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THE WRITINGS
GEORGE WASHINGTON
VOL. 11.
1758-1775
Of this Letter-press Edition
750 Copies have been Printed for Sale
No ./■
June, i88g
THE WRITINGS
GEORGE WASHINGTON
COLLECTED AND EDITED
WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD
Vol. II.
1758-1775
NEW YORK AND LONDON
G. p. PUTNAM'S SONS
1889
Press' of
G. P. Putnam's Sons
New York
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
1758.
PAGE
To John Blair, January 31st i
Indian affairs — Gist's embarrassments — Unfortunate time of
visit.
To Colonel Stanwix, March 4th .... 3
Major Smith's project absurd — His unfitness to command —
Has thoughts of resigning because of ill-health.
To Brigadier-General Stanwix, April loth . . 6
Congratulates him on his promotion — Asks to be recommended
to General Forbes — An early campaign expedient — Indians and
their mercenary' characters — The place of rendezvous.
To Major Francis Halket, April 12th ... 8
Satisfaction on prospects.
To the President of the Council, April 17th . . 9
Accidental shooting of some soldiers — Needs of the regiment
— Resignation of Joshua Lewis, and promotions incident to it —
Appointment of a chaplain.
To Sir John St. Clair, April i8th . . . . ii
Attitude towards Indians — Number of allies — The building of
flats — Votes of the Assembly.
To the President of the Council, April 24th . . 13
Ordering out the militia — Mercer's request for exchange of
officers most extraordinary — Rutherford's company more useful
in Virginia than in the south — The recruiting ser^•ice.
To the President of the Council, May 4th . . 16
Defeat of provincial troops — Reinforcements of militia needed
at South Branch — Public arms — Roads — Recruiting expenses —
Case of John Berrj- — Appointments in the regiments.
To Major Francis Halket, May nth .... 23
No prisoners taken by friendly Indians this season — Cherokees
moving to Virginia — Tricker)* of the Raven warrior — Importance
of the Indians.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
PAGE
To the President of the Council, May 28th . . 26
Wants of the force — Allowance to officers — Differences of
pay — Clothing — Promotions — Completing the regiment — The
case of Lt. Steenbugen — Fort Loudoun — The ranging company
— Indians and desertions.
To General Forbes, June 19th ..... 32
Unfortunate arrival of Cherokees — Necessity of Indians, and
their utility — Agent should be sent to Cherokee nation with
presents — Indians at Duquesne.
To Governor Fauquier, June 19th .... 37
March of Prince William militia — Short of men and of arms
— Expence.
To Colonel Henry Bouquet, July 3d ... 39
Has marched from Winchester — Question of forage — Mary-
land forces and stores — Drawing of provisions by servants —
Tools and men scarce — How forts were garrisoned — Clothes —
Indian dress recommended.
To Colonel Bouquet, July 7th ..... 43
Arrival of Col. Byrd — Orders and directions needed — Sharpe's
road — Catawba Indians have misbehaved.
To Colonel Bouquet, July 13th .... 46
Encounter with Indians.
To Colonel Bouquet, July 13th .... 47
Slow progress of road — Indian dress approved for the men.
To Colonel Bouquet, July i6th .... 49
Parties sent out to harass the enemy — Plan for an irruption
into enemy's country criticised — Roads and Indians — Currency
exchanges.
To Colonel Bouquet, July 19th . . . . 51
Dagworthy's jjarty returned and working on bridge — Election
at Winchester.
To Mrs. Martha Custis, July 20th .... 53
To Colonel Bouquet, July 21st . . . . . 54
Will not attend election at Winchester — Progress on the road
— Asks to be among the lirst to go forward — Covers for locks.
To Colonel Bouquet, July 25th ..... 55
Second convoy of wagons — Offers liis views on the road — No
tolerable road from Kays Town — Provisions — Commissaries at
fault — Returns of forces.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
To Gabriel Jones, July 29th ..... 58
Thanks him for assistance at election — Backwardness of ex-
pedition— Conference on road.
To Colonel James Wood, July — .... 59
Thanks for part he took in election — Entertainment of friends.
To Colonel Bouquet, ...... 60
Considerations on a proposed expedition — Provisions — Attack
in the woods of little advantage.
To Colonel Bouquet, August 2d .... 62
The question of the road — History of the Braddock road —
Difficulties to be overcome in constructing another — Forage of
importance — Rivers to be passed — Comparative distances — Ob-
jections to dividing the army — Advancing by deposites ; first at
Great Meadows, second at Salt Lick — Time required.
To Major Francis Halket, August 2d ... 72
Bouquet determined as to road — If the General coincides, all
is lost — His own motives.
To Governor Fauquier, August 5th .... 73
Fatal resolution of opening new road — Considerations urged
on Col. Bouquet — Small-pox among troops — Orders received to
open new road.
To Colonel Bouquet, August 6th .... 75
Orders as to road will be obeyed — Duty to king and colony
induced him to express opinion — Men at work.
To Colonel Bouquet, August i8th . . . . 79
Wishes to be sent forward — Kelly on the comparative merits
of roads — Strong parties to be kept out — Sickness in camp —
Convoy from Winchester.
To Colonel Bouquet, August 21st . . . . 82
Arrival of Indians — Questions as to Gov. Sharpe's rank.
To Colonel Bouquet, August 28th .... 83
Melancholy reflections on campaign — The roads.
To John Robinson, September ist . . . . 85
Fatal inactivity — All is lost — Conduct of the leaders — The
question of roads — Strength of French at Duquesne — Repre-
sentation should be made to the king — Virginia a victim to the
craft of her neighbors.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
To Governor Fauquier, September 2d ... 88
Progress on road — Much time consumed — Advance of army
— Condition of road taken — Number of the French force — In-
telligence— Considerations urged with Col. Bouquet — The Gen-
eral prejudiced by Pennsylvanians — Garrison at Loyal Hanna —
Major of brigade requisite — Indians — Letters on road sent.
To Mrs. George William Fairfax, September 12th . 95
Correspondence reopened — A votary of love — Mrs. Custis —
Mrs. Spotswood a reigning toast in camp.
To Governor Fauquier, September 25th ... 98
The expedition of Major Grant — Death of Major Lewis —
Bravery of Virginia troops — Consequence of this affair.
To Mrs. George William Fairfax, September 25th . loi
Defeat of Major Grant — Probable failure of expedition —
Personal gossip.
To Governor Fauquier, September 28th . , . 104
Grant's defeat — Prisoners sent to Montreal — Condition of the
new road.
To General Forbes, October 8th .... 105
Line of march proposed.
To Governor Fauquier, October 30th . . . 108
Army matters — Governor Sharpe at Fort Cumberland — The
road.
To General Forbes, November 17th . . . .110
Orders to Armstrong — Indians needed to gain intelligence —
Release of sergeant requested.
To General Forbes, November 17th . . . .112
Acknowledges orders — Tiie road.
To General Forbes, November i8th . . . . 113
Advance reported — Errors of distance — Fortifying and pro-
visioning the camp.
To Governor Fauquier, November 28th . . ,116
Fort Duquesne fallen — Future movements — l.ittle Carpenter's
conduct — Indians suing for peace — Trade with tlie Indians.
To Governor Fauquier, December 2d . . .119
Force to be left at Fort Duquesne — I'ost should bo taken at
Redstone Creek — Indian trade — Condition of Virginia regiment.
To General I^^orbes, December 30th . . . .124
Measures to l)e taken hy Virginia — Conlinement of troops a
piece of raslniess.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
1759-
To Robert Gary and Co., May ist . . . . 126
Announces marriage with Mrs. Custis — Will consign tobacco
as usual — Prices — Invoice of goods.
To Richard Washington, September 20th . . 130
Hopes to visit England — Successes in America — His retire-
ment.
To Robert Car>' and Co., September 20th . . 131
Former letters — Poor returns for tobacco — The duty — Three
accounts should be opened — Shipment of tobacco — Proposes
tobacco for his Shenandoah estate — Invoice of goods required.
To Robert Cary and Co., November 30th . . 139
Loss of vessel — Goods ordered — Tobacco.
1760.
Journal, January-May ...... 140
To Richard Washington, August loth . . . 170
Disappointed in sales of tobacco — Interest charged — American
affairs — Prospects of his going to England remote.
To Robert Cary and Co., August loth . . .172
Interest on bank stock — Tobacco — Complaint against prices
and quality of goods — Ships to the Potomac — Prospects of to-
bacco crop — Drafts.
To Captain Robert Mackenzie, November 20th . 177
Reply to a request for a recommendation to General Amherst.
1761.
To Richard Washington, July 14th . . . .178
Tobacco consignment — Canada and the Indians.
To Rev. Charles Green, August 26th . . .180
Journey to the springs — Provisions — His health — Stages of
journey.
To Richard Washington, October 20th . . .183
His sickness — Operations against the Cherokees — Clothes
ordered.
1762.
To [George William Fairfax], October 30th . . 186
Death of his mare.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
1763.
To Charles Lawrence, April 26th . . . .188
Order and measurements for suits.
To Robert Stewart, April 27th ..... 189
His financial condition — Heavy debts — Will send ;i{J^300.
To Robert Stewart, August 13th .... 192
Paper emissions.
Notes on the Dismal Swamp, October 15th . . 194
1764.
To Robert Gary & Co., August loth .... 200
Reasons for his indebtedness — Interest on money.
1765.
To Carlyle & Adam, March 9th 203
Sale of wheat — Manner of weighing.
To Colonel Burwell Bassett, August 2d . . . 205
Drought and condition of crops — Elections.
To Francis Dandridge, September 20th . . . 207*^
Reasons for writing — The Stamp Act and its effect on the
colonies — closing of the courts — His situation.
1766.
To Captain Joh. Thompson, July 2d . . .211
Has a negro to sell in the Islands — His qualities — Purchases
to be made with proceeds.
1767.
To Captain John Posey, June 24th .... 213
Surprise at request for a new loan — Consideration of assets —
Cannot be security for further sums — Advice to sell and move to
the western country — Depression general.
To William Crawford, September 21st . . . 218
As to lands in Pennsylvania — Must l)e rich — Proceedings to
be taken — Lands in the king's part — Wishes to take some up in
spite of proclamation — A good deal to be secured — Plan to be
kept a secret.
To Colonel Armstrong, September 2 1st . . . 224
Lands in disjiuted territory — What proceedings necessary to
obtain lands under Pennsylvania laws — C'rawford instructed.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
PAGE
To Captain John Posey, September 24th . . . 226
His demands and security examined — Reasons for past ad-
vances— Mason's loan — His prospects — Will go on his bond to
Col. Mason.
1768.
Diary — January-December ..... 230
Indian outbreak and Bouquet's expedition — Need of money.
To Rev. Jonathan Boucher, May 30th . . . 257
Wishes him to take Custis as a pupil — Acquirements and pro-
vision to be made — What will be necessarj- ?
To Robert Cary & Co., June 6th . . . .259
Directions for a chariot.
1769.
To William Ramsay, January 29th .... 262
As to sending his son to college — Will contribute to his
expenses.
To George Mason, April 5th 263*'
Measures necessary to counteract British aggression — Starving
their trade — Advantages and obstacles — Colonial debts and dis-
tress— Extravagance — ^\^lat steps should be taken ?
To Colonel Bassett, June i8th ..... 268
To go to the springs — The association.
To Colonel John Armstrong, August i8th . . 270
At the springs — Land speculations — Indian disturbances mis-
represented.
1770.
To Lord Botetourt, April 15th ..... 272
Walpole's grant — Extent of claim — Covers the grant to the
ofiBcers and soldiers — Rights of the troops.
To Dr. Boucher, April 20th 276
Jack Custis' inoculation.
To Dr. Boucher, May 13th ..... 277
Proposition for Mr. Custis to travel — Position of a guardian —
Some plan should be laid down — Opinion on advantages of
travelling — His source of income.
Session of the House of Burgesses, May-June . . 280
To George William Fairfax, June 27th . . . 282
Assembly matters — New association — Stone.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
PAGE
To Dr. Boucher, July 30th 283
Dissatisfaction with association — Hopes for its success.
Journal of a Tour to the Ohio River . . . 285
To Dr. Boucher, December i6th . . . .316
Custis' tastes — Should be carefully guarded.
I77I.
To. Dr. Boucher, January 2d . . . . .319
Custis' return delayed — His studies.
To Dr. Boucher, June 5th ...... 320
Makes a remittance — Proposed trip to England — Necessity of
further education — Advantages of Boucher's guardianship —
Progress in studies.
To Colston, June 24th ..... 324
Western lands — Expenses of survey — Opposition to grant.
To Dr. Boucher, July 9th ...... 329
Division of opinion on expediency of Custis' travelling — His
responsibilities in the matter — Education not sufficient — Should
see something of America — His position doubtful — The mother's
vi'ishes.
To Robert Gary & Co., July 20th .... 334
Disadvantages of indirect shipments — Error in satisfying
orders — Cash purchases — The association.
The Annapolis Races, September 21st . . . 339
To George Mercer, November 7th .... 339
Claims for lands — Difficulties encountered in their settlement —
Petition for ascertainment of shares rejected by governor — No
inducements for explorations — Locating the grant.
To Robert Stobo, November 22d .... 345
Claim for lands on the Ohio — Expenses of determining the
grant.
1772.
To Dr. Boucher, May 4th ...... 347
Assembly measures.
To Dr. Boucher, May 21st . . . . . . 349
Peale is painting his portrait — Slieep.
To Lord Dunmorc, June 15th . . . . .351
Crant of lands to tlic officers and soldiers.
To Matthew Campbell, August 2d . . . . 354
I'urchase of goods — A matter of prices.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
PAGE
To Lord Dunmore and Council, November 5th . 356
Land grants to soldiers — Payment of expenses by participants.
1773-
To Colonel Bassett, February 15th .... 363
Paper money — Com — Personal gossip.
To Captain John Dalton, February 15th . . . 364
Action of vestry — Conditions of subscription to church — Pro-
tests against change.
To Rev. Dr. Thruston, March 12th .... 366
Land due to his son — History of negotiations and proceedings
under grant — Charge of partiality answered.
To James Wood, March 13th 372
Florida lands.
To James Wood, March 30th 373
Lands in Florida — Directions for obtaining — Conditions of
grant.
To Benedict Calvert, April 3d . . . . . 376
Custis' engagement to Miss Calvert.
To Lord Dunmore, April 13th 379
Trip to the north — Plan for a western journey.
To Colonel Bassett, April 25th 380
Sympathy for loss of daughter — Trip to the north — Custis'
engagement.
Journey to New York, May loth .... 382
To Colonel Bassett, June 20th ..... 384
Death of Patsy Custis.
Advertisement of the Ohio Lands, July 15th . . 386
To William Crawford, September 25th . . . 388
Directions for taking up lands — Pennsylvania plans — Salt
springs — His journey to the west.
To Michael Cresap, September 26th .... 392
Protests against occupation of his claims.
To Colonel Armstrong, October loth . . . 394
Grant of lands by Lord Dunmore.
To Lord Dunmore, November 2d ... . 395
Western lands — Effect of order in Council — Right of gov-
ernor to issue patents — Occasion for action.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
^774-
PAGB
To William Black, January 17th .... 398
Mrs. Black refuses to acknowledge her right of dower to lands
— The withholding of the mills — Return of bond denied — His
intentions..
To Colonel Bassett, February 12th .... 402
Postponement of western journey.
To Henry Riddell, February 22d .... 403
Desires to import Palatines — Inducements offered — Manner
of reaching the lands — Queries in the matter.
To Thomas Lewis, May 5th ..... 408
Survey and settlement of Ohio lands — Mr. Cresap's pre-
tensions.
Session of the House of Burgesses, May 5th . . 412
To Bryan Fairfax, July 4th ..... 417
Wishes him to stand at election — His political sentiments —
Conduct of Parliament — Measures against Massachusetts colony —
Withholding of remittances.
To Bryan Fairfax, July 20th ..... 420
Reasons for not reading his letter — Futility of petitioning
Parliament — Right of taxation involved in the controversy —
Severity of measures against Boston — Steps to be taken — Non-
importation scheme.
Virginia Convention, August ist . . . . 426
To Richard Henry Lee, August 7th .... 428
.Statement of trade — Tithables.
To Bryan Fairfax, August 24th ..... 429
Reply to his loyalist views — Has no new light to offer — Con-
duct of Parliament and the Ministry.
The Continental Congress of 1774, August 30th , 437
To Robert Mackenzie, October 9th .... 441'
Conduct of Massachusetts people — His own views in the
matter — Not for independence, but for rights.
To James Mercer, December 26th .... 446
Purchase of lands — Differences in surveys — Terms of war-
ranty— Wheat — Cattle purchase.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
PAGE
1775.
Instructions for James Cleveland, January loth . 451
To John West, January 13th . . . . .455
Education of young West — His business engagements — Will
accept trust — Suggestion as to will.
To John Connolly, Februarj^ 25th .... 457"'
Affairs in the West — Indian matters — Attitude of British
ministry.
To John Washington, March 6th .... 458
Instructions for William Stevens, March 6th . . 459
To John Augustine Washington, March 25th . . 464
The Assembly — Deeds — Independent company.
To Lord Dunmore, April 3d .... . 465 -
Land surseys — Rumors of their being invalid — The troops
deservang of their reward — Proclamation of 1754 — Injustice of
proceeding.
To Montague, April 5th ..... 469
Col. Mercer's affairs — Mortgage to Miss Wroughton — Family
differences — Depression in estates.
To George Mercer, April 5th 472
Raising of companies — Col. Stewart.
Advertisement, April 23d ...... 473
To George William Fairfax, May 31st . . . 474"
Engagement with king's troops in Massachusetts — General
Gage's admissions — Narrow escape of regulars from destruction.
Acceptance of Command of the Army, June 15th . 476
Commission, June 19th 482
To Mrs. Martha Washington, June i8th . . . 483
His appointment — Not of his seeking — Cannot refuse — Her
happiness — His will.
To John Parke Custis, June 19th .... 486
His appointment — Concern about Mrs. Washington — Can no
longer assist in management of estate.
To Col. Bassett, June 19th 487
Reasons for accepting appointment — Currency to be issued by
Congress — Urges visits to Mount Vernon.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
To the Captains of the Several Independent Compa- .
nies in Virginia, June 20th ..... 489
His farewell — Appointment — Urges that discipline be
maintained.
To John Augustine Washington, June 20th . . 491
His appointment — Acts of Congress — Tiie majors-general.
To the Continental Congress, June 24th . . . 493
His arrival at New York — Powder wanted — Governor Tryon.
To the Continental Congress, June 24th . , . 497
News from Massachusetts — Powder.
To General Schuyler, June 25th .... 497
Instructions for commanding in New York department —
Governor Tiyon — Col. Guy Johnson.
Answer to an Address of the New York Provincial
Congress ........ 506
THE WRITINGS OF
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
TO JOHN BLAIR, PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL/
Fredericksburg, the 31st Jany., 1758.
HoNBLE. Sir,
I wrote to your Honor yesterday. "" Since which
your favor of the 25th is come to hand, I am greatly
distressed to know what conduct to observe with regard
to the Indians that are coming to our assistance. I
would notwithstanding the ill state of health I am in,
go directly to Winchester, cou'd I flatter myself that
the Service wou'd reap any real advantage from it ;
but as I am not entrusted with the management of
Indian Affairs, farther than directing their war-
route's (and even here, they are governed by caprice
and whim rather than by real design), I am of
opinion, I should only share in Mr. Gist's embarrass-
ments, without rendering him, the desired assistance.
Because, if he informs me rightly, he is in no wise
prepared for the reception of such a party, either
with arms, or proper goods, and how he can be timely
supplied with either, I know not. But this I am cer-
tain of ; that were I on the spot, all their disappoint-
" John Blair was bom in Williamsburg in i68g, and died there November 5,
1771. He was long a member of the House of Burgesses, member of the
council, its president in 1757-58 and acting governor of Virginia in 1768.
' Printed in Sparks, Writings of Washington, ii., 271.
I
2 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
ments would be attributed to me, as they look upon
the commanding officer to be culpable in all those
cases.
Never was any thing more unlucky, perhaps, than
these Indians coming at this time, having very little to
apprehend, and the season being too rigorous to ad-
mit of incursions into the Enemy's country. If they
were sent out to war, it is more than probable that
they would return to their nation as soon as they
came in ; by which means we should need their
assistance in the Spring, when they would be of
infinite service in offensive or defensive measures ;
and to feed and clothe them thro' the winter, if they
could be prevailed with to stay, would be attended
with great expence.
Upon the whole, it appears to be a very ill judged
step, the sending them in at this time and an affair
of so much importance, that I do not care to meddle
in it, without particular instructions from your Honor.
I have dispatched a special messenger to Mr. Gist,
apprizing him of this matter, and shall wait at this
place for your Orders, as to my own conduct.
I am, &c.'
' " I set out for Williamsburg the day after the date of my letter, but found I
was unable to proceed, my fever and pain increasing upon me to a high degree ;
and the physicians assured me, that I might endanger my life by prosecuting
tlie journey.
In consecjuence of that advice I returned to this place again, and informed
your Honor of the reason of my detention by the post, wliom I met on the road,
and who, I have since understood, never lodged my letter in the postoffice at
Fredericksburg, which is the cause of my now writing to the same purport.
When I shall be sufliciently able to attempt the journey again, I cannot say ;
but I shall make no delay after I am in a coiuiition to perform it." — To Presi-
dent li lair, 20 February, 1758,
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3
TO COLONEL STANWIX.
Mount Vernon, 4 March, 1758.
My Dear Colonel,
Your favors of the 13th January and the 24th
ultimo, with the extract of a letter from Lord Lou-
doun, were this day delivered to me. In the latter
you condescend to ask my opinion of Major Smith.
Pray, does not his plan sufficiently indicate the man ?
Can there be a better index to his abilities, than his
scheme for reducing the enemy on the Ohio, and his
expeditious march of a thousand men to Detroit ?
Surely, he intended to provide them with wings to
facilitate their passage over so mountainous and
extensive a country, or what way else could he ac-
complish it in ?
I am unacquainted with the navigation of the
rivers he proposes to traverse, and, consequently,
cannot be a competent judge of his scheme in this
respect ; but the distance is so great, and that through
an enemy's country, that, I candidly confess, it ap-
pears to me a romantic plan, in general, that may
exist in the imagination, but cannot be executed.
For, if we are strong enough to attempt the reduction
of the Ohio, what necessity is there for our making
such a circuitous march, and leaving Fort Duquesne
behind us, which is the source from whence flow
all our ills ? And if we are too weak to attempt this
place, what have we not to dread from leaving it in
our rear ?
These, Sir, are my sentiments upon Major Smith's
plan. With regard to the person, if I have been
4 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
rightly informed, he actually had a commission to
command a ranging company, and obtained it by
making promises, he never could comply with. He
was adjudged, by persons better acquainted with him
than I am, to be quite unfit to command even a com-
pany, and lost the Block-House, in which he com-
manded, by suffering his men to straggle from it at
pleasure, which the Indians observing, took advantage
of his weakness, and attacked him at a time when he
had no men in his works. It is, nevertheless, agreed
on all hands, that he made a gallant defence, but I
never before heard of any capitulation that was
granted to him.
I have not had the pleasure of seeing Major
Smith, though I have been favored with a letter from
him, in which he politely professes some concern at
hearing of my indisposition, as it prevented him from
seeing me at Winchester ; but desires, at the same
time, that I will attend him at his ho2ise in Augusta,
about two hundred miles hence ! or in Williamsburg
by the 20th instant, when, I suppose, he intends to
honor me with his orders^-
I have never been able to return to my command,
since I wrote to you last, my disorder at times return-
ing obstinately upon me, in spite of the efforts of all
the sons of yEsculapius, whom I have hitherto con-
sulted. At certain periods I have been reduced to
great extremity, and have now too much reason to
' Colonel Stanwix replied : — " I have been favored with your obliging letter,
and find your judgment tallies with Lord Loudoun's and mine, in regard to
Major Smith's wild scheme."
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 5
apprehend an approaching decay, being visited with
several symptoms of such a disease.
I am now under a strict regimen, and shall set out
to-morrow for Williamsburg to receive the advice of
the best physicians there. My constitution is cer-
tainly greatly impaired, and as nothing can retrieve
it, but the greatest care and the most circumspect
conduct, as I now have no prospect left of preferment
in the military way, and as I despair of rendering
that immediate service, which my country may
require from the person commanding their troops,
I have some thoughts of quitting my command, and
retiring from all public business, leaving my post to
be filled by some other person more capable of the
task, and who may, perhaps, have his endeavors
crowned with better success than mine have been.
But, wherever I go, or whatever becomes of me, I
shall always possess the sincerest and most affection-
ate regards for you ; being, dear Sir, your most
obedient and obliged humble servant.'
• Soon after writing this letter, he went to Williamsburg. Ha\-ing attended
to the necessary affairs, which called him there, he returned to his command
at Fort Loudoun about the ist of April.
While he was in Williamsburg the Assembly was in session, and an act
passed to augment the forces of the colony to two thousand men, besides the
three companies of rangers. A bounty of ten pounds was to be paid to every
new recruit to serve only till December. A second regiment was organ-
ized, and officers appointed. By the same act, all the Virginia forces
were to be united, by direction of the president, or commander-in-chief, to
such troops as should be furnished by his Majesty, or by the other colonies, for
a general expedition against the enemy, and were to be subject to the orders
of the commanding officer of his Majesty's forces in America.
When Pitt assumed office he recognized the importance of the struggle in
America and recalled the incompetent Loudoun, appointing General John
Forbes to the command. In his instructions urging the southern colonies to
6 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
TO BRIGADIER-GENERAL STANWIX.
Fort Loudoun, 10 April, 1758.
Dear Sir,
Permit me, — at the same time that I congratulate
you, (which I most sincerely do) on your promotion,
you have met with and justly merited, — to express
my concern at the prospect of parting with you. I
can truly say, it is a matter of no small regret to me,
and that I should have thought myself happy in serv-
ing this campaign under your immediate command.
But every thing, I hope, is ordered for the best, and
it is our duty to submit to the will of our superior. I
must, nevertheless, beg, that you will add one more
kindness to the many I have experienced, and that is,
to mention me in favorable terms to General Forbes,'
(if you are acquainted with that gentleman,) not as
a person, who would depend upon him for further
recommendation to military preferment, for I have
long conquered all such inclinations, (and serve this
campaign merely for the purpose of affording my
best endeavors to bring matters to a conclusion),
but as a person, who would gladly be distinguished
in some measure from the co7Jimon run of provincial
officers, as I understand there will be a motley herd
of us.
new efforts, Pitt wrote : " And all officers of the Provincial forces as high as
Colonels inclusive are to have rank according to their several respective com-
missions in like manner as is already given by his Majesty's Regulations to
the Captains of Provincial Troops in America." 30 December, 1757.
To his London Agent Washington wrote : " You are pleased to dub me with
a title I have no pretentions to — tliat is, ye Ilonble." 5 April, 1758.
' " Col. John Forbes of tlie I7tli Foot, who had been Lord Loudoun's Adju-
tant-General, was commissioned a Urigailicr-General, and directed to undertake
a new expedition against Fori Dufiuesnc." — Finn. Mat:;. Hist., ix., 8.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Nothing can contribute more to his Majesty's in-
terest in this quarter, than an early campaign, or
a speedy junction of the troops to be employed in
this service. Without this, I fear the Indians will
with difficulty be restrained from returning to their
nation before we assemble, and, in that event, no
words can tell how much they will be missed. It
is an affair of great importance, and ought to claim
the closest attention of the commanding officer ; for
on the assistance of these people does the security of
our march very much depend.
There should be great care taken, also, to lay in a
supply of proper goods for them. The Indians are
mercenary ; every service of theirs must be pur-
chased ; and they are easy offended, being thor-
oughly sensible of their own importance. Upwards
of five hundred are already come to this place, the
greatest part of whom are gone to war. Many others
are daily expected, and we have neither arms nor
clothes (proper) to give them. Nor, indeed, is it
reasonable to expect, that the whole expense accru-
ing on account of these people should fall upon this
government, which hath already in this as well as
in many other respects, exerted her utmost abilities
for his Majesty's interest, and, in the present case,
shares only an equal proportion of the advantages
arising from Indian services.
These crude thoughts are hastily thrown together.
If you find any thing contained in them, which may
be useful, be pleased to improve them for his Ma-
jesty's interest. The latitude which you have hith-
8 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
erto allowed me, joined to my zeal for the service,
has encouraged me to use this freedom with you.
Sir, which I should not choose to take unasked with
another.
If it is not inconsistent, I should be glad before
I conclude to ask what regular troops are to be
employed under Brigadier-General Forbes, and when
they may be expected ? Also, where they are to
rendezvous.
Fort Frederic, I hear, is mentioned for this pur-
pose, and, in my humble opinion, a little improperly.
In the first place, because the country people all
around are fled, and the troops will, consequently,
lack those refreshments so needful to soldiers. In
the next place, I am fully convinced there never can
be a road made between Fort Frederic and Fort
Cumberland, that will admit the transportation of
carriages. For I have passed it with many others,
who were of the same opinion ; and lastly, because
this is the place [Fort Loudoun] to which all Indian
parties, either going to, or returning from war, will
inevitably repair.
I am with most sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most
obedient and obliged humble servant.
TO MAJOR FRANCIS HALKET.
Fort Loudoun, 12 April, 1758.
My dear Halket,
Are we to have you once more among us ? And
shall we revisit together a hapless spot, that proved
so fatal to many of our (former) brave companions ?
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Yes ; and I rejoice at it, hoping it will now be in our
power to testify a just abhorrence of the cruel butch-
eries exercised on our friends, in the unfortunate day
of General Braddock's defeat ; and, moreover, to
show our enemies, that we can practise all that lenity
of which they only boast, without affording any ade-
quate proofs at all.
To cut short, I really feel a degree of satisfaction
upon the prospect of meeting you again, although I
have scarce time to tell you so, as the express is
waiting.
I am with most sincere regard, dear Sir, yours, &c.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL.
Fort Loudoun, 17 April, 1758.
HoNBLE. Sir
An unlucky, but unavoidable accident happened in
the neighborhood of Patterson's fort the other day.
The proceedings of an examining court of officers
on that occasion (which are herewith sent) will bring
your Honor acquainted with the circumstances. I
caused a very strict enquiry to be made into the con-
duct of Mr. Chew, that equal justice might be done
to the dead and to the living ; and it appeared that
Mr. Chew had acted with great spirit and activity in
pursuing the tracks of those people ; and that in
shooting them (altho' it was unlucky in the event) he
had done nothing that was not strictly warrantable.
Lane and Cox appearing both in dress, disguise and
behavior, to be no other than Indians.
lo THE WRITINGS OF [1758
I think it incumbent on me to be informed by your
Honor, how the regiment under my command is to
be furnished with tents, ammunition, cartridge-paper,
and many other requisites, that may be wanted in the
course of the campaign. We expect it is here to be
furnished with all those articles from his Majesty's
stores, but it is necessary for me to learn this from
your Honor.
Captain Joshua Lewis, of the Virginia regiment
has applied to me for leave to resign, urging as a
reason, that his interest lies in the navy, and if longer
neglected, it may be very detrimental to him. He
has therefore obtained my consent to do so, and my
promise of mentioning the thing to your Honor.
Captn. Thomas Bullet will in this event, by sen-
iority, succeed to his company ; which with the death
of Lt. Milner, and the removal of Mr. Wm. Henry
Fairfax to the northward, cause two or three vacan-
cies (to be filled up, I hope, by the volunteers who
have served for that purpose) and some promotions
of Ensigns to Lieutenants, which will require at least
half a dozen blank commissions. I therefore beof the
favor of your Honor to send them to me ; and you
may depend, that in filling them, I shall have strict
regard to justice, and will act conformably to the
rules of the army. I have, at this time, four or five
blank commissions of Govr. Dinwiddie's signing, but
they are now useless.
The last Assembly, in their Supply Bill, provided
for a chaplain to our regiment, for whom I had often
very unsuccessfully applied to Governor Dinwiddle.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. ii
I now flatter myself, that your Honor will be pleased
to appoint a sober, serious man for this duty. Com-
mon decency. Sir, in a camp calls for the services of
a divine, and which ought not to be dispensed with,
altho' the world should be so uncharitable as to think
us void of religion, and incapable of good instructions.
I now enclose a monthly return for March, and am,
honorable Sir, your most obedient, humble servant.
TO SIR JOHN ST. CLAIR.
Fort Loudoun, the iS April, 1758.
Sir,
Your letter of the 13th addressed to Captain
Bullet, came to my hands about an hour ago. I have
not words to express the great pleasure I feel, at
finding General Forbes and yourself so heartily dis-
posed to please the Indians, who are our steady
friends and valuable allies.'
Mr. Gist will send you a return of the number of In-
dians who have come to our assistance, — of what na-
tions they are composed ; how many are gone to war ;
and what number is yet expected in ; and I shall enclose
you a return of the Virginia Regiment, for the month
' This hardly consists with Sir John's conduct in a case that occuiTcd at this
time. Forty Cherokees had come naked and without arms to Fort Loudoun and
Governor Denny asked Sir John if he would order these Indians to be supplied
with guns, match coats and a little leather to make moccasins. * ' Sir John
answered that the Assembly and people of this Province had such singular and
unreasonable nations of Indians, and particularly the Cherokees, that he would
not have any thing to do with them, nor order the Indians the things wanted."
— Penn, Col. Rec, viii., 77.
12 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
of March last. The Indians seem hearty in our
cause, and full of spirits at the prospect of an Expe-
dition, which they have long been wishing for. But
I fear the rendezvous of the troops at the mouth of
Conococheague will give them some disgust ; because
from long use, this place is become perfectly known
and familiar to them ; and it is here they repair upon
every occasion. Here, also all their scouting parties,
that are gone to war, will return, and at this placCy
the earliest intelligence of occurrencies on the
frontiers, will always arrive.
I have taken great pains to encourage all that
have gone to war, since my return here to take each
a prisoner ; and if they should get more than one, to
keep them asunder ; which they have promised to do.'
That part of your letter relative to the building
fiats, I have communicated to Lt. Smith, and we
shall endeavor to get plank and other materials in
readiness ; but at the same time I must observe, that
all the men of this garrison are employed (by authority
of this government) in finishing the works here ; and
I do not know how far my conduct may be justified
in withdrawing them from them, as I have received
' " The Indians seem to anticipate our success, by joining us, thus early, with
seven hundred of their warriors ; of whose good inclinations to assist his Majes-
ty's troops. Captain Bosomworth, who held a conference with their chiefs can
fully inform you and to whom I shall refer. There are two things, however,
which I must beg leave to indicate, as likely to contribute greatly to their ease
and contentment ; to wit, an early campaign, and plenty of goods. These are
matters, which they often remind us of, both in their public councils and private
conferences." — To Brigadier-General Forbes, 23 April, 1758.
Colonel Stephen had just arrived at Fredericksburg with the two companies
returned from South Carolina. These troops were daily expected at Fort
Loudoun.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 13
no order from the President to regard any instructions
but his own.
I now flatter myself, that this settlement will be
able to furnish a pretty number of waggons, & will-
ingly ; but what quantity of forage may be had, I am
unable to say. I have, however, made your desires
known to the people on this occasion.
I have advice, that our Assembly have voted 2,000
men for the expedition ; who are to be commanded
by General Forbes, besides militia, for the security
of the frontiers ; and that they have also voted an
additional fund of ^6,000 for Indian expences.'
Your express with letters of the 7th came safe to
this place, on the 12th in the Evening, and was dis-
patched early next morning. I am, &c.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL.
Fort Loudoun, 24 April, 1758.
Sir,
Your letter of the 19th instant, intended to come
by Colonel Stephen, was delivered me to-day about
noon by express. As there are several matters con-
tained in it of an interesting nature, I chose to be
' " Permit me to return you my sincere thanks for the honor you were pleased
to do me, in a letter to Mr. President Blair, and to assure you, that to merit a
continuance of the good opinion you have therein expressed of me, shall be
among my principal studies. I have no higher ambition, than to act my part
well during the campaign ; and if I should thereby merit your approbation, it
will be a most pleasing reward for the toils I shall undergo.
" It gives me no small pleasure, that an oflScerof your experience, abilities, and
good character should be appointed to command the expedition, and it is with
equal satisfaction I congratulate you upon the promising prospect of a glorious
campaign." — To General Forbes, 23 April, 1758.
14 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
aided in my determinations by the advice of my
officers, and have enclosed your Honor their and my
opinion on the several heads.
I could by no means think of executing, (willingly,)
that discretionary power, with which you were pleased
to invest me, of ordering out the militia.' It is an
affair, Sir, of too important and delicate a nature for
me to have the management of ; for much discontent
will be the inevitable consequence of this draft.
Your Honor will no longer be at a loss for a re-
turn, after you receive my letter by Jenkins ; and lest
any accident may have happened to that, I herewith
enclose another for the same month.
When the relief of our outposts in Augusta marches,
Major Lewis, who commands on that quarter, should
be advised thereof, and he will order them to their
stations.
That was a most extraordinary request of Colonel
Mercer, concerning the exchange of officers, and
calculated, it would seem, rather to breed confusion,
and to gratify his own vanity, than to benefit the
other regiment There is not an ensign there, that
would not rather quit the service, than accept of a
company in the other regiment, so much do they dis-
' This power of drafting tlie militia, with which the forts were to be gar-
risoned while the regular troops were employed in the expedition, was conferred
equally on the President, and the Commander-in-chief ; a substantial proof of
the confidence reposed in the latter by the Assembly, although in this case, as
in all others, he could not be prevailed upon to exercise a delegated power to
any greater extent, than was absolutely necessary for a full discharge of the
duties of his station. — Sparks.
''■ Mercer was lieutenant-colonel of the second, or new regiment. The com-
manding officer of this regiment was Colonel Byrd.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON.
approve Colonel Mercer's proposal ; and I have
neither inclination nor power to force their com-
pliance.
Captain Rutherford's company was raised and
posted on this quarter by Governor Dinwiddie's ex-
press orders, and can be more useful here, than any
other men whatever, being all sons of the neighboring
farmers, men of property, young, active, and en-
tirely acquainted with the woods on these frontiers.
Whereas, if they go to the southward, they will be
utter strangers to the enemy's haunts, and of no
more use there, than the militia of an adjacent
county; while their places here must be supplied by
militia equally ignorant of these woods as they will be
of any others ; besides giving them a useless march
of two hundred miles, and exposing the frontiers in
the mean time. Another reason mav be urored ;
their property all lies in this county. Interested
motives induced them to enlist, and to be vigilant in
defending it, and, I believe, they would desert, rather
than go to the southward.
Your Honor will please to remember, it was one
among the last questions, I had an opportunity of
asking, if I should send parties a recruiting ? You
replied, " that, as the Assembly was so near meeting,
you would defer giving any directions on that head,"
and as I had no money for the purpose, I hope it will
not seem surprising, that we have recruited but a few
men since, and that I have been waiting for orders to
complete the regiment. I shall now use my best en-
deavors, with what few officers, can be spared from
i6 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
the garrisons, (which will be very few, indeed !) dis-
persed as we are. I shall also be under a necessity
of sending down for money to carry on this service ;
and should be glad that your Honor would order it
to be ready immediately to prevent delay of the
officer, who will set off to-morrow, or the next day
after at the farthest. I am, &c.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL.
Fort Loudoun, 4 May, 1758.
HoNBLE. Sir,
The enclosed letter from Capt. Waggener, will
inform your Honor of a very unfortunate affair.
From the best accounts I have yet been able to get,
there are about 60 persons killed and missing. Im-
mediately upon receiving this Intelligence, I sent out
a Detachment of the Regiment, and some Indians,
that were equipped for war, in hopes of their being
able to intercept the Enemy in the retreat. I was
fearful of this stroke, but had not time enough to avert
it, as your Honor will find by the following account
which came to hand just before Capt. Waggener's
letter, by Captn. McKenzie.
Lieutenant Gist with 6 soldiers and 30 Indians marched the 2d
of April from the South Branch ; and after a tedious march (oc-
casioned by the deep snows on the mountains) got on the waters
of the Monongahela, where Mr. Gist was lamed by a fall from a
steep bank, and rendered incapable of marching. The white peo-
ple and some of the Indians remained with him ; and the rest of
the Indians divided themselves into three parties & separated.
1758] . GEORGE WASHINGTON. 17
Ucahula and two more went down the Monongahela in a bark
canoe and landed near Ft. Duquesne, on the north side, where
they lay concealed for two days. At length an opportunity of-
fered of attacking a canoe, in which were two French men fishing ;
those they killed and scalped in sight of two other canoes with
French men in them, and came off safe.
When he got about 15 miles on this side Ft. Duquesne, he came
upon a large Indian Encampment, from the size of which, and the
number of tracks, judged to be at least 100, making directly for
the frontiers of Virginia, as they again discovered by crossing
their tracks.*
At present I have nothing more to add to your
Honor, having written several times lately on matters,
to which I have received no answer.
I had wrote thus far, and was going to send off an
Express with this melancholy account, when I re-
' " This Indian's account of Ft. Duquesne, corresponds with most others I
have heard, vizt., that it is strong on the land-side, but stockaded only where
it faces the Ohio-river. It does not appear from his information that there are
many men there, or that they have thrown up any new works. He saw a
party on the other side of the river, which he supposed to be newly come, be-
cause there were several canoes near them ; and they seemed to be busy in
putting up bark huts, which however were not many — and only two tents
pitched. When he had got about 15 miles on this side of Fort Duquesne he
came upon a large Indian encampment and tracks, steering towards Virginia ;
and after the parties had joined and were marching in, Lt. Gist came upon a
track of another large party, pursuing the same course. These parties have
since fallen upon the back-inhabitants of Augusta County, and destroyed near
50 persons, besides an officer and i3 men, belonging to Captn. Hog's ranging-
company, who we suppose (for I have no advice from him) were sent to the
country-people's assistance. As soon as I obtained notice of this, I ordered a
detachment from the Regiment, and some Indians, that were equipped for war,
to march, and endeavor to intercept their retreat — if they are not too numerous.
— I have also engaged Ucahula, with a small party of brisk men to go immedi-
ately for Ft. Duquesne, and try to get a prisoner. He seems confident of suc-
cess, and promises to be back in 20 days at the farthest. The two Virginia
Companies from Carolina came to this place yesterday. — Enclosed is a return
of their strength." — To Sir John St. Clair, 4 May, 175S.
1 8 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
ceived advice, that the Particulars relative to those
murders had been transmitted from Augusta, to your
Honor. I thereupon thought it most advisable to
postpone sending 'till I should receive answer to
my several letters by Jenkins and Mr. Gist ; which
I was accordingly honored with, the 7th and last
night.
May loth. After due deliberation on your Honor's
letter of the 2d by Gist, I am of opinion, that the
number of Militia you have ordered for the defence
of the Posts, to be evacuated by the regiment, will be
sufficient, unless the completing the works at this
place should be thought necessary.
As it can not be supposed that the Enemy will
attempt any formidable incursion after the march of
our army ; and as to the depredations to be feared
from their small scalping-parties, it would be out of
the power of thrice the proposed number (or indeed
of a7ty number) effectually to prevent them. But, as
you are pleased to desire my opinion — I beg leave to
offer a few things relative to the disposition you
propose.
I humbly conceive therefore, that it would be in-
finitely more for the interest of the service, to order
the 100 from Prince William to the South Branch,
and continuing Rutherford's company in its present
station, making this its headquarters. For, as that
company is perfectly acquainted with all that range
of mountains, extending from the Potomack to the
Augusta Line, and thro' which the Enemy make in-
cursions into this settlement, tJicy could with greater
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 19
facility obstruct their inroads and assist the inhabi-
tants of this valley (of whom they themselves form a
very great part) than those who are ignorant of the
ground. The militia from Prince William, equally
know the Branch and this vicinity, and therefore may
be supposed to do as much there, as here ; whereas
moving Rutherford's there, would be stripping them
of those essential advantages which they may derive
from their thorough knowledge of these parts, and
removing them from defending their immediate
rights (the sole motive of the enlisting).
One half of this company, were it continued here,
might be constantly ranging, and the other left in
this fort, which is centrical to their present station.
If the works here are to be completed, which from
their great importance I should think highly neces-
sary, in that event, an additional number of 60 or 80
good men from the militia, for that particular service,
would be wanted ; and I do not know any person so
capable of directing the works as Major Joseph
Stephen, of Caroline County. He formerly had the
overlooking of them, and managed with remarkable
industry-.
A part of the militia ordered for the Branch should
take post at Edwards's (on Cacapehon) and at
Pearsalls, for the security of convoys passing from
hence to Fort Cumberland.
I really do not know what method can be practised
to compel the country people to deliver up the
public arms, unless there could be a general search in
every county.
20 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
Governor Dinwiddle, if I remember right, issued
two or three proclamations ordering them in, to no
purpose.
With regard to opening the roads, I think it would
be most advisable to postpone all attempts, 'till Sir
Jno. St. Clair's arrival, as he is expected so soon.
For Pearsalls, altho' it is the most convenient road
for the Virginia, may not be used by the northern
troops ; as I understand their rendezvous is ordered at
Fort Frederick in Maryland. This may also (altho'
I cannot yet absolutely say) render garrisons at
Edwards and Pearsalls, useless, unless it be a few to
preserve the forts and the families gathered into
them.
As several of our best sergeants were made officers
in the Carolina Regiment (besides some other vacan-
cies in that Rank) parting with 10 for the use of the
new Regiment will be a very great hardship at this
juncture.
We are likewise short of our number of Drummers,
and many of those we have are raw and untutored.
As the General expects not regularity from the new
levies, well knowing how little any attempts towards
it, in a short time, would avail ; I can not help being
surprized at their requesting your Honor to give
directions for doing what would be of no real service
to the new Regiment, and would be of vast prejudice
to that I have the honor to command.
In consequence of your orders for completing the
Regiment (with all possible despatch) by recruiting,
I sometime ago sent all the officers I could spare to
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 21
those parts of the Country- where there is the greatest
probabihty of success and furnished them with all the
money I had, and directions to draw upon me for
whatever sum they might want for that service. I
likewise engaged some of the most popular of the
country gentlemen to recruit for me, giving them the
same liberty to draw upon me. Well knowing the
difficulty of getting any tolerable number in a short
time, I exerted myself in prosecuting every measure,
that afforded a prospect of success, having then not
the least reason to doubt of being duly supplied with
money : But how great is my surprise at that para-
graph of your Honor's letter, that you can not send
me a7iy for that service. As I had immediate demands
upon me, which I put off until Mr. Gist's arrival, I
consulted with my officers about applying the ^400,
sent for contingencies, towards these demands ; and
enclose you their opinion on that head ; and I must
earnestly request, that you will be pleased to fall upon
some measures of sending me 800 or 1,000^ more ; as
your honor, the honor of the Colony, as well as mine,
and the officers, together with that of those gentle-
men above-mentioned, whom I have employed, is so
nearly and immediately interested in the completion
of those engagements, which I have, in consequence
of your orders, entered into. Surely it cannot be
imagined that I can pay the money (if I had it to
deposit) out of my own private fortune ; nor does the
shortness of the time, nor the circumstances I am
under, admit of any other alternative.
I will chearfully bespeak, and can easily procure,
22 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
the Stage Horses you desire — when furnished with
money for that purpose.
As J no. Berry was made a soldier (how legally the
Court of Officers &c, that sent him can better
declare) I must think it not only repugnant to law, but
to the articles of War, and the customs of the army,
to allow him to enlist in any other corps ; for, by this
means, if there were no other bad consequences
attending it, he defrauds the Country of double-
bounty-money.
I shall make a prudent use of the power you have
been pleased to give me, respecting the issuing
orders to the parties of militia.
Your favor of the 3d by Mr. French Mason, I have
just been presented with ; and would gladly have
appointed him Ensign in the regiment, had not the
vacancies been disposed of, in the following manner,
before it came to hand, vizt. :
Capt. Lt. Bullet, to Joshua Lewis's company — Mr.
Duncanson, oldest Ensign, to the Lieutenancy occa-
sioned by this removal : and Mr. Thomas Gist and Mr.
Allen, volunteers, and John McCully& John Sallard,
worthy Sergeants, (all of whom had served a consid-
erable time with credit and reputation) to be Ensigns.
— I had likewise before the receipt of yours, promised
Major Hite, of this County, a gentleman of good
character, the Colors that would become vacant ;
upon the event of Colo. Mercer's Company being
filled up ; as he in consideration, had engaged to
recruit 50 men, for the service — which I then thought
would be a vast advantage. 1 am, &c.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 23
TO MAJOR FRANCIS HALKET.
Fort Loudoun, ii May, 1758.
Dear Sir,
I am this day favored with yours of the 4th instant,
and would have thought myself extremely culpable
and deficient in my duty, had I delayed one moment
in transmitting to the General any intelligence I could
procure ; much less such a material one as that he has
had information of. I must, therefore, beg that you
will, from me, assure the General, the Catawbas have
not this year brought in one prisoner or scalp to this
place, nor indeed to any other that I ever heard of.
There hath been no prisoner taken by any of our
friendly Indians this season, and no scalps, except
the two taken near Fort Duquesne by Ucahula,
of which, and all the intelligence of the enemy in
that quarter, which that young warrior was able to
give, I, by the last post, sent to the General a full
and circumstantial account. Nor would I have failed
to have kept him duly informed of every interesting
occurrence, even had it not been recommended to me.
It gave me no small uneasiness when I was in-
formed of the resolution which some of the Chero-
kees had made of wandering towards the Indian
settlements in Maryland and Pennsylvania, clearly
foreseeing the bad consequences such a peregrina-
tion would produce. I therefore represented the
matter to Captain Gist in the strongest manner,
and must do him the justice to say, that nothing
in his power was left unessayed to prevent it. But
our efforts proved ineffectual, as those two provinces
24 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
last year, very impolitically I humbly conceive, made
those Indians presents, and encouraged their return-
ing thither this spring. And such is the nature of
Indians, that nothing will prevent their going where
they have any reason to expect presents, and their
cravings are insatiable when there is any farther
prospect of getting a benefit.
I and my officers constantly have, and always will
pay, the strictest regard to every circumstance, that
may contribute to put and keep the Indians in a good
humor. But, as Governor Dinwiddle ordered me not
to meddle or interfere with Indian affairs on any pre-
tence whatever, the sole management of them being
left to Mr. Atkin and his deputy Mr. Gist, and those
orders having never been countermanded, neither I,
nor my officers, have adventured to do any thing
relative to them, but in a secondary manner through
Mr. Gist.
The Raven warrior was on a scout,'' In which he
was unsuccessful. On his return hither, he pro-
duced two white men's scalps, which he brought
from his own nation, and wanted to pass them for
the enemy's, taken in his unsuccessful scout. In this
villany he was detected by the other warriors, who
were highly offended at so base a deceit, and threat-
ened to kill him for it. A consciousness of his guilt,
and a dread of being called to a severe account by
his own countrymen, were the reasons which many
of them assigned for his going away in so abrupt
(but by no means dissatisfactory) a manner to the
' P'rom Fort Frederick, in Maryland.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 25
English.' As Captain Bosomworth was here trans-
acting Indian affairs, under the immediate orders of
the Commander-in-chief, when the Raven warrior
returned and was detected, I only wrote in mine to
General Forbes superficially on the subject, referring
to Captain Bosomworth for particulars imagining it
more properly belonged to him to do so.
It gives me infinite pleasure, that the General
seems (by the great pains he takes) to be so well
satisfied of the importance their services will be of ;
but cannot help being under some uneasiness that it
will be almost impracticable to keep them until they
will be wanted. They say that they did not leave
home with an intention of staying any considerable
time, that they can see no appearance of our being
soon able to take the field, that staying any time for
our assembling, and afterwards for our slow motions,
would detain them too long from their own nation ;
but that they would go home and be back again
by the time they are wanted. These and many things
to the same purpose are used by most of the parties
that come in from war, as reasons for going off; and
altho' we have (here) done ever)' thing in our power
to remove these objections and to prevent their
going, yet a party of 25 Cherokees went off this
morning. But on receipt of your letter I followed
them, told them it was from the General, and by its
assistance at last prevailed on them to return. Yet I
' To St. Clair, Washington wrote that the " Raven warrior with 30 others
(some of whom afterwards returned) left this place for their nation about the
24th or 25th of last month." It appears that the Deputy Indian Agent (Gist?)
gave the Raven a present to prevent " bad talks " among his people.
26 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
dread that unless they see the troops assemble soon,
it will be very difficult if not impossible to retain any
number of the Cherokees, altho' nothing in my power
will be wanting to prevent their leaving us, which
might be of the most fatal consequences to this part
of the continent.
Enclosed is my return for April, but you will please
to observe that Captn. Woodward's is made out from
his last, as his great distance from hence puts it out of
his power to send it in due time.
I beg you will inform the General, that I shall, with
great alacrity, obey all the orders, with which he may
honor me. In the mean time, I am, with unfeigned
regard, dear Halket, yours, &c.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL.
Williamsburg, 28 May, 1758.
HoNBLE. Sir,
I came here at this critical juncture, by the express
order of Sir John St. Clair, to represent in the fullest
manner the posture of our affairs at Winchester, and
to obviate any doubts, that might arise from the best
written narrative. I shall make use of the following
method, as the most effectual I can at present
suggest, to lay sundry matters before you, for your
information, approbation, and direction. And I hope,
when your Honor considers how we are circum-
stanced and how absolutely necessary [is] despatch,
that you will please to give me explicit and speedy
answers, on the several points which are submitted.
For without the latter the service will be greatly im-
1758] GEORGE WASHIXGTOX. 27
peded, and wanting the former, my conduct may be
liable to error and to censure. To begin :
I St. Sir John St. Clair's letter will, I apprehend,
inform your Honor of our principal wants, namely,
arms, tents, and other sorts of field-equipage, — articles
so absolutely and obviously necessar}-, as to need no
argument to prove, that the men will be useless
without them, and that the vast sums of money which
have been expended in levying and marching them to
the place of rendezvous, will be entirely lost, besides
impeding if not defeating the expedition, and losing
ever}' Indian now on our frontiers by delay.
2. The officers will be entirely unprovided with
the means of taking the field, till they have an allow-
ance made to them of baggage, forage, and bat-
money. Governor Dinwiddle, from what cause I
could never yet learn, thought proper to discontinue
this allowance to the companies that remained in
Virginia, at the same time that he allowed it to those
who went to Carolina, although I produced evidence
under General Stanwix's hand, (the then commanding
officer on this quarter) that all officers were entitled
to it, and that it was indispensably necessary^ to
equip them for, and enable them to take the field.
General Forbes has obtained this allowance for the
Pennsylvania troops, and desired Sir John St. Clair
(who has given me a copy of it signed) to urge it
strongly on this government also. See the copy.
3. The difterent pay of the two Mrginia regiments
will, I conceive, if a stop is not put to it, be produc-
tive of great discontent, and manv evils. For the
28 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
soldiers of the first regiment think their claim upon
the country equally good, if not better than that of
the second, because their services are not limited."
They have lacked the great bounty, which the others
have received, and have had no clothes for near two
years, when in strictness they have an annual call for
and an equal right to expect them.
4. As our regimental clothing cannot possibly last
the campaign, will it not be advisable to send for a
supply against next winter ? I have sent to Phila-
delphia for one thousand pair of Indian stockings,
(leggings), the better to equip my men for the woods ;
and should be glad to know whether I am to pay for
them in behalf of the country, or deduct the cost out
of their pay. As they have not received the clothing
they are entitled to, they may think this latter rather
hard.
5. Should not the pay of the surgeon's mates in the
first regiment be equal to that of those in the second ?
The latter have four and the former only three shil-
lings per day, and should there not be the same num-
ber of surgeon's mates allowed to the old as are to the
new regfiment ?
6. It will cause cj'reat dissatisfaction in the reei-
ment, if Lieutenant Baker is put over the heads of
older officers. It is granted, that Mr. Baker is a
very deserving officer, but there are others equally
deserving, and have adventured equally to seek glory,
' The second regiment was raised only for the campaign, and, by the terms
of llie act of Assembly, it was to be disl)andc(l, and the men discharged on the
first of December; whereas the soldiers of the fust regiment were enlisted to
serve during the war.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 29
and to merit applause. Ensign Chew, for instance,
was with him when the scalps were taken ; Capt. Mc-
Kenzie, Lt. Gist, Mr. Woodward and many others
have adventured as far into the enemy's country', tho'
with less success. I therefore hope (to prevent the
disorders consequent upon his advancement) that
your Honor will suffer Colo. Mercer's company to be
given to Mr. Stewart, the oldest Lieutenant, as Captn.
Lewis' in the like case was to Mr. Bullet.
7. Sir John St. Clair directs in consequence of
orders from the General, that the first Virginia regi-
ment shall immediately be completed, and leaves the
mode of doing it to your Honor. I should be glad of
direction in this affair. The season, I fear, is too far
advanced to attempt it now by recruiting.
8. Lt. Steenbugen, having been guilty of several
irregular and ungentlemanly practices, and finding his
conduct was about to be inquired into, begged leave
to resign, which I granted so far as depended upon
me ; because the crimes he was then accused of, were
not sufficient to break him, altho' quite sufficient to
give the whole corps the most indifferent opinion of
his morals. This resignation, and Captn. Lt. Stew-
art's promotion will cause two vacancies in the regi-
ment ; to fill up which, and to make the several pro-
motions hereby occasioned will require five blank
commissions.
9. I should be glad to know if the works at Fort
Loudoun are still to go on ? In what manner to be
forwarded, and under whose direction ? Nothing
surely will contribute more to the public weal, than
30 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
his fort when completed ; because it will be a valu-
able repository for our stores, if the event of our
enterprise prove successful, and an asylum for the in-
habitants, (and place of retreat for our troops,) in
case of a defeat.
10. Great advantages must consequently arise, by
appointing Lieutenant Smith to that direction, and to
the command of Fort Loudoun. First, because he
has had the overlooking of the works for nearly two
years, is, by that means, become perfectly well ac-
quainted with every thing intended to be done, and
is exceedingly industrious. Secondly, because there
must necessarily be many sick and lame soldiers left
at that garrison, who may require the eye of a diligent
officer to keep them together. Thirdly, because all
the regimental stores and baggage must be left at
that place, and ought to be under the care of an
officer, who can be made accountable for his conduct ;
and not left to the mercy of an ungovernable and re-
fractory militia. And fourthly, it is necessary, if for
no other reason than to preserve the materials for
finishing the works that are now lying there.
