
Cheap's and Dr. H 's good fortunes please me. Pray
learn, if you have not already learnt, like me, to be pleased
with other People's Pleasures, and happy with their Happi-
nesses, when none occur of your own ; and then perhaps you
will not so soon be weary of the Place you chance to be in,
and so fond of Rambling to get rid of your Ennui. I fancy
you have hit upon the right Reason of your being Weary of St.
Omer's, viz. that you are out of Temper, which is the effect
of full Living and Idleness. A Month in Bridewell, beating
Hemp, upon Bread and Water, would give you Health and
Spirits, and subsequent Cheerfulness and Contentment with
every other Situation. I prescribe that Regimen for you,
my dear, in pure good will, without a Fee. And let me tell
you, if you do not get into Temper, neither Brussels nor
Lisle will suit you. I know nothing of the Price of Living
in either of those Places ; but I am sure a single Woman, as
you are, might with (Economy upon two hundred Pounds
a year maintain herself comfortably anywhere, and me into
the Bargain. Do not invite me in earnest, however, to come
and live with you; for, being posted here, I ought not to
comply, and I am not sure I should be able to refuse.
Present my Respects to Mrs. Payne and Mrs. Heathcot ;
for, tho 1 1 have not the Honour of knowing them, yet, as you
say they are friends to the American Cause, I am sure they
26 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
must be Women of good Understanding. I know you wish
you could see me; but, as you can't, I will describe myself
to you. Figure me in your mind as jolly as formerly, and as
strong and hearty, only a few years older; very plainly
dress'd, wearing my thin gray strait hair, that peeps out under
my only Coiffure, a fine Fur Cap, which comes down my
Forehead almost to my Spectacles. Think how this must
appear among the Powder'd Heads of Paris ! I wish every
gentleman and Lady in France would only be so obliging as
to follow my Fashion, comb their own Heads as I do mine,
dismiss their Friseurs, and pay me half the Money they paid
to them. You see, the gentry might well afford this, and I
could then enlist those Friseurs, who are at least 100,000,
and with the Money I would maintain them, make a Visit
with them to England, and dress the Heads of your Ministers
and Privy Counsellors; which I conceive to be at present
un peu de'range'es. Adieu, Madcap ; and believe me ever,
your affectionate Friend and humble Servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. Don't be proud of this long Letter. A fit of the
Gout, which has confined me five Days, and made me re-
fuse to see Company, has given me a little time to trifle;
otherwise it would have been very short, Visitors and Busi-
ness would have interrupted ; and perhaps, with Mrs. Barrow,
you wish they had.
1777] THE SALE OF THE HESSIANS 27
829. THE SALE OF THE HESSIANS
FROM THE COUNT DE SCHAUMBERGH TO THE BARON HOHEN-
DORF, COMMANDING THE HESSIAN TROOPS IN AMERICA. 1
Rome, February 18, 1777.
MONSIEUR LE BARON: On my return from Naples,
I received at Rome your letter of the 27th December of last
year. I have learned with unspeakable pleasure the courage
our troops exhibited at Trenton, and you cannot imagine
my joy on being told that of the 1,950 Hessians engaged in
the fight, but 345 escaped. There were just 1,605 men
killed, and I cannot sufficiently commend your prudence in
sending an exact list of the dead to my minister in London.
This precaution was the more necessary, as the report sent
to the English ministry does not give but 1,455 dead. This
would make 483,450 florins instead of 643,500 which I am
entitled to demand under our convention. You will compre-
hend the prejudice which such an error would work in my
finances, and I do not doubt you will take the necessary pains
to prove that Lord North's list is false and yours correct.
The court of London objects that there were a hundred
wounded who ought not to be included in the list, nor paid
for as dead ; but I trust you will not overlook my instructions
1 For the authorship of this literary burlesque, see Tyler, " Literary His-
tory of the American Revolution," Vol. II, pp. 367-380; and Rosengarten,
" American History from German Archives," 1904, pp. 26-28. It appears
in the " Correspondance, Secrete et inedite" (see Vol. I, p. 60), but with no
allusion to Franklin. The time and place of its first publication are still
unknown, but it is almost certainly from Franklin's pen. ED.
28 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
to you on quitting Cassel, and that you will not have tried
by human succor to recall the life of the unfortunates whose
days could not be lengthened but by the loss of a leg or an
arm. That would be making them a pernicious present,
and I am sure they would rather die than live in a condition
no longer fit for my service. I do not mean by this that you
should assassinate them; we should be humane, my dear
Baron, but you may insinuate to the surgeons with entire
propriety that a crippled man is a reproach to their pro-
fession, and that there is no wiser course than to let every
one of them die when he ceases to be fit to fight.
I am about to send to you some new recruits. Don't
economize them. Remember glory before all things. Glory
is true wealth. There is nothing degrades the soldier like
the love of money. He must care only for honour and reputa-
tion, but this reputation must be acquired in the midst of
dangers. A battle gained without costing the conqueror
any blood is an inglorious success, while the conquered cover
themselves with glory by perishing with their arms in their
hands. Do you remember that of the 300 Lacedaemonians
who defended the defile of Thermopylae, not one returned ?
How happy should I be could I say the same of my brave
Hessians !
It is true that their king, Leonidas, perished with them:
but things have changed, and it is no longer the custom for
princes of the empire to go and fight in America for a cause
with which they have no concern. And besides, to whom
should they pay the thirty guineas per man if I did not stay
in Europe to receive them? Then, it is necessary also that
I be ready to send recruits to replace the men you lose. For
this purpose I must return to Hesse. It is true, grown men
1777]
THE SALE OF THE HESSIANS
29
are becoming scarce there, but I will send you boys. Be-
sides, the scarcer the commodity the higher the price. I am
assured that the women and little girls have begun to till
our lands, and they get on not badly. You did right to send
back to Europe that Dr. Crumerus who was so successful
in curing dysentery. Don't bother with a man who is subject
to looseness of the bowels. That disease makes bad soldiers.
One coward will do more mischief in an engagement than
ten brave men will do good. Better that they burst in their
barracks than fly in a battle, and tarnish the glory of our
arms. Besides, you know that they pay me as killed for
all who die from disease, and I don't get a farthing for run-
aways. My trip to Italy, which has cost me enormously,
makes it desirable that there should be a great mortality
among them. You will therefore promise promotion to all
who expose themselves; you will exhort them to seek glory
in the midst of dangers; you will say to Major Maundorff
that I am not at all content with his saving the 345 men who
escaped the massacre of Trenton. Through the whole cam-
paign he has not had ten men killed in consequence of his
orders. Finally, let it be your principal object to prolong
the war and avoid a decisive engagement on either side,
for I have made arrangements for a grand Italian opera, and
I do not wish to be obliged to give it up. Meantime I pray
God, my dear Baron de Hohendorf, to have you in his holy
and gracious keeping.
30 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
830. TO RICHARD PETERS 1 (p. R. o.)
March 6, 1777.
DEAR SIR: The Bearer, Mr. Garanger, Captain of
Bombardiers, had, as he informs me, engaged to go to Amer-
ica with M. de Coudray, an officer of great Distinction in the
Artillery, who is engaged in our Service, and sailed some time
since. M. Garanger not being then ready was left behind.
He is well recommended to me by M. Brisson, 2 a Gentleman
of Science here, and has other Certificates of his Abilities
to shew; besides that, the Judgment of M. de Coudray, in
chusing to engage him, is of itself more than a sufficient
Recommendation. I know nothing of the Contract between
them, and must for that refer to M. de Coudray himself,
who I hope is by this time safely arrived. I only beg leave
to introduce him to you, to recommend him to your Civilities
and Countenance, as a Gentleman who is zealous for our
Cause and desirous to serve it, and to request you will present
him to the Board of War. I Congratulate you on the Check
given to the Enemy in New Jersey, and wishing continued
Success to our Arms, and to you, and Mrs. Peters Health,
and Happiness, I have the honour to be, Dear Sir, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
1 Richard Peters (1744-1828), an eminent jurist of Philadelphia, was
elected by Congress (June 13, 1776) secretary of the Continental board of
war, and later was also a commissioner of war. ED.
2 Mathurin- Jacques Brisson (1723-1806), naturalist and physicist; suc-
cessor to Abbe Nollet in the chair of physics at the College of Navarre. His
" Histoire de 1'Electricite " was translated by Dr. Priestley. Captain Garanger
had seen twenty-one years' service in the artillery. His brother was a lieu-
tenant in the same service. Franklin's acquaintance with them began Janu-
ary 24, 1777. ED.
1777]
TO ARTHUR LEE
831. TO ARTHUR LEE 1
(L. c.)
Passy, March 21, 1777.
DEAR SIR,
We have received your Favours from Vitoria and from
Burgos. The Congress, sitting at Baltimore, dispatched a
Packet to us the Qth of January, containing Accounts of the
Success at Trenton, and subsequent Events to that Date, as
far as they had come to knowledge. The Vessel was obliged
to run up a little River in Virginia to avoid some Men-of-
War, and was detained there 17 Days, or we should have
had these Advices sooner. We learn however thro* England,
where they have News from N. York to the 4th of February,
that in Lord Cornwallis's retreat to Brunswick two Regi-
ments of his Rear Guard were cut to pieces; that G. Wash-
ington having got round him to Newark and Eliz. Town, he
1 In a letter from the Commissioners to the Committee of Secret Cor-
respondence, dated at Paris, February 6th, they write as follows : " Finding
that our residence here together is nearly as expensive as if separate, and
having reason to believe, that one of us might be useful in Madrid, and
another in Holland, and some courts further northward, we have agreed that
Mr. Lee go to Spain, and either Mr. Deane or Dr. Franklin to the Hague.
Mr. Lee sets out to-morrow, having obtained passports, and a letter from the
Spanish ambassador here to the minister there. The journey to Holland will
not take place so soon. The particular purposes of these journeys we cannot
prudently now explain."
Mr. Lee was not permitted by the Spanish court to proceed any farther
than Burgos. He was there met by the Marquis de Grimaldi, one of the
ministers, and succeeded in obtaining from the Spanish government a small
amount of money for purchasing military supplies, which were subsequently
shipped to the United States from Bilboa. William Alexander wrote to
Franklin (May 24, 1777), "I see you have made my old friend Lee a min-
ister at Madrid, I think he has very much the manners of a Spaniard when
he is not angry." ED.
32 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
had retired to Amboy in his Way to New York; that Gen.
Howe had called in the Garrisons of Fort Lee and Fort Con-
stitution, which were now possessed by our People ; that, on
the York side, Forts Washington and Independence were
retaken by our Troops, and that the British Forces at Rhode
Island were recalled for the Defence of New York.
The Committee in their Letters mention the Intention of
Congress to send Ministers to the Courts of Vienna, Tuscany,
Holland, and Prussia. They also send us a fresh Commission,
containing your Name instead of Mr. Jefferson's, with this
additional Clause, "and also to enter into, and agree upon a
Treaty with His Most Christian Majesty, or such other Per-
son or Persons as shall be by him authorized for that purpose,
for assistance in carrying on the present War between Gr. Br.
and these United States." The same Clause is in a particular
Commission they have sent me, to treat with the Court of
Spam, similar to our Common Commission to the Court of
France ; l and I am accordingly directed to go to Spain ; but,
as I know that Choice was made merely on the Supposition
of my being a little known there to the great Personage 2 for
whom you have my Letter, (a Circumstance of little Impor-
tance,) and I am really unable thro' Age to bear the Fatigue
and Incommodities of such a Journey, I must excuse myself
to Congress, and join with Mr. Deane in requesting you to
proceed in the Business on the former Footing, till you can
1 On the ist of January, 1777, Congress resolved : ' That Benjamin Frank-
lin be directed to proceed to the court of Spain, and there transact, in behalf
of the United States, such business as shall be intrusted to him by Congress,
agreeably to the instructions, that may be given to him, and transmitted by
the Committee of Secret Correspondence." See his Commission in the
Secret Journal of Congress, Vol. II, p. 42. ED.
2 Don Gabriel de Bourbon. ED.
1777] TO ARTHUR LEE 33
receive a particular Commission from Congress, which will
no doubt be sent as soon as the Circumstances are
known.
We know of no Plans or Instructions transmitted to Mr.
Deane but those you have with you. By this Packet, indeed,
we have some fresh Instructions, which relate to your mission,
viz. that, in case France and Spain will enter into the War,
the United States will assist the former in the Conquest of
the British Sugar Islands, and the latter in the Conquest of
Portugal, promising the Assistance of 6 Fregates mann'd, of
not less than 24 Guns each, and Provisions equal to 2,000,000
dollars; America desiring only for her Share, what Britain
holds on the Continent ; but you shall by the first safe Oppor-
tunity have the Instructions at length. I believe we must
send a Courier.
We are ordered to borrow if we can, ^2,000,000 on interest.
Judge then what a Piece of Service you will do, if you can
obtain a considerable Subsidy, or even a Loan without
Interest.
We are also ordered to build 6 Ships of War. It is a
Pleasure to find the things ordered, which we were doing
without Orders.
We are also to acquaint the several Courts with the Deter-
mination of America to maintain at all Events our Indepen-
dance. You will see, by the Date of the Resolution relating to
Portugal, as well as by the above, that the Congress were stout
in the midst of their Difficulties. It would be well to sound the
Court of Spain on the Subject of permitting our arm'd Ships
to bring Prizes into her Ports, and there dispose of them.
If it can not be done openly, in what manner we can be accom-
modated with the Use of their Ports, or under what Restric-
VOL. VII D
34 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
tions? This Government has of late been a little nice on
that head; and the Orders to L'Orient have occasioned
Captain Wickes some Trouble.
We have good Advice from our Friend of Amster dm , that,
in the Height of British Pride on their Summer Success, and
just before they heard of any Check, the ambassador, Sir
Joseph York, 1 had been ordered to present a haughty Memo-
rial to the States, importing that, notwithstanding their
Promises to restrain their Subjects from supplying the Rebels,
it was notorious, that those Supplies were openly furnish'd
by Hollanders at St. Eustatia ; and that the Governor of that
Island had returned, from his Fort, the Salute of a Rebel Ship
o] War with an equal Number of Guns; that the King justly
and highly resented these Proceedings, and demanded that
the States should by more severe Provisions restrain that
Commerce; that they should declare their disapprobation
of the insolent Behaviour of their Governor, and punish
him by an immediate Recall; otherwise his Majesty, who
knew what appertained to the Dignity of his Crown, would
take proper Measures to vindicate it: And he required an
immediate answer. The States coolly returned the Memorial,
with only this Observation, that, when the Respect due to
Sovereigns was not preserved in a Memorial, an Answer to it
ought not to be expected. But the City of Amsterdam took
fire at the Insolence of it, and have instructed their Deputies
in the States to demand Satisfaction by the British Court's
Disavowal of the Memorial, and a Reprimand of the Ambas-
sador. The States immediately demanded a Number of
Men-of-War ships to be put in Commission. Perhaps since
1 Sir Joseph Yorke, Baron Dover (1724-1792), was British minister at the
Hague from 1751 to 1780. ED.
1777] TO ARTHUR LEE 35
the bad News is come, England may be civil enough to make
up this little Difference. 1
Mr. Deane is still here. You desire our Advice about your
stopping at Burgos. We agree in Opinion, that you should
comply with the Request. While we are asking Aids, it is
necessary to gratify the desires, and in some Sort comply
with the Humours, of those we apply to. Our business now
is to carry our Point. But I have never yet changed the Opin-
ion I gave in Congress, that a Virgin State should preserve
the Virgin Character, and not go about suitoring for Alliances,
but wait with decent Dignity for the Applications of others.
I was overrul'd; perhaps for the best.
With the greatest Esteem, I am ever, dear Sir, your most
obedient humble Servant,
B. FRANKLIN
1 Benjamin Sowden wrote to Franklin from Rotterdam, June 7, 1777
(A. P. S.) : " It was at my Desire that Mr. Arrenberg [publisher of Gazetteer
Frartfais de Leide'} sent you in his last, a French piece entitled Avis aux
Hessois [Mirabeau ED.] which was much approved, and has had a sur-
prising run in this country. It is generally supposed to be the production of
a French gentleman in the Hague, where in reality it was printed, and not at
Clevcs as is asserted on the title-page. He added of his own accord, Sir
Joseph Yorke's menacing, or rather bullying, Memorial to the States, which
gave them such offense that had it not been Proved he received it ready
drawn up from England, they were determined to have informed him that he
might leave this country as soon as he pleased. It is generally said and
believed here, to have been composed by the King himself, and indeed the
indeterminate expression presque a la Portee du Canon shows it to be the
production of a Person unskilled in that precision with which things of this
nature ought always to be penned." EJD.
36 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
832. MODEL OF A LETTER OF RECOMMENDA-
TION (L. c.)
Paris, April 2, 1777.
SIR: The bearer of this, who is going to America,
presses me to give him a Letter of Recommendation, tho' I
know nothing of him, not even his Name. This may seem
extraordinary, but I assure you it is not uncommon here.
Sometimes, indeed one unknown Person brings another
equally unknown, to recommend him; and sometimes they
recommend one another ! As to this Gentleman, I must refer
you to himself for his Character and Merits, with which he is
certainly better acquainted than I can possibly be. I recom-
mend him however to those Civilities, which every Stranger,
of whom one knows no Harm, has a Right to ; and I request
you will do him all the good Offices, and show him all the
Favour that, on further Acquaintance, you shall find him to
deserve. I have the Honour to be, etc. [B. F.]
833. TO LORD STORMONT 1 (p. c.)
MY LORD Paris A P ril 2 >
We did ourselves the Honour of writing some time since to
, your Lordship on the Subject of Exchanging Prisoners.
1 From the private collection of Mr. D. McN. Stauffer. A copy of this letter
was immediately sent by Lord Stormont to Lord Weymouth, with the
following note (P. R. O.) :
" Thursday morning, April 3* 1777
" MY LORD,
" I send your Lordship a Copy of a very Extraordinary, and Insolent Letter,
that has just been left at my House, by a Person who called himself an
1777] TO LORD STORMONT 37
You did not condescend to give us any Answer, and therefore
we expect none to this. We however take the Liberty of
sending you Copies of certain Depositions which we shall
transmit to Congress whereby it will be known to your Court
that the United States are not unacquainted with the barba-
rous Treatment their People receive when they have the Mis-
fortune of being your Prisoners here in Europe. And that if
your Conduct towards us is not altered it is not unlikely that
severe Reprisals may be thought justifiable from the Ne-
cessity of putting some Check to such abominable Practices.
For the sake of Humanity it is to be wish'd that Men would
endeavour to alleviate as much as possible the unavoidable
Misseries attending a State of War. It has been said that
among the civilized Nations of Europe the ancient Horrors
of that State are much diminished. But the Compelling
Men by Chains, Stripes & Famine to fight against their
Friends and Relations, is a new Mode of Barbarity which
your Nation alone has the Honour of inventing. And the
sending American Prisoners of War to Africa and Asia remote
from all Probability of Exchange and where they can scarce
hope ever to hear from their Families even if the Unwhole-
someness of the Climate does not put a speedy End to their
Lives, is a manner of treating Captives that you can justify
English Gentleman ; I thought it by no means Proper to appear to have
received, and kept such a Letter, and therefore, My Lord, instantly sent it
Back, by a Savoyard, seemingly unopened, under Cover to M? Cannichal
who I discovered to be the Person that had brought the Letter, I added the
following short unsigned Note. ' The Kings Ambassador receives no Letters
from Rebels but when they come to implore His Majestys Mercy.'
" I am with the greatest Truth and Respect, etc.
" STORMONT."
An auto, draft of Franklin's letter is in L. G indorsed by Franklin,
"return'd with Insult." ED.
38 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
by no Precedent or Custom except that of the black Savages
of Guinea.
We are Your Lordships most obed* Humble Servants
BENj n FRANKLIN.
SILAS DEANE.
834. TO M. LITH (L.C.)
Passy near Paris April 6, 1777.
SIR,
I have just been honoured with a Letter from you, dated the
26th past, in which you express yourself as astonished, and
appear to be angry, that you have no Answer to a Letter you
wrote me of the nth of December, which you are sure was
delivered to me.
In exculpation of myself, I assure you that I never received
any Letter from you of that date. And indeed, being then
but 4 days landed at Nantes, I think you could scarce have
heard so soon of my being in Europe.
But I received one from you of the 8th of January, which I
own I did not answer. It may displease you, if I give you
the Reason; but, as it may be of use to you in your future
Correspondences, I will hazard that for a Gentleman to whom
I feel myself oblig'd, as an American, on ace* of his good Will
to our Cause.
Whoever writes to a Stranger should observe 3 Points.
i. That what he proposes be practicable. 2. His Propositions
should be made in explicit Terms, so as to be easily under-
stood. 3. What he desires should be in itself reasonable.
Hereby he will give a favourable Impression of his Under-
standing, and create a Desire of further Acquaintance. Now
1777] TO M. LITH 39
it happened that you were negligent in all these Points;
for, first, you desired to have Means procur'd for you of tak-
ing a Voyage to America "avec surett" ; which is not possible,
as the Dangers of the Sea subsist always, and at present there
is the additional Danger of being taken by the English. Then
you desire that this may be u sans trop grandes Dtpenses"
which is not intelligible enough to be answer'd, because, not
knowing your Ability of bearing Expences, one cannot judge
what may be trop grandes. Lastly, you desire Letters of
Address to the Congress and to General Washington ; which
it is not reasonable to ask of one who knows no more of you,
than that your Name is Lith, and that you live at Bayreuth.
In your last you also express yourself in vague Terms,
when you desire to be inform'd whether you may expect
"d'ttre refu, d'une manikre cowvenable" in our Troops.
As it is impossible to know what your Ideas are of the manikre
convenable, how can one answer this ? And then you demand,
whether I will support you by my Authority in giving you
Letters of Recommendation. I doubt not your being a Man
of Merit ; and, knowing it yourself, you may forget that it is
not known to everybody ; but reflect a Moment, Sir, and you
will be convinced, that, if I were to practise giving Letters
of Recommendation to Persons of whose Character I knew
no more than I do of yours, my Recommendations would soon
be of no Authority at all.
I thank you, however, for your kind Desire of being Ser-
viceable to my Countrymen; and I wish in return, that I
could be of Service to you in the scheme you have formed
of going to America. But Numbers of experienced Officers
here have offer* d to go over and join our Army, and I could
give them no Encouragement, because I have no Orders
40 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
for that purpose, and I know it extremely difficult to place
them when they come there. I cannot but think, therefore,
that it is best for you not to make so long, so expensive, and so
hazardous a Voyage, but to take the Advice of your Friends,
and "stay in Franconia" I have the honour to be, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
835. TO CONDE D'ARANDA 1 (i.e.)
Passy, April 7, 1777.
SIR,
I left in your Excellency's Hands, to be communicated, if
you please, to your Court, a Duplicate of the Commission
from Congress, appointing me to go to Spain as their Minister
Plenipotentiary. But, as I understand that the Receiving
such a Minister is not at present thought convenient, and I am
sure the Congress would have nothing done that might in-
commode in the least a Court they so much respect, I shall
therefore postpone that Journey till Circumstances may make
it more suitable. In the mean time, I beg leave to lay before
his Catholic Majesty, through the Hands of your Excel! 7 ,
the Propositions contained in a Resolution of Congress, dated
Dec. 30, 1776, viz.
"That, if His Catholic Majesty will join with the United
States in a War against Great Britain, they will assist in re-
ducing to the Possession of Spain the Town and Harbour of
Pensacola; provided the Inhabitants of the United States
shall have the free Navigation of the Mississippi, and the Use
of the Harbour of Pensacola ; and will, (provided it shall be
true, that his Portuguese Majesty has insultingly expelled the
1 Spanish ambassador to the court of France. See page 191. ED.
1777] TO C. RYBOT 41
Vessels of these States from his Ports, or has confiscated any
such Vessels,) declare War against the said King, if that
Measure shall be agreable to, and supported by, the Courts
of France and Spain."
It is understood, that the strictest union subsists between
those two courts ; and, in case Spain and France should think
fit to attempt the Conquest of the English Sugar Islands,
the Congress have further proposed to furnish Provisions to
the Amount of two Millions of Dollars, and to join their
Fleet, with 6 frigates of not less than twenty-four guns each,
manned and fitted for service ; and to render any other Assist-
ance which may be in their Power, as becomes good Allies ;
without desiring for themselves the possession of any of the
said Islands.
These propositions are subject to Discussion, and to re-
ceive such Modification as may be found proper. With
great respect, I have the honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
836. TO C. RYBOT (L.C.)
Passy, April 9, 1777.
SIR: I believe it is very unusual for one Man to pay
another's Debts without being desired so to do by the Debtor
or knowing that he acknowledges the Sum demanded to be
due. Mr. Hood is as much a Stranger to me as he is to you.
You have lent him 3 Guineas ; I have lent him 30, supposing
him an honest Man. By the account you give me of his Treat-
ment of you, and which I do not doubt, he appears to be
otherwise ; and from the Falshoods he told you and wrote to
42 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
you, there is reason to question the Truth of what he has said
of his Estate and Ability to pay. These are certainly no
Inducements to me to advance more on his Account. The
Letters he brought for me were of small Consequence, and the
Packets contain'd only Newspapers. The benefit therefrom
which you suppose I received by your helping him on to Paris,
is vastly less than the Damage I shall suffer by his coming
thither, if I am not paid; and I imagine that if a Man in-
trusted with carrying Letters to you should obtain a Credit
by showing them, you would hardly think yourself obliged
to pay his Debts. In the Memorandum you left with me you
have not given your Address in London. Send me that, if
you please.
I shall take the same Care and Pains to recover your Money
as my own, and when recovered shall faithfully remit it to
you. This seems to me all that you can fairly desire of, sir,
your most obedient humble Servant 1
B. FRANKLIN
1 This letter was an answer to one of the previous day from Mr. Rybot to
the following effect : " I did not imagine you would have hesitated to pay me
the trifling sum I disbursed for Mr. Wood, as had I not assisted him he must
(as himself declared) have staid at Calais till you had, w ch besides the expence
might have been detrimental to your concerns by y e delay ; 'tis true I have no
immediate call upon you, but as a man of known integrity, I am persuaded
you would not have me to be a sufferer by an act, from w 011 you reaped the
benefit" (A. P. S.). ED.
1777] TO THE BISHOP OF TRICOMIA 43
837. TO RICHARD BACHE 1
Passy near Paris, April 14, 1777.
DEAR SON : The bearer, Mr. Guez, 2 being well recom-
mended to me as a skilful surgeon, and otherwise of good
character for his morals and prudence, I recommend him to
your civilities and advice, which as a stranger he may have
occasion for ; and as he has not sufficient to pay his passage
here, and will not be able to provide such a sum immediately
there I desire you to advance it for him out of my money left
in your hands, and take his bond for repayment in a year. I
request likewise that you will endeavor to introduce him to
some employment either in the army or navy ; or if those are
full, into some town or place where one of his profession may
be wanted. Ben and Temple continue well, with your affec-
tionate father,
B. FRANKLIN.
838. TO THE BISHOP OF TRICOMIA 8 (L. c.)
Passy, April 22 1777.
REV D SIR : Mr. Mercley, whom your Reverence men-
tions as having made Promises to Monsieur, your Brother,
1 Printed from John Bigelow, " The Complete Works of Benjamin Frank-
lin," Vol. VI, p. 89. ED.
2 M. Guez was a young Swiss, son of a famous surgeon at Montpellicr and
Lausanne. This letter to Bache was written upon the very day that M. Guez
called upon Franklin with a letter of recommendation from Court de Gebelin,
who had at that moment completed the fourth volume of " Monde primi-
tif." ED.
* Tricomia is an extinct see in the Holy Land, near Jerusalem. ED.
44 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
was employ 'd as a Merchant to purchase some military Stores
for the Congress, but I know of no Authority that he had to
engage Officers of the Marine, or to make any Promises to
such in our Behalf. I have not myself (as I have already
had the Honour of telling your Reverence) the least Author-
ity from the Congress to make Promises to Officers to en-
courage their going to America ; and since my Arrival in France
I have constantly dissuaded all who have applied to me,
from undertaking the Voyage, as I know how difficult it
would be for them to find Employment, a few Engineers and
Officers of the Artillery excepted, who are gone. Neverthe-
less if your Brother continues resolv'd to go thither at his own
Expence and the Risque of finding or not finding Employ-
ment, which I cannot advise him to do, I will give him
Letters of Introduction to Gentlemen there, recommending
him to their Civilities ; but I must at the same time caution
him against having any Reliance on those Letters as a means
of procuring him a Command in our Armies, since I am by
no means sure they will have any such Effect. I will, if you
please, give him a Letter to Gen. Washington; but then I
should have the State of his services to enclose ; and if accom-
panied with Recommendations from some General Officers
of Note, it will be so much the better.
My Door is never shut to your Reverence when I am at
home, as I am almost every Evening. With great Respect
I have the Honour to be, your Reverence's most obedient and
most humble Serv 1 , B. F.
1777]
TO VISCOUNT DE PONTE DE LIMA
45
839. TO VISCOUNT DE PONTE DE LIMA l (L. c.)
Paris, April 26. 1777
SIR : The Congress of the United States of America have
seen a Paper purporting to be an Edict of his Portuguese
Majesty, dated at the Palace of Ajudo the 4th of July, 1776,
in which the said States are treated with Contumely, their
Ships however distressed, forbidden to enter any Port in
his Dominions, and his Subjects everywhere forbidden to
afford them the least Shelter or Relief. But as this Instru-
ment has not been communicated to the Congress with any
Circumstance of Authenticity, and appears only in Gazettes
which frequently contain fictitious Pieces not to be rely'd on ;
as a long Friendship and Commerce has subsisted between the
Portuguese and the Inhabitants of North America, whereby
Portugal has been supplied with the most necessary Com-
modities in Exchange for her Superfluities, and not the least
Injury has ever been committed or even offered by America
to that Kingdom, the United States can scarcely bring them-
selves to believe that the said Edict is genuine, and that Portu-
gal, which, but little more than a Century since, was with
respect to its former government in a Situation similar to
theirs, should be the first to reproach them with it as a Crime
that rendered them unworthy of the common Rights of Hu-
1 Minister for the affairs of the kingdom of Portugal. Another draft of this
document in L. C. is indorsed by Franklin, "Rough of the Memorial to
Portugal sent by M. Castrioto." Mr. Bigelow printed both drafts (Vol. VI,
pp. 91 and 93). As they are substantially the same, I have printed only the
memorial as sent. Another copy in the hand of Temple Franklin, with an
interlineation by Franklin, is in the Auckland Mss. at King's College, Cam-
bridge. ED.
46 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
manity, and should be the only Power in Europe that has
rejected their Commerce and assumed to judge of their Cause,
and condemn them without Authority, Hearing or Enquiry.
We, therefore, being Ministers of the Congress of the said
United States, have been charged by them to represent to his
most faithful Majesty their sincere desire to live in Peace with
all Mankind, and particularly with his Nation ; that if he has
been by their Enemies surpris'd into the issuing such an Edict,
he would be pleased in his Wisdom to reconsider and revoke it ;
and that he would henceforth permit the Continuance of the
said Friendly and Commercial Intercourse between his Peo-
ple and theirs, which has ever been so advantageous to both.
This Representation we now take the Liberty of making to
your Court through the Medium of your Excellency; and
whatever might have been its Reception if it had been made
before the late Change, we do not now allow ourselves to
doubt of its having in due time a favourable Answer, being
persuaded from the equitable Character of the present Gov-
ernment that the Measure in question cannot be approved of,
and such unworthy Treatment continued towards an inoffen-
sive and Friendly People.
With great Respect, we have the Honour to be your Ex-
cellency's most obedient and most humble Servants,
B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE
ARTHUR LEE
Commissioners Plenipotentiary of the
United States of North America.
I777 ] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 47
840. TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 1 (L. c.)
[Paris, April 26, 1777.]
I LONG laboured in England, with great zeal and sin-
cerity, to prevent the breach that has happened, and which is
now so wide, that no endeavours of mine can possibly heal it.
You know the treatment I met with from that imprudent
1 This letter has been variously treated by Franklin's editors. It has been
published as two different letters, and it has been conjectured that it was
addressed to Dr. Joseph Priestley. The date assigned to it by Mr. Bigelow
and repeated in the " List of the Benjamin Franklin Papers " (L. C.) is 1778.
An examination of the Ingenhousz letters in A. P. S. has shown that the
letter was addressed to Dr. Ingenhousz, and that it was written April 26,
1777.
Ingenhousz wrote to Franklin November 15, 1776, lamenting the scene
"of horror and bloodshed" of which America was the theatre. "What
dismal scene of confusion, anarchy and bloodshed exhibits this once happy
climate which did seem to be destined by the Author of Nature for the abode
of tranquillity, the asilum for those who are persecuted for religious principles,
and the only seat of undisturbed human felicity." From Franklin he declared
he had learned to regard Great Britain and the colonies as one country,
" having one common seat of government, which you thought should better
remain where it always was, than to be transferred within the colonies. You
told me more than once, that no more distinction should be made between a
man residing in England and one residing in North America, than between
the inhabitants of London and Sheffield Knowing from your own mouth
this to be your principle, I found myself often obliged to defend your conduct
before the most Respectable Persons, who were very willing to adscribe (sic)
in a great measure to you this unhappy contest and all the bloodshed of which
it has been already and may be still the cause will this dreadful storm at
last subside and end in a calm, as human affairs commonly do ? Or will it end
in a total subversion of things ? Will all the industrious labour of your ances-
tors employed in changing those wildernesses in the happyest abode for civil-
ized men, at once been rendered useless, and their so newly erected cities
converted again into inhabited deserts. I shudder at the very thoughts of
such horrid catastrophes, of which no example has ever happened upon the
surface of the earth." ED.
48 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
court; but I keep a separate account of private injuries,
which I may forgive ; and I do not think it right to mix them
with public affairs. Indeed, there is no occasion for their
aid to whet my resentment against a nation, that has burnt
our defenceless towns in the midst of winter, has excited the
savages to assassinate our innocent farmers, with their wives
and children, and our slaves to murder their masters !
It would therefore be deceiving you, if I suffered you to re-
main in the supposition you have taken up, that I am come to
Europe to make peace. I am in fact ordered hither by the
Congress for a very different purpose; viz. to procure those
aids from European powers, for enabling us to defend our
freedom and independence, which it is certainly their interest
to grant; as by that means the great and rapidly growing
trade of America will be open to them all, and not a monop-
oly to Great Britain, as heretofore ; a monopoly, that, if she
is suffered again to possess, will be such an increase of her
strength by sea, and if she can reduce us again to submission,
she will have thereby so great an addition to her strength by
land, as will, together, make her the most formidable power
the world has yet seen ; and, from her natural pride and inso-
lence in prosperity, of all others the most intolerable.
You desire to know my Opinion of what will probably be
the End of this War; and whether our new Establishments
will not be thereby reduced again to Deserts. I do not, for
my part, apprehend much danger of so great an Evil
to us. I think we shall be able, with a little Help, to
defend ourselves, our Possessions, and our Liberties so long
that England will be ruined by persisting in the wicked at-
tempt to destroy them. I must nevertheless regret that Ruin,
and wish that her Injustice and Tyranny had not deserv'd
I777 ] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 49
it. And I sometimes flatter myself, that, old as I am, I may
possibly live to see my Country settled in Peace and Pros-
perity, when Britain shall make no more a formidable Figure
among the Powers of Europe.
You put me in mind of an Apology for my Conduct, which
has been expected from me in Answer to the Abuses thrown
upon me before the Privy Council. 1 It was partly written,
but the Affairs of publick Importance I have ever since been
engag'd in prevented my finishing it. The Injuries, too, that
my Country has suffer'd, have absorbed private Resentments,
and made it appear trifling for an Individual to trouble the
World with his particular justification, when all his Com-
patriots were stigmatized by the King and Parliament as
being, in every respect, the worst of Mankind/ I am oblig'd
to you, however, for the friendly Part you have always taken
in the Defence of my Character; and it is indeed no small
Argument in my favour that those who have known me most
and longest still love me and trust me with their most impor-
tant Interests, of which my Election into the Congress by the
Unanimous Voice of the Assembly, or Parliament of Penn-
sylvania, the day after my arrival from England, and my
present Mission hither by the Congress itself, are Instances
incontestable.
I thank you for the Account you give me of M. Volta's
Experiment. You judge rightly in supposing, that I have not
much time at present to consider philosophical Matters;*
1 " You promised me to send me a copy of your Apology ; but I have
heard nothing about it since." Ingenhousz to Franklin, November 15
1776. ED.
1 " If I could expect that in the middel of the horrors of a civil war you
reserved some hours to philosophical pursuites, I should entertain you with
some experiments upon air and other matters, which I made some time ago
VOL. VII B
50 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1777
but, as far as I understand it from your Description, it is only
another form of the Leyden Phial, and explicable by the same
Principles. I must, however, own myself puzzled by one part
of your Account, viz. "and thus the electric Force once ex-
cited may be kept alive years together," which is perhaps
only a Mistake. I have known it indeed to be continued
many Months in a Phial hermetically sealed, and suppose
it may be so preserved for Ages; but, though one may, by
repeatedly touching the Knob of a charg'd Bottle with a small
insulated Plate, like the upper one of the Electrophore, draw
an incredible number of Sparks successively, that is, one after
every touch, and those for a while not apparently different in
magnitude, yet at length they will become small, and the
Charge be finally exhausted. But I am in the wrong to give
my Opinion till I have seen the Experiment.
I like much your Pasteboard Machine, 1 and think it
may, in some respects, be preferable to the very large Glass
ones constructed here. The Due de Chaulnes 2 has one, said,
some of which I hear are to be publish'd in the philosophical trans
The new Electrical Machine called by the discoverer, one Mr. Volta, an
Italian gentleman, Electrophorus perpetuus affords much matter of specula-
tion. Some electricians thinking that the phenomena of this machine do not
consist with your principles, have attempted to establish new ones ; but I
think them in the wrong. As the present troubles may possibly have pre-
vented you getting some knowledge of this discovery, I think it my duty to
give you a slight idea of its nature." [Here follows a description of the Vol-
taic battery.] Ingenhousz to Franklin, November 15, 1776. ED.
1 The " pasteboard machine " was thus referred to by Ingenhousz in his
letter. " Some years ago I contrived a very strong electrical machine ; it
consisted of a disk of pasteboard four feet in diameter thoroughly dryed, then
impregnated and covered with linseed oil varnish and whirled round ver-
tically, and rubbed by hair skins in the way my flat machines are rubbed."
ED.
2 Marie- Joseph d' Albert d'Ailly, due de Chaulnes (1741-1793), aban-
doned a military career to devote himself to science. He followed with enthu-
1777] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 51
if I remember right, to be 5 feet in diameter. I saw it tried,
but it happened not to be in order.
You inquire what is become of my Son, the Governor of
New Jersey. As He adhered to the Party of the King, his
People took him Prisoner, and sent him under a Guard into
Connecticut, where he continues; but is allow'd a District
of some Miles to ride about, upon his Parole of Honour not
to quit that Country. I have with me here his Son, a Youth
of about 17, whom I brought with me partly to finish his
Education, having a great Affection for him, and partly to have
his Assistance as a Secretary, in which Capacity he is very
serviceable to me. I have also here with me my worthy
Nephew, Mr. Williams, whom you ask after. The ingen-
ious Mr. Canton, our other fellow-traveller, I suppose you
know is now no more. 1
As to the present State of our Affairs, w* you desire to
be inform'd of, the English have long boasted much in their
Gazettes of their Successes against us ; but our latest Advices
are that they have been repuls'd in their intended Invasion of
Pennsylvania, and driven back thro' New Jersey to New
York, with considerable Loss in three Engagements, so that
the Campaign will probably end pretty much as it began,
leaving them only in possession of the Islands which their
naval Strength secures to them; and we shall in the next
Campaign be much better provided with Arms and Ammuni-
siasm Franklin's investigations in electricity. F. presented to A. P. S. (June
20, 1788) a large drawing upon which he had written "Due de Chaulnes's
Improvement of Dr. Franklin's electrical Kite." ED.
1 " I should be very glad to know at the same time how your Nephew
does, our fellow-traveller with Mr. Canton, and what is become of your son
the governor of New Jersey." Ingenhousz to Franklin, November 15^
1776. ED.
52 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
tion for their entertainment; when our Force is to consist
of 84 Battalions.
God bless you, my dear Friend, and believe me ever yours
most affectionately, B. F.
841. JAN INGENHOUSZ TO BENJAMIN
FRANKLIN (A. P. s.)
Tissingen in Suabia
this 28 juin 1777
DEAR FRIEND
It seems all your letters miscarry in a certain Way. Your last favour of
the 26 of April came only to my hands a few days ago after having passed
thro Vienna and a great part of the German Empire. I am still at Tissingen
in Suabia upon the estate of the Prince de la Tour et Tassis, whose two sons
I have successfully inoculated. I intend to set out from here to morrow for
Manheim were I will stay a few days; from there I will follow the Rhin to
Cologne, and from there to Holland and be at Amsterdam about the 2o th of
July, towards the first of August I intend to set out for London, introduce
a young Physician to the Medical faculty and to set out directly for Paris in
purpose to find you there towards the middel of August. If you should have
any commission to be fulfilled in London send only your letter to Amsterdam
at my name putting upon the direction these words Paste restante. If what
you would let Sir John or others know you could not communicate to me, you
want only to enclose a letter to them, which will faithfully be delivered by me,
tho I know commissions by words are Safer in the present circumstances, as
they could search my pockets and find letters which they could suspect. But
in this you will know better than I what precautions you ow to observe
for not to hurt your friends. If I had not some private business to perform
in Holland I would set out directly to Paris for to enjoye once more in this
world the greatest satisfaction of seing the most respectful of all my friends.
I was the more pleased to hear from yourself, that you will remain some
months longer in France, and that I have the most flattering hope of finding
you there in health and happiness.
Tho both your letters are far from fostering my wishes for to see peace
restored between America and Great Brittain, I cant lay my hope aside as
yet. The horrors of a civil war will at last make an impression in the mind
of the leaders on both side. The noble and generous resistance of the Brave
Americans will make England yield to their just pretensions of enjoying the
same liberties and privileges with the mother country. If I had not the
1777] INGENHOUSZ TO FRANKLIN 53
honour of knowing you, more than I do Mr Hcnkock, to be a prudent wise
and moderate man, incapable of that enthusiastic phrensy, which overpowers
rather than directs the exertion of our judgement, I should not be so decisive
in my expectation. But I am happy to find even in your own lettres the
greatest foundation of my hopes, because just all those injuries, brought upon
America by England, of which you complain, as burning your defenceless
cities in the winter, exciting Savages &c. are much posterior to the open
resistance of America. These wounds are consequences of every warr and
are allways buried in oblivion after the quarrel is settlet. However unwar-
rantable (and I am convinced they are) and imprudent may be the pro-
ceedings of the present ministry towards her Colonies, I can not think that
both these respectable nations deserve such horrid disasters as have been
allready the consequence of a dispute, which could be settled and can still
be, if violence of the mind do not overpower the rational faculties of parties
concerned. I am fully persuaded that you act accordingly to your best judg-
ment for the good and dignity of your country, and that no privat resentment
has any share in your proceedings. But I have not been able to persuade
fully some very respectable persons, that you keep the ungenerous treatment,
you recived so undeservedly from the ministry, quite upon a separate account
from public affaires. My respectfull attachment to you make me wish, that
your immortal name will go over to the latest posterity unsullied with the
least suspicion of blame, but in the contrary crowned with the glory of having
during the whole course of your live deserved highly from whole Mankind as
one of the greatest philosophers, and having finish' d such a glorious carriere
by settling your own country in peace and prosperity in reuniting the ties, so
unhappily broken, between the two most respectable nations of the World,
and blending them in one, the happyest for their laws and liberties and the
most powerfull, which ever existed in the world. I could wish to have even
the least share in bringing about such an honourable and happy reunion.
Somebody told me the Emperour is come to your own house. I know
he wish'd to have a discours with you, and should be sorry some menage-
ments for England had prevented him to instruct him self in the company of a
philosopher. . . .
What ever may be the consequences of your unhappy warr, it will only
excite in my mind a pity for both nations and perhaps for whole Mankind, if
the flames of such a destructive warr should fly over to the rest of the world.
I will be steadfast in conserving for you all the veneration I had before, and
the most dutiful sense of gratitude I owe to you for your civilities and friend-
ship towards me.
Give my best compliments to Mr Williams and your worthy nephew Franklin.
I am very respectfully Your most humble and
dear friend obedient servant and
affectionate friend
INGENHOUSZ
54 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
(D. S. W.)
842. TO THOMAS GUSHING 1 (L. c.)
Paris, May I, 1777.
SIR,
I thank you for your kind Congratulations on my Arrival
here, and shall be happy in finding that our Negotiations on
this side the Water are of effectual Service to our Country.
The general News here is, that all Europe is arming and
preparing for War, as if it were soon expected. Many of the
Powers, however, have their Reasons for endeavouring to
postpone it, at least a few Months longer.
Our Enemies will not be able to send against us all the
Strength they intended ; they can procure but few Germans ;
and their Recruiting and Impressing at home goes on but
heavily. They threaten, however, and give out, that Lord
Howe is to bombard Boston this summer, and Burgoyne,
with the Troops from Canada, to destroy Providence, and lay
waste Connecticut; while Howe marches against Phila-
delphia. They will do us undoubtedly as much Mischief
as they can ; but the Virtue and Bravery of our Countrymen
will, with the Blessing of God, prevent part of what they in-
tend, and nobly bear the rest. This Campaign is entered upon
with a Mixture of Rage and Despair, as their whole Scheme
of reducing us depends upon its Success; the wisest of the
Nation being clear, that, if this fails, Administration will not
be able to support another.
[We just now hear from Port L' Orient that a Privateer
1 A draft of this letter is in L. C.; a trans, is in D. S. W. The part
enclosed within brackets is stricken out of the draft in L. C, and was not
included in the letter as sent. ED.
1777] TO SAMUEL COOPER 55
from Boston, the brig Rising States, Capt. Thomson, 1 has
sent in a Prize there, laden with Fruit and Wine from Lisbon
to London, being the third she has taken. And Mr. Green-
wood, a Painter, formerly of Boston, who was here a few
Days since, and returned to London, writes from Dover
that he saw landed there eight Captains and their Mates,
out of a Dutch homeward-bound Ship, which had been put
on board her in the Channel by an American Privateer, who
had taken their several Ships and burnt two of them. We
do not know the Privateer's Name.]
With great respect, etc.
B. FRANKLIN.
843. TO SAMUEL COOPER (L. c.)
Paris, May I, 1777.
I THANK you for your kind Congratulations on my safe
Arrival here, and for your good Wishes. I am, as you sup-
posed, treated with great Civility and Respect by all Orders
of People; but it gives me still greater Satisfaction to find,
that our being here is of some Use to our Country. On that
head I cannot be more explicit at present.
I rejoice with you in the happy Change of Affairs in America
last Winter. I hope the same Train of Success will continue
1 Probably Captain Thomas Thompson, a choleric commander whose criti-
cism of politics and politicians at home and abroad lends sharpness and
humour to Franklin's correspondence. He arrived in October, 1777, at Port
Louis, without despatches and explained that he was tired of waiting upon a
dilatory Congress : " We have obtained leave after various pretences, not con-
sistent with the Honour of the U. S. nor the respect due to a Man of War
belonging to a free and independent Empire but small Folks must sing
small and for the sake of convenience must abate their dignity." ED.
56 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
thro' the Summer. Our Enemies are disappointed in the
Number of additional Troops they purposed to send over.
What they have been able to muster will not probably recruit
their Army to the State it was in the beginning of last Cam-
paign; and ours I hope will be equally numerous, better
arm'd, and better clothed, than they have been heretofore.
All Europe is on our Side of the Question, as far as Ap-
plause and good Wishes can carry them. Those who live
under arbitrary Power do nevertheless approve of Liberty,,
and wish for it; they almost despair of recovering it in Eu-
rope; they read the Translations of our separate Colony
Constitutions with Rapture; and there are such Numbers
everywhere, who talk of Removing to America, with their
Families and Fortunes, as soon as Peace and our Independ-
ence shall be established, that 'tis generally believed we shall
have a prodigious Addition of Strength, Wealth, and Arts,
from the Emigrations of Europe; and 'tis thought, that, to-
lessen or prevent such Emigrations, the Tyrannies established
there must relax, and allow more Liberty to their People.
Hence 'tis a Common Observation here, that our Cause is
the Cause of all Mankind t and that we are fighting for their
Liberty in defending our own. 'Tis a glorious task assign'd
us by Providence ; which has, I trust, given us Spirit and Vir-
tue equal to it, and will at last crown it with Success. I am
ever, my dear Friend, yours most affectionately,
B. F[RANKLIN].
1777] TO JOHN WINTHROP 57
844. TO JOHN WINTHROP (i.e.)
Paris, May I, 1777.
DEAR SIR,
I received your kind Letter of February 28, 1 which gave
me great Pleasure. I forwarded your Letter to Dr. Price,
who was well lately ; but his Friends, on his ace 1 , were under
some Apprehensions from the Violence of Government, in
consequence of his late excellent Publications in favour of
Liberty. I wish all the Friends of Liberty and of Man
would quit that Sink of Corruption, and leave it to its Fate.
The People of this Country are almost unanimously in our
favour. The Government has its reasons for postponing a
War, but is making daily the most diligent Preparations
wherein Spain goes hand in hand. In the mean time, Amer-
ica has the whole Harvest of Prizes made upon the British
Commerce ; a kind of Monopoly that has its Advantages, as,
by affording greater Encouragement to Cruisers, it increases
the Number of our Seamen, and thereby augments our naval
Power.
The Conduct of those Princes of Germany, who have sold
the Blood of their People, has subjected them to the Contempt
and Odium of all Europe. The Prince of Anspach, whose
Recruits mutinied and refus'd to march, was obliged to dis-
arm and fetter them, and drive them to the seaside by the help
of his Guards ; himself attending in Person. In his Return
he was publicly hooted by Mobs thro* every Town he passed
in Holland, with all sorts of reproachful Epithets. The
1 The letter dated February 28 is in A. P. S. and is printed in Ilale's
" Franklin in France," Vol. I, p. 106. ED.
58 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
King of Prussia's Humour of obliging those Princes to pay
him the same Toll per Head for the Men they drive thro'
his Dominions, as used to be paid him for their Cattle, be-
cause they were sold as such, is generally spoken of with
Approbation, as containing a just reproof of those Tyrants.
I send you enclosed one of the many Satires that have appeared
on this occasion. 1
With best Wishes of Prosperity to yourself and to my
dear Country, where I hope to spend my last Years, and lay
my Bones, I am ever, dear Sir, your affectionate Friend,
and humble Servant.
B. FRANKLIN.
845. TO GEORGE WASHINGTON 2
Paris, June 13, 1777.
SIR,
The bearer, M. le Comte Kotkouski, a Polish officer, is
recommended to me by several Persons of worth here, as a
man of experience in military affairs, and of tried bravery.
He has lost his family and estate in Poland, by fighting there
in the cause of liberty, and wishes, by engaging in the same
cause, to find a new country and new friends in America.
Count Pulaski, who was a general of the confederates in Po-
land, and who is gone to join you, is esteemed one of the great-
est officers in Europe. He can give you the character of this
M. Kotkouski, who served under him as lieutenant-colonel. 5
1 Perhaps a reference to the satirical jeu # esprit on p. 27. ED.
2 Printed by Jared Sparks, " The Diplomatic Correspondence of the Amer-
ican Revolution," Boston, 1829, Vol. Ill, p. 12. -Eo.
* Count Kothkowski embarked on a Dutch vessel for Boston, with this
letter of recommendation. He was taken prisoner and carried to Portsmouth,
where he suffered much, and in December appealed to Franklin for help.- ED.
1777]
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON
59
It is with regret that I give letters of introduction to foreign
officers, fearing that you may be troubled with more than you
can provide for, or employ to their and your own satisfaction.
When particular cases seem to have a claim to such letters,
1 hope you will excuse my taking the liberty. I give no ex-
pectations to those who apply for them ; I promise nothing ;
I acquaint them, that their being placed when they arrive
is a great uncertainty, and that, the voyage being long, ex-
pensive, and hazardous, I counsel them not to undertake it.
This honest gentleman's zeal is not to be discouraged by such
means; he determines to go and serve as a volunteer, if he
cannot be employed immediately as an officer ; but I wish and
hope, that your Excellency may find a better situation for
him, and that he will be a useful officer. He has the advan-
tage of understanding English, and will soon speak it intel-
ligibly. He also speaks German, and some other European
languages, and the Latin. With the truest esteem and re-
spect, I have the honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
846. TO GEORGE WASHINGTON
SIR,
Paris, June 13, 1777.
The person, who will have the honour of delivering this to
your Excellency, is Monsieur le Baron de Frey, who is well
recommended to me as an officer of experience and merit,
with a request that I would give him a letter of introduction.
I have acquainted him, that you are rather overstocked with
1 Printed by Jared Sparks, The Diplomatic Correspondence of the Amer-
ican Revolution," Boston, 1829, Vol. Ill, p. 13. ED.
60 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
officers, and that his obtaining employment in your army
is an uncertainty ; but his zeal for the American cause is too
great for any discouragements I can lay before him, and he
goes over at his own expense, to take his chance, which is a
mark of attachment that merits our regard. He will show
your Excellency the commissions and proofs of his military
service hitherto, and I beg leave to recommend him to your
notice. With the sincerest esteem and respect,
B. FRANKLIN.
847. TO CAPTAIN HENRY JOHNSON 1
(P. R. O. A. W. I.)
Passy, July 22, 1777.
SIR
The Bearer M. Le Chevr. de Kninon, who is desirous
of going to America, is well recommended to me as a Per-
son of Character and Merit. If he takes his Passage with
you, I make no doubt that you will treat him with all the
Civilities due to a Gentleman, in which you will very much
oblige, Sir, etc., B. FRANKLIN.
848. BERNARDIN DE SAINT PIERRE TO
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 2 (A. P. s.)
MONSIEUR,
Un de mes freres cadets vient d'entrer au service de votre republique et
j'ai cru cette occasion favorable en vous demandant le service de lui faire
1 Captain Johnson commanded the American brig privateer Lexington.
She was captured off Ushant on the iQth of September, 1777, by Lieu-
tenant iBarely of his Majesty's cutter Alert. Twelve original papers were
found on board, and are now in P. R. O. A. W. I. ED.
2 This letter in A. P. S. is endorsed : " This is an autograph of the cele-
1777]
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON"
61
passer une lettre (dont je vous prie de prendre lecture) de me procurer 1'honneur
de vous connattre personnellement. II y a longtems, Monsieur, que je vous
connoissais comme grand phisicien, comme grand orateur, et ce qui passe tous
les talents parce qu'il exige toutes les vertus comme grand patriote. J'aurois
pu aisement dans les relations que vous donnent vous travaux trouver ici des
personnes de votre connaissance et de la mienne, mais j'aime les sciences et je
frequente peu les scavans car il me semble qu'il y a des choses a acquerir plus
estimables que les lumieres.
Si dans quelques uns de vos moments de loisir, vous vouliez bien m'en
indiquer un pour une entrevue je tacherai de vous interesser en faveur d'un
frere qui est alle partager la gloire de votre cause et qui me paroit penetre"
pour vous des mSmes sentimens que moi.
Agreez, Monsieur, les sentiments d'estime et de respect avec lesquels j'ai
Thonneur d'fitre,
Votre tres humble et tres
obeissant serviteur
DE SAINT-PIERRE
ancien Cap 1 }? ingenieur du roy.
A Th6tel de Bourbon rue de
la Magdelaine S 4 Honore.
849. TO GEORGE WASHINGTON 1 (D. s. w.)
[August] 1777.
SIR: The Marquis de Lafayette, a young nobleman of
great expectations and exceedingly beloved here, is by this
time probably with you. By some misapprehension in his
contract with the merchants of Bordeaux he was prevented
from using the produce of the cargo he carried over, and so
brated J. H. Bernardin de St. Pierre, author of ' Etudes de la Nature,' ' Paul
et Virginie,' etc. The brother here mentioned was Dutailly de St. Pierre.
He entered into the service of the Americans and after a variety of adven-
tures some of which were of a disgraceful character he was sent a prisoner to
France and locked up in the Bastille. Through the interference of Dr. Frank-
lin he was restored to liberty. Soon after he lost his reason, and ended his
days in a mad house." See Aime Martin, " Memoir sur la vie et les Ouvrages
de J. H. Bernardin de Saint Pierre," Paris, 1826, p. 273. ED.
1 The rough draft of this letter in D. S. W. is without date. ED.
62 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
was left without a supply of money. His friends here
have sent him over about 500 sterling; and have pro-
posed sending him more; but on reflection, knowing the
extreme generosity of his disposition, and fearing that some
of his necessitous and artful countrymen may impose on
his goodness, they wish to put his money into the hands of
some discreet friend, who may supply him from time to
time, and by that means knowing his expenses, may take
occasion to advise him, if necessary, with a friendly affec-
tion, and secure him from too much imposition. They
accordingly have desired us to name such a person to them.
We have not been able to think of one so capable, and so
suitable from the influence of situation, to perform that
kind office, as General Washington, under whose eye the
gentleman will probably be. We beg therefore in his be-
half, what his friends out of respect would not take the
liberty of asking, that your Excellency would be pleased
to furnish him with what money he may want in modera-
tion, and take his drafts payable to us for the sums paid
him, which we shall receive here and apply to the public
service. We also join* with his family in their earnest re-
quest that you would favour him with your counsels, which
you may be assured will be an act of benevolence grate-
fully remembered and acknowledged, by a number of very
worthy persons here who interest themselves extremely
in the welfare of that amiable young nobleman.
With the greatest respect we have the honour to be, sir,
Your Excellency's, etc.
1777] TO GEORGE WASHINGTON 63
850. TO GEORGE WASHINGTON (L. c.)
Passy Near Paris, September 4, 1777.
SIR : The Gentleman who will have the Honour of wait-
ing upon you with this Letter is the Baron de Steuben, 1
lately a Lieutenant-General in the king of Prussia's Service,
whom he attended in all his Campaigns, being his Aide-
de-Camp, Quartermaster General, etc. He goes to Amer-
ica with a true Zeal for our Cause, and a View of engaging
in it and rendring it all the Service in his Power. He is
recommended to us by two of the best Judges of military
Merit in this Country, M. de Vergennes and M. de St. Ger-
main, who have long been personally acquainted with him,
and interest themselves in promoting his Voyage, from a
full Persuasion that the Knowledge and Experience he has
acquired by 20 Years 7 Study and Practice in the Prussian
School may be of great Use in our Armies. I therefore can-
not but wish that our Service may be made agreable to him.
I have the honour to be, etc.
B. F.
1 Frederick William Augustus Henry Ferdinand von Steuben (Baron
Steuben) was born in Magdeburg, Prussia, in 1730, and died in Steubenville,
New York, in 1794. After a brilliant military career in Prussia, having served
through the Seven Years' War, he entered the American army in September,
1777. Among the Franklin papers in A. P. S. are several pathetic letters of
inquiry concerning Steuben written by his aged father in Germany. At the
close of 1779 nothing had been heard of him since he left Prussia. His
father, aged eighty-one, and his mother, aged seventy-three, hoped that Franklin
would not refuse the petition of two aged persons. ED.
64 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN- FRANKLIN [1777
851. TO RICHARD PETERS 1
Passy, September 12, 1777
SIR,
The bearer, M. Ge*rard, is recommended to me by M.
Dubourg, 3 a gentleman of distinction here, and a hearty
friend to our cause. I enclose his letter, that you may see
the favourable manner in which he speaks of M. Gerard.
I thereupon take the liberty of recommending the young
gentleman to your civilities and advice, as he will be quite
a stranger there, and to request that you would put him in
the way of serving as a volunteer in our armies. I am,
Sir, B. FRANKLIN.
852. TO ? (L. c.)
Passy, Oct. 4, 1777.
SIR,
I am much obliged by your communication of the letter
from England. I am of your opinion, that it is not proper
for publication here. Our friend's expressions concerning
Mr. Wilson, will be thought too angry to be made use of by
one philosopher when speaking of another, and on a phil-
osophical question. He seems as much heated about this
1 Printed by Jared Sparks, " The Diplomatic Correspondence of the
American Revolution," Boston, 1829, Vol. Ill, p. 15. ED.
2 In a letter dated September 8, 1777. See "The Revolutionary Diplo-
matic Correspondence of the United States," Wharton, Vol. II, p. 391. ED.
8 For the controversy in England respecting pointed and blunt lightning
conductors, see Vol. I, pp. 106-108. See also the report on Lightning Con-
ductors for the Powder Magazines at Purfleet, August 21, 1772. ED.
1777] TO JAMES LOVELL 65
one point, as the Jansenists and Molinists were about the
five. As to my writing any thing on the subject, which
you seem to desire, I think it not necessary, especially as I
have nothing to add to what I have already said upon it in
a paper read to the committee, who ordered the conductors
at Purfleet ; which paper is printed in the last French edition
of my writings.
I have never entered into any controversy in defence of
my philosophical opinions ; I leave them to take their chance
in the world. If they are right, truth and experience will
support them; if wrong, they ought to be refuted and re-
jected. Disputes are apt to sour one's temper, and disturb
one's quiet. I have no private interest in the reception of
my inventions by the world, having never made, nor pro-
posed to make, the least profit by any of them. The King's
changing his pointed conductors for blunt ones is, therefore,
a matter of small importance to me. If I had a wish about
it, it would be that he had rejected them altogether as inef-
fectual. For it is only since he thought himself and family
safe from the thunder of Heaven, that he dared to use his
own thunder in destroying his innocent subjects. I am,
Sir, yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
853. TO JAMES LOVELL 1 (M. H. s.)
Passy, Near Paris, Oct. 7, 1777
DEAR SIR
I received your Favour (without date) communicating a
1 James Lovell (1737-1814) was a member of the Continental Congress
from Massachusetts (1776-1782). He was a member of the Committee of
Foreign Affairs, and diligently corresponded with the American commis-
sioners and ministers in Europe. ED.
VOL. VII F
66 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN* FRANKLIN [1777
method of secret writing, for which I am obliged to you.
I have since receiv'd yours of July 4.
I was very sensible before I left America of the inconven-
iencies attending the Employment of Foreign officers, and
therefore immediately on my Arrival here I gave all the
Discouragement in my Power to their going over ; but Num-
bers had been previously engag'd by M r Deane who could
not refuse the Applications made to him. I was concern' d
in sending the four Engineers, and in making the contract
with them: but before they went, I had reason to dislike
one of them, and to wish the agreement had not been made,
for I foresaw the Discontent that Man was capable of pro-
ducing among his companions, and I fancy that if instead
of America they had gone to Heaven it would have been
the same thing. You can have no conception of the Arts
and Interest made use of to recommend and engage us to
recommend very indifferent Persons. The importunity
is boundless. The Numbers we refuse incredible: which
if you knew you would applaud us for, and on that Account
excuse the few we have been prevail'd on to introduce to
you. But, as somebody says,
" Poets lose half the Praise they would have got
Were it but known what they discretely blot."
I wish we had an absolute order to give no Letter of Recom-
mendation or even Introduction of the future to any foreign
officer whatever.
As to the Instruction passed in Congress respecting French
Officers who do not understand English we never made it
known here, from the same apprehension that you express:
all that understood a little English would have thought
1777]
TO THE MARQUIS DE CONDORCET
themselves intitled to a Commission, and the rest would
have undertaken to learn it in the passage.
With great esteem, I am
Sir,
Your most obedient
humble Servant
P. S. B. FRANKLIN
I enclose some Papers given me by the Baron Steuben, a
Prussian officer who has gone over. Perhaps there may
[be] useful Hints in them.
854. TO THE MARQUIS DE CONDORCET 1
(p. c.)
Passy, Oct. 12. 1777
DEAR SIR
I send you enclosed the Letter you desire. But as I am
apprehensive that the young Gentleman may have flattered
himself with Expectations that are never likely to be an-
swered in that Country, I wish he would consider it well
before he undertakes such a Voyage. If he will take the
Trouble of calling on me, perhaps I may afford him some
useful Lights on the Subject.
I have not yet seen in the Vol. of 1773 what you mention.
I am glad to hear that Mad e la Duchesse d'Enville and
the amiable Family are well. With the greatest Esteem
and Respect, Je suis
Mon cher et illustre Confrere
Your most obedient
humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN
1 From the original in the possession of Hon. Samuel W. Penny-
packer. ED.
68 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
P. S. I have read with the highest Pleasure your excellent
Eloge de M. FHopital. I knew you before as a great Mathe-
matician: I now consider you as one of the first among
the Politicians of Europe.
855. TO DAVID HARTLEY 1 (D. s. w.)
Passy, Oct. 14, 1777.
DEAR SIR,
I received duly your letter of May 2, 1777, including a
copy of one you had sent me the year before, which never
came to hand, and which it seems has been the case with
some I wrote to you from America. Filled tho' our letters
have always been with sentiments of good will to both coun-
tries, and earnest desires of preventing their ruin and pro-
moting their mutual felicity, I have been apprehensive,
that, if it were known that a correspondence subsisted be-
tween us, it might be attended with inconvenience to you.
I have therefore been backward in writing, not caring to
trust the post, and not well knowing whom else to trust
with my letters. But being now assured of a safe convey-
1 This letter miscarried, and exists only in a copy in D. S. W. David
Hartley (1732-1813) was the son of David Hartley, the philosopher, after
whom Coleridge named his eldest child. He was a B.A. of Corpus Christi,
Oxford, and a fellow of Merton College. He represented Hull in Parliament,
1774 to 1780 and from 1782 to 1784. His intimate friendship with Franklin
and his attachment to Lord Rockingham caused him to be elected to act as
plenipotentiary in Paris, where he helped to draw up the treaty of peace
between Great Britain and the United States. He eagerly sought to splinter
the broken joint between Great Britain and the colonies, and deplored the
folly and madness of the American war. Five large volumes of letters and
other documents relating to the peace are now in the possession of Mrs. L. Z.
Leiter, of Washington. ED.
1777] TO DAVID HARTLEY 69
ance, I venture to write to you, especially as I think the
subject such an one as you may receive a letter upon with-
out censure.
Happy should I have been, if the honest warnings I gave,
of the fatal separation of interests, as well as of affections,
that must attend the measures commenced while I was in
England, had been attended to, and the horrid mischief of
this abominable war been thereby prevented. I should
still be happy in any successful endeavours for restoring
peace, consistent with the liberties, the safety, and honour
of America. As to our submitting to the government of
Great Britain, it is vain to think of it. She has given us,
by her numberless barbarities in the prosecution of the
war, and in the treatment of prisoners, by her malice in
bribing slaves to murder their masters, and savages to
massacre the families of farmers, with her baseness in re-
warding the unfaithfulness of servants, and debauching
the virtue of honest seamen, intrusted with our property,
so deep an impression of her depravity, that we never again
can trust her in the management of our affairs and inter-
ests. It is now impossible to persuade our people, as I long
endeavoured, that the war was merely ministerial, and that
the nation bore still a good will to us. The infinite number
of addresses printed in your gazettes, all approving this
conduct of your government towards us, and encouraging
our destruction by every possible means, the great majority
in Parliament constantly manifesting the same sentiments,
and the popular public rejoicings on occasion of any news
of the slaughter of an innocent and virtuous people, fighting
only in defence of their just rights ; these, together with the
recommendations of the same measures by even your cele-
70 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
brated moralists and divines, in their writings and sermons,
that are cited approved and applauded in your great national
assemblies ; all join in convincing us, that you are no longer
the magnanimous and enlightened nation, we once esteemed
you, and that you are unfit and unworthy to govern us, as
not being able to govern your own passions.
But, as I have said, I should be nevertheless happy in
seeing peace restored. For tho', if my friends and the
friends of liberty and virtue, who still remain in England,
could be drawn out of it, a continuance of this war to the
ruin of the rest would give me less concern, I cannot, as that
removal is impossible, but wish for peace for their sakes,
as well as for the sake of humanity, and preventing further
carnage.
This wish of mine, ineffective as it may be, induces me to
mention to you, that, between nations long exasperated
against each other in war, some act of generosity and kind-
ness towards prisoners on one side has softened resentment,
and abated animosity on the other, so as to bring on an ac-
commodation. You in England, if you wish for peace,
have at present the opportunity of trying this means, with
regard to the prisoners now in your goals. They com-
plain of very severe treatment. They are far from their
friends and families, and winter is coming on, in which they
must suffer extremely, if continued in their present situation ;
fed scantily on bad provisions, without warm lodging,
clothes, or fire, and not suffered to invite or receive visits
from their friends, or even from the humane and charitable
of their enemies.
I can assure you, from my own certain knowledge, that
your people, prisoners in America, have been treated with
I 7 77] TO DAVID HARTLEY 71
great kindness ; they have been served with the same rations
of wholesome provisions with our own troops, comfortable
lodgings have been provided for them, and they have been
allowed large bounds of villages in a healthy air, to walk
and amuse themselves with on their parole. Where you
have thought fit to employ contractors to supply your people,
these contractors have been protected and aided in their
operations. Some considerable act of kindness towards
our people would take off the reproach of inhumanity in
that respect from the nation, and leave it where it ought
with more certainty to lay, on the conductors of your war
in America. This I hint to you, out of some remaining
good will to a nation I once sincerely loved. But, as things
are, and in my present temper of mind, not being over fond
of receiving obligations, I shall content myself with pro-
posing, that your government would allow us to send or
employ a commissary to take some care of those unfortu-
nate people. Perhaps on your representations this might
speedily be obtained in England, though it was refused most
inhumanly at New York.
If you could have leisure to visit the goals in which they
are confined, and should be desirous of knowing the truth
relative to the treatment they receive, I wish you would
take the trouble of distributing among the most necessitous
according to their wants, two or three hundred pounds,
for which your drafts on me here shall be punctually hon-
our'd. You could then be able to speak with some cer-
tainty to the point in Parliament, and this might be attended
with good effect.
If you cannot obtain for us permission to send a com-
missary, possibly you may find a trusty, humane, discreet
72 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
person at Plymouth, and another at Portsmouth, who
would undertake to communicate what relief we may be
able to afford those unhappy, brave men, martyrs to the
cause of liberty. [Your King will not reward you for tak-
ing this trouble, but God will.] I shall not mention the
good will of America ; you have what is better, the applause
of your own good conscience. Our captains have set at
liberty above 200 of your people, made prisoners by our
armed vessels and brought into France, besides a great
number dismissed at sea on your coasts, to whom vessels
were given to carry them in: But you have not returned
us a man in exchange. If we had sold your people to the
Moors at Sallee, as you have many of ours to the African
and East India Companies, could you have complained?
In revising what I have written, I found too much warmth
in it, and was about to strike out some parts. Yet I let
them go, as they will afford you this one reflection; "If a
man naturally cool, and rendered still cooler by old age, is
so warmed by our treatment of his country, how much
must those people in general be exasperated against us?
And why are we making inveterate enemies by our barbar-
ity, not only of the present inhabitants of a great country,
but of their infinitely more numerous posterity; who will
in future ages detest the name of Englishman, as much as
the children in Holland now do those of Alva and Span-
iard.' 11 This will certainly happen, unless your conduct is
speedily changed, and the national resentment falls where
it ought to [fall] heavily, on your ministry, [or perhaps
rather on the King, whose will they only execute].
With the greatest esteem and affection, and best wishes
for your prosperity, I have the honour to be, dear Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1777] TO CAPTAINS THOMPSON AND H IN MAN 73
856. TO CAPTAINS THOMAS THOMPSON AND
ELISHA HINMAN (L. c.)
Paris, 25 th Novem r , 1777.
SIR : We advise you on your return to L'Orient to put
your Ship in readiness for Sea, 1 Capt. Hinman will do
the same, and after you have obtained the best intelligence
to be had of the British Merchant Ships and Commerce to
pursue the Course which you judge best for interrupting
and making prizes on our Enemies ships and property.
As it is by no means safe to return into the Ports of France,
you will calculate your Stores, so as to have a sufficiency
for your cruise, which we cannot indeed be particular in
the Direction of. It has been suggested that one or more
of the India Ships returning may be intercepted, that
part of the West India homeward-bound Ships may be ex-
pected about this Time, as well as Transports returning from
New York and elsewhere in America, and that by cruising
in the proper Latitudes you may meet with them. That
the British Factories and Commerce on the African Coast
at this time lie without any Force sufficient to protect them,
and that by running along that Coast you may greatly
annoy and distress the Enemy in that Quarter, and after-
wards go for the West Indies.
As you and Captain Hinman have already considered
1 The Raleigh^ a frigate of thirty-two guns. Captain Hinman's ship, Alfred,
carried twenty guns. They arrived at L'Orient November the 7th with
two of the Jamaica fleet taken by them in the English Channel. They
sailed from L'Orient December 29 at 3 P.M.- ED.
74 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
these several plans for a Cruise, we leave with you to deter-
mine which to prefer, and the manner in prosecuting either,
or any other that may appear more likely to answer the
design of your commission. We are happy in observing
the harmony and confidence which subsists between you
and Captain Hinman, and hope the same prevails between
your Officers and Men, which we are certain you will cul-
tivate through the whole of your Expedition, in which we
recommend to you, to avoid giving any offence to the Flaggs
of Neutral powers, and to shew them proper marks of Re-
spect and Friendship. As you may meet with Vessels of
the Enemy so near the Coast of Europe, that you may be
under the Necessity of sending them into some Port of
France, we advise you to agree with Messrs. Goularde, etc.,
on the method of conduct in such cases, previous to your
departure, and give orders to the Officers to whom you
give the Command of such Prizes, accordingly thereto.
Whenever you judge it prudent to dismiss Prisoners, sub-
jects of his Brittannic Majesty, we advise you to take from
them in writing an acknowledgment of their having been
your Prisoners, their Quality, Place of Residence, and that
they are dismissed by you in confidence that an equal Num-
ber of the Subjects of the Thirteen United States of the
same Rank, that now are, or may hereafter be Prisoners to
his said Brittannic Majesty will be set at Liberty. You
are also to deliver a Copy of such writing to the Prisoners,
enjoining them to deliver the same on their arrival in Brit-
tarn to the Lords of the British Admiralty, and by the first
Opportunity inclose a Duplicate to the Committee or Board
of Marine in Boston, and another to us, with an acc't of
your proceedings. We shall deliver Capt n Hinman a Copy
1777] TO MAJOR THORNTON 75
of this Letter, who will proceed in Concert with you in the
Cruise.
With best wishes [incomplete].
857. TO MAJOR THORNTON (L. c.)
[Dec. ii, 1777]
You will receive herewith a Letter to Lord North and
another to Sir Grey Cooper, Secretary of the Treasury, to
which you are to endeavour to obtain Answers.
As the Purport is to obtain Permission to visit and ex-
amine into the Situation of our People in their Goals, and
administer to their Relief, we hope a Request so consonant
to Humanity will not be refused. But if you cannot obtain
such Permission, yet (if not absolutely forbidden) we desire
you would endeavour to see the Prisoners, take an ace 1 of
their Names, the Rank or Quality they serv'd in, the State
they belonged to, in what Vessel and by whom they were
taken, and such other particulars as may tend to give us
perfect Information of their Circumstances.
But before you leave London to visit the Prisoners, wait
on Mr. Hartley (for whom also you have a Letter which
you will deliver as soon as you arrive) and desire his Advice
or Orders; and if he should be so kind as to give you any
relating to the Premises, you are to follow the same punc-
tually in the future Proceedings.
You will receive herewith Fifty Guineas for Traveling
Expenses, of which you will render an Acct.
We wish you a good Journey, being, sir, your most humble
servants.
76 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
858. TO SIR GREY COOPER 1 (L. c.)
Paris, Dec. u, 1777.
DEAR SIR : Receiving frequent Accounts by American
Prisoners who have escaped from your Goals, of the miser-
able Situation and hard Treatment of their Countrymen
at Portsmouth and Plymouth, we haveprevaiFd with a Gentle-
man, Major Thornton (to us much a Stranger, but who ap-
pears a Man of Humanity), to visit the Prisons there, and
give from us some Relief to those unfortunate Men. I hope
that thro' your Interest he may obtain a Permission for that
purpose. I would have wish'd that some voluntary Act of
Compassion on the Part of your Government towards those
in your Power had appeared in abating the Rigours of their
Confinement, and relieving their pressing Necessities, as
such Generosity towards Enemies has naturally an Effect in
softening and abating Animosity in their Compatriots and
disposing to Reconciliation. This, if I had any Influence
with your Ministers I should recommend as prudent, being
what would at least secure a Continuance of that kind Usage
your People when our Prisoners have always experienced
with us. Mr. Thornton is charged with a Letter to Lord
North, which I request you would procure him an Oppor-
tunity of delivering, and endeavour to obtain an Answer;
perhaps it may not be thought proper to give any ; But I am
sure it will not be an insolent one like that from Lord Stor-
mont to a similar Application. The Remembrance of ancient
1 Sir Grey Cooper was one of the secretaries of the treasury from 1765 to
1782, under the successive governments of Chatham, Grafton, and North.
He was member of Parliament for Saltash (1774-1784). ED.
1 777 ] TO JAMES LOVELL 77
Friendship encourages me to Request this. If 'tis too much,
you can prevent a Repitition of it by making no Reply.
With my affectionate Respects to Lady Cooper, 1 and love to
my former young Friends, I am ever, dear Sir, your most
obedient, humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
859. TO JAMES LOVELL (L. c.)
Paris, Dec. 21, 1777.
SIR,
I see in a Vote of Congress shown me by Captain Franval,
that Mr. Dean is disown'd in some of his Agreements with
Officers. I, who am upon the Spot, and know the infinite
Difficulty of resisting the powerful Solicitations here of great
Men, who if disoblig'd might have it in their Power to ob-
struct the Supplies he was then obtaining, do not wonder,
that, being then a Stranger to the People, and unacquainted
with the Language, he was at first prevailed on to make some
such Agreements, when all were recommended, as they
always are, as officiers experiments, braves comme leurs epies,
pleins de Courage, de Talents, et de Zele pour notre Cause,
&c. &c., in short, mere Cesars, each of whom would have
been an invaluable Acquisition to America. You can have
no Conception how we are still besieged and worried on this
head, our Time cut to pieces by personal Applications, besides
those contained in dozens of Letters, by every Post, which are
so generally refused, that scarce one in a hundred obtains
from us a simple Recommendation to Civilities.
1 This was the second Lady Cooper, nee Elizabeth Kennedy, of Newcastle-
upon-Tyne. She was the mother of two sons and two daughters, who were
the " former young Friends " mentioned in the letter. ED.
78 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
I hope, therefore, that favourable Allowance will be made
to my worthy Colleague on account of his Situation at the
time, as he has long since corrected that Mistake, and daily
approves himself to my certain Knowledge an able, faithful,
active, and extremely useful Servant of the publick; a Testi-
mony I think it my Duty to take this Occasion of giving to his
Merit, unask'd, as, considering my great Age, I may probably
not live to give it personally in Congress, and I perceive he
has Enemies.
You will see the general News in the Papers. In particu-
lar I can only say at present, that our Affairs go well here;
and that I am with much respect, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
860. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS 1
Passy, December 22, 1777
DEAR NEPHEW : You need be under no concern as to
your orders being only from Mr. Deane. As you have always
acted uprightly and ably for the public service, you would be
justified if you had no orders at all, but as he generally con-
sulted with me and had my approbation in the orders he gave,
and I know they were for the best and aimed at the public
good, I thereby certify you that I approve and join in these
you have received from him, and desire you to proceed in
the execution of the same.
B. FRANKLIN.
1 Printed by John Bigclow, "The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin,"
Vol. X, p. 343. ED.
1777] TO THE COUNCIL OF MASSACHUSETTS 79
861. TO THE HON ble COUNCIL OF THE MASSA-
CHUSETTS STATE (U.OFP.)
Paris, Dec. 29, i?77
HONOURABLE GENTLEMEN,
We are much obliged by your Favour of the 2gth October,
which brought us the first Intelligence of the Defeat and
Surrender of Burgoyne's Army, which gave great Joy not
only to us but to this whole friendly Nation. In return we
can only tell you at present, that our Affairs here wear the
most promising Appearance, and that we have little Doubt
of seeing soon the Liberties & Independence of America
established on the most solid Foundations which human
Affairs are capable of.
This will be delivered to you by the Captain of a French
Man of War, which for greater Security we have obtained to
carry our Dispatches. As he may need some Supplies, we
desire you would furnish him with what Money he may
want to the Amount of 15000 Livres, and for your Reimburse-
ment draw on us, or on the Congress as shall be most con-
venient to you. Your Drafts on us will meet with due Honour.
We are with great Esteem & Respect
Honourable Gentlemen
Your most obedient humble Servants.
8o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
862. TO A FRIEND (L. c.)
Passy, [177??]
You know, my dear Friend, that I am not capable of re-
fusing you any Thing in my Power, which would be a real
Kindness to you, or any Friend of yours: but when I am
certain that what you request would be directly the contrary,
I ought to refuse it. I know that Officers going to America
for Employment will probably be disappointed; that our
Armies are full ; that there are a Number of Expectants un-
employed, and starving for want of Subsistence; that my
Recommendation will not make Vacancies, nor can it fill
them, to the Prejudice of those who have a better Claim;
that some of those officers I have been Prevailed on to recom-
mend have, by their Conduct, given no favourable Impression
of my Judgment in military Merit ; and then the Voyage is
long, the Passage very expensive, and the Hazard of being
taken and imprisoned by the English very considerable. If,
after all, no Place can be found affording a livelihood for the
Gentleman in question, he will perhaps be distressed in a
strange Country, and ready to blaspheme his Friends, who,
by their Solicitations, procured for him so unhappy a Situa-
tion.
Permit me to mention to you, that, in my Opinion, the
natural complaisance of this Country often carries People too
far in the Article of Recommendations. You give them with
too much Facility to Persons of whose real Characters you
know nothing, and sometimes at the request of others of whom
you know as little. Frequently, if a man has no useful
1777] TO A FRIEND 81
Talents, is good for nothing and burdensome to his Relations,
or is indiscreet, profligate, and extravagant, they are glad to
get rid of him by sending him to the other End of the World ;
and for that purpose scruple not to recommend him to those
they wish should recommend him to others, as "un bon sujet,
plein de merite" &c. &c. In consequence of my crediting
such Recommendations, my own are out of Credit, and I
cannot advise anybody to have the least Dependence on them.
If, after knowing this, you persist in desiring my Recom-
mendation for this Person, who is known neither to me nor
to you, I will give it, tho', as I said before, I ought to refuse it.
These Applications are my perpetual Torment. People
will believe, notwithstanding my continually repeated Decla-
rations to the Contrary, that I am sent hither to engage
Officers. In Truth, I never had any such Orders. It was
never so much as intimated to me, that it would be agreable
to my constituents. I have even received for what I have
done of the kind, not indeed an absolute Rebuke, but some
pretty strong hints of Disapprobation. Not a day passes in
which I have not a Number of soliciting Visits, besides
Letters. If I could gratify them all, or any of them, it would
be a Pleasure. I might, indeed, give them the Recommenda-
tion and the Promises they desire, and thereby please them
for the present; but, when the certain Disappointment of
the Expectations with which they will so obstinately flatter
themselves shall arrive, they must curse me for complying
with their mad Requests, and not undeceiving them; and
will become so many Enemies to our Cause and Country.
You can have no Conception how I am harassed. All my
Friends are sought out and teiz'd to teaze me. Great Officers
of all Ranks, in all Departments; Ladies, great and small,
VOL. VII G
82 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
besides professed Sollicitors, worry me from Morning to Night.
The Noise of every coach now that enters my Court terrifies
me. I am afraid to accept an Invitation to dine abroad,
being almost sure of meeting with some Officer or Officer's
Friend, who, as soon as I am put in good Humour by a Glass
or two of Champaign, begins his Attack upon me. Luckily
I do not often in my sleep dream myself in these vexatious
Situations, or I should be afraid of what are now my only
Hours of Comfort. If, therefore, you have the least remain-
ing Kindness for me, if you would not help to drive me out
of France, for God's sake, my dear friend, let this your 23 d
Application be your last. Yours, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
863. A DIALOGUE
BETWEEN
BRITAIN, FRANCE, SPAIN, HOLLAND, SAXONY
AND AMERICA 1 (* c.)
(A. P. s.)
"Britain. SISTER of Spain, I have a Favour to ask of you.
My Subjects in America are disobedient, and I am about to
chastize them; I beg you will not furnish them with any
Arms or Ammunition.
Spain. Have you forgotten, then, that when my Subjects
in the Low Countries rebelled against me, you not only fur-
1 Written soon after Franklin's arrival in France. The exact date is
unknown, but it appears to be the paper referred to by Reinier Arrenberg,
publisher of Gazetteer Francois de Leidt, in a letter to Franklin May 24,
1777 (A. P. S.).
1777] DIALOGUE BETWEEN BRITAIN, FRANCE, ETC. 83
nish'd them with military Stores, but join'd them with an
Army and a Fleet ? I wonder how you can have the Impu-
dence to ask such a Favour of me, or the Folly to expect it !
Britain. You, my dear Sister of France, will surely not
refuse me this Favour.
France. Did you not assist my Rebel Hugenots with a
Fleet and an Army at Rochelle? And have you not lately
aided privately and sneakingly my Rebel Subjects in Corsica?
And do you not at this Instant keep their Chief, pensioned,
and ready to head a fresh Revolt there, whenever you can
find or make an Opportunity? Dear Sister, you must be a
little silly!
Britain. Honest Holland! You see it is remembered
that I was once your Friend; you will therefore be mine
on this Occasion. I know, indeed, you are accustom'd to
smuggle with these Rebels of mine. I will wink at that;
sell 'em as much Tea as you please, to enervate the Rascals,
since they will not take it of me ; but for God's sake don't
supply them with any Arms !
Holland. 'T is true you assisted me against Philip, my
Tyrant of Spain, but have I not assisted you against one of
your Tyrants ; l and enabled you to expell him ? Surely
that Accompt, as we Merchants say, is ballanced, and I am
nothing in your Debt. I have indeed some Complaints
against you, for endeavouring to starve me by your Navi-
gation Acts; but, being peaceably dispos'd, I do not quarrel
with you for that. I shall only go on quietly with my own
Business. Trade is my Profession : 't is all I have to subsist
on. And, let me tell you, I shall make no scruple (on the
prospect of a good Market for that Commodity) even to send
1 James 2d. F.
84 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
my ships to Hell and supply the Devil with Brimstone. For
you must know, I can insure in London against the Burning
of my Sails. 1
America to Britain. Why, you old bloodthirsty Bully!
You who have been everywhere vaunting your own Prowess,
and defaming the Americans as poltroons ! You who have
boasted of being able to march over all their Bellies with a
single Regiment ! You who by Fraud have possessed your-
self of their strongest Fortress, and all the arms they had
stored up in it ! You who have a disciplin'd Army in their
Country, intrenched to the Teeth, and provided with every
thing ! Do you run about begging all Europe not to supply
those poor People with a little Powder and Shot? Do you
mean, then, to fall upon them naked and unarmed, and
butcher them in cold Blood? Is this your Courage? Is
this your Magnanimity?
Britain. Oh ! you wicked Whig Presbyterian
Serpent ! Have you the Impudence to appear before me
after all your Disobedience? Surrender immediately all
your Liberties and Properties into my Hands, or I will cut
you to Pieces. Was it for this that I planted your country
at so great an Expence ? That I protected you in your In-
fancy, and defended you against all your Enemies?
America. I shall not surrender my Liberty and Property,
but with my Life. It is not true, that my Country was planted
1 Lord Stormont reported to the Earl of Rochford (October 31, 1775) a
conversation with Comte de Vergennes : " He answered that no Power on
Earth ever did or could prevent an illicit trade, which the prospect of great
gain would lead men to attempt at every hazard, and then quoted the famous
answer of that Dutch merchant who said that if a lucrative Trade could be
carried on with Hell he would send his ships thither au Risque de bruler lerir
Voiles." En.
1777] DIALOGUE BETWEEN BRITAIN, FRANCE, ETC. 85
at your expence. Your own Records refute that Falshood
to your Face. Nor did you ever afford me a Man or a Shilling
to defend me against the Indians, the only Enemies I had
upon my own Account. But, when you have quarrell'd
with all Europe, and drawn me with you into all your Broils,
then you value yourself upon protecting me from the Enemies
you have made for me. I have no natural Cause of Difference
with Spain, France, or Holland, and yet by turns I have
join'd with you in Wars against them all. You would not
suffer me to make or keep a separate Peace with any of them,
tho' I might easily have done it to great Advantage. Does
your protecting me in those Wars give you a Right to fleece
me ? If so, as I fought for you, as well as you for me, it gives
me a proportionable Right to fleece you. What think you
of an American Law to make a Monopoly of you and your
Commerce, as you have done by your Laws of me and mine ?
Content yourself with that Monopoly if you are Wise, and
learn Justice if you would be respected !
Britain. You impudent b h ! Am not I your Mother
Country? Is that not a sufficient Title to your Respect
and Obedience?
Saxony. Mother country / Hah, hah, he ! What Respect
have you the front to claim as a Mother Country ? You know
that / am your Mother Country, and yet you pay me none.
Nay, it is but the other day, that you hired Ruffians 1 to rob
me on the Highway, 3 and burn my House ! 8 For shame !
Hide your Face and hold your Tongue. If you continue this
Conduct, you will make yourself the Contempt of Europe !
1 Prussians. F.
2 They enter'd and rais'd Contributions in Saxony. F.
8 And they burnt the fine Suburbs of Dresden, the Capital of Saxony. F.
86 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
Britain. O Lord ! Where are my friends ?
France, Spain, Holland, and Saxony, all together. Friends !
Believe us, you have none, nor ever will have any, 'till you
mend your Manners. How can we, who are your Neighbours,
have any regard for you, or expect any Equity from you,
should your Power increase, when we see how basely and un-
justly you have us'd both your own Mother and your own
Children ?
864. A CATECHISM
RELATING TO THE ENGLISH NATIONAL DEBT
Question i. SUPPOSING this debt to be only one hundred
and ninety-five millions of pounds sterling at present, al-
though it is much more, 1 and that was all to be counted in
shillings, that a man could count at the rate of one hundred
shillings per minute, for twelve hours each day, till he has
counted the whole, how long would he take in doing it ?
Answer. One hundred forty-eight years, one hundred
nine days, and twenty-two hours.
Q. 2. The whole of this sum being three thousand nine
hundred millions of shillings, and the coinage standard
being sixty-two in the Troy pound, what is the whole weight
of this sum ?
A. Sixty-one millions, seven hundred fifty- two thousand,
four hundred and seventy-six Troy pounds.
1 At present (1777) it is said to be at least two hundred and thirty
millions. F.
1777] CATECHISM ON ENGLISH NATIONAL DEBT 87
Q. 3. How many ships would carry this weight, suppose
one hundred tons each?
A. Three hundred and fourteen ships.
Q. 4. How many carts would carry this weight, suppose a
ton in each?
A. Thirty-one thousand, four hundred and fifty-two carts.
Q. 5. The breadth of a shilling being one inch, if all these
shillings were laid in a straight line, close to one another's
edges, how long would that line be that would contain them ?
A. Sixty-one thousand, five hundred fifty-two miles;
which is nine thousand, five hundred seventy-two miles more
than twice round the whole circumference of the earth.
Q. 6. Suppose the interest of this debt to be three and a
half per cent per annum, what does the whole annual interest
amount to?
A. Six millions, seven hundred and seventy thousand
pounds.
Q. 7. How doth government raise this interest annually?
A. By taxing those who lent the principal, and others.
Q. 8. When will government be able to pay the principal ?
A. When there is more money in England's treasury than
there is in all Europe.
Q. 9. And when will that be?
A. Never.
88 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
865. TO JAN INGENHOUSZ (L. c.)
An Attempt to explain the Effects oj Lightning on the Vane
of the Steeple oj a Church in Cremona, August, 1777.
1. WHEN the subtil Fluid, which we call Fire or Heat,
enters a solid Body, it separates the Particles of which that
Body consists farther from each other, and thus dilates the
Body, increasing its Dimensions.
2. A greater Proportion of Fire introduced separates the
Parts so far from each other, that the solid Body becomes a
Fluid, being melted.
3. A still greater Quantity of Heat separates the Parts
so far, that they lose their mutual Attraction, and acquire
a mutual Repulsion, whence they fly from each other, either
gradually or suddenly, with great Force, as the separating
Power is introduced gradually or suddenly.
4. Thus Ice becomes Water, and Water Vapour, which
Vapour is said to expand 14,000 times the Space it occupied
in the Form of Water, and with an explosive Force in certain
Circumstances capable of producing great and violent
Effects.
5. Thus Metals expand, melt, and explode; the two first
effected by the gradual Application of the separating Power,
and all three, in its sudden application, by artificial Elec-
tricity or Lightning.
6. That fluid in passing thro* a Metal Rod or Wire is
generally supposed to occupy the whole dimension of the Rod.
If the Rod is smaller in some Places than in others, the
Quantity of Fluid, which is not sufficient to make any Change
1777]
TO JAN INGENHOUSZ
89
in the larger or thicker Part, may be sufficient to expand,
melt, or explode the smaller, the Quantity of Fluid passing
being the same, and the Quantity of Matter
less that is acted upon.
7. Thus the Links of a Brass Chain, with a
certain Quantity of Electricity passing thro*
them, have been melted in the small Parts
that form their Contact, while the rest have
not been affected.
8. Thus a piece of TinFoil cut in this Form,
inclos'd in a Pack of Cards, and having the
Charge of a large Bottle sent thro' it, has been
found unchang'd in the broadest Part, be-
tween a and 6, melted only in spots between c
and d y and the Part between d and e reduced
to smoke by explosion.
9. The Tinfoil melted in spots between b
and c, and that whole Space not being melted,
seems to indicate that the Foil in the melted
Parts had been thinner than the rest, on which
thin Parts the passing Fluid had therefore a
greater Effect.
10. Some Metals melt more easily than oth-
ers; Tin more easily than Copper, Copper
than Iron. It is supposed (perhaps not yet
prov'd), that those which melt with the least of
the separating Power, whether that be common Fire or the
electric Fluid, do also explode with less of that Power.
11. The Explosions of Metal, like those of Gunpowder,
act in all Directions. Thus the Explosion of Gold Leaf
between Plates of Glass, breaking the Glass to Pieces, will
90 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
throw those Pieces into all Parts of the Room; and the ex-
plosion of Iron, or even of Water, between the Joints of
Stone in a Steeple, will scatter the Stones in all Directions
round the Neighbourhood. But the Directions given to
those Stones by the Explosion, is to be considered as different
from the Direction of the Lightning, which happen'd to occa-
sion those Explosions of the Matter it met with in its passage
between the Clouds and the Earth.
12. When Bodies positively electriz'd approach Sharp
Pointed Rods or thin Plates of Metal, these are more easily
rendered negative by the repulsive Force of the Electric
Fluid in those positively electriz'd Bodies, which chases away
the natural Quantity contain' d in those mince Rods or Plates,
tho' it would not have Force enough to chase the same out
of larger Masses. Hence such Points, Rods, and Plates,
being in a negative State, draw to themselves more strongly
and in greater Quantities the Electric Fluid offered them,
than such Masses can do which remain nearly in their natural
State. And thus a pointed Rod receives not only at its
Point, tho' more visibly here, but at all Parts of its length
that are expos'd. Hence a Needle held between the Finger
and Thumb, and presented to a charg'd Prime Conductor,
will draw off the Charge more expeditiously if held near the
Eye, and the rest of its Length is expos'd to the Elec 1 Atmos-
phere, than if all but J an Inch of the Point is conceal'd
and cover'd.
13. Lightning so differs from solid Projectiles, and from
common Fluids projected with Violence, that, tho' its Course
is rapid, it is most easily turned to follow the Direction of
good Conductors. And it is doubted whether any Experi-
ments in Electricity have yet decisively proved, that the electric
1777] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 91
Fluid in its violent Passage thro' the Air where a Battery
is discharg'd has what we call a Momentum, which would
make it continue its Course in a right Line, tho' a Conductor
offer'd near that Course to give it a different or even contrary
Direction ; or that it has a Force capable of pushing forward
or overthrowing the Objects it strikes against, even though
it sometimes pierces them. Does not this seem to indicate,
that the Perforation is not made by the Force of a Projectile
passing thro', but rather by the Explosion or the Dilatation, in
passing, of a subtil Line of Fluid?