11. I conceive we shall be ordered to take with us
the greatest part of the ammunition now at Fort Lou-
doun. It will be necessary, therefore, to have a supply
laid in at that place for the use of the frontier garrisons.
12. I did in a late letter endeavor to point out, in
what manner the service would be benefited, by con-
tinuing Rutherford's rangers in the parts they now
are, and sending the militia of Prince William to the
Branch in their stead, and I again recommend it, for
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 31
the reasons then given, and for many others, which
might be given.
I must now conclude, with once more begging,
that your Honor will come to some speedy determina-
tion on these several matters. From what Sir John
St. Clair has wrote, from my orders, and from what I
have here set forth, I conceive it must sufficiently
appear, that the greatest dispatch is absolutely
necessary, — the success of our expedition, in a man-
ner, depending upon the early commencement of it.
Every delay, therefore, may be attended with perni-
cious consequences.
The Indians, glad of any pretence for returning
home, will make use of delays for a handle ; and a
spirit of discontent and desertion may spring up
among the new levies for want of employment.
These are matters obvious to me, and my duty re-
quires, that I represent them in this free and candid
manner.'
' As the government in England had determined to prosecute offensive
operations on the southern frontiers, great preparations had been contemplated
for a vigorous campaign under General Forbes against Fort Duquesne. Mr.
Pitt had, on the 30th of December, written a circular to the governors of Penn-
sylvania and the several colonies at the south, requesting a hearty cooperation
from the Assemblies in aid of General Forbes' expedition. He stipulated,
that the colonial troops raised for this purpose, should be supplied with arms,
ammunition, tents, and provisions, in the same manner as the regular troops,
and at the king's expense ; so that the only charge to the colonies would be
that of levying, clothing, and paying the men. The governors were, also,
authorized to issue commissions to provincial officers, from colonels downwards,
and these officers were to hold rank in the united army according to their com-
missions. Had this liberal and just system been adopted at the outset, it
would have put a very different face upon the military affairs of the colonies.
Major-General Abercromby, who had succeeded Lord Loudoun to the
command in America, assigned six thousand troops to Pennsylvania, Virginia,
32 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
TO GENERAL FORBES.
Fort Loudoun, 19 June, 1758.
Sir,
Pardon the liberty I am going to use — a liberty
that nothing but the most disinterested regard for
the safety and welfare of these Colonies would in-
duce me to take. How far my Ideas on what I am
about to observe are compatible with reason, and
may correspond with your Sentiments on the matter,
I candidly submit to your Excellency's determination.
The unfortunate arrival of the Cherokees into
these Governments so early in the Spring, and the
unavoidable accidents that have hitherto prevented a
and Maryland, as their quota for the expedition to the Ohio. Of this number
the Pennsylvania Assembly resolved to raise two thousand seven hundred. —
Votes, &c. of the Assembly, vol. iv., p. 799. The Maryland Assembly voted
one thousand, but their bill was defeated by the usual quarrel with the Govern-
or, who refused his assent to their proposed mode of levying the tax to defray
the expense. — Votes and Proceedings for March, IJ^S.
The troops actually employed under General Forbes were twelve hundred
Highlanders, three hundred and fifty Royal Americans, about twenty-seven
hundred provincials from Pennsylvania, sixteen hundred from Virginia, two or
three hundred from Maryland, who had been stationed in garrison at Fort
Frederick, under Colonel Dagworthy ; and also two companies from North
Carolina ; making in all, including the wagoners, between six and seven
thousand men.
" Among the inclosed, you will find a letter from Mr. Strother concerning
the French negro I wrote to him for, by your desire. This negro is a shrewd,
sensiVjle fellow, and may be useful if he was not sent into the inhabitants for
the purpose of discoveries, rather than of his ovyn accord for the purpose of
escape. He is very well acrjuaintcd with the Ohio, and its dependencies, but
has been longer from Fort Du Quesne than I at first understood. He will set
out from this to-morrow, with a waggon I shall send towards Fort Loudoun in
Pennsylvania, and I shall desire that he may be forwarded to you from
thence." — To Sir John St. Clair, 14 June, 1758.
" I shall leave this [Fort Loudoun) tlie 23d inst. with three companies of my
regiment, one of the second regiment, and the troop of Liglit Horse, and
expect to be at I'earsalls the 25th, if not delayed by my waggons." — To Captain
Waggener, 15 June, 175S.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 33
junction of the Troops intended for the Western Ex-
pedition, have caused them (as they are naturally of
a discontented temper) to be tired of waiting : and
all except those who came last, with Colo. Byrd, and
a few others that have joined since, to return home.
How long- these can be prevailed upon to remain
with us, I will not take upon me to affirm ; but I can
venture to say it will not be 6 weeks if it requires
that time to form our Magazines, and prepare for our
march — as Colo. Bouquet seemed to think it would.
Now, in this event, we shall be left to perform with-
out them a march of more than icx) miles from our
advanced Post, before we shall arrive at Fort du
Quesne ; a great part of which will be over moun-
tains and Rocks, and thro' such Defiles, as will ena-
ble the Enemy, with the assistance of their Indians,
and Irregulars, and their superior knowledge of the
country, to render extremely arduous, unsafe, and at
best, tedious, our intended Expedition ; unless we
also can be assisted by a Body of Indians ; who I
conceive to be the best if not the 07ily Troops fit to
cope with Indians in such grounds. For, I beg leave
further to add, that I do not suppose Success in such
a country as I have described, is to be the conse-
quence of numbers. On the contrary, I conceive the
march of an unwieldy Body of Troops, co\'ering their
convoys, may be penetrated by a few who are light
and unencumbered : — Of this, however, I am certain,
they may be greatly harrassed, and their march much
incommoded by the skulking Enemy we have to deal
with.
34 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
From what has, and might be said on this occasion,
it should appear that Indians, to us, are of the utmost
importance ; and as I understand your Excellency-
proposes to keep open the communication with the
Inhabitants, and to secure a retreat, (if it should be
our misfortune) by the establishment of Posts at ad-
vantageous situations and at proper distances, as the
Army advances (a work truly of the greatest import-
ance, especially as we shall but too probably begin
our march with a hand-full of Indians) I think it
would be practicable, during the prosecution of this
plan, to get a number of the Indians to our assistance
(by sending a person of abilities and address imme-
diately for them) before we could approach Fort du
Quesne : and I think it is not likely we shall meet
with any formidable opposition till we get pretty near
that place.
Another great advantage that might be derived
from sending a person to the Cherokee nation would
be to reconcile (tis to be hop'd) those differences that
have lately happened between them and some of the
frontier inhabitants of this colony ; which, if not
properly, and timously attended to may be produc-
tive of the most serious consequences to the British
Interest in America, and terminate in the ruin of our
Southern Settlements. The Southern Indians, of
late, seem to be wavering ; and have, on several oc-
casions, discovered an inclination to break with us. I
think it will admit of no doubt, that, if we should be
unsuccessful in this Quarter, which Heaven avert! the
united force of several powerful nations of them might
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 35
be employed against us ; and that such an acquisition
to the Enemy would enable them to desolate our
Southern Colonies, and make themselves masters of
that part of the continent, is not to be questioned.
Wherefore, that nothing should be omitted that might
contribute to prevent so dreadful a calamity, I sug
gest the idea of sending a proper person immediately
to the Cherokee nation ; who may not only heal the
differences which now subsist, but get a Body of them
to join the army on their march, and no person,
surely, who has the interest of our important cause at
heart, wou'd hesitate a moment to eng-ao-e in such a
Service, on the event of which our all, in a manner,
depends.
There is now a large cargoe of proper Goods for
trading with them just arrived from England in this
Colony. Necessary supplies might be drawn from
thence and laid in at proper places, for them, which
would prevent those delays and disappointments,
which they have had too much cause to complain of.
It would I confess require much time before In-
dians (who are now to be sent for) could join us :
but, as the delays are to be expected in forming our
Magazines, establishing our Posts, and marching
thro' such an extent, will also require time, it may,
I think be effected, and the farther the Summer is
advanced, the more will our want of Indians, and our
march be facilitated and secured by means of them.
For, if a decisive Action should happen to the north-
ward, and the Enemy prove victorious, they would,
in that case, add strength to their Garrisons on the
36 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
Ohio — by Indians at least : who would easily be
induced, by the prospect of plunder, to come to their
aid — But no delay, in expectation of Indians, or on
any other account, ought to be admitted : because
among other Evils, resulting from it, would be the
expiration of the term of service of the Second Vir-
ginia Regiment, who stand engaged to the ist of
December only^
What time the French may require to assemble
a formidable Body of Indians at Fort du Quesne, —
how they are provided for victualling such a Body
there, and how far they may be able to prevail upon
them to wait the uncertain march of our Army, when
they have assembled them, — are matters I profess
myself to be ignorant of. — But, if we are allowed
to draw inferences from our own difficulties in these
cases, we may in the first place conclude, I think, that
our preparations, &c., have sufficiently alarmed them ;
— and that they have got together what Indians they
can, — next, — that those Indians will require the same
Provisions, and perhaps the same humoring that
' This paragraph was originally written : " It woud I confess, require a con-
siderable time before the Indians that are yet to be sent for, coud join us ; but,
as the inevitable obstructions to be met with in forming Magazines, erecting
the Posts, and marching on, must require much time, it may be effected, and
the farther the summer is advancd, the operations of the Camj^aign for many
obvious Reasons, cou'd be executed with the greater security, unless there shoud,
e'er then, happen a decisive action to the No. ward and the Enemy prove suc-
cessful ; in that case they woud j^our in their Troops upon us to the Southward.
At all events they couel easily ])revail uj)on many of their northward Indians,
by ])romiscs and the views of Plunder, to join their Troojjs upon the Ohio.
Another Misfortune that woud arise by a hile Canqiaign is that the limited
time for the service of the 2d Virginia Regiment woud be near or perhaps (juitc
elapsed before the Campaign coud be over."
1758] . GEORGE WASHINGTON. 37
ours do ; and lastly ; that they may also get dis-
satisfied at waiting, and return home like ours have
done, thinking our preparations a feint only to draw-
off their attention from the northward.
My solicitude on account of Indians sufficiently
appears throughout all I have said. — Your Excel-
lency is the best judge of the Plan you have to
execute, and the time it will require to bring your
operations to bear. You are also a proper judge of
the time it will take to accomplish the Scheme I
have proposed of getting Indians to our assistance,
and how far it may correspond (in point of time)
with other measures, and, therefore it wou'd be pre-
suming too much after I have endeavored (tho' a
little indigestedly) to shew the necessity of Indians,
and the advantages and disadvantages of a late cam-
paign to say any thing further, unless it be to apolo-
gize once more for the freedom I have taken of men-
tioning matters, which I suppose you are equally (if
not better) acquainted with than I am : and to assure
your Excellency that I am, &c.
TO GOVERNOR FAUQUIER.
Fort Loudoun, 19th June, 1758,
HoNBLE. Sir,
The letter herewith enclosed woud have been sent
according to the date, but I have been waiting 'till
now for Capt. Rutherford's pay-roll ; his company
being much dispersed in the Ranging Service.
This day the Prince William Militia are to march
for the South-Branch, to relieve two companies of my
38 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
Regiment, agreeably to orders — Enclosed is a return
of their present strength. I should think myself defi-
cient in duty, were I to pass over in silence the conduct
and state of this company from their first coming out
— about the 20th ultimo — until the present moment.
One hundred Militia were ordered from Prince
William County, (but at what time I can not exactly
say), by Mr. President Blair. Instead of that num-
ber ']2) only came : and every one of them unprovided
with arms and ammunition, as the Law directs ; by
which means they were not only useless, but really
burthensome to the Country ; as they were eating its
Provisions and had their pay running on. This mat-
ter was represented to Colo. Henry Lee, Lieutenant
of that county, by Sir John St. Clair, then command-
ing officer here. The consequence of this representa-
tion was, that about the ist of this instant, near 100
arms were sent up by his order ; out of which number
scarce five were serviceable, and not more than 30
coud be made to fire. This was also represented to
Colo : Lee, who, after expressing his concern for it,
said, the County expected arms from England every
day, and has taken no farther notice of the matter
since, that 1 have yet heard. I immediately set
Smiths to repairing their arms, and have, with the
assistance of 35 old muskets, which I caused to be
delivered out of the Store here, got this company,
which ought to have consisted of 100 men (tho' there
are but 68) at last completed.
'Till this time they have been a dead expence to the
Public, and of no service to the inhabitants. This,
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 39
Sir, is a true statement of Facts, and really merits
reprehension : for, if such Behavior is suffered to
escape unnoticed, the most destructive consequences
may accrue. In the present case : if the Troops had
marched agreeable to the orders I at first received,
the companies on the South-Branch would have been
drawn off, and the inhabitants thereby left destitute
of support ; or must have come off with them which
it seems they were determined to do. This I under-
stand actually did happen in Augusta County, when
Major Lewis came from thence, by the negligence (I
suppose) of the County-Lieutenants. I am, &c.'
TO COLONEL HENRY BOUQUET, COMMANDING AT
RAYSTOWN.
Camp near Fort Cumberland, 3 July, 1758,
Sir,
Your favors of the 27th ulto and first inst. I have
had the honour to receive.
According to order I marchd from Winchester the
24th, and arrivd at this place Yesterday in the
afternoon, with five Companies of the first Virginia
Regiment, and a company of Artificers of the second,
as you may observe by the enclosed returns.
My March, by bad Teams and bad Roads, (not-
withstanding I had sent the Artificers and a Covering
Party on three days before) was much delayed.
' " I expect to march to-morrow agreeable to my orders. Woodward's
Company of the first Regiment coverd the artificers of the 2d, and left this the
22d, to open the Road from hence to Pearsalls, which, by information, is al-
most impassible." — To Sir John St. Clair, 23 June, 1758.
40 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
I herewith send a return of the Provisions and
Forage that came up under my Escort. We lost
three Bullocks, and that in driving. I can't abso-
lutely say for what purpose the Forage is intended,
or where to be lodged. It was engaged by Mr.
Walker at Sir J no. St. Clair's request, and I believe
for the light Horse. The principal part of it met
us at Pearsalls, on the South Branch ; and neither
myself, nor any person else was empowered, or even
desird, to receive and pay for it. I was at a loss
how to act, but thought it most advisable to bring it
on. If it is not intended for the light Horse, as I
apprehend, I shoud be glad of your directions con-
cerning it ; for Captn. Stewart, who possibly may be
Instructed for this purpose, I left equipping his
Troop at Winchester, and is not yet joind me.
As I can't suppose you intended to order any part of
my men upon the Roads, till joind at this place by Colo-
nel Byrd, I shall decline sending any upon that Ser-
vice till his arrival, which I suppose may be to-morrow,
as he was preparing to march the 26th after me.
I enclose you an exact return of the Maryland
Troops in Garrison at this place, also of their Pro-
visions and of the King's stores, and shoud be glad
to know what strength you woud have this Garrison
consist of, how many days' Provisions left for them,
and what quantity of Ammunition. I brought one
half of all that was orderd from Winchester by Sir
J no. St. Clair, and left the other half to follow with
Colo. Byrd — Powder excepted. And of that Article
there was only 16 barrels in the store there, besides
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 41
6 others that were made up into Cartridges — which
are also brought up between us.
Mr. Walker, in consequence of Instructions from
Mr. Hoops, (who I believe purposd to supply us
from Rays Town), put a stop to a further purchase
of Provisions. You will see by the Returns for what
number of days I am supplied, and I desird Colo.
Byrd to bring as much to this place as would serve
his Men a fortnight at least. I am at a loss to know
whether officers' servants, that are not Soldiers, are
allowd to draw Provisions, and shoud be thankfull
for your directions, as I have had many applications
on that head.
There are few tools ^ for the Services requird ;
but before a supply coud be got to this place from
Sir Jno. St. Clair or Governor Sharpe, the Work
(with what few we have) I hope may be near fin-
ishd. Rum too, I fear, will be a scarce article with
us.
Pray what will be done with the company of Byrd's
Regiment ordered to take post at Edwards's and
Pearsalls ? Shall they continue there, or join their
Regiment ? I left, in consequence of your Orders,
an Officer and thirty Men Invalids at Fort Loudoun
' There are too few tools here. Of Washington's letters to Bouquet, the
originals have been preserved and are now deposited in the British Museum.
The letter-books which were prepared from Washington's drafts are in the
Department of State, Washington. It is therefore possible to compare the
two series, and illustrate in what manner Washington altered his letters in
later years. I have, except where otherwise stated, printed the original as
published by Mr. William Henry Smith, in \\vq Magazine of American History,
February, 1 338 ; and in the foot-notes to a few of the letters given such varia-
tions as are to be found in the letter-book.
42 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
for safety of the stores, &c., lodgd there, and also a
sergeant and 12 at Pearsalls, to secure that Post and
keep open the Road for Expresses (for no more can
be expected from so small a Command). Byrd, I
hope, will leave 6 or 8 of his invalids or bad Men at
Edwards's, for the same purpose.
There came 28 wagons to this place with me, and
I believe, if they were wanted, 10 more might be had
upon the South Branch, strong and good ; but carry-
ing-Horses are certainly more eligible for the service
we are destind.
I have used my best endeavors to get my men
equipd with Powder Horns and Shott Pouches, and
have procured 330 of the former and 339 of the
latter ; besides the Linnen ones, with which we are
compleated.
I have received a very scanty allowance of Tents
for the 5 companies with me, vizt., sixty-nine only.
Out of these most of the officers must be supplied, or
lye uncoverd. They will readily pay for what they
receive, if requird. No Bell Tents were sent to us.
My men are very bare of cloaths (Regimentals, I
mean), and I have no prospect of a Supply. This
want so far from my regretting during this campaign,
that were I left to pursue my own Inclinations, I woud
not only order the Men to adopt the Indian dress,
but cause the Officers to do it also, and be the first
to set the example myself. Nothing but the uncer-
tainty of its taking with the General ' causes me to
hesitate a moment at leaving my Regimentals at this
' general (ipproluilion.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 43
place, and proceeding as light as any Indian in the
Woods. 'T is an unbecoming dress, I confess, for an
officer ; but convenience, rather than shew, I think,
shoud be consulted. The reduction of Bat Horses
alone is sufficient to recommend it ; for nothing is
more certain than that less baggage will be requird,
and that the Publick will be benefited in proportion.
I was desirous of being thus full in my Letter to
you. How far it may be consistent with good Policy,
as there is at least a possibility of its falling into the
Enemy's hands, I know not ; but I shall be directed
in these affairs by you.'
TO COLONEL BOUQUET.
Camp near Fort Cumberland, 7 July. 1758.
Sir,
Colo. Byrd with eight companies of his Regt.
arriv'd here yesterday. He left many sick Men
behind him, as may be seen by the enclosed re-
port ; which, with the company he posted at Ed-
ward's and Pearsalls, reduces our strength consid-
erably.
I am a good deal at a loss, therefore, to know how
to act for the best, as your last orders for joining you
at Rays Town were not positive, and seemed to
be given on a supposition that Mr. Walker either
coud not, or was net to supply us with Provisions
here. Your doubts will in some measure be obviated
when you see Mr. Walker's Letter to me on this
head, and the returns of our Provisions, which I now
' by you in future.
44 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
send. If this, therefore, was your motive for desiring
a Garrison to be left at this place, and for me to
march on to Rays Town with the remainder of the
Virginia Troops, you will, I presume, countermand
our march to that place, for the following reasons :
first, because 300 men may I think, open the Com-
munication to Rays- Town with safety, and with much
greater ease and convenience, than if our whole Body
marches on incumbered with a number of Wagons.
Secondly, it will, if the army is obliged to take this
route,' as I am told from all hands it certainly must,
prevent the fatigues ^ of a Counter-march to Men and
Horses just going upon Service. Thirdly, it will
afford us an opportunity of lodging our Provisions
and Stores here, while the Wagons may return for
another Convoy, and save by that means the great
expense of transporting them to there and back
again, if we should not be able to proceed from
thence.3 And fourthly, Colo. Byrd assures me that
the Indians with him absolutely refuse to march any
other road than this they know.'*
I was advised to hint these matters ^ to you and
wait ^ the result of your answer before I put the whole ^
in motion. Whatever you direct^ under these circum-
stances I shall ^ execute with the greatest punctuality
and Expedition in my power. I enclose return of the
No. of waggons now at this place, that you may be
judge'" of the Expense.
' The route Genl. Braddock did. " shall wait
' supersede the necessity of ' troops
^ if we . . . thence, om\Hci\. '^ shall direct
* than this which they are acquainted zuith. " this information f will
' I have judi^ed it expedient to hint these thitii^s '" may judge
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 45
Captn. Dagworthy telling me that Governor Sharpe
is to open the Road to the Town Creek (which is
within 15 miles of this place) and as lMar}'land has
near 200 Men here fit for Duty, I hope you will
be of opinion that they are sufficiently strong to
proceed on the Fort Frederick Road without need-
ing a reinforcement from us ; especially if you will
please to consider at the same time that they are
in a manner coverd by the Troops at this place, and
those which may be employd on the Road to Rays
Town, on which I shall send a detachment to work
tomorrow.'
I had wrote thus far when your Letter of yesterday
came to hand. As w^e lye so contiguous, and can
hear in so short a time from you, I shall only be pre-
paring to obey your Orders, but shall not actually
march till I hear from you again."
A pretty good stock of Liquor came up with the
last convoy. We have no Hay at this place ; 'twas
corn I calld forage. We shall have Tools sufficient
for opening the Road to Rays Town among the artifi-
cers of Colo. Byrd's Regiment, and I enclose a list of
what is here, belonging to Maryland, that you may
be able to judge of their wants.
' " Captain Dagworthy and the Marylanders begin to open the road to-mor-
row, towards Fort Frederick, and are furnished with ten days provisions for
that purpose ; but an extraordinary affair has happened in regard to their
provisions, — I mean that having no flour notwithstanding 6,ooo weight and bet-
ter was included in a return which I sent you signed by their commissary. I
have been obliged already to supply them with 2000 lbs. of this article. . . .
Under the circumstances they were. I was obliged to deliver out the above
flour or see them starve or desert. The latter they yet seem very inclinable to
do." — Washington to Bouquet, g July, 1758.
* to cut in till I receive your further orders.
46 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
I am sorry to hear that the Cattawbas have so
egreglously misbehaved. When I write to Govr.
Fauquier, which I expect may be in a few days I
shall touch on this subject.'
TO COLONEL BOUQUET.
Camp at Fort Cumbd. abt g'' Thursday Night July 13th, 1758.
Sir,
Abt. 4 Oclock this afternoon — after I had closed
my letter to you — I received information ^ that two
men were killed and a third taken prisoner on the
Road about a mile from this place. I got the In-
dians to go,"^ and sent a command of 50 men imme-
diately to the spot, where they took the Track of six
Indians and followed them till near dark, when the
Indians returned, as did our party also.
They discovered that one of the men ^ killed was
a soldr. of the second regiment, and that the other
two were herds ^ going to our^gra&s guards in the
most careless,^ straggling, manner, contrary to re-
peated, and positive orders given to prevent small
parties'^ stragling from camp.'°
' Colonel BoiKiuet had written July 6 : " The Catawbas, under the command of
Captain Johne, arc gone to Winchester. They have behaved in the most shame-
ful manner, and run away like a parcel of thieves, rather than warriors, without
seeing me. They have never killed even a deer, and there is the strongest
reason to suspect, that the scalp, which tlicy pretend to have taken, was an old
one. I think it would be very necessary to send a message to their nation to
complain of their conduct, and know at once if they arc friends or enemies. If
you ap[)rove of it, I shall be obliged to you to propose the thing to the (lovernor
of Virginia." * in pursuit of the enemy ' the '^ a most careless
'' of the clock ' who was killed ' soldiers from
* intelligence ^ herdsmen '" or small parties goint^ out without orders.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 47
The mischief was done abt. 8 this morning — Our
discover)- of it ' too late to give us a chance to over-
take ^ the enemy — I thought it advisable, neverthe-
less, to give you Intelligence ^ that the enemy are
about, and that I expect we shall be pester'd with their
parties* all this morn,^ haunting our camps, and
watching our motions.
I have apprizd Colo. Mercer, Captn. Dag\vorthy
and all our out parties of this murder, that they may
be strictly ^ upon their guard marching — and vigilant
in their Camps.
The Inclosd I this instant received from Captn.
Dagworthy — If it is not in your power to afford him
assistance ^ — tis entirely out of mine to do it.
P. S. Captn. Bosomworth &c, are safely arrivd
here ; he and Colo. Byrd join me in their compli-
ments.^
TO COLONEL BOUQUET.
Camp at Fort Cumberl.vsd, istli July, 175S.
Sir,
Your favor of the nth by Doctr. Johnston, I had
the pleasure to receive the same day — nothing extra-
ordinar}- since my last has occurr'd.
By a party from Colo. Mercer to this place for pro-
visions I find, they have opend the road only 6 miles ;
and that they proceed much slower in this service
than I expected : this possibly may arise from the
pains they take to make the road ' good, and from the
' 'Mas * them ' he mitst suffer as it is
' 0/ overtaking * moon ^ Not as a P. S.
^ information * strictly omitted * it
48 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
width of it (30 feet), which I directed, that two wag-
gons might conveniently go a brest. — If you don't
open on your side in this manner, I shoud be obHgd
to you to direct' Colo.^ Mercer otherwise, ^ — as it will
be useless to have one part wide and the other narrow."
It gave 5 me great pleasure to find you approv'd ^ of
the dress I have put my men into. I have really
done it from a good intention.^ Caprice and whim
had no share in causing of it — on the contrary,^ 't is
evident I think, that soldiers in such a dress ^ are bet-
ter able to carry their provisions ; are fitter for the
active Service we are engaged '° in ; and less liable to
sink under the fatigues of a long" march, besides the
advantages of contracting, by this means, our Line of
march which must extend always in proportion as we
are incumber'd with carriages or horses."
I have heard nothing from Captn. Dagworthy
since he marched ; but expect the waggons are at
Winchester by this time that I dispatched the same
day.'3 — I beg pardon for the liberty I have taken in
recommending a letter for Majr. Halket to your care.
' for directing ' to narrow his * gives
' Captain ■* if the other is narrow. •" apptvve
■" " I am sensible that I have lessened the appearance of the First Virginia
regiment ; but I beg the General to think that I have rendered them more fit
for the active service they are intended to be engaged in."— To J/alket, July i6th.
Col. Stephen described it as an undress rather than dress. Bouquet wrote :
" Major Lewis with two hundred men arrived here last night. I am extremely
obliged to you for this extraordinary despatch. Their dress should be our
pattern in this expedition." And again, afterwards, — " The dress takes very
well here, and, thank God, we see nothing but shirts and blankets."
^ " J have really . . . on the contrary" o\n'i\.\.in\. ^'^ must engage
'' in that trim. ^^ of a march
'^ and by this means get rid of much /'oggoi^e, which would otherwise
lengthen our line of march. These, and not ivliim or caprice were my rea-
sons for ordering them into it. " Knd of letter.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 49
TO COLONEL BOUQUET.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, 16 July, 1758.
Sir,
I was favored with yours of the 14th instant, at
eleven o'clock last night. The express, who brought
it, informs me, that he was fired at twice by six
Indians, and obliged to abandon his horse.
There have three parties gone from hence towards
the enemy's country within these few days. The
largest of them, (consisting of an officer and eighteen
Cherokees,) marched three days ago. I always send
out some white people' with the Indians, and will,
to-day or to-morrow, send an officer and some alert ""
white men with another party of Cherokees, as you
desire it ; tho', I must confess, that I think these
scalping parties of Indians we send out will more
effectually harass the enemy, (by keeping them under
continual alarms,) than any parties of white people
can do ; as small parties of ours ^ are not equal to
the undertaking, (not being so dexterous at skulking
as Indians;) and large ones will be discovered by
their scalping parties "• early enough to give the enemy
time to repel them by ^ a superior force. And, at all
events, a^ great probability of losing many of our
best men, and fatiguing many more,^ before the most
essential services are ^ entered on, and am afraid, not
answer the proposed end.^
' men ' a greater number of them ^ the latter
■* spies ' to have a superior force opposed to them.
^From whence indeed in either case there would bet ' wearing down the rest
' of the campaign would be ' this, I am afraid, without answering
50 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
You are pleased to desire my opinion with regard
to ^ making- an irruption into the enemy's country
with a strong party. As such an enterprise, at this
juncture, when we may suppose the enemy have,^ or
are collecting, their principal ^ force in that vicinity, '^
would require a formidable party, the supplying of
which with provisions, etc., immediately might be
difficult and the march of such a body so consider-
able a distance must be discovered, as they have
parties continually watching our motions, which would
too probably terminate in the miscarriage of the enter-
prise and perhaps the destruction of our party. I
should think it more eligible to defer it, till the army
reaches pretty near that country.
I shall direct the officer, that marches towards the
enemy, to be at particular pains in reconnoitring
General Braddock's road, tho I have had repeated
accounts of it wanting such small repairs, as can
with ease be done as fast as the army can march. It
is impossible for me to send out any men to repair it,
as Colo. Mercer and Captn. Dagworthy got every tool
for that purpose I had. If we had tools, to go upon
the roads, the second company of artificers would no
doubt be wanted here ; but, as it is, I imagine they
will be better employed with you.
The malbehaviour of the Indians gives me great
concern. 5 If they were hearty in our interest, their
' of the propriety of ' have collected ^ whole ^ at Fort Duquesru
' The Cherokees had gone away with stolen goods. Bouquet wrote : " It is
a great humiliation for us to be obliged to suffer the repeated insolence of such
rascals. 1 think it would be easier to make Indians of our white men, than to
cox [coax] that damned tanny race." j
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 51
services would be infinitely valuable. As I cannot
conceive the best white men to be equal to them in
the woods. But I fear they are too sensible of their
high importance to us, to render us any very accepta-
ble service.
As the par of exchange between Virginia and
Pennsylvania is, by the laws of the two provinces,
settled at twenty-five per cent in favor of the former,
I apprehend we can have no right to settle on any
other footing ; especially as any material deviation
therefrom might be productive of very bad conse-
quences.
Since writing the above, the warriors of the party
of Cherokees insisted on marching instantly, and that
but one white man should go. They are gone, and I
have given the white man the necessary orders relative
to the roads, &c.
Inclosed is a return of our provisions ; since which
was made out the Marylanders drew for 200 men for
ten days. I am, &c.
TO COLONEL BOUQUET.
Camp near Fort Cumberland, 19 July, 1758.
Sir,
Your obliging favor of this date I just now had
the pleasure of receiving. You make me quite happy
by your coinciding with me, relative to the proposed
expedition.
Captain Dagworthy's party returned hither yester-
day in consequence of orders from Sir John St. Clair,
52 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
forwarded by the commanding officer at Fort Fred-
erick. I have directed him to finish a bridge at this
place, which I imagine he will effect by to-morrow
night ; with his tools I will next day send out a party
on General Braddock's road, which I shall be able to
reinforce when Colonel Mercer returns.'
I am excessively obliged by the very handsome
and polite manner, by which you are pleased to give
me leave to attend the election at Winchester. Tho'
my being there on that occasion would, at any other
time, be very agreeable to me, yet at this juncture
I can hardly persuade myself to think of being ab-
sent from my more immediate duty, even for a few
days. However, I will not come to any absolute
determination in this matter, till I receive answers to
some letters on that subject, (which I expect this
night or to-morrow).^ I am, &c.
' Colonel Mercer had been employed, with a detachment of soldiers, in
opening a road from Fort Cumberland to the camp at Raystown, a distance
of thirty miles.
' Washington had now decided to propose himself to the electors of Fred-
erick as a candidate for the House of Burgesses. Some little opposition was
aroused that to his friends required his presence during the poll to allay, and
Col. Bouquet gave him leave to attend the election, a permission of which he
did not avail himself. In his absence, Col. James Wood, the founder of Win-
chester, represented him, being "carried round tlie town in the midst of a
general applause and huzzaing for Colonel Washington." "We have dull
barbacues," wrote his former secretary, Kirkpatrick, " and yet duller dances.
An election causes a hubbub for a week or so, and then we are dead a while."
']"he vote was taken on July 24th and resulted in tlie election of Washington
and Col. Martin, tlie i)oll standing as follows : Washington, 307 ; Col.
Martin, 240 ; Captn. Swearingen, 45 ; and Hugh West, 199. Colonel
Martin was a nephew of Lord Fairfax and afterwards agent of the Fairfax
estates.
There are five accounts j)reserve(i sliowing tlie items of Washington's ex-
penses for entertaining the voters at this election . —
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 53
TO MRS. MARTHA CUSTIS.
July 20, 1758.
We have begun our march for the Ohio. A
courier is starting for Williamsburg, and I embrace
the opportunity to send a few words to one whose
life is now inseparable from mine. Since that happy
hour when we made our pledges to each other, my
thoughts have been continually going to you as an-
other Self. That an all-powerful Providence may
keep us both in safety is the prayer of your ever
faithful and affectionate friend.'
1. To 40 gallons of Rum Punch (5; 3 / 6 pr. gain.
15 gallons of Wine @ 10 / o pr. gain.
Dinner for your Friends
2. I3i gallons of Wine (S) 10 /
3i pts. of Brandy @ i / 3
13 Galls. Bear @ i / 3
8 qts. Cyder Royl. @ i / 6
Punch
3. To 30 gallns. of strong beer (o; 8d. pr. gall.
4. To I hhd. & I Barrell of Punch, consisting of
26 gals, best Barbadoes rum, 5 / —
I2| lbs S. Refd. Sugar 1/6
6 galls, best Madeira Wine 10 /
5. To 3 galls, and 3 quarts of Beer @ i / pr, gall.
10 Bowls of Punch @ 2 / 6 each
9 half pints of rum @ 7*d. each
I pint of wine.
This does not appear to have been the first time Washington had offered
himself, for among his papers is a poll list of voters in Frederick County with
the names of the candidates voted for, each free holder being entitled to vote
for two candidates. The result of that poll, of unknown date, was the defeat
of Washington ; Hugh West receiving 271, Thomas Swearingen, 270, and
Washington only 40 of the votes.
' Written near Fort Cumberland. It is one of the few letters to Martha
Custis that have escaped destruction.
7
0
0
7
10
0
3
0
0
6
15
4
4i
16
3
0
12
0
3
9
I
6
10
0
18
9
3
3
9
I
5
0
5
1\
I
6
54 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
TO COLONEL BOUQUET.
Camp near Fort Cumberland, 21 July, 1758.
Sir,
Before Colonel Stephen came to this place last
night I had abandoned all thoughts of attending per-
sonally at the election in Winchester, determining
rather to leave the management of that matter to my
friends, than be absent from my regiment, when there
is a probability of its being called upon. I am now-
much pleased, that I did do so. Colonel Byrd has
given me your letter of yesterday, in consequence, I
send you a return of the forage. And he writes to
Mr. Gist, concerning vermilion for the Indians.
We participate in the joy felt for the success of his
Majesty's arms at Louisburg, &c, but sincerely lament
the loss of that brave and active nobleman Lord
Howe.
We have got the bridge finished at this place, and
to-morrow Major Peachy, with three hundred men,
proceed to open General Braddock's road. I shall
direct their going to George's Creek, ten miles ad-
vanced. By that time I may possibly hear from you.
If they go farther, it may be requisite to reinforce
the party. But this matter, I suppose, will be or-
dered according to the route determined on by the
General, for it will be needless to open a road that
no use is made of.'
' "The Ocncral has scut my brother Ccortjc to I\cas' Town, with orders to
take with him a hundred men, in order to find out and mark a road from Rcas'
Town as near to l'"ort Duijuesne as lie can ])()ssil)Iy f;o, leavinj; C^cncral Brad-
dock's road and the Yohiogaine entirely to tlie left." Col. John Armstroui; to
Gov. Denny, 20 July, 1758. — J'enn. Archives, ii., 4S3.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 55
Colonel Stephen gives me some room to appre-
hend, that a body of light troops may soon move on.
I pray your interest, most heartily, with the General,
to get my regiment and myself included in the num-
ber. If there needs any argument to obtain this fa-
vor, I hope without vanity I may be allowed to say,
that, from long intimacy and scouting in these woods,
my men are as well acquainted with all the passes and
difficulties, as any troops that will be employed, and
therefore may answer any purpose intended by them,
as well as any other body.
The General directs, that the troops be provided
with covers to their locks. Where to get these I
know not. There is but one possible way of succeed-
ing, and that is, by taking the neat hides, and these
will fall short. The commissaries ask eighteen shil-
lings apiece for them. I should be glad of your ad-
vice in this case, as also, what will be done with the
wagons expected up in our next convoy. I cannot
say exactly what number there may be of them, but
suppose the provisions, forage, and stores, cannot
employ less than fifty.
Please to offer my compliments to Mr. Glen, &
forward a letter herewith sent to Majr. Halket.
TO COLONEL BOUQUET.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, 25 July, 1758.
Dear Sir,
I wrote to you by Colonel Stephen. Since which
I have been favored with your kind and obliging
letter of yesterday.
56 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
We have received advice, that our second convoy
of seventy-odd waggons (an account of the contents
of which I enclosed you yesterday,) will be at the
South Branch to-day ; where I expect they will be
joined by some waggons with forage, the number I
can not ascertain and will all proceed to this place
immediately. On friday I shall look for them. I
shall most chearfully work on any road, pursue any
route ; or enter upon any Service, that the General
or yourself may think me usefully employed in, or
qualified for ; and shall never have a will of my own
when a Duty is required of me. But since you de-
sire me to speak my sentiments freely, permit me to
observe, that, after having conversed with all the
Guides, and having been informed by others who
have knowledge of the country that a road to be
compared with Genl. Braddocks (or indeed that will
be fit for transportation even by pack horses) cannot
be made, I own I have no predilection for the route
which you have in contemplation for me ; (not be-
cause difficulties appear therein,) but because I doubt
the giving satisfaction in the execution of the plan.
I know not what reports you may have received
from your reconnoitring Parties ; but I have been
uniformly told that if you expect a tolerable road by
Rays Town you will be disappointed ; for no move-
ment can be made that way, without destroying our
horses.
I should be extremely glad of one hour's confer-
ence with you when the General arrives ; I would
tJie7i explain myself more fully, and I think I could
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 57
demonstrate the advantages of pushing out a body of
light troops on this Quarter.
I would make a trip to Rays Town with great
pleasure, if my absence here could be dispensed for a
day or two, of which you can best judge.
We shall want no Provisions from you. The
second convoy, added to what we have, will furnish
us with a tolerably good stock. If Major Livingston,
or any other officer at this place, draws more than
one ration^ it is contrary to orders, and without my
knowledge, and must be attributed to the Commis-
sary whose fault alone it must be in delivering it.
We have been obliged, for the sake of our Cattle, to
move the grass guard to Cresaps, 15 miles hence.
There the provision is slaughtered and served to the
guard, and to the troops of light-horse (also at that
place.) It is therefore necessary that Mr. Dow, or
an attendant of the Commissary, should be present
and see to the Issuingr of it.
There were two Commissaries at this place, beside
a numberless train of butchers, herdsmen, &c., so
immensely lazy, that I was under the necessity of
ordering some of them to attend the guard ; for the
Commissaries looking upon cattle to be at the King's
risque, were quite indifferent what became of them,
and of course gave themselves no trouble about
them.
I send you a return of Colonel Byrd's Regiment,
and of the Maryland troops at this place. I should
have done the same with respect to the first Regi-
ment, had not the adjutant accompanied Colo.
58 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
Stephen to Rays Town and locked it up. I can
only send one for the companies here present, and
this is forwarded to him, that it may be completed
there for your use.
Kelly & Stalnaker (two of our guides) are on the
road with Major Peachy. The rest at this place, I
have directed to attend you. It would be extremely
inconvenient for me at this time to Garrison the
Block-house on the Rays Town road having such
large detachments already out, and the camp-duty
very hard upon us. I am, &c.^
TO [GABRIEL JONES] ?
Camp at Fort Cumberland, 29th July, 1758.
Dear Sir,
Permit me to return you my sincerest thanks for
your great assistance at the late election, and to
assure you that I shall ever return a lively sense of
the favor. I am extreme sorry that you neglected
your own election in Augusta by this means, but I
hope you are secure in Hampshire.
Our expedition seems overcast with too many Ills
to give you any satisfaction in a transient relation of
them. God knows what's intended ; for nothing
seems ripe for execution ; backwardness, and I would
if I dare, say more, appears in all things.
' " Forty six of Col. I5yrd's Indians left this for tlicir nation yesterday
evening, after having reeeived their presents. I was inucli surprized to hear
of a report spread and prevailing in your eanij), tiial a jiarty of Shawanese and
Delawares were come into this place. Tliere lias not been the most distant
cause for such a report since I came here." — \Vasliin>^ton to Colonel Bouquet,
28 July, 1758.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 59
Tomorrow I am summon'd to a conference with
Colonel Bouquet on the Ray's Town Road, when I
shall warmly urge the advanced Season and every
other argument that the Important matter requires to
hurry things forward and shall endeavor to obtain
leave (if possible) to advance on with the Virginians
to the crossing at least, opening the Road & con-
structing Posts as we go. I am, &c.
TO COLONEL JAMES WOOD.
[July, 1753.]
My Dear Colonel,
If thanks flowing from a heart replete with joy and
Gratitude can in any Measure compensate for the
fatigue, anxiety and Pain you had at my Election*
be assured you have them ; 'tis a poor, but I am con-
vinced, welcome tribute to a generous Mind. Such,
I believe yours to be.
How I shall thank Mrs. Wood for her favorable
Wishes, and how acknowledge my sense of obligations
to the People In general for their choice of me, I am
at a loss to resolve on. But why ? Can I do it more
effectually than by making their Interest (as it really
is) my own, and doing everything that lyes in my
little Power for the Honor and welfare of the Coun-
try ? I think not ; and my best endeavors they may
always command. I promise this now, when prom-
ises may be regarded, before they might pass as
words of course.
I am extreme thankful to you and my other friends
for entertaining the Freeholders in my name. I hope
6o THE WRITINGS OF [1758
no Exception was taken to any that voted against
me, but that all were alike treated, and all had
enough. It is what I much desired. My only fear
is that you spent with too sparing a hand.
I don't like to touch upon our Public Affairs. The
Prospect is overspread by too many ills to give a
favourable account. I will, therefore, say little, but
yet say this ; that backwardness appears in all things
but the approach of winter — That joggs on apace.'
TO COLONEL BOUQUET.^
Monday 9 oClock P.M.
Dear Sir,
You will be surprisd (till I give you a reason for
it) at receiving a letter from a person in the same
camp with you, and who has free access at all times
to your tent. — But when I tell you that we were
interrupted while conversing on a very important
matter, and that I did not certainly know whether I
might have another opportunity of renewing the
conversation till you had some how or other settled
the point with the General, I flatter myself you will
excuse the freedom I now beg leave to use with you.
I don't doubt. Sir, but you have thoroughly consid-
ered the practicability of the scheme you this night
mentioned to me and the good or evil consequences
to be derived there from, according to its success —
' From a draft in Washington's MS.
'■'• Washington and Bou(iuct met on July 3otli, and it is probable this letter was
written at that time ; although it may belong to an earlier date, referring to
the exj)cdition mentioned in the letter of July 19, jwge 51.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 6i
It might therefore seem unreasonable to offer the
following crude thoughts, did I not believe you are
desirous of hearing opinions, at least on this occasion.
How far then do you believe our stock of provi-
sions— to say nothing of other matters — will allow you
to execute this plan ? Will it last 'till we could reduce
Fort Duquesne and march back to the inhabitants —
or receive a supply elsewhere ? — If it would do this,
the measure may be right ; but if it will not, what is
the consequence ? Is it not neglecting the strength-
ening of this place, consuming the provisions that
should support a garrison here, and abandoning our
artillery either to the enemy or a general destruc-
tion ? It appears to me in that light.
Now suppose the enemy gives us a meeting in the
field and we put them to the route, what do we gain
by it ? Perhaps triple their loss of men in the first
place, tho' our numbers may be greatly superior (and
if I may be allowed to judge from what I have seen
of late, we should not highten much that " good " opin-
ion they seem to have of our skill in wood fighting).
Therefore to risk an eno;ao;ement when so much de-
pends upon it, without having the accomplishment of
the main point in view, appears in my Eye, to be a
little imprudent — Could we suppose the Enemy would
immediately evacuate their Fort in case of a defeat in
the wood, — or, as I before observd, could we be
certain of provisions in the other event, I think not a
moment's time is left for hesitation. But one or
t'other of these we ought to be assurd of. You, I
am sensible, stand very little in need of any of these
62 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
suggestions, — which are thrown together in haste, as
I waited 'till this moment almost, expecting to see
you. You will at least pardon this liberty, and believe
me to be, &c.
TO COLONEL BOUQUET.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, 2 August, 1758.
Sir,
Those matters we talked of relative to the Roads,
has since our parting been the object of my closest
attention ; and so far am I from altering my opinion,
that the more time and attention I give thereto, the
more I am confirmed in it ; the validity of the reasons
for taking the old road appear in a stronger point of
view. To enumerate the whole of these reasons
would be tedious — and to you who are become so
much master of that subject, unnecessary ; therefore
I will only briefly mention a few which I conceive so
obvious in themselves, as must to any unbiassed mind
effectually remove what is objected to General Brad-
dock's Road, and urged in favor of a road to be
opened from Rays Town. —
Several years ago the Virginians and Pennsyl-
vanians commenced a trade with the Indians set-
tled on the Ohio, and to remove the many incon-
veniences a bad road subjected them to, they, after
reiterated efforts to discover where a good one might
be made were found ineffectual, employed several of
the most intelligent Indians, who in the course of
many years' hunting acquired a perfect knowledge of
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 63
these mountains to attempt it. But these Indians
after having taken the greatest pains to gain the
rewards then offered for this discovery declared the
track leading from Wills-Creek was infinitely prefer-
able to any that could be made at any other place.
Time and experience so clearly demonstrated this
truth, that the Pennsylvania traders commonly car-
ried their goods thither by Will's Creek. Therefore
the Ohio Company in 1753, at a considerable expense
opened a road thither. In 1754 the troops I then
had the honor to command, greatly repaired it as far
as Gist's Plantation; and in 1755 it was widened,
and completed by General Braddock within 6 miles of
Fort Duquesne. Consequently, a road that has been
so long opened, so well repaired, — and so often, must
be much firmer, and better than a new one, allowing
the ground to be originally, equally as good.
But supposing it was practicable to make a road
from Rays Town quite as good as General Brad-
dock's, I ask if we have time to do it ? — Certainly
not. Surmountinor the vast difficulties to be encoun-
tered, in making it over such monstrous mountains,
covered with woods and rocks, would require so
much time as to blast our otherwise well grounded
hopes of striking the long wished for, and important
stroke this season ; and deferring it, to another year,
would, I am morally certain be productive of the
most destructive consequences to the Southern, and
middle colonies ; for they have to make a noble push
towards ending those calamities under which they so
long have groaned ; granted supplies, beyond their abil-
64 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
ities — these funds will, in a few months be exhausted,
the troops of course disbanded, — their inability and
discouragement from so great a disappointment, will
prevent their attempting a similar effort against
another season ; and experience evinces that expence
and numbers, must be encreased in proportion to our
delays.
The Southern Indians have from our bad success and
inactivity, long looked upon us in a despicable light,
have already committed hostilities on our frontiers,
and only wait the result of this campaign to unmask
themselves ; which would be such an acquisition to
the enemy as might terminate in our destruction.
The favorable accounts some give, of the forage on
the Rays Town road being so much better than the
other, are certainly exaggerated greatly, as every
unprejudiced person who is acquainted with both,
agrees that the only difference between the moun-
tains here and there is, that those are more inacces-
sible. And it is well known that in both, the rich
valleys between the mountains abound with good
food, and those that are stony and brushy are desti-
tute. Col. Byrd and the Engineer who accompanied
him confirm this truth. And surely the meadows on
this road, would greatly overbalance the advantage
of having grass to the foot of the ridge (on this side
the mountain) on the Rays Town Road ; and all
agree that a more barren road is no where to be
found than Rays Town to the inhabitants, which
is likewise to be considered with the badness of
the road.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 65
And the principal objection made to General
Braddock's Road is that of the waters to pass. But
these very rarely swell so much as to obstruct the
passage. The Yaughyaughgane which is the most
rapid and soonest filled, I, with a body of troops,
have crossed after 30 odd days almost constant rain.
In fine, any difficulties that may arise therefrom are
so trivial, that they are really not worth mentioning.
The Monongahela, the largest of all these rivers,
may, if necessar}', be easily avoided (as Mr. Frazer,
the principal guide,) informed me, by passing a defile,
which I cannot conceive to be so bad as commonly
represented ; but even that he tells me may be
shunned.
It is said again, that there are many defiles on this
road — I grant there are some, but know of none that
cannot be traversed if found necessarv^ ; and I should
be glad to know if a road can be had over these
mountains not subject to this inconvenience — unless
they kept the heights always, — and that is impracti-
cable.
The shortness of the road from Rays Town to
Fort Duquesne by Loyal hanny,' is used as an argu-
ment in disfavor of this road ; and bears some thing
in it unaccountable to me, for I must beof leave to ask
here, if it requires more time, or is it more difficult
and expensive, to go 145 miles in a good road already
made to our hands, or to cut a road 100 miles in
length, great part of which over almost inaccessible
mountains, — and, — to say, or think, we can do noth-
* Fort Ligonier was aftenvards built on this spot.
66 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
ing more this fall than to fortify some post on the
other side of the mountains, and prepare against
another campaign — I must pray Heaven, most fer-
vently, to avert ! till we find it impracticable at least
to prosecute with prudence the enterprise in hand.
We have yet time enough to transport Provisions to
last the siege, and to support the Troops that may
Winter there, as I shall endeavor hereafter to shew,
— at any rate it never can be an argument for open-
ing the other road at this time, because supposing we
are not able to do more than construct a Post on
t'other side the mountains — that Post undoubtedly
should be on a road that has the easiest, and nearest
communication with the settlements, where supplies
are to be drawn from ; for to say nothing of the great
advantage of water carriage this way, which certainly
is immense, (as you will find by Doctr. Ross's estima-
tion that you shewed me) or of the infinite odds in
the goodness of the Roads, which is very evident to
all who have travelled both, — either from the inhabi-
tants to the advanced posts, or from the advanced
posts to Fort Duquesne, — I say, to put these reasons
aside, (altho' they ought to have their due weight,)
yet this way, as being so much nearer the settlements
has much advantage. — That it is nearer Winchester
in Virginia, and P^ort Frederick, in Maryland, by
many miles, are incontestable facts : and I here shew
the difference of the two roads to Carlyle ; by giving
you the distance of the different stages ; some of
which I have from information only, but believe them
to be just : —
1758]
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
67
From Carlyle to Fort Duquesne, by Rays Town.
From Carlyle to Shippensburg .... 21 miles.
From Shippens^ to Fort Loudoun .
From Ft. Loudoun to Ft. Lyttleton
From Ft. Lyttleton to Juneattasing ,
From Juneatta to Rays Town
From Rays Town to Ft. Duquesne
24
20
14
14
93
100
193-
From Carlyle to Ft. Duquesne by Ft. Fredk. and Cumberland.
From Carlyle to Shippens^ 21 miles.
From Shippens^ to Chambers
From Chambers to Paulins
From Paulins to Ft. Frederick . .
From Ft. Fredk. to Ft. Cumberland
12
12
12
40
97
From Ft. Cumberland to Ft. Duquesne 115
By this computation there appears to be a differ-
ence of 19 miles only. Were all the supplies obliged
to come from Carlyle, it is well known that the good-
ness of this road is a sufficient compensation for the
shortness of the other, as the wrecked and broken
waggons there clearly demonstrate.
I shall next give you my Reasons against dividing
the i\rmy in the manner you propose, and after that
endeavor to shew how the grass on the other Road
can be made proper use of.
First then, by dividing our Army we divide our
strength, and by pursuing quite distinct routes put it
entirely out of the power of each division to succor
the other, as the proposed new Road, has no commu-
nication with the old.
68 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
Secondly, to march in this manner will be attended
with many inconveniences. As, first, if we depart
from our advanced posts at the same time, and make
no deposits by the way ; those troops who go from
Rays Town, as they will be light, having carrying
horses only, will arrive at Fort Duquesne long before
the others ; and must, if the enemy are strong there,
be expos'd possibly to many insults in their intrench-
ments from the cannon of the enemy, which they
may draw out upon them at their pleasure : if they
are not strong enough to do this to that Division, we
have but little to apprehend from them, go which
way, or how we will. Thirdly, if that division that
escorts the convoy is permitted to march first, we
risk our all in a manner, and are ruined if any acci-
dent happened to the artillery, to the stores, &c.
And lastly, if we advance on both roads by deposites,
we must double our number of troops over the
mountains, and distress ourselves by victualling of
them in these deposites : besides losing the proposed
advantage, that of stealing a march. For we cannot
suppose the French, who have their Scouts constantly
out, can be so difificult in point of intelligence, as to
be unacquainted with our motions when we are ad-
vancing by slow degrees towards them.
Now, Sir, the advantage I would propose to make
of the forage along the other path is, to support all
the carrying horses that can possibly be collected,
and sent that way after we are fortunate enough to
lie before Fort Duquesne. Here not only the carry-
ing horses that were to be used out as such, but
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 69
officers' horses, and even the waggon horses also,
may be employed in this service, if saddles or packs
are provided in the meantime at Rays Town for
them to return with.
Great advantages may be derived from such a
measure, because as the food of the old road would
be entirely eaten up going, and the horses get weak,
it would be impossible that the waggons could return
for another convoy : tho' the horses might neverthe-
less be in a condition to come down lig^ht, alone a
road abounding with food, and be able to carr}^ up
another convoy, giving them two or three days rest
at the most convenient feeding places. By this means
the waggon horses would be eased of the fatigue of
bringing down even the empty waggons, which is
something along a Road stripped of the food. In
the condition the horses by this time may be sup-
posed to be, they will, I conceive, carry near or quite
as much weight on their back as they could draw in
a waggon.
From what has been said relative to the two roads,
it appears, I think very clearly, that the old one is
infinitely better than the other can be made ; and,
that there is no room to hesitate a moment which to
take, when we consider the advanced Season, and
little time left to execute our plan in. I shall there-
fore in the last place offer (as desired,) my senti-
ments on advancing by deposites ; the first of which
I should have been for getting at the Little Meadows,
would time have permitted ; but, as the case now
stands, I suppose at the Great Crossing, or Great
70 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
Meadows our first must be formed. The Great
Crossing I esteem the most advantageous post on
several accounts, especially that of water, and security
of the passage ; but then it does not abound in food
as the Great Meadows, nor has not so much level
land about it fit for culture.
To this latter place a body of 1 500 men may march
with 300 waggons or carrying horses (which would
be much better,) equivalent. Allowing each waggon
to carry 800 lbs of flour, and 400 of Salt meat, you
carry 40 days' provisions of the former, and 20 of the
latter for 6000 men ; besides your live Cattle, any
number of which might, but ought not to be carried
for these two reasons : first, they would destroy your
pasturage — and next your men being employed at
work, you would have none to attend or guard them.
Your next convoy, which I suppose to consist of 500
provision waggons and all the Army, will, at the
above rate, carry 66 days' provisions of flour, and '^'x,
of salt flesh, besides 6 days which the men may carry
on their backs; as it is supposed the 1500 are to do
also, so that you have at the Meadows according to
this calculation, 113 days' Flour, and 56 salt meat,
deducting the daily consumption. Now, to accom-
plish this, I allow 26 days ; to wit : to the Great
Meadows 8, to unload and return 6 ; then I allow the
army 1 2 days more to prepare and arrive in ; by
which I apprehend our works may be finished, and
the whole ready to proceed.
Our next deposite probably will be at Salt Lick,
about 35 miles from the Meadows. To this place I
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 71
conceive it necessary to send 2500 men to construct
some post ; taking 6 days' provisions only, which are
sufficient to serve them till the convoy comes up ;
against which time I suppose an Intrenched camp, or
some other kind of defensible work, may be effected.
And from hence I conceive it highly expedient to
detach 3000 or 4000 of the best troops to invest the
place, and prevent if possible an ingagement in the
woods, which of all things ought to be avoided. The
Artiller}' and stores may be up from Salt Lick in four
days, and from that time I will allow 18 days more
for the carr}'ing horses to perform a trip to Rays
Town for provisions ; passing along the old path by
Loyal hanny. In this time they may do it; as the
horses will go down light ; but what quantity of pro-
visions they can bring up, I cannot say, that depend-
ing upon the number of horses fitted out with sad-
dles, &c.
From this state of the matter (which is really a
candid one) and from my calculations, in which large
allowances are made for the quantity of provisions, as
well as for the time of transporting them ; it appears,
that from the time the front division beofins its march
from hence, till the whole army gets before Fort
Duquesne, is 34 days, at which time there will be 87
days' provisions on hand, allowing for the consumption
on the march ; and that 18 days added to this make
52 in all ; which is required for our operations, and
these ought to be finished if possible by the middle
of October.
I have offered nothing, but what to me appears
72 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
beyond a probability. I have nothing to fear but for
the general service, and no hopes but the advantages
it will derive from the success of our operations ;
therefore cannot be supposed to have any private in-
terest or sinister views, by any freedom my regard
for the benefit of the service on this occasion has in-
duced me to use. I am, &c.
TO MAJOR FRANCIS HALKET, BRIGADE MAJOR.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, 2 August, 1758.
My dear Halket,
I am just returned from a conference held with
Colonel Bouquet. I find him fixed, I think I may
say unalterably fixed, to lead you a new way to the
Ohio, thro a road, every inch of which is to be cut
at this advanced season, when we have scarce time
left to tread the beaten track, universally confessed
to be the best passage through the mountains.
If Colonel Bouquet succeeds in this point with the
General, all is lost, — all is lost indeed ! Our enter-
prise will be ruined, and we shall be stopped at the
Laurel Hill this winter; but not to gather /(^z/r^/>$-,
(except of the kind that covers the mountains.) The
southern Indians will turn against us, and these colo-
nies will be desolated by such an acquisition to the
enemy's strength. These must be the consequences
of a miscarriage ; and a miscarriage the (almost)
necessary consequence of an attempt to march the
army by this new route. I have given my reasons at
large to Colonel Bouquet. He desired that I should
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 73
do so, that he might forward them to the General.
Should this happen, you will be able to judge of their
weight.
I am uninfluenced by prejudice, having no hopes
or fears but for the general good. Of this you may
be assured, and that my sincere sentiments are spoke
on this occasion. I am, dear Halket, most affection-
ately yours.
TO GOVERNOR FAUQUIER.
Fort Cumberland Camp, the 5th August, 1758.
HoNBLE. Sir,
Your favor of the 20th ultimo I was honored with
the day before yesterday. I am sorry to find that Mr.
Smith has not sent you a return of the arms, nor Mr.
Ramsay a return of the Provisions. I will write to
both those eentlemen to know the reason. Enclosed
is a Return of the first Regiment.
I have delayed till now, purposely since my last of
the loth ultimo, to give your Honor any account of
our movements, hoping to be furnished with some-
thing agreeable. Being disappointed in this, I am
sorry to inform you that we are still encamped here,
and have little prospect of de-camping, unless a fatal
resolution takes place, of opening a new road from
Rays Town to Fort du Quesne. In this event, I have
no doubt that the Virginia troops will be honored
with a full share of the labor as they have already
been, in opening a communication from hence to
Rays Town, and doing the principal part of the work
at that place.
74 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
I am just returned from a conference held with
Colo. Bouquet on this occasion, the General lying
indisposed at Carlyle. In this conference I urged in
the most forcible terms I was master of, the advanced
season as an argument ag-ainst new discoveries. I
pressed also the difficulties attending the cutting a
road over these mountains, — known to me from
experience ; the length of time it must require to do
it ; the little time left for that Service ; the moral
certainty of its obstructing our march, beyond what
the advanced Season will admit — and the probable
miscarriage of the Expedition from that cause, and
lastly I endeavored to represent the distressed condi-
tion the Colonies would be reduced to consequent
thereon. In fine I said every thing which the
importance of the subject suggested to me, to avert
a measure that seemed to forebode the manifest ruin
of the Expedition.
This is the light in which it presents itself to my
mind. I pray Heaven my fears may not be realized !
But the thoughts of opening a Road 100 miles, over
mountains almost inaccessible, at this advanced
Season, when there is already a good road made, — A
road universally confessed to be the best that either
is or can be found anywhere thro' these mountains,
prognosticates something not quite favorable.
I have now drawn up a representation of real Facts
to be presented to the General ; in which I think the
advantages of going the old road, and moral certainty
of failing in the new are so clearly demonstrated that
they must strike every unbiassed mind.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 75
The Small-pox getting among the Troops, is
another unpromising circumstance. An officer and
two men of my regiment are now confined with it at
Rays Town.
From this short narrative of our affairs your Honor
may draw conclusions. You may depend the state-
ment is true ; free from exaggerations and flowing
from a mind deeply affected at the prospect before us.
I hope, as I once before said, that I see matters in
too strong a point of view, and, that my apprehen-
sions for the consequences of opening a new road,
are groundless. I am, &c.
P. S. I was this moment presented with a letter
from Colo. Bouquet telling me, that the General had
directed the other road to be opened. I expect
therefore to be ordered that way immediately.
Orders are not yet arrived.
TO COLONEL BOUQUET.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, 6th August, 1758.
Dear Sir,
The General's orders, — or the order of any Supe-
rior Officer will, when once given, be a law to me.
I shall never hesitate in obeying them ; but, till this
order came out, I thought it incumbent upon me to
say what I could to divert you (the Commanding
Officer present) from a resolution of opening a new
road, of which I had the most unfavorable reports,
and believe from the hight of the hills, — the steep-
ness of them, the unevenness of the ground in gen-
76 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
eral, — and what above all principally weighed with
me the shortness of the Season, that it was impossible
to open a road in time to answer our purpose. I am
still in this opinion, partly from my own observations
of the country, and partly from the information of as
good judges as any that will be employed.' My duty
therefore to his Majesty, and the Colony whose troops
I have the honor to command, obliged me to declare
my sentiments upon the occasion with that candor and
freedom of which you are witness. If I am deceived
in my opinion, I shall acknowledge my error as be-
comes a gentleman led astray from judgment, and
not by prejudice, in opposing a measure so conducive
to the public Weal as you seem to have conceived
this to be. If I unfortunately am right, my conduct
will acquit me of having discharged my duty on this
important occasion ; on the good success of which,
our all, in a manner depends.^
' " The road up the Allegheny Mountains so far as cleared (by information),
is steep, stony, and of very difficult access, even alpine difficulties attend the
lightest carriages. How the artillery, &c., vv'ill be got up this and Laurel Hill,
must be left to better judges and time to determine." — Wm. Ramsay to Wash-
ington, 17 August, 1758.
^ " They flatter themselves with getting a better [road] than General Brad-
dock's. They may do so, and I shall believe it when I am an eye-witness
thereof — not before." — Washington to Walker, ii August, 1758. "I offer
you my sincere congratulations upon the discovery of ■x good road, which I hear
you have made." — Washhigton to St. Clair, 13 August, 1758.
The question of the road by which the troops were to reach the Ohio occa-
sioned great uneasiness in Washington, and gave rise to a belief on his part that
Lord Loudoun had been unduly influenced by Pennsylvania in his decision. In
March, 1757, the General had called for a descrijUion of the frontiers, and
Pennsylvania promptly replied, showing that through the county of Cumberland
was " a great and good wagon road thro' tliis Province to Virginia and Carolina,
on wliich are Harris' Ferry, the towns and forts of Carlisle and Siiippcnslvurg,
the Magazine at McDowell's Mill, and Forts Loudoun and Lyttlelon ; to this
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 77
I have repaired the road over the mountain at this
place as Sir J no. St. Clair desired. I had also sent
the 2nd company of artificers to make bridges on the
Rays Town road, according to your orders trans-
fine valley there is an easy access from the Ohio by several good passes in the
mountains." Through one of these passes ran a path through Rays Town, 65
miles from Shippensburgh, and through another, a path leading to Franks
Town situated about 30 miles north of Rays Town, and affording a bad pas-
sage by reason of swamps and broken hills. "A new road was opened and
cleared thro' Rays Town over the Allegheny Hills, for the use of General
Braddock, and is now a good one," — Penn. Col. Records, vii., 445. In June
Sir John St. Clair asserted the necessity of opening one or more roads on the
frontiers of Cumberland County, and it was doubtless to his efforts that an
attempt to cut a new road was determined upon. This new route instead of
passing through Carlisle was to be directed through York To^vn, Fort Frederick
and Fort Cumberland, making the distance from Lancaster to Fort Du Quesne
about 245 miles, or no longer than the existing road, but easier to get over, and
allowing some use of the Potomac for transport of goods. Not only would the
passage of the troops carry advantage to the colony through which it was made,
but the rich lands of the Ohio would attract settlers and it was the wish of Vir-
ginia to possess the main road to that region. This was one of the reasons for
Washington's insistance and he was certain of a support from the colony. " The
Virginians are making great interest that our Rout may be by Fort Cumberland,
but I hope they will not succeed." — James Young to R. Peters, 23 July, 1758.
" The Virginians are much chagrined at the opening of the road through this
government, and Colonel Washington has been a good deal sanguine and obsti-
nate upon the occasion." — Armstrong to Peters. 3 October, 175S.
Such was his insistance that General Forbes took offense, and in writing to
Bouquet advised him to consult with Washington, " though perhaps not follow
his advice, as his behaviour about the roads was no ways like a soldier." Gen-
eral Forbes had good reason for delay, as the Indian allies of the French were
in council with the English colonies, and should they be weened from their
hostility a serious blow would be given to French influence and French power
in that quarter, a success far greater than mere force of arms could attain. It
was Bouquet's opinion after the fall of Du Quesne that had the Braddock road
been taken at first, as Washington wished, the expedition would have been
doomed. — Bouquet to Allen, 25 November, 175S. As it was, the treaty of
Easton deprived the French of their main strength, and when it was perceived
that the season was too advanced to complete the new road, the troops employed
upon it were recalled, and an advance ordered by way of Turkey Creek, with
ultimate success. — Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, ii., 133 et seq.
78 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
mitted by Colo. Stephen to me. — 'Twas yesterday
before I could get them in, and to-day they march.
Nineteen waggons came here yesterday loaded
with Ball (musket Ball), from Fort Frederick ; 18 more
left their loads at the Old Town, and are gone back.
— The first 19 wagons and an escort are gone to
bring up their load, and will be here to-day. I can't
send you a return of the contents having received
none.
The waggoners are constantly applying for grain.
I should be glad if you would direct how I am to act
in this case.
Inclosed is a return of provisions wanting to serve
us till our next convoy arrives from Winchester.
We have not above 5 days flour upon hand. I shall
therefore send the waggons to Rays Town to-morrow
for this article, &c., after they return from the old
Town.
Twelve Tents was the number I returned for, and
they ftre arrived safe.
If you approve of it, I would send 50 men the
length of the great ring to way lay the road there-
abouts ; I think it the most eligible method of get-
ting a prisoner for intelligence. The enemy are
watchful when they are near our garrisons, and it is
too far and unsafe to bring one from their own.'
• " I was this instant favored witli yours per express. I am not surprised to
hear tlie enemy are about, i)ut have really been astonished at the calm that has
prevailed so long. I shall this moment send out a party to waylay the road. I
anticipated this order by re(juesting leave to do it in a letter I wrote to you yes-
terday."— Washivi^'ton to Bouquet, 7 August, 1758.
" I could wish most sincerely that our accounts from the northward were
clearer, and more favorable than they appear to be. If you have any intcUi-
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 79
TO COLONEL BOUQUET.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, iSthAugt., 1758.
Dear Sir,
I am favored with yours of yesterday, intimating
the probability of my proceeding with a body of
troops on General Braddock's road, and desiring my
retaining for that purpose, a month's provisions at
this place, a thing which I should be extreme fond
of, but as I cannot possibly know what quantity of
provisions may be necessary for that time, without
knowing the number of men I may probably march
with, and when it is likely we may leave this, I hope
you will be pleased to give me the necessary informa-
tion on this head. As also how this place is to be
garrisoned, and what provisions and stores should be
left.
I have talked a good deal with Kelly upon the
nature of the intervening ground, from the new road
to Braddock's, and from what he says I apprehend
it impracticable to effect a junction with the troops
on the new Road till we advance near the Salt Lick,
which is no great distance from Fort Duquesne.
And how far it may be advisable to send a small
body of troops so near the enemy at so great a dis-
tance from the army without any kind of tools (which
is certainly our case) for repairing the roads, or
throwing up any kind of defence in case of need, I
shall not presume to say, but I cannot help observ-
ing, that all the guides and Indians are to be drawn
gence from Ticonderoga, I should be extreme thankful for the account. We
have expected hourly to hear that Louisburg is in our hands. Pray Heaven,
we may not be disappointed at last." — Washington to Bouquet, 13 August, 1758.
8o THE WRITINGS OF [1758
from hence, and that the greatest part of my regi-
ment is on the other road ; so that I have but few
remaining with me of the first regiment, and 8 com-
panies of the second only, whose officers and men
can be supposed to know Httle of the Service, and
less of the country, and near, or I believe, quite a
fifth of them sick. I thought it incumbent on me to
mention these things, that you might know our con-
dition ; at the same time I beg leave to assure you
that nothing will give me greater pleasure than to
proceed with any number of men, that the general
or yourself may think proper to Order. —
With regard to keeping out a succession of strong
parties on this road from the troops here,' I must beg
leave to observe, that we have not so much as one
carrying horse to take provisions out upon, being
under a necessity t'other day of pressing five horses
from some countrymen, (that came to Camp on busi-
ness,) before I could equip Captn. McKenzie's party
for a 14 days march. "" That we have not an oz.
of salt provisions of any kind here, and that it is impos-
sible to preserve the fresh, (especially as we have no
' "As it is higlily necessary to keep the enemy in doubt about our roads, the
General desires that you continue sending strong parties along, with orders to
reconnoitre where the junction of the two roads could be made. I hear by
Kelly, who is gone from Loy : II. — to the Salt Lick, that it is about 16 miles
across from that post to the end of Chestnut Ridge, where this path goes ; and
the woods so open tliat without cutting, carrying horses may easily go through,
ail pretty level." — Bouquet to Washington, 17 August, 1758.
' " I detached Captain McKenzie with four officers and 75 rank and file to
way lay the road at the Great Crossing. From him a sergeant and four active
woodsmen are to proceed to Fort l)u(juesnc, so that I am in great ho])es we
shall be able to get some intelligence of tiie sUengtIi of the enemy at that
j)lace." — Washington to Bouquet, 13 August, 175S.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON.
salt neither) by any other means than Barbacuring it
in the Indian manner ; in doing which it loses near a
half ; so that a party who receives lo days provisions
will be obliged to live on little better than 5 days'
allowance of meat, kind — a thing impracticable. A
great many of Colo. Byrd's men are, as I before
remarkd, very sickly, the rest became low spirited
and dejected. Of course the greatest share of that
service must fall upon the 4 companies of the first
regiment. This sickness and depression of spirits,
cannot arise I conceive from the situation of our
Camp, which is, undoubtedly the most healthy and
best aired in this vicinity, but is caused, I apprehend,
by the change in their way of living, (most of them
till now having lived in ease and affluence,) and by
the limestone water and air. The soldrs. of the first
would be sickly, like those of the 2d Regiment, was
it not owing to some such causes as these.
Captn. McKenzie's party is not yet returned. I
will advertise you of his discoveries, if any are made
by him.'
' " This afternoon the party commanded by Capt. McKenzie returned with-
out being able to discover any thing of the Enemy's motions. They waylaid
the road for several days near the great Crossings, and intended to have
advanced quite to that post, had not their provisions entirely spoiled, notwith-
standing every method and the utmost pains for its preservation was taken.
Some of their advanced sentries had nearly killed a small party of 3 Cherokee
Indians, returning from war. This small party went from hence upwards of six
weeks ago, and this is the fourth day since they left Fort Duquesne, the
environs of which they long watched. At length was obliged to cross the Ohio,
where they killed two squaws, whose scalps they brought in here. They
say there are a good many women and children on that side the river, but very
few men, either French or Indians, at the Fort. Captn. McKenzie says there
is no sign of the Enemy, having been lately on General Braddock's road so far as
he proceeded on it. Sergeant Scott and four privates of his party went on to
82 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
We have reasons to believe that parties of the
enemy are about us likewise. Yesterday afternoon a
waggoner had his horse shot under him about three
miles from hence.
The convoy from Winchester has been detained
much longer than was expected. Mr. Walker desired
a party to reinforce the escort at Pearsalls (30 miles
distant), the 15th Inst., which was accordingly sent ;
but I have since been informed that the waggons did
not leave Winchester till a few days ago.
We have no Indian goods of any kind here. It
gives me great pleasure to hear that the General
is getting better and expected soon at Rays Town.'
1 am, &c.
TO COLONEL BOUQUET.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, 2rst August, 1758.
Dear Sir,
Thirty^ Cuttawba's came here this Evening and
the Convoy may be expected on Wednesday, as it
was at Pearsalls last night.^
Fort Duquesne. So soon as they return will transmit you any intelligence they
may procure." — Washington to Bouquet, 19 August, 1758.
" Sergeant Scot (mentioned in a late letter) this day returned. — He when
within 2 miles of Fort Duquesne came upon a few fresh trails making inwards
which he followed, apprehending that they were just at hand, till his provisions
were expended, and was thereby obligd to return without making any discov-
eries worth mentioning." — Washington to Bouquet, 24 August, 1758.
' " I went Saturday to the top of the Alleglieny Hill, where I had the satis-
faction to see a very good road ; 20 loaded wagons went up without doubling
their teams, and proceeded as far as Edmund's Swamp." — Bouquet to Wash-
ington, 21 August, 1758.
''■ Twenty five according to the Letter-Book.
' " When the Convoy got within 6 miles of this place 3 Cuttawba men and
2 squaws contrary to the advice of the Officers set on before the Convoy for
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTOX. 83
Governor Sharpe I am told will be here In a day or
two — I am at a loss to know how he ranks, and
whether he is entitled to the command — In the Army
he ranks as Lieut. Colonel only — but what his preten-
tions as Governor in his own Province are, I really
don't know, or whether he has any or not. I should
therefore be glad of your advice, being unwilling
either to dispute the point wrongfully, or to give up
the command to him if it is my right, neither of which
I would do knowingly. At all events I shall keep it
till I hear from you.' I am, &c.
TO COLONEL BOUQUET.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, 2Sth Augt., 1758.
Dear Sir,
Your favor by Mr. Hoops has in some measure
revivd a hope that was almost extinguishd, of doing
something this Campaign. We must doubtless expect
their Garrison and soon after were fired upon by lo or 12 of the Enemy who
killed Captn. Bullen and Captn. French and wounded one of the Squaws.
The loss we sustain by the death of these two Indian Warriors is at this junc-
ture very considerable as they were very remarkable for their bravery, and
attachment to our interests — particularly poor Bullen, whom (and the other) we
buried with Military- Honors. The rest of the Cuttawbas, and what Nottaway's
and Tuscaroras that are here sets out to-morrow with the waggons for Rays-
Town.
"As we had intelligence of several parties of the Enemy being about I detachd
parties in different ways in hopes of coming up, or cutting of the retreat of some
of them but without any effect — At same time I reinforced the Convoy with
50 men." — Washington to Bouquet, 24 August, 1758.
' " The Governors in America have no command of the troops even of their
own Province as soon as they are joined with any other of his Majesty's forces,
unless they have a commission from the Commander-in-chief for that purpose.
I have commanded the forces at Philadelphia and at Charles Town, tho' the Gov-
ernor was Captain General in his Pro\-ince, and was entirely independent from
84 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
to encounter many difficulties in opening a new road
thro' bad grounds in a woody country of which the
enemy are possest, but since you hope our point may
be carried I would feign expect the surmounting these
obstacles.
'Tis a melancholy reflection tho' to find there is
even a doubt of success, when so much is depending,
and when in all Human probability we might have
been in full possession of the Ohio by now, if rather
than running ourselves into difficulties and expence
of cutting an entire new road the distance we have,
first and last Braddock's had been adopted.
Every one knows what could have been done [on]
the old road — few can guess what will be [done on]
the new, their being not only the difficulties of the
Road to encounter, but the chance of a French rein-
forcement also, but it is useless to add on this head.
I should rather apologise for what I have said.
All the waggons at this place fit for service, come
to you under the escort ordered for Mr. Hoops.
Any Troops not of Virginia, shall be forwarded to
you according to Order — and I could wish most sin-
cerely that our route was fixed that we might be in
motion ; for we are all of us most heartily tired, and
sick of inactivity. Colo. Byrd in particular is really
ill.
Frazer having left this with the Convoy must
be with with you e'er now. I am very glad to
them. Governor Sharpe will not expect to have the command as governor ;
and as Lieut. Col. he cannot, and would not, I suppose, choose to serve in that
rank. Therefore, you are very right in keeping it." — Bouquet to Washington,
23 August, 1758.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 85
hear that your artillery pass the Alligany with so
much ease.
A letter which Colo. Byrd reed, from the Genl. of
the 19th Inst : gives room to imagine that the desti-
nation of the Virginia troops will be fixed upon so
soon as he arrives at Rays Town, as he there
expresses a desire of [seeing] Colo. Byrd and I
there immediately.
Mr. Walker was a long time as he enformed me,
under doubtful Orders in regard to his purchase of
cattle, so that he was obligd at last to pick up what
he coud get at a short warning ; which is I believe,
the real reason of the cattle not having [been] so
good as they other wise might be.' I am, etc.
TO JOHN ROBINSON.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, i September, 1758.
My Dear Sir,
We are still encamped here, very sickly, and quite
dispirited at the prospect before us.''
That appearance of glory, which we had once in
view, that hope, that laudable ambition of serving
our country, and meriting its applause, are now no
more ; but dwindled into ease, sloth, and fatal
inactivity. In a word, all is lost, if the ways of men
in power, like (certain) ways of Providence, are not
inscrutable. But why may not ? For we, who view
the actions of great men at a distance, can only form
^ This last paragraph is not found in the Letter-Book.
■ On the next day he received orders to march by Braddock's road, and take
position at Salt Lick.
86 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
conjectures agreeably to a limited perception ; and,
being ignorant of the comprehensive schemes, which
may be in contemplation, might mistake egregiously
in judging of things from appearances, or by the
lump. Yet every fool will have his notions, — will
prattle and talk away ; and why may not I ? We
seem then, in my opinion, to act under an evil genii.
The conduct of our leaders, (if not actuated by
superior orders,) is tempered with something I do
not care to give a name to. But I will say they are
' or something worse to P — j — v — n^ artifice, to
whose selfish views I ascribe the miscarriage of this
expedition ; for nothing now but a miracle can bring
this campaign to a happy issue.
In my last, (if I remember rightly,) I told you, that
I had employed my small abilities in opposing the
measures then concerting. To do this, I not only
represented the advanced season, the difficulty of
cutting a new road over these mountains, the little
time left for that service, the moral certainty of its
obstructing our march, and the miscarriage of the
expedition consequent thereupon. But I endeavored
to represent, also, the great struggle Virginia had
made this year in raising a second regiment upon so
short a notice, and the great expense of doing it, and
her inability for a future exertion in case of need. I
spoke my fears concerning the southern Indians, in
the event of a miscarriage, and in fine I spoke all
unavailingly, for the road was immediately begun,
and since then from one to two thousand men have
Blank in MS. ■' I'robaljly Pcnnsyh'attian.
1758] GEORGE WASHIXGTON. 87
constantly wrought on it. By the last accounts I
have received, they had cut it to the foot of Laurel
Hill (about thirty-five miles) ; and I suppose by now
fifteen hundred men have taken post at a place called
Loyal Hanna, about ten miles further, where our
next fort is intended to be constructed.
We have certain intelligence, that the French
strength at Fort Duquesne, on the 13th ultimo,
did not exceed eight hundred men, Indians included,
of whom there appeared to be three or four hundred.
This account is corroborated on all hands — two offi-
cers of the first Viro-inia reg'iment, vizt. Chew and
Allen, having come from thence, since that time
(both in different parties, and at different times,)
after lying a day or two concealed in full vie\v of
the fort, and observing the motions and strength of
the enemy. See, therefore, how our time has been
misspent. Behold how the golden opportunity is
lost, perhaps never more to be regained I How is
it to be accounted for ? Can General Forbes have
orders for this ? Impossible. Will, then, our injured
country pass by such abuses ? I hope not. Rather
let a full representation of the matter go to his
Majesty. Let him know how grossly his glory and
interest, and the public money, have been prosti-
tuted. I wish I were sent immediately home, as an
aid to some other on this errand. I think, without
vanity, I could set the conduct of this expedition in
its true colors, having taken some pains, perhaps
more than any other man, to dive to the bottom
of it. But no more.
88 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
Adieu, my dear Sir. It hath long been the luck-
less fate of Virginia to fall a victim to the views
of her crafty neighbors, and yield her honest efforts
to promote their common interests, at the expense of
much blood and treasure ! whilst openness and sin-
cerity have governed her measures. We now can only
bewail our prospects, and wish for happier times, but
these seem to be at so remote a distance that they are
indeed rather to be wished, than expected.
Colonel Byrd, (who is really unwell,) joins me in
compliments to you, the Attorney-General, and the
rest of our friends.'
TO GOVERNOR FAUQUIER.
Camp F. Cd., 2d Sept., 1758.
HoNBLE. Sir,
Your favor of the 17th ultimo I had the honor to
receive the 30th following. If you are surprized to
find us still encamped at this place, I shall only
remark, that your surprize can not well exceed
my own.
In my last I informed your Honor that a resolu-
tion was taken to open a new road from Rays Town
to Fort Duquesne— It was instantly begun, and since
that time from one to two thousand men have
wrought on it continually. They had, by the last
accounts I received, cut it to the foot of Laurel-Hill
about 35 miles, and I suppose by this time have taken
' General Forbes arrived at Raystown on the 15th, and Colonel Washington
was called to that place. Fort Cumberland was garrisoned hy Maryland militia,
under the command of Governor Sharpe.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 89
posts at Loyal Hanning 10 miles farther, where I
understand another fort is to be built, in which to
deposit our provisions.
What time it will require to build a fort at Loyal
Hanning, and after that is accomplished, what further
time is necessary to cut the road thro' very rugged
grounds to Fort Duquesne (grounds of which the
Enemy are actually possessed [of] and know ever)^
advantageous post to harass and dispute with us in)
— I say what time is required for the completion of
all this, I must leave to time, that faithful expositor
of Events, to reveal, not caring even to guess at it
myself.
The first division of the artillery has passed the
Alleghany hill, and I suppose may by now be got up
with the advanced working party. The second divi-
sion, I believe may have marched by this ; and they
talk of putting all the troops in motion immediately.
We have not in our stores at Rays Town two months'
provisions for the army ; and if the best judges are to
be credited, the nipping frosts will soon destroy the
herbage on the mountains ; and then, altho' the com-
munication be not quite stopped, the subsistence for
horses is rendered very difficult, till snows and frosts
prevent all intercourse with the Ohio ; and these set
in early in November. The road from Rays-town to
Carlyle, whence the provisions and stores chiefly
come, [is] perhaps worse than any other on the con-
tinent, infinitely worse than any part of the road
from hence to Fort Duquesne, along Genl. Brad-
dock's road, and hath already worn out the greatest
90 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
part of the horses that have been employed in trans-
porting the provisions, the carriage of which alone, it
is said (and I have it from good authority,) stands
the Crown upwards of 40 / every hundred weight.
We have certain advices that the French on the
13th ult. had received no new reinforcements at Fort
Duquesne, from Canada, and that their total strength
at that garrison, could not exceed 800 men, Indians
included.
This intelligence is brought by two officers of the
first Virginia Regiment, vizt. Chew & Allen — who
at different times and in different Parties since the
aforesaid 13th have been to Fort Duquesne, and
there lay in wait in view of the fort, observing the
works and strength for several days. Their accounts
exactly agree and have given great satisfaction to the
commanding officer at Rays Town (from whence they
were sent,) being corroborated by Indian intelligence
also, a party of Cherokee's having been out there, and
some Delawares just come in. What a golden op-
portunity have we lost ! but this is past, and I fear
irretrievably gone ! A party of our Troops. (75 in
number) is now 40 miles advanced, way-laying the
road, from whom I hope a prisoner if the enemy
should be passing or re-passing. I sent out also the
day before yesterday, a Sergeant and 5 men to Fort
Duquesne for intelligence. They will be back in
fourteen days. I can give your Honor no satisfac-
tory account of the General. He lay ill at Carlyle a
long time of a flux, from thence (gathering a little
strength,) he moved to Shippensburgh, where his dis-
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 91
order returned, and where I am told he now is. By
a letter received from him the other day, he hopes
soon to be at Rays-town, where he desires to see
Colo. Byrd and myself. But alas, the Expedition
must either stand or fall by the present plan.
In the conference which I had with Colonel Bou-
quet, and of which I gave your Honor an account in
my last, I did, among other things, to avert the
resolve of opening a new road, represent the great
expence the colony of Virginia had been at to sup-
port the War ; the charge of raising a second Regi-
ment at so short notice ; the time limited for the
service of it ; and therefore the cruelty of risquing the
success of an Expedition upon such precarious meas-
ures, when so much depends on it, and our inability
to do more. I then expressed my apprehensions of
the southern Indians in case of a miscarriage, and the
increase of French strength by new alliances ; and
after this I demonstrated, very clearly (or endeavored
so to do,) the time it would take us to proceed on the
old road ; and at how m.uch less expence, even if we
were obliged to get all our provisions and stores from
Pennsylvania (and surely there is no occasion for
this).
In fine I urged every thing then that I now can
do ; and repeated it by letters, copies of which I have
now to shew if required — but urged in vain ! The
Pennsylvanians, whose present as well as future in-
terest it was to conduct the Expedition thro' their
Government, and along that way, because it secures
at present their frontiers and the trade hereafter — a
92 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
chain of Forts being erected — had prejudiced the
General absolutely against this road ; made him be-
lieve we were the partial people ; and determined
him at all events to pursue that rout. So that their
sentiments are already known on this matter and to
them, as instigators, may be attributed the great mis-
fortune of this miscarriage — for I think now nothing
but a miracle can procure success.
The contractor has orders to lay in, at Loyal Man-
ning for 4,000 men the winter. Whence it is ima-
gined, that our expedition for this campaign will end
there. Should we serve to make up the troops
which garrison that place, our frontiers will thereby
not only be exposed, but the soldiers, for want of
clothing and proper conveniences must absolutely
perish, few of them having a whole coat to their
backs, and many none at all. This is a matter I
have fully and repeatedly written about these 12
month's past : I hope it will now merit the Assem-
bly's notice.
A major of Brigade is an officer absolutely neces-
sary for the Virginia troops while there is more than
one regiment : — The General has repeatedly urged
this matter ; and Colo. Byrd, who once recommended
another gentleman, who is now found to be too
deeply engaged in Indian Affairs, joins me in pro-
posing Captn. Robert Stewart for this office, a gen-
tleman, whose assiduity and military capacity are
second to none in our Service. We beg the favor
therefore, of a commission for him, and that your
Honor would be pleased to leave the date ot it.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 93
blank, in order that he may take Rank, before some
other majors of Brigade, to which his longer services
entitle him.
The First Virginia Regiment have August's pay
due to them, and no money in the Paymasters hands
— This he will inform your Honor more particularly
of, as desired.
Captains Bullen and French, two Cuttawba's much
esteemed for their bravery and steady attachment to
our interest, were killed about 10 days ago, on their
way from Winchester to this camp by the enemy of
which we got very early notice (it happening within
3 miles,) and sent out several parties to pursue ;
which they did fruitlessly !
I have written to Mr. Gist ; who had the direction
of Indian affairs, to make out such a return as your
Honor requires, and forward it to you. He is now
at Rays-town. Enclosed is a return of my regiment.
I believe it is exact, but as six of the companies are
upon the new road I cannot absolutely say what alter-
ations have happened therein since my last advices.
Thus, Sir, I have given your Honor a full and im-
partial account of the present posture of affairs here ;
of which any use may be made you shall think
proper. I may possibly be blamed for expressing my
sentiments so freely, — but never can be ashamed of
urging the truth ; and none but obvious facts are
stated here. The General, I dare say from his good
character, can account fully, and no doubt satisfac-
torily, for these delays, that surprize all who judge
from appearances only ; but I really can not.
94 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
Colo. Byrd, being very unwell, has desired me to
offer his compliments to your Honor [and] an excuse
(which is sickness) for his not writing.
P. S. Upon second thought, I have transmitted
copies of some of the letters which I wrote to Colo.
Bouquet, (who commands in the General's absence,)
upon the posture of our affairs ; particularly my
sentiments of the new road. It will give your Honor
some trouble to peruse them ; and they will at the
same time shew, that nothing in my power has been
wanting to bring this Expedition, to a speedy (and I
hoped) to a happy conclusion. As I well foresaw
that every delay still subjected us to further difficul-
ties, and the chance of encountering a French rein-
forcement, which very clearly appears they had not
received in the middle of August, long before which
might we have been there, had the old Road been
timely adopted.^
' " The Assembly met the 12th of September, and from the long delay of the
march of the forces, and the partiality they imagined shewn to Pennsylvania,
were not in a very good humor ; and not thinking any attempt would be made
on Fort Duquesne so late in the year, they passed an act to withdraw the first
regiment from the regulars after the first of December, and station them upon
the frontiers of this colony for the protection of the inhabitants. But upon
some letters that the Governor received about a fortnight after that Assembly
broke up, assuring him that an attempt would be made, he thought it proper to
call the Assembly again, and they accordingly met on Thursday last, when he
laid the letters before them, which they immediately took into consideration,
and that no blame might l^e laid to this Colony, for the failure of the expedition
which they imagined some people would be glad of having an opportunity of
doing, they proceeded with a despatch never Ijcfore known, and in three days
passed an act to emj)Ower the Governor to continue the forces in the pay of this
Colony on that service till the first of January, if the expedition was not over
before that tinie." — Robinson to IVashim^ton, 13 Septem., 1758. Gov. Fau-
fjuier hoped that " the ardor this Colony has sliewn to support the war will
continue for another year, the flame being a little stifled by the inactivity of this
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 95
TO MRS. GEORGE WILLIAM FAIRFAX.
Camp at Fort Cumberland, 12th September, 1758.
Dear Madam,
Yesterday I was honored with your short but very
agreeable favor of the first inst. How joyfully I
catch at the happy occasion of renewing a corre-
spondence which I feared was disrelished on your
part, I leave to time, that never failing expositor
of all things, and to a monitor equally faithful in
my own breast, to testify. In silence I now express
my joy ; silence, which in some cases, I wish the pres-
ent, speaks more intelligently than the sweetest elo-
quence.
If you allow that any honor can be derived from
my opposition to our present system of management,
you destroy the merit of it entirely in me by attribu-
campaign." — To Washington, 16 September, 1753. The Speaker's letter gives
an impression that he was describing the proceedings of two assemblies, but
Ramsay shows it was the same. " The ist Virginia Regiment had like to have
been broke by a vote of the House, but the old and judicious carried it against
the young members by a majority of five. However, they have so far prevailed,
that unless the regiment return into this Colony by the 1st of December next and
guard our frontiers, they are to be no longer in the pay of this Colony. There
is to be no Lieut. Colo., Quarter Master, Adjutant nor Chaplain, and the
yearly allowance for your table is voted away." — Ramsay to Washington,
17 October, 1758. The act is printed in Hening's Statutes, vii., p. 171.
"Some other saving schemes were obliged to be complied with, for fear the
whole should be given up. By a letter I received from Col. Byrd I find the
army will be in the heat of action, and the fate of Du Quesne depending at
that time [Decern, i.] I have therefore summoned an Assembly to meet on
Thursday the tenth inst. in order to prolong the time for both the regiments to
remain in the field in conjunction with the rest of his Majesty's forces. This is
the only step I could take to prevent the ruin of the whole expedition, and save
this colony from the censure they would lie under as being the sole cause of
the miscarriage of the whole, if the fort should not be reduced by that date."
— Fauquier to Washington, 4 Novem., 175S.
96 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
ting my anxiety to the animating prospect of possess-
ing Mrs. Custis, when — I need not tell you, guess
yourself. Should not my own Honor and country's
welfare be the excitement ? 'Tis true, I profess my-
self a votary of love. I acknowledge that a lady is
in the case, and further I confess that this lady is
known to you. Yes, Madame, as well as she is to
one who is too sensible of her charms to deny the
Power whose influence he feels and must ever submit
to. I feel the force of her amiable beauties in the
recollection of a thousand tender passages that I
could wish to obliterate, till I am bid to revive
them. But experience, alas ! sadly reminds me how
impossible this is, and evinces an opinion which I
have long entertained, that there is a Destiny which
has the control of our actions, not to be resisted by
the strongest efforts of Human Nature.
You have drawn me, dear Madame, or rather I have
drawn myself, into an honest confession of a simple
Fact. Misconstrue not my meaning ; doubt it not,
nor expose it. The world has no business to know
the object of my Love, declared in this manner to
you, when I want to conceal it. One thing above all
things in this world I wish to know, and only one
person of your acquaintance can solve me that, or
guess my meaning. But adieu to this till happier
times, if I ever shall see them. The hours at present
are melancholy dull. Neither the rugged toils of war,
nor the gentler conflict of A B s,' is in my
choice. I dare believe you are as happy as you say.
' " Asscnil)ly IJalls" arc jiroliahly tlic words intended.
1758] GEORGE WASHIXGTOX. 97
I wish I was happy also. Mirth, good humor, ease
of mind, and — what else ? — cannot fail to render you
so and consummate your wishes.
If one agreeable lady could almost wish herself a
fine gentleman for the sake of another, I apprehend
that many fine gentlemen will wish themselves finer
e'er Mrs. Spotswood is possest. She has already be-
come a reigning toast in this camp, and many there
are in it who intend (fortune favoring) to make hon-
orable scars speak the fullness of their merit, and be
a messenger of their Love to Her.
I cannot easilv forgive the unseasonable haste of
my last express, if he deprived me thereby of a single
word you intended to add. The time of the present
messenger is, as the last might have been, entirely at
your disposal. I can't expect to hear from my friends
more than this once before the fate of the expedition
will some how or other be determined. I therefore
beg to know when you set out for Hampton, and when
you expect to return to Belvoir again. And I should
be glad also to hear of your speedy departure, as
I shall thereby hope for your return before I get
down. The disappointment of seeing your family
would give me much concern. From any thing I
can yet see 'tis hardly possible to say when we
shall finish. I don't think there is a probability of it
till the middle of November. Your letter to Cap-
tain Gist I for\varded by a safe hand the moment
it came to me. His answer shall be carefully trans-
mitted.
Col. Mercer, to whom I delivered your message
98 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
and compliments, joins me very heartily in wishing
you and the Ladies of Belvoir the perfect enjoyment
of every happiness this world affords. Be assured
that I am, dear Madame, with the most unfeigned
regard, your most obedient and most obliged humble
servant.
N.B. Many accidents happening (to use a vulgar
saying) between the cup and the lip, I choose to
make the exchange of carpets myself, since I find
you will not do me the honor to accept mine.'
TO GOVERNOR FAUQUIER.
Camp at Raystown, the 25th Septemb., 1758.
HoNBLE. Sir,
I think it incumbent upon me to give you the fol-
lowing account — altho' it is with very great concern
I am furnished with the occasion.
The 1 2th instant Major Grant, of the Highland-
battalion, with a chosen detachment of 800 men
marched from our advanced post, at Loyal Hannan,
for Fort Duquesne ; — what to do there (unless to
meet the fate he did) I can not certainly inform you.
However, to get intelligence and annoy the Enemy,
was the ostensible plan.
' Printed in the Herald, 30 March, 1877, and in Welles' Pedigree and History
of the Washington Family. " Mrs. Gcorfje William Fairfax, the object of
George Washington's early and ]iassionate love, lived to an advanced age, in
Bath, England, widowed, childless, and utterly infirm. Upon her death, at
the age of eighty-one, letters (still in possession of the Fairfax family,) were
found among her effects, showing that Wasliington had never forgotten the
influence of his youthful (iisa])pointment." — Constance Cary Harrison, in
Scribner's Monthly, July, 1876.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 99
On the 13th, in the night, they arrived near that
place, formed upon the hill in two columns, and sent
a party to the fort to make discoveries, which they
accomplished accordingly — and burned a log-house
not far from the walls without interruption. Stimu-
lated by this success, the major kept his post and
disposition until day, then detached Major Lewis and
part of his command 2 miles back to their baggage
guard and sent an Engineer with a covering party in
full view of the fort, to take a plan of the works, — at
the same time causing the revile to beat in several
different places.
The enemy hereupon sallied out, and an obstinate
Engagement began, for the particulars of which I
beg leave to refer your Honor to the enclosed letters
and return of the Regiment. Major Lewis it is
said met his fate in bravely advancing to sustain
Major Grant. Our officers and men have acquired
very great applause for their gallant behavior during
the action. I had the honor to be publickly compli-
mented yesterday by the General on the occasion.
The havock that was made of them is a demonstrable
proof of their obstinate defence, having 6 officers
killed, and a 7th wounded out of 8. Major Lewis
who chearfully went upon this Enterprise (when he
found there was no dissuading Colonel Bouquet from
the attempt) frequently there and afterwards upon
the march, desired his friends to remember that he
had opposed the undertaking to the utmost. He is
a great loss to the Regiment, and is universally
lamented. Captn. Bullet's behavior is matter of
loo THE WRITINGS OF [1758
great admiration and Capt. Walter Stewart, the
other surviving officer, distinguished himself greatly
while he was able to act. He was left in the field,
but made his escape afterwards/
What may be the consequence of this affair, I will
not take upon me to decide, but this I may venture
to declare, that our affairs in general appear with a
greater gloom than ever ; and I see no probability of
opening the road this Campaign : How then can we
expect a favorable issue to the Expedition ? I have
used my best endeavors to supply my men with the
necessaries they want.^ 70 blankets I got from the
General upon the promise to return them again. I
therefore hope your Honor will direct that number
to be sent to Winchester for his use. I must also
beg the favor of having blank-commissions sent to me,
— it will take near a dozen for the promotions and va-
cancies.— I must fill up the vacancies with the volun-
teers I have, and some of the best Sergeants. I marched
to this Camp the 21st instant, by order of the General.
Having little else of ^noinent to relate ; I beg leave
to assure your Honor that I am, &c.
' " The Major [Grant] conducted the march so that the surprise was com-
pleat, and the enterprise must have succeeded, but for an absohite disobedience
of orders in a provincial officer, the night tliey reached tlie Ohio ; and by this
man's quitting his post next morning, the i)arty was in a manner cut to pieces.
Major Grant, as he was unfortunate, may be l)lamed, but from his letter to
General Forbes . . . you will not only see he was not in fault ; but from the
Ijehaviour of the provincial officer, you will be satisfied that a planter is not to
be taken from the plough and made an officer in a day." — Letter from an
officer who attended Urigadier General Forbes, printed in the Gftitlcmans
Magazine, 1759.
'^ Three days later General Forbes threatened to draw off the army into the
more ])0])ulous districts unless provisions were supplied at Kays town. — Penn.
Col. Kec, viii., 167.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. loi
TO MRS. GEORGE WM. FAIRFAX.
Camp at Rays Town, 25th Sept'r. 1758.
Dear Madam :
Do we still misunderstand the true meaningr of
each other's Letters ? I think it must appear so,
tho' I would feign hope the contrary as I cannot
speak plainer without. — But I'll say no more and
leave you to guess the rest.
I am now furnished with news of a very interest-
ing nature. I know it will affect you, but as you
must hear it from others I will state it myself. The
1 2th past, then Major Grant with a chosen detach-
ment of 800 men, march'd from our advanced post at
Loyal Hanna against Fort Duquesne.
On the night of the 13th he arriv'd at that place or
rather upon a Hill near to it ; from whence went a
party and viewd the Works, made what observations
they could, and burnt a Logg house not far from the
Walls. Egg'd on rather than satisfied by this suc-
cess, Major Grant must needs insult the Enemy next
morning by beating the Reveille in different places in
view. This caus'd a great body of men to Sally from
the Fort, and an obstinate engagement to ensue,
which was maintained on our Side with the utmost
efforts that bravery could yield, till being overpow-
erd and quite surrounded they were obliged to re-
treat with the loss of 22 officers killed, and 278 men
besides wounded.
This is a heavy blow to our affairs here, and a sad
stroke upon my Regiment, that has lost out of 8 offi-
I02 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
cers, and 168 that was in the Action, 6 of the former
killd, and a 7th wounded. Among the Slain was our
dear Major Lewis. This Gentleman as the other offi-
cers also did, bravely fought while they had life, tho'
wounded in different places. Your old acquaintance
Captn. Bullet, who is the only officer of mine that
came of untouched, has acquired immortal honor in
this engagement by his gallant behavior, and long
continuance in the field of Action. It might be
thought vanity in me to praise the behavior of my
own people were I to deviate from the report of com-
mon fame, — but when you consider the loss they have
sustained, and learn that every mouth resounds their
praises, you will believe me impartial.
What was the great end proposed by this attempt,
or what will be the event of its failure, I can't take
upon me to determine ; it appears however (from the
best accounts) that the enemy lost more men then we
did in the engagement. Thus it is the lives of the
brave are often disposed of. But who is there that
does not rather Envy than regret a death that gives
birth to honor and glorious memory.
. I am extremely glad to find that Mr. Fairfax has
escap'd the dangers of the Seige at Louisburg. Al-
ready have we experienced greater losses than our
army sustained at that place, and have gained not
one obvious advantage. So miserably has this expe-
dition been managed that I expect after a month's
further tryal, and the loss of many more men by the
sword, cold and perhaps famine, we shall give the
expedition over as perhaps impracticable this season,
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 103
and retire to the inhabitants, condemned by the world
and derided by our friends.
I should think our time more agreeably spent be-
lieve me, in playing a part in Cato, with the company
you mention, and myself doubly happy in being the
Juba to such a Marcia, as you must make.
Your agreeable Letter containd these words.
" My Sisters and Nancy Gist who neither of them
expect to be here soon after our return from Town,
desire you to accept their best complimts. &c."
Pray are these Ladies upon a Matrimonial Scheme ?
Is Miss Fairfax to be transformed into that charming
domestick — a Martin, and Miss Gary to a Fa — ?
What does Miss Gist turn to A Cocke?' That
can't be, we have him here.
One thing more and then have done. You ask if
I am not tired at the length of your letter ? No
Madam, I am not, nor never can be while the lines
are an Inch asunder to bring you in haste to the end
of the paper. You may be tird of mine by this.
Adieu dear Madam, you will possibly hear something
of me, or from me before we shall meet. I must beg
the favor of you to make my compliments to Colo.
Gary and the Ladies with you, and believe me that I
am most unalterably.^
' Miss Fairfax married Warner Washington, and not Mr. Martin. Soon
after this letter was written Elizabeth became the wife of Brj-an Fairfax, sub-
sequently the eighth Lord Fairfax. Captain Cocke was then in service.
"^ This letter was first published by Mr. Everett, who supposed it had been
written to Mrs. Martha Custis. Dr. Neill reprints it in his Fairfaxes of
England and America, but believes the recipient to have been Miss Mary
Cary.
I04 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
TO GOVERNOR FAUQUIER.
Camp at Raystown, the 28th September, 1758.
HoNBLE. Sir,
I forgot to notice in my last of the 25th instant
that a flag of truce was sent to Fort Duquesne by
Colo. Bouquet. It is now returned, and we learn
with certainty (tho' few things have yet transpired)
that Major Grant with two other Highland officers,
and Major Lewis, with two officers of the Royal
Americans, — and one belonging to Pennsylvania,
together with 2 Sergeants and 30 private men, were
made prisoners in the late action, and sent immedi-
ately to Montreal. From all the accounts I have yet
been able to collect, it appears very clear, that this
was either a very ill-concerted or very ill-executed
plan : perhaps both : but it seems to be generally
acknowledged that Major Grant exceeded his orders
in some particulars ; and that no disposition was
made for engaging.
The troops were divided : — which caused the front
to give way, and put the whole into confusion, except
the Virginians, commanded by Captn. Bullet, who
were (in the hands of Providence) a means of pre-
venting all of our people from sharing one common
fate.
This mistake, I fear, may be productive of bad
consequences to the common cause !
The promoters of opening a new road, either do
believe (or would fain have it thought so,) that there
is time enough to accomplish our plan this season :
but others who judge freer from prejudice, are of a
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 105
quite contrar}' opinion. As the road is not yet
opened half-way, and not 20 days' provision for the
troops got the length of this place — which cannot be
attributed to a juster cause than the badness of
the road ; altho' many other reasons are assigned
for it. We find that the frosts have already
changed the face of nature among these mountains.
We know there is not more than a month left for
enterprize, we know also that a number of horses can
not subsist after that time, on a road stripped of its
herbage, — and very few there are who apprehend
that our affairs can be brought to favorable issue by
that period, nor do I see how it is possible, if every
thing else answered, that men half-naked can live in
Tents much longer. I am, &c.
TO GENERAL FORBES.
Camp, at Raystown, 8 October, 1758.
Sir,
In consequence of your request of the Colonels as-
sembled at your lodgings, the 15th instant,' I offer the
plans (on the other side) to your consideration. They
express my thoughts on a line of march thro' a coun-
try covered with woods, and how that line of march
may be formed in an instant into an order of battle.
The plan of the line of march and order of battle,^ on
the other side, is calculated for a forced march with
field-pieces only, unincumbered with wagons. It rep-
' Should be ultimo. ' See diagram.
io6 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
resents, first, a line of march ; and, secondly, how
that line of march may in an instant be thrown into
an order of battle in the woods. This plan supposes
four thousand privates, one thousand of whom (picked
men,) are to march in the front in three divisions, each
division having a field-officer to command it, besides
the commander of the whole ; and is always to be in
readiness to oppose the enemy, whose attack, if the
necessary precautions are observed, must always be
in front.
The first division must, (as the second and third
ought likewise to be,) subdivided for the captains ;
these subdivisions to be again divided for the subal-
terns ; and the subalterns again for the sergeants and
corporals. By which means every non-commissioned
officer will have a party to command, under the eye of
a subaltern, as the subalterns will have, under the di-
rection of a captain, &c.
N.B. I shall, altho I believe it unnecessary, re-
mark here, that the captains, when their subdivisions
are again divided, are to take command of no par-
ticular part of it, but to attend to the whole sub-
division, as the subalterns are to do with theirs, each
captain and subaltern acting as commandant of the
division he is appointed to, under the field-officer,
visiting and encouraging all parts alike, and keeping
the soldiers to their duty. This being done, the first
division is, so soon as the van-guard is attacked (if
that gives the first notice of the enemy's approach),
to file off to the right and left, and take to trees,
gaining the enemy's flanks, and surrounding them, as
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PLAN
OF
A Link of March
for the Army
under
GENERAL FORBES,
Oct., 1758.
Drawn by G. Washington.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 107
described in the second plan/ The flank-guards on
the right, which belong to the second division, are
immediately to extend to the right, followed by that
division, and to form, as described in the aforesaid
plan. The rear-guard division is to follow the left
flankers in the same manner, in order, if possible, to
encompass the enemy, which being a practice differ-
ent from any thing they have ever yet experienced
from us, I think may be accomplished. What In-
dians we have, should be ordered to get round, un-
perceived, and fall at the same time upon the enemy's
rear. The front and rear being thus secured, there
remains a body of two thousand five hundred men to
form two brigades, on the flanks of which six hun-
dred men must march for the safety of them, and in
such order as to form a rank entire, by only marching
the captains' and subalterns' guards into the intervals
between the sergeants' parties, as may be seen by plan
the second. The main body will now be reduced to
nineteen hundred men, which should be kept a corps
de reserve to support any part, that shall be found
weak or forced.'
The whole is submitted to correction with the
utmost candor, by Sir, &c.
' This paper was reproduced in fac-simile and published in Monuments of
Washington s Patriotism (1841).
^ An orderly book of this date shows the following course of the advance
troops, by encampments : —
Octo 13. Reas Town.
Goto. 14 Shawnese Cabins.
Octo. 15 Edmonds Swamp.
16 Stoney Creek
17-19 Muddy Run
io8 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
TO GOVERNOR FAUQUIER.
Camp, at Loyal Hanna, 30 October, 1758.
HoNBLE. Sir :
Colo Byrd promised to apologize to you for my
not writing by Jenkins ; since which I have been hon-
ored with your second favor of the 7th instant, both
of which now lie before me for acknowledgement.
My sudden march ' from Raystown (the intent of
which I presume you are already informed of) allowed
Octo. 20 White Oak Ridge
21. S. E. side Laurel Hill
22 N. W. side Laurel Hill
23 Loyal Hannon
Here they remained until November 15th, when they removed to Chestnut
Ridge.
Nov. 16 N. Bush Run
17 Bullock Camp
18 New Camp.
19 N. Turtle Creek
20 Turtle Creek.
22 cross Turtle Creek
23 Bouquet's Camp
A skirmish had occurred on the evening of the 12th, and a force of 543 offi-
cers and men was sent on the next day to the spot. On the 14th the army was
divided into three bodies, to be commanded by Colonels Bouquet, Montgomery,
and Washington, acting as Brigadiers. To Washington was assigned the com-
mand of the right wing, consisting of the ist Virginia regiment, two companies
of artificers, and men from North Carolina, Maryland, and the Lower Counties.
Orderly book. " Our army in its approach, was divided into three brigades,
one commanded by Col. Bouqtiet ; another by Col. Alontgomery ; and the third
by Col. Washington. These brigades marched in columns to shorten their
lines, and enable them to form expeditiously. Flanking parties of the best
gunmen marched on the flanks ; Indians and light horse reconnoitred the
ground as we advanced ; and parties had l)een out the night before all round ;
a strong guard was advanced before the army, in the rear of which the General
was in his litter with an officer's guard, a little advanced before Col. Montgom-
ery, who commanded the center brigatle. A strong rear guard was likewise or-
dered, as also a guard for the artillery." — Letter from an Officer.
' Colonel Washington had now ])een sent forward, in advance of the main
army, to take command of a division em])l()ye(l in opening the road.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 109
me no time to furnish Mr. Boyd with proper estimates
for drawing the pay of our regiment, and I was less
anxious on that head, as the officers equally with my-
self considered that our affairs would some how or
other come to a conclusion before he could return,
and that it might be difficult and very unsafe for him
to follow us. I am very much obliged to your Honor
for the commissions you were pleased to send. Be
assured. Sir, the confidence which you have reposed
in me shall never be wilfully abused. I am not less
obliged to your Honor for the favor of returning so
readily the blankets which I borrowed of the General.
I am, however sorry to inform you, that, upon re-
viewing the six companies of my regiment at this
place, (which had been separated from me since my
last,) I found them deficient in the necessaries con-
tained in the enclosed return, and consequently I am
under an indispensable duty of providing them, or
more properly of endeavoring to do so ; for I doubt
very much the possibility of succeeding. Your
Honor, therefore, will not, I hope, be surprised,
should I draw on you for the amount, in case of
success.
Governor Sharpe in person commanded a garrison
of militia, (from his province,) at Fort Cumberland,
when the magazine was blown up, and had, I believe^
his store-keeper included in the blast. * * *
My march to this post gave me an opportunity of
forming a judgment of the road, and I can truly say,
that it is indescribably bad. Had it not been for an
accidental discovery of a new passage over the Laurel
no THE WRITINGS OF [1758
Hill, the carriages must inevitably have stopped on
the other side. This is a fact nobody here takes
upon him to deny. The General and great part of
the troops, &c, being yet behind, and the weather
growing very inclement, must I apprehend terminate
our expedition for this year at this place. But as our
affairs are now drawing to a crisis, and a good or bad
conclusion of them will shortly ensue, I choose to
suspend my judgment, as well as a further account
of the matter, to a future day.'
TO GENERAL FORBES.
Camp, near Bushy Run, 17 November, 1758.
Sir,
After the most constant labor from daybreak till
night, we were able to open the road to this place,
only about six miles from our last camp. Here it
' " The General being arrived, with most of the artillery and troops, we ex-
pect to move forward in a very few days, encountering every hardship, that an
advanced season, want of clothes, and a small stock of provisions will expose
us to. But it is no longer a time for pointing out difficulties, and I hope my
next will run in a more agreeable strain. In the mean time, I beg leave to
assure your Honor, that, with very great respect, I am, &c." — Washington to
Gov. Fauquier, November 5.
When the General reached Loyal Hanna, a council of war was called, and
it was determined to be inadvisable to proceed further that season. But the
report of three prisoners, who were shortly afterwards brought in, and who
communicated the weak state of the garrison at Fort Duquesne, induced a
change of opinion, and the enterprise was prosecuted.
" The keeping Fort Dutjuesne (if we should be fortunate enough to take it)
in its present situation, will be attended with great advantages to the middle
colonies ; and I do not know so effectual a way of doing it, as by the commu-
nication of Fort Cumberland and General Braddock's road, which is, in the
first place, good, and in the next, frcsli ; affording good food if the weather
keeps open, which is more than a road can do as much used as this has been."
— Washington to General Forbes, 16 November, 1758.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. iii
was that Captain Shelby overtook us, and presented
me with yours and Colonel Bouquet's letters, enclos-
ing one to Colo. Armstrong ; all of which were
forwarded to that gentleman last night by Shelby,
as soon as the last of the enclosed came to my hands.
A junction with Colonel Armstrong this morning
would have prevented the good effects of a fortified
camp to-night, and retarded our operations a day at
least ; for which reason I desired him to march >
forward this morning at 2 o'clock, to such place as
Captn. Shelby should point out (with Capt. Gordon's
approbation of the ground) and there secure himself,
as you have directed. If he accomplishes that work
before night, he is in that event to begin opening the
road towards us. I shall struggle hard to be up with
him to-night, being but two and a half miles from his
last camp.
I received but thirty six of the forty two axes sent
by Colo. Montgomery, and those in the very worst
order. Last night was spent in doing the needful
repairs to them. We have four carriages with us
that follow with great ease.
If Indians ever can be of use to us, it must be
now, in the front, for intelligence. I therefore beg
you will order their conductors to bring them at all
events, and that we may get our bullocks immediately
up ; otherwise, as our meat will be out to-morrow, we
shall possibly be delayed the next day in serving it
out, when we should be marching to the next post.
There was a sergeant (Grant) of mine, confined
for insolent behavior to an officer of Pennsylvania,
112 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
and tried at the last General Court-martial ; but the
sentence was not known when I came away, altho'
the court sat five days before. I applied (thro*
Major Halkett) to get him released, but could not.
He is a very fine fellow, and I am as desirous of get-
ting him, as he is to come. I should be glad therefore
if the nature of his office will admit of it, with pro-,
priety, that he was sent on accordingly.
TO GENERAL FORBES.
Camp, (at night) 17th Novem. 1758.
Sir,
Colonel Bouquet's letter came to my hands, (just
as the bearer was passing by,) from Colonel Arm-
strong. I shall punctually observe all the directions
contained therein, altho' I shall at the same time
confess I think it much safer and more eligible to
have marched briskly on to our second post, leaving
the road for Colonel Montgomery to open. We
should by that means have been as good as a cover-
ing party to him, while we are fortifying a camp,
which may be of great importance to the army. Less
time would be lost by this means, and a straggling
front, (which will ever happen in expeditious cutting,)
would be avoided ; besides the probable advantage
of (perhaps) getting into a secure camp before we
might be discovered.
I have opened the road between seven and eight
miles to day, and am yet three miles short of Colonel
Armstrong, who marched at eight o'clock. I under-
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 113
stand by Captain Shelby, who is just come from him,
that Col. Armstrong is not yet begun entrenching his
camp, which must again retard us to-morrow. For-
warding provisions is highly necessary ; hard labor
consumes them fast ; but all the men are in high
spirits, and are anxious to get on.
I shall be much pleased to see the Indians up, and
am very glad to hear that Mr. Croghan is so near at
hand. The number with him is not mentioned. I
wish they were in our front also.
I was extremely sorry to hear of your indisposition
to day, being, Sir, yours, &c.
TO GENERAL FORBES.
Armstrong's Camp, 18 November, 1758.