14. Such an Explosion or Dilatation of a Line of Fluid,
passing thro' a Card, would raise Burrs round the Hole,
sometimes on one side, sometimes on the other, and some-
times on both, according to the Disposition of the Parts of the
Paper near the Surfaces, without any regard to the Direction
of the Fluid.
15. Great Thanks are due to the ingenious Philosopher,
who examined the Vane at Cremona, and who took the
Pains to describe so exactly the Effects of the Lightning upon
it, and to communicate that Description. The fact is ex-
treamly curious. It is well worth considering. He invites
to that Consideration. He has fairly given his own Opinion.
He will with Candour receive that of others, tho' it may
happen to differ from his own. By calmly discussing rather
than by warmly disputing, the truth is most easily obtained.
I shall give my Opinion freely, as it is asked, hoping it may
prove the true one; and promising myself, if otherwise, the
Honour at least of acknowledging frankly my Error, and of
being thankful to him who kindly shows it to me.
1 6. By the account given of this Stroke of Lightning upon
the Steeple of Cremona, it appears that the Rod of Iron or
92 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
Spindle, on which the Vane turned, was of about two Inches
Circumference, terminating in a Cross above the Vane, and
its lower End fix'd in a Marble Pedestal.
17. That the Plate of the Vane was Copper, 8 or 9 Inches
wide, and near twice as long. That it was about one Line
thick near the Spindle, and growing thinner insensibly tow-
ards the other End, where its thickness did not exceed
three quarters of a Line, the Weight 20^ ounces.
1 8. That the Copper had been tinned over.
19. That the Marble Pedestal was split by the Stroke into
many Pieces, and scattered over the Roof, Garden, and
Court of a neighbouring Building. One Piece was thrown
to the Distance of 40 Feet. The Spindle was broken and
displaced, and the Vane thrown on the Roof of the parsonage
House, 20 feet from the Steeple.
20. That the Vane was perforated in 18 Places, the Holes
of irregular Forms, and the Metal which had filled them
push'd outwards, in some of them on one side of the Vane,
in others on the other. The Copper show'd Marks of having
been partly melted, and in some places Tin and Copper
melted and mingled together. There were Marks of Smoke
in several Places.
21. The Ragged Parts bent outwards round each Hole,
being brought back to their original flat Position, were not,
tho' evidently a little thinned and dilated, sufficient to fill the
Place.
22. From the Effects described (19), it is clear that the
Quantity of Lightning which fell on this Steeple at Cremona
was very great.
23. The Vane being a thin Plate of Copper, its Edges and
1777] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 93
Corners may be considered as a Series of Points, and, being
therefore sooner render' d negative by the repulsive Force of
an approaching positive Cloud than the blunt and thick Iron
Cross (12), was probably first struck, and thence became the
Conductor of that great Quantity.
24. The Plate of which the Vane was formed, being
thicker near the Spindle, and diminishing in Thickness
gradually to the other End (17), was probably not of Copper
plated by passing between Rollers, for they would have left
it of equal Thickness; but of Metal plated by the Hammer.
The Surface too of rolled Copper is even and plain ; that of
hammered is generally uneven, with Hollows occasioned
by the Impressions of the Hammer.
25. In those concave Impressions the Metal is thinner
than it is around them, and probably thinnest near the centre
of each Impression.
26. The Lightning, which in passing thro' the Vane was
not sufficient to melt its thicker Parts, might be sufficient to
melt the thinner (6, 7, 8, 9), and to soften those that were in
a middle State.
27. The part of the Tin (18), which covered the thinner
Parts, being more easily melted and exploded than Copper
(10), might possibly be exploded when the Copper was but
melted. The Smoke appearing in several Places (20) is a
Proof of Explosion.
28. There might probably be more Tin in the concave
Impressions of the Hammer on one Side of the Plate, than of
the Convex Part of those Impressions on the other. Hence
stronger Explosions on the Concave side.
29. The nature of those Explosions is to act violently
in all directions ; and in this case, being near the Plate, they
94 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
would act against it on one side, while they acted against the
Air on the other.
30. These thin Parts of the Plate being at the same in-
stant partly in fusion, and partly so softned as to be near it,
the softned Parts were push'd outwards, a Hole made, and
some of the melted Parts blown away; hence there was not
left Metal enough to re-fill the Vacancy by bending back the
ragged Parts to their Places.
31. The concave Impressions of the hammer, being in-
differently made on both sides of the Plate, it is natural,
from 28, 29, 30, that the Pushing outwards of the softned
Metal by Explosions, should be on both sides of the Plate
in a proportion nearly equal.
32. That the Force of a simple electric Explosion is very
great, appears from the Geneva Experiment, wherein a
Spark between two Wires, under Oil in a drinking- Glass,
breaks the Glass, Body, Stem, and Foot, all to Shivers.
33. The electric Explosion of Metal acts with still more
Force. A Strip of Leaf -Gold no broader than a Straw, ex-
ploded between two Pieces of thick looking- Glass, will
break the Glass to Pieces, tho' confin'd by the Screws of a
strong Press. And between two Pieces of Marble press'd
together by a Weight of 20 Pounds, will lift that Weight.
Much less Force is necessary to move the melted and softned
Parts of a thin Plate of Copper.
34. This Explication of the Appearances on the Vane is
drawn from what we already know of Electricity and the
Effects of Lightning. The learned Author of the Account
gives a different but very ingenious one, which he draws
from the Appearances themselves. The Matter push'd out
of the Holes is found, that of some on one side of the Plate,
I 7 77] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 95
and of others on the other. Hence he supposes them to be
occasion'd (if I understand him rightly) by Streams or
Threads of Electric Matter of different and contrary kinds,
rushing violently towards each other, and meeting with the
Vane, so accidentally placed, as to be found precisely in the
Place of their Meeting, where it was pierc'd by all of them,
they all striking on both its Sides at the same instant. This
however is so extraordinary an Accident, as to be in the
Author's own opinion almost miraculous; "Passeranno"
(says he) "forse piu secoli prima que ritorni tralle infinite
combinazioni un caso simile a quello della banderuola che
ora abbiamo per mano. Forza e que si esaurisca una non
piu udita miniera di f ulmini sopra una grande citta, pressoque
seminata di campanili e di banderuole, il che e rarissimo; e
pu6 ancora piu volte ci6 succedere, senza che s' incontri
giammai un altra banderuola tanto opportunatamente situata
tra i limiti della fulminea explosione."
35. But, tho' the Author's Explication of these Appear-
ances of the Vane does not satisfy me, I am not so confident
of my own as to propose its being accepted without Confirma-
tion by Experiment. Those who have strong electric Bat-
teries may try it thus ; form a little Vane of Paper, and spot
it on both sides by attaching small Pieces of Leaf -Gold or
Tinfoil, not exactly opposite to each other; then send the
whole Force of the Battery thro' the Vane, entring at one End
of it and going out at the other. If the Metal explodes, I
imagine it will be found to make Holes in the Paper, forcing
the torn Parts out on the Side opposite to the Metal. A
more expensive but perhaps more satisfactory Experiment
would be, to make a new Vane as exactly as possible like that
in question, in all the Particulars of its Description, and place
96 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1777
it on a tall Mast fix'd on some Hill subject to Strokes of
Lightning, with a better Conductor to the Earth than the
Wood of the Mast; if this should be struck in the Course
of a few Years, and the same Effects appear upon it, it would
be still more miraculous to suppose it happened by Accident
to be exactly situated where those crossing threads of different
Electricities were afterwards to meet.
36. The Perforation of Glass Bottles when overcharged
is, I imagine, a different case, and not explicable by either
of these Hypotheses. I cannot well suppose the Breach to
be occasion'd by the Passage of Electricity thro' it; since
a single Bottle, tho' so broken in the Discharge, always is
found to send round in its usual Course the Quantity with
which it was charged. Then the Breach never happens but
at the Instant of the circuitous Discharge, either by the dis-
charging Rod, or in overleaping the Borders of the Glass.
Thus, I have been present when a Battery of twenty Glasses
was discharg'd by the discharging Rod, and produced the
same Effect in its Circuit as if the bottles had none of them
been pierced ; and yet, on examining them, we found no less
than twelve of them in that Situation. Now, all the Bottles
of the Battery being united by a Communication of all the
Outsides together, and of all the Insides together, if one of
them had been pierc'd by a forc'd Passage of the different
kinds of Electricity to meet each other, before the Discharge
by the discharging Rod, it would not only have prevented
the Passage of the Electricity by the common Circuit, but it
would have sav'd all the rest of its Fellows, by conducting
the whole thro' its own Breach. And it is not easy to conceive
that 12 Bottles in 20 should be so equally strong as to support
the whole Strength of their Charge, till the Circuit of their
i7?8] TO RALPH IZARD 97
Discharge was opened, and then be so equally weak as to
break all together when the Weight of that Charge was taken
off from them by opening the Circuit. At some other time
I will give you my Opinion of this Effect, if you desire it.
I have taken the Ace 1 of this Stroke of Lightning from an
Italian Piece, intitled Analisi d' un nuovo Fenomeno del
Fulmine, the dedication of which is subscribed Carlo Bar-
letti, delle Scuole Pie, who I suppose is the Author. As I
do not perfectly understand that Language, I may possibly
in some things have mistaken that Philosopher's Meaning.
I therefore desire, my dear Friend, that you would not per-
mit this to be published, till you have compar'd and con-
sidered it with that original Piece, and communicated to me
your Remarks and Corrections. Nor would I in any Case
have it appear with my Name, as perhaps it may occasion
Disputes, and I have no time to attend to them.
866. TO RALPH IZARD 1 (A. p. s.)
Passy, Jan. 29, 1778
DEAR SIR,
I received yours late last Evening. Present Circumstances
which I will explain to you when I have the Hon r of seeing
you, prevent my giving it a full Answer now. The Reasons
1 Ralph Izard (1742-1804), a South Carolinian, was appointed by Congress
United States Commissioner to the court of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. He
did not go to Florence, but remained in Paris during the whole period of his
appointment. He was there while the treaty of alliance was in the progress
of negotiation, and he considered himself improperly overlooked in not being
consulted as to certain parts of the treaty by the other commissioners. He
wrote a complaining letter on the subject to Dr. Franklin, to which the above
is an answer. His letter is in D. S. W., and is printed in the " Diplomatic
Correspondence" (Sparks), Vol. II, p. 372. ED.
VOL. VII H
98 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
you offer had before been all under Consideration; but I
must submit to remain some days under the Opinion you
appear to have form'd not only of my poor Understanding
in the general Interests of America, but of my Defects in
Sincerity, Politeness & Attention to your Instructions.
These offences I flatter myself will admit of fair Excuses [or
rather will be found not to have existed]. 1 You mention,
that you feel yourself hurt. Permit me to offer you a Maxim,
which has thro' Life been of Use to me & may be so to you
in preventing such imaginary Hurts. It is, always to sup-
pose one's Friends may be right till one finds them wrong;
rather than to suppose them wrong till one finds them right.
You have heard and imagined all that can be said or suppos'd
on one side of the Question, but not on the other. I am
nevertheless, with sincere Esteem, dear Sir, etc.
B. FRANKLIN.
867. TO JAMES HUTTON 2 (L. c.)
(P. A. E. E. U.)
Passy, February I, 1778.
MY DEAR OLD FRIEND,
You desired, that if I had no Propositions to make, I would
at least give my Advice. I think it is Ariosto who says, that
1 Thus in Sparks ; the passage in brackets is not found in the draft in
A. P. S. ED.
2 James Hutton (1715-1795) was the son of the Rev. John Hutton, a
nonjuring clergyman. He was a bookseller, having a shop at the Bible and
Sun, west of Temple Bar. He corresponded with Count Zinzendorf, and
became an active leader in the Moravian Church. He was greatly interested
in the missionary labors of the church, and was one of the founders of the
Society for the Furtherance of the Gospel. See " Memoir " by Daniel Ben-
ham. W. T. Franklin said of him: "He was a faithful brother of the
1778] TO JAMES HUTTON 99
all things lost on Earth are to be found in the Moon ; on which
somebody remarked, that there must be a great deal of good
Advice in the Moon. If so, there is a good deal of mine,
formerly given and lost in this Business. I will, however,
at your Request give a little more, but without the least Ex-
pectation that it will be followed; for none but God can at
the same time give good Counsel, and Wisdom to make use of
it.
You have lost by this mad War, and the Barbarity with
which it has been carried on, not only the Government and
Commerce of America, and the public Revenues and private
Wealth arising from that Commerce, but what is more, you
have lost the Esteem, Respect, Friendship, and Affection
of all that great and growing People, who consider you at
present, and whose Posterity will consider you, as the worst
and wickedest Nation upon Earth. A Peace you may un-
doubtedly obtain by dropping all your Pretensions to govern
us; and, by your superior skill in huckstering negotiation,
you may possibly make such an apparently advantageous
Treaty as shall be applauded in your Parliament; but, if
you do not, with the Peace, recover the Affections of that
People, it will not be a lasting nor a profitable one, nor will it
Moravian fraternity fifty-five years ; the latter part of his life was spent
literally in going about doing good, and his charities were confined to no sect.
He married a lady of the Moravian nation and religion, but had no children,
and was a widower some years before his death. Mr. Hutton possessed strong
sense, with quick feelings and apprehensions, which the illumination of his
countenance evinced even at seventy, though his difficulty of hearing was
such, that he could only converse by the assistance of an ear-trumpet. He
was highly esteemed by their present Majesties, and well known to many of
the nobility and men of letters ; nor was he refused admittance to the highest
ranks, even at Buckingham- House, though his ardent benevolence inclined
him greatly to neglect his own dress, that he might the better feed the
hungry and cover the naked." ED.
ioo THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
afford you any part of that Strength, which you once had by
your Union with them, and might (if you had been wise
enough to take Advice) have still retained.
To recover their Respect and Affection, you must tread
back the Steps you have taken. Instead of honouring and
rewarding the American Advisers and Promoters of this War,
you should disgrace them ; with all those who have inflamed
the Nation against America by their malicious Writings;
and all the Ministers and Generals who have prosecuted
the War with such Inhumanity. This would show a national
change of Disposition, or a Disapprobation of what had
passed.
In proposing terms, you should not only grant such as the
Necessity of your Affairs may evidently oblige you to grant,
but such additional ones as may show your Generosity, and
thereby demonstrate your good Will. For instance, perhaps
you might, by your Treaty, retain all Canada, Nova Scotia
and the Floridas. But if you would have a real friendly
as well as able Ally in America, and avoid all occasions of
future Discord, which will otherwise be continually arising
on your American Frontiers, you should throw in those
Countries. And you may call it, if you please, an Indemni-
fication for the needless and cruel burning of their Towns,
which Indemnification will otherwise be some time or other
demanded.
I know your People can not see the Utility of such Measures,
and will never follow them, and even call it Insolence and
Impudence in me to mention them. I have, however, com-
plied with your Desire, and am, as ever, your affectionate
friend,
B. FRANKLIN.
1778]
TO DAVID HARTLEY
101
Passy Feb. 12, 1778.
DEAR OLD FRIEND. I wrote the above some time
before I receiv'd yours, acquainting me with your speedy
and safe Return, which gave me Pleasure. I doubted after
I had written it, whether it would be well to send it : For as
your proud Nation despises us exceedingly, and demands
and expects absolute and humble Submission, all Talk of
Treaty must appear Impudence, and tend to provoke rather
than conciliate. As you still press me by your last to say
something, I conclude to send what I had written, for I
think the Advice is good, tho' it must be useless ; and I cannot,
as some amongst you desire, make Propositions, having none
committed to me to make ; but we can treat, if any are made
to us ; which, however, we do not expect. I abominate with
you all Murder, and I may add, that the Slaughter of Men in
an unjust Cause is nothing less than Murder; I therefore
never think of your present Ministers and their Abettors,
but with the Image, strongly painted in my View, of their
Hands, red, wet, and dropping with the Blood of my Country-
men, Friends, and Relations. No Peace can be sign'd by
those hands. Peace and Friendship will, nevertheless, sub-
sist for ever between Mr. Hutton and his affectionate, B. F.
868. TO DAVID HARTLEY (D. s. w.)
Passy, Feb. 12, 1778.
DEAR SIR,
A thousand Thanks for your so readily engaging in the
Means of relieving our poor Captives, and the pains you have
taken, and the Advances you have made, for that purpose.
102 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
I received your kind Letter of the 3d Instant, and send you
enclosed a Bill for ioo. I much approve of Mr. Wren's
prudent, as well as benevolent Conduct in the Disposition
of the Money; and wish him to continue doing what shall
appear to him and to you to be right, which I am persuaded
will appear the same to me and my Colleagues here. I beg
you will present him, when you write, my respectful Acknowl-
edgments.
Your "earnest Caution and Request, that nothing may
ever persuade America to throw themselves into the Arms
of France, for that Times may mend ; and that an American
must always be a Stranger in France, but that Great Britain
may for Ages to come be their home," marks the goodness
of your Heart, your Regard for us, and Love of your Coun-
try. But when your Nation is hiring all the Cut-Throats
it can collect of all Countries and Colours, to destroy us, it
is hard to persuade us not to ask or accept of Aid from any
Power, that may be prevailed with to grant it ; and this from
the hope that tho' you now thirst for our Blood, and pursue
us with Fire and Sword, you may in some future time treat
us kindly. This is too much Patience to be expected of us ;
indeed, I think it is not in human nature.
The Americans are received and treated here in France
with a Cordiality, a Respect, and Affection they never experi-
enc'd in England when they most deserved it ; and which is
now (after all the Pains taken to exasperate the English
against them, and render them odious as well as contemptible,)
less to be expected there than ever. And I cannot see why
we may not upon an Alliance, hope for a Continuance of it,
at least of as much as the Swiss enjoy, with whom France
has maintained a faithful Friendship for 200 Years past,
1778] TO DAVID HARTLEY 103
and whose People appear to live here in as much Esteem as
the Natives. America has been forc'd and driven into the
Arms of France. She was a dutiful and virtuous Daughter.
A cruel Mother-in-Law turn'd her out of Doors, defam'd
her, and sought her Life. All the World knows her Inno-
cence, and takes her part ; and her Friends hope soon to see
her honourably married. They can never persuade her
Return and Submission to so barbarous an Enemy. In her
future Prosperity, if she forgets and forgives, 'tis all that can
reasonably be expected of her. I believe she will make as
good and useful a Wife as she did a Daughter, that her Hus-
band will love and honour her, and that the Family from which
she was so wickedly expelled, will long regret the Loss of
her.
I know not whether a Peace with us is desired in England ;
I rather think it is not at present, unless on the old impossible
Terms of Submission and receiving Pardon. Whenever you
shall be disposed to make Peace upon equal and reasonable
Terms, you will find little Difficulty, if you get first an honest
Ministry. The present have all along acted so deceitfully
and treacherously as well as inhumanly towards the Ameri-
cans, that I imagine, the absolute want of all Confidence in
them, will make a Treaty at present, between them and the
Congress impracticable.
The Subscription for the Prisoners will have excellent
Effects in favour of Englishmen and of England. The
Scotch Subscription for raising Troops to destroy us, tho'
amounting to much greater Sums, will not do their Nation
half so much good. If you have an Opportunity, I wish you
would Express our respectful Acknowledgments and Thanks
to your Committee and Contributors, whose Benefactions
104 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
will make our Poor People as comfortable as their Situation
can permit. Adieu, my dear Friend. Accept my Thanks
for the excellent Papers you enclosed to me. Your Endeav-
ours for Peace, tho' unsuccessful, will always be a Comfort
to you, and in time, when this mad War shall be universally
execrated, will be a solid Addition to your Reputation. I
am ever, with the highest Esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. An old Friend of mine, Mr. Hutton, a Chief of the
Moravians, who is often at the Queen's Palace, and is some-
times spoken to by the King, was over here lately. He pre-
tended to no Commission, but urged me much to propose
some Terms of Peace, which I avoided. He has wrote to me
since his return, pressing the same thing, and expressing with
some Confidence that we might have every thing short of
absolute Independence, &c. Inclosed I send my Answers
open, that you may read them, and, if you please, copy,
before you deliver or forward them. They will serve to
shew you more fully my Sentiments, tho' they serve no
other purpose.
B. F.
869. TO CONRAD ALEXANDRE GERARD DE
RAYNEVAL (p. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, Sunday 5. P. M.
Feb. 22. 1778.
SIR
The News you have received from England cannot be
true. No Treaty would be entered into with Howe by Wash-
ington, when the Congress was at hand: And Howe could
have no Proposition to make but such as were authoris'd
1778] TO ARTHUR LEE 105
by the Act of Parliament, and had been long since rejected,
(viz.) Pardon upon Submission.
Enclos'd we send you a Letter this moment received from
Mr. Hartley 1 a Member of Parliament, which confirms our
Opinion that no such Transaction is going on in America,
as it announces Propositions made by the Minister Feb. 17.
to impower by an Act Commissioners to treat with America.
Mr. Franklin will transcribe and send you to-morrow the
whole of his correspondence with that Gentleman. In
short we esteem the Story of a Treaty in America, to be
merely an Artifice of the Stock Jobbers to keep up the Funds.
We have the Honour to be
Sir
Your most obedient
humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
SILAS DEANE.
870. TO ARTHUR LEE (L. c.)
Passy, Feb. 23, 1778.
SIR,
The enclosed, which you sent me, contained a Letter from
Mr. Hartley, in which he acquaints me, that on the i7th
Lord North had made his Propositions towards a Concilia-
tion with America, and ask'd leave to bring in two Bills, one
to renounce all Claim of Taxation, the other to empower
Commissioners to treat with any Persons or Bodies of Men
in America on a Peace; which was unanimously agreed to.
1 David Hartley to Franklin, February 18, 1778. Gerard was at this time
first secretary to the foreign office. ED.
106 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
He tells me Lord N. had expressed to him the strongest Desire
of Accommodation, and even wish'd him to come over to
Paris and talk with us, etc. I should send you the Letter,
which marks strongly the Consternation they are in; but,
M. Gerard having written a Note acquainting Mr. D. that
they had News from England that a Treaty was on foot be-
tween Washington and Howe, and desiring to know if we
had any Intelligence of it, I wrote the enclosed in answer,
and sent Mr. Hartley's letter to him, to show that the Ministers
in England had no such News. Mr. Hartley refers me to
Mr. Thornton for the Titles of the two Bills. I return Mr.
Thornton's Letters. I am, very respectfully, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
871. TO CONRAD ALEXANDRE GERARD DE
RAYNEVAL (P. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, Feb. 24. 1778.
SIR: Understanding that Reports have been spread at
Versailles, of Treaties on foot in America between the Con-
gress and the English Commissioners; or here between us
and the English Ministry; I send you an American News-
paper 1 of Dec 1 19, by which you will see, in the Passages
marked with a Pen, in what manner such Reports, and those
who occasion them, are treated there. I send you also the
only Correspondence I have had, which has any Relation to
the same Subject here; that you may judge of the Credit
due to such Reports.
I have the Honour to be, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
1 The Independent Chronicle and Universal Advertiser, Boston, December,
19, 1777' ED.
I77 8] TO DAVID HARTLEY 107
872. TO CONRAD ALEXANDRE GERARD DE
RAYNEVAL l (p. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, Feb. 25. 1778.
SIR: I received last night the enclosed Letter from a
Member of Parliament, 2 and the two frivolous Bills which the
Ministry in their present Consternation have thought fit to
propose, with a View to support their publick Credit a little
longer at home, and to amuse and divide, if possible our
People in America. You will see that they have dispatch'd
a Frigate with the News, but I hope yours from Bordeaux
will arrive first. I wish to have the original Letters again
when you have perus'd them. I have the honour to be,
with great Respect, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
873. TO DAVID HARTLEY (D. s. w.)
Passy, Feb. 26, 1778.
DEAR SIR,
I received yours of the i8th and 2oth of this Month, with
Lord North's proposed Bills. The more I see of the Ideas
and Projects of your Ministry, and their little Arts and
Schemes of amusing and dividing us, the more I admire the
prudent, manly, and magnanimous Propositions contained
in your intended Motion for an Address to the King. What
Reliance can we have on an Act expressing itself to be only
1 This letter is endorsed: "Wharton to Lee, 24 February, 1778, London
Evening Post, 1 8 January, 1778." ED.
2 David Hartley. ED.
io8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
a Declaration of the Intention of Parliament concerning the
Exercise of the Right of imposing Taxes in America, when,
in the Bill itself, as well as in the Title, a Right is supposed
and claimed, which never existed; and a present Intention
only is declared not to use it, which may be changed by
another Act next Session, with a Preamble, that this Inten-
tion being found inexpedient, it is thought proper to repeal
this Act, and resume the Exercise of the Right in its full
Extent? If any solid permanent Benefit was intended by
this, why is it confm'd to the Colonies of North America,
and not extended to the loyal ones in the Sugar Islands?
But it is now needless to criticise, as all Acts that suppose
your future Government of the Colonies can be no longer
significant.
In the Act for appointing Commissioners, instead of full
Powers to agree upon Terms of Peace and Friendship, with
a Promise of ratifying such Treaty as they shall make in
pursuance of those Powers, it is declared that their Agree-
ments shall have no force nor Effect, nor be carried into Exe-
cution till approved of by Parliament, so that every thing of
Importance will be uncertain. But they are allowed to pro-
claim a Cessation of Arms, and revoke their Proclamation,
as soon as in confidence of it, our Militia have been allowed
to go home: They may suspend the Operation of Acts,
prohibiting Trade; and take off the Suspension when our
Merchants, in consequence of it have been induced to send
their Ships to Sea ; in short, they may do every thing that
can have a Tendency to divide and distract us, but nothing
that can afford us Security. Indeed, Sir, your Ministers
do not yet know us. We may not be quite so cunning as
they; but we have really more Sense as well as more Courage
1778] TO DAVID HARTLEY 109
than they have ever been willing to give us Credit for: And
I am persuaded that these Acts will rather obstruct Peace
than promote it, and that they will not in America answer
the mischievous and malevolent Ends for which they were
intended. In England they may indeed amuse the Public
Creditors, give Hopes and Expectations, that shall be of
some present use, and continue the Mismanagers a little
longer in their Places. Voild tout!
In return for your repeated Advice to us, not to conclude
any Treaty with the House of Bourbon, permit me to give
(through you) a little Advice to the Whigs in England. Let
nothing induce them to join with the Tories, in supporting
and continuing this wicked War against the Whigs of America,
whose Assistance they may hereafter want to secure their
own Liberties, or whose Country they may be glad to retire
to for the Enjoyment of them.
If Peace by a Treaty with America, upon equal Terms
were really desired, your Commissioners need not go there
for it; supposing that as they are impower'd by the Bill "to
treat with such Person or Persons, as in their Wisdom and
Discretion they shall think meet," they should happen to
conceive, that the Commissioners at Paris might be included
in that Description. I am ever, dear Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. Seriously, on further thoughts, I am of opinion,
that, if wise and honest men, such as Sir George Saville, the
Bishop of St. Asaph, and yourself, were to come over here
immediately with powers to treat, you might not only obtain
peace with America, but prevent a war with France.
I io THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
874. TO THOMAS GUSHING 1 (B. M.)
Passy near Paris, Feb r y 27 th , 1778.
SIR,
I received your favour by Mr. Austin, with your most
agreable Congratulations on the Success of the American
Arms in the Northern Department. 2 In Return, give me leave
to congratulate you on the Success of our Negotiations here,
in the completion of the two Treaties with his Most Christian
Majesty ; the one of Amity and Commerce, on the Plan of
that Projected in Congress, with some good additions; the
Other of Alliance for Mutual Defence, in which the Most
Christian King agrees to make a Common Cause with the
United States, if England attempts to Obstruct the Com-
merce of his Subjects with them; and guarantees to the
United States their Liberties, Sovereignty, and Independance,
absolute and unlimited, with the Possessions they now have,
or may have, at the Conclusion of the War; and the States
in return guarantees to him his Possessions in the West
Indies. The great Principle in both Treaties is a perfect
Equality and reciprocity ; no Advantages being demanded
by France, or Privileges in Commerce, which the States may
not grant to any and every other Nation.
In short, the King has treated with us Generously and
Magnanimously; taking no advantage of our present Diffi-
1 The original letter is in the Haldimand Manuscripts, in the British
Museum. ED.
a Surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga.
Jonathan Loring Austin (1748-1826), son of Benjamin Austin, of Boston,
was the express messenger to convey to the commissioners the news of Bur-
goyne's surrender. He carried a letter of introduction from Thomas Gushing
(dated October 30, 1777). ED.
I7?8] TO THOMAS CUSHING m
culties, to exact Terms which we wou'd not willingly grant,
when establish'd in Prosperity and Power. I may add that
he has acted wisely, in wishing the Friendship contracted
by these Treaties may be durable, which probably it might
not be, if a contrary Conduct had been observed.
Several of our American Ships, with Stores for the Con-
gress, are now about sailing, under the Protection of a French
Squadron. England is in great Consternation, and the
Minister, on the iyth Instant, confessing in a long Speech that
all his Measures had been wrong, and that Peace was neces-
sary, proposed two Bills for Quieting America; but they
are full of Artifice and Deceit, and will, I am confident, be
treated accordingly by our Country.
I think you must have much satisfaction in so valuable
a son, whom I wish safe back to you, and am with great
esteem, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. The treaties were signed by the plenipotentiaries
on both sides, February 6th, but are still for some reason
kept secret, though soon to be published. It is understood
that Spain will soon accede to the same. The treaties are
forwarded to Congress by this conveyance.
112 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
875. TO MRS, CATHERINE GREENE 1 (p. c.)
Paris, Feb. 28, 1778.
MY DEAR OLD FRIEND
Don't be off ended at the Word old; I don't mean to call you
an old Woman; it relates only to the Age of our Friendship;
which on my part has always been a sincerely affectionate one,
and I flatter myself the same on yours.
I received your kind Letter from Boston of Oct. 28. which
gave me great Pleasure, as it inform 'd me of the Welfare of
you and your Family. I continue hearty, as do my two
Grandsons, who present their Respects to you & Mr. Greene,
being pleas'd with your Remembrance of them. We are
all glad to hear of Ray, for we all love him. I have been
often much concem'd for my Friends at Warwick, hearing
that the Enemy was so near them. I hope your Troubles will
not be of much longer Duration: For tho' the Wickedness
of the English Court, & its Malice against us is as great as
ever, its Horns are shortened ; its Strength diminishes daily ;
and we have formed an Alliance here, & shall form others,
that will help to keep the Bull quiet and make him orderly.
I chat, you see as usual, any how, with you, who are kind
enough never to criticise Improprieties in my Compositions
or anything else. I see by yours that my Sisters grand-
daughter is married. I wish the young Folks joy and Last-
ing Happiness. I pity my poor old Sister, to be so harassed
& driven about by the enemy. For I feel a little myself the
Inconvenience of being driven about by my friends. I live
1 From The Rhode Island Mercury, April 11, 1896. The original is in the
possession of Mrs. E. J. Roelker. ED.
I7?8] TO JONATHAN- WILLIAMS 113
here in great Respect, and dine every day with great folks ;
but I still long for home & for Repose ; and should be happy
to eat Indian Pudding in your Company & under your
hospitable Roof. Remember me kindly to the Remainder
of the Wards, and to all that wish me well. Assure Mr.
Greene of my sincere esteem & Respect, and believe me ever,
My dear Friend
Yours most affectionately
B. FRANKLIN
My Respects to Dr. Babcock"
& Family when you
see any of them
876. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS 1 (P. c.)
February (?), 1778.
DEAR JONA K
Mr. Chaumont will acquaint you that he has this Day
obtained an Order for the Payment of the Value of the 2
Prizes to the Owners in America of the Privateers. I con-
gratulate you upon it. Mr. Lee talks of nominating you
and Mr. Lloyd jointly to supply the Place of Mr. Morris
and himself in doing the Business of the Congress. I ques-
tion whether there be Flesh enough upon the Bone for two
to pick. I doubt its being worth your while to accept of
it. I did not thank him for mentioning you because I do
not wish to be much oblig'd to him and less to be a little
oblig'd. You must judge for yourself, and will do as you
shall think fit. He has brought up all Mr. Morris's Papers
1 From the original in the possession of Mr. Louis A. Biddle. ED.
VOL. VII I
114 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
and wants to put them into our Hands. I am doubtful of
meddling with them.
Great Complaints are made at Court of the Delay of our
Ships so long after asking and obtaining Convoy. Does
any Part of this Fault lie at your Door? I believe not. But
pray enable me to justify you. It is said that Lyon waited
long for a Package of Hats. What and whose Hats are they ?
Or is it not true.
I have just written to your Father that you are well.
I am ever, your Affectionate Uncle
B. FRANKLIN.
877. TO SAMUEL ADAMS (L. L.)
Passy, near Paris, March 2, 1778
DEAR SIR,
By this Conveyance the Treaties we have concluded here
go over to Congress. I flatter myself they will meet with
Approbation. If there sh? be any Particulars which the Con-
gress would wish to be chang'd or added, there is at present
an exceeding good Disposition in this Court to oblige; and
no Proposition tolerably reasonable will meet with Difficulty.
But the way will be to ratify these treaties, and then propose
separate additional or explanatory Articles.
I send you enclos'd some notes just received from a Mem-
ber of P. in which you will see something of the present
Court Views : But we have fuller advices on one par-
ticular, viz. That their great Hope is to divide, by means of
their Commissioners. They say they have certain Advice
that they have a large Party in the Congress, almost a
Majority, who are for returning to the Dependency. In the
1778] TO WILLIAM LEE 115
enclosed Copy of a Letter to M 7 * Hartley you will see my Sen-
timents of their two Bills, as well as in our general Letter.
I have but little time. D r Cooper will show you what I
have written to him. America at present stands in the
highest Light of Esteem & Respect thro'out Europe. A
Return to Dependence on England would sink her into eternal
Contempt. I am with true Esteem & Respect
Dear Sir, Your most obedient
humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN
You may observe in the Letter to M 1 * Hartley, a Hint that
the Commissioners might come to Paris & treat with us.
We have indeed no express Power to treat with England
particularly: But one of the - Resolutions of Congress gives
us a general Power to treat of Peace, Amity & Commerce
with an European Nation.
878. TO WILLIAM LEE 1 (A. p. s.)
Passy Mar. 2. 1778
SIR
The Accidents that several times prevented our Meeting
for the purpose of complying with your Request in receiving
for you M r Morris's Papers having allowed me more time to
consider that matter, I am of Opinion, that if instead of bring*
them to Paris, you had thought it proper when at Nantes to
separate those that related to the Affairs or House of Willing
& Morris, from those which related to the Business of the
1 William Lee (1737-1795), brother of Arthur Lee, sheriff of Middlesex
(1773), and commercial agent for the United States at Nantes (1777). ED.
ii6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
Committee, delivering the first to M r Ross, and the others
to such Person or Persons as you might have appointed to
act in your Place for the Committee, no Inconvenience would
have attended that Disposition. At present I do not see the
Necessity, nor the Utility of my being concerned in opening
the Trunk that contains those Papers; I apprehend that I
have nothing to do with that Operation, and I am unwilling
to be concerned in it. If you chuse on your Departure for
Germany, to leave the Trunk entire, seaPd as it is in my
hands, on a Receipt to redeliver it in the same state to you or
your Order, I have no Objection to receiving and taking
what care I can of it. Otherwise I must decline meddling
with it. I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient
humble Servant
B.F.
879. TO WILLIAM LEE (A. p. s.)
Passy, March 6. 1778
Sm,
I return the Keys by the Person that brings them from
you. I had rather your Brother should keep them while he
stays in France.
Your Proposition about appointing Agents in the Ports
shall be laid before the Commissioners when they meet.
In the meantime, I can only say, that as to my Nephew Mr.
Williams, tho' I have from long Knowledge & Experience
of him, a high Opinion of his Abilities, Activity, & Integrity,
I will have no hand in his Appointment or in Approving of
it ; not being desirous of his being any Way concern J d in that
1778] TO WILLIAM LEE 117
Business. And the other Gentlemen I know so little of, that
I can have no Objection to them; but I do not see that I
have any thing to do with their Appointment.
In looking over yours of the 2d Instant, I observe an Expres-
sion which I do not like tho' it appears in the Shape of a
Compliment, It is in these Words, I am always willing to
submit my Judgment to yours and will therefore deliver the
Trunk. This implies that I had advis'd the Delivery of the
Trunk to me, which you comply 'd with contrary to your
own Judgment. In Truth I did not nor do advise any thing
about it. I only said in Answer to yours, expressing that your
Journey to Germany was delay'd by its remaining in your
Hands, that if you chose to leave it with me entire & seaPd
I had no Objection to receiving it deliverable in the same
state to you or your Order.
I am oblig'd to you for your good Opinion of my Nephew
manifested in your Intention of nominating him as above;
and I beg you to accept my Thanks, tho' for particular
Reasons which you know, I do not wish him to accept the
Employment.
I have the honour to be with great Respect, Sir,
Your most obed* hum 1 Serv*
B. F.
n8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
880. A TRUE HISTORY OF THE DIFFERENCE
BETWEEN THE COLONIES AND THE
AUTHOR OF THE STAMP ACT. 1 (D. s. w.)
Passy, March 12, 1778.
DEAR SIR: In the pamphlets you were so kind as to
lend me there is one important fact misstated, apparently
from the writer's not having been furnished with good in-
formation. It is the transaction between Mr. Grenville and
the colonies, wherein he understands that Mr. Grenville
demanded of them a specific sum, that they refused to grant
anything, and that it was on their refusal only that he made
the motion for the Stamp Act. No one of the particulars
was true. The fact was this:
Some time in the winter of 1763-4 Mr. Grenville called
together the agents of the several colonies, and told them
that he purposed to draw a revenue from America; and to
that end his intention was to levy a stamp duty on the col-
onies by act of Parliament in the ensuing session, of which
he thought it fit that they should be immediately acquainted,
that they might have time to consider ; and if any other duty
equally productive would be more agreeable to them, they
might let him know it. The agents were therefore directed
to write this to their respective Assemblies, and communi-
cate to him the answers they should receive; the agents
wrote accordingly.
1 Francis Wharton, upon what authority I know not, cites David Hartley
as the person to whom this communication was addressed. See " The Revo-
lutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States," Vol. II, p. 513.
ED.
1778] THE COLONIES AND THE STAMP ACT 119
I was a member in the Assembly of Pennsylvania when
this notification came to hand. The observations there
made upon it were, that the ancient, established, and regular
method of drawing aid from the colonies was this : The occa-
sion was always first considered by their sovereign in his Privy
Council, by whose sage advice he directed his Secretary of State
to write circular-letters to the several governors, who were
directed to lay them before their Assemblies. In those
letters the occasion was explained to their satisfaction, with
gracious expressions of his Majesty's confidence in their
known duty and affection, on which he relied that they would
grant such sums as should be suitable to their abilities,
loyalty, and zeal for his service ; that the colonies had always
granted liberally on such requisitions, and so liberally dur-
ing the late war, that the king, sensible they had granted
much more than their proportion, had recommended it to
Parliament five years successively to make them some com-
pensation, and the Parliament accordingly returned them
200,000 a year, to be divided among them ; that the proposi-
tion of taxing them in Parliament, was therefore both cruel
and unjust; that, by the constitution of the colonies, their
business was with the king in matters of aid; they had
nothing to do with any financier, nor he with them ; nor were
the agents the proper channels through which requisitions
should be made ; it was therefore improper for them to enter
into any stipulation, or make any proposition to Mr. Grenville
about laying taxes on their constituents by Parliament, which
had really no right at all to tax them, especially as the notice
he had sent them did not appear to be by the king's order,
and perhaps was without his knowledge, as the king, when he
would obtain anything from them, always accompanied his
120 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
requisition with good words, but this gentleman, instead of
a decent demand, sent them a menace, that they should
certainly be taxed, and only left them the choice of the man-
ner. But all this notwithstanding, they were so far from
refusing to grant money that they resolved to the following
purpose: "That they always had, so they always should
think it their duty to grant aid to the crown, according to their
abilities, whenever required of them in the usual constitu-
tional manner." I went soon after to England, and took with
me an authentic copy of this resolution, which I presented to
Mr. Grenville before he brought in the Stamp Act. I as-
serted in the House of Commons (Mr. Grenville being present)
that I had done so, and he did not deny it. Other colonies
made similar resolutions, and had Mr. Grenville, instead
of that act, applied to the king in council for such requisi-
tional letters to be circulated by the Secretary of State, I am
sure he would have obtained more money from the colonies
by their voluntary grants than he himself expected from the
stamps. But he chose compulsion rather than persuasion,
and would not receive from their good-will what he thought
he could obtain without it. And thus the golden bridge
which the ingenious author thinks the Americans unwisely
and unbecomingly refused to hold out to the minister and
Parliament, was actually held out to them, but they refused
to walk over it.
This is the true history of that transaction; and as it is
probable there may be another edition of that excellent
pamphlet, I wish this may be communicated to the candid
author, who, I doubt not, will correct that error.
I am ever, with sincere esteem, dear sir, your most obedient,
humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
1778] TO ARTHUR LEE 121
881. TO ARTHUR LEE (A. p. s.)
Passy, March 17. 1778
DEAR SIR,
One of the Messrs. Beaumann's of Bordeaux some time
since told me they intended to send a Packet every Month
to America, on their own account, they having great Con-
cerns there. He offer'd, indeed, to carry our Dispatches;
but as at this Distance we could not know the Captains,
nor the Degree of Confidence that might be plac'd in them,
and having other Conveyances, I have not yet seen Occa-
sion to make use of that Offer. These are the Packets I
mention'd to the Gentleman, as likely to afford him the
Convenience of a Passage; and he understood more than I
said to him, when he imagin'd there was a Packet to sail
soon with our Dispatches. I knew of no such thing pro-
posed ; and certainly if it had been proposed by me or with
my Knowledge, I should have acquainted you with it.
A Gentleman lately arrived from Boston, has presented
for Acceptance Bills drawn on us by Mr. Hancock, as the
President of the Congress, for about 180,000 Livres. I
have also receiv'd a Letter, mentioning that other Bills are
drawn on us by Mr. Laurens, the present President, of
which an Account is promised in a future Letter, this not
giving the Amount, but only directing us to accept them
when they appear. The 180,000 Livres is an old Debt
contracted by our Army in Canada, and not for Interest of
Money. What the others are I know not; and I cannot
conceive what Encouragement the Congress could have
had from any of us, to draw on us for any thing but that
122 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
Interest. I suppose their Difficulties have compelled them
to it. I see we shall be distress' d here by these Proceedings :
and I want to consult with you about the means of paying
the Bills. If you will name an Hour when you shall be at
leisure to-day, I will call upon you. I have the Honour to
be, with great Respect, Sir,
B. FRANKLIN.
882. TO JAMES HUTTON 1 (L. c.)
Passy, March 24, 1778.
MY dear old Friend was in the right, not "to call in ques-
tion the Sincerity of my Words, where I say, Feb. i2th,
we can treaty if any Propositions are made to us." They
were true then, and are so still, if Britain has not declared
War with France; for in that case we shall undoubtedly
think ourselves obliged to continue the War as long as she
does. But methinks you should have taken us at our Word,
and have sent immediately your Propositions in order to
prevent such a War, if you did not choose it. Still I con-
ceive it will be well to do it, if you have not already rashly
begun the War. Assure yourself, that nobody more sin-
cerely wishes perpetual Peace among Men than I do; but
there is a prior Wish, that they would be equitable and
just, otherwise such Peace is not possible, and indeed wicked
Men have no right to expect it. I grieve for the Death
of good Mrs. Falconer. Is there any children ? Adieu. I
am ever yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1 In answer to a letter from Hutton to Franklin, March 4, 1778 (L. C).
ED.
1778] TO RALPH IZARD 123
883. TO RALPH IZARD (A.P.S.)
Passy, March 30, 1778
SIR,
From the Account you give me of the Man * who pre-
tends to be of Carolina, as well as from my own Observa-
tion of his Behaviour, I entertain no good Opinion of him,
and shall not give him the Pass he desires.
Much and very important Business has hitherto prevented
my giving you the Satisfaction you desired, but you may
depend upon my endeavouring to give it you as soon as
possible. 2 An answer was written to your Letter of the
5th of this Month, and sign'd by us all, w oh I thought had
been sent to you, till Mr. Lee inform'd me, that having com-
municated to you the Contents, you told him it would not
be satisfactory, and desir'd it might be reconsidered, and
he had accordingly stopt it for that purpose: We have not
since had an Opportunity of reconsidering it; and as the
End of it is now answered by the Communication of the
Treaties, perhaps it is not necessary.
I condole with you sincerely on the great Loss sustained
in Charlestown by the Fire in January last, said to have
destroyed 600 Houses, valued with the Goods at a Million
Sterling. I have the honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1 A merchant's clerk at Uvorno, who said that he was born in South
Carolina, but had been so long out of it, " that he neither knows anybody
there, nor does anybody know him." ED.
2 The same grievance is here alluded to, as in the letter of January 29th.
Mr. Izard thought himself slighted by the commissioners in regard to the
treaty, and particularly by Dr. Franklin, and requested an explanation. ED.
124 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
884. TO WILLIAM PULTENEY 1 (L.C.)
Passy, March 30, '78.
SIR,
When I first had the honour of conversing with you on
the subject of Peace, I mentioned it as my Opinion, that
every Proposition, which implied our voluntarily agreeing to
return to a Dependance on Britain, was now become im-
possible ; that a Peace on equal Terms undoubtedly might
be made; and that, tho' we had no particular Powers to
treat of Peace with England, we had general Powers to
make Treaties of Peace, Amity, and Commerce, with any
State in Europe, by which I thought we might be authorized
to treat with Britain; who, if sincerely disposed to Peace,
might save time and much Bloodshed by treating with us
directly.
I also gave it as my Opinion, that, in the Treaty to be
made, Britain should endeavour, by the Fairness and Gen-
erosity of the Terms she offer'd, to recover the Esteem,
Confidence, and Affection of America, without which the
Peace could not be so beneficial, as it was not likely to be
lasting ; in this I had the Pleasure to find you of my Opinion.
But I see, by the Propositions you have communicated
to me, that the Ministers cannot yet divest themselves of
the Idea, that the Power of Parliament over us is constitu-
tionally absolute and unlimited; and that the Limitations
1 From a draft in L. C. in hand of W. T. Franklin. William Pulteney was
a member of Parliament who had come to Paris as a secret agent from the
ministry to consult Franklin respecting the terms of a reconciliation with
America. He assumed while in Paris the name of Williams. ED.
1778]
TO WILLIAM PULTENEY
125
they may be willing now to put to it by Treaty are so many
Favours, or so many Benefits, for which we are to make
Compensation.
As our Opinions in America are totally different, a Treaty
on the Terms proposed appears to me utterly impracticable,
either here or there. Here we certainly cannot make it,
having not the smallest Authority to make even the Declara-
tion specified in the proposed Letter, without which, if I
understood you right, treating with us cannot be commenc'd.
I sincerely wish as much for Peace as you do, and I have
enough remaining of Good Will for England to wish it for
her Sake as well as for our own, and for the Sake of Human-
ity. In the present state of things, the proper means of
obtaining it, in my Opinion, are, to acknowledge the Inde-
pendence of the United States, and then enter at once into
a Treaty with us for a Suspension of Arms, with the usual
Provisions relating to Distances; and another for estab-
lishing Peace, Friendship, and Commerce, such as France
has made. This might prevent a War between you and
that Kingdom, which, in the present Circumstances and
Temper of the two Nations, an Accident may bring on every
Day, tho' contrary to the Interest and without the previous
Intention of either. Such a Treaty we might probably
now make, with the Approbation of our Friends ; but, if you
go to War with them on account of their Friendship for us,
we are bound by Ties, stronger than can be formed by any
Treaty, to fight against you with them, as long as the War
against them shall continue.