Sir,
I came to this camp about eleven o'clock to-day,
having opened the road before me. I should imme-
diately have proceeded on, but, as the bullocks were
to [be] slaughter[ed,] and provisions to be dressed, I
thought it expedient to halt here till three in the
morning, when I shall begin to march with one thou-
sand men, leaving Colonel Armstrong and five hun-
dred more in this camp, until Colonel Montgomery'
joins [him.] I took care that the road should not be
delayed by this halt, for I ordered out a working
party, properly covered, before I came here, to cut it
forward till night should fall upon them, and then
return back again.
I fear we have been greatly deceived with regard
114 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
to the distance from hence to Fort Duquesne. Most
of the woods-men, that I have conversed with, seem
to think that we are still thirty miles from it. I have
sent out one party that way to ascertain the distance,
and the kind of ground between ; and two others to
scout on the right and left, for the discovery of
tracks, &c. To-morrow, Captn. Shelby and Lt. Gist
of my regiment, will go off on the like service that
the former of these parties has done this day, under
Lt. Ryley.
I found three redoubts erecting for the defence of
this camp. Mr. Gordon thinks, that it will be suffi-
ciently secured by these means ; but, for my own
part, I do not look upon redoubts alone, in this close
country, to be half as good as the slightest breast-
work ; indeed, I do not believe they are any security
at all where there are no other works.
I enclose you a return of the total strength of this
place, and for what time they are served with pro-
visions, by which you will see how much a supply is
needed, and I must beg, that commissaries and
stilliards ' may be sent forward, otherwise a continual
dissatisfaction will prevail, as well on the part of the
contractors, as on that of the soldiers, who think they
have injustice done them in their allowance, notwith-
standing the fifteen bullocks, which were received as
provisions for four days, were issued out for three
only, by the judgment of an officer of each corps, as
well as my own, for I took pains to examine into it
myself.
' Steelyards.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 115
I had wrote thus far, when your favor of this morn-
ing came to hand. I shall set out at three o'clock, as
above, leaving the Hiofhlanders to finish the redoubts,
according to Mr. Gordon's plan, and to secure the
tools, until Colonel Montgomer)' comes up, leaving
it then to Colonel Bouquet's option to bring or leave
them.
We shall, I am apprehensive, have a great space
between this post and the next, as I have before
observed, tho' I shall be a better judge to-morrow
night.
The enclosed return shows what provisions each
corps ought to have upon hand ; but few can make
it hold out, so that I must again urge the necessity of
a commissary and weights, also of provisions, for
were we all completed properly to a certain day,
there are yet parties and light-horsemen coming and
going, who complain much on this head.
Your chimney at this place is finished. I shall take
care to put up one at the next post.'
I shall use every necessary precaution to get timely
notice of the enemy's approach, so that I flatter my-
self you need be under no apprehensions on that
head. A scouting party is just returned, and reports,
that, five miles advanced of this they discovered the
tracks of about forty persons making towards Kiske-
manetes. The tracks appear to have been made
to-day, or yesterday. I am, &c.
' The General had ordered a chimney to be built for his use at each of the
entrenched camps.
ii6 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
TO GOVERNOR FAUQUIER.
Camp, at Fort Duquesne, 28 November, 1758.
HoNBLE. Sir,
I have the pleasure to inform you, that Fort
Duquesne, or the ground rather on which it stood,
was possessed by his Majesty's troops on the 25th
instant. The enemy, after letting us get within a
day's march of the place, burned the fort, and ran
away (by the light of it,) at night, going down the
Ohio by water, to the number of about five hundred
men, from our best information. The possession of
this fort has been matter of surprise to the whole
army, and we cannot attribute it to more probable
causes, than those of weakness, want of provisions,
and desertion of their Indians. Of these circum-
stances we were luckily informed by three prisoners,
who providentially fell into our hands at Loyal
Hanna, at a time when we despaired of proceeding,
and a council of war had determined, that it was not
advisable to advance beyond the place above men-
tioned this season, but the information above caused
us to march on without tents or baggage, and with a
a light train of artillery only, with which we have
happily succeeded. It would be tedious, and I think
unnecessary, to relate every trivial circumstance, that
has happened since my last. To do this, if needful,
shall be the employment of a leisure hour, when I
have the pleasure to pay my respects to your Honor.
The General purposes to wait here a few days to
settle matters with the Indians, and then all the
troops, (except a sufficient garrison which will I sup-
pose be left here, to secure the possession,) will march
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 117
to their respective governments. I therefore give
your Honor this early notice of it, that your direc-
tions relative to those of Virginia may meet me timely
on the road. I cannot help premising, in this place,
the hardships the troops have undergone, and the
naked condition they now are in, in order that you
may judge if it is not necessary- that they should have
some little recess from fatigue, and time to provide
themselves with necessaries, for at present they are
destitute of every comfort of life. If I do not get
your orders to the contrary, I shall march the troops
under my command directly to Winchester ; from
whence they may then be disposed of, as you shall
afterwards direct.
General Forbes desires me to inform you, that he
is prevented, by a multiplicity of different affairs,
from writing to you so fully now, as he would other-
wise have done, and from enclosing you a copy of a
letter which he has written to the commanding officer
stationed on the communication from hence to Win-
chester, &c. relative to the Little Carpenter's conduct,
(a chief of the Cherokees). But that, the purport of
that letter was to desire, they would deprive him of
the use of arms and ammunition, and escort him from
one place to another, to prevent his doing any mis-
chief to the inhabitants, allowing him provisions only.
His behavior, the General thought, rendered this
measure necessary\
This fortunate, and, indeed, unexpected success of
our arms will be attended with happy effects. The
Delawares are suing for peace, and I doubt not that
other tribes on the Ohio will follow their example.
ii8 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
A trade, free, open, and upon equitable terms, is what
they seem much to stickle for, and I do not know
so effectual a way of riveting them to our interest, as
sending out goods immediately to this place for that
purpose. It will, at the same time, be a means of
supplying the garrison with such necessaries as may
be wanted ; and, I think, those colonies, which are as
greatly interested in the support of this place as Vir-
ginia is, should neglect no means in their power to
establish and support a strong garrison here. Our
business, (wanting this) will be but half finished ;
while, on the other hand, we obtain a firm and lasting
peace, if this end is once accomplished.
General Forbes is very assiduous in getting these
matters settled upon a solid basis, and has great merit
(which I hope will be rewarded) for the happy issue
which he has brought our affairs to, infirm and worn
down as he is.' At present I have nothing further
to add, but the strongest assurances of my being your
Honor's most obedient and most humble servant.^
' General Forbes died a few weeks afterwards in Philadelphia.
' The Freneh account of the later events of this campaign may be found in
the " Papers relating to the French Occupation in Western Pennsylvania,'
published in the Pennsylvania Archives, Second Scries, Vol. VI. Extracts
from a few of the more important letters are here quoted : — " M. de Ligneris
has written me from Fort Duquesne on the 30th of last month ; he continues
to have parties out, wlio liroughl him two prisoners on the 30th, from whom
he learned that General ]""orbes was immediately exjiected at Royal Amnon ;
where there were more than 2,000 men, under the command of Colonel
Boucjuet, with 8 pieces of cannon on field carriages and several mortars ; that
a fort had ])een built there of jiiece upon jiiece, and one saw mill ; as for the
rest, they are ignorant whether i''ort Ducpiesne is to be attacked this fall ; that
the F'rovincials had orders to go into winter (piarters ; that they had been
since countermanded, but that people slill s])()ke of dismissing them ; that
there are no more horned cattle at Koyal Amnon, but i)lenfy of provisions of
flour and salt meats ; that the Fnglish su])]u)sc us to be ver>' numerous at Fort
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 119
TO GOVERNOR FAUQUIER.
Loyal Hanna, 2 December, 1758.
Sir,
The enclosed was wrote with the intention to go
by an express of the General's, but his indisposition
Duquesne. I am not sure, my Lord, whether the enemy will organize any
expedition this fall, or wait until spring ; the advanced season and the two
advantages we have gained in succession over them, would lead me to hope that
they will adopt the latter course. 'Tis much to be desired, for 'twould not be
possible for M. de Ligneris to resist the superiority of the enemy's forces.
Meanwhile, he will use all means in his power to annoy them ; embarrass their
communications and intercept their convoys. It is a great pity that he has
been absolutely obliged, by the scarcity of provisions, to reduce his garrison to
200 men ; fortunately, the messages he has delivered in my name, to the Dela-
wares and Chawenons of the Beautiful river, have confirmed these nations in
their attachment to the French. The Delawares of the mountains have also
favorably received the messages sent to them, and are beginning to remove
their villages to our territory. I have renewed my orders to all the posts to
procure for M. de Ligneris, early in spring, all the assistance in their vicinity.
I beg you, my lord, to be pleased fully to assure his Majesty that I will neglect
nothing to preserve for him the possession of the Beautiful river, and of this
colony in general ; that it will not be my fault, should our enemies make,
eventually, any progress, but in fact and strict truth, the salvation of this colony
will depend on the prompt arrival of the succors of every description, which
I have had the honor to demand of you." — M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Massiac,
28 November, 1759. "We obtain[ed] some new advantages on the Beautiful
river, at the close of the month of October. The English repaired in force, on
the 23d of November, to within three leagues of Fort Duquesne, which was
abandoned after having marched out of, and burned it ; the artillery has been
sent to the Illinois, by descending the Beautiful river which empties into that
of the Onias, the latter flowing into the Mississippi, which is ascended thirty
leagues to reach the fort of the Illinois ; and the garrison retreated to Fort
Machault, where it still remained on the 8th of March, according to intelli-
gence received on the day before yesterday. . . . Scarcity of provisions
and the bad position of Fort Duquesne have compelled its abandonment. The
consequences may become unfortunate, if the Indians pronounce in favor
of the English. Although they hesitate, they appear still attached to us ; 'tis
to be hoped that they will remain at least neutral. M. de Ligneris, who com-
mands at Fort Machault, writes that the English are constructing forts at
Attique and Royal Hannon ; that the Indians are become very familiar with
them ; he flatters himself, however, that he will induce them to strike, if he
receive reinforcements capable of controlling them ; the greatest part of them
are on the way." — M. Malartic to M. de Cremille, 9 April, 1759.
I20 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
prevented that express from setting out for three
days afterwards ; and then the General thought, that
my waiting upon your Honor would be more eligible,
as I could represent the situation of our affairs in this
quarter more fully, than could well be done by letter.
This I accordingly attempted ; but, upon trial, found
it impracticable to proceed with despatch, for want of
horses, (now having near two hundred miles to march
before I can get a supply,) those I at present have
being entirely knocked up. I shall, notwithstanding,
endeavor to comply with the General's request, as I
cannot possibly be down till towards the ist of next
month, (and the bearer may much sooner.)
The General has, in his letters, told you what gar-
rison he proposed to leave at Fort Duquesne,' but
the want of provisions rendered it impossible to leave
more than two hundred men in all there. These,
without great exertions, must, I fear, abandon the
place or perish. To prevent, as far as possible, either
of these events happening, I have by this conveyance
wrote a circular letter to the back inhabitants of Vir-
ginia, setting forth the great advantages of keeping
that place, the improbability of doing it without their
immediate assistance, that they may travel safely out
while we hold that post, and will be allowed good
prices for such species of provisions as they shall
carry. Unless the most effectual measures are taken
early in the spring to reinforce the garrison at Fort
' (Icneral Forljes liad (letcrniiiicil to leave at l'\)rt Duquesnc two hundred of
the jjfovincial troop of Pennsylvania, with a ijrojiortionahle number of Virginia
and Maryland forces.
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 121
Duquesne the place will inevitably be lost, and then
our frontiers will fall into the same distressed condi-
tion that they have been in for some time past. For
I can very confidently assert, that we never can secure
them properly, if we again lose our footing on the
Ohio, as we consequently lose the interest of the
Indians. I therefore think, that every necessary'
preparation should be making, not a moment should
be lost in taking the most speedy and efficacious steps
in securing the infinite advantages which may be de-
rived from our regaining possession of that important
country.
That the preparatory steps should immediately
be taken for securing the communication from Vir-
ginia, by constructing a post at Red-stone Creek,
which would greatly facilitate the supplying of our
troops on the Ohio, where a formidable garrison
should be sent, as soon as the season will admit of it.
That a trade with the Indians should be upon such
terms, and transacted by men of such principles, as
would at the same time turn out to the reciprocal
advantage of the colony and the Indians, and which
would effectually remove those bad impressions, that
the Indians received from the conduct of a set of ras-
cally fellows, divested of all faith and honor, and give
us such an early opportunity of establishing an
interest with them, as would be productive of the
most beneficial consequences, on getting a large
share of the fur-trade, not only of the Ohio Indians,
but, in time, of the numerous nations possessing the
back country westward of it. And to prevent this dis-
122 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
advantageous commerce from suffering In its infancy,
by the sinister views of designing, selfish men of the
different provinces, I humbly conceive it absolutely
necessary that commissioners from each of the colo-
nies be appointed to regulate the mode of that trade,
and fix it on such a basis, that all the attempts of one
colony undermining another, and thereby weakening
and diminishing the general system might be frus-
trated. To effect which the General would (I fancy)
cheerfully give his aid.'
' While the capture and destruction of Fort Duquesne, and the occupation by
the English removed for the time the fear of a French invasion, the western
and northern tribes of Indians were still too closely bound to the French,
and offered a more dangerous and insidious weapon of offense against the
frontiers of the colonies than any line of French forts or number of French
troops could have supplied. French influence still controlled among the In-
dians of the upper country, though shaken by the retreat from Fort Duquesne ;
French missionaries were more active in maintaining and extending French
interests ; French traders divided with the English the rich fur trade of the
western country ; and a greater liberality and a more intelligent exercise of
authority gave the French a hold upon the tribes that the English in vain
long sought to break. The high utility of Indian allies, and the importance
of maintaining their influence over the tribes, were clearly recognized by
Montcalm, de Vaudreuil, and other of the P'rench commanders, and no effort
was spared to estaljlish that influence the more firmly. To counteract these
endeavors, the colonies sought first, to so intimidate the openly hostile tribes,
as to induce them to Ijreak with the French, and become allies of the English,
or, at all events, neutral in case of war ; and secondly, to remove all causes
of complaint by proliibiting settlement on lands claimed by the Indians, and
by regulating the system of conducting trade with the Indians.
To accomplish tliese ends effectually, the united action of the colonies was
desirable. No single colony would be able to cope with the Indians in war,
and the different measures adopted by the different colonies presented serious
obstacles to the proper control and regulation of relations with the Indians in
time of peace. Tlie organ of coTUinuiiication l)et\veen the crown and the In-
dians had been the governors of the resjicctive colonics. The engrossing
and multifarious duties of the governors in other directions led to a neglect of
Indian affairs, while the want of proper agents, of system and uniformity of
treatment, arising from this neglect, and a conflict of interest among the cole-
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 123
Although none can entertain a higher sense of the
great importance of maintaining a post on the Ohio
than myself, yet, under the present circumstances
my regiment is, I would by no means have agreed to
nies, induced great abuses, and kept the Indians and settlers perpetually at
difference and oftentimes at war. The colonies licensed traders, but the
character of these privileged persons was not inquired into, and the contempt
which Washington had for them was in general the uniform sentiment, north
as well as south. Franklin called them "the most vicious and abandoned
wretches of our nation." {Works, II., 467.) Sir William Johnson spoke of the
Albany Commissioners for Indian affairs as " persons of very little capacity,
who were all devoted to their own interest and trade, and by whose means the
French were constantly supplied with Indian and other goods, thro' the chan-
nel of Canada Indians." {To the Lords of Trade, 13 November, 1763.)
Massachusetts was successful in bettering her relations with the Indians by
constructing " truckhouses " where the natives could purchase at stated prices,
or exchange their peltries, and were assured of the quality of the goods sold.
Such houses for Indian trade were " a more effectual bar against private trade
than all the laws that can be invented." {Govr. Bowdoin to Franklin, Works
[Bigelow 's edition] II., 316, note.) Pennsylvania adopted the Massachusetts
idea at the treaty of Carlisle (1753), and it was the place of deposit con-
structed by the Ohio company that led to the Indian war in which Washington
served. Franklin urged the framing of some uniform policy of direction before
the Albany Congress of 1754.
The plan of union was not adopted, and in default of action by the colonies,
the crown introduced a new system. The colonies were divided into two dis-
tricts, the northern and the southern, and over each was placed a ' ' Superinten-
dent or Agent for the Affairs of Indians," holding his commision from the
crown and independent of the colonial government. The Indian outbreak of
1763 directed attention to certain inconveniences of this arrangement, and the
English government called upon the agents to suggest alterations. The reply
of Sir William Johnson, one of the ablest and most successful Indian agents of
that period, may be found in the second series of the Pennsylvania Archives,
VI. , 600. The royal proclamation of October, 1763, appears to have anticipated
in a measure his recommendations. {See note to the letter of Washington to
Crawford, 21 September, 1767, post.) The policy thus introduced, of confining
the trade to certain posts and places, was advantageously applied to the
southern colonies, but was not so effective in the north, principally because of
the easy connection the Indians could have with Canada, and the number of
posts necessary and the expense of maintaining them. In 1769 the "Com-
missioners of Trade " proposed to entrust the entire management of the Indian
trade to the colonies themselves. Pennsylvania Archives, l\., 319, 320.
124 THE WRITINGS OF [1758
leave any part of it there, had not the General given
an express order for it. I endeavored to show, that
the King's troops ought to garrison it ; but he told
me, as he had no instructions from the ministry .rela-
tive thereto, he could not order it, and our men that
are left there, are in such a miserable situation, having
hardly rags to cover their nakedness, exposed to the
inclemency of the weather in this rigorous season,
that, unless provision is made by the country for sup-
plying them immediately, they must inevitably perish,
and if the first Virginia regiment is to be kept up any
longer, or any services are expected therefrom should
forthwith be clothed as they are. By their present
shameful nakedness, the advanced season, and the
inconceivable fatigues of an uncommonly long and
laborious campaign, rendered totally incapable of
any kind of service ; and sickness, death, and deser-
tion must, if not speedily supplied, greatly reduce its
numbers. To replace them with equally good men
will, perhaps, be found impossible. * ^' * With the
highest respect, I am, &c.
TO GENERAL FORBES.
Wn.LiAMsiiURG, 30 December, 1758.
Sir,
The Governor's writing fully to [youj upon the
posture of affairs here, and the present system of
management, leaves me no room to add. I was in
liope a General Assembly would have been called
immediately; but the Council were of opinion, that,
1758] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 125
as they had met so lately, and were summoned to
attend some time in February, it would be incon-
venient to convene them sooner ; so that no measures
for securing the communication betw^een Fort Cum-
berland and Fort Duquesne, or, in short, any thing
else, can be effected, or even attempted, until their
resolutions are known thereupon.
Captain McNeill, (who commanded the first Vir-
ginia regiment in my absence,) committed an error, I
am informed, at Raystown, in confining Mr. Hoops,
the commissar}'. I am not thoroughly acquainted
with the particulars of that affair, but I believe, from
the accounts which I have received, that Mr. Hoops
was equally culpable in detaining the provisions from
half-starved men. This piece of rashness, I am told,
is likely to bring McNeill into trouble. I therefore
beg the favor of you, Sir, as I am well convinced Mc-
Neill had nothing in view but the welfare of his men,
to interpose your kind offices to settle the difference.
This will be doing a singular favor to Captain
McNeill, as well as to myself.
I should be extremely glad to hear of your safe
arrival at head-quarters, after a fatiguing campaign,
and that a perfect return of good health has contrib-
uted to crown your successes.'
' As Colonel Washington had determined at the beginning of the season to
remain in the army no -longer than till the conclusion of this campaign,
he resigned his commission immediately after his arrival in Williamsburg. On
this occasion his officers presented to him an address, deeply expressive of their
affection, their respect, and their ardent wishes for his future prosperity and
welfare.
He was married on the 6th of January, 1759, to Martha Custis, widow of
Daniel Parke Custis, and daughter of John Dandridge. The ceremony was
126 THE WRITINGS OF [1759
TO ROBERT GARY AND COMPANY, MERCHANTS, LONDON.
Williamsburg, i May, 1759.
Gentln.,
The inclosed is the minister's certificate of my
marriage with Mrs. Martha Custis, properly, as I am
told, authenticated. You will, therefore for the
future please to address all your letters, which relate
to the affairs of the late Daniel Parke Custis, Esqr.,
to me, as by marriage I am entitled to a third part of
that estate, and invested likewise with the care of the
other two thirds by a decree of our General Court,
which I obtained in order to strengthen the power I
before had in consequence of my wife's administration.
I have many letters of yours in my possession un-
answered ; but at present this serves only to advise
you of the above change, and at the same time to
performed by the Rev. David Mossum in St. Peter's Church, a few miles from
the Custis " White House," which was on the Pamunkey River in New Kent
County.
Being now a member of the House of Burgesses, he joined that Assembly
when it was next convened. The House resolved to return their thanks to him,
in a public manner, for the services, which he had rendered to his country, and
this duty devolved on his friend the Speaker. Mr. Wirt relates the anecdote
in the following words, on the authority of Edmund Randolph : —
" As soon as Colonel Washington took his seat [in the Assembly], Mr.
Robinson, in obedience to this order, and following the impulse of his own
generous and grateful heart, discharged the duty with great dignity, but with
such warmth of coloring, and strength of expression, as entirely to confound
the young hero. He rose to express his acknowledgments for the honor ; but
such was his trepidation and confusion, that he could not give distinct utter-
ance to a syllable. He blushed, stammered, and trembled, for a second ; when
the Speaker relieved him, by a stroke of addiess, that would have done honor
to Louis the Fourteenth, in his proudest and hajipicst moment. ' Sit down, Mr.
Washington,' said he, with a conciliating smile, ' your modesty is equal to your
valor, and that surpasses the power of any language that I possess.' " — Life of
Patrick Henry, p. 45.
1759] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 127
acquaint you, that I shall continue to make you the
same consignments of tobacco as usual, and will en-
deavor to increase it in proportion as I find myself
and the estate benefited thereby.'
The scarcity of the last year's crop, and the high
prices of tobacco, consequent thereupon, would, in
any other case, have induced me to sell the estate's
crop (which indeed is only 16 hhd.) in the country ;
but, for a present, and I hope small advantage only,
I did not care to break the chain of correspondence,
that has so long subsisted, and therefore have,
according to your desire, given Captn. Talman, an
offer of the whole.
On the other side is an invoice of some goods,
which I beg of you to send me by the first ship,
bound either to Potomack or Rappahannock, as I am
in immediate want of them. Let them be insured,
' " I shall keep the estate under the same direction as formerly, neither alter-
ing the. managers, kind of tobacco, or the manner of treating it, unless you
advise otherwise for our interest ; and, while I continue to pursue this method,
I hope you will be able to render such sales, as will not only justify the present
consignments to you, but encourage my enlarging them ; for I shall be candid
in telling you, that duty to the charge with which I am entrusted, as well as
self-interest, will incline me to abide by those, who give the greatest proof of
their abilities in selling my own and the estate's tobacco, and purchasing our
goods, which I can no otherwise judge of, than by the accounts that will be
rendered. And here permit me to ask, if it would be advisable to change the
marks of any of the tobacco, or had I best ship it all under the usual marks ?
If so, my part may be known by some small distinction, such as you can best
advise.
"In my last, among other things, I desired you would send me, (besides a
small octavo volume,) the best system now extant of agriculture ; since which,
I have been told, that there is one, lately published, done by various hands,
but chiefly collected from the papers of Mr. Hale. If this is known to be the
best, pray send it, but not if any other is in higher esteem." — Washington
to Robert Cary &" Company, I2 June, 1759.
128 THE WRITINGS OF [1759
and, in case of accident, re-shipped without delay.
Direct for me at Mount Vernon, Potomack River,
Virginia ; the former is the name of my seat, the
other of the river on which t' is situated. I am, &c.
May, 1759.
Invoice of Sundry Goods to be Ship'd by Robt. Gary, Esq., and
Company for the use of George Washington — viz :
I Tester Bedstead i\ feet pitch with fashionable bleu or blue
and white curtains to suit a Room laid w yl Ireld. paper. —
Window curtains of the same for two windows ; with either
Papier Mache Cornish to them, or Cornish covered with the
Cloth.
1 fine Bed Coverlid to match the Curtains. 4 Chair bottoms of
the same ; that is, as much covering suited to the above furniture
as will go over the seats of 4 Chairs (which I have by me) in
order to make the whole furniture of this Room uniformly
handsome and genteel.
I. Fashionable Sett of Desert Glasses and Stands for Sweet
meats Jellys &c — together with Wash Glasses and a proper Stand
for these also. —
2 Setts of Chamber, or Bed Carpets — Wilton,
4. Fashionable China Branches & Stands for Candles.
2 Neat fire Screens —
50 lbs Spirma Citi Candles —
6 Carving Knives and Forks — handles of Stained Ivory and
bound with Silver.
A pretty large Assortment of Grass Seeds — among which let
there be a good deal of Lucerne & St. Foi, especially the former,
also a good deal of English or bleu Grass Clover Seed I have. —
1 Large neat and Easy Couch for a Passage.
50 yards of best Floor Matting. —
2 pair of fashionable mixd. or Marble Cold. Silk Hose.
6 pr of finest cotton Ditto.
6 pr of finest thread Ditto
6 pr of midling Do. to cost abt 5/
6 j)r worsted Do of yl best Sorted — 2 pr of wch. to be white.
1759] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 129
N. B. All the above Stockings to be long, and tolerably
large.
I piece of finest and most fashionable Stock Tape.
I Suit of Cloaths of the finest Cloth & fashionable colour made
by the Inclos'd measure. —
The newest and most approvd Treatise of Agriculture — besides
this, send me a Small piece in Octavo — called a New System of
Agriculture, or a Speedy Way to grow Rich.
Longley's Book of Gardening. —
Gibson, upon Horses, the lattest Edition in Quarto —
Half a dozn pair of Men's neatest shoes, and Pumps, to be
made by one Didsbury, on Colo. Baylor's Last — but a little larger
than his — & to have high heels. — ^
6 pr Mens riding Gloves — rather large than the middle size.
One neat Pocket Book, capable of receiving Memorandoms &
Small Cash accts. to be made of Ivory, or any thing else that will
admit of cleaning. —
Fine Soft Calf Skin for a pair of Boots —
Ben leathr. for Soles.
Six Bottles of Greenhows Tincture.
Order from the best House in Madeira a Pipe of the best Old
Wine, and let it be securd from Pilferers.
* " The first Shoes which I desird might be made by you for me on Colo.
Baylors Last are come in, and fit me tolerably well except that some of them
are [if any thing] rather too Short — as I imagine you will now be able to suit
my foot exactly — I beg you will for the future observe the following Directions
in Making the Shoes.
" Let the hind Quarters always be high and very Short so that they may Buc-
kle high up on the Instep — the Heels midling high also. —
" Never more make any of Dog leather except one pair of Pumps in a Cargoe
[which let be very neatj unless you send better Leather than they were made of
before — for the two pairs of Shoes scarcely lasted me twice as many days & had
very fair wearing. If I shoud find occasion to alter at any time these direc-
tions you shall be timely advisd of it at present please to send me,
2 pair Strong Shoes. i pr. dble Channel Pumps.
2 pr. neat & fine Do. i pr very neat turnd Ditto."
— Washington to Didsbury, 30th Nov. 1759.
I30 THE WRITINGS OF [1759
TO RICHARD WASHINGTON.
Mount Vernon, 20 September, 1759.
Dear Sir,
Inclosd you will receive a Bill [promisd in my
last of the 7th May] which please to receive and place
to my credit — since mine of the above date your
agreable favor of the 26th March covering Invoice
of Sundries pr. the desire is come to hand as has the
Goods also in good order which is more than most of
the Importers by that Ship can boast great part of her
cargo being damagd — thro' the negligence tis said of
the Captain.
My Brother is safe arrivd but little benefitted in
point of Health by his Trip to England. The long-
ing desire, which for many years I have had of visit-
ing the great Matrapolis of that Kingdom is not in
the least abated by his prejudices, because I think the
small share of Health he enjoyed while there must
have given a sensible check to any pleasures he might
figure to himself, and woud render any place Irksome
— but I am now tied by the Leg and must set In-
clination aside.
The Scale of Fortune in America is turnd greatly
in our favor, and success is become the boon Com-
panion of our Fortunate Generals. Twoud be folly
in me to attempt particularizing their Actions since
you receive accts. in a channel so much more direct
than from hence. I am now I believe fixd at this
scat with an agreable Consort for Life. And hope to
find more happiness in retirement than I ever ex-
perienced amidst a wide and bustling World — I thank
1759] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 131
you heartily for your affectionate wishes — why wont
you give mean occasion of Congratulating you in the
same manner ? None woud do it with more cordial-
ity and true sincerity than, Dear Sir, &c.
TO ROBERT GARY AND COMPANY.
Mount Vernon, 20 September, 1759.
Gentlemen,
This will make the fourth letter I have written to
you since my marriage with Mrs. Martha Custis.
The two first served to cover invoices of such goods
as I wanted, and to advise you at the same time of
the change in her affairs, and how necessary it would
be to address, for the future, all your letters, which re-
late to the estate of the deceased Colonel Custis, to
me. The last tended only to order insurance on fif-
teen hogsheads of tobacco, sent by the Fair American.
I shall now endeavor to take notice of such parts
of your letters, as require answering, and then advise
what is needful to be done as matters are circum-
stanced at present. In regard to the former, there
remains no great deal to be said, unless you will per-
mit me to condemn your premature sales of the
estate's tobacco by Whelden, in which I should have
thought a little delay would have appeared absolute-
ly advisable for another reason, besides that men-
tioned by you, of an additional duty taking place ;
and that was the great demand for tobacco, and
rising price in the country, of which you could not be
unadvised from your correspondents in Virginia.
132 THE WRITINGS OF [1759
However, I dare say you did for the best, and we
must therefore be satisfied. And in this place, as an
individual, give me leave to offer you my thanks for
the opposition you made to this duty. Had all your
brethren in the trade merited our acknowledgments
in the same manner, this duty, probably, might never
have been laid.
I remark the pains you take to show the impro-
priety of paying the duty of the estate's tobacco.
When money is wanting, it cannot be expected ; but,
when a sum lies in your hands, it should certainly be
applied that way, as far as it will go. I likewise ob-
serve the difficulties you have met with in settling
for the interest of the bank stock ; but I hope that is
now over, unless any part or the whole should require
transferring (when a division of the estate is made),
and then timely notice will be given ; but, till this
happens, it may be received and placed to the estate's
credit in the usual manner.
From this time it will be requisite, that you should
raise three accounts ; one for me, another for the
estate, and a third for Miss Patty Custis ; or, if you
think it more eligible (and I believe it will be), make
me debtor on my own account for John Parke Custis,
and for Miss Martha Parke Custis, as each will have
their part of the estate assigned them this fall, and
the whole will remain under my management, whose
particular care it shall be to distinguish always, either
by letter or invoice, from whom tobaccos are shipped,
and for whose use goods are imported, in order to
prevent any mistakes arising. The estate's credit
[759] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 133
now in your hands may be applied towards answering
the whole drafts, that have been and shall be made
this year ; and it must appear very plain from my
former letters, as well as from what is here said, how
necessary it is to send regular accounts current, that,
by comparing them with the books here, satisfactory
settlements may, from time to time, be made to our
General Court.
The tobacco per the Fair American will make its
appearance, I apprehend, in a very irregular manner.
Captain Talman first engaged it to be sent by the
Cary, then by the Randolph; and, being disap-
pointed in both, I had to seek for a conveyance
myself, and by mere good luck got it on board Cap-
tain Thompson, but not till I had first been at the
trouble and expense of carting it across from York to
James River for his craft to take it in. The vessel
being upon the point of sailing at that time, a gentle-
man at Norfolk, where she lay, promised to receive the
bills of lading, and send them by different opportuni-
ties under cover to you ; but, losing my memoran-
dum, he wrote to me a month afterwards for fresh
directions, which I suppose did not reach him till some
time after the vessel had sailed. I shall endeavor to
put what tobacco I can on board the Cary, as I under-
stand she is to wait for the new crop. It will be
needless, I am persuaded, to bespeak your best care
in the sales of it ; as you must be sensible the present
high price of tobacco gives us room to expect extra-
ordinary returns for this year's produce so early
shipped.
134 THE WRITINGS OF [1759
I am possessed of several plantations on this river
(Potomac) and the fine lands of Shenandoah, and
should be glad if you would ingenuously tell me what
prices I might expect you to render for tobaccos made
thereon, of the same seed of that of the estate's, and
managed in every respect in the same manner as the
best tobaccos on James and York Rivers are. I ask
this question purely for my own private information,
and my shipping of these crops will be governed in a
great measure by the answer you may give. There-
fore you will excuse me, I hope, if I again desire the
favor of you to take some pains to inform yourselves
exactly ; because, should the prices differ from those
of the estate, I might possibly think myself deceived,
and be disgusted of course.
Please to send the goods contained in the enclosed
invoices, and charge them as there directed. I flatter
myself, that particular care will be taken in choosing
them, the want of which gives some tradesmen an
opportunity of imposing upon us most vilely. The
coarse eoods for the estate's use are ordered from
Liverpool this year ; all but the plaid hose, and these
I beg you will cause to be sent from Glasgow in the
usual manner and number, directed to the care of
Mr. Joseph Valentine, or person managing the estate's
business at York River. I am, Gentlemen, &c.
INVOICE OF SUNDRU':S I'O V,V. SKN'J' I!Y ROUKKT GARY AND COM-
PANY FOR THE USE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON.
A light Summer Suit made of 2 best plain Beaver Hats, at 21 .y.
Duroy by the measure. i piece of Irish Linen at 4^.
4 pieces best India Nankeen. i piece black Satin Ribbon.
1759]
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
135
1 Sword Belt, red morocco or
buff ; no buckles or rings.
4 lbs. Ivory Black.
2 best two-bladed Knives.
2 pairs good Horse Scissors.
\ ream good Post Paper, cut.
\ ream good do. 4to. do.
A Salmon-colored Tabby of
the enclosed pattern, with
satin flowers, to be made in a
sack and coat.
I Cap, Handkerchief, Tucker,
and Ruffles, to be made of
Brussels lace, or point, proper
to wear with the above neg-
liglee, to cost ;!^2o.
1 piece Bag Holland at 6.y.
2 fine flowered Lawn Aprons.
2 double Handkerchiefs.
I pair woman's white Silk Hose.
6 pairs do. fine Cotton do.
4 pairs Thread do.
I pair black, and i pair white
Satin Shoes, of the smallest 5s.
4 pair Calamanco do.
I fashionable Hat, or Bonnet.
6 pairs women's best Kid Gloves
8 pairs ditto Mits.
\ dozen Knots,and Breast Knots.
I dozen round silk laces.
I black Mask.
1 dozen most fashionable Cam-
bric Pocket Handkerchiefs.
2 pairs neat small Scissors.
I lb. Sewing Silk shaded.
\ ditto., cloth colored, ditto.
4 pieces binding Tape.
6 m. Miniken Pins.
6 m. short whites.
6 m. Corking Pins.
1 m. Hair ditto.
6 lbs. Perfumed Powder.
3 lbs. best Scotch Snuff.
3 lbs. best violette Strasburg.
8s lb. Starch.
2 lbs. powdered Blue.
2 oz. Coventr)' Thread, one of
which to be very fine.
I piece narrow white Satin Rib-
bon, pearl edge.
I case of Pickles, to consist of
Anchovies, Capers, Olives,
Salad Oil, and i bottle India
Mangoes.
I large Cheshire Cheese.
4 lbs. Green Tea.
10 groce best Corks.
25 lbs. best Jar Raisins.
25 lbs. Almonds in the shell.
1 hogshead best Porter.
10 loaves double and 10 single
refined Sugar
6 strong Halters, hempen reins.
3 best Snaffle Bridles.
3 best Girths.
25 lbs. Crown Soap.
12 lbs. best Mustard.
2 dozen packs Playing Cards.
2 sacks of best English Oats.
I dozen Painter's Brushes.
I bushel of Tares.
12 best hard Padlocks.
1 \ dozen Bell Glasses for garden.
2 more Chair Bottoms, such as
were written for in a former
invoice.
136
THE WRITINGS OF
[1759
I more Window Curtain and 100 yards Dutch Blankets.
Cornice.
100 lbs. white Biscuit.
3 gallons of Rhenish in bottles.
2 Lanterns.
8 Busts, according to the en-
closed direction and measure.
2 pieces Fearnought.
8 dozen pair Plaid Hose sorted.
4 dozen Monmouth Caps.
20 lbs. Brown Thread.
15 lbs. best Shoemaker's ditto.
20 sacks of Salt.
25 yards Broadcloth, of the en-
closed color, to cost about
15 yards coarse thick double,
same color.
6 yards Scarlet Broadcloth, at
8.y. 6d.
30 yards Red Shalloon.
20 dozen white-washed Coat
Buttons.
12 dozen Waistcoat ditto.
Twist, Thread, Silk, &c. suffi-
cient to make up the above
cloth.
40 yards of coarse Jeans or Fus-
tian, for summer frocks for
negro servants.
I piece Irish Linen at \s. ^d.
1 piece Dowlas at lod.
i| dozen pairs strong coarse
Thread Hose fit for negro
servants.
6 Castor Hats, at about 55.
2 Postilion Caps.
T dozen pairs coarse Shoe and
Knee Buckles.
450 ells Osnabergs.
4 pieces Brown Rolls.
350 yards Kendall Cotton.
2 casks ^d. nails ; 2 do. lod.
do.
10 m. 20^. do.; 20 m. 8^. do.
20 m. i^d. do.
6 spades.
200 lbs. German Steel.
2 dozen best Sickles.
6 best White's Handsaws.
6 best Broad Axes.
6 House Adzes.
2 dozen Box Gimblets.
6 pairs Steel Compasses.
I dozen Augers sorted, from
two inches to half an inch.
I Cowper's Taper Bit.
I ditto Crow.
I do. Dowling Bit.
I do. Wimble do.
I do. Vice.
I do. pair large Compasses.
I do. Jointer ; i do. Adze.
I do. Round Shave.
I do. Howell.
I Wheelwright's Buzz.
I do. large Gouge.
1 do. Centre Bit.
2 dozen pairs H. Hinges.
25 lbs. Glue.
2 Crosscut Saws.
12 Inch Chisels.
1759]
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
137
1 Jointer.
2 long Planes ; 2 Jack do.
4 Smoothing do.
10 pairs Hollows and Rounds.
6 Ogees.
3 pairs of Grooving Planes.
I Snipe's Bill.
4 Quarter Rounds.
4 Sash Planes ; 3 Bead do.
6 Ovelos ; i Plow and irons.
I moving Philester.
I Screw Rabbit Plane.
I Square do. ; 3 raising do.
I Spring Brace and Bits com-
plete.
I Turkey Oil-Stone.
I Panel Saw ; i Tenant do.
I Compass do.; i Sash do.
I dozen Firmers.
I dozen Gouges.
6 Mortising Chisels.
1 Adze ; i Drawing-knife.
2 pairs Compasses ; 2 Rules.
2 Chalk Lines.
1 small Hatchet.
2 Punches ; 2 Saw Sets.
2 dozen Gimlets.
3 dozen Plane Irons.
6 Rasps, two of a sort.
2 dozen Handsaw Files.
2 do. of Tenant do.
6 bottles Turlington's Balsam.
8 oz. Spirit of Lavender.
\ lb. Ipecacuana powdered.
\ lb. Jalap powdered.
12 oz. Venice Treacle.
4 oz. best Rhubarb.
12 oz. Diacordium.
4 lbs. Pearl Barley.
4 Sago.
4 oz. Balsam Capevi.
5 oz. Liquid Laudanum.
5 oz. Spirits Sal Ammoniac.
5 oz. Spirits Hartshorn.
4 oz. Spanish Flies.
3 lbs. Bird-Lime.
6 lbs. Oil Turpentine.
2 lbs. Spirits of do.
5 lbs. White Sugar Candy.
10 lbs. Brown do.
1 lb. Barley Sugar.
2 lbs. Linseed Oil, cold drawn.
4 lbs. Alum.
X lb. Spermaceti.
4 oz. Tincture of Myrrh.
4 oz. Balsam Sulphur.
4 oz. Pulvus Basilic.
2 oz. Mer. Dulcis.
4 oz. Sal Volatile.
10 oz. Hartshorn Shavings.
2 quarts strong Cinnamon
Water.
2 ditto weak ditto.
N. B. All liquids in double-
flint bottles.
40J. worth of Medicines for far-
riery, among which let there
be
4 lbs. flower of Brimstone.
4 lbs. Anniseed.
4 lbs. Carthamus.
5 lbs. Syrup of Colt's-foot.
2 lbs. Diapente.
5 lbs Black Soap.
138
THE WRITINGS OF
[1759
4 lbs. Cummin Seeds.
4 lbs. Fenugreek.
2 lbs. Juice of Liquorice.
4 lbs. long Pepper.
Directions for the Busts.
4. One of Alexander the Great ;
another of Julius Csesar ; an-
other of Charles XII. of Swe-
den ; and a fourth of the
King of Prussia.
N. B. These are not to exceed
fifteen inches in height, nor
ten in width.
2 other Busts, of Prince Eu-
gene and the Duke of Marl-
borough, somewhat smaller.
2 Wild Beasts, not to exceed
twelve inches in height, nor
eighteen in length.
Sundry small ornaments for
chimney-piece.
INVOICE OF SUNDRIES TO BE SHIPPED BY ROBERT GARY AND COM-
PANY, FOR THE USE OF MASTER JOHN AND MISS PATTY CUSTIS,
EACH TO BE CHARGED TO THEIR OWN ACCOUNTS, BUT BOTH
CONSIGNED TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, POTOMAC RIVER.
For Master Custis, 6 years old.
1 piece Irish Holland at 4.?.
2 yards fine Cambric at \os.
6 Pocket Handkerchiefs, small
and fine.
6 pairs Gloves ; 2 Laced Hats.
2 pieces India Nankeen.
6 pairs fine thread Stockings.
4 pairs coarser do.
6 pairs worsted do.
4 pairs strong Shoes ; 4 pairs
Pumps.
1 summer suit of clothes, to be
made of something light and
thin.
3 fine Ivory Combs ; 2 Horn
do. and 2 Brushes.
I piece black Hair Ribbon.
1 pair handsome silver Shoe
and Knee Buckles.
loj. worth of Toys.
6 little books for children be-
ginning to read.
I oz. 2>d. Thread ; i oz. \2d. do.
I oz. 2s. do.; I oz. T^s. do.
\ lb. whited brown Thread.
I light duffel Cloak with silver
frogs.
For Miss Custis, 4 years old.
8 yards fine printed Linen at
3J. 6d.
1 piece Irish Holland at 45.
2 ells fine Holland at icy.
8 pairs kid Mits ; 4 pairs Gloves.
2 pairs silk Shoes.
4 pairs Calamanco do.; 4 pairs
leather Pumps.
6 pairs fine thread Stockings.
4 pairs worsted do.
\ piece flowered Dimity.
2 yards fine Cambric at los.
1759] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 139
2 Caps, 2 pairs Ruffles, 2 Tuck- silk, made to pack-thread
ers, Bibs, and Aprons, if stays.
fashionable. 6 yards Ribbon ; 2 Necklaces.
2 Fans ; 2 Masks ; 2 Bonnets. i pair silver Sleeve Buttons,
2 m. large Pins ; 2 m. short with Stones.
whites. I fashionable-dressed baby \os.;
2 m. Minekins ; i Cloth Cloak. and other Toys 10s.
I stiffened Coat of Fashionable 6 Pocket Handkerchiefs.
TO ROBERT GARY AND COMPANY.
30 November, 1759.
Gentn.,
By the George and Captns. Richardson and Miks
who saild with the Fleet in September last I sent Invoices of
such Goods as were wanting for myself Estate &ctr, but knowing
that the Latter unfortunately foundered at Sea soon after her De-
parture from Virginia and that the former may probably have suf-
ferd by that storm or some other accident, by which means my
letters &ctr. woud miscarry I take this opportunity by way of
Bristol of addressing Copies of them and over & above ye things
there wrote for to desire the favor of you to send me a neat
Grait [for coal or small Faggots] in the newest taste and of a
size to fit a chimney abt. 3 feet wide and two Deep and a fender
suited to Ditto — Steel I believe are most usd at present — also
send me a New Market Great Coat with a loose hood to it, made
of Bleu Drab or broad cloth with straps before according to the
present taste — let it be made of such Cloth as will turn a good
shower of Rain and made long and fit in other respects for a man
full 6 feet high & proportionably made — possibly ye measure
sent for my other cloths may be a good direction in those — Please
to add also to the things orderd for Mrs Dandridge 12 yds of
Silver cold. Armozeen or Ducape & cause it to be packd up with
ye Rest of her things chargd with yrs. &c.
Five Days ago I dropt a Letter at Williamsburg, to take the
first conveyance to you, desiring Insurance on 50 Hhds Tobo pr.
ye Cary since then I have got 4 more Inspected & all on Float
I40 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
ready to deliver at the ship's side You will therefore Insure that
quantity and dispose of them in the best manner for our Interest.
If Captn. Talman uses that Despatch in Loading of his vessel
which I am sure he now has in his power to do, this Tobo. wl
come to a very good Market I hope.
It is almost as much trouble and expence getting Goods from
any of the Rivers round to Potomack as the Original charges of
shipping them amounts to, unless they are committed to the
charge of very careful Captains who has an Interest in forward-
ing. I shoud be glad therefore if you would take the oppertunity
of some ship to that River of sending my Goods for the Future.
Your favor of the 6th. Augt. I have had the pleasure of
receiving, and acknowledge myself particularly obligd to you for
yr polite congratulations on my Marriage, as I likewise am for
yr Dispatch of my Goods. I am Gentn.
JOURNAL,' 1760.
January i. Tuesday. Visited my Plantations and receiv'd an
Instance of Mr. French's " great Love of money in disap-
pointing me of some Pork because the price had risen to
22/6, after he had engaged to let me have it at 20/.
Call'd at Mr. Posey's in my way home and desir'd him to
engage me 100 barls. of corn upon the best terms he coud
in Maryland. — and found Mrs. Washington upon my ar-
rival broke out with the Meazles.
Jany. 2d. Wednesy. Mrs Barnes who came to visit Mrs. Wash-
ington yesterday rcturnd home in my Chariot, the weather
being too bad to travel in an open carriage — which, together
with Mrs. Washington's Indisposition, confind me to the
House and gave me an op})ortunity of Posting my Books and
putting them in good order. Fearing a disappointment else-
where in Pork, I was fain to take Mr. French's upon his own
' This Journal is the earliest daily record of Washington's life at Mount Ver-
non that I have been able to find. It is jMinted nearly in full, the omitted
sentences being merely records of the weather from day to day.
'■• Daniel French.
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 141
terms & engagd them to be delivd at my House on Mon-
day next.
Thursday Jany. 3d. The weather continuing Bad & ye same
causes subsisting I confind myself to the House. Morris
who went to work yesterday caught cold, and was laid up
bad again, and several of the Family were taken with the
Measles, but no bad symptoms seemd to attend any of them.
Hauled the sein and got some fish, but was near being disap-
pointd. of my Boat by means of an oyster man who had lain
at my Landing and plagud me a good deal by his disorderly
behaviour.
Friday Jany. 4th. The Weather continued Brisling and warm,
and I kept the House all day. Mrs. Washington seeming to
be very ill I wrote to Mr. Green this afternoon desinng his
Company to visit her in the momg.
Saturday, Jany 5. Mrs. Washington appeared to be something
better. Mr. Green, however, came to see her abt. 1 1 oclock,
and in an hour Mrs. Fairfax arrivd. Mr. Green prescribed
the needful and just as we were going to Dinnr. Capt. Walter
' Stuart appeard with Doctr. Laurie.' The Evening being
very cold and the wind high Mr. Fairfax went home in the
Chariot. Soon afterwards Mulatto Jack arrived from Fredk-
with 4 Beeves.
Sunday, Jany 6th. The Chariot not returning time enough from
Colo. Fairfax's we were prevented from Church. Mrs.
Washington was a good deal better to-day but the oyster
man still continuing his Disorderly behavior at my Landing,
I was obligd in the most preemptory manner to order him
and his compy. away which he did not Incline to obey till
the next morning
Monday Jany 7th. Accompanied Mrs. Bassett to Ale::andria
and engaged a Keg of Butter of Mrs. Kirkpatrick being quite
out of that Article. Wrote from thence to Doctr. Craik to
endeavor if possible to engage me a Gardener from the
Regiment and retumd in the dusk of the Evening.
' Dr. James Laurie. He attended all of Washington's people in the country
for ;^I5 per annum.
142 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
Tuesday — J any 8. Directed an Indictment to be formd by Mr.
Johnston against Jno. Ballendine for a fraud in some Iron
he sold me. Got a little Butter from Mr. Dalton and wrote
to Colo. West for Pork. In the Evening 8 of Mr. French's
Hogs from his Ravensworth Quarter came down one being
lost on the way as the others might as well have been for
their goodness. Nothing but the disappointments in this
Article of Pork which he himself had causd and my necessi-
ties coud possibly have obligd me to take them. — Carpenter
Sam was taken with the Measles.
Wednesday — J any 9. Killd and dressd Mr. French's Hogs which
weighd 751 lbs. neat. Colo. West leaving me in doubt about
his Pork yesterday obligd me to send to him again to-day,
and now no definitive answr. was receivd, he purposing to
send his overseer down to-morrow to agree abt. it. Colo.
Bassett's Abram arrivd with Letters from his Master appoint-
ing Port Royal, & Monday next as a time and place to meet
him — he brought some things from me that day in Mr. Nor-
ton's ware house in York Town.
Thursday — Jany loth. Accompanied Mrs. Bassett in a visit to
Belvoir. She this day determined on Setting of for Port
Royal on Saturday. Colo. West wrote me word that he had
engaged his Pork. Killed the Beeves that Jack brought
down two of which were tolerable good. — * * *
Saturday — Jany 12th. Sett out with Mrs. Bassett on her journey
to Port Royal- the morning was clear and fine but soon
clouded and promisd much Rain or other falling weather
wch. is generally the case after remarkable white Frosts, as
it was to-day. We past Occognan witht. any great difficulty
notwithstanding the wind was something high and Lodgd at
Mr. McCraes in Dumfries sending the Horses to the Tavern.
Here I was inform'd that Col. Cocke was disgusted at ray
House and left it because he see an old negro there resem-
bling his own Image.
Sunday, Jany 13th. The wind last night chop'd about from
Southerly to the No. West bleu Extreame hard and made it
excessive cold — We reachd Mr. Seldon's abt. 3 o'clock and
met with a certain Capt. Dives There a man, who, as I
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 143
have been informd is pretty well known for some of his
exploits and suspected to be in Instrument in carrying
Dickerson whose character and memory are too well estab-
lish'd to need any Commentaries.
Monday — Jany 14th. The Wind at No. West and the Morning
being clear and cold but otherwise fine we set out — Mr.
Seldon obligingly accompanying us a few miles to prevent
any misapprehensions of the Road — We arrivd about
2 oclock to the Plantation late Col. Turner's but now In-
habited by an overseer directly opposite to Port Royal. At
this place also Mr. Gibourne lodges and here we were dis-
agreeably disappointed of meeting him for a few hours, but
at length he arrivd almost at the same Instant, that Colo
Bassett did, from hence we moved over to Port Royal and
spent ye evening at Fox's with Mr. and Mrs. Bassett. Mr.
Bassett brought me a Letter from Captn. Langbourn Inclos-
ing a Bill of Lading for 20 Hdds for the Deliverance Captn.
Wm. Whyte — One other was sent by the ship, neither of
which signifying to whom the Tobo. was consignd, which is
not less strange than that only two Bills shd be given when
4 and never less than three are customary in war time. The
Wind freshened up as the Evening came on and causd a
most intense frost indeed no thaw had been the whole
day. —
Tuesday — Jany 15th. Mr Gibourne and I, leaving Mr Bassett
just ready to set out, recrossd the River and proceeded to
Colo Carter's where we dined and in the evening reachd
Colo. Champe's. Several Gentlemen dined with us at Colo
Carter (neighbours of his) but we spent a very lonesome
Evening at Colo Champe's, not any Body favoring us with
their Company but himself. The morning of this day was
exceeding cold the wind still continuing at No West but in
the Evening it died away grew something more moderate and
promised falling weather but no appearance of a thaw.
Wednesday — Jany 16. I parted with Mr Gibourne, leaving Colo.
Champe's before the Family was stirring, and abt 10 reachd
my mothr. where I breakfasted and then went to Fredericks-
burg with my Brothr Sam who I found there. Abt Noon it
144 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
began snowing, the wind at So. West but not cold ; was dis-
appointed of seeing my Sister Lewis & getting a few things
which I wanted out of the Stores, returned in ye Evening to
Mother's all alone with her.
Thursday Jany. 17th. The snow had turnd to rain & occa-
siond a sleet, the wind at NoEt. and the Ground coverd
abt. an Inch and half with Snow, the Rain continued with
but little Intermission till noon and then came on a Mist
which lasted till night. Abt. Noon I set out from my Mothers
& Just at Dusk arrivd at Dumfries —
Friday — Jany i8th. Continued my journey home the Misting
continuing till noon when the Wind got Southerly and being
very warm occasiond a great thaw. I however found
Potomk. River quite cover'd with Ice — & Doctr Craik at my
House.
Saturday — Jany 19. The wind got abt. to the No.ward last night
and froze the Ground hard. The morning Lowerd and
threatend Rain but about noon the clouds dispersd and
grew warm, the Wind coming about Southerly again.
Reed, a Letter from my overseer Hardwich informing me that
the Small Pox was Surrounding the Plantations he over-
lookd & requiring Sundry working Tools. * * *
Sunday Jany 20th. * * * Visited at Belvoir today carrying
Doctr Craik with us who spent the Evening there. —
The wind continued Southerly the whole day the Ground
very soft & rotten till 10 o clock A. M. it Raind witht in-
termission, but then the clouds dispersed and promised fair
weather till noon when it again set in to Raining and con-
tinued by Intervals the whole afternoon being warm. * * *
Tuesday Jany 2 2d. The wind continued No.wardly the weather
clear & cold — the ground hard froze & the River blockd up
again.
Killd 17 more Hogs which were bought of Mr French who
was here ready to see them weighd & to receive his money.
Doctr. Craick Dind here. Hogs weighed 1722 Ibsnett.
Wednesday — Jany 23d. Clear and more moderate than yester-
day but the gd. &ctr still hard frozen. Abt noon the wind
(what little blew) came westerly and Inclining south.
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 145
My waggon set of for Frederick with sundrys' that were
wrote for by ye overseer there.
Doctr. Craick left this for Alexandria and I visited my
quarter's & ye Mill, according to custom found young
Stephen's absent. — * * *
Friday Jan'y 25th : Went to Alexandria and saw my Tobo wch.
came from the Mountn's. lying in an open shed with the
ends of the Hhds out and in very bad order — engagd the In-
spection of it on Monday.
Wrote to Doctr. Ross to purchase me a joiner, Bricklayer
and Gardnar, if any ship of servants was in. —
Also wrote to my old serv^ant Bishop to return to me again
if he was not otherwise engaged. Directed for him at Phila ,
but no certainty of his being there. —
Saturday — Jany 26th. A very white frost the ground and River
hard froze — the wind at Sun Rise at Xo.Et. in an hour
afterwards it got to South and continued there the whole
day. Rode to Williamsons Quarter, the overseer not
there. A very remarkable Circle round the Moon — another
Indication of falling weather. * * *
Monday — Jany 28th. The River close again and the ground
very knobby & hard — The Wind got So. about — and blew
fresh-Which all most cleard the River of Ice. Visited my
Plantation. Severely reprimanded young Stephen's for his
Indolence, and his father for suffering of it. — found the new
negroe, Cupid, ill of a pleurisy at Dogue Run Quarter and
had him brot. home in a Cart for better care of him.
Tuesday Jany 29th. * * * Darcus — daughter to Phillis died.
Which Makes 4 Negroes lost this winter viz : 3 Dower
negroes namely
Beck — appraisd to ^50 —
Doll's child, bom since
Darcus — appd. at and Belinda a wench of mine in
Frekerick. —
Wednesday — Jany 30th. Very cloudy — Wind at So. till 9 oclock
at Night when it instantainously Shifted to No. West & blew
a mere hurricane.
Cupid was extreame 111 all this day and at night when I
146 THE WRITINGS OF [176c
went to Bed I thought him within a few hours of breathing
his last. —
Thursday — J any 31st. He was somewhat better — the wind con-
tinued at No. West all day. Very cold — & clear. —
Friday — Feb'y ist. 1760. Visited my Plantations — found Foster
had been absent from his charge since the 28th ulto. Left
orders for him to come immediately to me upon his return
and reprehended him severely.
Mr Johnston and Mr. Walter Stewart came here this after-
noon.
Saturday Feb'y 2d. 17 — The gentlemen went off after Breakfast,
and I rid out to my Plantns, and to My Carpenter's. Found
Richd. Stephens hard at work with an ax — Very extra-
ordinary this ! — Desird him to see after Wm Nation's Rent,
who died t'other day. —
The wind for the most part was northerly yet the Day
was mild — the Evening fine & promisd settled Weathr.
Mrs Posey and 2 of her children came and stayd the night
here. —
Sunday Feby. 3d. Very white Frost — and wind shifting from So,
to East. —
Breechy was laid up this morning with pains in his breast &
head & attended with a fever.
Mrs. Posey went home, and we to Church at Alexandria.
Din'd at Colo Carlyle's and returnd in the Evening. —
One Newell offerd himself to me to be overseer put him off
to another day.
Monday . . . Dispatch'd Foster to Occognan, to proceed from
thence in Bailey's vessel to for 100 Barrls. of Corn which
Captn. Posey purchas'dof Mr. Hunter, the Priest, for my use.
Sent money to pay for the Corn, viz : — 37 pistoles and a Shil-
ling, each pistole weighing ^ ^3
Breechy's pains increasd and he appeard extreamely ill all
day. — In suspense whether to send for Doctor Laurie or not.
— Visited my Plantations and found two Negroes sick at Wil-
liamson's Quarter, viz : Greg, and Lucy. Orderd them to
be blooded, Stephens at Winchester.
Colo Fairfax giving me notice that he shoud send up to
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 147
Frederick in the morning, sat down and wrote to my overseer
there. —
Tuesday Feb'y 5th. Breechy's pains Increasing, and he appearing
worse in other respects, indued me to send for Dr. Laurie
Wrote to Mr. Ramsay begging the favor of him to enquire
into the price of Mr. Barnes' Sugar Land Tract, and he
informd me that ye value set on it by Mr. Barnes was ^400.
Visited my Plantation and found to my great surprise
Stephens constantly at work — Greg and Lucy nothing
better —
Passing by my Carpenters that were hughing (hewing) I
found that four of them viz : — George, Tom, Mike &
young Billy, had only hugh'd 120 foot yesterday from 10
oclock. Sat down therefore, and observ'd —
Tom and Mike in a less space than 30 minutes, clear'd the
bushes from about a poplar stock ; lin'd it 10 Foot long, and
hugh'd each their side 12 Inches deep.
Then letting them proceed their own way they spent 25
minutes more in getting the cross cut saw standing to con-
sider what to do ; sawing the stalk off in two places ; putting
it on the Blocks, for hughing it, square lining it &ctr. And
from this time till they had finishd the stalk entirely requir'd
20 minutes more : so that in the spaces of one hour and a
quarter they each of them from the stump finishd 20 Feet of
hughing. From hence it appears very clear that, allowing
they work only from Sun to Sun and requird two hours' at
Breakfast, they ought to yield each his 125 feet, while the
days are at their present length and more in proportion as
they increase.
While this was doing, George and Billy saw'd 30 ^oot of
plank, so that it appears as clear making the same allowance
as before, but not for the time requird in piling the stock,
that they ought to saw 180 feet of plank.
It is to be observd here that this hughing, and sawing like-
wise, was of poplar. What may be the difference, therefore,
between the working of this wood and others some future
observations must make known.
The weather to-day was variable often Rainy, but the wind
148 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
hung Chiefly between the South and West. No frost last
night and the ground vastly rotten —
Colo. Fairfax, his Lady, and Doctr. Laurie din'd here.
The Dr. went away afterwards, but the other stayd the
Evening.
Wednesday — Feb'y 6th * * * Colo. Fairfax and Mrs. Fair-
fax din'd here. The Dr. sent his servant down with things
to Breechy. Greg came here this afternoon worse, and I
had 15 Hogs arrivd from Bullskin.
Thursday Feby 7th. The Hogs which arrivd yesterday were
killd — weighg as follows — viz : —
142 . . . 140.
. 140.
..139.
130.. .130.
. no.
. . 90
90. . . 90.
. 90.
. . 90.
83... 80.
. 70.
445. ..440.
.410.
••319
Total . . . , .
. 1614.
Out of which Jno. Foster received the remainder of his years
Provisions viz :
177 lbs ; had before 173
ye years allowance 350
Doctr. Laurie's Man attended the sick this day also.
I went to Mr Craig's funeral sermon at Alexandria, and
there met my waggon's with 4 Hhds Tobacco more. Un-
loaded & sent them down to Mt Vernon.
One of the boys that came down with them and ye Hogs
(Nat) was taken with the measles last night. — * * *
Friday — Feb'y 8th. 1760. * * * Rode to my Plantation and
orderd Lucy down to the House to be Physickd
Saturday Feby 9th * * * Visited my plantations before Sun-
rise, and forbid Stephen's keeping any horses upon my ex-
pence.
Set my waggon's to draw in stocks and scantling, and
wrote to Mr. Stuart of Norfolk for 20 or 30 or more thousand
shingles, 6 Harris. Tar, 6 of Turpentine and 100 wt of Tallow,
or myrtle wax, or half as much Candles. * * *
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 149
Sunday, Feb'y loth. * * * Captn. Posey and Mrs Posey
dind here, He obliquely hinted a design of selling his
145 acres of Wood Land on Muddy Hole.
Orderd all the fellows from the different quarters to
assembly at Williamson's quarter in the morning to move
Petit's House. —
Monday Feby nth. Went out Early myself and continued with
my people till i o'clock, in which time we got the house
about 250 yards. Was informd then that Mr Digges was at
my house upon which I returned, finding him and Dr. Laurie
there.
The ground being soft and deep, we found it no easy
matter with 20 hands, 8 Horses and 6 oxen, to get this house
along. * * *
Tuesday, Feby 12th. A small frost happening last night to crust
the ground, caused the house to move much lighter and by 9
o'clock it was got to the spot on which it was intended to
stand.
Visited at the Glebe, the day being very fine, clear &
still. — no wind blowing from any Quarter perceivably.
Sett Kate and Doll to heaping the dung about the Stable.
*******
Thursday — Feby 14th. Mr Clifton came here, and we conditiond
for his Land, viz : if he is not bound by some prior engage-
ment, I am to have all his land, in the Neck, (500 acres about
his house excepted,) and the land commonly called Brents,
for 1600 ;^ currency. He getting Messrs. Digges &c. to join
in making me a good and sufl[icient Title. But now 1 am not
bound to ratify this bargain unless Colo. Carlyle will let me
have his Land adjoining Brents at half a pistole an acre.
Visited my Quarters and saw a plant patch burst at the
Mill.
Brought home 4003 lbs of hay from Mr. Digges's —
*******
Friday Feby 15th. A small fine rain from North East wet the top
of my hay that had been landed last night. It was all carted
up however to the barn and the wet and dry separated.
Went to a ball at Alexandria, where Musick and dancing
ISO THE WRITINGS OF [1760
was the chief Entertainment however in a convenient room
detached for the purpose abounded great plenty of bread
and butter, some biscuits, with tea and coffee, which the
drinkers of could not distinguish from hot water sweet'ned —
Be it rememberd that pocket handkerchiefs servd the
purposes of Table cloths & Napkins and that no apologies
were made for either.*
The Proprietors of this ball were Messrs. Carlyle, Laurie
and Robt. Wilson ; but the Doctr. not getting it conducted
agreeable to his own taste would claim no share of the merit
of it.
We lodged at Colo. Carlyles. —
Saturday Feby 16. Returnd home, receiving an invitation to
Mrs. Chew's Ball on Monday night next-first. * * *
Sunday, Feby 17th * * * Went to church and din'd at
Belvoir. Sent 4 yews & Lambs to the Mill to be fatted.
Monday Feby i8th. Dispatched my waggon with Tools &c, for
Frederick. Sent over for two more tons of hay to Mr.
Digges. — * * *
Tuesday-Feby 19th. Went to court, and administered upon
Nation's effects — got Mr. Smith's Lease to me recorded,
and Mr. Johnston not having Barrel's deeds ready, I was
oblig'd to get the acknowledging of them postpond.
Reed, a letter from my Brother Austin by Mr Lane and
answer'd it. —
Fine moderate day, with a brisk southerly wind which
brought the vessell with my corn.
Mike and Tom began sawing in the Pit, some consider-
able time after Sun rise and cut 122 feet of oak scantling.
Wednesday-Feby 20. Landed 65 Barrels of Corn. Fine moder-
ate day very little wind. George & Billy sawed 155 feet
of oak scantling.
Thursday, Feby 21, Finishd landing the corn which held out
only \\ Bushells above measure. Paid the Skipper for the
Freight. —
' T shall therefore distinguish this ball by the stile and title of the Bread
& Butter Ball. — {Note by Washington.)
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 151
Visited at Mr Clifton's, and rode over his lands but in an
especial manner view'd that tract calld Brents, which might
have pleas'd me exceedingly at the price he offer'd it at, viz :
— half a pistole an acre, provided Colo. Carlyle's 300 acres
just below it cou'd be annex'd at the same price. And this
but a few months ago he offered it at, but now seeming to
set a higher value upon it, and at the same time putting on
an air of indifference, indued me to make Clifton another
for his land — namely;^ 1700 curr'y for all his Lands in the
Neck, including his own plantation &c., which offer he
readily accepted, upon condition of getting his wife to
acknowledge her right of dower to it ; and of his success in
this he was to inform me in a few days. * * *
Friday Feby 22. * * *
Laid in part the worm of a fence round my peach orchard,
and had it made. Waited on Lord Fairfax at Belvoir and
requested him to dine at Mt. Vernon on Monday next. —
Upon my return found one of my best waggon horses
(namely Jolly) with his right foreleg mash'd to pieces, which
I suppose happend in the storm last night by means of a
Limb of a tree or something of that sort falling upon him.
Did it up as well as I could this night.
Saturday — Feby 23d. Had the horse slung upon canvas and his
leg fresh set, following Markham's directions as near as I
cou'd.
Laid the worm round my apple orchard and made the
fence. * * *
Captn. Bullet came here from Alexandria and engagd to
secure me some Lands on the Ohio, being lately appointed
surveyor of a district there.
Sunday, Feb'y 24th. Captn. Bullet dind here to day also ; so did
Mr Clifton. But the latter was able to give me no determi-
nate answer in regard to his land.
Was unprovided for a demand of £, 90 made by Mr. Alli-
good in favor of Messrs. Atchinson & Parker of Norfolk, my
note of hand to Sampson Barrel ; but promisd the payment
and Interest at the April Court next. — * * *
Monday Feby 25th. Lord Fairfax, Colo F — 'x and his Lady,
152 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
Colo. Martin, Mr B. F— 'x, Colo. Carlyle, and Mr Green and
Mrs Green dind here. —
So.ly Wind and remarkable fine clear day. Set ray people
to carting and carrying Rails round the peach orchard. The
broken Leg'd horse fell out of his sling and by that means
and struggling together, hurt himself so much that I order'd
him to be kill'd.
Tuesday — Feby 26th. Began plowing the field by the stable and
quarter for oats and clover. Set two plows to work under
the care of Mulatto and Cook Jacks.
Lay'd the worm round my peach orchard and had the
Fence put up.
Made an absolute agreement with Mr Clifton for his land,
(so far as depended upon him,) on the following terms ; to
wit : I am to give him ^1150 Sterling for his Neck lands
containing 1806 acres, and to allow him the use of the plan-
tation he lives on till fall, twelve months.
He on his part is to procure the Gentlemen of Maryland
to whom his Lands are under Mortgage to join in a convey-
ance, and is to put me into possession of the land so soon as
this can be done. he is not to cut down any timber, nor
clear any ground, nor to use more wood than what shall be
absolutely necessary for fences and firing.
Neither is he to assent to any alterations of tenants, trans-
ferring of leases, &c., but on the contrary is to discourage
every practice that has a tendency to lessen the value of the
land.
N. B. He is also to bring Mr Mercer's opinion concern-
ing the Validity of a private sale made by himself.
Went down to Occognan by appointment to look at Colo.
Cocke's cattle ; but Mr Peake's being from home, I made
no agreement for them, not caring to give the price he asked
for them.
Call'd and din'd at Caj^tn McCarty's in my way home, and
left the order of Court appointing him and others appraisers
of Nation's Estate (which I had sent my Boy down for,) and
at the same time got a j)romise of him to prize and Inspect
his Tobacco at the Warehouse. —
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 153
Bottled 35 dozen of Cyder ; the weather very warm &
cloudy with some Rain last night. —
Wednesday — Feby 27, Very little wind & that Southerly, but
rain'd off and on the whole day. Continued plowing while
the weather wou'd permit ; and the people, viz : George,
Kate, Doll & little George, were employ'd in grubbing the
field by the garden.
Nation's horse, that was destrained on for my rent, was
sold at Publick Auction to Mr Tom Triplet for ^5. —
Peter had got his coal drawn and brought in one load.
Thursday — Feb'y 28th. Measur'd the fields by the quarter and
garden, as the Fence was intended to be run, and found Six
acres [in] the former and nine in the latter.
Also run round the fields in the lower pasture, according as
the dividing fence is to go ; but the compass being bad, or
some mistake happening I cou'd not close the plot with any
exacting. —
Finish'd grubbing the field by the garden —
Between sun setting and dark came Mr Ramsay, Mr Piper,
Captn. Stanly and Captn. Littledale — * * *
Friday Feb'y 29th. The Rain continud by intervals through the
night, and till afternoon, when the wind came to No. West, and
ceasd growing clear. — Stop'd my plows.
The gentlemen din'd here to-day, and two, viz. Mr Ram-
say .and Captain Stanley, returnd to Alexandria.* The others
went to Belvoir.
A very great circle round the Moon.
Saturday, Mar. i. 1760. Finishd Bottling 91 dozn. Cyder. —
* ******
The Ground being hard froze stop'd my plows this day
also. And employ'd all hands in running the dividing fence
of my pastures.
Travers'd the fields in the Lower pasture again and set a
course from the head of the drain that runs into my Meadow,
which leaves in the Tobo. House Field
. and in the other
— also found the contents of my meadow
to be — and that the Pocoson at Cotton patch
point measurd.
154 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
Note, the Ground cleard this year measures
. And the fallow ground is only
the Marsh and Pocoson at the Creek point contains —
Sunday — Mar. 2, * * * Mr Clifton came here today, and
under pretence of his wife not consenting to acknowledge
her right of dower wanted to disengage himself of the bargain
he had made with me, or his land on the 26th. past, and by
his shuffling behavior on the occasion convinc'd me of his
being the trifling body represented.
Monday — Mar 3d. Bought 100 Bushels of Oats at \ of Reuben
Joyne.
Finishd plowing the clover field but not the dividing fence
in the pastures. * * *
Tuesday — Mar 4th. * * * Plows stop'd, but the dividing
fence finish'd. Gave up the horse cart and the dun horse
and Jack to R. Stephens.
Wednesday — Mar 5. High wind from the west the day clear and
somewhat cold. Began plowing the field by the garden for
lucerne. Put in the great bay mare of King. The latter
cou'd not be prevail'd upon to plow ; the other did very
well. — But the plows run very badly. Finishd plow harness
for my chariot horses.
Thursday — Mar. 6. Fitted a two eyed plow instead of a Duck
Bill plow, and with Much difficulty made my chariot wheel
horses plow.
Survey 'd Captn. Posey's 145 acres of woodland ground
which he bought of my Brother Charles and find some of the
courses and distances to vary from those in the deeds and
that 136 acres only are included.
Also run the upper courses of Trent's Land and find some
great Errors, as may be seen by my plot of it. * * *
Friday — March 7th. * * * p^t the Pole end Horses into
the Plow in the morning ; and the i)ostilion and hand horse
in in the afternoon : but the ground been well swarded over
and very heavy plowing, I rej)cntcd putting them in at all, for
fear it should give them a habit of stopping in the chariot.
Saturday — Mar. 8. North VA wind and rain — Plow stop'd. Gave
Captn. Cawsey's skipper, namely William Vicars, i Tobacco
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 155
Note and an Order on Hunting Creek Warehouses for 7
Hhds of my Mountain Tobacco * * *
Monday — Mar. loth. North West Wind and clear but the ground
too wet for plowing. Rode to my plantation, and the mill
and there partly agreed with Jerry Mitchell to rebuild my
Mill when she runs dry in the summer. Dispatch'd Mulatto
Jack to Frederick for some mares from thence to plow. The
snow which was not more than an Inch & half deep was en-
tirely dissolvd today.
Tuesday — Mar. nth. Visited at Colo. Fairfax's and was informd
that Clifton had sold his land to Mr Thompson Mason for
1200 jQ sterling, which fully unravelled his conduct on the
2nd and convinc'd me that he was nothing less than a thor-
ough pac'd rascall disregardful of any engagements of words
or oaths not bound by penalties. — * * *
Wednesday — Mar. 12. Retum'd home. Mrs Carlyle accompany-
ing us, the day being exceeding fine. Wind at South.
Found William Ludwick here with one Beef from Fred-
erick. He set of with two but lamed the other and left him
at Ric'd Coleman's at the Sugar Lands.
Thursday — Mar. 13th. Incessant Rain and No.Et. wind. — Mr
Carlyle (who came here from Port Tobo. Court last night,)
and Mrs Carlyle were confin'd here all day.
Mulatto Jack retum'd home with the Mares he was sent
for ; but so poor were they, and so much abus'd had they
been by my rascally overseer, Hardwick, that they were
scarce able to highlone, much less to assist in the business of
the plantations. —
Friday— Mar. 14th. * * * Mr Carlyle and his wife still re-
maind here. We talk'd a good deal of a Scheme of setting
up an Iron Work on Colo. Fairfax's land on Shannandoah.
Mr Chapman who was propos'd as a partner, being a perfect
Judge of these matters was to go up and view the con-
veniences and determine the scheme. —
Saturday, Mar. 15 : Snow'd in the morning, but afterwards
clearing — Mr Carlyle and his wife retumd home.
Wm Ludwick & the boy (Nat) who came down with him went
up for the same beef they left upon the road coming down.
156 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
The Vast quantity of rain which had fallen in the last two
days had swelld the waters so high that Dogue Run carried
of the tumbling dam of my mill and was near carrying of the
house also. —
Wind at No. Et. and from a settled Sky. Sent word to Mr
Clifton by my Negro Will — that I shou'd be glad to see him
here in the morning, having something to propose to him.
The bad weather this week put put a total stop to plowing
except a little on Wednesday with one plow.
Monday — Mar. 17th. * * * Went to my Mill and took a
view of the ruins the fresh had caused. Determind how-
ever to repair it with all expedition, and accordingly set my
carpenters to making Wheel and Hand-barrows.
Beef from Coleman's was brought down.
Mr. Posey being here and talking of the Orphan Fren's
Land adjoining mine on Dogne Run, he undertook to pur-
chase it for me of the said Orphan Diana, who lives at Nau-
gany in Maryland with one Wright, who, I think he said,
married her Aunt. Mr. Posey thinks it may be bought for
jQ^o or 60 pound & there shou'd be 207 acres of it. —
Tuesday Mar. i8th. — * * * Went to Court, partly on my
own private business, and partly on Clifton's affair, but the
Commissioners not meeting nothing was done in regard to
the Latter. Much discourse happened between him and I
concerning his ungenerous treatment of me, the whole turn-
ing to little account, t'is not worth reciting here. The result
of which was that [for] ;!^5o more than Mr Mason offer'd
him, he undertook if possible to disengage himself from that
gentleman, and to let me have his land. I did not think my-
self restrain'd by any rules of honor conscience, or &c. after
making him this offer, as his Lands were first engaged from
me by the most solemn assurances that any man cou'd
give.—
Mr. Johnston not being in town 1 coud not get Mr. Bar-
rel's Deeds to acknowledge. Killd the Beeves that came
from Frederick.
Wednesday Mar. 19. * * * Peter (my Smith) and I, after
several efforts to make a plow after a new model, partly of
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 157
my own contriving, was feign to give it out, at least for the
present.
Snow but little dissolvd — Col. Fairfax &: Mrs F — x came
here in the evening.
Thursday — Mar. 20th. Cold Northerly Wind. Colo. F — x and I
set out to Alexandria by appointment, to settle & adjust
(with the other Commissioners) Clifton and Barrel's ac-
counts, conformable to a decree of our General Court ; but
not being able to accomplish it then, the 28th. was a further
day appointed to meet, and ray house the place resolv'd
upon. —
Friday — Mar. 21st. Colo. Fairfax and Mrs F — x return'd home.
* * *
Sunday, Mar. 23d. Southerly wind and warm. Miss Fairfax
and Miss Dent came here. —
Monday — Mar 24th. Began repairing my Mill Dam, with hands
from all my quarters, carpenters Included.
In digging Earth for this purpose great Quantities of
Marie or fuller's Earth appear'd.
In the Evening, in a Bed that had been prepard with a
mixture of Dung on Saturday last, I sowed clover Lucerne
and Rye Grass seeds in the garden, to try their goodness,
doing it in the following order : — at the end next the comer
were two rows of Clover seed — in the 3d. 4. 5. & 6th. Rye
Grass, the last row thinest Sow'd 7 th. & 8th. Barley (to see
if it would come up) the last also thinest sown — 9. 10. 11.
12th. Lucerne. — first a few seeds at every 4 Inches distance
the next thicker & so on to the last wch. was very thick.
Carried the Sows I bot of George Taylor to my Mill by
water.
Tuesday — Mar. 25th. Set one Plow to Work on the Field below
the Garden. —
All hands being employd on the dam again, the water
was stop'd. and the work in a fair way of receiving a finish
by tomorrow night. —
The wind was southerly — the Day Changeable. —
Mrs. Posey & some young woman, whose name was un-
known to any body in this family, din'd here.
158 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
Wednesday — Mar. 26. One Plow at Work to day also. Miss
Dent and Miss Fairfax returnd home. My Dam was en-
tirely compleated by Evening. —
Spent the greatest part of the day in making a new plow of
my own invention.
Wind at No. West & very boisterous. —
Thursday — Mar. 27. Southerly wind — day warm and very fine. —
Sat my plow to work and found she answerd very well in
the field in the lower Pasture, which I this day began Plow-
ing with the large Bay Mare & Rankin — Mulatto Jack con-
tinuing to plow the Field below the Garden.
Agreed to give Mr William Triplet ;^i8, to build the two
houses in the front of my house (plastering them also) and
running walls for Pallisades to them from the Great House
& from the Great House to the Wash House and Kitchen
also. —
Friday — Mar. 28. According to appointment Colo. F — x and
Mr. Green met here upon Clifton's affair, he being present ;
as was Mr Thompson Mason (as Counsel for him). Mr
Digges and Mr Addison were also here ; and after examin-
ing all the Papers and Accounts on both sides and stating
them in the manner which seem'd most equitable to us. The
debt due from Mr. Clifton according to that settlement
amounted to £^ that is to say —
to Mr Carroll jQ
to Mr Tasker pr Mr Digges
to Do pr. Mr Addison
We also agreed to report several things which appear'd
necessary, as well in behalf of Mr. Clifton as the other party.
The Gentlemen from Maryland, Mr. Mason and Clifton
left this ; but Colo. Fairfax and Mr. Green stay'd the night.
About noon Mulatto Jack finish'd plowing the field below
the garden, and went into the lower pasture to work. * * *
Saturday Mar. 29th. About noon set one plow into the fallow
ground below the Hill, and about an hour before Sunset the
other. * * *
Monday Mar. 31st. * * * Went to Belvoir (according to ap-
pointment on the 28th. past,) and drew up and sign'd a report
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 159
of our proceedings in Clifton's affair to be sent with the
accts to the General Court.
Finishd plowing the fallow'd ground about Sun setting.
Mr. Walter Stuart, who I met with at Belvoir gave me a
letter from Dr. Macleane and another from Bishop.
The latter very desirous of returning but enlisted in the
44th Regiment. The former wrote to Colo. Byrd to ask his
discharge of the General.
Wrote to Lieutt Smith to try if possible to get me a careful
Man to overlook my Carpenters. Wrote also to Hardwick
ordering down two mares from thence and desiring him to
engage me a ditcher. Inclosed a letter from my Brother
John to his Overseer, Farrell Littleton, and directed him
what to do if the Small pox should come amongst them. —
Tuesday, April i — 1760. Cross'd plowd the fallow field today
which contains 3 — 2 — 38, which shews that 2 acres a day,
in level ground already broke up, may easily be accom-
plished.
Doctor Laurie came here. The Wind at No West, weather
clear, somewhat cold and drying. Moon at its first rising
remarkably red. Received a letter from Mr. Digges inclos-
ing a packet for Messrs. Nicholas & Wythe, which he desir'd
I wou'd send under Cover to some friend of mine in Will-
iamsburg, as it was to go by Clifton, suspecting that Gentle-
man wou'd not deal fairly by it.
Began to prepare a small piece of Ground of about
yards square at the lower corner of my garden to put trefoil
in — a little seed given me by Colo. F — x. Yesterday.
Wednesday Apl. 2d. — Got the above ground ready for Sowing
tomorrow.
Began to cross plow the first plow'd ground in the lower
pasture, endeavoring to get it in Order for sowing Lucerne
seed in. * * *
Thursday April 3d. Sow'd 17I drills of trefoil seed in the ground
adjoining the garden, numbering from the side next the Stable
(or Work shop), the residue of them viz : 4 was sow'd with
Lucerne seed. Both done with design to see how these seeds
answer in that ground. —
i6o THE WRITINGS OF [176c
Sowd my fallow field in Oats today, and harrow'd them in,
viz : 10^ bushels got done about three oclock. —
Cook Jack after laying of the lands in this field went to
plowing in the 12 acre field, where they were yesterday, as
did the other plow abt. 5 o'clock after pointing. —
Got several composts and laid them to dry in order to mix
with the Earth brought from the field below, to try their
several virtues. * * *
Friday Apl 4th. Sow'd about one Bushel of barley in a piece of
ground near the tobacco house in the 12 acre field. —
Harrow'd and cross'd harrowd the ground in the said field
intended for Lucerne.
Apprehending the herrings were come, hauled the sein, but
catch'd only a few of them tho' a good many of other sorts.
Maj Stewart and Doctr Johnston came here in the After-
noon ; and at Night, Mr. Richie attended by Mr. Ross, sol-
liciting freight.-*-Promis'd none.
Saturday, April 5th. Planted out 20 young pine trees at the head
of my cherry Walk.
Reed my Goods from York.
Haul'd the Sein again ; catch'd 2 or 3 white fish, more
herring than yesterday and a great number of Cats.
Richie and Ross went away.
Made another plow the same as my former, excepting that
it has two eyes and the other one. * * *
Sunday, April 6th. * * * j just perceiv'd the Rye grass seed,
which I sow'd in the garden to try its goodness, was begin-
ning to come up pretty thick ; the clover lucerne, and bar-
ley I discovered above ground, on the first instant.
Majr Stewart and Doctr. Johnston set out for Winchester.
Monday April 17th. * * * In the Evening Colo. Frog came
here and made me an offer of 2400 Acres of Land wch he
has in Culpcper for ^400. This land lyes (according to
his account) 46 Miles above The Falls of Rappahannock, is
well water'd timber'd and of a fertile soil ; no implements
on it. I told him that I wou'd get Captn Thomas Fitzhugh
to give me his opinion of the land, when he went next to his
quarter not far from it ; or I wou'd take it in my way from
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 161
Frederick, when I next went up there as it lies he says only
8 miles from the place where Josh. Nevil livd at the Pignut
Ridge.
One Captn. Kennelly [Connolly?] lives within a mile of
the land and is well acquainted with it.
People kept Holliday.
Tuesday, April 8th. What time it began raining in the night I
cant say, but at day break it was pouring very hard, and con-
tinued so, till 7 o'clock when a Messenger came to inform
me that my Mill was in great danger of blowing. I immedi-
ately hurried off all hands with shovels &c to her assistance
and got there myself just time enough to give her a reprieve
for this time by wheeling dirt into the place which the water
had wash'd.
While I was here a very heavy Thunder shower came on
which lasted upwards of an hour. —
Here also, I tried what time the Mill requir'd to grind a
bushel of com, and to my Surprize found she was within 5
minutes of an hour about this. Old Anthony attributed to
the low head of water, but whether it was so or not I can't
say — her works [being] all decayd and out of Order, which
I rather take to be the cause.
This bushel of corn when ground measurd near a peck
more Meal. * * *
Wednesday Apl 9th. * * * The heavy rains that had fallen in
this few days past had made the ground too wet for plowing ;
I therefore set about the Fence which Incloses my Clover
Field.
Doctr Laurie came here, I may add drunk.
Observed the trefoil which I sow'd on the 3d instt. to be
coming up, but in a Scattering manner. The lucerne which
was sow'd at the same time and in the same manner, ap-
pear'd much better, & forwarded.
Thursday Apl. loth. Mrs. Washington was blooded by Doctr
Laurie who stay'd all night.
This morning my plows began to work in ye clover field,
but a hard shower of rain from No. Et. (where the wind hung
all day) abt 11 o'clock stop'd them for the remainder of the
i62 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
day. I therefore employd the hands in making two or three
hauls of the Sein, and found that the Herrings were come.
Val. Crawford brought me 4 Hhds of my Mountain To-
bacco to the Warehouses in Alexandria, two in my own Wag-
gon, and with a plow such as they use mostly in Frederick,
came here in the night.
He inform'd me of my worthy Overseer Hardvvick's lying
since the 17th Ulto. in Winchester of a broken leg.
Friday April nth. Set one Plow to work again in the Morning ;
the other about 10 o'clock in the clover field.
Try'd the new plow brought yesterday, found she did good
work and run very true but heavy, rather too much so for
two horses, especially while the ground was moist.
Abt. II o'clock, set the people to hauling the sein, and by
night ; and in the night catch'd and dress'd barrels of
herring and 60 White fish.
Observ'd that the flood tide was infinitely the best for
these fish. * * *
Saturday April 12th. * * * Hauld the Sein but without suc-
cess, some said it was owing to the wind setting of the shore,
which seems in some measure confirm'd by the quantity we
catch'd yesterday when the Wind blew on upon it.
About II o'clock finish'd plowing the clover field ; about
I, Mulatto Jack began harrowing it with the wide toothd
harrow, and got half over the Field by night. Cook Jack
went to Plowing in the 12 Acre Field.
Perceiv'd my Barley and Oats to be coming up very thick
and well.
Engag'd 150 Bushels of Oats of an Eastern shore Man and
got 40 of them landed before I found they were damag'd.
Sunday April 13th. * * * My Negroes askd the lent of the
Sein to-day but caught little or no fish. — Note, ye wind blew
upon the shore to-day.
Monday April 14th. Fine warm day, Wind Soly and clear till
the evening when it clouded ; No fish were to be catch'd to-
day neither.
Mix'd my compost in a box with ten apartments, in the
following manner, viz : — in No i. is three pecks of the earth
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 163
brought from below the hill out of the 46 acre field without
any mixture ; — in No. 2 — is two pecks of the said earth and
one of marie taken out of the said field, which marie seem'd
a little inclinable to sand.
3. Has — 2 Pecks of said earth, and i of river side sand
4. Has a peck of horse dung.
5. Has mud taken out of the creek
6. Has cow dung.
7. Marie from the gulleys on the Hill side which seem'd
to be purer than the other.
8. Sheep Dung. —
9. Black mould taken out of the Pocoson on the creek
side.
10. Clay got just below the garden.
All mix'd with the same quantity and sort of earth in the
most effectual manner by reducing the whole to a tolerable
degree of fineness and jabling them well together in a Cloth.
In each of these divisions were planted three grains of
wheat, 3 of oats, and as many of barley — all at equal dis-
tance in rows, and of equal depth (done by a machine made
for the purpose).
The wheat rows are next the number'd side, the oats in
the middle, and the barley on that side next the upper part
of the garden. —
Two or three hours after sowing in this manner, and about
an hour before Sunset I water'd them all equally alike with
water that had been standing in a tub about two hours ex-
posed to the Sun.
Began drawing bricks, burning lime and preparing for Mr.
Triplet, who is to be here on Wednesday to work.
Finish'd harrowing the clover field, and began the harrow-
ing of it. — Got a new harrow made of smaller and closer
tinings for harrowing in grain ; the other being more proper
for preparing the ground for sowing.
Cook Jack's plow was stopd, he being employ'd in setting
the lime kiln.
Tuesday April 15th. Sent Tom and Mike to Alexandria in my
boat for 20 or 25 bushels of oats.
1 64 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
Went up myself there to Court, after calling at Mr. Green's
& leaving Mrs. Washington there.
Mr. Darrell not being there, the execution of his Deeds
were again put off.
Being informd that French, Triplet and others were about
buying (in conjunction) a piece of land of Simon Pierson
lying not far from my Dogue Run Quarters, I engag'd him
to give me first offer of it so soon as he should determine
upon selling it. — * * *
Wednesday Apl. 16. My boat which the wind and rain prevented
from returning yesterday came home this morning, the wind
being at north west and fresh.
Mr. Triplet & his brother came this day to work. About
10 o'clock they began, and got the wall between the house
and dairy finished.
Thinking the ground rather too wet for Sowing, I set my
horses to carting rails, and both my plows were stop'd. Cook
Jack being employ'd about the Lime.
Finish'd a roller this day for rolling my grain.
Thursday April 17th. By 3 o'clock in the afternoon Mr. Triplet
finish'd the wall between the dairy and kitchen. The Rain
from that time prevented his working.
Sow'd my clover field with oats, 24 bushels. The upper
part next the peach orchard was harrowed in during the rain,
but before it began to clog much.
Also sowed 18 rows of lucerne in the 12 acre field below
the hills ; the first 4 rows were sowd in drills, the others by
a line stretch'd and the seed raked in.
Richd Stephens brought down 9 Hogsheads of tobacco to
go to the Inspection at Hunting, in a flat which I borrow'd
(or I rather suppose hir'd), from Messrs. Carlyle and Dal-
ton — which flat brought down 4 barrels of Corn — being, part
of eight that I was to have had of William Garner at the rate
of 9 /pr barrel, to be pain in pistoles or dollars. It seems
the other 4 barrels I am to get from Garner's house. * * *
Friday April i8th. Righted up all my Fencing.
Planted other pine trees in thefenc'd place at the corner of
the garden the first being broke, and much hurt by creatures.
Began Sowing my Clover and got 4 Acres Sow'd — 14 lb to
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 165
the acre. Harrowd it in with the fine tooth 'd harrow, as
light as I could.
Try'd my roller which find much too light.
Sow'd 69 rows more of lucerne, which makes 87 in all.
Got my cloaths &:c packed up for my journey to Williams-
berg tomorrow. —
Mr. Bame's Davy brought home my Negroe fellow, Boson,
who ran away on Monday last.
Saturday Apl. 19th. Crossd at Mr. Posey's Ferry and began my
journey to Williamsburg about 9 o'clock. About 1 1 I broke
my chair and had to walk to Port Tobacco, where I was
detain'd the whole day getting my chair mended, no Smith
being with 6 miles. Lodg'd at Doctr. Halkerton's.
Sunday April 20th. Set out early, and cross'd at Cedar Point by
10, the day being very calm and fine. Din'd and lodg'd at
my Brother's. The Evening cloudy with rain. Wind, tho'
little at SoWest.
Monday Apl 21st. Crossd at Southern's and Tods Bridge and
lodg'd at Major Gaines's.
Tuesday April 22d. Crossd Pamunky at Williams's Ferry, and
visited all the Plantations in New Kent. Found the Over-
seer's much behind hand in their business. Went to Mrs.
Dandridge's and lodg'd.
Wednesday April 23d. Went to Colo Bassett's and remaind there
the whole day.
Thursday April 24th. Visited my quarters at Claiborne's, and found
their business in tolerable forwardness. Also went to my other
Quarter at where there was an insuflftcient quantity
of ground prepard, but all that cou'd be had, it was said.
Din'd at Mr. Bassett's and went in the evening to Williams-
burg.
Friday Aprl 25th. Waited upon the Govr,
Saturday Apl 26th. Visited all the Estates and my own quarters
about Williamsburg, found these also in pretty good for-
wardness.
Receiv'd letters from Winchester, informing me that the
small pox had got among my quarter's in Frederick ; deter-
min'd therefore to leave town as soon as possible and
proceed up to them.
i66 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
Sunday Apl. 27th. Went to church. In the afternoon some rain
and a great deal of severe lightning, but not much thunder.
Monday Apl 28th. Let my House in town to Colo Moore, for
Colo Dandridge, who is to come into it in the fall and pay me
45 £> PS"" annum. In the mean while I am to paint it.
In the afternoon, after collecting what money I coud I left
town and reach'd Colo Bassett's.
This day agreed with Mr. Jno. Driver, of Nansemond, for
25,000 shingles to be deliver'd in October. They are to be 18
inch shingles, and of the best sort. Desir'd him, if he cou'd
not cause them to be deliver'd for 18 / a Thousand, not to
send them but let me know of it as soon as possible.
Tuesday Apl. 29th. Reach'd Port Royal by Sunset. —
Wednesday 30th. Came to Hoes Ferry by 10 o'clock, but the
wind blew too fresh to cross : detain'd there all night.
Thursday May ist. Got over early in the morning and reachd
home before dinnertime, and upon enquiry found that my
clover field was finish'd sowing and rolling the Saturday
I left home ; as was the sowing of my lucerne, and that on
the they began sowing the last field of oats and finish'd
it the 25th.
That in box No. 6, two grains of wheat appeard on the
20th.; one an Inch high. On the 22 a grain of Wheat in No
7 and 9 appear'd. On the 23d, after a good deal of rain the
night before, some stalks appeard in Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, & 8, but
the ground was so hard bak'd by the drying winds when
I came home, that it was difficult to say which Nos. look'd
more thriving. However in
No. I There was nothing come up.
2.
2
Oats.
T.
Barley
3-
I
Oat.
2.
barley
4-
I
Oat
4-
,S
1
Wheat
2.
Oats
6
I
Do.
3
Do.
I
Do.
7
I
Do.
2
Do.
2
Do.
8
I
Do
I
Do
9-
J
Do
3
Do.
2
Do
10.
I
Do
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 167
The two grains in No. 8 were I think rather the strongest,
but upon the whole No. 9 was the best. * * *
Sunday May 4th. Warm and fine, — Set out for Frederick, to see
my Negroes that lay ill of the Small pox. Took Church in
my way to Coleman's, where I arriv'd about Sun setting. —
Monday May 5th. Reachd Mr. Stephenson's in Frederick abt
4 o'clock, just time enough to see Richd. Mount's interred.
Here I was inform'd that Harry and Kit, the two first of my
Negroes that took the Small pox were dead, and Roger and
Phillis, the only two down with it, were recovering from it.
Lodgd at Mr. Stephenson's
Tuesday May 6. Visited my Brother's Quarter, and just call'd at
my own, in my way to Winchester, where I spent the day
and evening with Colo. Byrd &c.
The Court was held to day at Stephen's Town, but ad-
journ'd to Winchester to-morrow. —
Wednesday May 7. After taking the Doctor's directions in regard
to my people, I set out for my quarters and got there about
12 Oclock, time enough to go over them and find every
thing in the utmost confusion disorder and backwardness —
my Overseer lying upon his back of a broken leg, and not
half a crop, especially of Corn ground prepar'd. —
Engag'd Vail Crawford to go in pursuit of a nurse, to be
ready in case more of my people should be seizd with the
same disorder.
Thursday May 8th. Got Blankets and every other requisite from
Winchester, and settl'd things upon the best footing I cou'd
to prevent the Small pox from spreading ; and in case of its
spreading for the care of the negroes — Mr Val Crawford
agreeing in case any more of the People at the lower quarter
getting it, to take them home to his house, and if any of
those at the upper quarter gets it, to have them remov'd into
my room and the Nurse sent for.
Friday May 9th. Set out on my return home, the morning driz-
zling a little, call'd at the bloomery and got Mr. Wm.
Crawford to shew me the place that has been so often talk'd
of for erecting an iron Work upon.
The convenience of water is great. First it may be taken
i68 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
out of the river into a canal and a considerable fall obtain'd ;
& then a run comes from the Mountain on which the largest
fall may [be] got with small labor and expence, but of the
constancy of this Stream T know nothing nor cou'd Crawford
tell me. I saw none of the Ore, but all people agree
that there is an inexhaustible fund of that, that is rich. But
wood seems an obstacle, not but that there is enough of it
but the ground is so hilly and rugged as not to admit of
making coal or transporting it —
I did not examine the place so accurately myself as to be
a competent judge of this matter, and Mr Crawford says
there will be no difficulty in the case.
Reach'd Coleman's —
Saturday May 10 Arrivd at home about 10 o'clock where I found
my brother John, and was told that my great Chestnut
foalded [foaled] a horse colt on the 6 Instant, and that my
Young peach trees were wed according to order.
The oats, and in short everything else, seem'd quite at a
stand, from the dryness of the earth which was remarkably
so, partly for want of rain and partly by the constant drying
winds which have blown for some time past. —
Sunday May nth. Mrs Washington went to church. •"
My black pacing Mare was twice Cover'd —
Proposd a purchase of some Lands which Col F x has
at the mouth of the Warm Spring Run joining Barwick's
bottom. He promisd me the preference if he should sell, but
is not inclined to do it at present. * * *
Friday May i6th. Still Cool and Windy, my People yet con-
tinuing at Muddy Hole — my Brother John left this and I got
Nation's Estate appraisd by Messrs McCarty, Barry & Triplet,
as follows — viz :
s d
One old Gun & Lock 7 — 6
I small Bell 2 — 6
I Suit of Cloaths, viz : ^
a Coat — Waist & Breeches > lo
Shirt Hat Shoes «& Gaiters J
A Small parcel of Leather. i.
1760] . GEORGE WASHINGTON. 169
Saturday — May 17th. Mulatto Jack retum'd from King William,
with 3 yoke of oxen and lost Punch, the horse he rid.
Sent up 16 Hydes to Mr. Adams at Alexandria, viz : —
12 large & 4 small ones to be Tan'd — Brought a pipe of
Wine from there, which Captn McKie brought from Madeira,
also a Chest of lemons and some other trifles.
Began weeding my trefoil below the hill.
The Great Bay was coverd ; and got an acct that the
assembly was to meet on Monday. Resolvd to set ofif to-
morrow.
Sunday May i8th. Set out in company with Mr. George John-
ston. At Colchester was inform'd by Colos Thornton and
Chissel that the Assembly would be broke up before I cou'd
get down. Turn'd back therefore and found Colo Fairfax
and his family, and that lightning, which had attended a
good deal of rain, had struck my quarter and near 10 Negroes
in it, some very bad but with letting blood they recoverd
Monday May 19th. Went to Alexandria to see Captn. Littledale's
ship launchd, which went off extreamely well, this day was
attended with slight shower's. Colo. F x had a Mare
cover'd ; so had Captn. Dalton.
Tuesday May 20 Being Court day Mr. Clifton's land in the
Neck was expos'd to sale, and I bought it for ^1210 Sterling,
under many threats and disadvantages paid the money into
the Commissioner's hands and return'd home at night with
Colo Fairfax and Taylor. Captn Dalton's Dun Mare again
covd.
Wednesday May 21. Wrote to Messrs. Nicholas, & Wythe for
advice how to act in regard to Clifton's land. Sent the letter
by the post. A good deal of rain in the night.
Colo Fairfax went home. Began shearing my sheep.
Thursday May 22d. Continued shearing my Sheep — A good deal
of rain at night — and cool as it has been ever since the first
rain on ye 12th.
Captn. Dalton had a Sorrel Mare coverd. —
My Black Mare that came [from] Frederick was coverd
yesterday and the day before.
Captn. McCarty had a Mare coverd the 20th.
lyo THE WRITINGS OF [1760
TO RICHARD WASHINGTON.
Mount Vernon, id August, 1760.
Dear Sir :
Colo. Fairfax's departure for England in a ship for
London, affords me the best opportunity imaginable
to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the 2 2d
Novr., 1 2th Deer, and 26 March, which are all the
letters I have received from you since those taken
notice of in mine of the 20th of Septr. last.
I must confess that my disappointment in the sales
of my tobacco per Cozzens, was a very sensible one,
having seen no accounts of tobacco by that ship (till
then) under ^12 pr. hhd., and few, very few indeed,
that did not average 14, and from that to 15 and 16
pounds pr. hhd : mine being all sweet scented and
neatly managed, left me no room to suspect coming
in at the tail of the market. The discouraging sales
I have generally got for all tobacco shipped of my
own growth, have induced me to dispose of my last
year's crop in the country, the price being good and
certain. But this may not always happen, and while
I can ship without loss, I shall always be glad to
have it in my power of consigning you a part. I
dare say your account current transmitted in Decem-
ber last, is very right ; although I should have under-
stood it better had you credited me for ^50 insured
on my tobacco per the Integrity, and made me debtor
for the premio, &c. There is another article of
interest short £\2 which I should be glad to have
explained ; if it is for interest on the money you have
lain in advance for me I am extremely willing to
1760] . GEORGE WASHINGTON. 171
allow it, thinking it just and never intending to put
you to the least inconvenience on my account. I
hope, before this letter can have reached you, that
you have recovered my loss of goods retaken in
Captain Down's.
The French are so well drubbed, and seem so much
humbled in America, that I apprehend our generals
will find it no difficult matter to reduce Canada to our
obedience this summer.' But what may be Mont-
gomery's fate in the Cherokee country I cannot so
readily determine. It seems he has made a pros-
perous beginning, having penetrated into the heart
of the country, and he is now advancing his troops in
high health and spirits to the relief of Fort Loudoun.
But let him be war}^ He has a crafty, subtle enemy
to deal with, that may give him most trouble when
he least expects it.^ We are in pain here for the king
of Prussia, and wish Hanover safe, these being events
in which we are much interested.
^ During this year Ticonderoga had been taken by General Amherst, Niagara
by Sir William Johnson, and Quebec had fallen in consequence of the splendid
victory of Wolfe on the Plains of Abraham.
* Such proved in fact to be the fate of Colonel Montgomery. He marched
from South Carolina with a party of regular troops and militia, and was at first
successful in destroying several Indian towns, but fell at length into an ambus-
cade, where the Indians defeated him, with a loss of twenty of his men killed,
and seventy-six wounded. He was obliged to retreat, and return to South
Carolina, without making any farther progress. Fort Loudoun, situate on the
borders of the Cherokee country, was reduced to the greatest extremity by
hunger, and the garrison forced to capitulate (August 6,) to the Indians, who
agreed to escort the officers and men in safety to another fort. They were,
however, made the victims of treachery ; for the day after their departure a
body of savages waylaid them, killed some, and captured the others, whom they
took back to Fort Loudoun. — Ramsay's History of South Carolina, Vol. I.,
p. 177. Gentleman' s Magazine, 1760, pp. 393, 442, 541.
172 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
My indulging myself in a trip to England depends
upon so many contingencies, which, in all probability,
may never occur, that I dare not even think of such
a gratification. Nothing, however, is more ardently
desired. But Mrs. Washington and myself would
both think ourselves very happy in the opportunity
of showing you the Virginia hospitality, which is the
most agreeable entertainment we can give, or a
stranger expect to find, in an infant, woody country,
like ours. I am, &c.
TO ROBERT GARY & CO., LONDON.
Mount Vernon, id August, 1760.
Gentln. * * *
Inclosed you are presented with the Memorandum
for receiving the interest of the Bank-stock signd as
directed. — The Estate not yet being so amply settled
as it ought, an entire division has not been made,
which leaves many matters upon a instable footing,
and among the rest the money in your hands, which
has not yet been assigned to individuals ; altho' I
believe it will chiefly, if not all, fall into my part, since
it best suits my purposes to have money that can be
commanded, than money at interest. However till
matters come to a more conclusive settlement, you
may let the accounts stand as you have stated them,
charging each party with their own drafts and orders,
and letting the credits remain in favor of the Estate
as a common stock, till further direction.
The tobacco shipped per the Fair American, Gary,
and Russia Merchant, may be applied the same way ;
1760] . GEORGE WASHINGTON. 173
but the present (growing) crop will be shipped on my
own and Mr. Parke Custis's particular accounts (each
having our Plantations allotted us,) and must be ap-
plied to our several credits as you will be directed.
So must all ye remittances hereafter to be made.
The insurance on the tobacco per Talman was
high, I think higher than expected. — And here, Gen-
tlemen, I cannot forbear ushering in a complaint of
the exorbitant prices of my goods this year all of
which are come to hand (except those packages put
on board Hooper) : — For many years I have imported
goods from London as well as other ports of Britain,
and can truly say I never had such a penny worth
before. It would be a needless task to enumerate
every article that I have cause to except against.
Let it suffice to say that Woolens, Linnens, Nails
&c., are mean in quality, but not in price, for in this
they excel indeed, far above any I have ever had. —
It has always been a custom with me when I make
out my invoices to estimate the charge of them. This
I do for my own satisfaction, to know whether I am
too fast or not, and I seldom vary much from the real
prices, doing it from old notes and credits ; but the
amount of your invoice exceeds my calculations above
25 per cent, and many articles not sent that were
wrote for.'
1 " Let me beseech you Gentlemen to give the necessary directions for pur-
chasing of them upon the best terms. It is needless for me to particularise the
sorts, quality, or taste I would choose to have them in, unless it is observed.
And you may believe me when I tell you that, instead of getting things good
and fashionable in their several kinds, we often have articles sent us that could
only have been used by our forefathers in the days of yore. 'Tis a custom, I
have some reason to believe with many shopkeepers, and tradesmen in London,
174 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
I must once again beg the favor of you never to
send me any goods but in a Potomack Ship, and for
this purpose let me recommend Captn John Johnson
in an annual ship of Mr. Russell's to this River.
Johnson is a person I am acquainted with, know him
to be very careful, and he comes past my door in his
ship. I am certain therefore of always having my
goods landed in good time and order, which never
yet has happened when they come into another river.
This year the Charming Polly went into Rappa-
hannock and my goods by her, received at different
times and in bad order — the porter entirely drank
out. There came no invoice of Mrs. Dandridge's
goods to me. I suppose it was forgot to be inclosed.
* * * -X- -fi- ■?«■
As I shall write to you again by the fleet, I shall
decline giving any directions about the busts, till
then.' Some time ago there was a prospect of
when they know Goods are bespoke for exportation, to palm sometimes old,
and sometimes very slight and indifferent goods upon us, taking care at the
same time to advance 10, 15 or perhaps 20 per cent, upon them — My packages
per The Polly, Captain Hooper, are not yef come to hand, and the Lord only
knows when they will without more trouble than they are worth — as to the
Busts a future day will determine my choice of them if any are wrote for.
" Mrs. Washington sends home a green sack to get cleaned, or fresh dyed of
the same color ; made up into a handsome sack again, would be her choice ;
but if the cloth won't afford tiiat, then to be thrown into a genteel Night Gown.
The Pyramid you sent me last year got hurt, and the broken pieces I return by
this opportunity to get new ones made by them. Please to order that they be
securely packed." — Washington to Robert Cary ^ Co., 28 September, 1760.
' In the invoice of goods sent to Messrs. Cary & Company in September,
I75g, Washington ordered eight busts, giving the following directions and
measurements: "4. One of Alexander the Great ; another of Julius Cassar ;
another of Charles 12, Sweden, and a fourth of the King of Prussia. N. B.
These are not to exceed 15 inches in height nor 10 in width, for broken pedi-
ments. 2 other busts of Prince Eugene and tiie Duke of MarlJJorough, some-
1760] . GEORGE WASHINGTON. 175
making a large crop of tobacco this Summer, but a
series of wet weather for near a month, with Httle or
no intermission, has caused general complaints among
the planters, and now it is feard that the crops will
be very short, the tobacco in many places being under
water and drowned, and in others suffering much by
the spot, which is always a consequence of such rains.'
what smaller. 2 wild beasts, not to exceed 12 inches in height nor i8 in
length. Sundry small ornaments for chimney piece." [Page 138, ante\ In
the following March a vessel brought over the invoice, and, as a matter of no
little interest, I copy the entry made relating to these busts and ornaments :
^' A Groupe of ^neas carrying his Father out of Troy, with four statues,
viz. his Father Anchises, his wife Creusa and his son Ascanius,
neatly finisht and bronzed with copper, .... ^^3. 3
Two Groupes, with two statues each of Bacchus & Flora, finisht neat, &
bronzed with copper, £0.. 2 each ..... 4. 4
Two ornamented vases with Faces and Festoons of Grapes and vine
Leaves, finished neat & bronzed with copper , . . 2. 2
The above for ye Chimney Piece.
Two Lyons after the antique Lyons in Italy, finished neat and bronzed
with copper, £\. 5 each ....... 2. 10
' ' These is the best ornaments I could possibly make for the chimney piece.
And of all the wild beasts as coud be made, there is none better than the
Lyons. The manner of placing them on ye chimney piece should be thus :
A groupe of - Vase - ^Eneas - Vase - Groupe of
Flora Bacchus
" There is no Busts of Alexander ye Great, (none at all of Charles 12th of
Sweden,) Julius Caesar, King of Prussia, Prince Eugene, nor Duke of Marl-
borough, of the size desired ; and to make models woud be very expensive —
at least 4 guineas each. But I can make Busts exactly to the size wrote for
(15 inches) and very good ones, at the rate of 16/ each of : Homer, Virgil,
Horace, Cicero, Plato, Aristotle, Seneca, Galens, Vestall, Virgin Faustina,
Chaucer. Spencer, Johnson, Shakespear, Beaumont, Fletcher, Milton, Prior,
Pope, Congreve, Swift, Addison, Dryden, Locke, Newton." William Cheere
was the London art dealer, of whom the busts were ordered.
1 "lam very sorry for the account (given in the latter [letter] of the Deliver-
ance being lost. All the tobacco I had on board her was J. C, and I dare say
would have disgraced no market whatever. But accidents of this nature are
common, and ought not to be repined at.
" We had a very favorable prospect some time ago of making large crops of
176 THE WRITINGS OF [1760
My Steward on York River writes me that he has
received the goods ordered from Glasgow — Inclosed
I address you the copy of a letter wrote from Will-
iamsburg, in April last. And in a letter of the 20th
June, I advertised you of two drafts I had made upon
you : the one in favor of Mr J no. Addison for ^364
195-. od.; and the other of Mr William Digges for
;^304 \^s. 3^. These payments were in part for a
valuable purchase I had just made of abt. 2000 acres
of land adjoining this seat. There are more pay-
ments yet to make and possibly I may have occasion
to draw upon you for a further sum ; tho' not more,
I am well persuaded, than you have effects to answer.
Yet if at any time a prospect of advantage should
lead me beyond this a little, I hope their will be no
danger of my bills returning. I mention this rather
for a matter of information (in case of such an Event)
than as a thing I ever expect to happen ; for my own
aversion to running in debt will always secure me
against a step of this nature, unless a manifest ad-
vantage is likely to be the result of it.
Since writing the foregoing I have added to my
landed purchase, and shall have occasion in a few
days to draw upon you to the amount of about ;^2 5o,
payable to Mr Robt. Trent, save a Bill of about ^40
which will be passd in favor of Mr Clifton. I am &c.
tobacco, but a continued series of rain for near four weeks has given a sad turn
to our expectations, and now I verily believe that unless some very surprising
change happens for the better again, the crops will be very short — a great deal
of the tobacco being drowned, and the rest spotting very fast, which is always a
consequence of so much wet weather." — To Capel &' Osgood Hanbury, lO
August, 1760.
1760] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 177
TO CAPTAIN ROBERT MACKENZIE, AT VENANGO.
Mount Vernon, 20 November, 1760.
Dear Sir,
Had your favor of the 17th of August come to
my hands before the i8th instant, I should not have
given you the trouble of perusing my answer to it at
this late season. I am sorry, that you should think
it necessary to introduce a request to me, which is
founded on reason and equity, with an apology. Had
you claimed that as a right, which you seem to ask as
a favor, I should have thought myself wanting in that
justice, which is the distinguishing characteristic of an
honest man, to have withheld it from you.
But how to answer your purposes, and at the same
time to avoid the imputation of impertinence, I am, I
confess, more at a loss to determine. That General
Amherst may have heard of such a person as I am, is
probable, and this I dare venture to say is the chief
knowledge he has of me. How then should I appear
to him in an epistolary' way ? And to sit down and
write a certificate of your behavior carries with it an
air of formality, that seems more adapted to the case
of a soldier than that of an officer. I must, there-
fore, beg the favor of you to make what use you
please of this letter.
For, Sir, with not more pleasure than truth, I can
declare to you and the world, that while I had the
honor of commanding the regiment, your conduct,
both as an officer and a gentleman, was unexception-
able, and in every instance, as far as I was capable
of discerning, such as to merit applause from better
178 THE WRITINGS OF [1761
judges. Since my time, Colonel Byrd has been wit-
ness to your behavior, and his letter recommenda-
tory must, I am persuaded, do you more service than
my sanguine endeavors. Although neither he, nor
any other person, is more sensible of your worth, or
more inclined to contribute his best offices to the
completion of your wishes, than. Sir, your obedient
servant'
TO RICHARD WASHINGTON.
Mount Vernon, 14 July, 1761.
Dear Sir,
Since my last, by Mr Fairfax, I have had the
pleasure of receiving your obliging favors of the i6th
October and ist of January following. A mixture of
bad health and indolence together has kept me from
paying that due respect to your letters, which I am
sure they much merited at my hands till this time ;
and now, having nothing to relate that could in any
wise claim your attention, I think I was inclined to a
further delay, when it came into my head that having
put six hogsheads tobacco on board the Phoenix, Cap-
tain McGachin, to your address, it would not be amiss
to secure some part of the value by insurance, that
in case the ship should meet with the fate attending
many others in the same trade, I might not lose the
whole; and therefore. Sir, I beg the favor of you to
insure five pounds a hogshead on the tobacco accord-
ingly-
'At an election of Burgesses for Frederick County held on i8 May, 1761,
Washington received 505 votes. Col. George Mercer, 400, and Col. Adam Ste-
phens, 394.
1761] . GEORGE WASHINGTON. 179
The entire conquest of Canada, and dispossession
of the French in most parts of North America, be-
coming a story too stale to relate in these days, we
are often at a loss for something to supply our letters
with. True it is, the Cherokee nation, by a perfidi-
ous conduct, has caused Colonel Grant to be sent
once more into their country with an armed force ;
but I believe their supplies from the French on Mo-
bile River come in so slac, that they are more sin-
cerely disposed to peace now than ever they were
before. This pacifick turn may be caused in some
measure, too, by another regiment in the pay of this
colony, which is ordered to penetrate into their coun-
try by a different passage. But it is generally thought,
that their submission will put a stop to any further
progress of our arms.'
We have received the account of Belle Isle's
reduction, and hear of another expedition fleet
destined for some service, of which we are ignorant.
But that, which most engrosses our attention at this
time, is the congress at Augsburg, as I believe
nothing is more sincerely desired in this part of the
world, than an honorable peace.
Colo. Fairfax very much surprizes his friends in
Virginia by not writing to any of them. Just upon
his arrival at London he favored a few with a short
' Colonel Grant had an engagement with the Cherokees, near the place of
Colonel Montgomery's ambuscade, which lasted for several hours, but the In-
dians were repulsed. He then destroyed all the villages and provisions, that
came in his way, and took post for some time in Fort Prince George. Here the
Cherokees, through their Chief, AttakuUa-kuUa, sued for peace, which was con-
ceded to them, and which continued till the breaking out of the revolutionary
war.
i8o THE WRITINGS OF [1761
letter advertising them of that agreeable circumstance
and I have heard of no other letter that has come
from him since, altho' I have seen some from the
ladies, the superscription of which has been in his
handwriting. I am &c.
TO REVEREND CHARLES GREEN.'
The Warm Springs, 26ih Aug., 1761.
Rev'd Sir,
I should think myself very inexcusable were I to
omit so good an opportunity as Mr. Douglass's
return from these Springs, of giving you some
account of the place and of our approaches to it.