May God at last grant that Wisdom to your national
Councils, which he seems long to have deny'd them, and
which only sincere, just, and humane Intentions can merit
126 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
or expect. With great personal Esteem, I have the Honour
to be, Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
885. TO MR. AND MRS. RICHARD BACHE (L.L.)
Passy, March 31, 1778
DEAR SON & DAUGHTER,
His Excellency, M r Gerard who does me the Honour to
take Charge of this Letter, goes Minister from this Court
to the Congress. He is a friend to your Country and to
your Father, which gives him a double Claim to your Civil-
ities, and to every Kindness in your Power to show him.
It is so long since I have heard from you, and there have
been such Burnings & Devastations made by the Enemy,
that I know not whether even if Philadelphia is recovered,
you have a House left to entertain him in. But I know you
will do all the little in your Power to serve and oblige a Per-
son who has and deserves your Father's highest Esteem and
Affection
Benny continues well, and minds his Learning. Temple
presents his Duty. I hope soon to hear from you, and that
you and yours are all as well and as hearty as
Your affectionate Father
B. FRANKLIN.
1778]
TO HENRY LAURENS
127
886. TO HENRY LAURENS 1
(L.C.)
Passy, near Paris, March 31 1778.
SIR : Mons. Ge*rard, who does me the Honour to be the
Bearer of this Letter, is the same Plenipotentiary with whom
we compleated the Treaties that have secured to America
the Friendship and Support of this powerful Monarchy. In
the whole Conduct of that Affair, he manifested a Candor,
Uprightness, and Equity of Disposition, as well as an Affec-
tion for our Cause and Country, that impress'd us with the
highest Esteem for him; and I congratulate you on his
being Minister from this Court to the Congress, as the
King's Appointment of a Person who is considered as our
Friend, to fill so important a Station, is an additional Mark
of his Majesty's Good Will to us, and presages, in my Opin-
ion, an Exercise of the Good Understanding so happily
begun between the two Countries; which no one can be
more desirous or more capable of promoting.
I beg leave, therefore to recommend him warmly not only
to all the Civilities and Respects that are due to his publick
Character, but to those tender Regards and affectionate
grateful Attentions that Friendship claims and which are
so proper to cultivate and strengthen it. I have the Honour
to be, with the greatest respect, sir, yours, etc.
B. FRANKLIN.
1 An auto, draft. Laurens was President of Congress.
128 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
887. TO HENRY LAURENS (L. c.)
Passy, near Paris, March 31, 1778.
SIR,
My colleague, Mr. Deane, being recalPd by Congress,
and no Reasons given that have yet appear' d here, it is ap-
prehended to be the Effect of some Misrepresentations from
an Enemy or two at Paris and at Nantes. I have no doubt,
that he will be able clearly to justify himself; but, having
lived intimately with him now fifteen months, the greatest
part of the time in the same House, and been a constant
Witness of his public Conduct, I cannot omit giving this
Testimony, tho' unask'd, in his Behalf, that I esteem him a
faithful, active, and able Minister, who, to my knowledge,
has done in various ways great and important Service to
his Country, whose Interests I wish may always, by every
one in her employ, be as much and as effectually promoted. 1
With my dutiful Respects to the Congress, I have the Hon-
our to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
888. TO CONRAD ALEXANDRE GERARD DE
RAYNEVAL (p. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, April i, 1778.
ONCE more, dear Sir, Adieu. Mr. Deane set out last
Night. He will show you the Propositions. They would
probably have been accepted, if they had been made two
1 See further correspondence concerning the quarrel between Deane and
Lee, in letters to Laurens.
1778]
TO ARTHUR LEE
129
Years ago. I have answered that they have come too late:
And that every Kind of Acknowledgment of the Govern-
ment of Great Britain, how small soever, is now become
impracticable. I thank you for the Information of Mr.
de Sartine's Courier. My best wishes attend you.
[B. FRANKLIN.]
889. TO ARTHUR LEE
(A. P. s.)
SIR,
Passy, April i. 1778.
There is a Stile in some of your Letters, I observe it par-
ticularly in the last, whereby superior Merit is assumed to
yourself in point of Care and Attention to Business, and
Blame is insinuated on your Colleagues without making
yourself accountable by a direct Charge, of Negligence or
Unfaithfulness, which has the Appearance of being as art-
ful as it is unkind. In the present Case I think the Insin-
uation groundless.
I do not know that either Mr. Deane or myself ever show'd
an Unwillingness to settle the Public Accounts. The
Banker's Book always contained the whole. You could
at any time as easily have obtain' d the Account from them
as either of us. And you had abundantly more Leisure.
If on examining it, you had wanted Explanation of any
Article, you might have call'd for it and had it. You never
did either. As soon as I obtained the Account, I put it into
your Hands, and desired you to look into it; and I have
heard no more of it since, 'till now, just as Mr. Deane was
on the point of departing. Mr. Deane, however, had left
VOL. VII K
130 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
with me, before the Receipt of your Letter, both the Pub-
lic Papers, and Explications of the several Articles in the
Account that came within his Knowledge. With these
Materials I suppose we can settle the Account whenever
you please. You have only to name the Day and Place,
and I will attend the Business with you. I have the Honour
to be, with great Esteem, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
890. FROM ARTHUR LEE TO BENJAMIN
FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)
Chaillot, April 2, 1778.
SIR,
It was with the utmost surprise, that I learned yesterday that M. Gerard
was to set out in the evening for America, in a public character, and that
Mr. Deane was to accompany him, without either you or he having con-
descended to answer my letter of the preceding day.
That a measure of such moment, as M. Gerard's mission, should have been
taken without any communication with the Commissioners is hardly credible.
That, if it was communicated, you should do such violence to the authority
that constituted us, together with so great an injury and injustice to me, is
equally astonishing. If success to the mission, and unanimity on the subject
in Congress, were your wish, with what propriety could you make it a party
business, and not unite all the Commissioners in the advising and approving
a measure, in which you desired their friends and constituents might be
unanimous ?
I do not live ten minutes' distance from you. The communication, there-
fore, could not be attended with delay or difficulty. Within these few days,
I have seen you frequently, as usual. Particularly, on Monday I was with you
at your house for some time. I asked you about the sailing of the ships at
Nantes, expressing my desire to know when we should have an opportunity
of writing. You said you did not know when they sailed. I asked if there
were no letters, none but one from M. Dumas having been shown to me for
some time. You answered, No. I had, at a former meeting, asked you
whether it was not proper for us to send an express to give intelligence of
such consequential events as our being acknowledged here, and the treaty
avowed. You told me, it would be sufficient to write by the ship from
1778] FROM ARTHUR LEE TO B. FRANKLIN 131
Nantes, (for it was afterwards you mentioned there were two,) as the news
being public would find its way fast enough.
Upon M. Amiel, who came from your house to mine, mentioning, on
Tuesday, that Mr. Deane was to go away in a few days, I wrote to you and
him to repeat what I have so often requested, that the public accounts might
be settled, for which Mr. Deane had taken possession of all the vouchers, and
that the public papers might be delivered to us before his departure. You
made no answer. I sent my secretary again yesterday to desire an answer.
You sent me a verbal one, that you would settle the accounts with me any day
after to-morrow. Your reason for not doing it before was, that it was not
your business. Now it seemed your business only, and Mr. Deane had no
concern with it. The delivery of the public papers, which are the property
of all, not of any one of the Commissioners, though you and Mr. Deane have
constantly taken them to yourselves, was too immaterial to answer.
During all this time, and with these circumstances, you have been totally
silent to me about the present opportunity of writing to Congress, about the
important public measure in agitation, and about Mr. Deane's departure.
Nay, more, what you have said, and the manner in which you acted, tended
to mislead me from imagining that you knew of any such thing. Had you
studied to deceive the most distrusted and dangerous enemy of the public, you
could not have done it more effectually.
I trust, Sir, that you will think with me, that I have a right to know your
reasons for treating me thus. If you have anything to accuse me of, avow it,
and I will answer you. If you have not, why do you act so inconsistently with
your duty to the public, and injuriously to me ? Is the present state of Europe
of so little moment to our constituents, as not to require our joint consideration,
and information to them ? Is the character of the court here, and of the per-
son sent to negotiate with our constituents, of no consequence for them to be
apprized of? Is this the example, you in your superior wisdom think proper
to set, of order, decorum, confidence, and justice?
I trust too, Sir, that you will not treat this letter, as you have done many
others, with the indignity of not answering it. Though I have been silent, I
have not felt the less the many affronts of this kind, which you have thought
proper to offer me. I have the honour to be, with great respect,
ARTHUR LEE.
132 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
891. TO ARTHUR LEE (A.P.S.)
Passy, April 3, 1778
SIR
It is true I have omitted answering some of your Letters.
I do not like to answer angry Letters. I hate Disputes.
I am old, cannot have long to live, have much to do and no
time for Altercation. If I have often received and borne
your Magisterial Snubbings and Rebukes without Reply,
ascribe it to the right Causes, my Concern for the Honour
& Success of our Mission, which would be hurt by our
Quarrelling, my Love of Peace, my Respect for your good
Qualities, and my Pity of your Sick Mind, which is forever
tormenting itself, with its Jealousies, Suspicions & Fan-
cies that others mean you ill, wrong you, or fail in Respect
for you. If you do not cure your self of this Temper it
will end in Insanity, of which it is the Symptomatick Fore-
runner, as I have seen in several Instances. God preserve
you from so terrible an Evil: and for his sake pray suffer
me to live in quiet. I have the honour to be very respect-
fully,
Sir, etc,
[B. FRANKLIN]
892. TO ARTHUR LEE (A.P.S.)
Passy, April 4, 1778.
SIR,
Mr. Deane communicated to me his Intention of setting
out for America immediately as a Secret, which he desired
I would mention to nobody. I comply'd with his Request.
1778] TO ARTHUR LEE 133
If he did not think fit to communicate it to you also; it is
from him you should demand his Reasons.
This Court has an undoubted Right to send as Minis-
ters who it pleases, & where it pleases, without advising
with us, or desiring our Approbation. The Measure of
sending M. Ge*rard, as a Minister to Congress, was resolv'd
on without consulting me, but I think it a wise one ; and if
I did not, I do not conceive that I have any right to find
fault with it. France was not consulted when we were sent
here. Your angry Charge therefore of our "making a Party
Business of it" is groundless; we had no Hand in the Busi-
ness: And as we neither "acted nor advis'd" in it, which
you suppose, your other high-sounding Charge of our do-
ing thereby violence to the Authority that constituted us,
and a great Injury and Injustice to you, is equally without
Foundation. As to the concealing it from you, Reasons
were given by Mr. Deane, that appeared to me satisfactory,
and founded entirely on Views of Publick Good. I promise
to communicate them to you hereafter, if you desire it, that
you may have an Opportunity of refuting them if you can.
At present it is not proper.
Your third Paragraph, therefore, containing a particular
iccount of what pass'd between you & me at my House
m Monday, seems not to require any Answer. I am still
of the same Opinion, that after having sent the Treaties
themselves by different good Conveyances, in which Treat-
ies our Publick Character was acknowledged in the most
authentic Manner, and the Avowal of the Transaction by
the French Ambassador to the King of England, which
was in all the Papers of Europe, the sending a Vessel express
to carry the News of paying our Respects to Court, w**
134 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
was likewise in the Papers, was an Expensive and altogether
unnecessary Operation.
I received your Letter directed to Mr. Deane & myself
relating to the Accounts. I had no Opportunity of show-
ing it to him till the Evening of his Departure, and then he
was too much in a Hurry to peruse it. I could not there-
fore sooner answer it. But I then wrote an Answer acquaint-
ing you that he had put into my hands the Public Papers
with all the Information he could give relating to the Ac-
counts. It was intended to be transcribed fairly and sent
you in the Morning. Your Secretary call'd for an Answer
before I had time to copy it. I had a good deal of Com-
pany; and thinking a verbal Message might perhaps do as
well and save the Trouble, I desired him with my Compli-
ments to acquaint you that I was ready to settle the Account
with you at any time you should think fit to appoint, except
the morrow, when I should be otherwise engaged. As this
verbal Message offended you, tho' I cannot conceive why,
I now send you the Letter. In it I complain of your artful
and, I think I may call them unjust Insinuations. You
give me fresh Instances in the Letter I am answering. You
magnify your Zeal to have the Publick Accounts settled,
and insinuate that Mr. Deane and I prevented it, he by
"taking Possession of all the Vouchers," and both of us by
taking constantly the Public Papers to ourselves, which are
the Property of all the Commissioners.
When this comes to be read in the Committee, for whom
it seems to be calculated, rather than for me, who know the
Circumstances, what can they understand by it, but that
you are the only careful, honest Man of the Three, and that
we have some knavish Reasons for keeping the Accounts
1778] TO ARTHUR LEE 135
in the Dark, and you from seeing the Vouchers? But the
Truth is, the Papers naturally came into Mr. Deane's Hands
and mine; first as he was engag'd in the Purchasing of
Goods for the Congress before either you or I came into
France, next as somebody must keep the Papers, and you
were either on long Journeys to Spain, to Vienna & Berlin,
or had a Commission to go and reside in Spain, which it
was expected would soon be executed; Mr. Deane and I
liv'd almost constantly in the same House either at Paris
or Passy; you separate from us, and we did most of the
Business. Where then could the Papers be so properly
placed as with us, who had daily Occasion to make Use of
them? I never knew that you desired to have the Keeping
of them. You never were refus'd a Paper or the Copy of
a Paper that you desired. Why then these Reflections?
As to my not acquainting you with the Opportunity of
Writing to Congress by Mr. Deane, we had lately wrote,
and sent by probably safe Conveyances, all I knew of Im-
portance to write. I therefore did not propose, nor write
any Letter to the Committee by him, especially as in my
Opinion, considering the Route he was to take, he would
not arrive so soon as other Vessels, who may sail long after
him, and he could himself give as good an Ace 1 of our being
at Court, the only Publick Transaction since our last Letters,
as we could write.
You ask me, Why I act so inconsistent with my Duty to
the Publick? This is a heavy Charge, Sir, which I have
not deserved. But it is to the Publick, that I am accountable
and not to you. I have been a Servant to many publicks,
thro' a long Life; have serv'd them with Fidelity, and
have been honoured by their Approbation: There is not a
136 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
single Instance of my ever being accused before of acting
contrary to their Interest or my Duty. I shall account to
the Congress when calPd upon for this my terrible Offence
of being silent to you about Mr. Deane's and M. Gerard's
Departure. And I have no Doubt of their Equity in ac-
quitting me.
It is true, that I have omitted answering some of your
Letters, particularly your angry ones, in which you, with very
magisterial Airs, schooPd and documented me, as if I had
been one of your Domestics. I saw in the strongest Light
the Importance of our living in decent Civility towards
each other, while our great Affairs were depending here.
I saw your jealous, suspicious, malignant and quarrelsome
Temper, which was daily manifesting itself against Mr.
Deane, and almost every other Person you had any Con-
cern with: I therefore pass'd your Affronts in Silence; did
not answer but burnt your angry Letters, and received
you when I next saw you with the same Civility, as if you
had never wrote them. Perhaps I may still pursue the
same Conduct, and not send you these. I believe I shall
not unless exceedingly press'd by you, for of all things I
hate Altercation.
One Word more about the Accounts. You tell me, that
my Reason for not settling the Acc ts before, was, that it
was not my Business; now it seem'd my Business only, &
Mr. Deane had nothing to do with it. Both these Positions
are imaginary. I could never have given any such Reason,
being always willing to settle Accounts with everybody,
and not having the least Motive to delay or postpone the
Settlement of these. Nor could it seem that I should say
Mr. Deane had nothing to do with it. He had done what
1778] TO ARTHUR LEE 137
he could towards it: and being actually gone, could do no
more. The Infinity of Business we have had is the true
and only Reason that I know of why they have not been
settled, that is, why we did not meet, sit down & compare
the Vouchers with the Articles in the Banker's Account,
in order to see that his Charges were supported, and that he
had given us due Credit for the Monies we had put into his
Hands. This I apprehend is all we have to do here. It
is to the Congress we are separately to account for the sepa-
rate Drafts we have made on him. This Mr. Deane can do
when he arrives, having taken a Copy of the Account with
him.
If you think we should account to one another for our
Expences: I have no Objection, tho' I never expected it.
I believe they will be found very moderate. I am sure
mine will, having had only the Necessaries of Life, and
purchased nothing besides except the Encyclop&dia, nor
sent a Sixpence' worth of any thing to my Friends or Family
in America. I have the honour to be your obedient servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
893. TO ARTHUR LEE (A. p. s.)
Passy, April 6. 1778
SIR,
Mr. Williams had Orders from Mr. Deane and myself
to purchase and make up a large Quantity of Cloathing,
and ship the same, in pursuance of the Orders of Congress.
I imagine you were not in France when this Measure was
taken, and so could not be consulted. But you certainly
have been acquainted with it since your Return; I never
138 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
heard that you made any Objection to it, and you may at
any time have fuller Information if desired. I think the
Orders of any two of us in these Cases are sufficient. And
that if we have given Directions to an Agent of ours to draw
on our Banker in Discharge of Contracts made properly
for the Public Service, his Drafts ought to be honoured.
The Reason of permitting him to draw on our Banker in-
stead of ourselves, was as I understand it, convenient at
that time, to mask more effectually our building & equip-
ping Vessels of Force. If in a single Instance he is known
or suspected to have abused this confidence plac'd in him,
I am ready to join with you in putting a Stop to his Proceed-
ings, by ordering his Bills to be protested. If not, I think
the publick Service requires that he should compleat his
Orders, which as far as I have ever heard he has hitherto
executed with great Care, Fidelity & Ability.
As to the want of Funds with Mr. Grand, 1 1 suppose that
before the Bills drawn on him become due, which are charged
in his Ace*, and bring the Ballance against us, he will be
fully supplied with what are necessary.
I send you herewith sundry Letters relating to our Affairs,
for your Perusal and Advice upon them. I have the honour
to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
894. TO CHARLES W. F. DUMAS (i.e.)
Passy, April 10, 1778.
SIR: We received duly your despatch of the 3d instant,
and approve very much the care and pains you constantly take
1 Ferdinand Grand, a Paris banker. ED.
1778] TO CHARLES W. F. DUMAS 139
in sending us the best intelligence of foreign affairs. We
have now the pleasure of acquainting you that Mr. John
Adams, a member of Congress, appointed to succeed Mr.
Deane in this Commission, is safely arrived here. He came
over in the Boston, a frigate of thirty guns belonging to the
United States. In the passage they met and made prize
of a large English letter-of-marque ship of fourteen guns,
the Martha, bound for New York, on whose cargo 70,000
sterling was insured in London. It contains abundance of
necessaries for America, whither she is despatched, and we
hope will get well into one of our ports.
Mr. Adams acquaints us that it had been moved in Con-
gress to send a minister to Holland, but that although there
was the best disposition towards that country, and desire
to have and maintain a good understanding with their High
Mightinesses and a free commerce with their subjects, the
measure was respectfully postponed for the present, till
their sentiments on it could be known, from an apprehen-
sion that possibly their connections with England might
make the receiving an American minister as yet inconven-
ient, and (if Holland should have the same good will towards
us) a little embarassing. Perhaps, as our independency
begins to wear the appearance of greater stability since
our acknowledged alliance with France, that difficulty may
be lessened. Of this we wish you would take the most
prudent methods privately to inform yourself. It seems
clearly to be the interest of Holland to share in the rapidly
growing commerce of her young sister republic; and as in
the love of liberty, and bravery in the defence of it, she has
been our great example, we hope circumstances and con-
stitutions in many respects so similar may produce mutual
140 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
benevolence; and that the unfavourable impressions made
on the minds of some in America, by the rigour with which
supplies of arms and ammunition were refused them in
their distress, may soon be worn off and obliterated by a
friendly intercourse and reciprocal good offices.
When Mr. Adams left America, which was about the
middle of February, our affairs were daily improving, our
troops well supplied with arms and provisions and in good
order; and the army of General Burgoyne being detained
for breaches of the capitulation, we had in our hands about
ten thousand prisoners of the enemy. We are, sir, etc.
FRANKLIN, ADAMS, LEE
[ON A SEPARATE PAPER]
The above is so written that you may show it on Occa-
sion. We send enclosed a proposed Draft of a Letter to
the Grand Pensionary; but as we are unacquainted with
Forms, and may not exactly have hit your Idea with regard
to the Matter and Expression, we wish you would consult
with our Friend upon it, and return with the necessary
Corrections.
P. S. The Letters you mention coming to you from Eng-
land are for Mr. William Lee, and you will be so good as
to forward them, with his name superscribed and enclosed
to Messrs. Frederic Gontard & Fils, Banquiers Frankfort
sur la Maine.
TO EDWARD BANCROFT
141
895. TO THE GRAND PENSIONARY OF HOL-
LAND l (L. c.)
Paris, April io th 1778.
SIR: We have the Honour of acquainting your Excel-
lency that the United States of North America being now
an independent Power, and acknowledged as such by this
Court, a Treaty of Amity and Commerce is compleated
between France and the said States, of which we shall
speedily send your Excellency a Copy, to be communicated,
if you think proper, to their High Mightinesses, for whom
the United States have the greatest Respect, and the strong-
est Desire that a good Understanding may be cultivated,
and a mutually beneficial Commerce be established, be-
tween the People of the two Nations, which, as will be seen,
there is nothing in the above-mentioned Treaty to prevent
or impede.
We have the honour to be, with great Respect,
Your Excellency's, etc
[THE COMMISSIONERS.]
896. TO EDWARD BANCROFT 2
Passy, April 16, 1778.
DEAR SIR,
I wish you would assure our friend, that Dr. Franklin
never gave any such expectations to Mr. Pulteney. On
1 E. P. Van Berckel. The preceding letter and this enclosure exist in
auto, drafts by Franklin, and a contemporary copy, in French, by Dumas,
to whom the enclosure was addressed. ED.
3 From "The Works of Dr. Benjamin Franklin" (Duane), Philadelphia,
142 77^5- WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
the contrary, he told him, that the Commissioners could
not succeed in their mission, whether they went to recover
the dependence or to divide. His opinion is confirmed by
the enclosed resolves, which perhaps it may not be amiss
to publish in England. Please to send me the newspaper.
Yours affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
897. FROM DAVID HARTLEY TO BENJAMIN
FRANKLIN *
Paris, April 23, 1778.
DEAR SIR,
I will take care of all your commissions. This moment a second packet of
infinite value is received, which I shall cherish as a mark of affection from
you. I opened the letter by mistake, which came with it, and soon saw it
was not for me. I hope you will excuse it. I choose rather to throw my-
self upon your goodness for the excuse, than any thing else. I shall not set
out till between one and two; therefore, if you will be so good as to send me
another copy, I will take care of it, and deliver it safely.
God bless you, my dear friend. No exertion or endeavour on my part shall
be wanting, that we may some time or other meet again in peace. Your pow-
ers are infinitely more influential than mine. To those powers I trust my last
hopes. I will conclude, " Blessed are the peace-makers." Your affectionate
friend, D. HARTLEY.
P. S. If tempestuous times should come, take care of your own safety;
events are uncertain, and men may be capricious.
1817, Vol. VI, p. 384. Edward Bancroft (1744-1821), naturalist, chemist,
physician, and author, published (1769) "An Essay on the Natural History of
Guiana," a novel entitled "Charles Wentworth" (1770), and a "Review of
the Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies" (1769). Bancroft
characterized him as a double spy; Doniol says he was in the pay of the foreign
office; Lord North described him as " wholly an American." Attempts have
been made, but without complete success, to identify him with the mysterious
" Edwards " of the secret correspondence with William Eden and the foreign
office. ED.
1 From " The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United
States," Wharton, Vol. II, p. 555. ED.
1778]
TO COMTE DE VERGENNES
DR. FRANKLIN'S ANSWER
I THANK you for your kind caution, but having nearly
finished a long life, I set but little value on what remains
of it. Like a draper, when one chaffers with him for a rem-
nant, I am ready to say, "As it is only the fag end, I will
not differ with you about it; take it for what you please. "
Perhaps the best use such an old fellow can be put to, is to
make a martyr of him.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO COMTE DE VERGENNES l (P. A. E. E. u.)
SIR,
Passy, April 24, 1778.
Mr. Hartley, Member of the British Parliament, an old
acquaintance of mine, arrived here from London on Sun-
day last. He is generally in the opposition, especially on
American questions, but has some respect for Lord North.
In conversation, he expressed the strongest anxiety for peace
with America, and appeared extreamly desirous to know
my sentiments of the terms, which might probably be ac-
ceptable if offer'd; whether America would not, to obtain
peace, grant some superior Advantages in Trade to Britain,
and enter into an Alliance, offensive and defensive;
whether, if War should be declared against France, we had
oblig'd ourselves by Treaty to join with her against England.
1 Charles Gravier, Comte de Vergennes (1717-1787), Minister of Foreign
Affairs (1774-1787). ED.
144 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
My Answers have been, that the United States were not
fond of War, and with the advice of their friends would
probably be easily prevailed with to make peace on equi-
table terms ; but we had no terms committed to us to pro-
pose, and I did not choose to mention any; that Britain,
having injured us heavily by making this unjust war upon
us, might think herself well off, if on Reparation of those
Injuries we admitted her to equal advantages with other
nations in commerce; but certainly she had no reason to
expect superior; that her known fondness for war, and the
many instances of her readiness to engage in wars on frivo-
lous occasions, were probably sufficient to cause an imme-
diate rejection of every proposition for an offensive alliance
with her; and that, if she made war against France on our
account, a peace with us, at the same time, was impossible;
for that, having met with friendship from that generous
nation, when we were cruelly oppressed by England, we
were under ties stronger than treaties could form, to make
common cause ; which we should certainly do to the utmost
of our power.
Here has also been with me a Mr. Chapman, who says
he is a member of the Parliament of Ireland, on his way
home from Nice, where he had been for the recovery of his
health. He pretended to call on me only from motives of
respect for my character, &c. But, after a few compli-
ments, he entered on a similar discourse, urging much to
know what terms would satisfy America, and whether, on
having peace and independence granted to us, we should
not be willing to submit to the Navigation Act, or give
equivalent privileges in trade to Britain. The purport of
my answer to him was, in short, that peace was of equal
1778] TO COMTE DE VERGENNES 145
value to England as to us, and independence we were al-
ready in possession of; that, therefore, England's offer to
grant them to us could not be considered as proposing any
favour, or as giving her a right to expect peculiar advantages
in commerce. By his importunity, I found his visit was
not so occasional as he represented it; and, from some ex-
pressions, I conjectured he might be sent by Lord Shel-
burne to sound me, and collect some information. On
the whole, I gather from these conversations, that the oppo-
sition, as well as the ministry, are perplexed with the pres-
ent situation of affairs, and know not which way to turn
themselves, or whether it is best to go backward or forward,
or what steps to take to extricate that nation from its present
dangerous situation.
I thought it right to give your Excellency an account of
these interviews, and to acquaint you with my intention of
avoiding such hereafter; as I see but little prospect of utility
in them, and think they are very liable to hurtful misrepre-
sentations.
By advices from London we learn, that a fleet for Quebec,
with goods valued at five hundred thousand pounds sterling,
is to sail about the end of this month, under convoy only of
a single frigate of thirty guns, in which is to go Governor
Haldimand. 1
Enclosed I send a paper I have just received from Lon-
don. It is not subscribed by any name, but I know the
hand. It is from an old friend, of general and great ac-
quaintance, and marks strongly the present distress and
1 Sir Frederick Haldimand (1718-1791) was appointed (April, 1778) to
succeed Sir Guy Carleton as governor and commander-in-chief in Canada.
ED.
VOL. VII L
146 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
despair of considerate people in England. I have the
honour to be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency's,
&c. B. FRANKLIN.
899. FROM COMTE DE VERGENNES TO
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN (p. A. E. E. u.)
Translation
VERSAILLES, April 25, 1778.
SIR,
I have made known to the King the substance of the letter, which you did
me the honour of writing to me yesterday ; and I am directed by his Majesty
to express to you the satisfaction he has experienced from the information,
which you have communicated on your conferences with Mr. Hartley. The
grand principle of the English policy has always been to excite divisions;
and it is by such means she expects to sustain her empire ; but it is not upon
you, nor upon your colleagues, that she can practice such arts with success.
I entertain the same sentiments of confidence in the United States. As to
the rest, it is impossible to speak with more dignity, frankness, and firmness
than you have done to Mr. Hartley; he has no reason to be very well satis-
fied with his mission. I doubt whether this member of Parliament has any
mission for us; but he desires to see me, and I expect him in the course of
the morning. I should not be at all surprised, if his purpose be to sow dis-
trust between us, by proposing a double negotiation. That I can obviate;
but whatever passes between us, however trifling it may be, you shall be made
acquainted with. I have the honour to be, with the most perfect considera-
tion, Sir, &c. DE VERGENNES.
900. TO JOHN ROSS * (L. c.)
Passy, April 26, 1778.
SIR : The multiplicity of affairs we have lately been en-
gaged in, together with Mr. Deane's departure, who used to
correspond with you, occasioned a deficiency in answering
1 United States commercial agent at Nantes. This auto, draft is indorsed :
" Letter to Mr. Jn. Ross, April 26, '78; not sent, May 19, '78." ED.
1778] TO JOHN ROSS 147
your letters. On looking them over I find some reflections
on the Commissioners as having acted an ingenious part
relative to the papers left by Mr. Thomas Morris. It ap-
pears that you have not been well informed; and therefore
I would now give you the history of the transaction.
On the death of Mr. Morris, it was represented to the
Commissioners that, on pretence of some kind of partner-
ship between him and Mr. Penet, that gentleman might
probably get possession of the papers, which would be
attended with great inconvenience in case of any dispute on
a settlement of the public accounts; and that, therefore,
to prevent this, it was necessary Mr. W. Lee, the surviving
colleague, should go down and take them into his custody,
but, to enable him to do that, an order from government
here should be obtained, directing the public officers in
whose hands they regularly were, to deliver them to him;
and the memorial requesting such an order was brought to
Mr. Deane and me, ready drawn by Mr. A. Lee, to be signed,
which we did without hesitation ; I, for my part, not having
the least doubt that, on receiving them, he would deliver to
you those belonging to the affairs of Willing & Morris.
When he returned, he gave it as the reason of his not doing
so that you had quarrelled with him, used him rudely, denied
his authority to meddle with the public papers, and required
the whole to be delivered to you ; on which he had brought
the trunk containing them to Paris as he received it, sealed
by two gentlemen of credit ; and he desired that, to prevent
reflections or suspicions, it might be opened and the papers
divided in our presence. We consented to this ; and I went
to his house for that purpose, where Mr. Izard attended
to verify the seals of the two gentlemen that were on the
148 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
trunk. But, Mr. Deane being hindered from attending
by an accident, the business was postponed; and, as I
soon after understood by your letters, that Mr. Lee had had
the papers under his particular examination several days
before that formal sealing, of which I therefore did not see
the use, and apprehending some danger of being involved
in your quarrel, I refused, on consideration, to have any-
thing to do with the opening and sorting of the papers. Mr.
Lee was about to set out for Germany, and intimated that
our not doing this must stop his journey. To remove this
obstacle, as Mr. Deane was going to America, and Mr. A.
Lee might soon go to Spain, I let him know that if he chose
to leave the trunk sealed in my care, to be delivered in the
same state to him or his order, I would consent to take it.
He accordingly brought it to my house, with a receipt to
that purpose ready written for me to sign. I signed it ac-
cordingly, and thought that might have been sufficient;
but, so cautious is he, that, lest I should deny my handwrit-
ing (I suppose this reason because I cannot conceive an-
other), he desired four persons to put their hands to the
receipt as witnesses. He has, indeed, excused this since,
by saying that he meant only to have it appear that those
gentlemen being present approved of his delivery of the
trunk to me. This might do for two of them, Mr. Deane
and his brother, who, being Commissioners that with me
procured for them the power of taking possession of them,
had, therefore, some right to give their approbation; but
the two others, Mr. Izard and Mr. Pringle, had no concern
in the affair. Thus you see how the trunk comes to be in
my hands, and yet not in my disposition. It is said to con-
tain Mr. Morris' papers. I know nothing of the contents,
1778] FROM B. VAUGHAN TO B. FRANKLIN 149
and can know nothing of them, being obliged to deliver the
trunk sealed as I received it, and I refused to take the key;
and, apprehending Mr. Lee to be a very artful as well as
disputatious man, I now wish I had not even consented to
receive it. You see here the innocent part Mr. Deane and
I have had in this affair, yet Mr. Lee has reflected upon us
in one of his letters to me as countenancing you in treating
him ill at Nantes; and you affront us as having given him
our sanction for inspecting and carrying off the papers be-
longing to the house of Willing & Morris, but nothing is
more common than to pass censures without knowing facts.
Mr. William Lee, in some conversation, expressed his
opinion that a power to receive the papers ought to come
from Mr. Morris' legal representative, otherwise he could
not deliver them. I mention this for your information, as
I suppose he will deliver them to no other person, for he is
much of a lawyer, and would do everything regularly. I
am, sir, your most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
901. FROM BENJAMIN VAUGHAN TO BEN-
JAMIN FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)
April 28, 1778.
MY DEAREST SIR,
I am sure I shall tell you something which you will have no pleasure in
repeating again, when I inform you that L? Chatham is very ill indeed.
Alarming symptoms have appeared, and no likelyhood of his getting rid
of them, as he grows weaker every day. This intelligence is fresh from
Hayes, where he now is. As I am afraid this great man is dying, I think
it proper to give you what 7 recollected in his short speech on the 7^ of
April; for short it was, and appeared as the mere throwing down of the
gauntlet; reserving himself wholly for reply to the Duke of Richmond. He
said, he
150 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
" Was ill, but glad he was not in his grave when he heard of giving inde-
pendence. The counsel dastardly and pusillanimous. Was there no middle
way? Could not be said, while country ruined by unretracted error. Was
not then for making a rod to whip our own backs.
"Would never put his hands to the back of bonds for signing away
America, or call princes to the Committee. America their birthright : it was
once here under a prince of House of Brunswick, how came it gone ? Feared
there was something rotten near the throne : yet did not mean ministers
places.
" Our case bad enough. But wished he could see daylight in the proposi-
tion. France had taken our trade our fairest flower, and it was saying to
France; insult us, take all we have, but don't make war with us. Did not
indeed know the means: [such as we had, we must use them:] But if we
must die, would die decently. Had stood irruptions of Danes and of Nor-
mans, of Armada & Scotch rebels. Would not then extinguish and put out
the glories of that throne (pointing to it.)
" Knew he should be favourably interpreted : whatever else he was
thought, should be thought sincere."
These are all the expressions that have occured to me; and if a variation
was observed by others, I have inserted it. I suppose you know that the
debate-writers for the newspapers, are seldom very exact : Indeed they are
low people, hear indistinctly, and know neither the history of men, parties, or
opinions ; and therefore are always blundering. As to the order of sentences,
it cannot be expected that I should preserve it; but I have reported as faith-
fully as I could. His voice was often low and did not then reach the bar.
The Duke of Richmond (who by the by is greatly improved, and will make a
remarkable figure in this country, having much English stuff in him, and
though not a soaring mind, yet very capable of business and detail, which he
will conduct with industry, honour & courage) the Duke of Richmond I say,
spoke pretty well in reply, but it was rather common-place, and what had
chiefly fallen from him in former debates. There was a little harshness &
sterness in it, which he cannot always keep under even to his domestics, but
on the whole it was neither bitter nor formidable. I had observed Lord
Chatham shifting his crutch from one hand into the other once or twice, but
did not observe that he made any exertion to get anything out of his pocket,
which they tell me was the case (feeling for a handkerchief with a tug;) but
on a sudden he disappeared, and was carried out of the house without sense,
and like a corpse ; and did not recover for almost an hour. He looked very
ill at coming in at first; but did not speak so feebly as on the 30"? of May
1777, when he told L? S to be prepared for the worst, for he did not know
what might happen. In July or August last he fell off his horse in a fit, but
recovered so, as to go through much business in the beginning of the ses-
sions. I think about 15 or 20 voices cried out after the bustle was over, go
1778] FROM B. Y A UGH AN TO B. FRANKLIN 151
on, go on; at which I was hurt; and they told me the Duke of Richmond
spoke of being obliged to attend his militia; which is possible enough.
When LI Chatham was told by Dr Addington, that the Rockinghams said, the
Duke of Richmond had killed him; " Another time " said Lord Chatham,
sternly and firmly.
April 8?, L? Shelburne came to the house and resumed the debate; and
made a prodigious impression upon the Duke of Richmond; who really spoke
his heart in the compliments he paid; and certainly it was a prodigious
speech. Some trick and play there was in it; or as the Duke of R. called
them "the honest arts of eloquence, for they were honest, he said; " but on
the whole a monstrous deal of comprehension, reading, and real solid elo-
quence; too rapid and sudden however to be always neat and without exple-
tives. I shall trouble you with none of it, except what is material to you as
an American and negotiator, and to save him from mis-interpretation, which
has been more ignorantly than industriously used; though some of the latter
kind has taken place in the abuse brought against him.
"Man creature of regulation; is what his government makes him. A
declaration of independence would acquit America of their thinking as Eng-
lishmen; would make separate interests, competition and hatred. Already
asked for Canada Florida and Scotia; and then to follow fishery and islands.
Much property lost by it to individuals. A vast weapon put into hands of
congress ; soon make minority into majority. Would now give it for noth-
ing; for nothing said in return to the offer, but that they won't thank you for
it. Not a child's play with diadems, to toss away a diadem, and hope to have
it back again improved. Many of congress-men wished to serve their com-
munity; those of elevated minds would wish (as they ought,) to have elevated
stations. Was sure however the union would be again; and the name of
Englishmen last, when that of France was rotten. France meant to dupe one
and hurt both. Now thirteen republics; republics peaceful: would pay
their first quotas easily, as in the scrip, but third and fourth payments would
drag heavily. Prince Maurice built a citadel at Groningen to inforce pay-
ment of quotas. (Here he said somthing about an agrarian law being as
natural to a republic, as entails to a monarchy; but I forget the application.)
" Wished none of the commissioners sent : if sent, sent with view to be
refused. Ought to do like bungling physicians : after trying many things, try
nothing; see what nature would do; nature enough in this case. Leave
them alone : they will soon find what they have lost, and in two or three
years be for sending commissioners here.
"As to France & Spain must not despair: England had her same people,
same private wealth, if properly taken care of and confidence to draw it forth
from its hoardings. If we grown old, France grown old too. France &
Spain vulnerable & etc.
" Though Lords dispond, those who know frivolousness of French won't
152 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
dispond, not women even, who do know it. France had great individuals, so
had falling Rome ; but nation refined in nothing but in the art of making
court ; this the view of all.
" Rupture with France not instant ; long seen ; why then surprised ; why
not so before ? Had low spirits at times himself ; men in dispondence he
knew had not right judgments. We must appeal to the public ; call out
religion and freedom ; give men something to fight for ; (the present a war
of slavery ; ) and follow a directing public.
" In 1672 Holland in a worse state ; & offered to submit to Lewis and only
Amsterdam firm. De Witz, like all other great men, failed in not knowing
the extent of folly ; never thought Charles would let them go ; yet Charles
did. But still De Witz's maxim was, no country ought ever to give up one
point of justice or reason, but oppose it from first. De Witz not only said,
but did ; visited the fleet, made infinite exertions, and was torn in pieces
repeating the ode Justum and tenaccm propositi &c.
"Not true that Philip and Elisabeth accommodated to each other. As
fast as one assisted Holland, the other assisted Ireland; and Armada was
forced to delay, because Walsingham Gresham & Lutton borrowed Genoese
bank money that was to arm it. Here was stock- jobbing, and yet cost only
,40,000. Wished these times produced a Walsingham, and merchants like
Gresham. Yet still some spirit to his knowledge and did not speak of
mountains and mice.
" If this point given up, should be ashamed of London, still more of abroad;
believed should retire to the country. If danger followed him, would do as
a traveller would, who found himself at a tavern where a company of gentle-
men were attacked by ruffians ; without interest, would take his share.
" But am asked a question : Must we fight all three ? Will answer dis-
tinctly ; think need only fight two of them, but if necessary yes, fight the
three.
" On the whole, wished not to be replied to on the spot ; begged them
(the Rockinghams) to take time, and weigh. He knew their worth. His
opinions not court opinions: but respected their unspotted characters, and
hoped their good intentions would not aid the little cunning of others to ruin
the country. Should unite against ministers : Not to reap seed of their sowing,
but have reaping of seed of their own sowing."
Then followed a great variety of other matters relative to ministry and
their conduct.
He spoke two hours, besides a reply ; and was not flat for a moment. In
his beginnings he is often flat, for 5 or 6 minutes, though wonderfully improved.
He explained the expression of Lord Chatham's not knowing the means.
But I wonder the Duke of R. did not talk of the instance of irruptions by
Danes & Normans, as contrary to the case to be proved. Indeed the Danes
were finally repelled and Norman line compromised, and in each case the
1778] FROM B. VAUGHAN TO B. FRANKLIN 153
Kings were obliged to reside in their conquests ; but the instances certainly
very awkward.
No news that I can communicate. The King & Queen will be at Ports-
mouth on Friday. The Irish bills of course will not pass, ministry not being
with them. Govf. Johnstone had great hopes at going out, but they have just
heard here that America is not much inclined to negotiation, they say. I
think they tell us Mr. Hartly makes the 2O th embassador you have had. I am
very glad the first time I saw my friend, that I had no connections ; and the
second time that I scarcely shewed an inclination to hear what, if I had been
sent by my connections, I ought to have heard.
I think if Lord Chatham had remained well, that a change of ministers
would not have been distant ; for they know that he minds measures more than
men, and rather has a turn to take care of national grandeur than national
liberty, farther than as the latter assists the former ; all which is in a great
degree true. Under him therefore they thought they could pension their
creatures with sinecure places, leaving him the general direction.
Upon a conversation this morning with Col! B., I find that absentees will
at first be just as safe as inhabitants, personal care and exertion excepted; and
therefore content myself with getting a letter to our governor, strongly desiring
him to recommend our property to protection of the conqueror, which recom-
mendation he knows by experience will be attended to. But as I wish to
have two securities where I think them possible, I shall beg the favour of you
to get the same thing mentioned to the parties concerned on your side, if you
think it proper ; but as you may not think it proper, to make the refusal easy,
and to prevent improper communication being, I hope you will never mention
to me in any way, the part you may take. Our parish is that of St. James ;
I have a brother named Charles on the spot. As to our connections, they
are rank Whig and American. I know you have nobleness enough to excuse
this application, and consider it as not made wholly on my part, but for the
family. I am as ever, my dearest sir, your most devoted, affectionate &
grateful . . .
D! P. & D! P? * Have had a correspondence
upon the latter's metaphysical
writings, which will probably be
soon published, unless the distraction of the times
should withdraw attention to such subjects
I have had some papers for the Duke De
by me, but they are still in their old state, and I
have not had leisure to prepare them for him.
I dare say you have many such voluminous correspondents as myself: but
you see how my pen runs to you.
1 Richard Price and Joseph Priestley.
154 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
902. TO ARTHUR LEE (A. p. s.)
Passy, May 17, 1778.
MR. FRANKLIN is not inclin'd to sign this Letter to Mr.
Grand, 1 i. because he does not know, that any Inconven-
iencies have arisen from the Order originally given that the
Orders of each of us separately should be honoured.
2. Because Mr. Lee is pleas'd to be very angry with him,
which is expressed in many of his Letters, and therefore Mr.
F. does not chuse to be oblig'd to ask Mr. Lee's Consent,
whenever he may have Occasion to draw for his Subsistence,
as that Consent cannot be expected from any Necessity of
a reciprocal Compliance on Mr. F.'s part, Mr. Lee having
secur'd his Subsistence by taking into his own Disposition
185,000 Livres, and his Brother, by a Deception on the
Commissioners, of 48,ooo. 2 Mr. F. has no Objection to any
Resolution that all Contracts for the Publick shall be made
by joint Consent, or at least by a Majority, together with the
Drafts for Payment. Indeed he wishes that if practicable
he might be excus'd from any Concern in Matters of Com-
merce, which he so little understands. But as we are sepa-
rately accountable to Congress for our personal Expences,
1 The following is a copy of the letter to Mr. Grand, the American banker,
which Mr. Lee requested Dr. Franklin to sign.
" Sir ; It is our desire, that you accept no bills nor pay any money out of
the funds which are or may be in your hands to the credit of us three jointly
without our joint order. As it has been the practice to address Letters upon
the business of the Commission to Mr. Deane, we desire that you will send to
us all the Letters you receive so directed, & not give them to any private
person." May 17, 1778 (A. P. S.). ED.
2 This " deception," as it is here called, is explained in the letter to the
Committee of Foreign Affairs, dated January 15, 1779. ED.
1778] TO DAVID HARTLEY 155
and Mr. F. does not desire to have the least Controll in those
of his Colleagues, so neither does he chuse to subject his to
the Controll of Mr. Lee.
3. He declines signing this Letter, because it orders
Mr. Grand to deliver to us all Letters directed to Mr. Deane,
which may come into his hands : and it being understood that
Dr. Bancroft is intrusted & empower' d by Mr. Deane to
receive his Letters, and there may be some concerning his
private Affairs with which we have no Concern, and which
it may be improper for us to examine, Mr. F. thinks that the
Supposition of a Possibility, that they may relate to the
Publick, is not a sufficient Excuse for such Gratification of
private Curiosity. I have the honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
903. TO DAVID HARTLEY (D. s. w.)
Passy, May 25 1778
DEAR SIR, I am glad to learn by the Newspapers that
you got safe home, where I hope you found all well.
I wish to know whether your Ministers have yet come to
a Resolution to exchange the Prisoners they hold in England,
according to the Expectations formerly given you. We have
here about two hundred, who are confined in the Drake,
where they must be kept, as we have not the Use of Prisons
on shore, and where they could not be so conveniently accom-
modated as we could wish. But as the liberal Discharge
we have given to near 500 Prisoners taken on your Coasts
has wrought no Disposition to similar Returns, we shall keep
these and all we take hereafter, till your Counsels become
156 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
more reasonable. We have Accounts from the Mill Prison
at Plymouth, that our People are not allowed the Use of Pen
and Ink, nor the Sight of Newspapers, nor the Conversation
of Friends. Is it true ?
Be so good as to mention to me whether the two little Bills
I gave you on Nesbit and Vaughan are accepted and paid,
and the Sums of each, as I have omitted to make a Note
of them. Permit me to repeat my thankful Acknowledg-
ments for the very humane and kind part you have acted
in this Affair. If I thought it necessary I would pray God to
bless you for it. But I know he will do it without my Prayers.
Adieu, and believe me ever,
Yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
904. TO JOHN PAUL JONES 1
Passy, May 27. 1778.
DEAR SIR,
I received yours of the i8th, enclosing one for the Countess
of Selkirk, which I forward this day by way of Holland, as
you desire. It is a gallant letter, and must give her Ladyship
a high and just opinion of your generosity and nobleness of
mind.
The Jersey privateers do us a great deal of mischief by
intercepting our supplies. It has been mentioned to me, that
1 First printed by Sparks. This letter was answered by Paul Jones (Brest,
June i, 1778). He was then captain of U. S. S. Ranger, a vessel which
he calls "crank and slow." He thought that her present crew could
only be led by "great views of interest" to "bring about the plan"
proposed in Franklin's letter. [See J. P. Jones Mss., L. C., and Sherburne,
11 Life of John Paul Jones," New York, 1851, p. 68]. ED.
1778] TO JOHN PAUL JONES 157
your small vessel, commanded by so brave an officer, might
render great service by following them where greater ships
dare not venture their bottoms; or, being accompanied and
supported by some frigates from Brest, at a proper distance,
might draw them out, and then take them. I wish you to
consider of this, as it comes from high authority, and that
you would immediately let me know what you think of it,
and when your ship will be ready.
I have written to England about the exchange of your pris-
oners. I congratulate you most cordially on your late suc-
cess, and wish for a continuance and increase of the honour
you have acquired. It will always be a pleasure to me to con-
tribute what may lie in my power towards your advancement,
and that of the brave officers and men under your command.
I am, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
905. TO JOHN PAUL JONES 1
Passy, June I, 1778.
DEAR SIR,
I have the pleasure of informing you, that it is proposed
to give you the command of the great ship we have built at
Amsterdam. 2 By what you wrote to us formerly, I have
ventured to say in your behalf, that this proposition would be
agreeable to you. You will immediately let me know your
resolution; which, that you may be more clear in taking, I
must inform you of some circumstances. She is at present
the property of the King ; but, as there is no war yet declared,
you will have the commission and flag of the United States,
1 First printed by Sparks. ED. a Indien. ED.
158 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
and act under their orders and laws. The Prince de Nassau
will make the cruise with you. She is to be brought here
under cover as a French merchantman, to be equipped and
manned in France. We hope to exchange your prisoners for
as many American sailors; but, if that fails, you have your
present crew to be made up here with other nations and
French.
The other Commissioners are not acquainted with this
proposition as yet, and you see, by the nature of it, that it is
necessary to be kept a secret, till we have got the vessel here,
for fear of difficulties in Holland, and interruption. You will
therefore direct your answer to me alone, it being desired,
that, at present, the affair rest between you and me. Per-
haps it may be best for you to take a trip up here to concert
matters, if in general you approve the idea.
I was much pleased with reading your journal, which we
received yesterday. I am, &c.
906. TO JOHN PAUL JONES (L. c.)
Passy, June 10, 1778.
DEAR SIR,
I receiv'd yours of the first Instant with the Papers enclos'd,
which I have shown to the other Commissioners; but have
not yet had their Opinion of them. I only know, that they
had before (in Consideration of the Disposition and Uneasi-
ness of your People) expressed an Inclination to order your
Ship directly back to America. You will judge from what
follows, whether it would not be adviseable for you to propose
I77] TO JOHN PAUL JONES 159
their sending her back with her People, and under some other
Command.
In consequence of the high Opinion the Minister of the
Marine l has of your Conduct and Bravery, it is now settled
(observe, that this is to be a Secret between us, I being ex-
pressly enjoin'd not to communicate it to any other Person,
not even to the other Gentlemen,) that you are to have the
Frigate from Holland, which actually belongs to Government,
and will be furnished with as many good French Seamen as
you shall require. But you are to act under Congress' com-
mission. As you may like to have a Number of Americans,
and your own are homesick, it is proposed to give you as many
as you can engage out of two hundred Prisoners, which the
Ministry of Britain have at length agreed to give us in Ex-
change for those you have in your hands. They propose
to make the exchange at Calais, where they are to bring the
Americans. Nothing is wanting to this, but a List of yours,
containing their Names and Rank; immediately on the Re-
ceipt of which, an equal Number are to be prepared and sent
in a ship to that Port, where yours are to meet them. Pray
send this List by the Return of the Post if possible. If by
this means you can get a good new Crew, I think it will be
best that you are quite free of the old, for a Mixture might
introduce the Infection of that Sickness you complain of.
But this may be left to your Discretion.
Perhaps we shall join you with the Providence, Captain
Whipple, a new Continental Ship of 30 Guns, which incoming
out of the river of Providence gave the two frigates that were
posted to intercept her each of them so heavy a Dose of her
1 8 and 12 pounders, that they had not the courage, or were
1M. deSartine. ED.
160 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
not able, to pursue her. The Boston is supposed to be gone
from Bordeaux.
It seems to be desired by those concerned in your future
Ship that you should step up to Versailles, (where one will
meet you,) in order to such a Settlement of Matters and Plans
with those who have the Direction, as cannot well be done by
Letter. I wish it may be convenient to you to do it directly.
The project of giving you the Command of this Ship pleases
me the more, as it is a probable Opening to the higher Pre-
ferment you so justly merit. I have the honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
907. TO GEORGELIN DU COSQUER 1
Passy, ce [u Juin 1778.]
Personne, Monsieur, ne doit estre, et n'est effectivement
plus attache* que moy aux francais, et je ne puis que vous
louer du de*sir que vous avez de leur estre utile, vous leur
rendriez effectivement un signale* service en dtablissant chez
eux un moyen de diminuer et d'abre*ger les proces que je
regarde comme un des plus grands fl^aux de la Socie'te*, mais
le peu de connoissance que j'ay de vos lois civiles et des
dispositions de votre nation a cet e*gard ne me permet pas
d'aprecier celuy que vous proposez ; quoy je ne me*rite pas,
Monsieur, la confiance que vous me te*moignez, je sens com-
1 u Correspondant des Etats de Bretagne et de la Societe d' Agriculture."
He had written to Franklin in terms of high and warm eulogy as to " the
Lycurgus of the new Sparta," and enclosed a project which he called " Moyen
de prevenir, ou au moins simplifier les Proces, par des essais de concilia-
tion." To this communication the above letter is Franklin's reply. ED.
1778]
TO DAVID HARTLEY
161
bien elle m'honore et je vous prie de recevoir les assurances
de 1'estime avec laquelle je suis,
Monsieur,
votre tres humble
et tres obeissant
serviteur.
[B. FRANKLIN.]
908. TO DAVID HARTLEY (L. c.)
Passy near Paris June 16, 1778.
SIR : I received yours of the 5th Instant acquainting us
that the Ministers have at length agreed to an Exchange of
Prisoners. We shall write to Capt. Jones for the List re-
quired, which will be sent you as soon as received. I under-
stand there are at least two hundred. We desire and expect
that the Number of ours shall be taken from Forton and
Plymouth, in Proportion to the Number in each Place, and
to consist of those who have been longest in Confinement,
it being not only equitable that they should be first relieved
but this Method will prevent all suspicion that you pick out
the worst and weakest of our People, to give in exchange for
your good Ones. If you think proper to clear your Prisons
at once, and give us all our People, we give you our solemn
Engagement, which we are sure will be punctually executed,
to deliver to Lord Howe in America, or his Order, a Number
of your Sailors equal to the Surplus, as soon as the Agreement
arrives there.
There is one Thing more which we desire may be observed.
We shall note in our List the Names and Number of those
VOL. VII M
162 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
taken in the Service of the King, distinguishing them from
those taken in the Merchant Service ; that in the Exchange
to be made you may give adequate Numbers of those taken
in the Service of the States, and of our Merchants. This
will prevent any Uneasiness among both your Navy men and
ours, if the Seamen of Merchant Ships are exchang'd before
them. As it will be very troublesome and expensive, as well
as fatiguing to them, to march your people from Brest to
Calais, we may endeavour to get leave for your Ship to come
to the Road of Brest to receive them there ; or, if that cannot
be, we must desire from your Admiralty a Passport for the
Ship that is to convey them from Brest to Calais. If you have
any of our people still Prisoners on board your Ships of war,
we request that they may be put into the Prisons, to take
their Chance of Exchange with the rest.
I am, Dear Sir
Your affectionate Friend
& most obedient Serv 1
B. F.
909. TO JAMES BUTTON (L. c.)
Passy, June 23, 1778.
My dear old Friend has here the Paper he desired. 1 We
have had a marble Monument made at Paris for the brave
General Montgomery, which is gone to America. 2 If it
1 Passport for a vessel, which was about to be sent to the Moravian mis-
sionaries on the coast of Labrador. ED.
2 The memorial in marble, made by Caffieri, was erected, by the desire of
Congress, in St. Paul's Episcopal Church, New York, " to transmit to future
ages" the "patriotic conduct, enterprise and prowess" of Major-general
Richard Montgomery (1736-1775) who fell at Quebec. ED.
1778]
TO A. BOREL
163
should fall into the Hands of any of your Cruizers, I expect
you will exert yourself to get it restor'd to us, because I know
the generosity of your Temper, which likes to do handsome
Things, as well as to make Returns. You see we are unwill-
ing to rob the Hospital; we hope your People will be found
as averse to pillaging the Dead. Adieu. Yours,
B. FRANKLIN.
910. TO CAPTAIN SAINNEVILLE (A. p. s.)
SIR,
Passy, June 23, 1778
I have just received safe the several Letters & Packets
you did me the Honour of forwarding to me. Please to accept
my thankful Acknowledgements for your kind Care of them.
They speak of you with great Regard, and express some
Concern that our People had it not more in their Power to
manifest their Respect for your Person and Affection for your
Nation. With great Esteem I have the honour to be
Sir
Your most obed* hum Serv t
B. F.
SIR,
911. TO A. BOREL 1
(A. P. s.)
Passy, June 24. 1778
On reading again the Prospectus & Explanation of your
intended Print, I find the whole Merit of giving Freedom to
1 This letter exists also in L. C. t where it is a copy in French. It has
hitherto been printed as to an unknown engraver in Paris. The identification
of the engraver was established by Mr. Worthington C. Ford. The engrav-
ing is described in the Hampton L. Carson "Catalogue," Vol. II, No. 1764.
ED.
1 64 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
America, continues to be ascrib'd to me, which, as I told
you in our first Conversation, I could by no means approve
of, as it would be unjust to the Numbers of wise and brave
Men, who by their Arms & Counsels, have shared in the
Enterprize, & contributed to its Success, (as far as it has yet
succeeded) at the Hazard of their Lives & Fortunes.
My Proposition to you was, and continues to be, that
instead of naming me in particular, in the Explanation of
the Print, it should be said, The Congress, represented by a
Senator in Roman Dress, 6. As it stands, I cannot consent
to accept the Honour you propose to do me by dedicating the
Print to me, which I understand is in this Country considered
as an Approbation. And in my own Country, it would hurt
my Character and Usefulness if I were to give the least
Countenance to such a Pretention, by recommending or
promoting the Sale of a Print so explained. Upon these
Considerations I must request that if you are determined
to proceed in the Engraving, you would in a new Prospectus,
change the Explanation, as above proposed, and dedicate
the Print not to me, but to the Congress. I have the Honour
to be, Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
912. PROPOSED LETTER TO LORD NORTH
CONCERNING PRISONERS
June, 1778.
MY LORD : The fortune of war having again made a
number of British seamen prisoners to the United States,
it is our duty to trouble you with a renewal of our former
request for an immediate exchange of prisoners in Europe.
To detain unfortunate men for months in prison and send
1773]
PROPOSED LETTER TO LORD NORTH
165
them three thousand miles to make an exchange which
might take place immediately and on the spot is a most
grievous and unnecessary addition to the calamities of war,
in which we cannot believe the British government will
persist.
It is with the utmost regret that we find ourselves com-
pelled to reiterate to your Lordship our remonstrances against
your treating the citizens of the United States, made prisoners
by the arms of the king of Great Britain, in a manner unex-
ampled in the practice of civilized nations. We have received
late and authentic information that numbers of such prisoners,
some of them fathers of families in America, having been
sent to Africa, are now in the fort of Senegal, condemned in
that unwholesome climate to the hardest labour and most
inhuman treatment.
It will be our indispensable duty to report this to the Con-
gress of the United States, and retaliation will be the inevitable
consequence in Europe as well as in America, unless your
Lordship will authorize us to assure Congress that those
unhappy men, as well as all others of our nation who have
been treated in a similar manner shall be immediately brought
back and exchanged.
Most earnestly we beseech your Lordship no longer to
sacrifice the essential interests of humanity to claims of
sovereignty, [of which the issue of our most solemn appeal
to Heaven has sufficiently proved. It is a fatal mistake, by
which you seem to have been misled, to think that when you
trampled upon humanity you triumphed too over us] which
your experience must by this time have convinced you are
not to be maintained. We have the honour to be, etc.
[B. F. for the Commissioners]
166 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
913. TO CHARLES DE WEISSENSTEIN l (P.A.E.E.U.)
Passy, July i, 1778.
SIR,
I received your letter, dated at Brussels the i6th past.
My vanity might possibly be flattered by your expressions of
compliment to my understanding, if your proposals did not
more clearly manifest a mean opinion of it.
You conjure me, in the name of the omniscient and just
God, before whom I must appear, and by my hopes of future
fame, to consider if some expedient cannot be found to put a
stop to the desolation of America, and prevent the miseries
of a general war. As I am conscious of having taken every
step in my power to prevent the breach, and no one to widen
it, I can appear cheerfully before that God, fearing nothing
from his justice in this particular, though I have much occa-
sion for his mercy in many others. As to my future fame, I
am content to rest it on my past and present conduct, without
seeking an addition to it in the crooked, dark paths, you pro-
pose to me, where I should most certainly lose it. This
your solemn address would therefore have been more prop-
erly made to your sovereign and his venal Parliament. He
and they, who wickedly began, and madly continue, a war
1 Franklin received a long letter signed Charles de Weissenstein. It was
dated " Brussels, June 16, 1778," and written in English. The original is now
in P. A. E., and is addressed "To Benj. Franklin Esq. &c. &c.
Secret and Confidential
Read this in private & before you look
at the other papers
but don't be imprudent enough to let any one see it, before you have con-
sider'd it thoroughly."
The letter contained a " Plan of Reconciliation " and the Outline of the
Future Government in America, and urged a secret conference. ED.
1778] TO CHARLES DE WEISSENSTEIN 167
for the desolation of America, are alone accountable for the
consequences.
You endeavour to impress me with a bad opinion of French
faith ; but the instances of their friendly endeavours to serve
a race of weak princes, who, by their own imprudence, de-
feated every attempt to promote their interest, weigh but
little with me, when I consider the steady friendship of France
to the Thirteen United States of Switzerland, which has now
continued inviolate two hundred years. You tell me, that
she will certainly cheat us, and that she despises us already.
I do not believe that she will cheat us, and I am not certain
that she despises us ; but I see clearly that you are endeavour-
ing to cheat us by your conciliatory bills ; that you actually
despised our understandings, when you flattered yourselves
those artifices would succeed ; and that not only France, but
all Europe, yourselves included, most certainly and for ever
would despise us, if we were weak enough to accept your
insidious propositions.
Our expectations of the future grandeur of America are
not so magnificent, and therefore not so vain or visionary, as
you represent them to be. The body of our people are not
merchants, but humble husbandmen, who delight in the
cultivation of their lands, which, from their fertility and the
variety of our climates, are capable of furnishing all the neces-
saries and conveniences of life without external commerce;
and we have too much land to have the least temptation to
extend our territory by conquest from peaceable neighbours,
as well as too much justice to think of it. Our militia, you
find by experience, are sufficient to defend our lands from
invasion; and the commerce with us will be defended by all
the nations who find an advantage in it. We, therefore,
168 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
have not the occasion you imagine, of fleets or standing armies,
but may leave those expensive machines to be maintained
for the pomp of princes, and the wealth of ancient states.
We propose, if possible, to live in peace with all mankind;
and after you have been convinced, to your cost, that there
is nothing to be got by attacking us, we have reason to hope,
that no other power will judge it prudent to quarrel with us,
lest they divert us from our own quiet industry, and turn us
into corsairs preying upon theirs. The weight therefore of
an independent empire, which you seem certain of our in-
ability to bear, will not be so great as you imagine. The
expense of our civil government we have always borne, and
can easily bear, because it is small. A virtuous and laborious
people may be cheaply governed. Determining, as we do,
to have no offices of profit, nor any sinecures or useless ap-
pointments, so common in ancient or corrupted states, we can
govern ourselves a year, for the sum you pay in a single de-
partment, or for what one jobbing contractor, by the favour
of a minister, can cheat you out of in a single article.
You think we flatter ourselves, and are deceived into an
opinion that England must acknowledge our independency.
We, on the other hand, think you flatter yourselves in imagin-
ing such an acknowledgment a vast boon, which we strongly
desire, and which you may gain some great advantage by
granting or withholding. We have never asked it of you;
we only tell you, that you can have no treaty with us but as
an independent state ; and you may please yourselves and your
children with the rattle of your right to govern us, as long as
you have done with that of your King's being King of France,
without giving us the least concern, if you do not attempt to
exercise it. That this pretended right is indisputable, as you
1778] TO CHARLES DE WEISSENSTE1N 169
say, we utterly deny. Your Parliament never had a right
to govern us, and your King has forfeited it by his bloody
tyranny. But I thank you for letting me know a little of
your mind, that, even if the Parliament should acknowledge
our independency, the act would not be binding to posterity,
and that your nation would resume and prosecute the claim
as soon as they found it convenient from the influence of your
passions, and your present malice against us. We suspected
before, that you would not be actually bound by your con-
ciliatory acts, longer than till they had served their purpose
of inducing us to disband our forces ; but we were not certain,
that you were knaves by principle, and that we ought not to
have the least confidence in your offers, promises, or treaties,
though confirmed by Parliament.
I now indeed recollect my being informed, long since,
when in England, that a certain very great personage, then
young, studied much a certain book, called Arcana Imperil. 1
I had the curiosity to procure the book and read it. There
are sensible and good things in it, but some bad ones; for,
if I remember rightly, a particular king is applauded for his
politically exciting a rebellion among his subjects, at a time
when they had not strength to support it, that he might, in
subduing them, take away their privileges, which were
troublesome to him ; and a question is formally stated and
discussed, Whether a prince, who, to appease a revolt, makes
promises of indemnity to the revolters, is obliged to fulfil those
promises. Honest and good men would say, Ay; but this
politician says, as you say, No. And he gives this pretty
1 ** Arcana imperii detecta : or, divers select cases in Gorerament," etc.
London, 1701 [a translation of " Disquisitiones politicae" of Mark Zuirius
Boxhorn], ED.
i;o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
reason, that, though it was right to make the promises, be-
cause otherwise the revolt would not be suppressed, yet it
would be wrong to keep them, because revolters ought to
be punished to deter from future revolts.
If these are the principles of your nation, no confidence
can be placed in you ; it is in vain to treat with you ; and the
wars can only end in being reduced to an utter inability of
continuing them.
One main drift of your letter seems to be, to impress me
with an idea of your own impartiality, by just censures of
your ministers and measures, and to draw from me proposi-
tions of peace, or approbations of those you have enclosed to
me which you intimate may by your means be conveyed to the
King directly, without the intervention of those ministers.
You would have me give them to, or drop them for, a stranger,
whom I may find next Monday in the church of Notre Dame,
to be known by a rose in his hat. You yourself, Sir, are quite
unknown to me; you have not trusted me with your true
name. Our taking the least step towards a treaty with Eng-
land through you, might, if you are an enemy, be made use
of to ruin us with our new and good friends. I may be indis-
creet enough in many things ; but certainly, if I were disposed
to make propositions (which I cannot do, having none com-
mitted to me to make), I should never think of delivering them
to the Lord knows who, to be carried to the Lord knows where,
to serve no one knows what purposes. Being at this time one
of the most remarkable figures in Paris, even my appearance
in the church of Notre Dame, where I cannot have any con-
ceivable business, and especially being seen to leave or drop
any letter to any person there, would be a matter of some
speculation, and might, from the suspicions it must naturally
give, have very mischievous consequences to our credit here.
1778] TO CHARLES DE WEISSENSTEIN 171
The very proposing of a correspondence so to be managed,
in a manner not necessary where fair deab'ng is intended,
gives just reason to suppose you intend the contrary. Be-
sides, as your court has sent Commissioners to treat with the
Congress, with all the powers that could be given them by
the crown under the act of Parliament, what good purpose
can be served by privately obtaining propositions from us?
Before those Commissioners went, we might have treated
in virtue of our general powers, (with the knowledge, advice,
and approbation of our friends), upon any propositions
made to us. But, under the present circumstances, for us
to make propositions, while a treaty is supposed to be actually
on foot with the Congress, would be extremely improper,
highly presumptuous with regard to our constituents, and
answer no good end whatever.
I write this letter to you, notwithstanding ; (which I think
I can convey in a less mysterious manner, and guess it may
come to your hands ;) I write it because I would let you know
our sense of your procedure, which appears as insidious as
that of your conciliatory bills. Your true way to obtain
peace, if your ministers desire it, is, to propose openly to
the Congress fair and equal terms, and you may possibly
come sooner to such a resolution, when you find, that personal
flatteries, general cajolings, and panegyrics on our virtue
and wisdom are not likely to have the effect you seem to ex-
pect ; the persuading us to act basely and foolishly, in betray-
ing our country and posterity into the hands of our most bitter
enemies, giving up or selling our arms and warlike stores,
dismissing our ships of war and troops, and putting those
enemies in possession of our forts and ports.
This proposition of delivering ourselves, bound and gagged,
172 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
ready for hanging, without even a right to complain, and with-
out a friend to be found afterwards among all mankind, you
would have us embrace upon the faith of an act of Parlia-
ment ! Good God ! an act of your Parliament ! This
demonstrates that you do not yet know us, and that you fancy
we do not know you ; but it is not merely this flimsy faith,
that we are to act upon; you offer us hope, the hope of
PLACES, PENSIONS, and PEERAGES. These, judging from
yourselves, you think are motives irresistible. This offer to
corrupt us, Sir, is with me your credential, and convinces me
that you are not a private volunteer in your application. It
bears the stamp of British court character. It is even the
signature of your King. But think for a moment in what
light it must be viewed in America. By PLACES, you mean
places among us, for you take care by a special article to
secure your own to yourselves. We must then pay the sal-
aries in order to enrich ourselves with these places. But you
will give us PENSIONS, probably to be paid too out of your
expected American revenue, and which none of us can accept
without deserving, and perhaps obtaining, a sus-pension.
PEERAGES! alas! Sir, our long observation of the vast ser-
vile majority of your peers, voting constantly for every measure
proposed by a minister, however weak or wicked, leaves us
small respect for that title. We consider it as a sort of tar-
and-feather honour, or a mixture of foulness and folly, which
every man among us, who should accept it from your King,
would be obliged to renounce, or exchange for that conferred
by the mobs of their own country, or wear it with everlasting
infamy. I am, Sir, your humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
1778]
TO FERDINAND GRAND
'73
914. TO FERDINAND GRAND 1 (p. A. E. E. u.)
Le 3. Juillet 1778.
M r . franklin presente ses respects a M r . Grand et 11 lui
envoye la lettre originate dont il lui a parle*. Dans une
autre M r . Bingham 3 dit que le plus leger pretexte suffit
aujourd'hui aux Anglois pour saisir et condamner les effets
des marchands francois qui ne peuvent pas meme trans-
porter les productions d'Amerique d'une Isle a une autre
sans courir les plus grands risques. En effet plusieurs
Vaisseaux ont 6t6 conduite depuis peu a la Dominique par
la seule raison qu'ils transporteient des productions d'Am-
erique. II est a remarques qu'avant ces difficulty's les
marchands francais pouvient acheter du tabac du oriz &c.,
des Americains du Continent pour etre transport's en france.
Si je ne me trompe il est porte dans les trait's que le Vais-
seau d'un ami assure les marchandiser meme d'un ennemi
a plus forte raison dit il garantir vos propres marchandise
qui vous avez achete*es au par avant de cet ennemi.
M 1 " Bingham dit aussi que la Cour d'Amiraute* a la Domin-
ique est constitute sur des principes si iniques qu'elle en-
courage les condamnations, le juge ayant une portion des
marchandises condamne'es desorte qu'on ne peut gueres
se flatter de sauver des effets dont le sort depend de son
jugement.
[B. F.]
1 F. Grand was a Swiss Protestant residing in Paris. He was a brother of
Sir George Grand. Through the influence of Le Ray de Chaumont he became
the banker to the American ministers. ED.
a U. S. Commercial Agent at Martinique. ED.
174 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
915. TO DAVID HARTLEY (D. s. w.)
(L. C.)
Passy, July 13, 1778.
DEAR SIR : Inclosed is the List of our Prisoners, which
by an Accident was long in coming to us. There are sup-
posed to be about 15 more remaining in the Hospital, whose
Names we have not yet obtained, and about as many who
being recovered of their Wounds have been suffered to go
home to England. If you continue in the opinion of making
the Exchange at Calais, you will send us the Papers necessary
to secure the Vessel that shall transport the Men from the
Ports where they are to that Place against Capture; as the
Marching them thither would be attended with great Incon-
veniences, and many of them might desert on the way,
from an Apprehension of being put on board Men-of-War
on their arrival in England.
B. FRANKLIN.
916. TO JAMES LOVELL * (u. OF p.)
Passy, July 22. 1778.
SIR,
I received your favour of May i5th, and was glad to
find, that mine of December 25th had come to hand. Mr.
Deane's brother writes it was not signed, which was an acci-
dental omission. Mr. Deane is himself I hope with you
long before this time, and I doubt not every prejudice against
1 Only a portion of this letter is in U. of P. The whole letter is printed in
Sparks, "The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution,"
Vol. Ill, p. 52. ED.
I778J
TO JAMES LOVELL
'75
him is removed. It was not alone upon the proceedings of
Congress, that I formed my opinion that such prejudices
existed. I am glad to understand that opinion was ground-
less, and that he is likely to come back with honour in the
commission to Holland, where matters are already so ripe
for his operations, that he cannot fail (with his abilities) of
being useful.
You mention former letters of the Committee, by which
we might have seen the apprehensions of the resentment of
foreign officers, &c. Those letters never came to hand.
And we, on our part, are amazed to hear, that the Committee
had had no line from us for near a year, during which we
had written, I believe, five or six long and particular letters,
and had made it a rule to send triplicates of each, and to
replace those that we happened to hear were lost, so that of
some there were five copies sent ; and, as I hear that Cap-
tain Young is arrived, who had some of them, I think it
probable that one of each, at least, must have come to your
hands before this time. Mr. Deane's information, how-
ever, may supply the want of them, whose arrival, as he
went with a strong squadron of men-of-war, is more likely
than that of this vessel, or any other single one by which
we might send more copies.
The affair with M. de Beaumarchais will be best settled
by his assistance after his return. We find it recommended
to us, but we know too little of it to be able to do it well
without him.
There has been some inaccuracy in sending us the last
despatches of the Committee. Two copies of the contract
with M. Francy, and the invoices, came by the same vessel,
Captain Niles. And though one of your letters mentions
176 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
sending enclosed a resolution of Congress relative to two
articles of the treaty, that resolution is not come to hand.
There are circumstances in the affair of those articles, that
make them, in my opinion, of no consequence if they stand,
while the proposing to abrogate them has an unpleasing
appearance, as it looks like a desire of having it in our power
to make that commercial kind of war, which no honest
State can begin, which no good friend or neighbour ever
did or will begin, which has always been considered as an
act of hostility, that provoked as well as justified reprisals,
and has generally produced such as rendered the first proj-
ect as unprofitable as it was unjust.
Commerce among nations, as well as between private
persons, should be fair and equitable, by equivalent ex-
changes and mutual supplies. The taking unfair advan-
tages of a neighbour's necessities, though attended with
temporary success, always breeds bad blood. To lay
duties on a commodity exported, which our neighbours
want, is a knavish attempt to get something for nothing.
The statesman who first invented it had the genius of a
pickpocket, and would have been a pickpocket if fortune
had suitably placed him. The nations, who have prac-
tised it, have suffered four-fold, as pickpockets ought to
suffer. Savoy, by a duty on exported wines, lost the trade
of Switzerland, which thenceforth raised its own wine; and
(to wave other instances) Britain, by her duty on exported
tea, has lost the trade of her colonies. But, as we produce
no commodity that is peculiar to our country, and which
may not be obtained elsewhere, the discouraging the con-
sumption of ours by duties on exportation, and thereby
encouraging a rivalship from other nations in the ports we
1778]
TO JAMES LOVELL
'77
trade to, is absolute folly, which indeed is mixed more or
less with all knavery. For my own part, if my protest were
of any consequence, I should protest against our ever doing
it, even by way of reprisal. It is a meanness with which I
would not dirty the conscience or character of my country.
The objections, stated against the last of the two articles,
had all been made and considered here; and were sent, I
imagine, from hence, by one who is offended, that they were
not thought of weight sufficient to stop the signing of the
treaty, till the King should, in another council, reconsider
those articles, and, after agreeing to omit them, order new
copies to be drawn, though all was then ready engrossed
on parchment as before settled. I did not think the articles
of much consequence; but I thought it of consequence,
that no delay should be given to the signing of the treaty
after it was ready. But, if I had known that those objec-
tions would have been sent to the Committee, I should have
sent the answers they received, which had been satisfactory
to all the Commissioners, when the treaty was settled, and
until the mind of one l of them was altered by the opinion of
two other persons. 2 It is now too late to send those answers.
But I wish, for the future, if such a case should again happen,
that Congress would acquaint their Commissioners with
such partial objections, and hear their reasons before they
determine that they have done wrong. In the mean time
this only to you in private; it will be of no use to commu-
nicate it, as the resolutions of Congress will probably be
received and executed before this letter comes to hand.
1 Arthur Lee. See "Diplomatic Correspondence" (Sparks), VoL II., p.
127. ED.
a Ralph Izard and William Lee. Ibid. p. 372. ED.
VOL. VII N
178 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
Speaking of Commissioners in the plural, puts me in
mind of inquiring, if it can be the intention of Congress to
keep three Commissioners at this court; we have indeed
four with the gentleman intended for Tuscany, who con-
tinues here, and is very angry that he was not consulted in
making the treaty, which he could have mended in several
particulars; and perhaps he is angry with some reason, if
the instructions to him do, as he says they do, require us to
consult him. We shall soon have the fifth; for the envoy
to Vienna, not being received there, is, I hear, returning hither.
The necessary expense of maintaining us all is, I assure you,
enormously great. I wish that the utility may equal it.
I imagine every one of us spends nearly as much as Lord
Stormont did. It is true, he left behind him the character
of a niggard; and, when the advertisement appeared for
the sale of his household goods, all Paris laughed at an
article of it, perhaps very innocently expressed, " Une grande
quantity du linge de table, qui n'a jamais servi" "Cela est
tres vraisemblable," say they, " car il n'a jamais donne a
manger."
But, as to our number, whatever advantage there might
be in the joint counsels of three for framing and adjusting
the articles of the treaty, there can be none in managing
the common business of a resident here. On the contrary,
all the advantages in negotiation that result from secrecy
of sentiment, and uniformity in expressing it, and in com-
mon business from despatch, are lost. In a court, too,
where every word is watched and weighed, if a number of
Commissioners do not every one hold the same language,
in giving their opinion on any public transaction, this lessens
their weight; and when it may be prudent to put on, or
i 77 8]
TO JAMES LOVELL
'79
avoid certain appearances of concern, for example, or in-
difference, satisfaction, or dislike, where the utmost sincerity
and candor should be used, and would gain credit, if no
semblance of art showed itself in the inadvertent discourse,
perhaps of only one of them, the hazard is in proportion to
the number. And where every one must be consulted on
every particular of common business, in answering every
letter, &c., and one of them is offended if the smallest thing
is done without his consent, the difficulty of being often and
long enough together, the different opinions, and the time
consumed in debating them, the interruptions by new ap-
plicants in the time of meeting, &c. &c., occasion so much
postponing and delay, that correspondence languishes,
occasions are lost, and the business is always behindhand.
I have mentioned the difficulty of being often and long
enough together. This is considerable, where they cannot
all be accommodated in the same house; but to find three
people whose tempers are so good, and who like so well
one another's company, and manner of living and convers-
ing, as to agree well themselves, though being in one house,
and whose servants will not by their indiscretion quarrel
with one another, and by artful misrepresentations draw
their masters in to take their parts, to the disturbance of
necessary harmony, these are difficulties still greater and
almost insurmountable. And, in consideration of the
whole, I wish Congress would separate us.
The Spanish galleons, which have been impatiently ex-
pected, are at length happily arrived. The fleet and army
returning from Brazil is still out, but supposed to be on the
way homewards. When that and the South Sea ships are
arrived, it will appear whether Spain's accession to the treaty
l8o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
has been delayed for the reasons given, or whether the
reasons were only given to excuse the delay.
The English and French fleets, of nearly equal force,
are now both at sea. It is not doubted, but that if they
meet, there will be a battle; for, though England through
fear affects to understand it to be still peace, and would
excuse the depredations she has made on the commerce of
France, by pretences of illicit trade, &c., yet France con-
siders the war begun, from the time of the King's message
to Parliament, complaining of the insult France had given
by treating with us, and demanding aids to resist it, and the
answer of both Houses, offering their lives and fortunes.
These, and the taking several frigates, are deemed indis-
putable hostilities. Accordingly, orders are given to all
the fleets and armed ships to return hostilities, and encour-
agement is offered to privateers, &c. An ambassador
from Spain is indeed gone to London, and joyfully received
there, in the idea that peace may be made by his mediation.
But as yet we learn nothing certain of his mission, and
doubt his effecting any thing of the kind.
War in Germany seems to be inevitable, and this occa-
sioning great borrowings of money in Holland and elsewhere,
by the powers concerned, makes it more difficult for us to
succeed in ours. When we engaged to Congress to pay
their bills for the interest of the sums they should borrow,
we did not dream of their drawing on us for other occasions.
We have already paid of Congress' drafts, to returned offi-
cers, eighty-two thousand two hundred and eleven livres,
and we know not how much more of that kind we have to
pay, because the Committee have never let us know the
amount of those drafts, or their account of them never reached
1778]
TO CHEVALIER DE CHAMPIGNY
181
us, and they still continue coming in. And we are now sur-
prised with advice of drafts from Mr. Bingham, to the
amount of one hundred thousand more. If you reduce us
to bankruptcy here, by a nonpayment of your drafts, con-
sider the consequences. In my humble opinion no drafts
should be made on us without first learning from us that
we shall be able to answer them.
M. de Beaumarchais has been out of town ever since the
arrival of your power to settle with him. I hope he will
be able to furnish the supplies mentioned in the invoice and
contract. The settlement may be much better made with
the assistance of Mr. Deane, we being not privy to the trans-
actions. We have agreed to give M. Dumas two hundred
louis a year, thinking that he well deserves it. With great
esteem, I have the honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
917. TO CHEVALIER DE CHAMPIGNY 1 (A. p. s.)
SIR,
Passy, July 24 1778
I have received your Letter of the pth Instant, wherein
you reproach me with breaking my Engagements to you,
in not having paid you twenty one Ducats w 011 you say I
owe you, reminding me that while I charge Breach of Faith
1 Jean, Chevalier de Champigny (1717-1787), author of " Reflexions sur le
Gouvernement des femmes" (1770) and "Nouvelle histoire d'Angleterre "
(1777). He wrote to Franklin May 18, 1775, reminding him of his promise to
subscribe to his History of England and his History of Denmark. August 8,
1777, he wrote again that his enemies had not scrupled to say that his " History
of England " would never be written. At the same time he sent a copy of
Vol. I, said that Vol. II would follow shortly, and that the remaining fourteen
volumes would be even more interesting ! The work was dedicated to Prince
Ferdinand of Brunswick. The second volume was delivered October 18,
1777. ED.
1 82 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
on the King respecting my Constituents I ought not to break
mine to you, as private Engagem 48 . are more sacred than
those of Sovereigns. I hold my self always ready to pay my
just Debts, and shall pay this as soon as I am convinced it
is of that kind. But as you have not favoured me with your
Ace* I know not how it arises. I have not here my Books
(& Receipts relating to) 1 that contain my Money Transac-
tions & Expences while in England: But I remember
that many years since a Gentleman of your Name, to whom
I was entirely a Stranger, apply'd to me for a Subscription
to a History of England which he proposed to write. I
considered the Affair as one of those genteel Methods by
w ch Men of Letters are assisted when their Circumstances
require Assistance without being put to the Blush in being
oblig'd to ask it as a Benevolence. In that Light I gave
him perhaps two or three Guineas (I do not exactly remem-
ber the Sum) and took his Receipt promising the History,
but without the least Expectation of ever seeing it. Accord-
ingly I never enquired after it; I never ask'd him for it.
1 had by me at the time near a Dozen such Receipts, for
Books not yet printed, & many of them I believe never
intended to be written. I have however lately received
2 Volumes, as they are Called, of that History, and four
Volumes of Histories of Sweden and Denmark which I
never desired or heard of before. They are badly printed
and so thin as not to make more than two sizable Quarto
Volumes when bound together, so that I cannot conceive
them worth more than I have already paid. Nevertheless
I do not on that Account desire to keep them. Had you
publish'd your History of England within the Time you
1 These words are written between the lines. ED.
i;?8] TO CHEVALIER DE CHAMPIGNY 183
first promis'd to your Subscribers, I might possibly have
lived to read it. But you broke your Engagement with me,
and that long before you could have the least Pretence for
accusing me, as you now do of the same Crime ; and I never
complain 'd of it. You have since made another Promise,
that from the month of Sept. 1777, (when the two first vol-
umes appear'd) two more should be publish'd every 5 Months.
Ten Months are since elaps'd, and not one of the four vol-
umes due has yet been heard of; so that I can have no
Dependence on ever seeing the Work com pleated. Be-
sides I am now grown very old, have but little time left,
and that is occupy'd with too much Public Business to
allow me any Leisure for the private Amusement of read-
ing History. I request therefore that you would direct
your Correspondent here to call for and receive back the
6 Volumes of different Histories you have sent me; &
desire you would accept what you formerly had of me, and
believe me your Welwisher & very hum* Serv*.
B. F.
I return enclosed your Receipts.
[Nevertheless if you are the Person, & will be so good as
to send me a Copy of my Subscription that I may know
what I stand engaged for, I shall take care to comply with
it: But I request you would take again the Histories of
Denmark & Sweden, and not put them into your Account ;
for my little Estate in America being in the Hands of our
Enemies, I am now too poor to pay for all the Histories you
may be capable of writing and translating; and that at so
high a Price as 21 Ducats for two 4* Volumes unbound.
I am, Sir Yours &c]*
1 The above in brackets stricken through by Franklin's pen. ED.
184 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
918. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (P.A.E.E.U.)
Passy, July 25. 1778.
SIR,
We have just received another Copy of the Ratification.
We understand the Congress have sent five by so many
different Conveyances. The Vessel now arriv'd left Boston
the 1 6 th June. There was then no News there of Count
D'Estaign. I send enclosed a Letter from D r Cooper to
me, the latest Newspaper, and an Account of the Cargo of
the Duchesse de Grammont, of whose safe Arrival we have
now first the good News. I am, with great Respect, etc.
B. FRANKLIN
Mr. Adams & myself were at Versailles to-day, with an
Intention to pay our Respects to your ExcelF* but receiv-
ing Notice while there of the Arrival of Dispatches for us,
we hasten'd back to see if there was any News of Importance.
919. TO WILLIAM LEE (A.P.S.)
Passy Aug* 13. 78
SIR,
You left a Trunk in my Care seaPd up, and took my
Receipt attested by four Witnesses, wherein I promised to
deliver that Trunk to you on your Order in the same State
wherein I received it. This I am ready to do whenever
you Please. But I am not willing to have any Concern in
the opening of it, or in examining & Sorting as you desire,
the Papers it is said to contain. For this I have my Rea-
1778] TO M. DE SARTINE 185
sons. And I do not see any Necessity for my being the
Person, as here are two other Commissioners, your Brother
& M r Adams, either or both of whom can do what you
desire as well or better than myself. You will be so oblig-
ing therefore as to excuse me in this, and command in some
other Service.
Your most obedient
& most humble Servant
B. F.
920. TO M. DE SARTINE 1 (A. p. s.)
Passy, Aug. 18. 1778
SIR
The Administration in England have agreed to an Ex-
change of Prisoners with us, and propose that it shall be
made at Calais. They will accordingly furnish us with a
Passport for a Vessel to bring the Prisoners from Brest to
Calais, if we procure a similar one for their Vessel which is
to bring the Prisoners from England. As our People lan-
guish in their Confinement, and may, when recovered, be of
Use to Capt. Jones, or in some other Enterprise, we wish
the Exchange may be made as soon as possible, and there-
fore request your Excellency would take the Affair into Con-
sideration, and afford us your Advice and Determination
upon it. We are, with the greatest Esteem & Respect
Your Excellency's most obedient
& most humble Servants
1 Antoine-Raymond-Jean-Gualbert-Gabriel de Sartine (1729-1801), Min-
ister of the Marine. ED.
186 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
The Minister has already agreed to give a Passport for
the English vessel whenever we inform him it is necessary
for Brest & therefore I presume he will have no objection
to give it for Calais.
921. TO DAVID HARTLEY (D. s. w.)
Passy, Sept. 3, 1778
DEAR SIR, I received duly your Favours of July 14 and
August 14. I hoped to have answered them sooner by send-
ing the Passport. Multiplicity of Business has, I suppose,
been the only Occasion of Delay in the Ministers to consider
of and make out the said Passport.
I hope now soon to have it, as I do not find there is any
Objection made to it. In a former Letter I proposed to
you that the Exchange would, in my Opinion, be preferable
at or near Brest, and I expected some time your Answer
on that Point. But perhaps you have not received my
Letter; you say nothing of it.
I wish with you as much for the Restoration of Peace, as
we both formerly did for the Continuance of it. But it must
now be a Peace of a different kind. I was fond to a Folly
of our British Connections, and it was with infinite Regret
that I saw the Necessity you would force us into of breaking
it. But the extream Cruelty with which we have been
treated has now extinguish'd every Thought of returning
to it, and separated us for ever. You have thereby lost
Limbs that will never grow again.
We, too, have suffered greatly, but our Losses will soon
be repaired by our good Government, our Industry, and
1778] TO JOHN" PAUL JONES 187
the Fertility of our Country. And we now see the mischiev-
ous Consequences of such a Connection, and the Danger of
their being repeated if we should be weak enough to enter
into it; We see this too plainly ever to listen in the least to
any such Proposition. We may therefore, with great Pro-
priety, take leave of you in those beautiful Lines of Dante
to the late Mistress of his Affections. [B. F.]
922. TO JOHN PAUL JONES
Passy, September 6, 1778.
DEAR CAPTAIN,
I received your favours of the 24th and 3ist of August. 1
I am told, by M. de C , that M. de S is sorry you
did not go with M. d'Orvilliers. 2 He had sent orders for
that purpose, and your staying at L'Orient occasioned
your missing the opportunity. Your letter was sent to the
Prince de Nassau. I am confident something will be done
for you, though I do not yet know what.
Dr. Bancroft has been indisposed, and I have not lately
seen him; but I hear he is getting better, and suppose he
has written. I go out of town early this morning for a few
days, but the other Commissioners will answer your letter.
I am glad you have procured a guard for the prisoners. It
is a good piece of service. They have concluded in Eng-
land to send us an equal number of ours, and we expect to-
1 The original of the letter of August 24, 1778, is in L. C. (Jones Mss.). In
it Jones says that at this " nice moment," he " ought to be either in search of
marine knowledge with Count D'Orvilliers or on some private enterprise." ED.
2 M. de Chaumont; M. de Sartine; Louis Guillouet ryOrvilliers, Admiral,
French navy. ED.
188 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
morrow to send the passport for their cartel ship, which is
to bring them. If we are to deliver theirs at Calais, I should
be for accepting thankfully the offer you mention.
We have no news from America, but what comes through
England. Clinton's letter is in the London Gazette, and for
style and colouring is so like KeppePs, that I cannot help
thinking neither of them originals, but both the perform-
ance of some under-secretary, whose business it is to cook
the news for the ministers. Upon the whole, we learn that
the English army was well worried in its march, 1 and that
their whole fleet and forces are now blocked up in New
York by Washington and Gates on the land side, and by
Count d'Estaing by sea, and that they will soon be in want
of provisions. I sympathize with you in what I know you
must suffer from your present inactivity ; but have patience.
I am, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
923. TO DAVID HARTLEY (D.S.W.)
Passy, Sept 14 1778
DEAR SIR : I now send you the Passport required. I post-
pon'd answering your last in hopes of obtaining it sooner ; but
tho j it was long since agreed to, much Business in the Ad-
miralty Department here has I suppose occasioned its Delay.
The Port of Calais was not approv'd of, and I think the
Ports mentioned (Nantes or L'Orient) are better for you as
well as for us, not only as being nearer to Plymouth, but
as many of your Sailors would probably have found Op-
1 The march across New Jersey to New York, after the evacuation of Phila-
delphia. During this march was fought the battle of Monmouth. S.
1778] TO CHARLES W. F. DUMAS 189
portunities of deserting in the long March from Brest to
Calais, they being afraid of the Press. I understand that
upwards of 80 more of your People have been brought by
ours Prisoners into France since the List I sent you, but I
cannot now send you their Names. You have not men-
tioned whether the Proposition of sending us the whole of
those in your Prisons was agreed to. If it is, you may
rely on our sending immediately all that come to our hands
for the future; or we will give at your Option, an Order
for the Ballance to be delivered to your Fleet in America.
By putting a little Confidence in one another, we may thus
diminish the Miseries of War. To make the Expence of
these Exchanges more equal, if another Cartel-Ship should
be hereafter necessary, we thereby promise to send it to
England at our Charge; and so it may continue to be done
alternately as long as the War continues.
With great Esteem and Affection I am ever, Dear Sir, etc.
B. FRANKLIN.
924. TO CHARLES W. F. DUMAS (A.P.S.)
[Sept. 22, 1778]
WE have, as you know, made Overtures to the Grand
Pensionary. We took that to be the regular Course of
Proceeding. We expect an Answer. If he gives us none,
we shall naturally conclude that there is no Disposition in
their H H M M, 1 to have any Connection with us, and I
believe we shall give them no farther Trouble ; at least that
would be my Opinion ; for I think that a young State like a
young Virgin, should modestly stay at home, & wait the
1 High Mightinesses. ED.
190 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
Application of Suitors for an Alliance with her; and not
run about offering her Amity to all the World ; and hazard-
ing their Refusal. My Colleagues have this day proposed
to me to go to Holland on this Business; but tho I honour
that Nation, having been frequently there, and much es-
teeming the People, and wishing for a firm Union between
the two Republicks, I cannot think of Undertaking such a
Journey without some Assurances of being properly received
as a Minister of the States of America. Our Virgin is a
jolly one; and tho at present not very rich, will in time be
a great Fortune, & where she has a favourable Predispo-
sition, it seems to me to be well worth cultivating. Your
State perhaps is not of that Opinion; and it certainly has a
right to judge for itself.
You can judge better than we at this Distance, whether
any farther step can properly be taken on our Part, till some
encouragement is given on the Part of their H H M M.
Let me know your Sentiments.
[B. F.]
925. TO FERDINAND GRAND (A. p. s.)
Passy, Oct. 14, 1778.
SIR,
I have considered the Note you put into my Hands, con-
taining a Complaint of the Conduct of Capt. Cunningham
in the Revenge Privateer. We have no Desire to justify
him in any Irregularities he may have committed. On
the contrary we are obliged to our Friends who give us In-
formation of the Misconduct of any of our Cruisers, that
we may take the Occasion of representing the same to our
I778J TO FERDINAND GRAND 191
Government, and recommending more effectual Provision
for suppressing, punishing and preventing such Practices
in future.
By the Papers I have the Honour to send you enclos'd,
and which I request you would put into the Hands of his
Excellency Count d'Aranda, the Care of the Congress to
avoid giving Offence to neutral Powers will appear most
evident; first in the Commission given to Privateers, where-
in it appears that Sureties are taken of their Owners that
nothing shall be done by them "inconsistent with the Usage
and Customs of Nations" and those Sureties are obliged to
make good all Damages. Courts of Admiralty are regu-
larly established in every one of the United States for judg-
ing of such Matters ; to which Courts any Person injured
may apply, and will certainly find Redress. Secondly, in
the Proclamation of Congress, whereby strict Orders are
given to all Officers of armed Vessels to pay a sacred Regard
to the Rights of neutral Powers and the Usage and Cus-
toms of civilized Nations, and a Declaration made, that, if
they transgress they shall not be allow'd to claim the Pro-
tection of the States, but shall suffer such Punishment as
by the Usage and Custom of Nations, may be inflicted on
them. Lastly, in the particular Care taken by Congress
to secure the Property of some Subjects of Portugal (a Power
that has not been very favourable to us), altho' no Reclama-
tion has been made.
All these will shew that the States give no Countenance
to Acts of Piracy; and, if Captain Cunningham has been
guilty of that Crime he will certainly be punished for it when
duely prosecuted: For not only a Regard to Justice in gen-
eral, but a strong Disposition to cultivate the Friendship of
192 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
Spain, for whose Sovereign they have the greatest Respect,
will induce the Congress to pay great Attention to every
Complaint, public and private, that shall come from thence.
I have the Honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
926. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES l (p. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, ce 20. Oct re 1778.
M. LE COMTE,
Mes Colleagues croyent qu'il seroit necessaire que je
fusse en Hollande, & que ma Presence pourroit y accelerer
les Choses. Us me pressent en consequence. Je crains
que ce servit plut6t les reculer que les avancer, & que ce
ne soit pas le moment, de s'y presenter. Personne ne
scait mieux que votre Excellence ce que nous convient de
faire a cet egard, & je ne puis avoir de Conseil meilleur &
plus agreable que le v6tre. Si vous voulez bien me Pac-
corder, je m'y conformera avec la Confiance.