To begin then ; — We arrived here yesterday, and
our journey as you may imagine was not of the most
agreeable sort, through such weather and such roads
as we had to encounter ; these last for 20 or 25 miles
from hence are almost impassible for carriages, not
so much from the mountainous country, (but this in
fact is very rugged,) as from trees that have fallen
across the road and rendered the way intolerable.
We found of both sexes about 200 people at this
place, full of all manner of diseases and complaints ;
some of which are much benefited, while others find
no relief from the waters. — Two or three doctors are
here, but whether attending as physicians or to drink
of the waters I know not.
It is thought the Springs will soon begin to lose
their virtues, and the weather get too cold for people
' Rev. Charles Green was minister of the old Pohick Church from 1738 to
1765.
1761] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 181
not well provided to remain here. They are situated
ver}^ badly on the East side of a steep Mountain, and
inclosed by hills on all sides, so that the afternoon's
Sun is hid by 4 o'clock and the fogs hang over us till
9 or 10 which occasion great damps, and the morn-
ings and evenings to be cool.
The place I am told, and indeed have found it so
already, is supplyed with provisions of all kinds ;
good beef and venison, fine veal, lambs, fowls, &c.
&c., may be bought at almost any time, but lodgings
can be had on no terms but building for them ; and I
am of opinion that numbers get more hurt by their
manner of lying, than the waters can do them good.
Had we not succeeded in getting a tent and marquee
from Winchester we should have been in a most
miserable situation here.
In regard to myself I must beg leave to say, that I
was much overcome with the fatigue of the ride and
weather together. However, I think my fevers are
a good deal abated, although my pains grow rather
worse, and my sleep equally disturbed. What effect
the waters may have upon me I can't say at present,
but I expect nothing from the air — this certainly
must be unwholesome. I purpose to stay here a
fortnight and longer if benefitted.
I shall attempt to give you the best discription
I can of the stages to this place, that you may be at
no loss, if after this account you choose to come up.
Toulson I should recommend as the first ; Majr.
Hamilton's or Israel Thompson's the 2d; ye one
about 30, the other 35 miles distant. From thence
i82 THE WRITINGS OF [1761
you may reach Henry Vanmeter's on Opeckon Creek
or Captain Pearis's 4 miles on this side, which will be
about 35 miles ; and then your journey will be easy
the following day to this place.
I have made out a very long, and a very dirty
letter, but hurry must apologize for the latter, and I
hope your fondness will excuse the former. Please to
make my compliments acceptable to Mrs. Green and
Miss Bolan and be assured Revd. Sir that with a
true respect I remain &c.
P. S. If I could be upon any certainty of your
coming, or could only get 4 days previous notice of
your arrival, I would get a house built such as are
here erected, very indifferent indeed they are tho',
for your reception.
30 Augt.
Since writing the above, Mr. Douglass lost his
horse and was detained, but I met with a Fairfax
man returning home, who is to be back again imme-
diately for his wife. This person I have hired to
carry some letters to Mrs. Washington, under whose
cover this goes ; by him you are furnished with an
opportunity of honoring me with your commands, if
you retain any thoughts of coming to this place. I
think myself benefited by the waters, and am now
with hopes of their making a cure of me. Little time
will show now.
1761] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 183
TO RICHARD WASHINGTON.
Mount Vernon, 20 October, 1761.
Dear Sir,
Since my last, of the 14th July, I have in appear-
ance been very near my last gasp. The indisposition
then spoken of increased upon me, and I fell into a
very low and dangerous state. I once thought the
grim king would certainly master my utmost efforts,
and that I must sink, in spite of a noble struggle ; but,
thank God, I have now got the better of the disorder,
and shall soon be restored, I hope, to perfect health
again.
I dont know, that I can muster up one tittle of
news to communicate. In short, the occurrences of
this part of the world are at present scarce worth
reciting ; for, as we live in a state of peaceful tran-
quillity ourselves, so we are at very little trouble to
inquire after the operations against the Cherokees,
who are the only people that disturb the repose of
this great continent, and who, I believe, would gladly
accommodate differences upon almost any terms ;
not, I conceive, from any apprehensions they are
under, on account of our arms, but because they want
the supplies, which we and we only can furnish them
with. We catch the reports of peace with gaping
mouths, and every person seems anxious for a confir-
mation of that desirable event, provided it comes, as
no doubt it will, upon honorable terms.'
' " We have little or no news stirring. Our Assembly is at present convened
to grant supplies for carrjing on the war against the Cherokee Indians, should
they choose to continue it ; but this I am persuaded they are by no means in-
1 84 THE WRITINGS OF [1761
On the other side is an invoice of clothes, which I
beg the favor of you to purchase for me, and to send
them by the first ship bound to this river. As they
are designed for wearing-apparel for myself, I have
committed the choice of them to your fancy, having
the best opinion of your taste. I want neither lace
nor embroidery. Plain clothes, with a gold or silver
button, (if worn in genteel dress,) are all I desire. I
have hitherto had my clothes made by one Charles
clined to do, nor are they prepared for it, as they have been soliciting peace for
some time past. I wish the powers of Europe were as well disposed to an
accommodation as these poor wretches are. A stop would soon be put to the
effusion of human blood, and peace and plenty would resume their empire
again, to the joy and content, (I believe,) of most ranks and degrees of people."
— Washington to Robei-t Cary ^^ Co., 3 November, 1761.
" I perceive you bring the shortness of some of the bundles of tobacco
shipped in the Bland to account for the lowness of the price. That some of
the tobacco was small, I shall not undertake to dispute ; but at the same time
I must observe, that it was clean and neatly handled, which I apprehended
would have rendered the other objection of very little weight. As to stemming
my tobacco, in the manner you recommend, I would readily do it, if the returns
would be e([uivalent to the trouble, and loss of the stem ; and of this I sliall be
a tolerable judge, as I am at no small pains this year to try the quality with
the advantages and disadvantages of different kinds of tobaccos, and shall at
the same time find out the difference between a hogshead of leaf and a hogs-
head of stemmed tobacco. By comparing then the loss of the one with the
extra price of the other, I shall be able to determine which is the best to pursue,
and follow that method which promises the most certain advantages.
" Some of the tobaccos, which I put on board the Unity, Captain Cozzens,
got damaged in carrying to the warehouses for inspection, and had a part cut
off, wliich will no doubt deface it a little ; but, as this hapjiened while I was at
Williamsburg, I am a!)le to give you no exact information concerning it. In
this jiarccl of tobacco there arc three kinds, which ]ilcase to give me your
ojjinion upon.
" As 1 have ever laid it down as an cslal)lislied maxim, that every person is
(most certainly ought to be) tlie best judge of what relates to his own interest
and concerns, 1 veiy rarely undertake to pro])(>se scliemes to others, which may
be attended with uncertainty and miscarriage. Tills will at once account for my
being among the last, who should advise your sending a vessel into the Polo-
1761] . GEORGE WASHINGTON. 185
Lawrence, in Old Fish Street. But whether it be
the fault of the tailor, or the measure sent, I cant
say, but, certain it is, my clothes have never fitted
me well. I therefore leave the choice of the work-
man to your care likewise. I enclose a measure, and,
for a further insight, I dont think it amiss to add,
that my stature is six feet ; otherwise rather slender
than corpulent.
mac for the accommodation of your friends there. That I have often thought
of it as a desirable thing for the shippers, I will readily confess, and have as
often concluded, that, so soon as you found an established consignment formed
here, you would do it of course ; and sooner we ought not to expect it. Since
you have proposed the matter yourself to me, I certainly must approve of it ;
and, as you are so obliging as to write, that you shall direct the master to be
under my notice, I hope you will be persuaded to believe, that I shall readily
contribute my best ad\"ice and assistance towards his despatch.
" The tobaccos of most of your friends upon the Potomac (or that shipt
from thence) lie within fifteen miles above and below this place, and as good,
or the best harbor (Piscataway), is within sight of my door. It has this great
advantage, besides good anchorage andlj-ing safe from the winds, that it is out
of the way of the worm, which is very hurtful to shipping a little lower down,
and lies in a very plentiful part of the country. I thought it incumbent upon
me to mention these things, after which do as you please. If I had received
any intimation of your sending a vessel into this river, I should not have
engaged any part of my tobacco to Cuzzens, and while I remain in expectation
of her arrival, I wiU not seek a freight elsewhere for the residue of what I
intend your house from this river, which probably may amount to about thirty
hogsheads more." — Washington to Robert Cary cf Co., 28 May, 1762.
We have had one of the most severe droughts in these parts that ever was
known, and without a speedy interposition of Providence (in sending us mod-
erate and refreshing Rains to modify and soften the Earth,) we shall not make
one ounce of tobacco this year. Our plants in spite of all our efforts to the
contrary, are just destroyed, and our grain is absolutely perishing. How it
may be in other parts of the country I can not positively say, yet I have heard
much complaining." — To Robert Cary 6^ Co., 20 June, 1762.
" Upon the important conquest of the Havanna I heartily congratulate
you. A stroke so signally given at the commencement of a war must ever
prove the sure means of humbling' a proud people and settling peace upon
an honorable and permanent footing." — To Robert Cary er= Co., 30 Septem-
ber, 1762.
1 86 THE WRITINGS OF [1762
[to GEORGE WILLIAM FAIRFAX] ?
Mount Vernon, 30 October, 1762.
Dear Sir,
I am sorry to be the messenger of the news, but it
is incumbent upon me to inform you of the death of
the mare, you committed to my care. How she died,
I am able to give you but a very unsatisfactory ac-
count. For on the 3rd inst, I set out for Frederick
and left her to all appearance as well as a creature
could be, Mr. Green and I observing a day or two
before, how fat and frolicksome she seemed. And
on my return in 8 days time, I got the news of her
death. She discovered no visible signs of ailment, as
I am told, in the morning of the 7th, when let out of
the stable ; but before night was swelled to a mon-
strous size and died in a few hours. Bishop (my old
servant) opened her, but could perceive no hurt
bruise or other apparent cause of so sudden a death
which inclines me to think it was occasioned by eat-
ing blasted corn, a piece of which I had in ground I
wanted to clean and never could fence my chariot
Horses of it. The rest consequently followed, and
this I am persuaded puffed her up in the manner
related. She had no foal in her, which assures me
that she never would breed, as I am convinced, she
had a competent share of Ariel's performances ; not
content with which, she was often catched in amorous
mood with a young horse of mine, notwithstanding
my utmost endeavors to keep them under. You will
feel the loss of this accident more sensibly but can
not be more concerned at the account than I was, for
1762] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 187
I had pleased myself with the thoughts of delivering
her to you in fine order, when you returned to below.
We received the news of your return with a great
deal of pleasure and if there is any thing previous to
it in which I can be sen-iceable, I hope you will com-
mand me. You did me sino^ular services in a like
case, and why won't you give me an opportunity of
makinof a grrateful return. Mrs. Washinorton writes
to Mrs. Fairfax under this cover, to whom and Miss
Fairfax please to ofTer my best wishes. I am &c.'
' " I shall beg leave to say a little now in regard to Jno. Askew. That he
went to work at your House, was not only with my knowledge but by my
express desire, and had he stayd there 'til this time it would have been per-
fectly agreeable to me ; but as you know when he left your work, so I can
assure you that he never came to mine until Wednesday or Thursday last. I
then asked him if he did not think himself one of the most worthless and un-
grateful fellows that ever lived for his treatment of me — for you must know
Sir that so small a job as making the Front Gate in my yard was left him to
do when I went to Williamsburg abt the loth of May last, and was found un-
done at my return, altho I urged him in the strongest manner I could to get
it finished for this verj' prevalent Reason namely, that I might inclose my
Chariot Horses in a Pasture round my House secured by a Post & Rail fence
and by that means prevent them from breaking into a field where I had about
10 acres of Peas, that is now by his Idleness and there letting in my sheep,
entirely rooted out. This as I before said he neglected, and I was from that
time untill a day or two before Mr. Carlyle asked for him to go to Bel voir, ere
I coud get him to work again ; so that you may partly judge from this of the
provocation he has given me, but you will be more convinced of it when I tell
you that the Bailee, he owes me is for Tools Imported for him, and money
actually lent to keep him from star\'ing, and from a Goal, from whence (at
least the Sheriff's custody) I have once or twice redeemed him — and lent him
money to cloath & by necessaries for his Family. This is the real truth of the
case, and it is so far from any wanting to keep him (longer than he will finish
the Gate, and repays 7 days work due to my Carpenters, and how about) that
I never desire to see his face again, if he can fall upon any method of pacing
me what he owes me in money.
" I have made an exchange of Plantations with old Saml. Johnson, giving the
place where Clifton lived for the Lots he held in the Neck, otherwise I shd
have been glad to have obliged Doctr Cockbume." — Washington to George
William Fairfax, 1763.
1 88 THE WRITINGS OF [1763
TO CHS. LAWRENCE, TAILOR IN LONDON.
Virginia, 26 April, 1763,
Mr. Lawrence.
Be pleased to send me a genteel suit of cloaths
made of superfine broad cloth, handsomely chosen.
I should have inclosed you my measure, but in a
general way they are so badly taken here, that I am
convinced it would be of very little service. I would
have you, therefore, take measure of a gentleman
who wares well-made cloaths of the following size :
to wit, 6 feet high, and proportionably made ; — if
any thing rather slender than thick, for a person of
that highth, with pretty long arms and thighs. You
will take care to make the breeches longer than those
you sent me last, and I would have you keep the
measure of the cloaths you now make, by you, and if
any alteration is required, in my next it shall be
pointed out.
Note, for your further government and knowledge of my size,
I have sent the inclosed, and you must observe that from the
coat end —
To N° I & N° 3 is the size over the breast and hips ;
N° 2 over the Belly, and
N° 4 round the arm and from the breeches end
To N° a is for waistband.
b thick of the Thigh
c upper button hole.
d kneeband — and
e for length of Breeches — therefore if you take measure
of a person about 6 feet high of this bigness, I think you can't go
amiss. You must take notice the inclosd is the exact size with-
out any allowance for seams, &c. '
' " We arc mucli rejoiced at the ]irosj)ect of Peace which 'tis hoped will be of
long continuance, and introductory of mutual advantages to the merchant and
1763] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 189
TO ROBERT STEWART.
fApril, 1763.]
My Dear Stewart,
Your letters of the i8th January and 2d of March,
came to my hands at the same time, about the loth
inst. I knew of no ship then on the point of sailing
for any part of Great Britain, and therefore have
been unavoidably silent till now ; indeed I could
have given but a very unsatisfactory^ answer before
this. I participated in the pleasing prospect which
seemed to flatter your wishes about the time of writ-
ing your first letter, as much as I felt for its reverse
in the next ; but human affairs are always chequered
and vicissitudes in this life are rather to be expected
than wondered at.
I wish, my dear Stewart, that the circumstances of
my affairs would have permitted me to have given
you an order upon any person, in the world, I might
add — for ^400 with as much ease & propriety as
you seem to require it, or even for twice that sum if
it would make you easy. But, alas ! to show my in-
ability in this respect, I enclose you a copy of Mr.
Car>''s last account current against me, which, upon
my honor and the faith of a Christian, is a true one
and transmitted to me with the additional aesfrava-
tion of a hint at the largeness of it. Messrs. Han-
bury's have also a ballance against me ; and I have
no other correspondents in England with whom I
deal, unless it be with a namesake, for trifles such as
planter, as the trade to tliis Colony will flow in a more easy and regiilar chan-
nel than It has done for a considerable time past." — Washington to Robert
Cary ^ Co., 26 April, 1763.
ipo THE WRITINGS OF [1763
cloaths ; and for these I do not know whether the
Ballance is for or against me.
This, upon my soul, is a genuine account of my
affairs in England. Here they are a little better,
because I am not much in debt. I doubt not but
you will be surprized at the badness of their condi-
tion unless you will consider under what terrible
management and disadvantages I found my estate
when I retired from the publick service of this Col-
ony ; and that besides some purchases of Lands and
Negroes I was necessitated to make adjoining me (in
order to support the expences of a large family), I
had Provisions of all kinds to buy for the first two or
three years ; and my Plantation to stock in short
with every thing ; — buildings to make and other mat-
ters which swallowd up before I well knew where
I was, all the money I got by marriage, nay more,
brought me in debt, and I believe I may appeal to
to your own knowledge of my circumstances before.
I do not urge these things, my dear Sir, in order
to lay open the distresses of my own affairs. On the
contrary they should forever have remained pro-
foundly secret to your knowledge, did it not appear
necessary at this time to acquit myself in your
esteem, and to evince my inability of exceeding ^300,
a sum I am now laboring to procure by getting
money to purchase bills of that amount to remit to
yourself ; that Mr Gary may have no knowledge of
the transaction since he expected this himself, and
for which my regard for you will disappoint him — a
regard of that high nature that I could never see you
1763] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 191
uneasy without feeling a part and wishing to remove
the cause ; and therefore when you complained of the
mortification of remaining a subaltern in a corps you
had frequently commanded the subs of I wanted you
out, and hoped it might be effected — but I shall have
done on the subject, giving me leave to add only that
in case you should not have a call for the money (and
your letter speaks of this) you will then be so good
as to pay it to Mr. Gary, to whom I believe it will be
no disagreeable tender and advise me thereof. The
inclosed will inform you of what I have wrote to him
on this head, which letter you may deliver or destroy
at pleasure.
I am exceedingly obliged to you for your kind
offers of services in London but I have nothinof to
give you the trouble of. I write in ver}^ great haste
and know I may depend upon your Friendship to
excuse any thing and ever}' thing amiss in the Letter.'
TO ROBERT STEWART.
Mount Vernon, 13 August, 1763.
My Dear Stewart,
By Captain Walter Stuart I am favored with an
opportunity of acknowledging the receipt of your
' " Signing of the definitive treaty seems to be the only piece of news, which
prevails here at present, and diffuses general joy. Our Assembly is suddenly
called, in consequence of a memorial of the British merchants to the Board of
Trade, representing the e\-il consequences of our paper emissions and their
Lordships' report and orders thereupon, which, I suppose, will set the whole
country in flames. This stir of the merchants seems to be ill-timed, and can-
not be attended with any good effects, bad, I fear it will. However, on the
19th instant the Assembly meets ; and till then I will suspend my further
opinion of the matter." — Washington to Robert Stewart, 2 May, 1763.
192 THE WRITINGS OF [1763
letter of the 6th of June, and at the same time of
forwarding the copy of my former (which was in
readiness before that came to hand, and) which I
incHne to send, notwithstanding the original is got to
hand, because it contains the second bills, and other
matters entire as they ought to have been sent, and
as I dare say Mr. Stuart will be so good as to deliver.
Another tempest has arose upon our frontiers, and
the alarm spread wider than ever. In short, the in-
habitants are so apprehensive of danger, that no
families stand above the Conococheague road, and
many are gone off below it. Their harvests are in a
manner lost, and the distresses of the settlement
appear too evident and manifold to need description.
In Augusta many people have been killed, and num-
bers fled, and confusion and despair prevail in every
quarter. At this instant a calm is taking place, which
forebodes some mischief to Colonel Bouquet. At
least those, who wish well to the convoy, are appre-
hensive for him ; since it is not unlikely, that the
retreat of all the Indian parties at one and the same
time from our frontiers, is a probable proof of their
assembling a force somewhere, and for some particular
purpose, none more likely than to oppose his march.'
' The Shawane.se, Dclawares, Senecas and other Ohio tribes of Indians, had
made a general and almost simultaneous attack upon all the remote frontier
settlements and posts. They had committed many murders, and taken the
forts at Le Bceuf, Venango, I'rcsquTsle, and others on 1-ake Michigan, the
Miami River, the Wabash, at Sandusky, and Michilimackinac. Fort Pitt
(formerly Duquesne) was in imminent danger of falling into their hands. In
July, Colonel Bouquet was despatched by (general Amherst with five hundred
men and a su])ply of military stores for the relief of that fort. He marched
through Pennsylvania, following the same route, that had been pursued by
(ieneral Forbes's army. The Indians, who were then besieging Fort Pitt,
heard of his march, and came out to meet him. They attacked his army on the
1763]. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 193
It was expected, that our Assembly would have
been called, in such exigences as these ; but it 's con-
cluded, (as I have been informed,) that an Assembly
without money could be no eligible plan. To com-
prehend the meaning of this expression you must
know, the- Board of Trade, at the instance of the
British merchants, have undertaken to rebuke us in
the most ample manner for our paper emissions ; and
therefore the Governor and Council have directed
one thousand militia to be employed for the protec-
tion of the frontiers, five hundred of whom are to be
drafted from Hampshire &c, and to be under the
command of Colonel Stephen, whose militar)- courage
and capacity, (says the Governor,) are well estab-
lished. The other five hundred, from the southern
frontier counties, are to be conducted by Major
Lewis ; so that you may readily conceive what an
5th and 6th of August, in a defile near the head waters of Turtle Creek, (Bushy
Run) and the contest was kept up during the two days, \\-ith considerable loss
on both sides. Colonel Bouquet maintained his ground, and routing the
Indians, marched without further molestation to Fort Pitt. The news of this
action seems not to have reached Washington, when he wrote the above letter.
General Amherst wrote to Sir Wm. Johnson : " Some random shots were fired
on the army bet\veen Bushy Run and Fort Pitt ; but this seasonable check I
believe will put an effectual stop to any further mischief being done on that
communication ; particularly as Colonel Stephen with 4 or 500 men of the
Virginia militia is advanced as far as Forts Cumberland and Bedford, with a
view not only of covering the frontiers, but of acting offensively against the
savages. This public spirited colony has also sent a body of the like number
of men under the command of Colonel Lewis for the defence and protection of
their southwest frontiers. What a contrast this makes between the conduct of
the Pennsylvanians and Virginians, highly to the honor of the latter, but places
the former in the most despicable light imaginable." 27 August, 1763. The
king signified his displeasure at the " supine and neglectful conduct " of the
Pennsylvania legislature, and urged more vigorous measures upon all the
colonies except Virginia and Maryland. Earl cf Halifax to Sir yeffrey
Amherst, 18 October, 1763.
194 THE WRITINGS OF [1763
enormous expense must attend these measures.
Stephen, immediately upon the Indians' retiring, ad-
vanced to Fort Cumberland with two hundred or two
hundred and fifty militia in great parade, and will
doubtless achieve some signal advantage, of which
the public will soon be informed.
I think I have now communicated the only news,
which these parts afford. It is of a melancholy na-
ture, indeed, and we cannot tell how or when it is to
end. I hope you may have got matters settled to your
liking before this time. I should rejoice to hear it, as I
should at every thing that gives you pleasure or profit.
Mrs. Washington makes a tender of her compli-
ments, and you may be assured that I am, with great
sincerity, dear Sir, your most obedient and affection-
ate servant.
NOTES ON THE DISMAL SWAMP.'
October 15, 1763.
From Suffolk to Pocoson Swamp' is reckoned about 6 miles, and
something better than 4, perhaps 5 miles, from Colo. Reddick's
' The commercial possil)ilitics of the great Dismal Swamp in Norfolk County,
Virginia, and in North Carolina, had early attracted the attention of Virginians.
In 1728 William IJyrd noted that Norfolk had " a pretty deal of lumber from
the borderers on the Dismal, wlio make bold with the king's land tliereabouts,
without the lea^t ceremony. They not only maintain their stocks upon it, but
get boards, sliingles, and other iund)er out of it in great abundance. . . .It
would re([uire a great sum of money to drain it, t)ut the public treasure could
not lie better l)estowed, tiian to preserve tiie lives of his majesty's liege people,
and at the same time rentier so great a tract of swamp very profitable, l)esides
the advantage of making a cliannel to transport l)y water carriage goods from
All)cmarle Sound into Nansemond and I^iizal)eth rivers, in \'irginia." — History
of the Dividiiii:; Line, 10, 26. I n January, 1 764, a company was chartered by tiie
Legislature of Virginia, for the pur])()seof draiiungaiid rendering lit for cultiva-
tion tiie ^wamp, and Wasliington was intircstcd. Little appears to have Ijeen
done before the Revolution. For llie subsccpient history see IWuliitv^ton f,>
///<-/' W'illin'iison, 3 March, 1784, post.
' J'(>coson 1,1 a wor<i applied to any reclaimed marsh. — ll'ehster. Barllett de-
1763] GEORGE WASHIXGTOX. 195
Mill Run (where the road crosses it). The land within this dis-
tance, especially after passing Willis Reddick's, is level and not
bad. The banks down to this (Pocoson) swamp declines gradual-
ly, and the swamp appears to be near 75 yards over, but no water
in it at present. Note. — Willis Reddick's plantation seems to be
a good one, ye land being level and stiff, so does Henry Red-
dicks, above.
From Pocoson Swamp to Cj'prus Swamp (which conducts more
water into the Great Dismal Swamp than any one of the many
that leads into it) is about 2^ miles. This also is dry at present,
but appears to be 60 or 65 yards across in the wettest part.
The next Swamp to this is called Mossey Swamp, and distant
about 3 miles. Near this place lives John Reddick on good land;
but hitherto from Pocoson Swamp, the land lyes flat, wet and
poor. This swamp is 60 yards over and dr}-.
Between Cyprus Swamp, and the last mentioned one, we went
on horseback not less than \ mile into the great swamp (Dismal)
without any sort of difficult)-, the horse not sinking over the fet-
locks. The first quarter, however, abounding in pine and gall-
berr}- bushes, the soil being much intermixed with sand, but after-
wards it grew blacker and richer with many young reeds and few
pines, — and this, it may be observ'ed here, is the nature of the
swamp in general.
From Mossey Swamp to a branch, and a large one it is, of Oro-
peak (not less than So yards over) is reckoned 4 miles ; two miles
short of which is a large plantation belonging to one Brindle,'
near to which (on the south side) passes the Carolina line.
The Main Swamp of Oropeak is about \ a mile onwards from
this, where stands the Widow Xorflets, Mi 6c Luke Sumner's plan-
tations. This swamp cannot be less than 200 yards across, but
does not nevertheless discharge as much water as Cyprus Swamp.
At the mouth of this swamp is a very large meadow of 2 or
3000 acres, held by Sumner, Widow Xorrlet, Marmaduke Xorflet,
Powel and others, and valuable ground it is.
fines i: as "low wooded grounds or swamps in eastern Maryland and Virginia,
mostly dry in summer and covered with water in winter."' — Dictionary of
Amet icanisnis.
' Byrd speaks of a Mr. Brinkley, who " dwells a little to the southward of
the line." 25.
196 THE WRITINGS OF [1763
From Oropeak Swamp to loosing swamp is about 2 miles, and
this 70 yards across.
From hence again to Bassey Swamp the lower road may be al-
lowed 2 miles more, but this swamp seems trifling.
And from Bassey Swamp to Horse Pool (which is the last, and
including swamp running into the Dismal) is about 2 miles more
and 35 yards across only.
The whole land from Pocoson Swamp to this place and indeed
all the way to Pequemin Bridge, is in a manner a dead level, wet
and cold in some place sandy in others, and generally poor.
This last-named swamp, viz., the Horse Pool, is called 9 miles
from the upper bridge on Pequemin River ; within a mile of which
lives one Elias Stallens, and within 5 miles is the lower bridge, from
whence to the bridge, or ferry over Little River is 15 measured
miles, ye course nearly due south, as it likewise is from Suffolk
to the said bridge, ye Dismal running that course from that place.
From little River bridge (or ferry) to Ralph's ferry on Paspe-
tank is (I think we were told) about 16 miles, the course east or
northeast, and from thence, if the ferry is not crossed along up
the west side of the river to the River bridge of the said Paspe-
tank is reckoned — miles, and about a north west course, ye Dismal
bordering close upon the left all the way.
Note. Ye above account is from information only, for instead
of taking that rout, we crossed from Elias Stallens (one mile above
the upper bridge on Pequemin) across to a set of people which
inhabit a small slip of sand between the said river Pequemin and
ye Dismal Swamp, and from thence along a new cut path through
the main swamp, northwardly course for five miles, to the inha-
bitants of what they call new found land, which is thick settled,
very rich land, and about 6 miles from the aforesaid river bridge
of Paspetank. 'I'he arm of Dismal, which we passed through to
get to this new land (as it is called) is 3] miles measured ; little
or no timber in it, but very full of reeds and excessive rich.
Through this we carried horses, without any great difficulty.
This land was formerly esteemed part of the Dismal, but being
higher, though full of reeds, peo])le ventured to settle ui)on it,
and as it became more open, it became more dry and is now pro-
digious fine land, but subject to wets and unhealthiness.
1763] GEORGE WASHIXGTON. 197
It is to be observed here that the tide, or still water that comes
out of the sound up Pequemin River flows up as high as Stallens,
and the river does not widen much until it passes the lower bridge
some little distance. At Ralph's ferry upon Paspetank, the river
is said to be 2 miles over, and decreases in width gradually to the
bridge, called River bridge, where it is about 30 yards across, and
affords sufficient water for New England vessels to come up and
load.
From what observations we were capable of making it appeared
as if the swamp had very little fall (I mean the waters out of the
great swamp) into the heads of these rivers, which seems to be a
demonstration that the swamp is much lower on the south and
east sides, because it is well known that there is a prettv consider-
able fall on the west side through all the drains that make into
Nansemond river and the western branch of Elizabeth, at the
north end of the Dismal.'
From the River bridge of Paspetank to an arm of the Dismal
at a place called 2 miles bridge is reckoned 7 miles, and a branch
of Paspetank twice crossed in the distance.
This arm of the Dismal is equally good and rich like the rest,
and runs (as we are informed) 15 or 20 miles easterly, and has an
outlet (as some say) into Curratuck Inlet by North West River,
or Tull's Creek ; but these accounts were given so indistinctly as
not to be relied upon. However it is certain, I believe, that the
water does drain off at the east end somewhere, in which case a
common causeway through at ye crossing place would most cer-
tainly lay all that arm dry.
From this place, which is 2 miles over, to the Carolina line is
' Lyell noted, when in this region, that " strange to say, instead of being
lower than the level of the surrounding countr\-, it [the swamp] is actually
higher than nearly all the firm and drj- land which encompasses it, and to make
the anomaly complete, in spite of its semi-fluid character, it is higher in the in-
terior than towards the margin. The only exceptions to both these statements
are found on the western side, where, for the distance of about twelve or fifteen
miles, the streams flow from slightly elevated but higher land, and supply all
its abundant and overflowing water. Towards the north, the east, and the
south, the waters flow from the swamp to different rivers, which give abundant
e\-idence, by the rate of their descent, that the Great Dismal is higher than the
surrounding finn ground."— T^razv/j in Xorih America, I., II4, I15.
198 THE WRITINGS OF [1763
about 4 miles, and from thence to North West Landing on North
West River, a branch of Curratuck, is 3 miles more.
Note. The Carolina line crosses the swamp in a west direction,
and is 15 miles from the place where it enters to its coming out
of the same near Brindle's plantation.' Flats and small craft load
at North West Landing.
To the great bridge from North West landing is accounted 12
miles ; the lands good, as they are on all this (east) side and highly-
esteemed, valued in general according to the proprietor's own ac-
counts from 20/ to ^3. per acre, but we were told they were to be
had for less. This great bridge is upon the south Branch of Eliza-
beth River and about 10 miles from Norfolk, and heads in the
Dismal, as does likewise North West River, Paspetank, Little
River and Pequemin.^
From the Great Bridge to Colonel Tucker's Mills is about 8
miles, within which distance several small creeks, making out of
South River, head up in the Dismal.
Farley's plantation, at the forks of the road, is reckoned 5 miles
from the aforesaid mills, near to which the Dismal runs.
From hence to Robert's ordinary is 6 miles, and from thence to
Suffolk 10 more. The lands from the Great Bridge to within a
mile or two of Robert's is generally sandy and indifferent. From
hence to Cowper's Mill they are good, and from thence to Colonel
Reddick's mean again.
Note. From the River Bridge on Paspetank to the Great Bridge
on South River the road runs nearly north, and from thence to
Farley's plantation it seems to be about west ; from this again to
Colonel Reddicks (or Suffolk) south west, and from thence to
' "By the most exact survey they [the surveyors] found the breadth of the
Dismal in this jilace to be completely fifteen miles." — IJyrd, 30.
^ " The swamp is the source of no less than five several rivers which discharge
themselves southward into Albemarle Sound, and of two that run northerly
into Virginia. . . . 'i'he rivers that head in it from Virginia are the south
branch of Nansemond, and the west branch of Elizabeth ; and those from Caro-
lina are Northwest river, Northriver, Pasquotank, Little rivcrand l'e(|uinu)ns."
— T'.yrd, History of (he Dividivi:^ Line, 26. 1 have retained in the text the spell-
ing that Washington gave of these rivers and s\\ani]is, wliich differs much from
i'.yrfi's. Thus liyrd speaks of Corupeak, wliicii is the Oropeak of Washington ;
Cypress and not Cy])rus; Mossy instead (<f Mossey.
1763] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 199
Pequemin bridge and Little River, south, as before mentioned —
The swamp bordering near to the road all the way round, in some
places close adjoining and in others 2 and 3 miles distant.'
" ' In the event of your ever visiting America I am in hopes you will not
think a little time ill spent in a small tour to Virginia. We have few things
here striking to European travellers (except our abundant woods) ; but little
variety, a welcome reception among a few friends, and the open and prevalent
hospitality of the country in general, might perhaps prove agreeable for a
while, and I must be permitted to add, that I shall think myself verj' happy in
seeing you at Mt. Vernon where you might depend upon finding the most
cordial entertainment. The Indians at a time when we thought ourselves
fixed in the utmost tranquillity have, in open violation of the treaty, recom-
menced hostilities, and (by a sudden irruption) thrown the frontiers of almost
all the colonies into terrible consternation. They have lately met Avith some
pretty rugged treatment, and it is hoped they will sue for terms again in a very
little while." — To Richard Washington, 27 September, 1763.
"We have been curiously entertained, of late, with the description of an
engine lately constructed, (I believe, in Switzerland, and which has undergone
some improvements since in England,) for taking up trees by the roots.
Among other things it is related, that trees of a considerable diameter are
forced up by this engine ; that six hands, in working one of them, will raise
two or three hundred trees in the space of a day ; and that an acre of ground
may be eased of the trees, and laid fit for ploughing, in the same time. How
far these assertions may have been amply realized by repeated experiments, it
is impossible for me at this distance to determine ; but, if the accounts are not
greatly exaggerated, such powerful assistance must be of vast utility in many
parts of this wooden countrj- , where it is impossible for our force (and laborers
are not to be hired here), between the finishing of one crop and preparations
for another, to clear grounds fast enough to afford the proper changes, either
in the planting or farming business.
" The chief purport of this letter, therefore, is to beg the favor of you gen-
tlemen to make minute inquiries into the trials, that have been made by order
of the Society, and, if they have proved satisfactor}-, to send me one of these
engines by the first ship bound to this (Potomack) River. If they are made of
different sizes, I should prefer one of a middle size, capable of raising a tree
of fifteen or eighteen inches diameter. The costs I am pretty much a stranger
to. Fifteen, twenty, and twenty-five guineas have been spoke of ; but the
price, (were it double that), I should totally disregard, provided the engine is
capable of performing what is related of it, and not of that complicated nature,
which would cause it to be easily disordered, and rendered unfit for use, but
constructed on so, plain, simple and durable a plan that the common artificers
of this country may be able to set them to rights, if any accidents should hap-
pen to them. If you should send one, be so good as to let me have with it the
200 THE WRITINGS OF [1764
TO ROBERT CARY & CO.
10 August — 1764.
Gentlemen,
Since my last of the first of May I have received
the goods by Boyes ; Hkewise the nails per Watson,
with letters, accounts of Sales, accounts current, &c.,
which accompanied them. As also another letter of
the 28th of March by Capt. Hooper.
It might possibly answer very little purpose were
I to enter into a minute detail of the reasons that
have caused me to fall so much in arrears to you.
And therefore I shall not trouble you fully with the
particulars at this time, but content myself with ob-
serving in as few words as the nature of the subject
will admit of, that, in whatsoever light it may appear
to you, it is not less evidently certain that mischances,
rather than misconduct, hath been the causes of it.
For it was a misfortune that seasons and chance
should prevent my making even tolerable crops in
this part of the Country for three years successively ;
and it was a misfortune likewise, when they were
made, that I should get little or nothing for them.
It may also be looked upon as unlucky at least, that
the debts which I thought I had collected and actu-
ally did remit to you, should be paid in bills void of
credit ; and as things have turned out, (and you have
most ample directions for the effectual using of it, together with a model of its
manner (jf operating." — To Robert Cary er' Co., 13 l-'ehruary, 1764.
About one month after this letter was written (!oi. (ieorge Mercer arrived
in Williamsburg as "chief distiii)utor of stamps" for Virginia, but almost
immediately resigned the office which he found so obnoxious to his country-
men. The manner in which this resignation was brought to pass is described
in the Penn. Journal, No. 1197, and he doubtless thought himself justified in
.■ipi)ointing James Mercer his deputy, when he sailed for England ia November.
1764] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 201
such occasion for your money,) it is unlucky, likewise,
that I made some purchases of land & slaves in this
Country, since it obliged me to apply more of the
current money (which was due to the Estate here,)
towards the payment thereof than I expected, and of
consequence more of the sterling ballance in your
hands to the credit of Master Custis, in order to as-
sign him his full dividend of the personal Estate ;
not conceiving in the least degree that I should have
occasion for more of it than would remain after such
application was made. Because had these bills been
answered, had my crops proved good, and sold well,
the Ballance, I think, could never have been against
me. However, to be as short as possible, to remove
the seeming apprehension (expressed in yours of the
13th of February,) of your suffering in point of inter-
est for the Money you then discovered you stood in
advance for me, I wrote you on the first of May fol-
lowing, that I had no sort of objections to allowing
interest from thence forward, and desired you would
charge it accordingly untill the debt was paid ; not
desiring that you, or any body else, should suffer in
the most trivial instances on my account. And I
shall now in consequence of your other letter of the
28th of March, beg leave to inform you in terms
equally sincere and direct, that it is not in my power.
I should add in a manner convenient and asfreable to
myself, to make remittances faster than my crops (and
perhaps some few occasional sums which may fall in
my way,) will furnish me with the means : but if, not-
withstanding, you cannot be content with this mode
202 THE WRITINGS OF [1764
of payments, you have only to advise me of it and I
shall hit upon a method (tho' I would choose to avoid
it,) that will at once discharge the debt, and effectu-
ally remove me from all further mention of it. For
I must confess, I did not expect that a correspondent
so steady, and constant as I have proved and was
willing to have continued to your house while the
advantages were in any degree reciprocal, would be
reminded in the instant it was discovered how neces-
sary it was for him to be expeditious in his payments.
Reason and prudence naturally dictate to every man
of common sense the thing that is right ; and you
might have rested assured, that so fast as I could make
remittances without distressing myself too much, my
inclinations would have prompted me to it : because,
in the first place, it is but an irksome thing to a free
mind to be any ways hampered in debt ; and in the
next place I think I have discovered no intentions
since I have found how the Ballance was likely to
turn, of increasing that debt (unless it should appear
in the amount of my invoices last year, which greatly
indeed exceeded my expectations, but will be bal-
lenced I hope by the contracted one of this year) :
but on the Contrary all the Willingness I could, under
the accidents that have happened, of decreasing it to
the utmost of my power. But I have already run into
much greater prolixity on this head than I promised,
or intended. Your answer will determine my meas-
ures, and upon this issue it must rest. ''' * * '
' "I sliould l)c o])lif^c(l to you for sending me one of tlic Rotlieran (or jxitcnt
jilows). If the cunstniction of thcin arc not tliorouj,'lily iinderstood in Liver-
1765] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 203
MESSRS. CARLYLE & ADAM.
Mount Vernon, 9 March, 1765.
Gentlemen,
So soon as Mr. Lund Washington returns from
Frederic, I shall cause my wheat to be delivered at
your landing, on Four Miles Run Creek, if flats can
get to it conveniently ; but previous to this, I should
be glad to know determinately upon what terms you
expect to receive it, that is, whether by weight or
measure. I once thought I had agreed with Colonel
Carlyle at fifty-eight pounds to the bushel, but it
seems it was otherwise. Be that as it will, you may
believe me sincere when I tell you, that it is a matter
of ver)^ great indifference to me, whether it is fixed at
this, or suffered to stand as it is. Consequently at any
greater weight you may be assured I never shall, it
being a thing extremely doubtful, from every trial I
have been able to make with steelyards, whether I
should gain or lose by a contract of this kind. The
wheat from some of my plantations, by one pair of
steelyards, will weigh upwards of sixty pounds, by
another pair less than sixty pounds ; and from some
other places it does not weigh fifty-eight pound ; and
pool, you would do me a singular favor in getting it from a place of that name
in Yorkshire (where I suppose they were first invented and now are made) for
none but the true sort will answer the end of my sending for it and I had rather
be at the expence of the carriage from thence than not to have the right kind
or be disappointed. You will please to order it to be made exceeding light,
as our lands are not so stiff as yours, nor our Horses so strong." — To Crcsbies
er-' Trafford, 6 March, 1765.
" Likewise want a Rotheran or Patent Plough, as it is called. There is a
draft of one in 'Mill's Husbandry,' and in the 'Select Transactions of the
Edinburgh Society,' but I can't get our workmen here to make one by it." —
William Franklin to Benjamin Franklin, II May, 1769.
204 THE WRITINGS OF [1765
better wheat than I now have I do not expect to
make during the term of our contract, at least whilst
I continue to sow a good deal of ground.
The only reason, therefore, which inclines me to
sell by weight at a medium, which I think just and
equitable, is, that it may be a means of avoiding all
kinds of controversy hereafter ; for I am persuaded,
that, if either of us gains by it, it must be you. I may
be encouraged, indeed, to bestow better land to the
growth of wheat than old corn ground, and excited
perhaps to a more husbandlike preparation of it ; but
to do either of these is much more expensive, than
the method now practised, and in fact may not be so
profitable as the slovenly but easy method of raising
it in corn ground. If it should, and my wheat be the
better for it thereby, it is a truth I believe universally
acknowledged, that, for every pound it gains after it
is once got to a middling weight, it increases the flour
in a tenfold proportion.
You were saying that the standard for wheat in
Philadelphia was fifty-eight pounds, and at Lancaster
sixty pounds. I have taken some pains to inquire,
likewise, into this matter, and am informed, that fifty-
eight is a much more general weight than the other
all over Pennsylvania and Maryland (where their
wheat is better than ours can be, till we get into the
same good management) ; and Colonel Tucker's mil-
ler, a man from the northward upon high wages, whom
I saw whilst I was last below, assured me that very
few bushels, out of the many thousands of wheat which
lie receives for Colonel Tucker, reached fifty-eight
1765] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 205
pounds. However, that you may not think I have
other motives than those declared for mentioning-
these things, I shall only observe, that, as you are
sensible by my present contract I am not restricted
to weight, but obliged only to deliver clean wheat,
and as good as the year and seasons will generally
admit of, I will nevertheless, in order to remove ever}^
cause of dispute, which can possibly arise, fix the
weight, if it is agreeable to you, at fifty-eight pounds
per bushel, and to be paid a penny for every pound
over that weight, and deduct a penny for ever}' pound
it is under. If you do not choose this, the contract
must then remain as it now stands. I am, &c.
TO COL. BURWELL BASSETT.
Mount Vernon, Aug. 2, 1765.
Dear Sir,
By a craft sent around by Capt. Boyes we had the
pleasure to hear you were all well, but suffering with
the drought as we are. We have never had the
ground wet in this neighborhood since the heavy
rains which fell about the first of May. In June
early we had a shower that refreshed the corn and
gave a little start to hemp, but the dry weather which
followed, and hath since continued, renders our pros-
pects truely melancholy. However, not 10 miles from
hence in the forest, they are perfectly seasonable, and
have promising crops of corn and tobacco, which is a
favorable circumstance for us, as our wants of bread
may be supplied from thence. To render my misfor-
2o6 THE WRITINGS OF [1765
tunes more compleat, I lost most of my wheat by the
rust, so that I shall undergo the loss of a compleat
crop here, and am informed that my expectations from
below are not much better.
I have not yet heard how you succeeded in election-
eering, but there was little room to doubt of yours ;
I changed the scene from Frederick to this county
and had an easy and creditable pool,' and was pre-
paring to attend, when the proclamation for pro-
roguing the assembly came to hand (on the 28th ult),
I am convinced at the same time that the governor
had no inclination to meet an assembly at this junc-
ture. The bearer waits ; I have only time therefore to
add my compliments to Mrs Bassett and family."
' At an election of Burgesses for Fairfax County, held on 16 July, 1765,
Washington received 201 votes, John West, 148, and John Posey, 131 ; besides
some single votes were nearly all cast for Col. West.
'^ " The Parliament by their bounty given for American hemp and flax, seem
desirous of encouraging the growth of them in the Plantations ; but as they are
articles altogether new to us, and I believe not much of our lands well adapted
for them ; and as the proper kind of packages, freight and accustomed charges,
are little known here, I should be much obliged to you for advising me of the
general prices one might expect in your part for good hemp and flax (rough &
undressed), watered and prepared as directed by the Act ; With an estimate of
the freight and all other incident charges per tonn, that I may form some idea
of the profits resulting from the growth." — To Capel and Osgood Ilanbuty, 20\.\\
September, 1765.
"The third Ijounty of tliis kind [to encourage the importation of mate-
rials of manufacture] was tlial gianted (much about the time that we
were beginning sometimes to court, and sometimes to quarrel with our Amer-
ican colonies) by the 4 (jCo. 111. c. 26. u])on the imjiortation of hemp, or
undressed flax, from the British jjlantalions. This bounty was granted for
twenty-one years, from the 24th June, 1764, to the 24th June, 1785. For
the first seven years it was to be at tlie rate of eight i)ounds the ton, for the
second at six pounds, and for llie tJiird at four ])ounds." — Adam Smith, Wea/th
of Nations, Book 4, clia]). viii.
" It cannot reasonably be imagined, thai I felt any pleasing sensations upon
the receipt of your letter of tlie 13th of February, covering accounts of sales for
1765] GEORGE WASHINGTOX. 207
TO FRANCIS DANDRIDGE, LONDON.
Mount Vernon, 20 September, 1765.
Sir,
If you will permit me, after six years' silence, — the
time I have been married to your niece, — to pay my
respects to you in this epistolary way, I shall think
myself happy in beginning a correspondence, which
cannot but be attended with pleasure on my side.
one hundred and fifty-three hogsheads of Master Custis's tobacco, and one
hundred and fifteen of mine.
" That the sales are pitifully low needs no words to demonstrate ; and that
they are worse than many of my acquaintance upon the river Potomac have got
in the outports, and from Mr. Russell and other merchants of London, for
common Aronoke tobacco, is a truth equally as certain. Nay, not so good as
I myself have got from Mr. Gildart of Liverpool for light rent tobaccos (ship-
ped to him at the same time I did to you) of the meanest sort ; such as you
once complained of, as the worst of Maryland, and not salable. Can it be
otherwise than a little mortifjing, then, to find that we, who raise none but
sweet-scented tobacco, and endeavor, I may venture to add, to be careful in
the management of it, however we fail in the execution, and who, by a close
and fixed correspondence with you, contribute so largely to the despatch of your
ships in this country, should meet with such unprofitable returns ? Surely I
may answer, No I Notwithstanding, you will again receive my own crops this
year, and sixty-seven hogs-heads of Master Custis's ; but, Gentlemen, you
must excuse me for adding, (as I cannot readily conceive, that our tobaccos
are so much depreciated in quality, as not only to sell much below other marks
of good repute, but actually for less, as I before observed, than the commonest
kinds do,) that justice to myself and ward will render it absolutely necessary
for me to change my correspondence, unless I experience an alteration for the
better.
" Tobacco, I well perceive, for a year or two past, has fallen in its value.
From what causes I shall not take upon me to determine : and I am not so
extravagant as to believe, that my own and Master Custis's crops should fetch
their usual prices, v.hen other good tobacco met with abatements. But I am
really selfish enough to expect, that we ought to come in for a part of good
prices that are going, from a belief that our tobacco is of a quality not so
much inferior to some, that still sells well, and that so considerable a consign-
ment, when confined in a manner to one house, as ours is, would lay claim to
the best endeavors of the merchant in the sales, and in the return of goods ;
for many articles of which I pay exceeding heavily, another thing I cannot
2o8 THE WRITINGS OF [1765
I should hardly have taken the liberty, Sir, of in-
troducing myself to your acquaintance in this manner,
and at this time, lest you should think my motives for
doing of it arose from sordid views, had not a letter
which I received some time this summer from Robert
Cary, Esqr. & Co., given me reasons to believe, that
such an advance on my side would not be altogether
disagreeable on yours. Before this I rather appre-
hended that some disgust at the news of your niece's
marriage with me — why I could not tell — might have
been the cause of your silence upon that event, and
discontinuing a correspondence which before then you
had kept up with her ; but if I could only flatter my-
self, that you would in anywise be entertained with
easily account for, unless it is on a presumption, that they are bought at very
long credits, which by no means ought to be the case. For, where a person has
money in a merchant's hand, he should doubtless have all the benefits that can
result from that money ; and in a like manner, where he pays interest for the
use of the merchant's, should he be entitled to the same advantages ; other-
wise it might well be asked. For what purpose is it that interest is paid ?
"Once, upon my urging a complaint of this nature, you wrote me, that the
goods ought to be sent back, and they should be returned upon the shop-
keeper's hands in cases of imposition ; but a moment's reflection points out
the inconveniences of such a measure, unless the imposition be grossly abusive,
or we could afford to have a year's stock beforehand. How otherwise can a
person, who imports bare requisites only, submit to lie a year out of any par-
ticular article of clothing, or necessary for family use, and have recourse to
such a tedious and uncertain way of relief as this, when possibly a trades-man
would deny the goods and consequently refuse them ? It is not to be done. We
are obliged to acquiesce in the present loss, and hope for future redress.
" These, Gentlemen, are my scntiinents, fully and candidly expressed, with-
out any design, believe mc, of giving you offense ; but, as the selling of our
tobaccos well, and the purchasing of our goods upon the best terms, arc mat-
ters of the utmost conscciuencc to our well-doing, it behoves me to be plain
and sincere in my declarations on these points, previous to any change of
measures, that I may stand accjuitted of the imjiutation of fickleness, if I am
at last forced to a discontinuance of my correspondence with your liouse. " — To
Robert Cary (Sr" Co., 20th September, 1765.
1765] GEORGE WASHIXGTOX. 209
the few occurrences, that it might be in my power to
relate from hence, I should endeavor to atone for
my past remissness, in this respect, by future punc-
tuality.
At present few things are under notice of my
observation that can afford you any amusement in
the recital. The Stamp Act, imposed on the colonies
by the Parliament of Great Britain, engrosses the
conversation of the speculative part of the colonists,
who look upon this unconstitutional method of tax-
ation, as a direful attack upon their liberties, and
loudly exclaim against the violation. What may be
the result of this, and of some other (I think I may
add) ill-judged measures, I will not undertake to de-
termine ; but this I may venture to affirm, that the
advantage accruing to the mother country w^ill fall
greatly short of the expectations of the ministr)^ ; for
certain it is, that our whole substance does already in
a manner flow to Great Britain, and that whatsoever
contributes to lessen our importations must be hurtful
to their manufacturers. And the eyes of our people,
already beginning to open, will perceive, that many
luxuries, which we lavish our substance in Great
Britain for, can well be dispensed with, whilst the
necessaries of life are (mostly) to be had within our-
selves. This, consequently, will introduce frugality,
and be a necessary stimulation to industr}'. If Great
Britain, therefore, loads her manufacturies with heavy
taxes, will it not facilitate these measures ? They
will not compel us, I think, to give our money for
their exports, whether we will or not ; and certain, I
THE WRITINGS OF [1765
am none of their traders will part from them without
a valuable consideration. Where, then, is the utility
of these restrictions ?
As to the Stamp Act, taken in a single view, one
and the first bad consequence attending it, I take to
be this, our courts of judicature must inevitably be
shut up ; for it is impossible, (or next of kin to it),
under our present circumstances, that the act of Par-
liament can be complied with, were we ever so willing
to enforce the execution ; for, not to say, which alone
would be sufficient, that we have not money to pay
the stamps, there are many other cogent reasons, to
prevent it ; and if a stop be put to our judicial pro-
ceedings, I fancy the merchants of Great Britain,
trading to the colonies, will not be among the last to
wish for a repeal of it.'
' " Government is set at defiance, not having strength enough in her hands
to enforce obedience to the laws of the community. The private distress
vi^hich every man feels, increases the general dissatisfaction at the duties laid
by the stamp act, which breaks out, and shews itself upon every trilling occa-
sion."— Gov. Fauquier to Earl of Halifax, June 14, 1765.
" Unseasonable as it may be, to take any notice of the repeal of tlie Stamp
Act at this time, yet I cannot liclp observing, that a contrary measure would
have introduced very unhappy consequences. Those, therefore, who wisely
foresaw sucli an event, and were instrumental in procuring the repeal of the
act, are, in my opinion, deservedly entitled to the thanks of the well-wishers
to Britain and her colonies, and must reflect with pleasure, that, through their
means, many scenes of confusion and distress have been prevented. Mine
they accordingly have, and always shall iiave, for their op|)osilion to any act
of oppression ; and that act could l)e looked upon in no other light by every
person, who would view it in its proper colors.
" I could wish it was in my power to congratulate you on the success in having
the commercial system of these colonics ])ut upon a more enlarged and exten-
sive footing, than it is ; because I am well satislied, that it would ultimately
redound to the advantage of the mother country, so long as the colonies pursue
trade and agriculture, an<l would he an elTcctual let to manufacturing among
them. The money, therefore which they raise, would center in Great Britain,
1766] GEORGE WASHIXGTON. 211
I live upon Potomack River in Fairfax county,
about ten miles below Alexandria, and many miles
distant from any of my wife's relations, who all reside
upon York River, and whom we seldom see more
than once a year, and not always that. My wife, who
is ver}' well, and Master and Miss Custis, (children
of her former marriage,) all join in making a tender
of their duty and best respects to yourself and their
aunt. i\Iy compliments to your lady, I beg may also
be made acceptable, and that you will do me the
justice to believe that I am, dear Sir, your most
obedient humble serv^ant.'
TO CAPTAIN JOH. THOMPSON.
Mount Vernon, 2 July, 1766.
Sir :
With this letter comes a negro (Tom), which I
beg the favor of you to sell in any of the Islands
you may go to, for whatever he will fetch, and bring
me in return from him
as certainly as the needle will settle to the poles." — Washington to Capel cr"
Osgood Hanbury, 1^ July. 1767.
" The repeal of the Stamp Act, to whatsoever cause owing, ought much to
be rejoiced at ; for had the Parliament of Great Britain resolved upon enfor-
cing it, the consequences, I conceive, would have been more direful than is
generally apprehended, both to the mother country- and her colonies. All,
therefore, who were instrumental in procuring the repeal, are entitled to the
thanks of ever)- British subject, and have mine cordially." — Washington to
Robert Cary\ 21 July, 1767.
1 " December 16, 1766. At a meeting of the Trustees [of Alexandria],
' Present, Geo. William Fairfax, Esq. The Trustees proceeded to appoint a
Trustee in the room of Geo. Johnston, deceased, and have unanimously chosen
George Washington, Esq.' He declined sening." — Historical Magazine,
July, 1S63.
212 THE WRITINGS OF [1766
One hhd of best molasses
One ditto of best rum
One barrel of lymes, if good and cheap
One pot of tamarinds, containing about 10 lbs.
Two small ditto of mixed sweetmeats, about 5 lbs.
each.
And the residue, much or little, in good old spirits.
That this fellow is both a rogue and a runaway (tho'
he was by no means remarkable for the former, and
never practised the latter till of late) I shall not pre-
tend to deny. But that he is exceeding healthy,
strong, and good at the hoe, the whole neighborhood
can testify, and particularly Mr. Johnson and his son,
who have both had him under them as foreman of the
gang ; which gives me reason to hope he may with
your good management sell well, if kept clean and
trim'd up a little when offered for sale.
I shall very chearfully allow you the customary
commissions on this affair, and must beg the favor of
you (lest he should attempt his escape) to keep him
handcuffed till you get to sea, or in the bay, after
which I doubt not but you may make him very useful
to you.
I wish you a pleasant and prosperous passage, and
a safe and speedy return.'
' It was a common jiracticc to transjiort trouljicsome blacks. In the Boston
Evening Post of August 3, 1761, occurs the following advertisement: "To
13e Sold, a Parcel of Likely Negroes, imported from Africa, cheap for Cash,
or short credit. . . . Also if any Persons have any Negro Men, strong
and hearty, tho' not of the best moral character, which are proper subjects for
Transportation, may have an Exchange for small Negroes."
1767] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 213
TO CAPTAIN JOHN POSEY.
Mount Vernon, 24 June, 1767.
Sir,
It is difficult for me to tell which was greatest ; my
surprise or concern at finding by your letter of the
20th that instead of being able with the money I
agreed to lie somewhat longer out of to discharge
your debts, that you wanted to borrow a further sum
of ^500 to answer this purpose. I was in hopes, and
you gave me the strongest assurance to believe, that
when I lent you (and very inconvenient it was for me
to do it) the first sum of £700, you could therewith
not only discharge all your creditors, but in two years
time sink the principal, which was lent to effect that
end. How it comes to pass then, that instead of be-
ing prepared in twice two years to discharge my claim,
you should require ^500 more to satisfy others, is, as
I at first said, entirely beyond my comprehension, and
leaves but too much cause to apprehend that if you
could be supplied with the further sum required, it
would afford but temporary relief, and that, at the end
of any other prefixed period, you would be as unpre-
pared, and as reluctantly then as now part with your
effects to discharge this debt, thinking it equally hard
to be forced into compliance. For permit me to say
again, if you have not been able in the course of four
years to lay up any thing towards sinking even the
interest of a sum which you said would entirely clear
you of all demands, what prospect can you possibly
have to expect when ^500 more (and probably this
would be insufficient) is added to the other score of
214 THE WRITINGS OF [1767
between eight and nine hundred, that you will have
it in your power to effect this end, when even the in-
terest thereof is a pretty little income, and would be
such a moth in your estate as would inevitably destroy
it, be your notions of saving and industry extended
to never so high a degree. Indeed, Sir, the only pur-
pose it could possibly answer would be to put the evil
day off for a moment in comparison, and then like
most things swelled beyond their natural bounds,
burst upon you like a torrent and redouble your dis-
tresses. Besides you really deceive yourself greatly
in estimating your effects, as you will unhappily expe-
rience. You have viewed them but on one side, con-
sidering only what they cost you, not what they will
sell at, which is a delusive way of calculating. For
you will find that many things which you perhaps
have lavished large sums in the purchase of, in order
to gratify your own taste, will neither suit, nor prob-
ably please others. So in respect to buildings which
are rarely considered in the purchase of lands, and
principally I presume from the same causes, especially
upon small bits of land divested of wood and timber.