J'ai Phonneur d'etre avec Respect
M. le Comte,
Votre tres humble & tres obeissant
Serviteur,
B. FRANKLIN.
927. TO DAVID HARTLEY (D. s. w.)
Passy, Oct. 20, 1778.
DEAR SIR: I received your Favour of the 9th Instant with
a Copy of the Letter from the Admiralty Office, relative to
1 Written entirely in Franklin's hand. ED.
1778] TO DAVID HARTLEY 193
the proposed Exchange of Prisoners, in which the precise
Number of those we have here is desired. I cannot at present
give it you, they being disposed in different Ports; and in-
deed it will always be difficult to be precise in it, the Number
continually changing by new Prisoners brought in and some
escaping. I think the List I formerly sent you was near
200; since which, 60 odd have been brought into France
from the North Seas by Capt. M c Neil, 1 and some by others
of our Cruisers and I just now hear that we have near an
hundred more in Spain, taken by one of our Privateers in
two New York Packets, one going thither, the other return-
ing, 88 of which are Officers of your Army. I wish their
Lordships could have seen it well to exchange upon Account ;
but tho* they may not think it safe trusting to us, we shall
make no Difficulty in trusting to them. And to expedite
the Exchange, and save the Time that obtaining a correct
List would require, we make this Proposition that if their
Lordships will send us over 250 of our People we will de-
liver all we have in France. If the Number we have falls
short of the 250, the Cartel-Ship may take back as many
of those she brings as the Deficiency amounts to, delivering
no more than she receives. If our Number exceeds the
250 we will deliver them all nevertheless, their Lordships
promising to send us immediately a Number equal to the
Surplus. We would thus wish to commence, by this first
Advance, that mutual Confidence which it would be for
the good of Mankind that Nations should maintain hon-
ourably with each other, tho' engag'd in War. I hope this
will remove all Obstructions to a speedy Completion of the
1 Hector McNeil, captain of the American privateer General Mifflin.
ED.
VOL. VII O
194 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
Business, as the Winter approaches and the poor Prisoners
on both sides may suffer in it extremely.
I am etc. B. FRANKLIN.
928. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (P.A.E.E.U.)
Passy, Oct. 22. 1778
SIR
I am perfectly of the same Sentiments with your Excel-
lency respecting Count d'Estaign. 1 I know his Zeal for the
Cause, and have a high Opinion of his Abilities. I have
therefore not the least doubt but that his going to Bos-
ton was a Measure absolutely necessary, and will appear to
be for the common Good. We just now learn that our
Troops on Rhode island had made good their Retreat with-
out the Loss of a Man. I have the honour to be with great
Respect, etc. B. FRANKLIN.
929. TO DAVID HARTLEY (D. s. w.)
Passy, Oct. 26, 1778.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I received yours without Date, containing an old Scotch
Sonnet, full of natural Sentiment and beautiful Simplicity.
I cannot make an entire application of it to present Cir-
1 Charles Hector, Count d'Estaing, born in 1729, vice-admiral in 1777 he
raised his pennant on the Languedoc of ninety guns; left Toulon on the I3th
of April, 1778, and reached Rhode Island on the 29th of July. He forced the
passage into Newport and the next day sailed against the forces of Howe and
Byron. His fleet was divided by a storm. From Newport he withdrew to
Boston and aroused the anger of the Americans who accused him of treason.
ED.
I77] TO DAVID HARTLEY 195
cumstances; but, taking it in Parts, and changing Persons,
some of it is extremely apropos. First Jenie may be sup-
posed Old England, and Jamie, America. Jenie laments
the loss of Jamie, and recollects with Pain his Love for her,
his Industry in Business to promote her Wealth and Wel-
fare, and her own Ingratitude.
" Young Jamie loved me weel,
And sought me for his Bride,
But saving ane Crown,
He had naithing beside,
To make that Crown a Pound, my Jamie gang'd to Sea,
And the Crown and the Pound were all for me."
Her Grief for this Separation is expressed very pathetically.
" The Ship was a Wrack,
Why did na Jennie die ;
O why was I spared
To cry, Wae is me ! "
There is no Doubt but that honest Jammie had still so much
Love for her as to Pity her in his Heart, tho' he might, at
the same time, be not a little angry with her.
Towards the Conclusion, we must change the Persons,
and let Jamie be Old England, Jennie, America, and old
Robin Gray, the Kingdom of France. Then honest Jenie,
having made a Treaty of Marriage with Gray, expresses
her firm Resolution of Fidelity, in a manner that does Hon-
our to her good Sense, and her Virtue.
" I may not think of Jamie,
For that would be a Sin.
But I maun do my best,
A gude wife to be ;
For auld Robin Gray
Is very kind to me."
196 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1778
You ask my Sentiments of a Truce for 5 or 7 Years, in
which no mention should be made of that Stumbling Block
to England, the Independence of America.
I must tell you fairly and frankly, that there can be no
Treaty of Peace with us, in which France is not included.
But I think a Treaty might be made between the three Pow-
ers, in which England expressly Renouncing the Depend-
ence of America seems no more necessary, than her renounc-
ing the Title of King of France, which has always been
claimed for her Kings. Yet, perhaps, it would be better
for England to act nobly and generously on the Occasion,
by granting more than she could at present be compelled
to grant, make America easy on the Score of old Claims;
cede all that remains in North America, and thus concili-
ate and strengthen a young Power which she wishes to
have a future and serviceable Friend. I do not think Eng-
land would be a loser by such Cession. She may hold her
remaining Possessions there, but not without vast Expence;
and they would be the Occasion of constant Jealousies,
frequent Quarrels, and renew'd Wars. The United States,
continually growing stronger, will have them at last; and,
by the generous Conduct above hinted at, all the interme-
diate Loss of Blood and Treasure might be spared, and
solid, lasting Peace promoted. This seems to me good
Counsel, but I know it can't be followed.
The Friend you mention must always be welcome to me,
with or without the Cheese; but I do not see how his corn-
ing hither could be of any Use at present, unless in Quality
of a Plenipotentiary to treat of a sincere Peace between all
the Parties.
Your Commissioners are acting very indiscreetly in Amer-
1778] TO DAVID HARTLEY 197
ica. They first spoke very disrespectfully of our good
Ally. They have since called in question the power of Con-
gress to treat with them ; and have endeavour'd to begin a
Dispute about the Detention of Bourgoyne's Troops, an
Affair which I conceive not to be within their Commission.
They are vainly trying, by Publications, to excite the people
against the Congress. Gov 1 Johnston has been attempting
to bribe the Members; and without the least Regard to
Truth, has asserted three Propositions, which he says, he
will undertake to prove. The two first of them I know to
be false, and I believe the third to be so. 1 The Congress
have refused to treat with the Commissioners, while he con-
tinues one of them, and he has therefore resigned.
These Gentlemen do not appear well qualify'd for their
Business. I think they will never heal the Breach, but they
may widen it. I am, my very dear Friend, yours most
affectionately,
N. A. [B. FRANKLIN.]
1 Governor Johnstone was one of the British Commissioners for treating
with Congress. These propositions were contained in a letter written by him
to Francis Dana, a member of Congress, and dated at Philadelphia, June loth,
1778. "There are three facts," said he, "which I wish to assure you of.
First, that Dr. Franklin, on the 28th of March last, in discussing the several
articles we wish to make the basis of our treaty, was perfectly satisfied they
were beneficial to North America, and such as she should accept. Second,
that this treaty with France was not the first treaty, that France had exacted,
and with which Mr. Simeon Deane had put to sea, but granted and acceded
to after the sentiments of the people of Great Britain had fully changed, after
the friends to America had gained their points for reconciliation, and solely
with a view to disappoint the good effects of our endeavours. The third fact
is, that Spain, unasked, had sent a formal message, disapproving of the con-
duct of France." ED.
198 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
930. TO FERDINAND GRAND 1
Passy, Nov. 3, 1778.
WE owe our thanks, sir, to the person who has trans-
mitted to us, through you, the complaint we have received
against Mr. Conyngham, and we can assure him anew
that, penetrated with the respect for S. M. C., 2 nothing pains
us more than complaints on his part against our people.
He will have seen, by the papers transmitted by you at the
time from us to S. E. M. Count d'Aranda, the measures
which Congress have taken to prevent any misconduct on
the part of our privateers and seamen, and nothing better
proves its solicitude in this regard than the proclamation it
has just issued, of which the enclosed No. 2 is a copy, and
to which we join its resolution for the protection of the
property of a ship although belonging to a power with which
we have no sympathy.
But if one directs his attention to the atrocious proceed-
ings of the English towards all nations without distinction,
he will not be surprised that their pernicious example finds
imitators among some individuals of a nation which they
have so greatly outraged. But this does not excuse Con-
yngham. It is a crime in our eyes to have displeased a
power for which Congress is penetrated with respect, and
although justified in seizing, by way of reprisals, the Eng-
lish prize which Conyngham had brought to Teneriffe to
be sent to Martinique, we will none the less inform Congress
of the grounds for complaint which this privateer has given
1 Translated from a French copy in Simancas. ED.
2 His Christian Majesty. ED.
1778] TO JOHN ROSS 199
to his Catholic Majesty. This will certainly be a new
motive for paying to his flag the homage and respect which
it entertains for him. I hope from the wisdom as well as
from the justice of S. M. that he will confide in this expres-
sion of our sentiments towards him and in turn will permit
us to experience the effects of them.
I have the honour to be, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
931. TO JOHN ROSS (u. OFF.)
Passy, Nov. 5 th 1778
DEAR SIR,
I received yours of the 27 th past, enclosing the resolve
of Congress relative to M r T. Morris's Papers. The
Trunk said to contain them was deposited with me by
W Lee Esq r on Acct of his going to Germany. One of
the Seals you mention was broken in bringing it to my
House, and I got him to put on his own Seal instead of it.
In this State it remains, and is ready to be delivered to any
person you may appoint to receive it from me. The Keys
are in the Hands of Arthur Lee Esq r at Chaillot. I have
never seen W Morris's Papers: And from the time that
I understood there was a Dispute about them between you
& M* Lee, I determined not to have anything to do with
the examining or separating them. The Order of the Min-
ister for putting W Lee in Possession of them, was apply'd
for to us on a Suggestion that otherwise they would fall
into the hands of M. Penet which might be attended with
some Inconvenience both to the Public & the Comp* of
W. & Morris. My Idea was, that M* Lee would take out
200 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
the public Papers and deliver the others to you. He says
your quarrelling with him prevented his doing so. I had
no suspicion that those belonging to Willing & Morris
would be brought up here. I am glad an Order is come
for delivering them to you. But as the Dispute about them
may hereafter be continued, and Papers suspected to be
embezzeled by somebody; and as I have sign'd a terrible
long Receipt for the Trunk, of which I have no copy, and
only remember that it appeared to be constructed with all
the Circumspection of the Writers Motto, Non incautus
juturi and that it filPd a Half Sheet so full there was scarce
Room for the Names of the four Evidences he required to
witness it: I beg you will not expect me to send it to you
at Nantes but appoint who you please to receive it for you
here. For I think I must deliver it before Witnesses, who
may certify the State of the Seals ; nothing being more likely
than that Seals on a Trunk may rub off in the Carriage on
so long a Journey; and then I should be exposed to the
Artful Suggestions of some who do not love me, & whom
I conceive to be of very malignant Dispositions. As to the
Sorting of the Papers after you receive them, I see no Direc-
tion about it in the Order of Congress. It is therefore left
to your Discretion. I am Sir
Your most obedient
humble Servant
[B. FRANKLIN.]
1778]
TO JOB PRINCE
201
932. TO M. BARON
SIR
(A. P. s.)
[Nov. 20, 1778.]
I thank you for your readiness to serve Capt. Prince.
His Bills for moderate Supplies will be honoured. The
Bearer is my Grandson, I beg to recommend him to your
Civilities. I shall Answer the rest of your Letter soon, I
have the honour to be,
Sir
Your most obed 1
humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
933. TO JOB PRINCE
(A. P. S.)
SIR
Passy near Paris, Nov. 20. 1778
1 1 at Night
I have just received yours of the i8th Instant. My
Grandson, William T. Franklin, who is the Bearer of this,
and will have the honour of delivering it into your hands,
sets out early to-morrow morning for that purpose. He is
my private Secretary, and is a Young Man of Trust &
Discretion, to whom you may safely confide, what you
have to communicate to the Commissioners. We have
rec d no Account of your Vessel or its destination from Con-
gress, as our Dispatches have miscarried; therefore can
give you no Advice till we have more Information from
You, than is contained in your Letter.
1 A merchant at Dieppe. ED. a Commander of U.S.S. Concord. ED.
202 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
If you send any Prizes into Dunkirk, address them to
Mr. Coff 3 there, Dieppe Mr. Baron, L'Orient or Nantes
to Mr. Schweighauser, Bourdeaux, Mr. Bondfield. In
any other, let your Masters enquire for American Agents.
I wish you a good Cruise, & safe Return to your Country
with much Profit and Honor; being
Sir Your most obed*
humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
934. TO M. BARON (A. p. s.)
Passy Nov. 21. 1778
SIR
I write this Line per Post just to acq* you that your Letter
relating to Capt Prince is received, and that a Person in
our Confidence, as desired by him, sets out this Day for
Dieppe with Answers to your & the Captain's Letters, and
will probably be with you soon after your Receipt of this;
of which it would be well to give the Capt? Notice, that
they may meet as soon as nossible. I have the honour to
be,
Sir,
Your most obedient
humble Servant,
B. F.
1778] TO DAVID HARTLEY 203
935. TO W. T. FRANKLIN (A.P.S.)
Passy, Nov. 26. 1778
DEAR GRANDSON,
I received yours last Evening, with the Copies enclosed,
and am now more certain than before that the whole is a
piece of Roguery. As when you receive this, it will be 10
Days since his quitting the Road of Dieppe, if he has not
returned in that time, it is probable he will not return at all ;
so we would have you return hither without waiting longer
for him. If he should hereafter come, and venture on
shore, he will be taken by the Orders you leave from the
Minister; but I believe he is too cunning for that. My
Respect to M* Baron. I am ever,
Your affectionate Grandfather
B. FRANKLIN
936. TO DAVID HARTLEY (D.S.W.)
Passy, Nov. 29, 1778
DEAR SIR : I have heard nothing from you lately concern-
ing the Exchange of Prisoners. Is that Affair dropt ? Win-
ter is coming on apace. I understand that your charitable
Contribution is near expended, and not likely to be re-
newed. Many of those unfortunate People must suffer
greatly. I wish to have a Line from you informing me
what may be depended on. I am as ever,
B. FRANKLIN.
204 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
937. TO ABBE DE LA ROCHE (B. N.)
Dec. 7, '78.
Void, mon cher Maitre, deux Exercises de plus. L'un
est la Suite de PHypothese; Pautre en forme de Billet a
Notre Dame d'Auteuil. Je suis charme* toujours de vos
Corrections, mais comme je vois par ceux que vous avez
fait vers le fin du 22 e Article que je n'ai pas ete assez clair
pour e*tre entendu. Je crois qu'il sera mieux d'omettre
les dernieres 5 ou 6 Lignes, nommement tous ceux qui
suivent le Mot Electricite*. 1 Ainsi vous pouvez corriger
votre Copie. Car ces Lignes ne sont pas necessaires.
Voila un autre Exercise.
[B. FRANKLIN.]
938. A MADAME HELVETIUS 2
CHAGRINE de votre resolution barbare, prononce*e si
positivement hier au soir, de rester seule pendant la vie en
honneur de votre cher mari, je me retirois chez moi, tom-
bois sur mon lit, me croyois mort, et que je me trouvois
dans les Champs-Elis^es.
On me demanda si j'avois en vie de voir quelques per-
sonnages particuliers. "Menez-moi chez les philosophes."
"II y en a deux qui demeurent ici pres dans ce jardin; ils
1 See article on "Aurora Borealis," Vol. VII, p. 209. ED.
2 This is apparently the " Billet a Notre Dame d'Auteuil " referred to in
the previous letter. ED.
1778] A MADAME HELVETIUS 205
sont de tres-bons voisins, et tres-amis Tun de Pautre."
"Qui sont-ils?" "Socrate et Helve*tius." "Je les estime
prodigieusement tous les deux; mais faites-moi voir prem-
ierement Helve*tius, parce que j'entends un peu de Francois
et pas un mot de Grec." II m'a recu avec beaucoup de
courtoisie, m'ayant connu, disoit-il, de reputation il y avoit
quelque temps. II me demanda mille choses sur la guerre,
et sur Pe*tat present de la religion, de la liberte", et du gouv-
ernement en France. "Vous ne demandez done rien,"
lui dis-je, "de votre chere amie Madame Helve*tius; et
cependant elle vous aime encore excessivement, et il n'y a
qu'une heure que j'dtois chez elle." "Ah!" dit-il, "vous
me faites ressouvenir de mon ancienne felicite*. Mais il
faut Poublier pour &tre heureux ici. Pendant plusieurs
des premieres anne*es, je n'ai pense* qu'a elle. Enfin je
suis console. J'ai pris une autre femme ; la plus semblable
a elle que j'ai pu trouver. Elle n'est pas, il est vrai, tout-a-
fait si belle, mais elle a autant de bon sens, beaucoup d'es-
prit, et elle m'aime infiniment. Son etude continuelle est
de me plaire, et elle est sortie actuellement chercher le meil-
leur nectar et ambroisie pour me re*galer ce soir; restez
avec moi et vous la verrez." " J'appercois," dis-je, "que
votre ancienne amie est plus fidelle que vous ; car plusieurs
bons partis lui ont e*te* offerts qu'elle a refuses tous. Je
vous confesse que je Pai aime*e, moi, a la folie; mais elle
e*toit dure a mon e*gard, et m*a rejet6 absolument pour
Pamour de vous." " Je vous plains," dit-il, "de votre mal-
heur; car vraiment c'est une bonne et belle femme, et bien
aimable. Mais PAbbe* de la R * * * *, et PAbbe M * * * * l
ne sont-ils pas encore quelquefois chez elle?" "Oui as-
1 Abbes de la Roche and Morellet. ED.
206 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
sur&nent; car elle n'a pas perdu un seul de vos amis."
"Si vous aviez gagne* 1'Abbe* M * * * * (avec du bon cafe* a
la creme) a parler pour vous, vous auriez peut-tre re*ussi;
car il est raisonneur subtil comme Duns Scotus ou St.
Thomas; il met ses arguments en si bon ordre qu'ils de-
viennent presque irre*sistibles. Et si PAbbe* de la R * * * *
avoit e*te* gagne (par quelque belle Edition d'un vieux clas-
sique) a parler contre vous, cela auroit t mieux; car j'ai
toujours observ6, que quand il lui conseilla quelque chose,
elle avoit un penchant tres-fort a faire le revers." A ces
mots entra la nouvelle Madame Helve'tius avec le nectar;
a Pinstant je Pai reconnue pour tre Madame Franklin,
mon ancienne amie Ame'ricaine. Je Pai re'clame'e, mais
elle me dit froidement; "J'ai te* votre bonne femme quar-
ante-neuf anne*es et quatre mois ; presqu'un demi-siecle ;
soyez content de cela. J'ai forme' ici une nouvelle connex-
ion, qui durera a Pe'ternite'."
Indigne* de ce refus de mon Eurydice, je pris de suite la
resolution de quitter ces ombres ingrates, et revenir en ce
bon monde, revoir le soleil et vous. Me voici ! Yen-
geons-nous!
939. THE EPHEMERA 1
An Emblem of Human Life
You may remember, my dear friend, that when we lately
spent that happy day in the delightful garden and sweet
1 The first of the " Bagatelles." It was addressed to Madame Brillon, in
memory of a happy day at her country home Moulin Joly and was writ-
ten in 1778. ED.
1778]
THE EPHEMERA
207
society of the Moulin Joly, I stopt a little in one of our walks,
and staid some time behind the company. We had been
shown numberless skeletons of a kind of little fly, called an
ephemera, whose successive generations, we were told, were
bred and expired within the day. I happened to see a living
company of them on a leaf, who appeared to be engaged in
conversation. You know I understand all the inferior
animal tongues: my too great application to the study of
them is the best excuse I can give for the little progress I
have made in your charming language. I listened through
curiosity to the discourse of these little creatures ; but as they,
in their national vivacity, spoke three or four together, I
could make but little of their conversation. I found, however,
by some broken expressions that I heard now and then, they
were disputing warmly on the merit of two foreign musicians,
one a cousin, the other a moscheto; in which dispute they
spent their time, seemingly as regardless of the shortness of
life as if they had been sure of living a month. Happy peo-
ple! thought I, you live certainly under a wise, just, and
mild government, since you have no public grievances to
complain of, nor any subject of contention but the perfec-
tions and imperfections of foreign music. I turned my
head from them to an old grey-headed one, who was single
on another leaf, and talking to himself. Being amused
with his soliloquy, I put it down in writing, in hopes it will
likewise amuse her to whom I am so much indebted for the
most pleasing of all amusements, her delicious company and
heavenly harmony.
"It was," said he, "the opinion of learned philosophers of
our race, who lived and flourished long before my time, that
this vast world, the Moulin Joly, could not itself subsist
208 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
more than eighteen hours; and I think there was some
foundation for that opinion, since, by the apparent motion
of the great luminary that gives life to all nature, and which
in my time has evidently declined considerably towards the
ocean at the end of our earth, it must then finish its course,
be extinguished in the waters that surround us, and leave
the world in cold and darkness, necessarily producing uni-
versal death and destruction. I have lived seven of those
hours, a great age, being no less than four hundred and twenty
minutes of time. How very few of us continue so long !
I have seen generations born, flourish, and expire. My
present friends are the children and grandchildren of the
friends of my youth, who are now, alas, no more ! And I
must soon follow them ; for, by the course of nature, though
still in health, I cannot expect to live above seven or eight
minutes longer. What now avails all my toil and labor,
in amassing honey-dew on this leaf, which I cannot live to
enjoy! What the political struggles I have been engaged
in, for the good of my compatriot inhabitants of this bush,
or my philosophical studies for the benefit of our race in
general ! for, in politics, what can laws do without morals ?
Our present race of ephemerae will in a course of minutes
become corrupt, like those of other and older bushes, and
consequently as wretched. And in philosophy how small
our progress ! Alas ! art is long, and life is short ! My
friends would comfort me with the idea of a name, they say,
I shall leave behind me ; and they tell me I have lived long
enough to nature and to glory. But what will fame be to
an ephemera who no longer exists? And what will become
of all history in the eighteenth hour, when the world itself,
even the whole Moulin Joly, shall come to its end, and be
buried in universal ruin?"
1778] AURORA BOREALIS 209
To me, after all my eager pursuits, no solid pleasures now
remain, but the reflection of a long life spent in meaning well,
the sensible conversation of a few good lady ephemerae, and
now and then a kind smile and a tune from the ever amiable
Brillante. 1 B. FRANKLIN.
940. AURORA BOREALIS (L. c.)
Suppositions and Conjectures towards forming an Hypothe-
sis for its Explanation. 2
AIR heated by any Means becomes rarefied and specifi-
cally lighter than other Air in the same Situation not heated.
Air being thus made lighter rises, and the neighbouring
cooler, heavier Air takes its place.
If in the middle of a Room you heat the Air by a Stove,
1 For the history of this " bagatelle " see Franklin's letter to William
Carmichael, June 17, 1780. The substance of these reflections appeared in
The Pennsylvania Gazette, December 4, 1735, in an essay on "Human
Vanity." It has been generally said that the " Essay " was written by Frank-
lin, and that in " the above letter * to the ever amiable Brillante,' it was doubt-
less re-written from memory." Franklin, however, in his letter to Carmichael
says, " The thought was partly taken from a little piece of some unknown
writer which I met with fifty years since in a newspaper, and which the sight
of the ephemera brought to my recollection." ED.
2 First published in Benjamin Vaughan's edition of the " Works of Frank-
lin." Vaughan says, " If I mistake not, the paper was read at the Royal
Academy of Sciences at Paris, at the meeting held immediately after
Easter, 1779." Dr. Ingenhousz acknowledged the receipt of the paper, May
25, 1779, after it had been read before the Academy. Vaughan expressed
much interest in it, May 31, 1779. Abbe Rozier requested permission,
August 21, 1779, to print it in Le Journal de Physique. Extracts had already
appeared in Le Mercure de France. Further to fix the date of composition,
see letter to Abbe de la Roche, December 8, 1778. Two Ms. copies are in
L. C., one written by Franklin, the other by Ingenhousz from the original sent
to him by Franklin. ED.
VOL. VII P
210 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
or Pot of burning Coals near the Floor, the heated Air will
rise to the Cieling, spread there over the cooler Air till it
comes to the cold Walls; there being condensed and made
heavier, it descends to supply the Place of that cool Air
which had moved towards the Stove or Fire, in order to supply
the Place of the heated Air which had ascended from the
Space around the Stove or Fire.
Thus there will be a continual Circulation of Air in the
Room, which may be rendered visible by making a little
Smoke; for that Smoke will rise and circulate with the Air.
A similar Operation is perform'd by Nature on the Air
of the Globe. Our Atmosphere is of a certain height,
perhaps at a Medium Miles. Above that height it is
so rare as to be almost a Vacuum. The Air heated between
the Tropics is continually rising, its Place is supply'd by
northerly and southerly Winds which come from the cooler
regions.
The light, heated Air, floating above the cooler and denser,
must spread northward and southward, and descend near
the two Poles, to supply the Place of the cooler Air which had
moved towards the Equator.
Thus a circulation of Air is kept up in our Atmosphere
as in the Room above mentioned.
That heavier and lighter Air may move in Currents of
different and even opposite direction, appears sometimes
by the Clouds that happen to be in those Currents, as plainly
as by the Smoke in the Experiment above mentioned. Also
in opening a Door between two Chambers, one of which has
been warmed, by holding a candle near the top, near the
bottom, and near the middle, you will find a strong current
of warm Air passing out of the warmed Room above, and
1778] AURORA BOREALIS 211
another of cool Air entering it below, while in the Middle
there is little or no Motion.
The great Quantity of Vapour rising between the Tropics
forms Clouds, which contain much Electricity.
Some of them fall in Rain, before they come to the polar
Regions.
If the Rain be received in an isolated Vessel, the Vessel
will be electrified; for every Drop brings down some Elec-
tricity with it.
The same is done by Snow and Hail.
The Electricity so descending in temperate Climates,
is received and imbib'd by the Earth.
If the Clouds are not sufficiently discharged by this Means,
they sometimes discharge themselves by striking into the
Earth, where the Earth is fit to receive their Electricity.
The earth in temperate and warm Climates is generally
fit to receive it, being a good Conductor.
A certain Quantity of Heat will make some Bodies good
Conductors that will not otherwise conduct.
Thus Wax render'd fluid, and Glass softened by Heat,
will both of them conduct.
And Water, tho' naturally a good Conductor, will not
conduct well when frozen into Ice by a common Degree of
Cold ; not at all where the Cold is extream.
Snow falling upon frozen Ground has been found to retain
its Electricity; and to communicate it to an isolated Body,
when after falling, it has been driven about by the Wind.
The Humidity, contained in all the equatorial Clouds
that reach the Polar Regions, must there be condensed and
fall in Snow.
The great Cake of Ice that eternally covers those Regions
212 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1778
may be too hard frozen to permit the Electricity, descending
with that Snow, to enter the Earth.
It will therefore be accumulated upon that Ice.
The Atmosphere being heavier in the Polar Regions, than
in the equatorial, will there be lower ; as well from that Cause,
as from the smaller Effect of the centrifugal Force; con-
sequently the Distance to the Vacuum above the Atmosphere
will be less at the Poles than elsewhere ; and probably much
less than the Distance (upon the Surface of the Globe)
extending from the Pole to the Latitudes in which the Earth
is so thaw'd as to receive and imbibe Electricity; the Frost
continuing to Lat. 80, which is 10 Degrees or 600 Miles from
the Pole, while the Height of the Atmosphere there, can
scarce be esteemed above Miles. 1
The Vacuum above is a good Conductor.
May not then the great Quantity of Electricity brought
into the Polar Regions by the Clouds, which are condens'd
there, and fall in Snow, which Electricity would enter the
Earth, but cannot penetrate the Ice; may it not, I say (as
a Bottle overcharged) break thro' that low Atmosphere and
run along in the Vacuum over the Air towards the Equator,
diverging as the Degrees of Longitude enlarge, strongly
visible where densest, and becoming less visible as it more
diverges : till it finds a Passage to the Earth in more temperate
Climates, or is mingled with their upper Air?
If such an Operation of Nature were really performed,
would it not give all the Appearances of an AURORA BOREALIS ?
And would not the auroras become more frequent after
the Approach of Winter; not only because more visible in
1 See letter to Abbe de la Roche, December 7, 1778, for reference to this
paragraph. ED.
1778] AURORA BOREALIS 213
longer Nights ; but also because in Summer the long Presence
of the Sun may soften the Surface of the great Ice Cake,
and render it a Conductor, by which the Accumulation of
Electricity in the polar Regions will be prevented ? *
The atmosphere o] the polar regions being made more dense
by the extreme cold, and all the moisture in that air being
frozen, may not any great light arising therein, and passing
thro' it, render its density in some degree visible during the
night-time, to those who live in the rarer air of more southern
latitudes? And would it not, in that case, altho' in itself a
complete and full circle, extending perhaps 10 degrees from
the pole, appear to spectators so placed (who could see
only a part of it) in the form of a segment, its chord resting
on the horizon, and its arch elevated more or less above it,
as seen from latitudes more or less distant, darkish in color,
but yet sufficiently transparent to permit some stars to be
seen through it?
The rays of electric matter issuing out of a body, diverge
by mutually repelling each other, unless there be some con-
ducting body near to receive them; and if that conducting
body be at a greater distance, they will first diverge, and then
converge in order to enter it. May not this account for some
of the varieties of figure seen at times in the motions of the
luminous matter of the auroras; since it is possible, that,
in passing over the atmosphere from the north, in all direc-
tions or meridians, towards the equator, the rays of that
matter may find, in many places portions of cloudy regions,
or moist atmosphere under them, which (being in the natural
or negative state) may be fit to receive them, and towards
1 At this place the copy in L. C. ends. What follows is in the handwriting
of Ingenhousz. ED.
214 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1778
which they may therefore converge; and when one of those
receiving bodies is more than saturated, they may again
diverge from it, towards other surrounding masses of such
humid atmosphere, and thus form the crowns, as they are
called, and other figures, mentioned in the histories of this
meteor?
If it be true, that the clouds which go to the polar regions
carry thither the vapours of the equatorial and temperate
regions, which vapours are condensed by the extreme cold of
the polar regions, and fall in snow or hail ; the winds which
come from those regions ought to be generally dry, unless
they gain some humidity by sweeping the ocean in their way ;
and, if I mistake not, the winds between the northwest and
northeast are for the most part dry, when they have continued
some time. 1
[In the Philosophical Transactions for 1774, p. 128, is
a letter from Mr. J. S. Winn, to Dr. Franklin, stating that,
since he had first made the observation concerning the south
or southwest winds succeeding an aurora, he had found it
invariably obtaining in twenty-three instances ; and he adds
in a note a fresh confirming instance. In reply, Dr. Franklin
makes the following conjecture.]
The aurora borealis, though visible almost every night
of clear weather in the more northern regions, and very high
in the atmosphere, can scarce be visible in England but
when the atmosphere is pretty clear of clouds for the whole
space between us and those regions; and therefore are sel-
1 Here ends the copy written by Ingenhousz. ED. In one of the copies
of this paper there is a line drawn across this last article. W. T. F.
This paragraph is not contained in Mr. Vaughan's edition and was proba-
bly not communicated to him by the author. S.
it: -,
fly J
The Arrows represent the general Currents of the Air.
AB.C. the great Cake of Ice & Snow w the Pctar Regions.
D.D.D.D.^j^*iwt ffeyfit of the Atmosphere.
The Representation is nuide cnly for one Quarter and one*
Aleritliaik 'offfie Globe/; 2>ut is to be understood the sajne
for a&lhe rest .
1779] TO ARTHUR LEE 215
dom visible there. This extensive clearness may have been
produced by a long continuance of northerly winds. When
the winds have long continued in one quarter, the return is
often violent. Allowing the fact so repeatedly observed
by Mr. Winn, perhaps this may account for the violence of
the southerly winds, that soon follow the appearance of the
aurora on our coasts.
941. TO ARTHUR LEE (p. H. s.)
Passy, Jan. 3. 1779
SIR,
I am certain that I have not the Papers you mention,
having never since seen them, as I should have done in sorting
and looking over my Papers occasionally ; if they had been
among them.
You know the Gentleman better than I do, and can there-
fore better judge whether a Meeting with him for the pro-
pos'd purpose of making Peace may not be like some of the
former, intended merely to give Countenance at this time
to Change Ally-Reports, help the Stocks, and assist the
Government in making their new Loans, or their Friends
in retailing their Subscriptions. When I have the honour
of seeing you, we can talk more fully on the Subject. Per-
haps it would be well, in case you write to-day, to desire to
know if he is or will be authorized to make any Propositions.
I am, with great Esteem,
Sir
Your most obedient
humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
216 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
942. TO RALPH IZARD 1 (A. p. s.)
Passy, Jan 4. 1779
SIR,
Your Intimation that you expect more Money from us,
obliges us to expose to you our Circumstances. Upon the
Supposition that Congress had borrowed in America but
five millions of Dollars, or 25 millions of Livres, & relying
on the Remittances intended to be sent us, for answering
other Demands, we gave Expectations that we should be
able to pay here the Interest of that Sum, as a Means of sup-
porting the Credit of the Currency. The Congress have
borrowed near twice that Sum, and are now actually draw-
ing on us for the Interest, the Bills appearing here daily for
Acceptance: Their Distress for Money in America has
been so great from the enormous Expence of the War, that
they have also been induced to draw on us for very large
Sums, to stop other pressing Demands : And they have not
been able to purchase Remittances for us to the Extent
they proposed ; and, of what they have sent, much has been
taken or treacherously carried into England ; only two small
Cargo's of Tobacco having arrived, and they are long since
mortgaged to the Farmers General, so that they produce us
nothing, but leave us Expences to pay.
The Continental Vessels of War, which come to France,
have likewise required great Sums of us, to furnish or refit
1 This letter was written by Dr. Franklin, but intended to be signed by
the Commissioners jointly. On the back of the manuscript is the following
endorsement : " Rough draft of a proposed letter in answer to one from Mr.
Izard to the Commissioners, dated January 2d." As it is here called the draft
of a proposed letter, it may possibly never have been sent. S.
1779] TO RALPH IZARD 217
them, & supply the Men with Necessaries. The Prisoners
too who escape from England, claim a very expensive Assist-
ance from us, and are much dissatisfied with the scanty
Allowance we are able to afford them. The Interest Bills
above mentioned, of the Drawing of which we have receiv'd
Notice, amount to two Millions & an half, and we have not
a fifth Part of the Sum in our Banker's hands to answer them.
And large Orders to us from Congress for Supplies of Cloath-
ing, Arms & Ammunition, remain uncomply'd with for want
of Money.
In this Situation of our Affairs, we hope you will not insist
on our giving you a farther Credit with our Banker, with
whom we are daily in danger of having no farther Credit
ourselves. It is not a Year since you received from us the
sum of Two Thousand Guineas, which you thought necessary
on Ace 1 of your being to set out immediately for Florence.
You have not incurred the Expence of that Journey. You
are a Gentleman of Fortune. You did not come to France
with any Dependence on being maintained here with your
Family at the Expence of the United States, in the Time of
their Distress, and without rendring them the equivalent
Service they expected.
On all these Considerations we should rather hope that
you would be willing to reimburse us the Sum we have
advanced to you, if it may be done with any possible Con-
venience to your Affairs. Such a Supply would at least enable
us to relieve more liberally our unfortunate Countrymen,
who have long been Prisoners, stript of every thing, of whom
we daily expect to have near three hundred upon our hands
by the Exchange. We have the honour to be, &c.
218 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1779
943. TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS
(A. P. s.)
Passy, Jan. 15. 1779.
GENTLEMEN,
It being undoubtedly our Duty to give the clearest Account
to Congress of the Disbursement of their Money intrusted
to us ; and as I apprehend our advancing to William Lee and
Ralph Izard Esquires so large a Sum as Four Thousand
Guineas at once, in Feb., 1778, without any Order of Con-
gress for so doing, and at a time when Money was much
Wanted to fulfil their actual Orders in the Purchase of Arms,
&c., may subject the Commissioners to censure, I think it
right & necessary to relate the Circumstances, that they
may be communicated to our Constituents.
Those Gentlemen, then, having represented to Mr. Deane,
Mr. Lee & myself, that tho' they had received Commissions
to go & reside at the Courts of Berlin, Vienna, & Florence,
no Provision had arrived for their Subsistence; that they
were nearly ready to set out for their respective Destinations,
but wanted Money to defray the Expence of their Journeys ;
for which, they therefore requested us to furnish them with
a Credit on our Banker ; the Commissioners, fearing that
the Public Interests might possibly suffer, if those Journeys
were delayed till the necessary Provision or Orders should
arrive from America, thought they might be justified in
giving such a Credit, for the Expence of those Journeys;
and Mr. Lee, being ask'd what sum he imagined would be
necessary, said justly that the Expence of his Journey could
not be exactly ascertained beforehand; but, if he were em-
power'd to draw on our Banker, he should certainly only
I 7 79] TO DAVID HARTLEY 219
take from time to time what was absolutely necessary, and
therefore it was of little Importance for what Sum the Credit
should be order'd ; it would however look handsome & con-
fidential, if the sum were two Thousand Louis. We there-
upon confiding that no more of this Money would be taken
out of our Disposition, than the Expences of the Journeys
as they should accrue, did frankly but unwarily give the
Orders.
Mr. Deane and myself were, however, soon surpriz'd
with the Intelligence, that the Gentlemen had gone directly
to the Banker, & by Virtue of these Orders had taken out
of our Account the whole Sum mentioned, & carried it to
their own; leaving the Money indeed in his Hands, but
requiring his Receipt for it as their Money, for which he was
to be accountable to them only.
This enormous Sum having been received by those Gentle-
men not above ten months, I was still more surpriz'd, when
the following Letters were communicated to me by my pres-
ent Colleagues, requiring more Money. My colleague, Mr.
Adams, was at first as much surpriz'd as myself. l
944. TO DAVID HARTLEY (D. s. w.)
Passy, January 25, 1779
DEAR SIR : la long time believed that your government
were in earnest in agreeing to an exchange of prisoners.
1 Here the manuscript breaks off, apparently in an unfinished state, and it
is uncertain whether this letter was sent. The substance of it, however, is
contained in a letter to the Committee of Foreign Affairs dated May 26,
1779. ED.
220 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1779
I begin now to think I was mistaken. It seems they can-
not give up the pleasing idea of having at the end of the
war one thousand Americans to hang for high treason.
You were also long of opinion that the animosity against
America was not national or general; but having seen the
exterminating proclamation of the Commissioners approved
by kings, lords, and commons, and that not attended by
any marks of popular disapprobation, perhaps you too begin
to think you are mistaken. I thank you for writing those
excellent letters to your constituents. I like all but your
reflections against the king of France for assisting us. In
my mind, the coming to the relief of an innocent people under
the bloody oppressions your ministers were exercising over
them, and exposing himself and nation to a war on their
account, was not only what any prince had a right to do
for the sake of common humanity, but was a magnanimous
and heroic action that is admired at present by the wise and
good through all Europe, and will hand his name down
with glory to posterity. Our different ways of thinking in
this particular will not, however, diminish our private friend-
ship, nor impair the sentiments of sincere esteem and respect
with which I am ever, dear sir,
Yours,
B. FRANKLIN.
945. TO MRS. MARGARET STEVENSON 1 (P. c.)
Jan 25, 1779.
IT is always with great Pleasure, when I think of our long
continued Friendship, which had not the least Interruption
1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. ED.
1779] TO MRS. MARGARET STEVENSON 1 221
in the Course of Twenty Years (some of the happiest of my
Life), that I spent under your Roof and in your Company.
If I do not write to you as often as I us'd to do, when I hap-
pen'd to be absent from you, it is owing partly to the present
Difficulty of sure Communication, and partly to an Appre-
hension of some possible Inconvenience, that my Correspond-
ence might occasion you. Be assured, my dear Friend, that
my Regard, Esteem, and Affection for you, are not in the
least impaired or diminished; and that, if Circumstances
would permit, nothing would afford me so much Satisfaction,
as to be with you in the same House, and to experience again
your faithful, tender Care, and Attention to my Interests,
Health, and Comfortable Living, which so long and steadily
attached me to you, and which I shall ever remember with
Gratitude.
I thought I had mentioned to you before, (and I believe
I did, tho' my Letter may have miscarried,) that I had re-
ceived the white Cloth Suit, the Sword, and the Saddle for
Temple, all in good Order. I mention them now again,
because Polly tells me you had not heard of their Arrival.
And I repeat my Thanks for your Care in sending them.
I wore the Clothes a good deal last Summer. There is one
thing more, that I wish to have, if you should meet with an
Opportunity of sending it. I mean the Copper Pot, lin'd
with Silver, to roast Fowls in by means of a Heater. 1
I should also be glad of the Piece of Elephant's Tooth. It
is old Ivory, perhaps of the time before the Flood, and
1 Franklin when at Sheffield with Dr. Ingenhousz purchased a copper pot
for roasting chickens by a bolt of iron. He erred in supposing that it was in
the possession of Mrs. Stevenson in London, for it had really been carried
to Vienna by Ingenhousz who in a letter dated May 25, 1779, promised to
return the " roasting vessel." ED.
222 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
would be a Rarity to some Friends here. But I doubt you
will not be able to send them.
I rejoice to learn that your Health is establish'd, and that
you live pleasantly in a Country Town, with agreable Neigh-
bours, and have your Dear Children about you. My love
to every one of them. I long to see them and you ; but the
Times do not permit me the Hope of it. Why do you never
write to me? I us'd to love to read your Letters, and I
regret your long Silence. They were season'd with good
Sense and Friendship, and even your Spelling pleas'd me.
Polly knows I think the worst spelling the best. I do not
write to her by this Conveyance. You will let her know,
that I acknowledge the Receipt of her pleasing Letter,
dated the nth Instant. I shall now only observe upon it,
that I wonder how the patent came to be taken out in Jacob's
Name. I am sure he had no Claim to it; for when I first
propos'd to him the making of such Wheels at Mr. Viny's,
in the Country, he objected to it as impracticable. But
Mr. Viny, who seiz'd the Thought, and carried it into Execu-
tion, had certainly the best Right to the Patent. I wish he
would send me a good Drawing, with the Proportions, of
the little Carriage without Horses, which his Children came
once in to see us. How do they all do, and particularly
my little Patient Bessum ?
Since my coming here, I have been told, that Mr. Henley, 1
the Linen- Draper, had said, on my going to America, that
1 This is the William Henley or Henly who experimented in electricity and
whose dismal exit from life was described by Benjamin Vaughan : see p. 410.
He wrote to Franklin when the latter improved his electrometer, " If I have
been able to produce any experiments in electricity which Dr. Franklin
can vouchsafe to bestow the epithet curious upon, my highest ambition and
Vanity is then satisfied and fully so" (January 29, 1771, A. P. S.). ED.
1779] TO MESSRS. LLOYD AND OTHERS 223
I had gone away in his Debt. I can hardly believe it. Let
me know if you have heard such a Thing, and what is the
meaning of it. I thought he had been fully paid, and still
think so, and shall, till I am assur'd of the contrary. Let
me know, at the same time, how my Account stands with
you.
You wish to know how I live. It is in a fine House,
situated in a neat Village, on high Ground, half a Mile from
Paris, with a large Garden to walk in. I have abundance
of Acquaintance, dine abroad Six Days in seven. Sundays
I reserve to dine at home, with such Americans as pass this
Way; and I then have my Grandson Ben, with some other
American Children from his school.
If being treated with all the Politeness of France, and the
apparent Respect and Esteem of all Ranks, from the highest
to the lowest, can make a Man happy, I ought to be so.
Indeed, I have nothing to complain of, but a little too much
Business, and the Want of that Order and (Economy in my
Family, that reign'd in it when under your prudent Direction.
My Paper gives me only Room to add, that I am ever yours
most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
946. TO MESSRS. LLOYD AND OTHERS * (D. s. w.)
Passy, January 26, 1779.
GENTLEMEN : We had yesterday the honour of your
Letter of the 2ist of this Month.
1 Printed in " The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the
United States," Wharton, Vol. Ill, p. 32. The letter was addressed to
J. Lloyd, Daniel Blake, P. N. Fendall, J. Ross, Jo. Wharton, Lawrence Brooke,
W. Blake, W. Thompson, N. Maese, Cha. Ogilvie, at Nantes.
224 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
You desire to know what Port or Ports is or are made free
pursuant to the Treaty. We believe that none have as yet
been determined on. At present all the Ports of France are
open, to American Vessels of all Denominations, and we are
at present rather doubtful whether it would be politick in
us to apply to have any distinction made. If the appoint-
ment of free Ports would relieve us from the Payment of
Duties, of Import or Export, we should apply immediately.
But as we apprehend, this Advantage would not be the
Consequence, the Limits of the free Port would be pre-
scribed, and the same Duties must be paid upon removing
Goods within or without those Limits as are now paid upon
Imports and Exports. Goods, however, might be brought
into such free Ports from abroad, and there Landed and
stored for a time, and then exported without paying Duties;
but whether this would be any great Advantage to our Trade,
at present, you are better Judges than we. We shall be glad
of your Advice upon this Head, and if you think of any Ad-
vantages of considerable moment that would arise we shall
be always ready to apply for such an Appointment. We are
sorry it is not in our Power to give you any acceptable Infor-
mation respecting the eighth Article of the Treaty, which
relates to the Barbary corsaires. All we can say is, that
we have applied to the Ministry upon this head some Months
ago, and received Satisfactory Expressions of the Disposition
of this Government to do everything which is stipulated in
that Article of the Treaty. But some Things remain to be
determined by Congress, to whom we have written on the
Subject, and we must necessarily await their Instructions.
There are two Enquiries to be made, viz.: which of all
the Nations who now Trade with France is the most favor'd ?
1779] FROM DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN 225
and what Duties are paid by that Nation? These Duties,
and these only, we suppose, we are to pay; and as soon as
Circumstances will permit, (two of us having been for
a fortnight very ill, and one of us continuing so) we shall
apply to the Ministry for an e*claircissement upon this Head,
which we shall endeavour to communicate to you as soon as
we shall obtain it.
We have received an Answer to our last Application for
a Convoy from their Excellencies, the Count de Vergennes
and M. de Sartine. But the Answers convinced us that
M. de Sartine was under some Misinformation or Misunder-
standing relative to the Business, which obliged us to write
again. As soon as we shall be honor'd with an Answer,
we will communicate the Result of it to you.
For the Commissioners, by B. FRANKLIN
947. FROM DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN
(A. P. s.)
Jan. 23. 1779
MY DEAR FRIEND,
You know my constant and earnest desire for peace. You are so fully
possessed of my principles upon these subjects, that you cannot doubt but that
the sentiments expressed in the 4 th letter on the American war, lately written
by a member of Parliament in this country to his constituents, do perfectly
accord with mine.
In your letter of 26th October 1778, you seem to express, that a visit from
a friend would not be unwellcome, if that friend were in a character of a
plenipotentiary, to treat of a sincere peace between all parties. You must
know from the course of public transactions in England, that the alliance
between France and America is a great stumblingblock. Whatever engage-
ments America may have entered into, they may, at least by consent of
parties, be relinquished for the purpose of removing so material an obstacle
to any general treaty of free and unengaged parties. If the parties c'd meet
for the sake of peace, upon free and open ground, I sh'd think that a very
VOL. VII Q
226 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
fair proposition to be offered to the people of England, and an equitable
proposition in itself. The universal destruction attending war to all parties
ought to be a motive for the restoration of peace, superceding all minute
considerations. Knowing the sincerity of your desire for peace, I throw out
to you the cursory thoughts, which present themselves to me, to take the
chance of starting any idea, which may lead to that blessed end. I am yours
affectionately,
G. B.
948. TO DAVID HARTLEY (D. s. w.)
Passy, Feb. 3, 1779.
DEAR SIR,
I have just received your favour of the 23d past, in which
you mention, "that the alliance between France and America
is the great StumblingBlock in the way of Making Peace;"
and you go on to observe, that "whatever Engagements
America may have entred into, they may, (at least by con-
sent of Parties) be relinquished, for the purpose of removing
so material an Obstacle to any general Treaty of free and
unengaged Parties " adding, that "if the parties could meet
for the sake of Peace upon free and open Ground, you should
think that a very fair Proposition to be offered to the People
of England, and an equitable Proposition in itself."
The long, steady, & kind regard you have shown for the
Welfare of America, by the whole Tenour of your Conduct in
Parliament, satisfies me, that this Proposition never took its
Rise with you, but has been suggested from some other quar-
ter ; and that your Excess of Humanity, your Love of Peace,
& your fears for us, that the Destruction we are threatened
with will certainly be effected, have thrown a Mist before
your Eyes, which hindred you from seeing the Malignity
and Mischief of it. We know that your King hates Whigs
1779] TO DAVID HARTLEY 227
and Presbyterians; that he thirsts for our Blood, of which
he has already drunk large Draughts; that his servile un-
principled Ministers are ready to execute the wickedest of his
Orders, and his venal Parliament equally ready to vote them
just. Not the Smallest Appearance of a Reason can be
imagined capable of inducing us to think of relinquishing
a Solid Alliance with one of the most amiable, as well as most
powerful Princes of Europe, for the Expectation of unknown
Terms of Peace, to be afterwards offer'd to us by such a
government; a Government, that has already shamefully
broke all the Compacts it ever made with us ! This is worse
than advising us to drop the Substance for the Shadow.
The Dog after he found his Mistake, might possibly have
recover'd his Mutton ; but we could never hope to be trusted
again by France, or indeed by any other Nation under heaven.
Nor does there appear any more Necessity for dissolving an
Alliance with France before you can treat with us, than there
would of dissolving your alliance with Holland, or your
Union with Scotland, before we could treat with you. Ours
is therefore no material Obstacle to a Treaty as you suppose
it to be. Had Lord North been the Author of such a Proposi-
tion, all the World would have said it was insidious, and
meant only to deceive & divide us from our Friends, and
then to ruin us ; supposing our Fears might be strong enough
to procure an Acceptance of it ; but thanks to God, that is
not the Case ! We have long since settled all the Account
in our own Minds. We know the worst you can do to us,
if you have your Wish, is to confiscate our Estates & take
our Lives, to rob & murder us; and this you have seen we
are ready to hazard, rather than come again under your
detested Government.
228 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
You must observe, my dear Friend, that I am a little warm.
Excuse me. 'Tis over. Only let me counsel you not
to think of being sent hither on so fruitless an Errand, as
that of making such a Proposition.
It puts me in mind of the comick Farce intitled, God-send
or The Wreckers. You may have forgotten it; but I will
endeavour to amuse you by recollecting a little of it.
SCENE. Mounts Bay.
[A Ship riding at anchor in a great Storm. A Lee Shore
full of Rocks, and lirfd with people, furnish' d with Axes &*
Carriages to cut up Wrecks, knock the Sailors on the Head,
and carry off the Plunder; according to Custom.']
ist. Wrecker. This Ship rides it out longer than I expected.
She must have good Ground Tackle.
2 Wrecker. We had better send off a Boat to her, and
persuade her to take a Pilot, who can afterwards run her
ashore, where we can best come at her.
3 Wrecker. I doubt whether the boat can live in this Sea ;
but if there are any brave Fellows willing to hazard themselves
for the good of the Public, & a double Share, let them say
aye.
Several Wreckers. I, I, I, I.
[The Boat goes off, and comes under the Ship's Stern.]
Spokesman. So ho, the Ship, ahoa!
Captain. Hulloa.
Sp. Wou'd you have a Pilot?
Capt. No, no!
Sp. It blows hard, & you are in Danger.
Capt. I know it.
1779] TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS 229
Sp. Will you buy a better Cable? We have one in the
boat here.
Capt. What do you ask for it?
Sp. Cut that you have, & then we'll talk about the price
of this.
Capt. I shall not do such a foolish Thing. I have hVd
in your Parish formerly, & know the Heads of ye too well to
trust ye; keep off from my Cable there; I see you have a
mind to cut it yourselves. If you go any nearer to it, I'll
fire into you and sink you.
Sp. It is a damn'd rotten French Cable, and will part of
itself in half an hour. Where will you be then, Captain?
You had better take our offer.
Capt. You offer nothing, you Rogues, but Treachery
and Mischief. My cable is good & strong, and will hold
long enough to baulk all your Projects.
Sp. You talk unkindly, Captain, to People who came here
only for your Good.
Capt. I know you come for all our Goods, but, by God's
help, you shall have none of them; you shall not serve us
as you did the Indiaman.
Sp. Come, my Lads, let's be gone. This Fellow is not so
great a Fool as we took him to be.
[B. F.]
949. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS (D. s. w.)
Passy, Feb. 13, 1779.
DEAR COUSIN : I have the pleasure of acquainting you
that the Congress have been pleased to honour me with a
sole appointment to be their Minister Plenipotentiary at
230 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [i;;9
this Court, and I have just received my Credentials. This
Mark of public Confidence is the more agreable to me as it
was not obtained by any Solicitation or Intrigue on my Part,
nor have I ever written a Syllable to any Person, in or out of
Congress, magnifying my own Services or diminishing those
of others.
William Greene, Esq., present Gov* of the State of
Rhode Island, has sent me some Bills of Exchange, amount-
ing to i, 080 Livres, which he desires may be laid out in the
following Articles: one Piece dark Calico; one Piece Bed-
tick ; best Silk Handkerchiefs and Linnen Do ; Hollands,
Cambricks, Muslins, Sewing Silk, and one Box of Window
Glass, 7 Inches by 9. I send you this Commission, and
desire you to forward the Things by the first good Oppor-
tunity, drawing upon me for the Money.
I am told you have laid aside your Thoughts of going to
America at present, so that you will not have the Opportunity
you wished for of settling your Accounts there. No Resolu-
tion has been yet taken by the Commissioners here relating
to your Proposition of settling them by Arbitration at Nantes ;
and tho' I could now perhaps do by myself what is necessary
to finish the Affair in that Way, yet as the Transactions
were in their time, it seems to me most proper that they
should consent to it.
I am ever your affectionate Uncle
B. FRANKLIN.
1779] TO CHARLES W. F. DUMAS 231
950. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (D. s. w.)
Passy, February 14, 1779.
SIR, I have the honour to acquaint your Excellency
that I have received from the Congress their appointment
to be their minister plenipotentiary at this court, together
with a letter of credence to be presented to his majesty.
I beg thereupon your excellency's advice and direction.
I have need also of your counsel with regard to the trial
and punishment of some conspirators on board our frigate,
the Alliance, which is just arrived. I would have done my-
self the honour of waiting on your Excellency to-day, but am
not quite well enough to go abroad in such weather.
I have received a number of letters from America, all
expressing the highest esteem for the Count d'Estaing and
the Marquis de la Fayette. As I think they will give you
and M. de Sartine some pleasure, I send you the originals,
praying only to have them returned.
I have the honour to be, etc. with the greatest respect,
[B. FRANKLIN.]
951. TO CHARLES W. F. DUMAS (D. s. w.)
Passy, Febr* 19. 1779.
DEAR SIR, Since mine of the nth inst. I have receiv'd
an Appointment from Congress to be their sole Minister
Plenipotentiary at this Court, my former Colleagues having
or being likely to have, other Destinations.
232 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
I have had frequent Conversations with your Friend con-
cerning a Loan in Holland. A fit of the Gout has inter-
rupted them these two Days, but his Demands appearing to
be beyond my Powers, I have not agreed to them, and I ques-
tion whether we can agree. I fancy he has had some Infor-
mation of the Purport of some imprudent Letter you know
of, & that he thinks our Necessities greater than they are.
I begin to think it best to be oblig'd to one generous friend,
and to take the little Aids we want from France only.
The Marquis de la Fayette is arrived, cover'd with Laurels.
He and his suite speak very handsomely of the Americans
& of the present Condition of our Affairs. All our Letters
from different Persons in different Bodies, the Congress,
the Army, the Government of separate States, are full of his
Praises. By his Bravery & good Conduct he appears to
have gain'd the Esteem & the Affection of that whole Con-
tinent.
I am with sincere Regard, etc.
[B. FRANKLIN.]
952. TO DAVID HARTLEY (D. s. w.)
Passy, Feb. 22, 1779
DEAR SIR: I received your Favour of Janf 23d, con-
taining the Answer you had received from the Board of Sick
and Hurt, in which they say they are taking Measures for the
immediate Sending to France the Number of Americans first
proposed to be changed, etc. I have heard nothing since
of the Measures taken. The Prisoners grow more and more
uneasy with us. They are told that we neglect them. We
1779]
TO DAVID HARTLEY
233
sent the Passport required in Sept. last. We were soon after
assured that a Transport was actually taken up and vict-
ualled for loo Men, to be sent to France with so many
Prisoners. That Vessel has never appeared. We relyed
on the Agreement to Exchange, and the Promise of doing it
speedily, and we advised our People thereupon not to at-
tempt Escapes. We seem to have been deceived or trifled
with; but perhaps it is rather owing to the Multiplicity of
Business the Board has on its hands, and your important
Occupations not permitting you to follow it with such fre-
quent sollicitations as are necessary to keep up its attention to
this particular Affair. I have therefore thought of sending
over a Person for that purpose, impowering him to stipulate
in my Behalf what may be proper to remove little Obstacles
readily, without the Delay attending Letters. By this means
I would save you some of that Trouble which your Goodness
and Humanity might otherwise continue to lead you on into.
I would only desire you at present to procure a safe Conduct
for the Person. His Name is Edward Bancroft. He is a
Gentleman of Character and Honour, who will punctually
observe such Restrictions respecting his Conduct when in
England as it may be thought reasonable to lay him under.
If this is or is not obtainable, I beg you will signify it by a
Line directed for him at M. Leveaux's, Merchant in Calais;
and that as soon as possible, that he may not be fruitlessly
detained there in Expectation of it.
I have the honour to be, etc,
B. FRANKLIN.
234 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
953. TO DAVID HARTLEY (D. s. w.)
Passy, Feb. 22, 1779.
DEAR SIR,
I received your Proposition for removing the Stumbling-
Block. Your constant Desires of Peace ought to endear you
to both sides; but this Proposition seems to be naturally
impracticable. We can never think of quitting a solid Alli-
ance made and ratified, in order to be in a State for receiving
unknown Proposals of Peace, which may vanish in the Dis-
cussion. The Truth is we have no kind of Faith in your
Government, which appears to us as insidious and deceitful
as it is unjust and cruel; its Character is that of the Spider
in Thomson,
" Cunning and fierce,
Mixture abhorrM!!"
Besides, we cannot see the Necessity of our relinquishing
our Alliance with France in order to a Treaty, any more than
of your relinquishing yours with Holland. I am ever, affec-
tionately yours, N. A. 1
954. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (D. s. w.)
Passy, Feb. 25, 1779
As the Enemy seem determined upon another Campaign,
I beg leave to communicate and submit to your Excellency's
Consideration some Sentiments of Congress on certain Opera-
tions in North America, which they conceive to be practicable
1 North America. Franklin signed some of his letters to Hartley with
these initials. ED.
1779]
TO COMTE DE VERGENNES
235
and highly advantageous to the Interests both of France and
the United States.
While the English continue to possess the Ports of Halifax,
Rhode Island, and New York, they can
1. Refit the Ships of War they employ in those Seas.
2. Defend more easily their Fishery, a great Nursery of
Seamen and Source of Wealth.
3. Interrupt more effectually by their Cruisers the Com-
merce between France and America, which would otherwise
be so advantageous to both, and also the Supplies of Provi-
sions of various kinds, which the French Islands might draw
from the continent.
Without a Naval Force, and in the present Situation of
their Finances, the Reduction of some of those Posts must
be extremely difficult, if not impossible.
If Troops should be intended for the Defence of your
Sugar Islands, and the Reduction of those of the Enemy in
the ensuing Winter it is supposed that a Part of them, 4 or
5000, convoy 'd by Four Ships of the Line and a few Frigates,
might be advantageously employ'd this Summer first,
by reducing (in Conjunction with the Troops of the Northern
States) Rhode Island. This, it is conceived, will require no
long time, and being done, those States, eased by that means,
will find themselves at liberty to afford some Aid of Men,
Transports, Provisions, etc., in reducing Halifax, and there
is no reason to doubt their hearty good- Will to concur in such
an Enterprize, the Success of which would free their Coasts
from the grievous Restraints under which both their Com-
merce and their Fisheries at present labour. The Inhabitants
of Nova Scotia, too, except those in the Town of Halifax, are
known to be generally well affected to the American Cause,
236 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
being mostly Settlers who formerly emigrated from New
England.
Halifax being reduced, the small Forts on Newfoundland
would easily follow, and by this means the Enemy's Fishery,
not only for this Year would be broken up, but render'd so
precarious from the Interruptions by our armed Vessels,
or so expensive by the Force necessary to defend their Fisher-
men, that it must soon be discouraged, diminished, and at
length abandoned; their naval Strength, of course, much
lessened, and that of France in proportion augmented.
It is supposed that the Troops, being after these northern
Operations refreshed in New England, and well supply'd
with fresh Provisions, might proceed at the Approach of
Winter for the West Indies, in good Health, and fit for such
Service as may be required there.
The Congress had Thoughts of attacking Canada this Sum-
mer, and requesting some Aid of Ships and Men for that pur-
pose ; but as their Paper- Money is not current in that Coun-
try where hard Money alone can procure Provisions, which
must for want of such Money be brought at a vast Expence
from the United States, and being salted is not so good for
the Men, it is uncertain whether that Expedition will be
attempted. There is, however, to encourage it, a good
Disposition in the Inhabitants, and if it succeeded, the Fur
Trade and a great Vent for her Manufactures would be
opened to France; her Fisheries would be more easily pro-
tected; and the Frontiers of the States being secured, their
Agriculture might again be pursued in those parts, and the
general Strength employed where the interest of the Alliance
might require it.
The Congress have made no Mention to me of their Views
1779]
TO COMTE DE VERGENNES
237
with regard to New York. Perhaps they hope that the
Enemy will abandon it, or that they shall be able to reduce it
by Gen. Washington's Army.
The Commissioners here had, before the Treaty, the Hon-
our of making, in a Memorial to your Excellency, the follow-
ing Proposition by order of Congress, viz: "That in case it
is agreed that the Conquest of the British Sugar Islands be
attempted, the United States, shall, on timely Notice, fur-
nish Provisions for the Expedition to the Amount of two
millions of Dollars, with Six Frigates manned, of not less
than 22 Guns each, with such other Assistance as may be in
their Power, and as becoming good Allies." As soon as
they shall be, by the Aids above-mentioned, happily freed
from the Embarassments occasioned by the Lodgments of
the Enemy on their Coasts, it will be in their Power to assist
much more amply in such an Expedition than they can at
present. And I may assure your Excellency that they will
do their utmost to fulfil the Expectations given by that
Memorial, tho' the Losses in their Marine, and the Depre-
ciation of their Currency since, may render it more difficult.
I need not intimate to your Excellency the great Utility,
if such joint Operations or Expeditions should be agreed to,
of appointing Commanders of conciliating Tempers, and if
possible, who know and esteem each other, and are acquainted
with both the Languages. By this means the little Mis-
understandings apt to arise between Troops of different
Nations might be prevented or soon remov'd, and thence a
greater Probability of Success in their Enterprises.
I have the honour to be, with the utmost Esteem and Re-
spect, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble
Servant, B. F.
238 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
955. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (D. s. w.)
Passy, February 25, 1779
SIR: I received duly your Excellency's most obliging
letter of the lyth inst. I was then so ill with the gout and a
fever that I could neither write nor think of any thing. This
necessarily prevented my attending at court to present my
letters of credence on Tuesday last agreeable to his Majesty's
gracious permission; but as the fit seems to be going off, I
hope that in two or three days I shall be able to pay my
respects to your Excellency at Versailles.
I thank your Excellency for your kind notice of the affairs
of Capt. McNeill.
I have ordered the Alliance frigate to prepare for returning
immediately to America, in order to convoy thither about
fifteen sail of ships going from Nantes. As this ship is said
to be an admirable swift sailor, I mention her as an oppor-
tunity by which despatches may probably go safely. If
your Excellency should think fit to write by her.
With the most perfect respect I have the honour to be, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
956. TO PATRICK HENRY (A. p. s.)
Passy, February 26, 1779.
SIR,
I had the Honour of receiving your Excellency's Letter
of March 3, 1778, by Capt. Lemaire, acquainting me, that your
State * had desired Mr. William Lee, your Agent, to procure a
1 Patrick Henry was at this time Governor of Virginia. ED.
1779] TO PATRICK HENRY 239
Quantity of Arms and military Stores, and requesting me to
assist him with my Influence in obtaining them on Credit.
Being glad of any Opportunity of serving Virginia, and
showing my Regard to the Request of a Person I so highly
esteem, and Mr. W. Lee being absent, I found immediately
three different Merchants here, Men of Fortune, who were
each of them willing to undertake furnishing the whole, and
giving the Credit desired. But Mr. Arthur Lee being under-
stood to have taken the Management of the Affair into his
own Hands, one of the three soon after refused in that Case
to have any thing to do with it; a second, whose Letter to
me I enclose, apprehending Difficulties from Mr. Lee's
Temper, required my Name and Mr. Adams's to the Agree-
ment, which he supposes Mr. Lee did not like, as his Offer
was not accepted. I know not why the Offer of the third
was not taken. I was afterwards not at all consulted in the
Business.
Poor Lemaire was sent about Germany to find Goods and
Credit, which consumed a great deal of Time to little purpose.
Several of the Manufacturers wrote to me, that they would
furnish him on my Promise of Payment. I referred them to
Mr. Lee. On his return, Mr. Lee and he differed about his
Expences. He complained frequently to me of Mr. Lee's
not supplying him with necessary Subsistence, and treating
him with great Haughtiness and Insolence. I thought him
really attentive to his Duty, and not well us'd, but I avoided
meddling with his Affairs, to avoid, if possible, being engag'd
in Quarrels myself. Mr. Lee, in fine, contracted with Messrs.
Penet and Dacosta 3 to supply great Part of the Goods.
They too have differed, and I have several letters of
1 Members of the mercantile firm of" Plairne, Penet & Co." (Nantes). ED.
240 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
Complaints from those Gentlemen; but I cannot remedy
them, for I cannot change Mr. Lee's Temper.
They have offered to send the Things you want and which
he has refus'd, on my Account; but, not knowing whether
he has not provided them elsewhere, or in what light he may
look upon my concerning myself with what he takes to be his
Business, I dare not meddle, being charged by the Congress
to endeavour at maintaining a good Understanding with their
other Servants, which is, indeed, a hard task with some of
them. I hope, however, that you will at length be provided
with what you want, which I think you might have been long
since, if the Affair had not been in Hands, which Men of
Honour and Candour here are generally averse to dealing
with, as not caring to hazard Quarrels and Abuses in the
Settlement of their Accounts.
Our Public Affairs at this Court continue to go on well.
Peace is soon expected in Germany, and we hope Spain is
now near declaring against our Enemies. I have the honour
to be, with great Respect,
Your Excellency's most
obedient and most humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
957. TO JEAN DE NEUFVILLE (A.P.S.)
Paris ce 28 fevrier 1779
Quelque de*sir que j'aie, Monsieur, de profiter de la bonne
volonte' que vous t&noignez pour vous charger de ngocier
un emprunt de 1500 mil florins; Fe*tat actuel des affaires ne
me permet pas de prendre aucun engagement avec vous ce
1779] TO COMTE DE VERGENNES 241
sujet dans ce moment-ci. L'emprunt que nous avons ouvert
l'anne*e derniere en Hollande n'ayant pas e*t6 acceuilli, j'ai
lieu de craindre qu'un nouvel emprunt ne le soit pas mieux,
et que cette seconde tentative manque*e ne porte un prejudice
re*el au credit et a la dignite* des Etats Unis de PAme*rique
que j'ai 1'honneur de re'prese'nter ; si cependant par votre
credit et vos bons offices, vous parvenez a nous assurer d'un
nombre suffisant de souscripteurs, vous pouvez compter,
Monsieur, que je vous enverrai aussit6t les preliminaires
proposes par M. de Chaumont. C'est a dire j'ai 1'honneur
d'etre tres parfaitement Monsieur, votre tres humble et ties
ob&ssant Serviteur.
B. FRANKLIN
958. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (D. s. w.)
Passy, March 9, 1779.
SIR, It is with great Reluctance that I give your Exy
any farther Trouble on the Subject of a Loan of Money.
But the Bearer, Mr. Grand, who is much better acquainted
with the Nature & Manner of such Operations than I am,
being of Opinion that the sum we want might with your Per-
mission & Countenance be procured in France, I beg you
would be so good as to hear him upon the Subject, both of
the Necessity of obtaining such a Loan, & of the Means
of accomplishing it.
I am ever, etc.,
[B. FRANKLIN.]
VOL. vn R
242 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
959. PASSPORT FOR CAPTAIN COOK 1 (L.C.)
To all Captains and Commanders of armed Ships acting by
Commission from the Congress of the United States of
America, now in war with Great Britain.
Gentlemen,
A Ship having been fitted out from England before the
Commencement of this War, to make Discoveries of new
Countries in Unknown Seas, under the Conduct of that most
celebrated Navigator and Discoverer Captain Cook; an
Undertaking truly laudable in itself, as the Increase of Geo-
graphical Knowledge facilitates the Communication between
distant Nations, in the Exchange of useful Products and
Manufactures, and the Extension of Arts, whereby the com-
mon Enjoyments of human Life are multiply'd and aug-
mented, and Science of other kinds increased to the benefit
of Mankind in general; this is, therefore, most earnestly
to recommend to every one of you, that, in case the said Ship,
which is now expected to be soon in the European Seas on
her Return, should happen to fall into your Hands, you
would not consider her as an Enemy, nor suffer any Plunder
to be made of the Effects contain J d in her, nor obstruct her
immediate Return to England, by detaining her or sending
1 The generosity of Franklin in issuing this passport was gratefully recog-
nized by the British government, when, by the hand of Sir Joseph Banks,
President of the Royal Society, one of the gold medals struck in honour of
Captain Cook was presented to Dr. Franklin. The Admiralty Board also
sent him a copy of Cook's " Voyage " " accompanied with the elegant collection
of plates, and a very polite letter from Lord Howe, signifying that the present
was made with the king's express approbation" (W. T. F.). ED.
1779] TO OFFICERS ON BOARD THE "ALLIANCE" 243
her into any other Part of Europe or to America, but that you
would treat the said Captain Cook and his People with all
Civility and Kindness, affording them, as common Friends
to Mankind, all the Assistance in your Power, which they
may happen to stand in need of. In so doing you will not
only gratify the Generosity of your own Dispositions, but
there is no doubt of your obtaining the Approbation of the
Congress, and your other American Owners. I have the
honour to be, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble
Servant.
[Given] at Passy, near Paris, this loth day of March, 1779.
B. FRANKLIN,
Plenipotentiary jrom the Congress of the
United States to the Court oj France.
960. TO MM. HILLS, PARKES, ADAMS, DEGGE,
BUCKLEY, ELWOOD, AND WARREN, OFFICERS
ON BOARD THE ALLIANCE
(D. s. w.)
Passy, March n, 1779.
GENTLEMEN, I received your Letters of the 7th of Feb-
ruary and 2d of March. The Application to me either
for Advance of Cash or Payment of Wages to Officers in
the Continental Service is quite irregular, as I am neither
furnish'd with Money nor Authority for such Purposes.
And I believe it is the Constant Practice with all maritime
Powers to pay the Ships in their Service at home on their
Return, and not in foreign Countries. I am sensible however
244 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
of some Hardships in your present Circumstances relative
to the high Price of Cloathing in America, and as I respect
your Zeal for your Country and Readiness to engage in its
Defence, and hope I shall on those Acc t8 be excused in doing
it, I have this Day, in a Letter to the Agent at Nantes, given
leave to advance to each of you, and also to the warrant
officers, a decent Suit of Clothing, suitable to your respective
Stations. But I must recommend it to you, and I flatter
myself that you will not take it amiss, to be as frugal as pos-
sible for your own Sakes, and not make yourselves expensively
fine from a Notion that it is for the honour of the States you
serve. It seems not necessary that young & poor States,
labouring, as at present, under the Distresses of a most
burthensome War in Defence of their Liberties, should vie
in the Dress of their Officers with ancient and wealthy King-
doms who are in full Prosperity. The honour of the States
will be better supported by the prudent Conduct of their
Officers, their Harmony with each other, their ready Obedi-
ence to the Commands of superior Officers, their reasonable &
kind Treatment of Inferiors, and above all, their Bravery in
fight & Humanity to those they conquer. I am confident
that you, Gentlemen, have the same Sentiments. If it
should be in my Power to do any thing further for you before
you go, it will give me Pleasure. But expecting daily a
great Number of Prisoners in Exchange from England, who
will be in Want of every thing, and our Funds here being low,
I doubt it can be but little. The greater Advances made to
the officers of the Boston at Bordeaux by the Agent, which
you mention as an Example, were without Orders from the
Commissioners here, and were much disapproved when we
saw the Accounts. I wish that something handsome may
1779] TO ARTHUR LEE 245
fall into your Hands on your Return, and that you may have
a happy sight of your Friends & Country. I am, Gentle-
men
Your most obedient humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
961. TO ARTHUR LEE (D. s. w.)
Passy, March 13. 1779.
SIR : Finding by a Note of yours on the Back of Mr.
William's Acc u , dated Oct. 6, but which I never saw till
lately by Accident, expressing that you are "perfectly satis-
fy 'd, from his own Acc u , that Mr. Williams has now, and
has long had, in his Hands upwards of an hundred thousand
Livres belonging to the public which have not been em-
ploy 'd in the public Use," etc., I have resolved to have those
Accounts carefully examined by impartial Persons, skilled in
such Business ; and if you have any other Objection to them
than what appears in your Note, or any other Reasons than
what appears upon the face of his Acc ts , for believing
such a Sum in Mr. William's Hands, I beg you will furnish
me with them, that I may communicate them to the Examiners.
I wish Justice to be done, and that you had shown your Note
either to Mr. Adams or me when you made it; the Matter
would not have been so long neglected. The Money, if due,
ought to be recovered immediately.
I have the Honour to be, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. The Persons I have requested to examine the Acc t8
246 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1779
are the American Merchants now at Nantes with our deputed
Commercial Agent, Mr. Schweighauser.
962. TO ARTHUR LEE (i.e.)
Passy, March 13, 1779
SIR : A severe Fit of the Gout, with too much Business
at the same time necessary to be done, has prevented till
now my answering yours of the 2ist past.
I did not imagine there would have been any Difference
of Sentiment between us concerning the Propriety of return-
ing to me the Papers which you have at various times taken
from this House. Where several Persons join'd in the same
Commission are to act upon Papers, it seems necessary that
they should be lodg'd in one Place, where all the Parties
may be sure of finding them, and under the care of one Per-
son who should be accountable for them. And if there were
not some particular Reasons to influence another Choice, I
should suppose the first Person named in the Commission
might with great Propriety take charge of them. I am sure
that if you had been that Person, I should have made no
Objection to it. Mr. Adams having a Room more convenient
and more private than mine, and in which he lodg'd, I ap-
proved of his keeping the Papers ; he has voluntarily return 'd
me all he had without asking, and I thought Asking was only
necessary to obtain the rest from you; for the whole Busi-
ness, which before was transacted by us jointly being now
devolved on me, and as there must be frequent Occasion
to look back on Letters received, Memorials deliver'd, Ac-
1779] TO ARTHUR LEE 247
counts given in, Contracts made, etc., etc., which, if I cannot
have the Opportunity of doing, I must be frequently at a
Loss in future transactions. I did not imagine I should
have any Difficulty in obtaining them; nor had I the least
Idea that my asking for them would occasion any Dispute.
I suppose that the Papers Mr. Deane mentions to have
taken and secur'd were those only that related to his separate
commercial Transactions for the Publick before his Appoint-
ment with us in the political Commission. If he took away
any of the Papers we were jointly concern'd in, I conceive
he was wrong in doing so, and that his doing wrong would not
justify the rest of us in following his Example. I can have no
Desire to deprive you of any Paper that may be of Use to
you in answering Mr. Deane's Accusations, having no Concern
in them nor Interest in Supporting them; on the contrary,
if any Papers remaining in my hands can be of such use to
you, you are welcome to have authenticated Copies of them
(which shall on request be made out for you), as well as of
any others "evidencing our joint Transactions" which you
may desire. On the whole it seems to me that this Matter
may be reasonably settled by your keeping, if you please,
all those Originals of which there are Duplicates at Passy,
retaining for a time such of the rest as you desire to copy,
which Copies, being compared by us with the Originals,
may be authenticated by our joint Signatures; and return-
ing immediately all the others, docketed and catalogu'd, as
you please, so as that you may know what and where they
are, and call for a Copy of any of them you may hereafter
have Occasion for, which shall always be given you.
If these Propositions are agreed to, the Affair may soon be
settled; if not, I must wait the Orders of Congress, and in
248 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
the meantime do as well as I can with their Business, which,
I think, must often suffer by my want of the Knowledge
those Papers might occasionally furnish me with.
I have the honour to be with great Respect, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
963. FROM JOHN PAUL JONES TO BENJAMIN
FRANKLIN 1 (A. p. s.)
L' Orient March 6 th 1779
HONORED AND DEAR SIR,
The mystery which you so delicately mention in your much esteemed favor
of the 24 th Ult. it has been my intention for more than Twelve Months past
to communicate to you; which however I have put off from time to time on
reflecting that the Account must give you more pain than pleasure : yet had I
not, on my sudden departure from hence for Paris, inadvertently neglected to
take with me the Original Paper whereof the inclosed is a Copy, I certainly
should then have put it into your hands. The subject at the beginning of the
War was communicated to Sundry members of Congress among whom I may
mention Mr Hewes of No. Carolina and Mr Morris of Philadelphia; and
to various other persons in America before and Since. It was the advice of
my friends Gov? Young among many others, when that great Misfortune of
my Life happened, that I should retire Incog to the continent of America, and
remain there until an Admiralty Commission should arrive in the Island, and
then return. I had waited that event Eighteen Months before Swords were
drawn and the Ports of the Continent were Shut.
It had been my intention from the time of my misfortune to quit the Sea
Service altogether, and, after standing Trial, as I had the means, to purchase
some small tracts of Land on the Continent, which had been my favorite
Country from the age of thirteen, when I first saw it. I had settled my future
place of retirement in " calm contemplation and Poetic ease." But the
revolution in America deranged everything and the person with whom I
had in Trust left a considerable part of my Effects in the West Indies, had
while the ports were open shewn very little inclination to make me proper
Remittances. Many of my friends had expressed their fears that he meant
to abuse my confidence and take advantage of my situation. Among these
I can mention a person whom I very much esteem, and who has always ex-
pressed great Obligation to you I mean Doctor John K. Read of Goochland
1 See Introductory Note. ED.
1779] FROM J. P. JONES TO B. FRANKLIN 249
County Virginia. I was not however undeceived until after the Ports were
Shut.
I had made the Art of War by Sea in some degree my Study, and been
fond of a Navy from my boyish days up. Knowing the perfidy and ingratitude
of Dunmore, as soon as an expidition was adopted against him from Phila-
delphia by sea ; I had the honor to be appointed Senior Lieutenant in the
Navy of the Colonies which was then established under Hopkins. I need
not observe that as I had not then heard the doctrine of Independence even
in a whisper, and that as the Pamphlet called common Sense did not appear
till a considerable time afterwards, I could have no Views of protection from
a new Government ; and therefore as I adhered to my first resolution of
returning to the West Indies, to Stand Trial, and to Settle my affairs there as
soon as peace should be restored to the Continent, it was the advice of my
friends that I should till that wish'd event might be brought about, remain
Incog. Within a few Months after my first appointment as a proof of the
public approbation of my conduct, I had the honour to receive a Captains
Commission, without my having either said or written a single word in my
own favour to any person either in or out of Congress. In the character of
an American Officer, I think you are convinced that Gain has not been the
object of my pursuit. I shall say nothing either of my Abilities(if I have any)
or of my Services. It is the province of others to determine the merits of
both. I have received no pecuniary gratification whatsoever, not even the
expenses of my daily Dinner, from the publick Funds. On the contrary I
have disbursed for the public Service, when our prospects were at the worst,
considerable Sums of my private fortune, which has never yet been repaid.
But I have always acknowledged that Congress have far more than rewarded
my poor endeavours; by the generous and unsolicited attentions, and by the
Confidential preferences which I have So often had the honour to experience
in their appointments, and I hope at least, never to tarnish the honour of the
American Flag.
It may be said that I have been unfortunate but it can not be made
appear that I have ever, even in the weakest Moment of my Life been capable
of a Base or a mean Action. Nature has kindly given me a Heart that is
heighly susceptible of the finer feelings and I have endeavoured to watch
over the happiness of my poor Relations Unseen. For that purpose I sent
several little remittances (Bills) from America in Trust to a very worthy friend
of mine Captain Plaince of Cork to be applied for their use without their
having the pain of knowing from whence : But to my great sorrow I find they
have all miscarried the letters that contained them some of them having
been Sunk, the rest taken on the passage. I brought no funds with me to
Europe and since my Arrival in it you know my hands have been Tied.
My Will, now in the hands of Mr Morris, will evince that I have not been
unmindful of the duties which I owe to Nature and, were it equally in my
250 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
power, I think Pope himself could not have taken more pleasure than I should
" to Rock the Cradle of declining Age "
In short, however chequered my fortune may have been I feel no Senti-
ment in my Breast that can ever make me wish to conceal any event of my
Life from persons of Candour and Ingenuity therefore you are at perfect
liberty to communicate my Story to whom you think proper, and particularly
to Doctor Bancroft. I am, and shall be always, ready to give every explana-
tion that you can require.
With respect to Lord Selkirks plate, it is my wish to restore it to the Lady
from whom it was taken. When I wrote to her I expected that the plate
had been of far more Value than it really is But since you agree to restore
the one half in the Name of the Continent and as I feel myself above the
Idea of receiving any Profit from such a Pillage I hope Lord Selkirk will
gratify me so far as to Suffer the Plate to be restored. I claim no merit in
this, nor has it been my intention to attract his notice either by my history
or otherwise, except only as far as he might have been concerned in my
Scheme of bringing about an exchange of Prisoners. If however his delicacy
will not suffer him to receive what he thinks an Obligation from me it will be
no difficult matter to point out to him, if he should be at a loss, how to dis-
charge that Obligation. How Lord Selkirk came to renew his corre-
spondence with Mr Alexander, and on that particular Subject too, appears
to me rather Surprising. While I was at Passy in the Summer, Mr Alexan-
der asked me several questions about the landing on St. Mary's Isle to gratify
him I shewed him a Copy of my letter to the Countess. He invited me to
dine with him and Said " he would keep the Copy among the Papers which
he most esteemed " I remember also that in the course of the day he com-
plained that Lord Selkirk had taken great offense at some freedom of Senti-
ment which had marked his letters, and that in consequence they had not
corresponded for a great while past. I remember too that he has frequently,
by appearing to disclose his own Plans in some Measure, endeavoured to fish
out Mine. Mrs Amiel has told me often that he is my Enemy. Yet why
he should be so I cannot imagine, as I never gave him Cause. But this
I know, that let them place round me as many Spies as they please as I
have no Confidants near me, and as I do not keep my intentions by me in
writing, they cannot betray my Councils and I may yet appear in a quarter
of the Globe which they little imagine.
The inclosed little correspondence between Mr Schweighauser and myself
on the Subject of the Plate I send to you to shew that he makes difficulties
where there are none. You will perhaps see fit to send him orders in conse-
quence, as I have not to this moment rec? payment of my claim to the Prizes
which have been in his hands.
Mr Williams did me the honour to shew me the first paragraph of your
letter on the Subject of your Appointment as sole American Ambassador at
1779] FROM J. P. JONES TO B. FRANKLIN 251
the Court of Versailles. I believe that appointment to have been unsolicited
on your part, and 1 am sure that you are above writing any thing that could
tend cither to magnify the merit of your own Services or to diminish that
of others. In the fullness of my heart I congratulate you on your well
merited appointment, and I trust you will believe me that I do now and ever
shall rejoice in every circumstance that tends to the honour or happiness of a
great and good Man, who has taught me as well as his Country to regard him
with a Veneration and Affection which proceeds directly from the Heart, and
that is due only to the best of Friends.
The outfit of the Poor Richard has engaged my whole attention since I
returned him. I received this day 33 Seamen from Brest, and Volunteers
for soldiers enlist with me daily to serve for three years or during the War.
I have found several and hope soon to have a full set of Brave and deserving
Men, for officers. their Names &c I will send up to you. I find myself
under the necessity of taking a journey to Bordeaux to give directions about
the Set of Cannon that are to be made there for the Poor Richard. I shall
set out after to morrow, and as I return immediately may I hope to be
favoured with a letter from you to meet me at Nantes on my way Back.
I hope nothing will prevent Doctor Bancroft from going to England on
the Exchange of Prisoners.
I am with greatful and real affection and respect
Honored and dear Sir,
Your very Obliged
very obedient
very humble Servant
JNO. P. JONES
[P. S.] The Master of a West India Ship from London had occasion to
ship sundry seamen at the Island where he landed one of whom in particu-
lar behaved himself very ill He was a principal in Embezzling the
Masters Liquor He got frequently Drunk He neglected and even refused
his duty with much insolence. He Stirred up the rest of the Crew to act in
the Same manner and was their avowed Ringleader.
As the Masters engagements were of such a Nature that his all depended
upon despatch, he gave his Crew very reasonable Encouragement. They
had plenty of good Provision and were in other respects well used. Not-
withstanding of which one forenoon when the Master came on Board that the
Crew had formed or were then forming a plot to desert the ship. As the
Master was walking aft the Ringleader rushed up from the Steerage and
stopped him with the grosest abuse that vulgarism could dictate because,
as he pretended, the Master had Sailed his ship fourteen Months without
paying wages. The fellow having some time before complained that he
wanted Cloaths, the Master now gave him Frocks and Trousers telling
him to go about his duty and to inform himself better for that what he had
252 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
said was not so. But mildness had no good effect, for while the Master was
distributing Cloathing to some of the rest who were also in want, the first
conveyed his things into the Boat and another of the Crew was following his
example, till observing that the Master had an Eye upon their proceedings
they Sneaked back into the ship. They remained quiet for a short space
But the Ringleader soon broke out again with Oaths and insisted on having
the Boat and quiting the Ship. This the Master Refused, but offered to
give up his agreement if a Man could be found to serve in his Room. The
disturber Swore with horrid imprications that he would take away the Boat
by force ! And for that purpose actually rushed over the Gangway, bidding
the Master the most contemptuous defiance ! Upon the Masters Stepping
up to prevent this the Man (having threw his strength) leapt into the Ship
and forced him into the Cabin, using at the time language and attitudes too
indecent to be mentioned, and charging him not to Shew his Nose upon
Deck again till the Boat was gone at his utmost Peril. The Master searched
the Cabin for a Stick, but not finding one, and his Sword, by chance being on
the Table, he took it up in hopes that the sight of it would intimidate the
Man into Submission. The Man had by this time descended the Gangway
within a step of the Boat, so that it would have been impossible to prevent
his Elopement had he persisted. But he now reentered the Ship breathing
Vengeance, and, totally regardless of the Sword, tho within its reach, turned
his back towards the Master, ran on the Main Deck, Armed himself with a
Bludgeon with which he returned to the quarter Deck and attacked the
Master. The Master was thunder Struck with Surprise, for he had con-
sidered the Man's ravings as the natural effect of disappointed Rage which
would soon subside of itself. But now his sole expedient was to prevent bad
consequences by returning again to the Cabin; and this he endeavoured to
do as fast as possible by retiring backwards in a posture of defence. But
alas ! what is human foresight. The after Hatchway was uncovered and lay
in a direct line between the Master's back and the Cabin door, but the
momentary duration of the attack did not admit of his recollecting that
circumstance before his heel came in contact with the Hatchway, which
obliged him to make a Sudden Stop. Unhappily at that instant the assail-
ants arm being high raised, he threw his Body forward to reach the Master's
head with the descending Blow The fatal and unavoidable consequence of
which was his rushing upon the Swords Point.
After this melancholy accident the Master went Publickly to a Justice of
the Peace and offered to Surrender as his Prisoner. The Justice who called
himself the Masters friend, persuaded him to withdraw and Said it was unnec-
essary to Surrender before the day of Trial. And the rest of the Masters
friends who were present forced him to mount his Horse. Two weeks before
this the Chief Mate had been for the first time in his Life advanced to that
Station and yet unworthy as his conduct had been in it he now openly Arro-
I 7 79] TO JOHN PAUL JONES 253
gated his unblushing pretentions to the Command, and to attain it associated
with the Crew. The Testimony of such a combination may easily be imagined,
conscious as they were of having embezzled the Masters property they were
not likely to dwell on any circumstance that manifested their own dastardly
and undutiful Conduct. And as the second Mate a young Gentleman of
worth lay Sick as well as all the inferior Officers and best disposed of the
Crew, in all human probability the Truth could not escape the grossest per-
versions. Besides the Nature of the Case Subjected it to the cognizance
of a Court Martial And there was no Admiral'ty Commission then in the
Government. For these obvious reasons the Masters friends constrained him
for a time to leave the Country.
N.B. The foregoing has been written in great haste to Save the Post.
964. TO JOHN PAUL JONES (D. s. w.)
Passy, March 14. 1779
DEAR SIR
I yesterday rec'd your favour of the 4 th inst. I did not
understand from M. Alexander that Lord Selkirk had any
particular Objection to receiving the Plate from you. It
was general, that tho' he might not refuse it if offer'd him by
a public Body, as the Congress, he cou'd not accept it from
any private Person whatever. I know nothing of M. Alex-
ander's having any Enmity to you, nor can I imagine any
Reason for it. But on the whole it seems to me not worth
your while to give yourself any farther Trouble about Lord
Selkirk. You have now the Disposal of what belongs to
the Congress ; and may give it with your own Share, if you
think fit, in little Encouragements to your men on particular
Occasions.
I thank you for your kind Congratulations on my particu-
lar Appointment. It will give me more Satisfaction if it
enables me to be more useful.
We cou'd not obtain a Passport for D r Bancroft. We were
254 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
told it was needless, as the Cartel Ship was actually sail'd
for Plymouth to take in the first 100 Americans to be brought
to Nantes or 1'Orient. Inclos'd is a Copy of a Letter from
the Board to M. Hartley. I wish they may be arriv'd and
that you may obtain such of them as you think proper. Pos-
sibly the Alliance which wants Hands may endeavour to
engage some. Mr. Adams goes over in her ; and I must not
interfere, but leave you to scramble for the Men. I think,
however, that if the Cartel comes to 1' Orient you will have the
best Chance.
I have look'd over the Copy of my Letter to you of Feb y 24,
not being able to imagine what Part of it could give you the
Idea that I hinted at an Affair I never knew. Not finding
anything in the Letter, I suppose it must have been the Post-
script of which I have no Copy, and which I know now that
you could not understand tho' I did not when I wrote it.
The story I alluded to is this : L'Abbe* Rochon had just been
telling me & Madame Chaumont that the old Gardiner &
his Wife had complained to the Curate, of your having at-
tack'd her in the Garden about 7 o'clock the evening before
your Departure, and attempted to ravish her relating all the
Circumstances, some of which are not fit for me to write.
The serious Part of it was y fc three of her Sons were deter-
min'd to kill you, if you had not gone off ; the Rest occasioned
some Laughing ; for the old Woman being one of the grossest,
coarsest, dirtiest & ugliest that we may find in a thousand,
Madame Chaumont said it gave a high Idea of the Strength
of Appetite & Courage of the Americans. A Day or two
after, I learnt y* it was the femme de Chambre of Mademoi-
selle Chaumont who had disguis'd herself in a Suit, I think,
of your Cloaths, to divert herself under that Masquerade,
1779] PASSPORT FOR RICHARD OLIVER 255
as is customary the last evening of Carnival : and that meet-
ing the old Woman in the Garden, she took it into her Head
to try her Chastity, which it seems was found Proof.
As to the unhappy Affair of which you give me an Ace 1 ,
there is no Doubt but the Facts being as you state 'em, the
Person must have been acquitted if he had been tried, it
being merely se dejendendo.
I wish you all imaginable Success in your present Under-
taking, being ever with sincere Esteem, etc.
[B. FRANKLIN.]
965. TO RICHARD OLIVER 1 (D. s. w.)
Passy, March 14, 1779.
DEAR SIR : It will always be a Pleasure to me to do what
may be agreeable to you, inclos'd is the Passport you desire.
I wish you & your Friends a prosperous Voyage ; being ever
with the sincerest Esteem, Dear Sir, etc.,
[B. FRANKLIN.]
966. PASSPORT FOR RICHARD OLIVER (D. s. w.)
To all Captains and Commanders of Vessels of War, Priva-
teers, and Letters of Marque Belonging to the United
States of America.
Gentlemen: I do hereby certify to you that I have
long & intimately known the Bearer, Rich d Oliver, Esq.;
1 Richard Oliver (1734 7-1784), member of Parliament for the city of
London (1770-1780). "His name appears for the last time in the 'Parlia-
mentary History* on 10 May 1776, when he seconded Sawbridge's resolution
256 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
Member of Parliament, & late Alderman of London, 1 & have
ever found him a sincere & hearty Friend to the Cause of
Liberty and of America; of which he has given many sub-
stantial Proofs on various Occasions. Therefore, if by the
Chance of War he should in his Voyage from England to
the West Indies happen to fall into your Hands, I recommend
him warmly, with the Friends that may accompany him, to
your best Civilities, requesting that you would afford your
generous Protection to their Persons, & favour them with
their Liberty when a suitable Opportunity shall offer. In
this I am sure your Conduct will be approved by the Congress
and your Employers, and you will much oblige (if that be
any Motive), Gentlemen,
Your most obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
At Passy, near Paris, this I4th day of March, 1779.
967. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS (D. s. w.)
Passy, March 16, 1779.
DEAR JONATHAN, Agreeable to your Desire, I have re-
quested the American Gentlemen residing at Nantes to ex-
amine your Accounts. I have added Mr. Schweighauser, he
having been appointed by my former Colleagues to manage
our Affairs there, and may be supposed interested particularly
that the American colonies should ' be continued upon the same footing of
giving and granting their money as his Majesty's subjects in Ireland are, by
their own representatives ' " (G. F. Russell Barker in " Dictionary of National
Biography"). ED.
1 He resigned his gown at a court of aldermen held at Guildhall, Novem-
ber 25, 1778. ED.
1779] TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS 257
to do Justice to the Congress. And the others, I imagine, can
have no Interest in favouring you, as perhaps you may stand
in their Way respecting Business. Inclos'd you have Copies
of my Letter to the Gentlemen, and of another on the same
Business to Mr. Lee. If I had known of his going to Nantes
I should have desired him to state his Objections to the Acc u
there, but I did not hear of his being there till a Day or two
before his return. I have yet no Answer from him.
I show'd your Letter of Feb y 20 relating to Mr. Simeon
Deane's 1 Goods, to Mr. Adams, who thought the Proposition
reasonable. I send by this Opportunity an Order to Mr.
Schweighauser to deliver to you the Case which remains;
and if you will send me the original Invoice and the form of
the Bills you propose, I shall sign and return them, if
no Objection arises on signing them that does not at Present
occur to me.
I suppose you settled the Affair yourself with Mercier's
Agent, as he took the Papers from me saying that he was
going to Nantes. This was before I received yours of Feb 7 23
relating to that Business.
I received the Bond for Collas' 2 Commission.