I wish with all my heart you may be strengthened
by some able and friendly hand in such a manner as
to keep your effects together, provided it may turn to
your future good in enabling you to work thro' the
load of debt you seem to be entangled in ; but that
it is entirely out of my power, without selling part of
my own estate, to contribute further thereto, you
may easily be convinced of when I tell you, and
affirm it, that I fmd it nc'xt to impossible to extract
1767] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 215
any part of the money which is due to me ; that I
have struggled to the utmost of my power for two
years past unsuccessfully, to raise four or five hun-
dred pounds to lend a very particular friend of mine,
who I know must sell part of his estate without it ;
and that I have not yet discharged the sums you in-
volved me in the payment of before, having my bond
out to Mr. Green's estate for the ;^26o you borrowed
of him. I cannot raise money to discharge it, altho'
I have used my true endeavors for that purpose.
Add to these some engagements of my own which
there is a necessity of complying with, or doing acts
of injustice.
How absurd and idle would it be then, under these
circumstances, to enter myself security for the pay-
ment of your debts, unless I foresaw some prospect
of raising the money. True it is, some of your cred-
itors might agree to wait ; others, 'tis presumeable,
would not, and certain it is pay day must come to all.
What then is to be done ? To tell a man who had
been disappointed from time to time, and at last had
waited in confidence of receiving his money from me,
that I was unprovided with the means of satisfying
his demand, would be galling to me, unjust to him,
and what I can by no means think of practising. The
only favor, therefore, that is in my power to shew
you, is to be easy and forbearing in my own demands,
which I shall endeavor to do as long as I can with
any sort of convenience to myself, notwithstanding I
am in want of the money. And to point out any
person who could lend so much money even if they
2i6 THE WRITINGS OF [1767
liked the security, I am equally at a loss to do. But
few there are, I believe, who would choose to risk
their money (unless influenced by motives of com-
passion) upon such hazardous and perishable articles
as negroes, stock and chattels, which are to be swept
off by innumerable distempers and subject to many
accidents and misfortunes. So upon the whole you
will excuse me I hope if I am inclined to offer you
the same advice I would give to my brother were he
under the same circumstances, and that is, if you
find it impracticable to keep your estate together for
at least three or four years, till the country, I
mean the indebted part of it, can emerge a little
from the distress it must unavoidably fall into
from the pressing of creditors and want of cash,
then to sell off immediately (I mean this fall at
furthest) before cash grows into greater demand,
which it inevitably will do as our currency is called
in, and every thing of consequence sell worse ; there-
with discharging all your debts, beginning with the
sales of such things as can be best spared, and so
raising to negroes, and even land if requisite. For
if the whole should go, there is a large field before
you, an opening prospect in the back country for
adventurers, where numbers resort to, and where an
enterprising man with very little money may lay the
foundation of a noble estate in the new settlements
upon Monongahela for himself and posterity. The
surplus money which you might save after discharging
your debts would possibly secure you as much land
as in the course of twenty years would sell for five
1767] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 217
times your present estate. For proof of which, only
look to Frederick, and see what fortunes were made
by the Hite's and first taking up of those lands.
Nay, how the greatest estates we have in this colony
were made. Was it not by taking up and purchasing
at very low rates the rich back lands, which were
thought nothing of in those days, but are now the
most valuable lands we possess ? Undoubtedly it
was, and to pursue this plan is the advice I would
offer my brother were he in your situation ; but to
you I only drop it as a hint for your serious reflec-
tion, because I do not expect, nor would by any
means wish, to see you adopt any scheme of mine
without duly attending to it, weighing, and well con-
sidering of it in all points, and advising with your
friends. I would only ask whether it would be better
to labor under a load of debt where you are, which
must inevitably keep you in continual anxiety and
dread of your creditors, be selling the produce of
your labour at under value (the never failing conse-
quence of necessitous circumstances), with other evils
too obvious to need enumeration, and which must
forever lend a helping hand to keep you low and
distressed ; or to pluck up resolution at once and
disengage yourself of those incumbrances and vexa-
tions, abiding where you are if you can save your
land and have a prospect of reaping future advan-
tages from it, or to remove back, where there is a
moral certainty of laying the foundation of good
estates to your children — I say I would but ask which
of these two is the best, and leave you to think of
2i8 THE WRITINGS OF [1767
them at leisure, with the assurance on my part, that
what I have propounded to you on this subject pro-
ceeds from the utmost sincerity and candor, and if
you will have recourse to the publick Gazettes, you
may perceive by the number of estates which are
continually advertising for sale, that you are not the
only one under misfortune, and that many good fam-
ilies are retiring into the interior parts of the country
for the benefit of their children. Some of the best
gentlemen in this country talk of doing so, who are
not drove by necessity, but adopt the scheme from
principles of gain. Whatever resolution you may
come to, I wish you success in it.
TO WILLIAM CRAWFORD.'
Mount Vernon, 21 September, 1767.
Dear Sir,
From a sudden hint of your brother Val., I wrote
to you a few days ago in a hurry, since which having
had more time for reflection, I am now set down in
order to write more deliberately, and with greater
precision, to you on the subject of my last letter ;
' Mr. Crawford had l)ecn a captain in Ceneral Forbes's campaign, and was
now settled on Youghiogany River, lie was afterwards a colonel in the
Revolutionary war, and served on the frontiers. In the summer of 1782, he
commanded an expedition into the Ohio country against the Indians, where,
after a hard-fouglit 1)attlc, he was taken prisoner, and tortured to death in a
most cruel and shocking manner. He had a]")]iroved himself an officer o*
merit, judicious, intrepid, and possessing mucli skill in Indian warfare. In
May, 1778, he took command of the regiment at i'ittsburg. General Wash-
ington, in writing at that time to the lioard of War, said, — " 1 know him to
he a brave and active officer, and of considerable influence upon the western
frontier of Virginia."
1767] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 219
desiring that if any thing in this should be found
contradictory to that letter, you will wholly be gov-
erned by what I am now going to add.
I then desired the favor of you (as I understood
rights might now be had for the lands, which have
fallen within the Pennsylvania line,) to look me out
a tract of about fifteen hundred, two thousand, or
more acres somewhere in your neighborhood, mean-
ing only by this that it may be as contiguous to your
own settlement, as such a body of good land could
be found and about Jacobs Cabins, or somewhere on
those waters. I am told this might be done. It will
be easy for you to conceive, that ordinary or even
middling land would never answer my purpose or
expectation, so far from navigation, and under such
a load of expenses, as these lands are encumbered
with. No ; a tract to please me must be rich, (of
which no person can be a better judge than yourself,)
and, if possible, to be good and level. Could such a
piece of land as this be found, you would do me a
singular favor in falling upon some method to secure
it immediately from the attempts of any other, as
nothing is more certain, than that the lands cannot
remain long ungranted, when once it is known, that
rights are to be had for them.
What mode of proceeding is necessary in order to
accomplish this design I am utterly at a loss to point
out to you ; but, as your own lands are under the
same circumstances, self-interest will naturally lead
you to an inquiry. I am told, that the land or sur-
veyor's office is kept at Carlisle. If so, I am of
2 20 THE WRITINGS OF [1767
opinion that Colonel Armstrong, (an acquaintance of
mine,) has something to do in the management of
it, and I am persuaded would readily serve me.
To him therefore at all events I will write by
the first opportunity on that subject, that the way
may be prepared for your application, if you should
find it necessary to make one to him. Whatever
trouble and expense you may be engaged in on my
behalf, you may depend upon being thankfully re-
paid. It is possible, (but I do not know that it really
is the case,) that Pennsylvania customs will not ad-
mit so large a quantity of land, as I require, to be
entered together ; if so, this may possibly be evaded
by making several entries to the same amount, if the
expense of doing which is not too heavy. But this
I only drop as a hint, leaving the whole to your dis-
cretion and good management. If the land can only
be secured from others, it is all I want at present.
The surveying I would choose to postpone, at least
till the spring, when, if you can give me any satisfac-
tory account of this matter, and of what I am next
going to propose, I expect to pay you a visit about
the last of April.
The other matter, just now hinted at and which I
proposed in my last to join you, in attempting to secure
some of the most valuable lands in the King's part,
which I think maybe accomplished after awhile, not-
withstanding the proclamation, that restrains it at
present, and prohibits the settling of them at all ; for
I can never look upon that proclamation in any other
light (but this I say between ourselves), than as a
1767] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 221
temporary expedient to quiet the minds of the
Indians, and must fall, of course, in a few years, es-
pecially when those Indians are consenting to our
occupying the lands.' Any person, therefore, who
' The proclamation of October 7, 1763, was issued to quiet the two principal
causes of discontent among the Indians : the encroachments of settlers upon
lands claimed by the tribes, and the abuses committed by Indian traders and
their servants. This proclamation restrained all persons from trading with
the Indians without a license, and prohibited all settlements beyond the
limits described as the boundary of the Indian hunting ground, thus putting
both the property and the commerce of the natives under the protection of
officers acting under the immediate authority of the king. Washington was
undoubtedly correct in his estimation of this edict, for the Commissioners of
Trade, in their report on Indian Affairs in 1769 characterized it as " mere
provisional arrangements, adapted to the exigence of the time." Pennsylvania
Archives, iv., 315. Similar views were generally entertained. Chancellor
Livingston in a letter to Dr. Franklin, respecting the conditions of peace,
previous to the treaty of 1783, said : — " Virginia, even after the proclamation
of 1763, patented considerable tracts on the Ohio, far beyond the Appalachian
mountains. It is true, the several governments were prohibited at different
times from granting lands beyond certain limits ; but these were clearly
temporary restrictions, which the policy of maintaining a good understanding
with the natives dictated, and were always broken through after a short period
as is evinced by the grants above mentioned, made subsequent to the procla-
mation of 1763." Livingston to Franklin, 7 January, 17S2. Diplomatic Corre-
spondence of the Revolution, ii., 195.
In 1764 the Indian Commissioners prepared a plan for determining more
definitely the limits of settlement, and submitted certain bounds to the Indian
tribes for their approval. The line of separation in the northern district was
completed and accepted by the Indians in 1765, but Sir Wm. Johnson, while
acquiescing, declined to give a final ratification without further directions
from the king. These limits gave the middle colonies " room to spread much
beyond what they have hitherto been allowed," a concession made to the fact
that the " state of their population requires a greater extent." The Crown
had not given its assent to the acts of the Commissioners, certainly as late as
1769, although the plan had received a partial endorsement by the Lords of
Trade in 1767, and in the meantime the Virginians and Pennsylvanians were
rapidly pushing their settlements on the Indian territory west of the Alleghany
mountains, in spite of royal (10 April, 1766) and colonial (31 July, 1766)
proclamations calling upon these settlers to leave the territory " which if they
shall fail to do, they must expect no protection or mercy from government,
and be exposed to the revenge of the exasperated Indians." (Governor Fau-
quier's proclamation.)
222 THE WRITINGS OF [1767
neglects the present opportunity of hunting out good
lands, and in some measure marking and distinguish-
ing them for his own, (in order to keep others from
settling them), will never regain it. Therefore if you
will be at the trouble of seeking out the lands, I will
take upon me the part of securing them, so soon as
there is a possibility of doing it, and will moreover
be at all the cost and charges of surveying, and pat-
enting &c, after which you shall have such a reason-
able proportion of the whole, as we may fi?^ upon at
our first meeting ; as I shall find it absolutely neces-
sary, and convenient for the better furthering of the
design, to let some few of my friends be concerned
in the scheme, and who must also partake of the
advantages.
By this time it may be easy for you to discover,
that my plan is to secure a good deal of land. You
will consequently come in for a very handsome quan-
tity ; and as you will obtain it without any costs, or
expenses, I am in hopes you will be encouraged to
begin the search in time. I would choose, if it were
practicable, to get large tracts together ; and it might
be desirable to have them as near your settlement,
or Fort Pitt, as we could get them good, but not to
neglect others at a greater distance, if fine bodies of
it lie in a place. It may be a matter worthy your
inquiry, to find out how the Maryland back line will
run, and what is said about laying off Neale's (I think
it is & Go's) grant.' I will inquire particularly con-
' "As to Neale and Coni])aiiy's grant, it was laid on the fork of Monanga-
hela and Youghiogheny, which, if I'cnnsylvania takes in tliis region in its
1767] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 223
cerning the Ohio Company's that one may know
what to apprehend from them. For my own part, I
should have no objection to a grant of land upon the
Ohio, a good way below Pittsburg, but would will-
ingly secure some good tracts nearer hand first.
I would recommend, it to you to keep this whole
matter a secret, or trust it only with those, in whom
you can confide, and who can assist you in bringing
it to bear by their discoveries of land. And this ad-
vice proceeds from several ver}' good reasons, and, in
the first place, because I might be censured for the
opinion I have given in respect to the King's procla-
mation, and then, if the scheme I am now proposing
to you was known, it might give the alarm to others,
and, by putting them upon a plan of the same nature,
(before we could lay a proper foundation for success
ourselves,) set the different interests a clashing, and,
probably, in the end, overturn the whole. All which
may be avoided by a silent management, and the
[operation] snugly carried on by you under the guise
of hunting other game, which you may, I presume,
effectually do, at the same time you are in pursuit of
land, which when fully discovered, advise me of it,
and if there appears but a bare possibility of succeed-
ing any time hence, I will have the lands immediately
sur\'eyed, to keep others off, and leave the rest to
time and my own assiduity to accomplish.
charter, will include it at any rate." Crawford to IVashington, September
29, 1767. Mason and Dixon were at this time engaged in running the boun-
dar)- line between Pennsylvania and Mar>-land. The controversy between
Virginia and Maryland, as to the western boundan,- of the latter, has never
been determined, the "first fountain of the Potomac" having proved too in-
definite a description.
2 24 THE WRITINGS OF [1767
If this letter should reach your hands before you
set out, I should be glad to have your thoughts fully
expressed on the plan I have proposed, or as soon
afterwards as conveniently may be ; as I am desirous
of knowing in time how you approve of the scheme.
I am, &c.
TO COLONEL ARMSTRONG.
Mt. Vernon, 21 September, 1767.
Dear Sir,
Since I had the pleasure of seeing you at the Warm
Springs, I have been informed that much of the land
upon Yaughyaughany and Monongahela, which was
formerly conceived to lie within the limits of Virginia,
and on which many of our people have settled, are
taken into Pennslyvania by the established line now
running between that Province and Maryland, and
that grants may at any time be obtained from the
Proprietary for tracts on these waters ; and being
[informed], moreover, that the office from whence
these rights are to issue is kept at Carlyle, it im-
mediately occurred from what you were telling me of
the nature of your office, that I could apply to none
so properly as yourself for the truth of these reports,
it appearing but probable that you were the very per-
son with whom entries were made.
I have therefore taken the liberty. Sir, of address-
ing this letter to you on the subject of these enquiries,
and to request the further favor of you to advise me
of the mode of proceeding in order to take up un-
granted land in your Province ; what quantity of
1767] GEORGE WASHIXGTON.
acres will be admitted into a survey ; whether a per-
son is restricted in respect to the quantity of land
and number of sur^'^eys ; if the surveys are required
to be laid in any particular form ; or optional in the
taker up to lay them as the nature and goodness of
the land and water courses may point out to him ?
What the expence of patenting these lands amount
to per thousand acres ? and what the annual rents
are fixed at aftenvards ? Together with any other
useful hints which may occur to you for my informa-
tion and government, as I would most willingly
possess some of those lands which we have labored
and toiled so hard to conquer.
I have desired one, Mr. William Crawford, who
lives upon Yaughyaughany, a friend of mine and, I
believe, an acquaintance of yours, as he was an officer
in my regiment and in General Forbes' campaign, to
look me [out] a tract of about 2000 acres and en-
deavor to secure it till he can give me advice of it. I
have likewise taken the liberty of saying to him that
I was fully pursuaded if the Land office were kept in
Carlyle, and you had any share in the management
of it, that you would do me the favor of o-ivino- him
any assistance in your power consistent with the rules
of office ; and for such assistance. Sir, after thankfully
acknowledging myself your debtor would punctually
[reimburse you] with any expence that might arise on
my account so soon as I could be advised thereof.
I heartily wish that Mrs. Armstrong and yourself
may find all the good effects from the waters of the
Frederick Springs that you could desire.
2 26 THE WRITINGS OF [1767
TO CAPTAIN JOHN POSEY.
Mt. Vernon, 24 September, 1767.
Sir,
Having received your letter of Wednesday last and
to day, it appears very clear to me from them, as well
as from some other convincing circumstances that
you are not only reduced to the last shifts yourself, but
are determined to involve me in a great deal of per-
plexity and distress on your account also. Why else
will you press so hard upon me to do more than I
have already done, and consented to do, in waiting
two years longer for my money, when it is not only
inconvenient, but very disadvantageous also for me
to do so, and when I have informed you as every
body else I suppose may also do, that the security I
have upon your lands and slaves is only answerable
for the ^750 lent and interest. Besides, when the
nature of that security is considered, and how much
people may differ in their valuations of it, it is not to
be wondered at that I should be so unwilling as to
risk any thing more thereon. For in the first place I
do not value your six acres bought of Marshall with
the improvements to any thing at all, for reasons
already known to you. True it is, if Mr. West should
recover from you, you may have a remedy against
Mr. Marshall, but in how ample a manner is in the
breast of other men to determine. In the next place,
you rate the land bought of my brother and the im-
provements to near ;^700. This at best is only worth
what it will fetch, and if it sells for half that sum, I
will acknowledge myself extremely mistaken. In the
1767] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 227
last place, by the estimate you sent me some time
ago of your estate, you value the negroes you were
then possessed of to ;^900 and upwards. Suppose,
for argument sake they were worth this, does not
every body know that the small pox, gaol fever and
many other malignant disorders may sweep the great-
est part of them off ? Where then is the security ? And
while I am mentioning this matter, it is highly necessar\'
to inquire what is become of Henley, Jacob, Winney,
Sylvia, Lett, Sarah, Nan and Henrietta Farthing,
Negroes contained in your bill of sale to me, but which
I see nothing of in the estimate above mentioned.
Thus much I have said on a supposition that I was
acting as a money lender only, and was looking for
clear and indisputable surety ; but in truth the pros-
pect of gain and advantage to myself was not the
motive that led me to advance you this money.
'Twas done to sen-e your family, and if possible to
save your estate from dispersion, while there remained
a probability of doing it. The same motive, there-
fore, (and depend upon it, it is a friendly one,) inclines
me to ask what possible reason you can have for
thinking that by delaying the sale of some part of
your effects, and taking up more money upon interest,
will better your fortune, when you are adding to the
load of debt by accumulating interest ? I should be
glad in the next place to know if you have ever con-
sidered the consequences of borrowing the money
upon the terms you say Colo. Mason will lend it ?
and surely you have not. To stave off the dreadful
hour of resigning part of your possessions into the
2 28 THE WRITINGS OF [1767
hands of your creditors, engrosses too much of your
thoughts. Do not understand by this that I mean to
cast any reflection upon Colo. Mason. No, he tells
you in express terms and with candor that he is
waiting for an opportunity of making a purchase
which when accomplished, he must have his money
again, giving you three or four months' notice. It is
likely therefore that he may call for it in six months
as in a longer time, because the distress of the coun-
try and number of estates which are daily advertising
afford great prospect of purchasing to advantage.
What then is to be done in this case ? One of these
three things certainly : either that Colo. Mason must
wait till he can recover his debt in a course of law,
by which means your own, as well as the honor of
your bondsman must suffer ; or that the security must
pay the money out of his own pocket, which perhaps
might reduce him to the utmost distress ; or lastly,
that your negroes must be immediately exposed to
sale for ready money after short notice (whereas they
might now be sold on credit for perhaps at least 25
per cent more,) in order to raise this sum, and this
probably in the midst of a crop. These being things
worthy of consideration, I would recommend them to
your serious reflection, before you finally determine.
Was the money to be had of those who prefer
lending it on interest to other methods of disposing
of it, and you had in the first place a prospect of
keeping of it for some time, and in the next a moral
certainty of raising the sum with the interest by the
expiration of it, there would then be a propriety in
1767] GEORGE WASHIXGTON. 229
your borrowing, and I should feel pleasure in pro-
curing it to you ; but really I cannot see that you
have any one good end to answer by it. On the
contrary, I am much misinformed if you were to get
;^300 to morrow to stop suits and demands that are
already commenced, if there would not be ^300 more
wanting in less than six months for the same purpose.
So that there appears no probability of its happily
ending, for as to your promising, or expecting to do
this and that, you must give me leave to say that it is
works and not words that people will judge from,
and where one man deceives another from time to
time, his word being disregarded, all confidence is lost.
However, after having endeavored to let you see
in what light this matter appears to me, and to set
forth the evil consequences of taking money upon
these terms, I shall conclude with telling you that if
you are absolutely determined to prefer this method
to any other of procuring present relief, I will become
your security to Colo. Mason for three hundred
pounds, on condition that you do at the same time
add other things to my present security that are
under no incumbrance to any person what so ever,
and allow me the absolute right and privilege (as
you yourself proposed) of disposing of them for
ready money, to answer Colo. Mason's demand when-
soever made, and that some lawyer (Mr. Ellzey I
would choose) should draw a bill of sale or instru-
ment of writing to this purpose, without running me
to any cost, that may be authentick and binding.
But I once more caution you against a measure of
230 THE WRITINGS OF [1768
this kind, as it may be destructive of your estate,
inasmuch as the money can be paid no otherwise
than by an immediate sale of your effects (when
called for), and I can see no benefit that will result
from the protection. It is from these reasons, and a
conviction that you will as unwilling then as now
part from your estate, that I dread the consequences
of joining you in such a bond, knowing that after
all I have [done] or can do, more will still be re-
quired, and as little content given. This makes me
ardently wish that some person or other would take
up my security and pay me the money, that I might
be entirely clear of it, for I do not want to avail
myself of any sort of advantages.
P. S. I have this instant been informed that you
have declared you paid me all you owed me except
about ^20. Does such disingenuity as this deserve
any favour at my hands ? I think any body might
readily answer for you, no.
DIARY FOR 1768.'
JANUARY.
I St. (a) Fox hunting in my own Neck with Mr Robt. Alex-
ander and Mr Colville. Catchd nothing. Captn. Posey with
us. (b) Ground exceedg hard froze, but this day calm
& moderate, (c) Neck People clearing a piece of ground
which was begun the 23d of Deer.
' The private diaries of Washington, during the earlier years of the series,
were written in interleaved Viri^iuin A/iiUDiacs ; but the later years are con-
tained in note-books, of uniform size and binding. The entries in the Almanacs
are of three descrijitions : where, and how he spent his time ; occurrences and
a record of the weather. I have printed one month in full ; but for the rest of
the year have omitted the weather record.
1768] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 231
2. (a) Surveying some Lines of my Mt. Vernon Tract of Land,
(b) Moderate, wind southwardly, thawing a little.
3. (a) At home with Doctr. Rumney. (b) Rain, with the wind
at So. West. gd. still hard froze except the Top of it.
4. (a) Rid to Muddy hole, D : Run & Mill Plantn. (b.) Foggy
& warm. Midday clear. Frost still in the Earth. Calm.
5. (a) Went into the Neck, (b) Very Thick cSc Foggy in the
morning. Wind afterwards at No. Et. and Rain all day, the
wind shifting southwardly.
(c) Doeg Run People working in the Swamp which they began
to clear this Fall — Muddy Hole People (except two threshing)
clearing ye skirt of woods within ye fence. 4 men & a woman
from Doeg Run assisting — Mill People also clearing.'
6. (a) Rid to Doeg Run and the Mill before Dinner. Mr. B.
Fairfax and Mr. Robt. Alexander here, (b) Warm clear, &;
pleasant, in the Morng. Wind high from No. Wt. & cool
afterwards, (c) Doeg Run People finishd grubbing ye Swamp
they were in and proceeded to another adjacent.
7. (a) Fox hunting with the above two Gentn. and Captn. Posey.
Started but catchd nothing, (b.) Clear and frosty. Wind brisk
from No. W.
8. (a) Hunting again in the same Compy. Started a Fox and
run him 4 hours, took the Hounds off, at night, (b) Clear,
frosty & still.
9. (a) At home with Mr. B: Fairfax, (b) Cloudy, with misty
forenoon & . Rain afterwards. Wind southwardly.
10. (a) At home alone, (b) Weather clear, wind southwardly,
yet raw and cold. Hard frost.
11. (a) Running some Lines between me and Mr. Willm. Triplet,
(b) Clear with the wind at west. Evening very cold and wind
northwardly ; sever Frost. River froze across.
12. (a) Attempted to go into the Neck on the Ice but it wd. not
bear. In the Evening iMr Chs. Dick, Mr Muse & my Brother
Charles came here. b. Wind at No. west and exceeding cold
and frosty, c. Threshing wheat at all Plantations. Ground
being too hard froze to Grub to any advantage.
' Three entries without date.
232 THE WRITINGS OF [1768
13. (a) At home with them. Col Fairfax, Lady &c. (b) More
moderate and yet very cold, with a little snow in the Morng.
and eveng. clear.
14. (a) Ditto. Colo. Fx & famy. went home in the Evening,
(b) Clear and pleast. Wind at south. River still froze.
15. (a) At home with the above Gentlemen and shooting together.
(b) Clear and pleasant. Wind Southwardly. Thawed a good deal.
16. (a) At home all day at cards' — it snowing, (b) Constant
snow the whole day from the Northward, (c) Finished my
smiths shop — that is the carpenters work of it.
17. (a) At home with Mr. Dick &c. (b) Clear and pleasant.
Wind So. West and West, hard frost.
18. (a) Went to Court & sold Colo. Colvil's Ld. Returnd again
at night, (b) Still & cloudy — very like to snow but broke
away abt. sunset. Cold, (c) Carpenters went to saw Plank at
Doeg Run for finishing the Barn there. Will put new girders
into my Mill where they had sunk.
19. (a) Went to Belvoir with Mr. Dick, my Bror. &c. (b) Clear
and pleast. morning. Afternoon, raw tSz; cold, (c) Mike, Tom,
and Sam went abt. the overseers House at Muddy hole.
20. (a) Returned from Do. by the Mill Doeg Run and Muddy
hole, (b.) Clear, still, & warm — thawed a great deal, (c) Plan-
tations chiefly employd in getting out wheat.
21. (a) Surveyd the water courses of my Mt. Vernon Tract of
Land, taking advan. of the Ice. (b) Very warm and still — snow
dissolving fast.
22. (a) Fox hunting with Captn. Posey — started but catched
nothing, (b) Warm, still, & clear again. Snow almost gone.
(c) Davy, George, Jupiter and Ned, finishd sawing at Doeg
Run & joind Mike ivc abt. overseers House at Muddy hole.
23. (a) Rid to Muddy hole, & directed ])aths to be cut for
Fox hunting, (b) No frost last night. Warm c\: clear in the
forenoon ; cloudy, witli some Rain in the Afternoon, afterwards
clear again. Ice broke in the River.
24. (a) Rid up to 'i'oulston in order to Fox hunt it. (b) Lower-
ing morning, but very fine iV warm till 7 in the afternoon, when
the wind .shifted to No East from So.
' I-OSL3/6. l.cd;rcr.
1768] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 233
25. (a) Confind by Rain with Mr. Fairfax <S: Mr. Alexander,
(b) Drizzling & Raing. all day. Wind, No. Et.
26. (b) Went out with the Hounds, but started no Fox. Some
of the Hounds run of [f] upon a Deer, (b) Wind at Xo. West,
cloudy and cold, with spits of snow.
27. (a) Went out again — started a Fox ab. 10, run him till 3 and
lost him. (b) Cold, cloudy & still morng.; clear & pleast. after-
wards— Wind southwardly.
28. (a) Returned Home, found Mr. Tomi Elsey ' there, (b) Wind
at No. West & very cold.
29. (a) Went to Belvoir with Mrs. W^ — n &:ca. after Dinner, left
Mr. Ellzey at home, (b) Do at Do. & Do. River froze up again
last night.
30. Dined at Belvoir and returned in the afternoon — borrowd a
hound from Mr. Whiting, as I did 2 from Mr. Alexr. the 28th.
(b) Very hard frost last night. Morng. cold but more moderate
afterwards. Wind gettg. southwardly.
31. (a) At home alone all day. (b) Lowering, wind southward
& moderate. Ice breaking and dispersing.
FEBRUARY,
1. Rid round into the Neck and directed the running of the
Fence there. Carpenters all (except Will) went to sawing
Failing for a goose yard.
2. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run, & Mill.
3. Fox hunting with Captn. Posey & Ld. Washington — started
but catchd nothing.
4. Snowing all day, but not very fast — At home.
5. At home alone till Mr. Robt. Alexander came in the Evening.
6. Fox hunting with Mr Alexander & Captn Posey. Started
but catchd nothing.
7 At home alone.
8. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run & Mill, and in returng I met
Mr. Alexander, Mr. Stoddard and Captn. Posey who had just
catchd 2 foxes, returnd wt. ym. to Dinner.
' Tomison Ellzey, a lawyer.
234 THE WRITINGS OF [1768
9. Went out Hunting again ; started a fox, run him four
hours, & then lost him. Mr Stoddard went home. Alexr,
stayd.
10. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run and Mill. Mr. Alexander
going in the Morng. as Mr. Magowan * did to Williamsburg.
11. Went into the Neck and returnd to Dinner.
12. Fox hunting with Colo. Fairfax, Captn. McCarty,'' Mr.
Chichester, Posey, Ellzey & Manley,^ who dind here with Mrs.
Fairfax & Miss Nicholas. Catchd two foxes.
13. Hunting in the same company, Catchd 2 more foxes, — none
dind at Mt. Vernon. Finishd the Goose Pen at Home ; also
finishd clearing the Point of woods between where Carney &
Rollins & Crump livd in the Neck — abt. 30 acres.
14. At home alone.
15. Ditto Ditto.
16. Went up to Alexa. and returnd in ye eveng.
17. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run & the Mill, returnd to
Dinner and alone.
18. Went a ducking between breakfast & dinner — In the
afternoon Mr. Thruston, Mr Alexander, & Mr Carter from
Gloster came in. Rais'd overseer's House at Muddy hole.
Finishd threshing t^ cleaning my wheat at Doeg Run Plantn.
bushl.
19. After dinner the above Gentlemen went to Belvoir.
20. Fox hunting with Captn. Posey — catchd a Fox.
21. At home all day. Mr. Wm. Gardner dind here. A Gen-
tleman from York River came to buy wheat.
22. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run, and the Mill before Dinner,
and went out with my Gun after it.
23. Fox hunting with Captn. Posey — catchd a Fox we suppose,
but being dark coud not find it. Stopd clearing the Field on
the Ck. in the Neck and began upon those pieces of woods in
the other field by Mr. Sheridines."
' Mr. Walter Magowan was tutor to Master and Miss Custis. In March of
this year he went to England to enter Holy Orders.
^ Daniel McCarty.
■' Harrison Manley.
* John Sheridine was leasing one of Washington's properties in Clifton's
Neck, paying 730 ])oun(ls of tobacco a year rent.
1768] GEORGE WASHIXGTON. 235
24. Went a ducking between breakfast & dinner &: killd 2
Mattards & 5 bald faces, found Doctr. Rumney here at din-
ner, who staid all night. Mr. Magowan retumd.
25. Doctr, Rumney went a way. I went to the Creek but not
across it. Killd 2 ducks, viz. a sprig tail and Teal.
26. Laid of a Road from Mt. Vernon to the Lain by Mr. Man-
leys. Began to deliver my wheat to Mr Kirk. Carpenters
not having quite finishd the overseers Ho. at Muddy hole for
want of some Plank, went abt. a Corn Ho. there. Much
abt. this time a Hound Bitch Mopsey of Mr. R. Alexander
(now with me) was proud, & shut up chiefly with a black dog,
Tarter, who lind her several times, as did Tipler once, that is
known of. The little Bitch Cloe in the House was also proud
at the same time, but whether lind or not cannot be known —
see how long they go with Pup, and whether both at same time,
being very difft. in size.
27. Went on the Road clearing between Mt. Vernon and the
Mill. In the evening Mr. Stedlar ' came. Transplanted trees
of differt kinds into the Lucerne Patch.
28. In the after noon went up to Mr. Robt. Alexander's in order
to meet Mr. B. Fairfax & others a fox Huntg. None came this
day but Captn. Posey.
29. At Mr Alexanders all day with his Phil & Captn. Posey. —
it raining.
MARCH.
1. Went a fox hunting with the two Alexr. and Posey — was, during
the chase (in which nothing was catchd) joind by Mr. Fairfa.x,
Jno. Alexander & Muir.'
2. Hunting again, & catchd a fox with a bobd Tail & cut ears,
after 7 hours chase in wch. most of the Dog's were worsted.
3. Retumd home, much disorderd by a Lax, Griping & violent
straining. Deliver'd a Lodd of 508 Bushels of Muddy hole
wheat to Mr Kirks ship and my schooner returnd.
4. At home, worse with the above complaints. Sent for Doctr.
Rumney, who came in ye afternn.
' In 1766 Mr. Stedlar was teaching Mrs. Washington and two children music.
' John Miiir.
236 THE WRITINGS OF [1768
5. Very bad — the Doctr. staying with me. Deliverd another
Load of 517/^ Bushls. of the Neck Wheat to the above ship and
returnd the same day. Finished cutting down corn stocks at
all my Plantations.
6. Something better. Doctr. still here — & Mr. Ramsay came
down to see me.
7. Rather better. Doctr. went home after breakfast. Mr. Ram-
say staid to Dinner.
8. Mending fast. Colo. Thos. Moore calld here in his way from
Alexa. Home, but made no stay. Colo, Fairfax & Mr. Gilbt.
Campbell (Comptroller) Dined here.
9. Still mending. At home alone.
10. Mending still. Rid out. Mr. Peake & Augs. Darrel dind
here.
11. At home alone all day.
12. Rid to the new Road-Mill Doeg Run & Muddy hole Plantns,
& found Doctr. Rumney upon my return, who dind & stayd all
night. Large parts of my Wheat Field at Doeg Run, ye same
I believe at the Mill, were found to be exceedingly Injurd by
the jFrost (and I apprehend by the last frost abt. ye 7 & 8th
Inst.)' Upon examining the wheat which appeard to be so
much hurt, I found the Roots for ye most part were entirely
out of the ground ; some indeed had a small fibre or so left in
& here perhaps a green blade might be found in a bunch, but
when the Root was quite out the whole bunch seemd perishd
& perishing. Note. Watch ye Progress of this wheat, & see if
there be any possibility of its taking Root again (as it lyes thick
on the gd.) near a stake in ye 18 Inch cut, and abt. 100 yds.
from the Barracks is a spot of an acre or so of this kind. Ob-
serve this place, being poor gd. also. Carpenters returnd from
the Road abt. Muddy hole Corn House.
13. At home alone all day.
14. With the ])eoj)le working upon the new Road between
breakfast and Dinner.
' His weatlier record for the two days was : —
7. Clear & cool, wind still northwardly. 8. Frosty morning, but clear &
pleast. day. Wind southwardly.
1768] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 237
15. At home alone all day. Deliverd the last load of my wheat
to Mr Kirk's ship, which makes 192 1 Bushl. delivd. him in all
— reckg. 15 Bushl. to be delivd. him by Mr. Digges.
16. Hunting with Captn. Posey and Lt. W. started and catchd a
fox in abt. three hours. Began to list com ground at Muddy
hole. Reed, my goods from Mr. Gary by Captn. Johnston.
Sent my vessel about 4 o'clock in the afternoon to Mr. Kirk
agreeable to his Letter.
17. Rid into the neck, to Muddy hole, and upon the New Road.
When I came home found Colo. Carlyle & his wife & children
there.
18. Went with Colo. Carlyle & our Families to Belvoir. Myself
and Mrs. W n retumd, leaving the others there. Found
Mr. Stedlar at Mt. Vernon. Began to lay of my com ground
in the Neck.
19. At home all day.^ Mr. Stedlar here. Sent Chaunter (a
Hound Bitch) up to Toulston, to go to Mr. Fairfax's Dog For-
ester, or Rockwood — she appearg. to be going Proud. Forester
not beg. at Home she went to Rockwood.
20. At home all day. Mr. Stedlar still here. In the afternoon
Mr. Carlyle &: Family returnd from Belvoir.
21. Went to Court.^ Colo. Carlyle & Family also went up. Mr.
Stedlar stay'd &: Sally Carlyle.
22. Rid to the Mill, Doeg Run and Muddy hole Plantation.
23. Rid out to see and examine whether a Road coud not be
discovd & opend from Posey's ferry back of Muddy hole
Plann. thereby avoiding the Gum spring, which I think may be
done to advantage. Note. This moon w'ch changd 9. 18. ap-
peard with the points directly upwards exactly of a height.
24. Rid out again with Mr Peake on the above accn. and ob-
servd that a good Road might be had along Hg. Ck. upon
Colo. Masons Land.
25. Went into the Neck, grafted some cherries, & began to meas-
ure the ground for my Grape vines. Observd a Lamb in my
Pasture, being the first fallen from Ewes put to my Ram the —
' " One of the most disagreeable days of the whole winter."
' At Alexandria. He generally stopped at Arrols.
238 THE WRITINGS OF [1768
26. Went Fox huntg. but started nothing. Mr. Lawr. Washing-
ton came here & Miss Ramsay in ye afternoon. My Vessel re-
turndfrom Mr Kirk's employ abt. sundown, being 10 days gone.
27. At home. Lawr. Washington went away.
28. At home.
29. Fox hunting, with Jacky Custis & Ld. Washington.
Catchd a fox after 3 hrs. chase. Began to cork & pay the
bottom of my schooner.
30. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run & Mill Plantations. Fin-
ishd my Fencing & began to enlist my Corn Ground at the
Mill. Looked again at the wheat at Doeg Run (particularly
abt. ye stake near the Barracks) and found no alteration for
the better, it appearing to have no root in the Ground.
31. Went into the Neck. At my Return found Doctr. Rumney
& Mr. Wm. Crawford ^ at the house. Dr, Rumney went away
in the afternoon. Finished corking my vessel & weeding
out my Lucern.
Memor. of Ewes & Lambs are restraind from wheat Fields,
& no green food servd to support them in the spring, contrive
that no more fall after this year till ye last of March.
APRIL.
I St. At home with Mr. Crawford.
2. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run & ye Mill. Mr. Crawford
went to Alexandria. Sewed a patch of Flax in the Neck.
Also sewed a patch at Doeg Run by the last yrs. Turneps.
3. Went to Pohick Church ' & returnd to Dinner. Mr. Craw-
ford returnd in the afternoon.
4. Fox hunting with Messrs. Chichester, ye Triplets, Manley,
Posey, Peake & Adams. Never started a Fox, but did a Deer.
5. At home with Mr. Crawford. Mr. Campbell came here &
dined. Mrs. Washington, Miss B. Ramsay & Patey Custis
went to Belvoir &: returnd.
' Captain William Crawford who located in 1769 some land for Washington
at the Forks of the Monongahcia and the Yaughyaughany. It was on this
visit that he interested Washington in the matter.
^ About live miles from Mount Vernon, near the road from Alexandria to
Occoquan.
1768] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 239'
6. Mr. Crawford set of home, and we (together wt. Miss Betey
Ramsay) went up to Alexa. to a Ball. Sewed part of the
Ground at home (the Cowpens) in Flax.
7. We returnd from Alexandria through Snow. Carpenters finishd
the Corn Ho. at Muddy hole, and went to trimmg. fish Barrls.
8. At home alone, except with Price, ye Bricklayer who has
been here since Tuesday.
9. Fox hunting with the two Triplets,' Mr. Peake * & Mr. Man-
ley — started but catchd nothing.
10. At home alone.
11. Planting out Grape Vines according to Mm.' Mrs. Posey
dined here, and Mr. Alexander &: Mr. Edwd. Payne * supd &
lodgd.
12. Payne and Alexander went away after Breakfast — and Miss
Tracy Digges &: her sister Betty came in the aftern. Rid to
Muddy hole, Doeg R. & Mill. Sewed remainder of Flax
Ground at Home. Also sewed Flax Seed at Muddy hole.
White fish began to Run catching 60 or 70 at a Haul with some
Herg.
13. At home. The Miss Digges here in the afternoon Mr.
Chichester came.
14. Fox hunting with Mr. Chichester, Captn. Posey, Messr.
Triplet, Peake «Sc Adams, started but catchd nothing — Posey &:
Adams dind here as did Mr. Digges. Sewed Flax at Doeg
Run at the head of the Meadow. Began plowing at Doeg for
Corn, that is to list. Carpenters went to getting staves for
Cyder Casks.
15. At home. Mr. Digges & his daughters went away after
breakfast.
t6. At home alone. In the evening went to the Xeck.
17. Went to Church &: returnd to Dinner.
18. Went to Court and returnd in the evening. Began fishing
for herrings with carpenters &c.
19. Measurd the field designd for corn at the Mill and Doeg
Run this year.
' William. » Humphrey Peake. * Memorandum.
* Elsewhere spoken of as Capt. Edward Payne.
240 THE WRITINGS OF [1768
20. At home alone all day.
21. Rode to Muddy hole, Doeg Run and Mill Plantns. at the
first & last of which just began to check corn ground. Mr.
Stedlar came here. Began to cross ground at Muddy hole &
the Mill, having run only a single furrow for a list.
22. At home all day. Mr. Stedlar here.
23. At home all day again. Mr. Stedlar still here. The great
abundance of rain which fell within this 48 hours carried away
my dam by the Miss Wade's & broke the back dam by the
mill^
24. Mr. & Mrs. Peake & yr. daughter dined here, as also did
Mr. Stedlar.
25. Went to Muddy hole, Doeg Run & Mill before Dinner, &
into the Neck afterwards.
26. Set of for Williamsburg with Mrs. Washington Jacky &
Patey Custis & Billy Bassett. Lodgd at Mr Lawsons.
27. Reachd Fredericksburg.
28. Stayed there all day at Colo. Lewis.
29. Proceeded on our journey and reached Hubbards Ordy. in
compy. with Colo. Lewis & Mr. Dick.
30. Breakfasted at Todds Bridge. Dind at Claibornes, & came
to Colo. Bassett's.
MAY.
1. Rid to a place called Roots's to see a meadow of Colo.
Bassetts.^ returnd to Dinr.
2. Went to Williamsburg with Colo. Bassett, Colo. Lewis & Mr
Dick. Dind with Mrs. Dawson, & went to the Play. My
carpenters & House People went to planting corn at Doeg Run
after they had finishd fishing.
3. Dined with the Speaker.^ The hound bitch Mopsey brought
8 puppys, distinguished by the following names : viz. Tarter,
Jupiter, Trueman, & Tipler (being Dogs), and Truelove, Juno
Dutchess, & Lady, being the bitches — in all eight.
'His weather record showed that it rained more or less on the 2ist, constant
rain on the 22d and 23d, until sunrise on the 24th.
'' i3urwell Bassett. •' Peyton Randolph.
1768] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 241
4. Dined with Mrs. Dawson,' & suppd at Charlton's.
5. Dined at Mrs. Campbells.
6. Rid to the Plantations near Williamsburg & dined at Mr.
Valentine's*
7. Came up to Colo. Bassett's to Dinner.
8. Went to Church & returnd to Dinner.
9. Went a Fox hunting and catched a Fox after 35 minutes
chase ; returnd to Dinner & found the Attorney, his Lady &
daughter there.
10. Rid to the Buck House & returnd to Dinner ; after which
went a dragging for sturgeon.
11. Dined at the Globe with Mr. Davis
12. Went to New Kent Court with Colo. Bassett '
13. Went after sturgeon & a gunning.
14. Went to my Plantation in King William by water and dragd
for Sturgeon & catchd one.
15. Rid to see Colo. Bassetts meadows at Roots's.
16. Fishing for Sturgeon from Breakfast to Dinner but catchd
none.
17. Rid to the Buck House & returnd to Dinner.
18. Did the same & got my Chariot &: Horses over to Claibornes.
19. Went a shooting & hair huntg. with the Hounds who started
a Fox which we catchd.
20. Set of from Colo. Bassetts for Nomony, crossd over to Clai-
bornes ; from thence by Frazer's Ferry to Hobs hole dining at
Webbs Ordinary.
21. Reachd my Brothr. John's who & his wife were up the
Country. Crossd over to Mr. Booths.
22. Went to Church (Nomony) &: returnd to Mr Booths to Din-
ner, who was also from home in Gloucester. Mr. Smith, the
Parson, dind with us.
23. At Mr Booth's all day with Revd. Mr. Smith. My Carpen-
ters & House People went to work at my Mill repairing the
Dams, hightening of them &: opening the Race.
24. Came up to Pope's Creek & staid there all day.
' On the 7th he bought two tickets in a raffle on her coach. ' Jos. Valentine.
^ Stopped at Mrs. Campbell's.
242 THE WRITINGS OF [1768
25. Got up to my Brother Sams to Dinner, found Mrs. Washing-
ton &c. there.
26. Remaind at my Brother Sams where my Brother Jno. came,
as also Mr. Lawr. Washington &c. to Dinner.
27. Dined at Mr. L. Washingtons with the Compy. at my Bro.
28. Went to Boyd's hole & returnd to my Brothers to Dinr.
where we found Colo. Lewis & my Br. Charles.
29. Went to St. Pauls church &: Dined at my Brothers. The
bitch Chanter brought five Dog puppies & 3 Bitch ditto which
were named as follows : viz — Forrester, Sancho, Ringwood,
Drunkard, and Sautwell — and Chanter, Singer & Busy.
30. Went fishing & dined under Mr. L. Washington's store.
31. Returnd home crossing at Hooes Ferry — through Port
Tobacco.
JUNE.
1. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run & the Mill. Upon looking
over my wheat I found all those places which had been injured
by the March frosts extreamely thin, low & backward, having
branched but little, & looking puny. Indeed in many places
the Ground was entirely naked ; and where it was not, there
was but too much cause to apprehend that the wheat woud be
choaked with weeds.
It was also observable that all my early wheat (generally
speaking) was headed and heading ; the common wheat was
but just putting out head, & the Red straw wheat had but very
little or no appearance of head & was lower than any of the other
allthough first sewn. The heads of the whole appeard short &
did not promise any great increase. It was also remarkable
that the red straw wheat had a great deal of smutty or
blasted heads in the same manner it had last year when they
did put out.
2. Went into the Neck.
3. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run & Mill.
4. At home all day writing.
5. Went to Church at Alexandria (S: Dined at Colo Carlyles. The
Maryland hound bitch Lady took Forrester, and was also
served by Captn. & refused the Dogs on ye nth. Finishd
breaking up corn ground at Doeg Run.
1768] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 243
6. Rid to Muddy hole and the Mill «Sc met with Doctr. Rumney
upon my Return who dined here.
7. Went up to Alexandria to meet the Attorney-General & re-
tumd with him, his Lady «S: Daughter, Miss Corbin & Majr.
Jenifer.
8. At home with the above Company. Colo. Fairfax, his Lady
& Miss Nicholas, Colo. West & his wife, & Colo. Carlyle,
Captn. Dalton & Mr. Piper — the three last of whom stayd at
night. Carpenters went to getting the frame for my Bam at
the House.
g. The Attorney &ca. went away, leavg. Miss Nicholas only here.
10. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run and the Mill.
11. Rid to Ditto, Ditto & Ditto.
12. Went to Pohick Church and returnd to Dinner.
13. Went to Belvoir where Mr. Selden, his Lady &:c. were.
14. Returnd home again & found Mr. B. Fairfax here. Sent for
Doctr. Rumney to Patey Custis, who was seizd with fitts. Mr.
M. Campbell lodg'd here.
15. Colo. Fairfax & Family, together with Mr. Selden & his
dind here as also Dr. Rumney. Mr. B. Fairfax went in ye mg.
16. Rid to the Mill, Doeg Run, and M. hole. Mr. Campbell
came here in ye Eveng.
17. Rid into the Neck and to Muddy hole. Finishd breaking
up corn ground at Muddy hole.
18. At home all day preparg. Invoices and Letters for England.
19. At home, Do. Do.
20. Went to Court and returnd at night.
21. Went up again and stayd all night.
22. Returnd home in the afternoon. About this time Captn.
Poseys Bitch Countess was discoverd lined to Dabster, & was
immediately shut up & none but Sterling suffered to go to her.
Musick was also in heat & servd promiscuously by ail the Dogs,
intending to drown her Puppys.
23. At home all day.
24. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run, and the Mill before Dinner,
& was sent for by express to come to Alexa. to settle and
arbitrate an Acct between Mr. George West & Mr. Chas. Alex-
ander with Mr. Thomson Mason & Mr Ellzey.
244 THE WRITINGS OF [1768
25. Returnd home, & remaind there all day. Doctr. Rumney
came in the afternoon & stayd all night. The Carpenters
finishd getting the Frame for the Barn at my House.
26. At home. Doctr. Rumney went away in the afternoon.
27. At home. Colo. Fairfax & his Lady dind here, & returnd
in ye aftern.
28. Set of for and reachd Fredericksburg. Began to cut the
upper part of my Timothy Meadow.
29. Rid round and examind the wheat fields there, which were
fine.
30. Went to Mr. Bouchers, dind there and left Jackey Custis —
returnd to Fredericksburg in the aftern.
JULY.
I St. Went over to Stafford Court House to a meeting of the
Missisipi.' dined and lodged there.
2. Dined at Dumfries and reached home. Finishd going over
my Corn ground in the neck, both with the Plows & Hoes.
3. At home all day.
4. Rid to see my wheat at differt. Places. Doctr. Rumney
came here in the aftern. Began to cut my wheat at the Mill,
but upon Examination, finding it too green, desisted. Note.
Upon looking into my wheat the Rust was observed to be more
or less in it all, but except some at Doeg Run it was thought
no great damage woud follow as the wheat was rather too
forward.
5. Went to Muddy hole with Doctr. Rumney to see the Cradlers
at work. Jonathan Farmer coming down last night &: exam-
ining my wheat to day, was of opinion that some Muddy hole
field was fit, at least might be cut with safety, accordingly
began it with himself, 3 other white men c^ negroe cradlers,
letting the grain lye upon the stubble abt. 2 days to dry.
6. Rid to Muddy hole and Doeg Run after Dr. Rumney went
away. When I returnd found Mr. William Lee & Dr. Lee here.
' In September 1763. I iincl .in entry of a niectinti; of tlie " Missisipi Adven-
ture," at which Washington advanced £%. 15. o as liis quota of money. Meet
ings were also held in November 1765 and December 1767. William Lee was
interested in it.
1768] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 245
7. ^[r. Lee went away — Mr. Darnel &: Daughter — Mr. Geo.
Digges &: his two eldest sisters came here &: stayed all night.
8. Dr. Lee & all the rest went away & I rid to the Cradlers
(cutting my wheat at the mill.) Began to cut the wheat at
the Mill in the Field round the Overseers House which was
cut and abt. 4 acres in the other this day by 10 and sometimes
II cradlers which were all that worked — amounting in ye whole
to abt. 40 acres.
9. Rid to Muddy hole the Mill and Doeg Run before Dinner,
& to the Mill afterwards — where my People was harvesting.
Six and sometimes 7 Cradlers, cut the remainder of the field
(abt. 28 acres) on this side today. The wheat at Muddy hole
was (that is, all that was cut down) got into shocks by 11
oclock to day, and abt. ^ of the field round the Overseers
House at the Mill. Pulld the Flax at Muddy hole.
10. Went to Church and retumd to Dinner.
11. Rid to Muddy hole where three white men were cradling,
& then to the Mill where we were getting in wheat. Mr.
Chichester with his wife, Miss S. McCart\- & Dr. Rumney
came. Pulld the flax at Home. Got in the most of the mill
wheat but was prevented finishing by rain. Three white men
(cradlers) cut down abt. 10 or 12 acres of Muddy hole wheat.
12. Rid to Muddy hole before breakfast where all hands were
harvesting the wheat. The company went away. Hands went
to Muddy hole and finishd harvesting the wheat there, that
is, cutting and securing it in shocks.
13. Went into the Xeck where I this day began my Harvest.
Colo. Fairfax & Doctr. Lee dind here and returnd. Some
hands went &: got the Residue of the Mill wheat into the
House. & all the rest with the Cradlers went into the Xeck &
cut down (Sc securd little more than 20 acres of wheat.
14. Attended at the Xeck again. The hands from the Mill
joind the others &: altogether finishd the Cut of wheat (con-
taining 50 acres) at the Orchard point, great part of which was
very thick, Rank & heavy cuttg.
15. Went over again & drove back by Rain about one oclock,
which continued all the afternoon. Began cuttg. the wheat next
to it on the River side — abt. one o'clock was stop'd by Rain.
246 THE WRITINGS OF [1768
16. Went by Muddy hole & Doeg Run to the Vestry at Pohick
Church — stayd there till half after 3 o'clock & only 4 members
coming returnd by Captn McCarty & dined there. Finishd
this cut & began the one next to the House. This day it also
raind & stopd the Harvest abt. an hour or two.
17. At home all day. Dischargd three Cradlers keepg. only
Jonathan Palmer & Eliab Roberts.
18. In the Neck with my People harvesting. Nine Cradlers at
work including ye two white men.
19. In Ditto with Ditto. Mr. Richard Graham came here in
the afternoon.
20. In Ditto with Ditto, in the Forenoon ; in the afternoon went
with them to cut the wheat at Doeg Run. Abt. 1 1 o'clock fin-
ishd harvesting the wheat in the Neck ; that is, cutting it down
& securing it in shocks. In the whole, allowing for the time lost
by Rain we were six days doing it. About 2 o'clock in the
afternoon began to cut the Field at Doeg Run containing 150
acres with 10 Cradlers — 3 of them sorry hands.
21. Went to the harvest field at Ditto. Finishd one quarter of
the above field abt. 2 o'clock. Note. This cut was, in places,
greatly injured by the Rust.
22. Rid to ditto in the forenoon with my wife & Patey Custis,
About 2 o'clock finish'd another cut in this field being of the
same size as the last. This was also injured by Rust, as well
as by the frosts.
23. Rid to ditto in the forenoon where I met with one Russel, a
Tenant of mine upon the land I bought of Carter's Estate,
coming down to see upon what terms he coud get the Land.
At 12 o'clock finishd the third cut of 37^ acres at Doeg Run
& clapd into the last one.
24. Went to Pohick Church.
25. Went to Alexandria (Sr bought a Brick layer ' from Mr.
Piper & returnd to Dinner. In the afternoon Mr. R. Alex-
ander come. Finished the last cut abt. one oclock this day
(Monday), part of wch. was much hurt by the Rust, & cut
down the small ])ieces at home cS: securd it. Note. From the
• Micliael 'I'reacy, for w liom he paid ;^i8. 4.
1768] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 247
most accurate experiments I coud make this year upon wheat
siezd with the Rust before it is fully formd & beginning to
Harden, it appears to be a matter of very little consequence
whether it is cut down so soon as it is seizd with this distemper
(I mean the parts of the field that are so), or suffered to stand ;
for in either case the grain perishes & has little or no flower in
it, that indeed wch. is sufferd to stand may gain a little & but
a little in respect to the grain & the other in respect to the
straw so that I think it is nearly equal wch. of the two methods
is followed. Note also, from this year's experiments, it appears
certain that wheat may be cut down (suffering it to take a day
or two sun) much sooner than it generally is. I took wheat of
three differt. degrees of Ripeness, i. e. some whose straw and
head was green (but the grain of full size and milky) ; some
whose straw from the upper joint was coloring ; and some
that the straw from the said joint was cold, but the knots (at ye
joints) Green, & observed after they had lain 2 or 3 days in ye
sun that the grain of the first was but little shrunk, the 2d scarce
perceptable, & the last plump & full by wch. it evidently
appears that to cut wheat knot green is not only safe but the
most desirable state it can be cut in, & that where there is a
large qty. the question is whether it may not be better to begin
while the wheat is coloring from the upper joint as the grain
will lose but little (if any) than to cut it in an over ripe state
when it may loose a good deal more by shattering. For my
part I am clear it is better to cut it green & shall have no
reluctance to practise where the whole cannot be cut at the
exact period one woud choose it.
26. Rid with Mr. Alexander to my Meadow &: returnd with him
to Dinner. Mr. Yal. Crawford here. They went away. Be-
gan to cut my Timothy Meadow.
27. Rid to the Meadow again. Val. Crawford & his Br. Wm.
came this afternoon.
28. Went to the Meadow with ye above two about the 27 and
28 sowed some Turnep seed in Corn Ground at Morris's, that
is at Doeg Run Plann.
29. But little wind, that southwardly ; very warm. Rid to the
Meadow in ye afternn. Writg. in ye. Evng.
248 THE WRITINGS OF - [1768
30. Rid into the Neck and from thence to Doeg Run where we
were Hay makg. Colo. Carlyle & Lady came last N : & went
to day. Went to Alexa. Church. Dind at Colo. Carlyle's Sc
returnd in the afternoon. Memm. on the 30th of this month
I agreed with Jonathan Palmer to come and work with my
carpenters ; either at their trade — cowpering — or in short at
any thing that he may be set about. In consideration of which
I am to pay him ;^40. pr. ann : allow him 400 lbs. of meat &
20 Bushels of Indian Corn. I am also to allow him to keep
two milch cows (one half of whose Increase I am to have)
and to have wheat for which he is to pay ; he is to be al-
lowed a garden & I am to get the old dwelling House at
Muddy hole repaird for him. I am also to take his waggon at
;^i7, if he brings it free from damage and it is no older than
he says — that is about a 12 month. Note. He is to be here as
early as possible in April, if not in March.
AUGUST.
1. Went to Belvoir & dined, returnd in the afternoon. Began
to tread out wheat at the mill. Also began to draw it in the
neck.