The following Bills, drawn before the i2th of December
in favour of William Dennie, were presented and accepted
on the 19 of Febru y last, viz. : Dollars 600, 12, 600, 30, 120,
12, 120, in all 1494 Dollars. These may possibly be a
Part of those you mention. I shall order Payment to be
stopt till I have examined the Indorsements, tho* I am not
sure that I can well refuse Payment after having accepted
them. We shall strictly examine such Drafts in favour of
1 Brother of Silas and Barnabas Deane. ED.
9 Son-in-law of Mrs. Jane Mccom. See letter to Mrs. Collas, 1789. ED.
VOL. VII S
258 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
Dennie as may appear hereafter, till you let us know
farther.
I return Dr. Cooper's Letter, with Thanks to you for com-
municating it. I am much obliged to that good Man for
his kind expressions of Regard to me.
The Tobacco which came in the Bergkre, and all the
Tobacco which comes to us from America, is to be delivered
directly out of the Ships to the Agents of the Farmers-Gen-
eral, in the Ports where it arrives. I had sent Orders accord-
ingly before the Receipt of your Notice of her Arrival.
I am ashamed of the Orders of my Countrymen for so
much Tea, when necessaries are wanting for Cloathing and
defending !
I have been long ill and unfit to write or think of writing,
which occasioned my omitting to answer before your several
Letters since the 16 of February. I omitted, also, answering
a kind Letter from Mr. Ridley, 1 who, I suppose, is now gone.
If not, present my respects to him and best Wishes of a
prosperous Voyage and happy Sight of his Friends. I am
getting better and hope our Correspondence will now be
more regular.
I am ever your affectionate Uncle,
B. FRANKLIN.
968. TO JOSHUA JOHNSON 2 (D. s. w.)
Passy, March 17, 1779.
SIR, I received the Honor of yours of the 6th inst. I
took the first Opportunity of speaking to M. D'Arlincourt,
1 Matthew Ridley, Maryland agent in Europe. ED.
3 A merchant of Nantes and London ; native of Maryland. He was the
1779] T0 JOSHUA JOHNSON 1 259
fils, 1 one of the Farmers-general in whose Department you
reside, on the subject of your Furniture, who told me very
politely, that, as it was a Matter in which I interested my-
self, he would order the Duties, if they had been received,
to be returned. By our Treaty we are only entitled to such
Advantage respecting Duties as is enjoyed by the most
favor'd Nations. I have not yet been able to obtain a
certain Knowledge of the Duties paid by other Nations in
France, and I am told it is not easy to obtain, as they are
very different in the different Provinces, and there is not,
as in England a printed Book of them. So, not being
enough informed at Present to claim your Exemption as a
Right, I was obliged to accept it as a Favor. But these
Sorts of Favors I shall find a Difficulty in asking hereafter,
for, the States being under great Obligations to the Farmers-
general, who lent us Money in our Distress, and having
often Occasion to ask Aids from this Government, one can
hardly, with any Grace, demand at the same Time in Favour
of Particulars an Exemption from paying their Share of the
Duties whence only the Ability of affording such Aids can
arise.
I have ordered the Alliance to be got ready as soon as
possible. The Execution depends on Mr. Schweighauser
and the Captain. I thank you for your Information relating
to the Bergtre. Orders had before been given relating to
her Cargo.
first consul of the United States at London, 1785-1799. His daughter Louisa
Catherine became the wife of John Quincy Adams. ED.
1 He came of an ancient and distinguished family, and was guillotined
during the Terror. He was the father of the poet, Ch. Victor Prevot, Vicomte
D'Arlincourt. ED.
260 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
With great Esteem, I have the Honour to be, sir, your
most obedient and most humble Servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. If you can by any Means obtain an Ace* of the
Duties to be paid by different Nations in your Port, I shall
be obliged to you for it, and will pay any Expence necessary
for Copying, etc.
969. TO M. MONTAUDOUIN (D. s. w.)
Passy, March 17, 1779.
DEAR SIR :
I received your Favour of the 4th inst. by M. David l
with much Pleasure; as it informed me of the welfare of
Friends I love, and who are indeed beloved by everyBody.
I thank you for your kind Congratulations, 2 and for the
Prayer 3 you use in my Behalf. Tho' the Form is heathen,
there is good Christian Spirit in it, and I feel myself very
well disposed to be content with this World, which I have
found hitherto a tolerable good one, & to wait for Heaven
(which will not be the worse for keeping) as long as God
pleases. In short I should have no Objection to living with
you & M me Montaudoin in France another Century. I don't
complain much, even of the Gout, which has harassed me
ever since the Arrival of the Commission you so politely
mention: There seems, however, some Incongruity in a
Plenipotentiary who can neither stand nor go.
1 David de Morlaix, a Fanner General. ED.
a Upon his appointment as Plenipotentiary. ED.
* Montaudouin had written " Je recite pour vous tres devotement la priere
d' Horace pour Auguste : Serus in caelum rcdeas, diuque Laetus intersis
[populo Quirini].' " ED.
1779] TO WILLIAM McCREERY 261
With the Sincerest Esteem, Respect & Affection, I am,
etc., B. FRANKLIN.
970. TO WILLIAM McCREERY 1 (p. H. s.)
Passy Mar. 18, 1779
SIR,
I received your favours of Feb. 27 and March 6. Con-
tinued Illness, with want of Information on the Subject,
have occasioned the Delay in answering them.
I have endeavoured to learn what the Duties are that are
payable by ike most javour'd Nations on the Exportation
of Salt from France: I am at length told that the Duties
are very low; that they consist chiefly in what is paid for
the Forms or Papers necessary in transacting Business
regularly; and that they are equal in all Foreign Nations,
and paid equally by all. If so we also must pay them.
But you seem to think we have a Right to load Salt at Bor-
deaux free of Duty: Perhaps you have heard that there is
some favoured Nation which is allow'd that Right. Be so
good as to enquire and obtain a certainty of this, and an
Account what the Duties are, and of the different Duties
paid by different Nations, if there is any difference. When
I am well acquainted with the Facts, I shall know whether
I can by any Application to the Ministry be of Service to
you, and I shall exert myself with a great deal of Pleasure
in ascertaining your Rights: But if our Shipping of Salt
free of Duties be not a Right, and must be asked as a favour
for particular Persons, which I apprehend you mean with
1 A merchant of Bordeaux. W. T. F. secured passage for him to America
June 4, 1781. ED.
262 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
regard to the Lading of the Buckskin, I find a Difficulty in
doing this : For as we are obliged to be frequently requesting
Aids of Money from the Government for our Public Uses,
one cannot at the same time with any good Grace, desire,
for private Persons, an Exemption in the Payment from those
general Duties from whence only the Ability of granting
such Aids must arise. I thank you for the offer of convey-
ing Dispatches in that Vessel, which I may possibly make
Use of.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient
humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN
971. TO CHARLES W. F. DUMAS (D. s. w.)
Passy, March 18, 1779
DEAR SIR: I received duly yours of the 3 inst. My
Indisposition seems to be wearing off, and I hope will permit
me to go abroad in a few Days.
M. Neufville's * first Propositions were so much out of
the Way that I could not accept them. He required a fifth
Part of the Loan to be sent over to him annually during the
first 5 years in the Produce of America for Sale, & the Money
to remain in his Hands as a Fund for paying off the Debt
in the last 5 years. By this Means he would have had the
Use of our Money while we were paying Interest for it. He
dropt this Demand on my objecting to it, and undertook to
procure a Subscription on reasonable Terms. I wish him
1 Jean de Neufville & Sons, merchants of Amsterdam. ED.
1779] TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS 263
success; but as the English give at Present higher Interest
than I am permitted to offer, I have little Dependance on
that Subscription. Let me know what you hear of it from
time to time.
Mr. Adams is gone to Nantes to take his Passage for
America in one of our Frigates. Mr. A. Lee has retired
from Chaillot to Paris ; And his Brother is come on a Visit
from Frankfort. He talks of a Congress to be held in Ger-
many, & seems to want me to advise his Attendance there
incogn. I know nothing of it, or of any Use he can be of
there, & therefore, can give no Advice about it. He talks
of 20,000 Men at Liberty by the German Peace to be hired
by the English against us, and would be employed in pre-
venting it What do you think or learn of these Circum-
stances ?
The present Situation of Affairs in your Country is inter-
esting. Unacquainted as I am with your Parties & Interests,
I find it difficult to perceive how they will terminate.
I am, Dear Sir, etc.
[B. F.]
972. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS (D. s. w.)
Passy, March 19, 1779.
DEAR NEPHEW : In your receipts for M. Monthieu's l
Copper there is mention made of Copper Ore. Explain this
to me. For as we bought no Copper Ore of him, and as it
is not so valuable a. Copper, it ought not to be given us
instead of Copper.
1 John Joseph Monthieu, a Paris merchant. ED.
264 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
Mr. Lee has yet sent me no Answer to mine relating to
your Accounts. Let me know whether the Reference is
accepted by the Referees, and whether it goes on. I send you
three Original Papers that may be of use to you, as they
shew Mr. Lee's great Skill in Accounts, and Ability in object-
ing them. The first is a Proposition M. Monthieu made
to obtain a Contract. The second is the Contract actually
made differing from the Proposition. The third is Mr.
Lee's Report, wherein he took M. Monthieu's Proposition
of a Contract to be an Account of Charge for the Execution
of it; and comparing it with the Contract, he charges all
the Differences he finds as so many Errors in M. Monthieu's
Account. For Instance, M. Monthieu proposed to make
10,000 Suits; we agreed with him only for 6,000. Here
Mr. Lee finds an overcharge of 4,000 Suits. M. Monthieu
proposed that we should give him 38 Livres per Suit; we
agreed for 37. Here Mr. Lee finds an Over-charge of
10,000 Livres, and so of the Rest; when in fact M. Mon-
thieu, in his real Account, had charged exactly according to
the Agreement. You must take good Care of these Papers,
say nothing how you came by them, and return them to me
safely.
I send you enclosed the Proposals of a Tin-Plate Manu-
facturer, which may some time or other be of use to you.
I shall dispose of your Letter to Mr. Lee as you desire.
I would advise your avoiding the Publication you mention.
Explain to me what is meant in your Postcript by the
Zeal of the lest of them, etc.
I send an Order this Day to suspend the Action against
M. Peltier. 1 But surely he acted very irregularly to sell a
1 Peltier du Doyer, a merchant of Nantes. ED.
1779] TO DANIEL-MARC-ANTOINE CHARDON 265
Cargo consigned to us, without our Order, and give the
Produce to another. We ourselves never had any Dealings
with M. Beaumarchais, and he has never produced any
Account to us, but says the States owe him a great deal of
Money. Upon his Word only we gave him up the Cargo of
the Amphitrite; he promised then to give us an Account, but
has never done it ; and now, by means of M. Peltier, he has
seized another Cargo. I imagine there is now no doubt but
M. Peltier would be obliged to pay us the Money if the Action
were continued. And Methinks every Man who makes a
Demand ought to deliver an Account. For my own part,
I imagine our Country has been really much obliged toM.
Beaumarchais ; and it is probable that Mr. Deane concerted
with him several large Operations for which he is not yet
paid. They were before my Arrival, and therefore I was
not privy to them. Had I been alone when the Action was
commenced, perhaps I should have thought of some milder
Proceeding, making Allowance for M. B's not being bred a
Merchant. But I think you cannot well justify M. Peltier.
I am ever your affectionate uncle.
B. FRANKLIN.
973. TO DANIEI^MARC-ANTOINE CHARDON 1
(D. s. w.)
Passy, ce 19. Mars 1779.
MONSIEUR,
J'ai lu avec Admiration votre requisitoire sur le Proces du
Capitaine M c Neil. Heureux sont les Rois qui ont des Magis-
trats aussi scavants et aussi habiles que vous, Monsieur,
1 M. Chardon (1730-1795) was appointed maitre des requites (1764) and
procureur general pres du conseil des prises. ED.
266 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
pour e*clairer leur justice. J'en sens tout le Bonheur pour
la Nation Ame*ricaine que j'ai 1'honneur de representer en
cette Cour: elle scaura Monsieur qu'elle y est traitte*e en
Frere, et que vous 1'y deffendez en Ami. Agre*ez 1'honneur
de ma Reconnaissance et les Sentiments distingue's avec les
quels j'ai L'honneur d'etre
Monsieur,
Votre tres humble et tres obe*issant
Serviteur B. F.
974. TO MADAM CONWAY 1 (D. s. w.)
Passy March 25, 1779
I FIND, ma chere fille, that you and I have been very un-
lucky in our Endeavours to oblige M r Mullens: for on the
Contrary we have grievously offended him. I understood
he had been taken Prisoner and stript by the English, and
had not wherewith to pay the Expence of his Journey to his
Regiment. I sent him an Order on my Banker for ten
Guineas. He returns me the Order, and to make it & me &
the Congress look ridiculous, he tells me I sent it him as a
"Gratification "for his Services "in the Name of the Hon ble
Congress." I had no such Idea. I had declared that I had
no Authority to make Gratifications to Officers, nor any
Money put into my Hands for such Purposes ; and he could
not but see that the real Intention of the Order was expressed
1 Wife of Thomas, Count de Conway, a soldier of Irish birth, and who had
served in the French army. On the recommendation of Silas Deane he
offered his services to Congress. He was made a brigadier-general, May 13,
1777. He led the "Conway cabal," to deprive Washington of military com-
mand. ED.
I 7 79] TO DAVID HARTLEY 267
in the face of it; whereby his Claim, if he has any, to a
Gratification, is left open. If his Intention was to obtain
it from me, he was mistaken in the Application : He shou'd
have apply'd to the Congress. They might know him &
his Services. But I was totally unacquainted with both. I
had only heard, as you may remember I told you that he
spoke his Sentiments very freely in Paris against the Congress
and America, which however did not prevent my offering
him the little Aid I thought he stood in need of. I am glad
he has no Occasion for it.
I join heartily in your Joy on the Return of your Husband ;
as I was a Witness to your perpetual Anxiety for his Welfare
during his Absence. I wish your Happiness together may
not again be interrupted, but continue during your Lives,
being ever
Your affectionate Father
(as you do me the Honor to call me)
[B. F.]
975. TO DAVID HARTLEY (D. s. w.)
Passy, March 21, 1779.
DEAR SIR,
I received duly yours of the 2d Inst. I am sorry you
have had so much Trouble in the Affair of the Prisoners.
You have been deceived as well as we. No Cartel Ship has
yet appear'd. And it is now evident that the Delays have
been of Design, to give more Opportunity of seducing the
Men by Promises and Hardships to seek their Liberty in
engaging against their Country: For we learn from those
who have escaped, that there are Persons continually
268 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
employed in cajoling and menacing them, representing to
them that we neglect them, that your Government is willing
to exchange them; and that it is our Fault it is not done:
That all the News from America is bad on their side; we
shall be conquered and they will be hang'd, if they do not
accept the gracious offer of being Pardon'd, on Condition
of serving the King, &c. A great part of your Prisoners
have been kept these Six Months on board a Ship in Brest
road, ready to be delivered; where I am afraid they were
not so comfortably accommodated, as they might have been
in the French Prisons. They are now ordered on shore.
Dr. Bancroft has received your Letter here. He did not
go to Calais. 1
Knowing how earnestly and constantly you wish for
Peace, I cannot end a Letter to you without dropping a
Word on that Subject, to mark that my Wishes are still in
Unison with yours. After the Barbarities your Nation has
exercis'd against us, I am almost ashamed to own, that I
feel sometimes for her Misfortunes and her Insanities.
Your Veins are open, and your best Blood continually run-
ning. You have now got a little Army into Georgia, and are
triumphing in that Success. Do you expect ever to see
that Army again? I know not what Gen 1 Lincoln or Gen 1
Thomson may be able to effect against them, but, if they
stay thro' the Summer in that Climate, there is a certain
Gen 1 Fever, that I apprehend will give a good Ace* of most
of them. Perhaps you comfort yourselves that our Loss of
1 It had been intended, that Dr. Bancroft should proceed to England, with
a power from Dr. Franklin to negotiate an exchange of prisoners; but some
difficulty having arisen, of which Mr. Hartley's letter contained an intimation,
that journey did not take place. W. T. F.
1779] TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE 269
Blood is as great as yours. But, as Physicians say, there
is a great Difference in the Facility of repairing that Loss
between an old Body and a Young one. America adds to
her Numbers annually 150,000 Souls. She, therefore grows
faster than you can diminish her and will outgrow all the
Mischief you can do her. Have you the same Prospects?
But it is unnecessary for me to represent to you, or you to
me, the Mischiefs each Nation is subjected to by this War;
we all see clear enough the Nonsense of continuing it; the
Difficulty is where to find Sense enough to put an End to
it. Adieu, my Dear Friend, and believe me ever Yours
most affectionately
B. FRANKLIN.
976. TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE (A. P. s.)
(L.C.)
Passy, March 22, 1779.
DEAR SIR : I admire much the activity of your Genius
and the strong Desire you have of being continually employed
against our Common Enemy.
It is certain that the Coasts of England and Scotland are
extreamly open and Defenceless; there are also many rich
Towns near the Sea, which 4 or 5,000 Men, landing unex-
pectedly, might easily surprize and destroy, or exact from
them a heavy Contribution, taking a part in ready Money
and Hostages for the rest. I should suppose, for Example,
that two Millions Sterling, or 48 Millions of Livres might
be demanded of Bristol for the Town and Shipping ; Twelve
Million of Livres from Bath; Forty-eight Millions from
Liverpool; Six Millions from Lancaster; and twelve
270 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
Millions from Whitehaven. On the East Side there are the
Towns of New- Castle, Scarborough, Lynn, and Yarmouth,
from which very considerable sums might be exacted. And
if among the Troops there were a few Horsemen to make
sudden incursions at some little Distance from the Coast,
it would spread Terror to much greater Distances, and the
whole would occasion Movements and Marches of Troops
that must put the Enemy to a prodigious Expence and
harass them exceedingly. Their Militia will probably soon
be drawn from the different Counties to one or two Places
of Encampment, so that little or no Opposition can be made
to such a Force as this above mentioned in the Places where
they may land. But the Practicability of such an Operation,
and the Means of facilitating and executing it, military People
can best judge of. I have not enough of Knowledge in such
Matters to presume upon Advising it, and I am so trouble-
some to the Ministers on other Accounts, that I could hardly
venture to sollicit it if I were ever so confident of its Success.
Much will depend on a prudent and brave Sea Commander,
who knows the Coasts, and on a Leader of the Troops who
has the affair at Heart, who is naturally active and quick
in his Enterprizes, of a Disposition proper to conciliate the
Good-will and Affection of both the Corps, and by that
Means to prevent or obviate such Misunderstandings as
are apt to arise between them, and which are often per-
nicious to joint Expeditions.
On the whole it may be encouraging to reflect on the many
Instances of History which prove that in War, Attempts
thought to be impossible, do often, for that very Reason
become possible and practicable because nobody expects
them and no Precautions are taken to guard against them.
1779] TO ARTHUR LEE 271
And those are the kind of Undertakings of which the Success
affords the most glory to the Ministers who plan and to the
Officers who execute them.
With the sincerest Esteem and affection, I have the honor
to be, sir, etc.,
B. F[RANKLIN].
977. TO ARTHUR LEE (D. s. w.)
Passy, March 27, 1779
SIR, I have not hitherto undertaken to justify Mr.
Williams' Accounts, nor to Censure your Conduct in not
passing them. To prevent any suspicion of Partiality
towards him as my Nephew, I avoided having anything to
do with the examination of them; but left it entirely to you
and Mr. Adams. After that Examination Mr. Adams
drew up and sent me in for signing the order you mention :
I considered the Expressions in it as only serving to show
that the Accounts were not finally settled ; and I considered
Mr. Adams* drawing up and Sending me the Order as a
Proof that, in his Judgment, who had with you examined
the accounts, the Bills drawn on M. Grand ought to be paid.
I therefore sign'd it. I was not, as you suppose, " con-
vine* d that the accounts as they stood could not be passed; "
for, having never examined them, I could form no such
Opinion of them. It was not till lately that, being press'd
by M. Monthieu for a Settlement of his Accounts and finding
that they had a reference to Mr. Williams, I got those from
Mr. Adams. They were put up in a paper Case which
covered the note you had made upon them, and that Case
was fastened with Wax. This prevented the Notes being
272 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
before seen either by MySelf or Mr. Adams, among whose
Papers you had left those Accounts. He was as much sur-
prized at seeing it as I was, and as much dissatisfied with
another you had made in the body of the Accounts, which
taken with the first, imports that, notwithstanding it appeared
from Mr. Williams's own Ace that he has now and has
long had in his hands upwards of an hundred thousand
livres belonging to the Public, that have not been applyed
to the public Use, "B. Franklin and John Adams, Esqrs.,
had given an Order on the Public Banquer for the pay-
ment of all Mr. Williams' Demands."
This being a severe Reflection upon us both, might be
suspected, if I were disposed to be suspicious, as one Reason
why it was shown to neither of us, but left conceal'd among
the Papers to appear hereafter as a charge, not controverted
at the Time, whereby a future accusation might be confirmed.
Mr. Adams spoke in strong Terms of your having no right
to enter Notes upon Papers without our Consent or Knowl-
edge, and talk'd of making a counter Entry, in which he
would have shown that your assertion of our having "given
an Order for the Payment of all Mr. Williams' Demands "
was not conformable to truth nor to the express Terms of
the Order, but his attention being taken up with what related
to his departure, was probably the cause of his omitting to
make that Entry. On the whole, I judg'd it now encumbent
on me, for my own sake and Mr. Adams', as well as for the
Public Interest, to have those accounts fully examined, as
soon as possible, by skilful and impartial persons, of which
I inform'd you in mine of the i3th Instant, requesting you
to aid the Enquiry by stating your Objections, that they
might be considered by those judges, which I am sorry you
1779]
TO ARTHUR LEE
273
do not think fit to comply with. I have no desire to screen
Mr. Williams on ace 1 of his being my Nephew ; if he is guilty
of what you charge him with, I care not how soon he is
deservedly punish'd and the family purg'd of him; for I
take it that a Rogue living in [a] Family is a greater Dis-
grace to it than one hang'd out of it. If he is innocent,
Justice requires that his Character should be speedily cleared
from the heavy Charge with which it has been loaded.
I have the honour to be, etc.
B. FRANKLIN.
978. TO ARTHUR LEE (D. s. w.)
Passy, March 27, 1779
SIR : The offer you make of sending me Copies, sealed
and authenticated, of all the Papers in your Hands is very
satisfactory; and as you say they are but few I suppose it
may soon be done. 1 I imagined, when I desired you to send
me the Originals, that they were a great many, and at present
of no Importance to you, and therefore not worth copying.
I assure you I had not the least intention of depriving you
of anything you might think necessary for your Vindication.
The suspicion is groundless and injurious. In a former
Letter I offered you authenticated Copies of any remaining
in my hands that you should judge might be of such Use to
you; and I now offer you the originals if you had rather
have them, and will content myself with keeping Copies.
1 Franklin wrote to A. Lee, February 18, 1779, " Sir, I beg you will be
pleased to send me by the bearer all the public papers in your hands belong-
ing to this department." ED.
VOL. VII T
274 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
Mr. Adams did not as you insinuate exact any Promise
of me to arrange and keep in order the Papers he sent me.
He knew such a Promise unnecessary, for that I had always
kept in order and by themselves the public Papers that were
in my hands, without having them so confounded among a
multitude of other Papers "that they could not be found
when called for."
I have the honour to be with great respect, sir, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
979. TO STEPHEN SAYRE ' (D. s. w.)
Passy, March 31, 1779.
SIR, I have just received your Favour of the loth inst.
from Copenhagen. The Account you give of the Disposition
of the Swedish Court is very agreeable. I saw in the News-
Papers that a Deputy of Congress was at Stockholm; did
you obtain the Audiences you mention by assuming that
Character? The Informations you did not chuse to venture
by the Post from Copenhagen may be safely sent from
Amsterdam.
I am not, as you have heard, the sole Representative of
America in Europe. The commission of Mr. A. Lee, Mr.
Wm. Lee, and Mr. Izard, to different Courts still subsist.
I am only sole with Regard to France. Nor have I Power
to give you any Employ worth your Accepting.
1 Stephen Sayre was born on Long Island, N. Y., in 1734. Episodes
of his adventurous career frequently appear in the correspondence of Frank-
lin. He became a successful merchant and banker in London. He was
chosen sheriff in 1774. Upon a charge of high treason he was committed
to the Tower. He visited Berlin and Amsterdam, and at every opportunity
eagerly solicited some salaried appointment at the hands of Franklin. ED.
1779] TO WILLIAM LEE 275
Much has been said by the English about Divisions in
America. No Division of any Consequence has arisen
there. Petty Disputes between particular Persons about
private Interests there are always in every Country: But
with Regard to the great Point of Independence there is no
Difference of Sentiment in the Congress, and as the Con-
gress are the annual Choice of the People, it is easy to judge
of their Sentiments by those of their Representatives.
The taking of Savannah makes a Noise in England and
helps to keep up their Spirits: But I apprehend, before
the Summer is over, they will find the Possession of that
Capital of Georgia of as little Consequence as their former
Possessions of Boston & Philadelphia; and that the Dis-
tempers of that unwholesome Part of the Country will very
much weaken, if not ruin, that Army.
The principal Difficulty at Present in America consists
in the Depreciation of their Currency, owing to the over-
quantities issued and the diminished demand for it in Com-
merce. But as the Congress has taken Measures for sinking
it, expeditiously, and the several Governments are taxing
vigorously for that Purpose, there is a Prospect of its recover-
ing a proper Value. In the meantime, though an evil to
particulars, there is some Advantage to the Publick in the
Depreciation, as large nominal Values are more easily paid
in Taxes, & the debt by that Means more easily extinguished.
I have the Honour to be, B. FRANKLIN
276 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
980. TO WILLIAM LEE (D. s. w.)
Passy, April 2, 1779.
SIR, Before I apply for the Arms you desire, I wish
to be informed whether your Brother did not apply for them
at the same time he apply'd for the Cannon he obtained, or
since, in Consequence of the Letter you mention to have
sent us in January last, and whether they were refused or
promised.
Since I had the Honour of seeing you I have received an
Application from the Government of Maryland for a similar
quantity of Arms and military Stores, which I am requested
to obtain in the same Manner, and these with the Orders of
Congress, will make so vast a quantity, that I apprehend
greater difficulties in obtaining them. I should be glad,
therefore, if a Part could be obtained elsewhere, that the
quantity now to be apply'd for might be diminished. On
this Occasion permit me to mention that the D'Acostas
have presented a Memorial to me setting forth that they
have provided Arms, etc., to a great Amount, in Conse-
quence of a Contract made with you through your Brother,
and that for no other Reason but because they were not
furnished at the time agreed, there having been a Delay of
a Month, which they say was not their Fault, but inevitable,
he had refused to take them. Upon this they desire that I
wou'd procure Justice to be done them, or that I would
approve of their sending the Goods and endeavour to
have the Contract comply'd with on the Part of Virginia. 1
1 The acrid correspondence of D'Acosta Brothers with Arthur Lee, dated
December 12, 1778,15 in A. P. S. (Franklin Papers, Vol. XII, No. 185). ED.
1779] TO JOHN ADAMS 277
I declined having any thing to do with the Affair, but I wish
you to consider whether it would not be prudent to accom-
modate this little difference with those People, and take
the Advantage of sending those Arms, which have been
prov'd good, and I suppose still lie at Nantes ready to be
shipt immediately, rather than wait the success of a doubtful
Application.
I have the Honour to be, sir, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
981. TO JOHN ADAMS (M. H. s.)
Passy, April 3, 1779
SIR, I received the Letter you did me the Honour to write
me of the 24th past. I am glad you have been at Brest, as
your Presence there has contributed to expedite the Opera-
tions of Capt. Landais in refitting his Ship. I think with
you that more has been made of the Conspiracy than was
necessary; but that it would have been well if some of the
most guilty could have received a proper Punishment. As
that was impracticable under our present naval Code, I hope
you will, on your Return, obtain an Amendment of it. I
approve of cloathing the Midshipmen & petty Officers
agreable to their Request to you, and hope you have ordered
it, without waiting to hear from me ; and I now desire that
whatever else you may judge for the Good of the Service,
our Funds & Circumstances considered, you would in my
behalf give directions for, as the great Distance makes it
inconvenient to send to me on every Occasion; and I can
confide in your Prudence that you will allow no Expence
that is unnecessary.
278 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
My Gout continues to disable me from Walking longer
than formerly: But on Tuesday the 23d past I thought
myself able to go thro' the Ceremony, and accordingly
went to Court, had my Audience of he King in the new
Character, presented my Letter of Credence, and was re-
ceived very graciously. After which I went the Rounds
with the other Foreign Ministers, in visiting all the royal
family. The Fatigue, however, was a little too much for
my Feet, and disabled me for near another Week. Upon
the whole I can assure you that I do not think the Good-
Will of this Court to the good Cause of America is at all
diminished by the late little Reverses in the fortune of War;
& I hope Spain, who has now forty-nine Ships of the Line
and 31 Frigates ready for Service, will soon by declaring,
turn the Scale. Remember me affectionately to Master
Johnny, 1 and believe me, with great Esteem, Sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant
B. FRANKLIN.
982. TO ARTHUR LEE 2 (p. c.)
Pafsy, April 3. 1779.
SIR
As I had no Knowledge of the Gentleman, & he said he
had lived in Virginia, I referr'd him to you, imagining you
might know something of his Character, and whether it
would be proper to give him the Pafs he defires. If upon
conversing with him you apprehend it may be safely done,
1 John Quincy Adams. ED.
2 From the original in the possession of Mr. William F. Havemeyer.
ED.
1779] TO JOSHUA JOHNSON 279
I would do it on your Recommendation: But as the ufe
of it is to be in America and not here, I imagine it would
be as well for you to give it as me. I have the honour to be
with great Respect,
Sir,
Your most obedient
& most humble Servant.
B. FRANKLIN.
983. TO JOSHUA JOHNSON (D. s. w.)
Passy, April 8, 1779
SIR, Mr. Wm. Lee has lately been here from Frankfort:
he has desired me to make such an Application in Behalf of
the State of Virginia as you request in Behalf of Maryland.
M D'Acosta & Co. had complained to me that they had
provided what Mr. Lee wanted, in Pursuance of a Contract
made with Mr. A. Lee, who had refused to take the Goods
off his Hands. I proposed to Mr. Wm. Lee to accommo-
date this little Difference, and take those Goods now lying
ready at Nantes to be shipt, rather than wait the Event of
an uncertain application to Government. He absolutely
refuses, and says you may take them for Maryland, if you
please. Pray let me know, as soon as may be, whether it
will not suit you to agree for them with these Gentlemen.
I have the Honour to be, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
280 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
984. TO JOHN ADAMS (M. H. s.)
Passy April 8. 1779
SIR,
I did myself the honour of writing to you a few Days
since. Last night I received yours of the 31* past. I am
glad to hear the ship is so far in order. As to the DisCon-
tents you find among the Officers and People, it is impossible
for me at this Distance to judge of them, or of the means of
removing them. I must therefore, as in my last, refer to
your Judgment whatever you may think for the good of the
service, considering our Circumstances and Funds, and I
desire you would give orders accordingly. If the officers
are dissatisfied with the Person who is here now, I fancy,
but do not speak from knowledge, that he is not sollicitous
about continuing in his Place ; and would have no objection
to being permitted to play as long as he pleases in Paris.
I cannot at all interfere with regard to the disposition of the
Exchanged Prisoners, by ordering them to go on board one
Ship or another. They are Free men as soon as they land
in France, and may inlist with which Captain they please.
I shall by this Post give the orders you desire to M"
Schweighauser and Capt. Landais, relating to your Passage
and Sea Stores ; tho' I did not think them necessary.
I have the honour to be,
Sir, Your most obed and
most humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
I779J
TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS
281
985. TO CAPTAIN PETER LANDAIS (M. H. s.)
SIR
Passy April 8, 1779
Understanding that you expect an explicit order from me,
this is to require you to receive on Board your ship the Alli-
ance, the Honourable John Adams Esq. with his son and
servant, and give them a passage therein to America.
I have the honour to be,
Sir
Your most obedient
humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
986. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS (D. s. w.)
Passy, April 8, 1779
DEAR JONATHAN : Too much Business, too much In-
terruption by friendly Visits, and a little remaining Indis-
position, have occasioned the Delay in answering your late
Letters.
You desire a Line "relative to the Complexion of Affairs."
If you mean our Affair [sic] at this Court, they wear as good
a Complexion as ever they did.
I do not know what to advise concerning M. Monthieu's
Proposition. Follow your own Judgment. If you doubt,
set down all the Reasons, pro and con, in opposite Columns
on a Sheet of Paper, and when you have considered them
two or three Days, perform an Operation similar to that in
282 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
some questions of Algebra; observe what Reasons or Mo-
tives in each Column are equal in weight, one to one, one to
two, two to three, or the like, and when you have struck
out from both Sides all the Equalities, you will see in which
column remains the Ballance. It is for want of having all
the Motives for and against an important Action present in
or before the mind at the same time, that People hesitate
and change their Determinations backwards and forwards
Day after Day, as different Sets of Reasons are recollected
or forgot, and if they conclude and act upon the last set, it
is perhaps not because those were the best, but because
they happen to be present in the Mind, and the better ab-
sent. This kind of Moral Algebra I have often practised
in important and dubious Concerns, and tho' it cannot be
mathematically exact, I have found it extreamly useful.
By the way, if you do not learn it, I apprehend you will
never be married.
There is in one Ace* of the Copper an Article des
mines de St. Bell, 63,400. I suppose it was the word mines,
not Rosette, that was translated ore.
Let me know, if you can, what Answer the Gentleman
receives from London, on his Enquiries concerning a sup-
posed Letter.
I send you herewith the Paper you desire respecting the
Settlement of your Accounts. I send, also, an attested
Copy of Mr. Lee's Reasons for not passing them. In
answer to my letter requesting him to furnish the Gentle-
men who are to examine them with such further Objections
as he may have against them, he writes me that "I must
excuse him, now that it is no longer his indispensible Duty,
from concerning himself with a Business which is in much
1779] TO AMERICAN MERCHANTS AT NANTES 283
abler hands. If Congress' 1 he adds, " should call upon
me for farther Reasons than those that I have already given,
it will then be my Duty to act, and I will obey." I cannot
conceive his Reason for not giving his farther Reasons,
(if he has any,) on the present Occasion, when they would
be so proper: But he refuses, and I cannot compel him.
I shall file the Letters and Papers you sent me with your
Accounts. I have received back those you inclosed in yours
of March 27, relating to M. Monthieu's Contract. I have
received, also, Messrs. Horneca & Fizeaux's * Invoice,
and will return it by next Post with the Order you desire.
I have no Objection to your mentioning the Fact relative
to the Censure of M. Monthieu's Acc u .
I am ever your affectionate Uncle,
B. FRANKLIN.
987. TO JOSEPH WHARTON, MATTHEW RID-
LEY, JOSHUA JOHNSON, MATTHEW MEASE,
JOHN ROSS, JON. NESBIT, CUMMINGS, JO-
SEPH GRIDLEY, AND J. D. SCHWEIGHAUSER,
AMERICAN MERCHANTS, NOW AT NANTES
(D. s. w.)
Passy, April 8, 1779.
GENTLEMEN : Great Objections having been made by
the Hon ble Mr. A. Lee to the Acc ts of Mr. Jonathan Williams,
late Agent for the Commissioners at Nantes, which are there-
fore yet unsettled ; and, as not being conversant in mercantile
Business, I cannot well judge of them, and therefore, as
1 Amsterdam bankers. ED.
284 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
well as for other Reasons, I did not & cannot undertake to
examine them myself, and they may be better examined at
Nantes where the Business was transacted than either here
or in America, I beg the favour of you, Gentlemen, that you
would, for the sake of Justice and of the public Good, take
that Trouble upon you and make Report to me thereupon;
which I do hearby agree shall be conclusive and final (sub-
ject only to the Revision of Congress), in case Mr. Will-
iams shall previously sign an Engagement to abide there-
by; and hoping you will comply with my Request, I have
ordered him to lay his Acc t8 fully before you. 1 If it should
not suit you all to attend to this Business, I shall be con-
tent with the Judgment of as many of you as can & will
attend it, the Number not being less than three. If an
equal Number undertake it & should be divided in their
Opinions I request them to join in chusing an Umpire,
that the Matter may be concluded. I did desire M r Lee,
if he had any further Objections to furnish you with them;
but he has in a Letter to me declined it. I have requested
the Honourable Mr. A. Lee, who makes the objections,
to furnish you with the same, that, by having the whole in
view, you may be able to form an equitable judgment.
I have the honour to be with great respect, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
1 "The above underlined, was put, in the Letter sent, as a Postscript." F.
1779] PASSPORT FOR A MORAVIAN- VESSEL 285
988. PASSPORT FOR A MORAVIAN VESSEL
(L.C.)
To all Captains and Commanders of Armed Vessels of
War, Privateers, and Letters of Marque belonging to the
United States of America.
Gentlemen
The religious Society commonly called the Moravian
Brethren, having established a Mission on the Coast of
Labrador, for the conversion of the Savages there to the
Christian Religion, which has already had very good Ef-
fects in turning them from their ancient Practices of surpris-
ing, plundering, and murdering such white People, Ameri-
cans and Europeans, as, for the Purposes of Trade or Fishery,
happened to come on that Coast; and persuading them to
lead a Life of honest Industry, and to treat Strangers with
Humanity and Kindness; and it being necessary for the
Support of this Useful Mission, that a small Vessel should
go thither every Year to furnish Supplies and Necessaries
for the Missionaries and their Converts; which Vessel for
the present Year is a
of about seventy-five Tons, called the
whereof is master Captain
This is to request you, that, if the said vessel should
happen to fall into your Hands, you would not suffer her
to be plundered, or hindered in her Voyage, but on the con-
trary afford her any Assistance she may stand in need of;
wherein I am confident your Conduct will be approved by
the Congress and your Owners.
286 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
Given at Passy, near Paris, this n th day of April
B. FRANKLIN,
Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States
of America at the Court o) France.
P. S. The same request is respectfully made to the com-
manders of armed Vessels belonging to France and Spain,
friends of the said United States.
B. FRANKLIN.
989. FROM JEAN-PAUL MARAT TO BENJAMIN
FRANKLIN J (A. p. s.)
April 12*, '79.
SIR
The report of the Committee for to morrow has been declined by M. le
Roy, & is delay' d till Saturday next.
I again beg earnestly you would be so good as to be present then to give
your opinion, which will be requested by M. le Comte de Maillebois.
Was it not so material a point to the Author, that a candid judgment
should be pass'd upon his work, he would trust to time alone. But he is
certain that many a Accademical gentleman do not look with pleasure upon
his discoveries, & will do their utmost to prejudice the whole Body. Let
the cabal be ever so warm, it certainly will be Silenced by the Sanction of
such a Man as Doctor Franklin : and how far a judgement passed by himself
and the Royal Academy can influence public opinion is well known.
If I appeare troublesome, Sir; my consciousness of your Benevolence &
my respect for your candour and understanding are my apology.
THE REPRESENTATIVE.
1 Marat had conducted laborious experiments to determine the nature of
fire. The results of his researches he sent to Franklin soliciting his judgment
upon them. Franklin regarded them seriously, and championed the eager
and zealous philosopher. At the meeting of the Academy (April 17, 1779)
Marat's experiments were declared to be new, exact, and made in accordance
with a new method which opened vast fields for the research of physicists.
En.
1779] TO JOHN ADAMS 287
990. TO M. DE SARTINE (D. s. w.)
Passy, April 18, 1779.
SIR, By letters I am daily receiving I find there are in various
prisons of France a number of American sailors who, hav-
ing been forced into the English service and since taken,
remain confined with those of that nation, but are very
desirous of serving their own country in any of our ships
of war; and to that end request I would obtain their dis-
charge from their present confinement. To prevent giving
your excellency the frequent trouble of particular applica-
tion and orders upon every occasion, I beg leave to submit
it to your consideration whether it would not be well to give
a general order to those who have the care of the prisoners,
to examine in each of them those who pretend to be Ameri-
cans and who desire to enter our service; and such as are
found to answer that description be sent immediately to
L'Orient and ship with Captain Jones or in the Alliance.
I am with sincere respect, your excellency's most obedient
and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
991. TO JOHN ADAMS (M. H. s.)
Passy, April 21, 1779
Sm,
I have received your two Favours of the i3th inst. I am
much obliged to you for undertaking the Trouble of con-
tenting the Officers and People of the Alliance. I must
now beg Leave to make a little Addition to that Trouble by
288 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
requesting your Attention to the situation of the Officers
and Sailors, late Prisoners in England, which Mr. Williams
will acquaint you with, and that you would likewise order
for them such Necessaries and Comforts as we can afford.
I wish we were able to do all they want and desire; but
the scantiness of our Funds and the Multitude of Demands
prevent it.
The English Papers talk much of their Apprehensions
about Spain; I hope they have some Foundation.
With great esteem, I have the honour to be, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
992. TO JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 1 (D. s. w.)
Passy, April 21, 1779
DEAR MASTER JOHNNY,
I am glad you have seen Brest and the fleet there. It
must give you an Idea of the naval force of this Kingdom
which you will long retain with Pleasure.
1 John Quincy Adams, aged eleven, accompanied his father, as John Adams
wrote to Franklin, " in the capacity of Interpreter, Secretary, Companion, and
Domestick, to his Poppa." The following letter from him taking farewell of
Franklin is in A. P. S. :
Alliance April ye 22 1779
DEAR FRIEND
I just now arrived here from Nantes & once more find myself aboard Ship
& hope soon to sail for America once more, this is about 38 miles from
Nantes. Yesterday morning with the wind very high against us, and sail'd
on the boat till 12 o'clock last night when we arrived at painboeuf which is
about 30 miles from Nantes & this morning set out from there at about eight
oclock and arrived here as I said before. Just now but as the boat is just ago-
ing I cannot write anymore & so conclude myself your affectionate Friend
JOHN Q. ADAMS.
M Benj* Franklin
Passy near Paris.
1779]
TO JOSIAH QUINCY
289
I caused the Letters you inclosed to me to be carefully
delivered, but have not received Answers to be sent you.
Benjamin whom you so kindly remember, would have
been glad to hear of your Welfare, but he is gone to Geneva.
As he is destined to live in a Protestant Country, and a Re-
public, I thought it best to finish his Education where the
proper Principles prevail.
I heartily wish you a good Voyage & happy sight of your
Mama, being really your Affectionate Friend,
B. FRANKLIN.
993. TO JOSIAH QUINCY
(L. c.)
Passy, April 22, 1779.
DEAR SIR,
I received your very kind Letter by Mr. Bradford, who
appears a very sensible and amiable young Gentleman, to
whom I should with Pleasure render any service here upon
your much respected Recommendation; but I understand
he returns immediately.
It is with great Sincerity I join you in acknowledging
and admiring the Dispensations of Providence in our Favour.
America has only to be thankful, and to persevere. God
will finish his Work, and establish their Freedom; and the
Lovers of Liberty will flock from all Parts of Europe with
their Fortunes to participate with us of that Freedom, as
soon as Peace is restored.
I am exceedingly pleas'd with your Account of the French
Politeness and Civility, as it appeared among the Officers
and People of their Fleet. They have certainly advanced
in those Respects many degrees beyond the English. I
VOL. VII U
290 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1779
find them here a most amiable Nation to live with. The
Spaniards are by common Opinion supposed to be cruel,
the English proud, the Scotch insolent, the Dutch Avari-
cious, &c., but I think the French have no national Vice
ascrib'd to them. They have some Frivolities, but they
are harmless. To dress their Heads so that a Hat cannot
be put on them, and then wear their Hats under their Arms,
and to fill their Noses with Tobacco, may be called Follies,
perhaps, but they are not Vices. They are only the effects
of the tyranny of Custom. In short, there is nothing want-
ing in the Character of a Frenchman, that belongs to that
of an agreable and worthy Man. There are only some
Trifles surplus, or which might be spared.
Will you permit me, while I do them this Justice, to hint
a little Censure on our own Country People, which I do
in Good will, wishing the Cause removed. You know the
Necessity we are under of Supplies from Europe, and the
Difficulty we have at present in making Returns. The
Interest Bills would do a good deal towards purchasing
Arms, Ammunit 1 ' ,., Clothing, Sail-cloth, and other Neces-
saries for Defence. Upon Enquiry of those who present
these Bills to me for Acceptance, what the Money is to be
laid out in, I find that most of it is for Superfluities, and
more than half of it for Tea. How unhappily in this In-
stance the Folly of our People, and the Avidity of our Mer-
chants, concur to weaken and impoverish our Country. I
formerly computed, that we consumed before the War, in
that single Article, the value of 500,000 Sterling annually.
Much of this was sav'd by stopping the Use of it. I hon-
oured the virtuous Resolution of our Women in foregoing
that little Gratification, and I lament that such Virtue
1779] PROM SAMUEL COOPER TO B. FRANKLIN 291
should be of so short Duration. Five Hundred Thousand
Pounds Sterling, annually laid out in defending ourselves,
or annoying our Enemies, would have great Effects. With
what Face can we ask Aids and Subsidies from our Friends,
while we are wasting our own Wealth in such Prodigality?
With great and sincere Esteem, I have the honour to be,
dear Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
994. FROM SAMUEL COOPER TO B. FRANKLIN
(A. p. s.)
Boston, 4th January, 1779.
MY DEAR SIR,
The Marquis de la Fayette will do me the Honour to be the Bearer of this
Letter. This young Nobleman has done Honour to his Nation, as well as to
himself, by the manner in which he has served these States. His Intrepidity
and Alertness in the Field are highly distinguished. His Prudence and good
Temper are equally remarkable. He is highly esteemed and beloved in Con-
gress, in the army, and, thro* the States; and, tho' we are not without Parties,
and his Situation has been sometimes very delicate, I have never heard that
he has made a single enemy. He has gone thro* great Fatigues, he has
faced uncommon Dangers, he has bled for our Country, and leaves it, as far as
I am able to find, with universal applause. In short, his whole Conduct, both
public and private, appears to me to have been most happily adapted to serve
the great Purpose of the Alliance, and cement the two Nations. Justice
obliges me to make this mention of one, who has done so much for our Coun-
try, as well as his own, and from whose acquaintance, with which he has honoured
me, I have received the greatest Pleasure. His acquaintance with our mili-
tary and political Affairs will enable him to give you many Details, which can-
not easily be conveyed by Writing.
You will hear, before this reaches you, of what has been done in this
Quarter by the Armament under the orders of the Count d'Estaing. The
abilities of this commander, his Bravery, and Zeal for our common cause, are
indisputably great. No man could have done more in his Situation, than he
has done. He was unfortunate in the Weather he met with, which greatly
delayed his Passage to these Seas, gave an opportunity to the British Navy
and Army to escape from Philadelphia, snatch'd a Victory from him off Rhode
Island, and put his Fleet in such a condition, that he was indispensably
292 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1779
obliged to leave that Place at a critical Time, which occasioned reflections from
some, that were unmerited. He bore all with a manly Patience and uncom-
mon Prudence. I admired his Firmness, Silence, and Condescension. He
relyed on the Proofs he had given of attachment to our Cause, and of the
Capacity and undauntedness with which he had prosecuted the Service upon
which he was sent.
The account he gave of the Reasons for coming to Boston with his Fleet,
before the Council of this State, not only satisfied that Body, but gave them a
high Idea of his Merits as a Commander. The Prejudices of a few soon van-
ished, which had been raised by an honest but indiscreet Warmth in some
officers employed in the Expedition against Rhode Island. His officers
imitated their commander in preserving the best order thro' the Fleet during
their Residence here ; everybody admired the peaceable, inoffensive, cour-
teous Behaviour of such a number of men, and the Count left us on the 4th of
November last, with the strongest Impressions of Esteem and Affection for
him, of the Friendship of his Court and Nation for us, and of the superior
order and civility prevailing in the French Forces. He is gone, it is conjec-
tur'd (for no-Body pretends to know), for the West Indies. We hope, if the
War continues, to see him in the Spring, and that Canada will be wrested
from the British Power. This may easily be done by a joint Invasion by Sea
and Land, provided our Finances will allow us to support an army; but the
Depreciation of our Money is so great, that I fear our Inability to do this, un-
less we have assistance and can procure Loans from abroad. If such a Plan
of Operation is adopted, France mu 