2. Rid to the Mill, Doeg Run and Muddy hole. Miss Manly
dind here, & Mr. Alexander came in the evening.
3. Mr. Alexander & Miss Manly went away. Rid to the Mill &
Muddy hole.
4. Went a fox hunting in the Neck with Lund Washington &
Mr. Thos. Triplet. Started nothing. Began to draw it in
(that is to carry it from the field on this side the Run over
to the Barn) with only my ox cart at Doeg R.
5. Went to Muddy hole, the mill &: Doeg Run. Plantations to
a Race at Cameron. Returnd in the evening. Began to cut
my Timothy seed, there. Getting wheat in at Muddy hole.
6. At home all day. The Hound Bitch Lady brought four
puppys, that is 3 dogs and a bitch, distinguished by the fol-
lowing names : viz : that with the most black spots, Vulcan ;
the other black spotted Dog, Searcher ; the Red spotted
Dog, Rover — and the red si)otted bitch, Sweetlips.
7. Ditto. Ditto.
1768] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 249
8. Went a fox hunting but started nothing. Visited Plantations
in the Neck & Mill. Sowed Turnep seed at home, in the
Neck and at Muddy hole Plann. Began to sow wheat at the
Mill & at Doeg's Run.
9. At home all day.
10. Rid to the mill, Doeg Run and Muddy hole and returned to
Dinner. Sowed Turnep at the Mill.
11. Rid to the same places as yesterday &: returnd to Dinner,
Began to beat cyder at Doeg Run, Muddy hole & in the
Neck.
12. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run and Mill, & returnd to
Dinner when I found Doctr. Rumney.
13. The hounds havg. started a Fox in self huntg., we followed
& run it after sevl. hours chase into a hold when digging it
out it escapd. Ye Doctr. went home.
14. At home. Mrs. Fairfax & Miss Nicholas came in the after-
noon.
15. Went to Court. Mr. Igns. Digges, Mr. Lee and Mr. Hill
came here. Set in to sowing wheat at Muddy hole.
16. At home wdth the above Gentlemen. Mrs. Fairfax & Miss
Nicholas went home after Dinner.
17. Dined at Belvoir with the above Gentlemen, & returnd in
the afternoon.
18. Rid round all my Plantations after the above Gentlemen
went away.
19. At home. Settled & paid the Sheriff.
20. Set of for my Brother Sam's & Nomony crossd at ye Mouth
of Naugemy & went to my Brothers.
21. At my Brothers. Colo. Lewis & my Brothr. Charles came
there.
22. Still at my Brothers with other Company, his child being
christned.
23. Hawling the sein under Mr. Laurence Washington's shore.
24. Imbarkd on board my schooner for Nomony, lay of Captn,
Laidler's.
25. Hawling the sein upon the Bar of Cedar Point for sheeps-
heads, but catchd none, run down below ye Mouth of Macho-
dack & came to.
250 THE WRITINGS OF [1768
26. Reachd my Brother John's at night. Finishd drawing in
& securing my wheat in the Neck.
27. Hawling the sein upon Hollis's marsh Bar & elsewhere for
sheeps heads, but catchd none.
28. Went to Nomony church & returnd to my Brothers to
dinner.
29. Went into Machodack Ck. fishing and dind with the Revd,
Mr. Smith. Began to sow wheat at the Neck.
30. Hawling the sein on the Bars near Holl's marsh & other
places.
31. Dind with Mr. Jno. Smith who was maryed yesterday to
the Widow Lee.
SEPTEMBER.
1. Set out from Nomony in my return to Chotauck — lodgd on
board the Vessel between Swan Point & Cedr. P.
2. Came up as high as Hoes ferry & walkd to my Brother Sams.
3. Went to Mr. John Stiths & din'd there, returnd in the
afternoon.
4. Went to Church, dind at Colo. Harrison & returnd to my
Brs. in ye afternoon.
5. Crossd over to the lower point of Naugemy where I met my
chariot & returnd home.
6. Went in the Forenoon to the Mill, Doeg Run & Muddy hole,
in the afternoon paid a visit to Majr. Fairfax (Brother to Lord
Fx) at Belvoir. My ox cart finished drawing in the wheat at
Doeg Run, but during this time it was employed in getting
home the Cyder from all the Plantations.
7. Dined at Belvoir with Mrs. W — &c.
8. Went to a Ball in Alexandria.
9. Proceeded to the Meeting of our Vestry at the New Church
and lodgd at Captn. Edwd. Paynes.
10. Returnd home & dind at Belvoir with Lord Fairfax, &c.
11. At home all day.
12. Lord Fairfax & his Brother & Colo. Fairfax & Mr. B. Fair-
fax dind here — the latter stayd all night
13. Went fox huntg. with Lord Fairfax, Colo. Fairfax & B.
Fairfax. Catchd nothg.
1768] GEORGE WASHINGTOX. 251
14. Mr. B: Fairfax & myself went a huntg. started a Fox &:
run it into a hole but did not catch it. Finishd sowing the
second cut of wheat in the Neck which compleated the half
of the corn ground there.
15. Dined at Belvoir with Colo. Robt Burwell.
16. Went into the Neck — returnd to dinner. Anointed all my
Hounds (as well old Dogs as Puppies) which appeard to have
the Mange with Hogs Lard & Brimstone.
17. At home. Colo. Robt Burwell, Mr Grymes & Colo. Fairfax
dind here. Ye latter went home in the Evening. Got done
sowing wheat at Doeg Run. Sowed 92 J^ Bushels. The Hound
Bitch Mopsey going proud, was lind by my water dog Pilot
before it was discoverd — after which she was shut up with a
hound dog. Old Harry.
18. Colo. & Mrs. Fairfax dined & and lodgd here. My Schooner
Sailed for Suffolk for a load of Shingles.
19. Went to Court with Colo. Bunvell &c.
20. Colo. Burwell &c. went away to Belvoir, & Mrs. Washington
& ye two childn. were up to Alexandria to see the Inconstant
or way to win him acted.
21. Stayd in Town all day & saw the Tragedy of Douglas playd.
22. Came home in the forenoon. Spread my Flax for Rotting
at the Home House.
23. Went a fox hunting & catchd a Bitch Fox after abt. 2 Hours
chase. Finishd sowing the third cut of wheat in the Neck.
24. At home all day. Colo. Henry Lee & Lady & Miss Ballen-
dine came to dinner & stayd all night.
25. At home. The above Company went away after Breakfast.
26. Went Fox huntg in the Neck. Started & run up a Fox or
Foxes 3 Hours & then lost.
27. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run & Mill— Spread Flax for
Rotting at Doeg Run. Began to cut Tops at Doeg Run.
28. Dined at Colo. Fairfaxs and returnd in the afternoon. Finishd
sowing wheat at Muddy hole : the field took 106 Bushls. to Sow.
29. Went to a Purse Race at Accatinck &: returnd with Messrs.
Robt. and George Alexander.
30. At Home all day. After Dinner Mr. Geo Alexander went
away, the other (Robt.) stayd.
252 THE WRITINGS OF [1768
OCTOBER.
1. Fox hunting back of Mr. Barry's with Mr. Robt. Alexander,
Mr. Manley & Captn. Posey. Started & catchd a bitch Fox.
The hound Bitch Tipsey was lind by ye little spaniel dog,
Pompey, before she was shut up in the House with old Harry.
2. At home. Mr. Alexander went away before breakfast. Mr.
Stedlar remd all day.
3. Clear & pleasant with Very little wind. Rid to Muddy hole
& Doeg Run. Miss Sally Carlyle came here.
4. Went into the Neck, & up the Creek after Blew wings. Fin-
ishd sowing wheat at the Mill, which field took 75 Bushels.
5. Went to Alexandria after an early dinner to see a ship (the
Jenny) launched, but was disappointed & came home. Finishd
sowing in the Neck, this field took 216 Bushels, which makes
the quantities sowed as follows : viz
at Doeg Run
92I bushels
Muddy hole
io6|
Mill
75
Neck
216
/I no
Began getting Fodder at the Mill
6. Went up again, saw the ship Launchd, stayd all night to a
Ball & set up all night. Began getting Fodder at the Neck.
7. Came in the morning & remaind. Mr. Townd. Dade (of
Chopk.) came here.
8. Went Fox huntg. (in ye Neck) in the forenoon. Started but
catchd nothing, & in the afternoon went up the Ck. after Blew
wings, killd 7 or 8.
9. At home all day. Mr. Dade went away.
10. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run & the Mill. Captn. McCabe
dindhere.
11. At home all day alone. Sowed apple ])ummice in the new
Garden, from Crab apples.
12. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run & Mill in the forenoon, in the
afternoon went into the Neck.
13. Went fox hunting and catchd a Bitch fox after two hours
chase.
14. Went into the Neck in the forenoon.
i76a] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 253
15. Went a hunting with Captn. Posey & Ld. Washington.
Catchd a Bitch Fox after a chase of i Hour and 10 Minutes.
Finishd cutting (but not securing) Fodder at Doeg Run Quar-
ters. Did the same also at Muddy hole.
16. Went to Pohick Church. Dined at Captn. McCarty's & came
home at night, Doctr. Rumney who came here last night went
away this morning & Mr. Ramsay & Mr. Adams came here at
night.
17. At Home all day. Messrs. Ramsay & Adams went home
this Evening.
18. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run & the Mill.
19. Set of on my Journey to Williamsburg & reachd Colo.
Henry Lees to Dinner.
20. Detaind there all day by Rain.
21. Reachd Fredericksburg, found Warren Washington & Ca.
there.
22. Dined at Parkers Ordy. & lodgd at Mr. Benja. Hubbards,
Colo. Lewis also.
23. Dined at the Causey & got to Colo. Bassetts.
24. Dined at Josh. Valentine's sent Chairs & Horses over James
River, & lodgd in Wms.burg ourselves.
25. Crossd James River, & by Rain was forcd to lodge at one
Captn. Stowey (or Stowe's).
26. Breakfasted in Suffolk, dined & lodgd in ye Dismal Swamp
at Jno. Washingtons.
27. Went up to our Plantation at Northfleets in Carolina &:
retumd in ye afternoon.
28. Went into the Pond with Colo. Lewis, Majr. Reddick & Jno.
Washington, & at Night went to ye Majrs.
29. Got to Smithfield in return to Wms.burg.
30. Set out early ; breakfasted at Hog Island and dined inWms.
31. Dined at the Mayor's Entt. of the Govr. in Ditto.
NOVEMBER.
1. In Williamsburg. Dined at the Speakers, with many Gentlemen.
2. In Ditto, dined at the Attorney Genls. with Lord Botetourt
(ye Govr.) & many other Gentlemen.
3. In Ditto. Dined at Mrs. Dawson's.
254 THE WRITINGS OF [1768
In Ditto. Dined with several Gentlemen at Ayscoughs.
Colo. Byrds Lottery began drawing.'
Dined at Mrs. Campbells, where I had spent all my Evenings,
since I came to Town.
Left Williamsburg & Dined & lodgd at Colo. Bassetts.
Set out for home with Betsey Dandridge. Dined at King Wm,
Court Ho. & lodgd at Mr. Wm. Ayletts.
Dined at Parkers and lodgd at Fredericksburg.
Reached home in about 7 Hours & an half, found Doctr.
Rumy. & Miss Ramy. here.
10. At Home all day. The Doctr. and Miss Ramsey went home.
11. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg run and the Neck. Mr. Mago-
wan & Mr. Stedlar came to Dinner as Mr. R. Alexr. did in ye
aftern.
12. Went Fox huntg. in the Neck. Started & was run out of
hearg. of the Dogs, owing to the wind. Whether they catchd
or not is not known.
13. Went to Pohick Church & dined at Home with Mr. Ths.
Triplet, H. Manley & Mr. Peake.
14. Rid to Muddy hole & all my Plantns. Began to gather corn
at Muddy hole and in the Neck.
15. Went to Fox hunting in the Neck, catchd a bitch fox, after
an hour and 40 minutes chase.
16. Went to Colo. Fairfaxs & dined with Mrs. Wm & Miss Dan-
dridge. returnd in ye aftn.
17. Went up to a Race by Mr. Beckwiths & lodgd at Mr. Edwd.
Paynes.
18. Returned home, breakfasted at Capt. McCartys & came by
the Mill cv Muddy hole.
19. At home all day, alone.
20. At home all day alone.
21. Went up to Court and returnd in the evening with my
Brothr. John. Measurd the cut of corn in the Neck, adjoing
to the Gate, the contents of which was
' A lottery ticket of this year read as follows :
"This ticket (No. 274) shall entitle the I'osessor to whatever Prize may
happen to be drawn against its number in the Mountain Road Lottery.
"G. Washington."
1768] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 255
22. Went a fox huntg. with Lord Fairfax & Colo. Fairfax, & my
Br. Catchd 2 Foxes. Began to gather corn at the Mill.
23. Went a huntg. again with Lord Fairfax & his Brother, & Col.
Fairfax. Catchd nothing that we knew of. A fox was started.
24. Mr. Robt. Alexander here ; Went into the Neck.
25. Mr. Bryan Fairfax, as also Messrs. Grayson & Phil. Alexan-
der, came here by sunrise. Hunted & catchd a fox with these
& my Lord his Bro. & Colo. Fairfax, all of whom with Mrs. Fx.
& Mr. Wetson (?) of Engd dined here.
26. Hunted again in the above Compa. but catchd nothing.
27. Went to Church.
28. Went to the Vestry at Pohick Church.
29. Went a Huntg. with Lord Fairfax &c. Catchd a Fox.
30. At home all day. Colo. Mason & Mr. Cockbume came in the
evening.
DECEMBER.
1. Went to the Election of Burgesses for this County & was
there, with Colo. West chosen.' Stayd all Night to a Ball wch.
I had given.
2. Returnd home after dinner, accompanied by Colo. Mason, Mr.
Cockburn & Messrs. Henderson Ross & Lawson,
3. Went a fox huntg. in Company with Lord & Colo. Fairfax,
Captn. McCarty & Messrs. Henderson & Ross. Started nothing.
My Br. came in ye afternoon.
4. At Home all day.
5. Fox hunting with Lord Fairfax & his Brothr. & Colo. Fairfax.
Started a Fox & lost it. dined at Belvoir & came in ye Evg.
6 Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run & Mill.
7. At home all day, alone.
8. Fox huntg. with Lord Fairfax «S: Brothr. & Colo. Fairfax, all of
whom dind here. Started nothing.
9. Rid to Muddy hole, Doeg Run & ye Mill.
10. Went a fox hunting in the Neck & catchd a fox ; afterwards
went to the Plantatins there. Dr. Rumney come to Dr. & Mr.
Alexr. in ye Evg.
' 1768. Atanelectionof Burgesses for Fairfax County held December i, 1768,
Washington received iSsvotes, Col. John West, 142, and Captain John Posey, 87.
256 THE WRITINGS OF [1768
11. They went away after breakfast. Alone aftd.
12. Rid to the Mill, Doeg Run & Muddy hole. Miss Carlyle &
Miss Dalton came here.
13. Set of about 12 o'clock for Towlston to hunt with Mr. Bryan
Fairfax. Got there in the afternn. Killd Hogs.
14. Stayd there all day, in the Evg. went to see his new mill.
15. Returnd home, by the way (that is near Muddy hole) started
& catchd a Fox.
16. At home all day. Jacky Custis came home from Mr.
Bouchers.
17. Rid out with my Gun, but killd nothg. Mary Wilson came
to live here as a Ho. keeper at 15/ pr month.
18. At home all day. Miss Sally Carlyle & Miss Betey Dalton
went away & Mr. Stedlar came.
19. Went up to Court & returnd at night.
20. At home all day. \
21. Ditto Ditto \ Snowing
22. Ditto Ditto )
23. Went a Pheasant Huntg., carried hounds & they started &:
followd a Deer.
24. Rid to the Mill & Doeg Run.
25. At home all day.
26. Ditto. do. L. W — n set of for Staffd.
27. Ditto do. except shooting between breakfast & dinner.
28. At home all day alone.
29. Went a fox hunting — started one but did not catch it. In
the afternoon Messrs. Dalton, Piper, & Riddell came here,
also Mr. Magowan.
30. At home with them all day.
31. Went a hunting & catchd a bitch fox, the above Gentlemn.
with me.*
' " Having discontinued the j^rowth of tob.icco myself, except at a plantation
or two ii])on York River, I make no more of that article than barely serves to
furnish me with goods." — To Capfl ^ Osi:;ood Hunbury, 5 May, 1768.
" I can aflTirm with equal truth that T have lost (at least) four years out of five
l)y my consignments, having better ])riccs offered in the country than my tobacco
has sold for in England, which is not only discouraging, but almost sufficient to
1768] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 257
TO REV. JONATHAN BOUCHER/
30 May, 1768.
Rev. Sir,
Mr. Magowan who lived several years in my family,
a tutor to Master Custis (my son-in-law and ward,)
bring about a change in the system of my management." — To Robert Cary, 20
June 1768.
' ' The more aggravating circumstances attending the disappointment are that
scarce any of the sacks [of salt] contained four bushels (which I conceive they
ought to have done) and not one of the bags worth a shilling, nor ever covdd be
so, no two being alike, some extremely wide, others very narrow, and all, or
mostly all, made of old slaizy, and patched cloth." He had ordered the salt to
get some good bags. — To James Gildart, 25 June, 1768.
1 Jonathan Boucher was bom in England, migrated to Port Royal in 1759,
and in 1762 became rector of the parish in King George County, removing
shortly after to St. Mary's. He established a school in his house and among
his pupils was John Parke Custis. At this time he was a constant and volum-
inous correspondent of Washington, but on the advent of the Revolution he
became a loyalist, and, as such, a severe critic of Washington's conduct. It
is in the light of that position that the following extract from his autobiogra-
phy must be read. " Mr. Washington was the second of five sons of parents
distinguished neither for their rank nor fortune. Laurence, their eldest son,
became a soldier, and went on the expedition to Carthagena, where, getting
into some scrape with a brother officer, it was said he did not acquit himself quite
so well as he ought, and so sold out ; soon after which he died at Barbadoes.
George, who, like most people thereabouts at that time, had no other educa-
tion than reading, writing and accounts, which he was taught by a convict
servant whom his father bought for a schoolmaster, first set out in the world
as surveyor of Orange County, an appointment of about half the value of a
Virginia rectory, i. e. perhaps lOO / a year. When the French made encroach-
ments on our western frontier in 1754, this Washington was sent out to
examine on the spot how far what was alleged was true, and to remonstrate on
the occasion. He published his journal on this occasion, which, in Virginia
at least, drew on him some ridicule. Yet when, soon after, a regiment was
raised in Virginia, he had interest enough to be appointed the Lieutenant-
Colonel of it, or rather, I believe, at first the Major only. A Colonel Jefferson
[it was Fry] who had formerly been grammar master in the College, com-
manded the regiment, and a Colonel Muse [Innes ?] who had been a sergeant,
and therefore knew something of military discipline and exercise, was the
second in command. Jefferson soon died, and Muse was disgraced, from some
imputations of cowardice, so that the command devolved on Mr. Washington.
At Braddock's defeat, and every subsequent occasion throughout the war, he
258 THE WRITINGS OF [1768
having taken his departure for England, leaves the
young gentleman without any master at this time. I
should be glad therefore to know if it would be con-
venient for you to add him to the number of your
pupils. He is a boy of good genius, about 14 years
of age, untainted in his morals and of innocent
manners. Two years and upwards he has been read-
ing of Virgil and was (at the time Mr. Magowan left
him) entered upon the Greek testament.
I presume, he has grown not a little rusty in both
having had no benefit of his tutor since Christ-
mas, notwithstanding he left the country in March
only. If he comes, he will have a boy (well
acquainted with house business, which may be made
as useful as possible in your family to keep him out
of idleness) and two horses to furnish him with the
means of getting to Church and elsewhere, as you
may permit ; for he will be put entirely and abso-
acquitted himself much in the same manner as in my judgment he has since
done — i, e. decently, but never greatly. I did know Mr. Washington well ;
and though occasion may call forth traits of character that never could have
been discovered in the more sequestered scenes of life, I cannot conceive how
he could, otherwise than through the interested representations of party, have
ever been spoken of as a great man. He is shy, silent, stern, slow and cau-
tious ; but has no quickness of parts, extraordinary penetration, nor an elevated
style of thinking. In his moral character he is regular, temperate, strictly just
and honest (excepting that as a Virginian, he has lately found out that there is no
moral turpitude in not j^aying what he confesses he owes to a British creditor),
and, as I always thought, religious ; having heretofore been pretty constant,
and even exemplary, in his attendance on public worship in the Church of
England. JUit he seems to have nothing generous or affectionate in his
nature. Just l)efore the close o{ the last war he married the widow Custis,
and thus came into possession of her large jointure. He never had any chil-
dren, and lived very much like a gentleman at Mount Vernon, in Fairfax
< Munty, where the most distinguished ])arl of his character was that he was an
admirable farmer."
1768] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 259
lutely under your tuition and direction to manage as
you think proper in all respects.
Now Sir, if you incline to take Master Custis, I
should be glad to know what conveniences, it may be
necessary for him to bring, and how soon he may
come. For as to his board and schooling (provender
for his horses, he may lay in himself.) I do not think
it necessary to enquire into and will cheerfully pay
ten or twelve pounds a year, extraordinary^ to engage
your peculiar care of, and a watchful eye to him, as
he is a promising boy, the last of his family and will
possess a ver^^ large fortune. Add to this my anxi-
ety to make him fit for more useful purposes than
horse racer.
This letter will be sent to you by my brother at
Fredericksburg and I should be obliged to you for an
answer by the first post to Alexandria near to which
place I live. I am, &c
P. S. If it is necessary for him to provide a bed,
could one be purchased in your neighborhood ? It
would save a long carriage.
TO ROBERT GARY & CO.
Mt. Vernon, 6 June, 1768.
Gentlemen,
My old chariot having run its race, and gone
through as many stages as I could conveniently
make it travel, is now rendered incapable of any
further servnce. The intent of this letter, there-
fore, is to desire you will bespeak me a new one.
26o THE WRITINGS OF [1768
time enough to come out with the goods (I shall
hereafter write for) by Captn. Johnston, or some
other ship.
As these are kind of articles that last with care
against number of years, I would willingly have the
chariot you may now send me made in the newest
taste, handsome, genteel and light ; yet not slight,
and consequently unserviceable ; to be made of the
best seasoned wood, and by a celebrated workman.
The last importation which I have seen, besides the
customary steel springs, have others that play in a
brass barrel and contribute at one and the same
time to the ease and ornament of the carriage. One
of this kind, therefore, would be my choice ; and
green being a color little apt, as I apprehend, to fade,
and grateful to the eye, I would give it the prefer-
ence, unless any other color more in vogue and
equally lasting is entitled to precedency. In that
case I would be governed by fashion. A light gild-
ing on the mouldings (that is, round the panels) and
any other ornaments, that may not have a heavy and
tawdry look (together with my arms agreeable to the
impression here sent) might be added, by way of
decoration. A lining of a handsome, lively colored
leather of good quality I should also prefer, such as
green, blue, or &c., as may best suit the color of the
outside. Let the box that slips under the seat be as
large as it conveniently can be made (for the benefit
of storage upon a journey), and to have a pole (not
shafts) for the wheel horses to draw by ; together
with a handsome set of harness for four middle sized
1768] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 261
horses ordered in such a manner as to suit either two
postilions (without a box), or a box and a postiHon.
The box being made to fix on, and take off occasion-
ally, with a hammel cloth &c., suitable to the lining.
On the harness let my crest be engraved.
If such a chariot as I have here described could be
got at second hand, little or nothing the worse for
wear, but at the same time a good deal under the
first cost of a new one (and sometimes though per-
haps rarely it happens so), it would be ver}^ desira-
ble ; but if I am obliged to go near to the original
cost, I would even have one made, and have been
thus particular in hopes of getting a handsome char-
iot through your direction, good taste and manage-
ment— not of copper, however, for these do not stand
the powerful heat of our sun. * * * '
' In September 1768 a chariot was shipped from Christr. Reeves, described
in the invoice as follows : —
"To a new handsome Chariot, made of best materials, handsomely carved
anticks to middle of pillars, and car\-ed scrowl corners to top of pillars and
roof, batten sides, sweeps of sides and mouldings round the roof carved with
double ribings, hind battens and fore battens arched and car\-ed ; panneled
back and sides japaned and polished, and roof japaned ; lined with green
morocco leather trimmed ■i\-ith cufloy lace, an oval behind, a large trank (?)
under the seat, the bottom covered wHth red leather and a handsome carpet to
bottom. Plate glass, diamond cut ; handsomely painted, the body and car-
ridge and wheels painted a glazed green ; all the framed work of body gilt,
handsome scrowl, shields, ornamented with flowers all over the panels ; body
and carridge oil varnished ; the carridge with iron axle tree screwed at ends,
handsomely car\ed scrowl standards, twisted behind and before, and stays of
foot board barrs and beads carved with scrowls and paneled ; patent woorm
springs in brass sockets ; a boot covered with leather, japanned and garnished,
brass nails, a handsome seat cloth, embroidered with broad la : (?) and two
rows of handsome fringe with gimp head, all complete." The cost of the
chariot was £,\o-},, but the harness, covers, blinds, and other extras brought the
cost to ;^I33. See letter to Robert Gary, 20 August, 1770, post.
262 THE WRITINGS OF [1769
TO WILLIAM RAMSAY.'
Mount Vernon, 29 January, 1769.
Dear Sir,
* * * Having once or twice of late heard yon
speak highly in praise of the Jersey College, as if you
had a desire of sending your son William there (who,
I am told, is a youth fond of study and instruction,
and disposed to a sedentary studious life, in following
of which he may not only promote his own happiness,
but the future welfare of others), I should be glad, if
you have no other objection to it than what may
arise from the expense, if you would send him there
as soon as it is convenient, and depend on me for
twenty-five pounds this currency a year for his
support, so long as it may be necessary for the
completion of his education. If I live to see the
accomplishment of this term, the sum here stipulated
shall be annually paid ; and if I die in the mean while,
this letter shall be obligatory upon my heirs, or ex-
ecutors, to do it according to the true intent and
meaning hereof. No other return is expected, or
wished, for this offer, than that you will accept it with
the same freedom and good will, with which it is
made, and that you may not even consider it in the
light of an obligation, or mention it as such ; for,
be assured, that from me it will never be known.
I am, &c.
' Washington had in 175O recommended William Ramsay lo Governor Din-
widdie (vide I., 386 ante), and a year later he had been appointed a contractor
lo sii])])ly the troops. Dinwiddie Papeis, ii., 709.
1769] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 263
TO GEORGE MASON.'
Mount Vernon, 5 April, 1769.
Dear Sir,
Herewith you will receive a letter and sundr)^ pa-
pers,'' which were forwarded to me a day or two ago
by Dr. Ross of Bladensburg. I transmit them with
the greater pleasure, as my own desire of knowing
your sentiments upon a matter of this importance
exactly coincides with the Doctor's inclinations.
At a time, when our lordly masters in Great Britain
will be satisfied with nothing less than the deprivation
of American freedom, it seems highly necessar}' that
something should be done to avert the stroke, and
maintain the liberty, which we have derived from our
ancestors. But the manner of doing it, to answer the
purpose effectually, is the point in question.
That no man should scruple, or hesitate a moment,
to use a — ms in defence of so valuable a blessing, on
which all the good and evil of life depends, is clearly
my opinion. Yet a — ms, I would beg leave to add,
should be the last resource, the dernier resort. Ad-
dresses to the throne, and remonstrances to Parlia-
ment, we have already, it is said, proved the inefficacy
' A neighbor and intimate friend of Washington, who afterwards dis-
tinguished himself by drafting the first constitution of Virginia, and by the
ability he displayed in the Convention for forming the Constitution of the
United States, and also in the Virginia Convention for adopting that instru-
ment. He was opposed to the Constitution, as encroaching too much on
State rights, and containing the principles of a consolidated government. An
exhaustive biography of this Virginian is now being written by his descendant,
Miss Kate Mason Rowland, of Baltimore.
'' Containing resolves of the merchants of Philadelphia, respecting the
non-importation of articles of British manufacture.
264 THE WRITINGS OF [1769
of. How far, then, their attention to our rights and
privileges is to be awakened or alarmed, by starving
their trade and manufactures, remains to be tried.
The northern colonies, it appears, are endeavoring
to adopt this scheme. In my opinion it is a good one,
and must be attended with salutary effects, provided
it can be carried pretty generally into execution. But
to what extent it is practicable to do so, I will not take
upon me to determine. That there will be difficulties
attending the execution of it every where, from clash-
ing interests, and selfish, designing men, (ever atten-
tive to their own gain, and watchful of every turn,
that can assist their lucrative views, in preference to
every other consideration) cannot be denied ; but in the
tobacco colonies, where the trade is so diffused, and
in a manner wholly conducted by factors for their
principals at home, these difficulties are certainly en-
hanced, but I think not insurmountably increased, if
the gentlemen in their several counties will be at
some pains to explain matters to the people, and
stimulate them to a cordial agreement to purchase
none but certain enumerated articles out of any of the
stores after such a period, nor import nor purchase
any themselves. This, if it did not effectually with-
draw the factors from their importations, would at
least make them extremely cautious in doing it, as the
prohibited goods could be vended to none but the
non-associators, or those who would pay no regard to
their association ; both of whom ought to be stigma-
tized, and made the objects of public reproach.
The more I consider a scheme of this sort, the
1769] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 265
more ardently I wish success to It, because I think
there are private as well as public advantages to re-
sult from it, — the former certain, however precarious
the other may prove. For in respect to the latter, I
have always thought, that by virtue of the same
power, (for here alone the authority derives) which
assumes the right of taxation, they may attempt at
least to restrain our manufactories, especially those
of a public nature, the same equity and justice pre-
vailing in the one case as the other, it being no greater
hardship to forbid my manufacturing, than it is to or-
der me to buy goods of them loaded with duties, for
the express purpose of raising a revenue. But as a
measure of this sort would be an additional exertion
of arbitrary power, we cannot be worsted, I think, by
putting it to the test.
On the other hand, that the colonies are considera-
bly indebted to Great Britain, is a truth universally
acknowledged. That many families are reduced
almost, if not quite, to penur}' and want from the
low ebb of their fortunes, and estates daily selling for
the discharge of debts, the public papers furnish but
too many melancholy proofs of, and that a scheme of
this sort will contribute more effectually than any
other I can devise to emerge the countr}- from the dis-
tress it at present labors under, I do most firmly
believe, if it can be generally adopted. And I can
see but one set of people (the merchants excepted,)
who will not, or ought not, to wish well to the
scheme, and that is those who live genteelly and
hospitably on clear estates. Such as these, were they
266 THE WRITINGS OF [1769
not to consider the valuable object in view, and the
good of others, might think it hard to be curtailed in
their living and enjoyments. For as to the penurious
man, he saves his money and he saves his credit, hav-
ing the best plea for doing that, which before, per-
haps, he had the most violent struggles to refrain
from doing. The extravagant and expensive man
has the same good plea to retrench his expenses.
He is thereby furnished with a pretext to live within
bounds, and embraces it. Prudence dictated economy
to him before, but his resolution was too weak to put
it in practice ; For how can I, says he, who have lived
in such and such a manner, change my method ? I
am ashamed to do it, and, besides, such an alteration
in the system of my living will create suspicions of
the decay in my fortune, and such a thought the
world must not harbour. I will e'en continue my
course, till at last the course discontinues the estate
a sale of it being the consequence of his perseverance
in error. This I am satisfied is the way, that many,
who have set out in the wrong track, have reasoned,
till ruin stares them in the face. And in respect to
the poor and needy man, he is only left in the same
situation that he was found, — better, I might say, be-
cause, as he judges from comparison, his condition is
amended in proportion as it approaches nearer to
those above him.
Upon the whole, therefore, I think the scheme a
good one, and that it ought to be tried here, with
such alterations as the exigency of our circumstances
renders absolutely necessary. But how, and in what
1769] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 267
manner to begin the work, is a matter worthy of con-
sideration, and whether it can be attempted with pro-
priety or efficacy (further than a communication of
sentiments to one another,) before May, when the
Court and Assembly will meet in Williamsburg, and
a uniform plan can be concerted, and sent into the
different counties to operate at the same time and
in the same manner ever^^where, is a thing I am
somewhat in doubt upon, and should be glad to
know your opinion of.'
' The following is an extract from Mr. Mason's reply to this letter, dated
the same day : —
" I entirely agree with you, that no regular plan of the sort proposed can
be entered into here, before the meeting of the General Court at least, if not
of the Assembly. In the mean time it may be necessarj* to publish something
preparatory to it in our gazettes, to warn the people of the impending danger,
and induce them the more readily and cheerfully to concur in the proper
measures to avert it ; and something of this sort I had begun, but am un-
luckily stopped by a disorder, which affects my head and eyes. As soon as I
am able, I shall resume it, and then write you more fully, or endeavor to see
you. In the mean time pray commit to writing such hints as may occur.
" Our all is at stake, and the little conveniences and comforts of life, when
set in competition with our liberty, ought to be rejected, not with reluctance,
but with pleasure. Yet it is plain, that in the tobacco colonies we cannot at
present confine our importations within such narrow bounds, as the northern
colonies. A plan of this kind, to be practicable, must be adapted to our cir-
cumstances ; for if not steadily executed, it had better have remained un-
attempted. We may retrench all manner of superfluities, finery of all
descriptions, and confine ourselves to linens, woollens, &c. not exceeding a
certain price. It is amazing how much this practice, if adopted in all the
colonies, would lessen the American imports, and distress the various traders
and manufacturers in Great Britain.
" This would awaken their attention. They would see, they would feel,
the oppressions we groan under, and exert themselves to procure us redress.
This once obtained, we should no longer discontinue our importations, con-
fining ourselves still not to import any article, that should hereafter be taxed
by act of Parliament for raising a revenue in America ; for, however singular
I may be in my opinion, I am thoroughly con^^nced, that, justice and harmony
happily restored, it is not the interest of these colonies to refuse British manu-
factures. Our supplying our mother country- with gross materials, and taking
268 THE WRITINGS OF [1769
TO COLONEL BASSETT.
Mount Vernon, 18 June, 1769.
Dear Sir,
As we have come to a resolution to set off (if
nothing unforeseen happens to prevent it) for the
Warm Springs about the i8th of next month, I do
her manufactures in return, is the true chain of connexion between us. These
are the bands, which, if not broken by oppression, must long hold us together,
by maintaining a constant reciprocation of interest. Proper caution should,
therefore, be used in drawing up the proposed plan of association. It may not
be amiss to let the ministry understand, that, until we obtain a redress of
grievances, we will withhold from them our commodities, and particularly re-
frain from making tobacco, by which the revenue would lose fifty times more
than all their oppressions could raise here.
" Had the hint, which I have given with regard to taxation of goods im-
ported into America, been thought of by our merchants before the repeal of
the Stamp Act, the late American revenue acts would probably never have
been attempted."
The Assembly in May was the first that met after the arrival of Lord
Botetourt as Governor. The Burgesses had been together but a few days,
when they passed a series of very strong resolves respecting the rights of
the colonies. The Governor took the alarm, and immediately dissolved the
Assembly. As soon as the Burgesses left the public hall, they all met again
at a private house in Williamsburg (May i8th, 1769), appointed a moderator,
and assented unanimously to non-importation agreement, otherwise called an
Association, consisting of a preamble and eight resolves. It was signed by
every member present, and sent throughout the country for the signatures of
the people. Washington was a member of the Assembly at that time, but it is
very doubtful if he was present at the meeting. His diary for that day says :
" Dind at Mr. Dawson's & went to Bed by 8 o'clock." He contributed, how-
ever, one pcnind to the expenses of the meeting, which was held at the house of
Anthony Hay. On the 19th Washington went to the " (Queen's Birth Night at
ye I'alace," and on the next day left Williamsburg.
'I'he Association is printed at large in Burk's History of Virginia, vol. iii.
p. 345. On comparing it with Mr. Mason's manuscript draft, retained by
Washington, I find it precisely the same, excejit the addition of two short
articles, and the omission of another. Tiie following article, contained in Mr.
Mason's draft, was left out by the B>uri;esscs.
" If the measures already entercil into sliould prove ineffectual, and our
grievances and o))])rcssi()ns sliould nolw itlistaiuling be continued, then, and
in lliat case, tlic sul)scril)ers will ])Ut a stop to their exports to Kuro]ie of tar.
1769] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 269
according to promise give you notice thereof, and
should be glad of your company with us, if you still
entertain thoughts of trying the effects of those
waters. You will have occasion to provide nothing,
if I can be advised of your intentions before the
wagon comes down for my necessaries, so that I may
provide accordingly.
We are all in the usual way, no alteration for the
better or worse in Patey.' The association in this
and in the two neio^hborinor counties of Prince
William and Loudoun is compleat, or near it. How
pitch, turpentine, timber, lumber, and skins and furs of all sorts, and will
endeavor to find some other emplojTnent for their slaves and other hands
than cultivating tobacco, which they will entirely leave off making, and will
enter into such regulations, as may be necessary' with regard to the rents and
other tobacco debts." — Sparks.
" Your favor of the 17th came to my hands this day ; the contents of which,
or the Letter itself, shall soon reach Mr. Addisons hands In respect to the
Dancing Gentrj-, I am glad to find you have such a choice of them, and that
Newman has got the start of his rival Spooner, because I have heard him well
spoken of as a teacher in that Science. The other's misfortunes might recom-
mend him to the notice & charity of the well disposed, but if his accomplish-
ments in that way are inferior to the others it ought by no means to entitle him
to the preference — you will be so good therefore sir to enter Mastr Custis with
Mr Newman for a year or otherwise as he may form his school. Mrs Wash-
ington I can venture to assure you, will be very glad to see you at Mount
Vernon in the recess of Whitsun HoUidays, but it is a pleasure I must be
deprived of, as I expect to be in Williamsburg before, and long after that time.
Our best wishes attend yourself. Miss Boucher & Jacky." — Washington to
Boucher, Mount Vernon, 24th April, 1769.
' In his diary for 1769, I find the following entrj- under date of Feby. i6th : —
" Joshua Evans, who came here last night, put an Iron ring upon Patey (for
Fits)." In the Middle x\ges rings hallowed on Easter day and Good Friday
were supposed to protect the wearer from the falling sickness and cramp. The
Gentleman's Magazine of 1794 mentions a curious belief ; five sixpences were
to be collected from five bachelors & be welded into a ring by a bachelor
blacksmith, which would preser\-e its wearer from fits. In Devonshire the
ring must be made of 3 nails or screws which have been used to fasten a coffin
and must be dug out of the churchyard.
270 THE WRITINGS OF [1769
it goes in other places, I know not, but hope to hear
of the universaHty of it. '
We all join in tendering our love to Mrs. Bassett,
yourself, family, and Mrs. Dandridge and Betsy.
TO COLONEL JOHN ARMSTRONG.
Fredk. Warm Springs, 18 August, [i7]69.
Dear Sir,
About a fortnight ago ^ I came to this place with
Mrs. Washington and her daughter, the latter of
whom being troubled with a complaint, which the
efficacy of these waters it is thought might remove,
we resolved to try them, but have found little benefit
as yet from the experiment. What a week or two
more may do, we know not, and therefore are inclined
to put them to the test. It was with much pleasure
however I heard by Mr. Clingan that you stand in
' " If there are any articles contained in either of the respective invoices (paper
only excepted) which are taxed by act of Parliament for the purpose of raising
a revenue in America, it is my express desire and request, that they may not be
sent, as I have very heartily entered into an association (copies of which I make
no doubt you have seen, otherwise I should have enclosed one) not to import
any article wliich now is, or hereafter shall be taxed for this purpose until the
said act or acts are repealed. I am therefore particular in mentioning this
matter as I am fully determined to adhere religiously to it, and may perhaps
have wrote for some things unwittingly which may be under these circum-
stances."— To Robert Cary, 25 July, 1769.
"^ " As we have fixed u]>on tlic 27111 inst. for our departure to the Frederick
Warm Springs and Mrs. Washington is desirous of seeing her son before she
leaves home, I am now to rcfiuest llie favor of you to permit him to come up
for that purpose so soon as this letter gets to hand (by Mr. Stedlar, which I am
told will be eight days after date)." — Washini^ton to Dr. Boucher, 13 July,
I 7O9. The original is in the l''ostcr collection in South Kensington, and I am
indebted to the courteous custodian, Mr. R. 1''. Sketchley, for a copy.
1769] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 271
no need of assistance from these Springs, which I
find are appHed to in all cases, altho' there be a moral
certainty of their hurting in some. Many poor mis-
erable objects are now attending here, which I hope
will receive the desired benefit, as I dare say they are
deprived of the means of obtaining any other relief,
from their indigent circumstances.
Give me leave now, Sir, to thank you for the polite
and friendly assistance you gave to the affair I took
the liberty (in March last) of recommending to your
notice. Captn. Crawford, from whom I have since
heard, informs me, that your letter procured him a
free, and easy admission to the Land office, & to
such Indulgences as could be consistently granted ;
consequently his work became much less difficult,
than otherwise it would have been.'
Some confident reports of Indian disturbances at
Fort Pitt, drove many families in from Redstone, and
gave some alarm to the female visitors of these
waters ; but upon a stricter scrutiny into the causes
of the reports, we find that mis-representations and
ill grounded fears, gave rise to the whole ; & that
our own people more than the Indians are to blame
for the little misunderstandings which have happened
among them.
My best respects attend Mrs. Armstrong, in which
Mrs. Washington joins, and I am &c.^
> The Pennsylvania land office was opened in April, 1769, for locating lands
west of the Alleghany.
'-' " Jacky will inform you of the Reasons why he brings not the Books you
wrote to me for, and to him I refer — perhaps all, or most of them, were In-
272 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
TO LORD BOTETOURT, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA/
Mount Vernon, 15 April, 1770.
My Lord,
Being fully persuaded of your Excellency's inclina-
tion to render every just and reasonable service to
the people you govern, or to any body or society of
them, that shall ask it, and being encouraged in a
more particular manner by a letter, which I have just
received from Mr, Blair (clerk of the Council), to
believe, that your Lordship is desirous of being fully
informed how far the grant of land solicited by Mr.
Walpole and others will affect the interest of this
country in general, or individuals in particular, I
shall take the liberty (being pretty intimately ac-
quainted with the situation of the frontiers of this
dominion) to inform your Lordship, that the bounds
of that grant, if obtained upon the extensive plan
prayed for, will comprehend at least four fifths of
eluded in the Catalogue I sent to England for him, and if so, I expect they
will be in, in less than three months.
" The Printer has promised to have a Musick Book Rul'd for Miss Boucher
if I come up, if so it shall l^e lirought. — Jack's stay has been longer here than
we intended but we hope he will endeavour to make atonemt. by extray. dilli-
gence." — Washington to Boucher, Eltham, 4 December, 1769.
' Norborne Berkeley, Baron de Botetourt, arrived in Virginia in October,
1769, being the first governor in chief who had come to reside in Virginia since
Lord Cul]ieper. He died in October, 1770, respected by the colonists for his
moderation and good judgment. Because he succeeded General Amherst, he
drew down upon himself the shafts of Junius' sarcasm. " When he calls Lord
Boutetort (sic) the best of men, I suppose he means the best of courtiers. If
bowing low and carrying the sword of state constitute merit and services, I
confess there are few men to whom government is more indebted than to his
lordship. . . . Let it be remembered that this courtier might have lived
and died in ojjscurity if he had not forced himself into the public notice, l)y
robbing another man of an appointment, expressly given him in reward for the
most honoraljje national services."
i77q] GEORGE WASHIXGTOX. 273
the land, for which this government hath lately voted
two thousand five hundred pounds sterling, the pur-
chase and survey of ; and must destroy the well
grounded hopes of those, (if no reservation is made
in their favor,) who have had the strongest assur-
ances, which government could give, of enjoying
a certain portion of the lands, which have cost this
countr}' so much blood and treasure to secure.
By the extracts, which your Excellency did me the
honor to enclose, I perceive, that the petitioners re-
quire to begin opposite to the mouth of Scioto, which
is as least seventy or seventy-five miles below the
mouth of the Big Kanhawa, (and more than three
hundred from Pittsburg,) and to extend from
thence in a southwardly direction through the pass
of the Ouasioto Mountain, which, (by Evans's map,
and the best accounts I have been able to oret from
persons, who have explored that country,) will bring
them near the latitude of North Carolina. From
thence they go northeastwardly to the Kanhawa, at
the junction of New River and Green Briar, upon
both of which waters we have many settlers upon
lands actually patented. From thence they proceed
up the Green Briar to the head of the northeasterly
branch thereof, thence easterly to the Allegany Moun-
tains, thence along these mountains to the line of
Lord Fairfax, and thence with his line, and the lines
of Maryland and Pennsylvania, till the west boundary
of the latter intersects the Ohio, and finally down the
same to the place of beginning.
These, my Lord, are the bounds of a grant prayed
274 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
for, and, if obtained, will give a fatal blow, in my
humble opinion, to the interests of this country. But
these are my sentiments as a member of the com-
munity at large ; but I now beg leave to offer myself
to your Excellency's notice, in a more interested
point of view, as an individual, and as a person, who
considers himself in some degree the representative
of the officers and soldiers, who claim a right to two
hundred thousand acres of this very land, under a
solemn act of government, adopted at a very im-
portant and critical period to his Majesty's affairs in
this part of the world ; and shall, therefore, rely on
your Lordship's accustomed goodness and candor,
whilst I add a few words in support of the equity of
our pretensions, although, in truth, I have very little
to say on this subject now, which I have not taken
the liberty of observing to your Excellency before.
The first letter I ever did myself the honor of
writing to your Excellency on the subject of this
land, and to which I beg leave to refer, contained a
kind of historical account of our claim ; but as there
requires nothing more to elucidate a right, than to
offer a candid exhibition of the case, supported by
facts, I shall beg leave to refer your Lordship to an
order of Council, of the i8th of February, 1754, and
to Governor Dinwiddie's proclamation, which issued
consequent thereupon, both of which are enclosed ;
and then add, that these troops not only enlisted
agreeably to the proclamation, but behaved so much
to the satisfaction of the country, as to be honored
with the most public acknowledgments of it in their
I'gislative capacity. Would it not be hard, then, my
1776] GEORGE WASHIXGTON. 275
Lord, to deprive men under these circumstances, (or
their representatives,) of the just reward of their
toils ? Was not this act of the Governor and Coun-
cil offered to, and accepted by the soldier}-, as an
absolute compact between them? And though the
exigency of affairs, or the policy of government,
made it necessary to continue these lands in a dor-
mant state for some time, ous^ht not their claim to be
considered, when the causes cease, in preference to all
others? We fain would hoj)e so. We flatter our-
selves, that in this point of view it will also appear to
your Lordship, and that, by your kind interposition,
and favorable representation of the case, his Majesty
will be graciously pleased to confirm this land to vis^
agreeably to a petition presented to your Excellency
in Council the 15th of last December; with this
difference only, that, instead of Sandy Creek (one of
the places allotted for the location of our grant, and
which we now certainly know will not be compre-
hended within the ministerial line, as it is called), we
may be allowed to lay a part of our grant between
the west boundarj- of Pennsylvania and the river
Ohio, which will be expressly agreeable to the words
of Governor Dinwiddie's proclamation, inasmuch as
it is contiguous to the Fork of Monongahela This
favor, my Lord, would be conferring a singular ob-
ligation on men, most of whom, either in their per-
sons or fortunes, have suffered in the cause of their
countn,- ; few of them benefited by the senice ; and
it cannot fail to receive the thanks of a grateful body
of men. but of none more warmly than of your Lord-
ship's most obedient and humble serv^anL
276 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
TO DR. BOUCHER.
20 April, 1770.
Revd. Sir,
Your favor of the loth conve3/ed an unexpected
piece of intelligence, tho' a very agreeable one — Jack
left this place with so many doubts & difficulties abt.
going to Baltimore to be Innoculated with the Small
Pox, that we all Concluded nothing was more foreign
from his Intention — Mrs. Washington having fully
adopted this opinion, I have withheld from her the
information you gave me in respect to his undertak-
ing, & purpose, if possible, to keep her in total
ignorance of his having been there, till I hear of his
return, or perfect recovery ; as one step towds this, I
shoud be obliged to you to address any Letter you
may write me, under cover to Lund Washington,
& in a hand not your own ; for notwithstanding it is
believed Jack was resolved to postpone this business,
yet, her anxiety & uneasiness is so great, that I am
sure she coud not rest satisfied without knowing the
contents of any Letter of your writing to his Family
— Indeed I believe was she to come to the knowledge
of being at Baltimore (under Innoculation) it woud
put an infallible stop to her journey to Williamsburg,
& possibly delay mine, which woud prove very inju-
rious, as my business requires that I shoud set of
[sic] on Friday the 26th Inst, if he is in so favoura-
ble way as to permit it (instead of visiting him which
I should immediately do if I am informed of any dan-
gerous or unfavorable Symptoms attending his dis-
order). For this Reason, I shoud be glad to hear from
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 277
him as late as can be (to reach me before Fry-day)
that if all is well we may proceed without any intima-
tion to Mrs. Washington of this matter ; she having
often wishd that Jack woud take & go through the
disorder without her knowing of it, that she might
escape those Tortures which suspense wd throw her
into, little as the cause might be for them. — When
he is returned to Annapolis, you will be so good as
to write me a Line by Post to Williamsburg which
shall be the first intimation of this affair I purpose to
give if I can keep it concealed so long.
I am with \^ry great esteem, & thanks for your
Attention to Jack on this occasion.'
TO DR. BOUCHER.
Mount Vernon, 13 May, 1770.
Sir,
Your favor of the 9th came to hand last night, but
I do not think myself prepared at this time to give
any conclusive answer to the question you pro-
pounded, respecting Mr. Custis's travelling to per-
fect his Education.
It is a matter of very great consequence and well
deserving of the most serious consideration, espe-
cially [by] one who stands in the degree of affinity to
him that I do. A natural parent has only two things
principally to consider, the improvement of his son,
and the finances to do it with : if he fails in the first
' Miss Gutch, of Norton House, near Bath, very courteously favored me with
a copy of this letter
278 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
(not through his own neglect) he laments it as a mis-
fortune ; if exceeded in the Second, he endeavors to
correct it as an abuse unaccountable to any, and
regardless of what the world may say, who do not,
cannot suspect him of acting upon any other motive
than the good of the party ; he is to satisfy himself
only. But this is not the case with respect to guar-
dians : they are not only to be actuated by the same
motives which govern in the other case, but are to
consider in what light their conduct may be viewed
by those whom the constitution hath placed as a con-
troulling power over them ; because a faupas commit-
ted by them often incurs the severest censure, and
sometimes punishment ; when the intention may be
strictly laudable.
Thus much. Sir, I have taken the liberty of saying
to shew you in what light I consider myself, (gen-
erally) as the guardian of this youth. But before I
could adopt the measure finally upon the extensive
plan you seem to propose, and give a definitive an-
swer, it would be incumbent on me (as the person
who is to account for his worldly concerns, as well as
personal accomplishments,) to have some regular Sys-
tem proposed ; that it may be seen at one view how
the expence and his income are proportioned to each
other ; for tho' I am far, very far, from harboring any
distrust of your being influenced by any similar views,
or that you would be unreasonable in your expecta-
tions as his governor, yet some plan should be pointed
out, some estimate formed, by which I am to be
guided ; otherwise were I hastily to determine that a
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 279
year or two hence (or as his education and judgment
ripened) he was to travel, and when that period
arrived it was found to be upon a plan too enlarged
for his fortune and a stop thereby put to it, it might
be a disappointment to you which I should be sorry
for, as I make it a point, at least endeavor to do
so, not to deceive any one.
From what I have said, you may possibly conceive
that I am averse to his travelling, for the completion
of his education ; but be assured, Sir, I am not ;
there is nothing, in my opinion more desirable to
form the manners and encrease the knowledge of ob-
servant youth than such a plan as you have sketched
out ; and I beg of you to believe, that there is no
gentleman under whose care Mrs. Washington and
myself would so soon entrust Mr. Custis as yourself
(after he is sufficiently instructed in classical knowl-
edge here). It may be depended on therefore, that
the gratification of this passion in him, will never
meet with any interruption from me, and I think I
may venture to add, from his mother, provided he is
disposed to set out upon such a plan of improvement
as your good sense is capable of dictating to him ;
and provided also that you will undertake to accom-
pany and guide him in the pursuit of it. Add to this,
that he will be content with such an allowance as his
income can afford ; for here it is also necessary to
observe, that tho' he is possessed of what is called a
good estate, it is not a profitable one. His Lands are
poor, consequently the crops short ; and tho' he has
a number of slaves, slaves in such cases only add to
28o THE WRITINGS OF [1770
the Expence. About 60, and from that to 80 Hogs-
heads of Tobacco, is as much as he generally makes
of a year ; and if this is cleared, it is as much as can
be expected considering the number of people he has
to cloath and the many incident charges attending
such an estate.
This, Sir, is all the answer I am capable of giving
you at present, if you will do me the favor to be more
explicit on this subject in another letter. I will not
only think of the matter with the best attention to it
I am Master of, but advise with some of his, and my
friends, whilst I am in Williamsburg, as a justifica-
tion of my conduct therein. And as to his being
innoculated for the Small Pox previous to such an
Event, the propriety of it is so striking, that it can-
not admit of a doubt. In truth my opinion of this is
that it ought to happen whether he travels or not, as
this disorder will in the course of a few years be
scarce ever out of his own country.
THE SESSION OF THE BURGESSES IN 1770.'
May 19. Set off for Williamsburg ; dined at Dumfries. Called
at my Mother's and lodged at Col. Lewis's in Fredericksburg.
20. Breakfasted at Mr. Boucher's. Dined at Coleman's and
lodged at Todds bridge.
21. J5reakfasted at King William Court House, and dined and
lodged at Kltham.'
22. Reached Williamsburg to breakfast, and dined at the Club
at Mrs. Cami)bell and su])|)ed at tlie Raleigh.
' From an interleaved alnianae of 1770.
'■^ 'l"hc ])lace of Ccjl. Biuwell JJassett.
1770} GEORGE WASHINGTON. 281
23. Dined at Mr. Dawson's, and spent the evening in my owti
room.
24. Dined at the Treasurer's, and spent the evening in my
own room.
25. Dined at the Palace, and attended a Committee of the
Association at Hayes. Spent the evening there.
26. Took a snack at Mrs. Dawson's, and went up to Eltham
in the afternoon.
27. At Eltham all day.
28. Returned to Williamsburg by 9 o'clock ; dined at the
Speaker's, and attended a Committee of the Association at Hayes
till II o'clock.
29. Dined at Mrs. Dawsons and spent the evening in my own
room.
30. Dined at the Club, and spent the evening in my own room.
31. Dined at the Attorneys, and attended a Committee of the
Association at Hayes till one o'clock.
June I. Dined at the Club, at Mrs. Campbell's, (Williamsburg),
and attended a Meeting of the Association at the Capitol at 6
o'clock, and continued there till eleven o'clock.
2. Dined at the Club, and spent the evening in my own room.
3. Dined at the Club, and spent the evening in my own room.
4. Dined at the Club, and spent the evening at the Councils
Ball at the Capitol.
5. Dined at the Club, and spent the evening in my own room.
6. Dined at the Club, and spent the evening in my own room.
7. Dined with the Council, and spent the evening in my own
room.
8. Dined at the Club, and spent the evening in my own room.
9. Had a cold cut at Mrs. Campbell's and went up to Eltham
in the afternoon.
10. Dined at Eltham, and in the afternoon went to see Mr.
Dandridge and returned to Eltham again.
11. Went over to Colo. Thos. Moore's sale,' and purchased
two negroes, to wit, Frank and James, and returned to Eltham
asain at night.
^ At Kins: William.
282 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
12. Came to Williamsburg to breakfast, dined at the Club, and
spent the evening in my own room.
13. Dined at the Club and spent the evening in my own room.
14. Dined at the Speaker's and went to bed by 8 o'clock
15. Dined at the Treasurer's and went to a meeting of the
Association, at which till 1 1 o'clock ; then went to bed.
16. Dined at the Club at Mrs. Campbell's, and went to the
play in the evening.
17. Went to Church in the forenoon, and from thence to Col.
Burwell's where I dined and lodged.
18 Came into Williamsburg in the morning. Dined at the
Club, and went to the play in the afternoon.
19. Dined at the Club, and went to the play.
20. Dined at the President's, and went to the play afterwards.
21. Dined at the Club at Mrs. Campbell's at 8 o'clock, and
went to bed directly after.
22. Dined at the Club and went to the play, after meeting the
associates at the Capitol.
23. Dined at Mrs. Campbell's and set off homewards after it.
TO GEO. WM. FAIRFAX.
Mount Vernon, 27 June, 1770.
Dear Sir,
Herewith you will receive some Letters which I
brought from Williamsburg ; which place I left on
Saturday in the afternoon. The Assembly was not
then up ; a few bills remained unfinished which would
oblige the House to sit again this week ; little busi-
ness of a public nature has been transacted ; private
bills have engrossed the time of the House almost
wholely since the first meeting of it.
A new Association is formed, much upon the old
plan, but more relaxed, to which the merchants then
in town acceded. Committees in each County are to
1770} GEORGE WASHINGTON. 283
be chosen to attend to the importations and see if
our agreements cannot be more strictly adhered to.
There was nothing new when I left Williamsburg.
Yours and Mrs. Fairfax's friends were well, as I sup-
pose your letters advise. I had many compliments
to you all (Colonel Fairfax included) which as I am
but a poor hand at delivering specially, I must beg
the favor of having them received in a lump.
I am very much obliged to you for the favor of
getting stone from your quarries. I understand it
has assisted me much, as it is got at much easier than
with me. My compliments, in which Mrs. Washing-
ton, &c. joins, are tendered, and I should be glad to
know how you all do. After a little rest and enquiry
into the state of my business, I will do myself the
pleasure of seeing you at Belvoir, and paying my
respects to Sir Thomas. I am &c.'
TO DR. BOUCHER.
Mount Vernon, July 30th, 1770.
Dr. Sir,
The Books you wrote for I hope you will receive
in good order by Joe, as I desired Lund Washington
to pack them up carefully & see them put into the
portmanteau. No thread came from Mr. Addison's
nor any from Mr. Digges, to which place I sent,
thinking it might be arrived there along with Jack's
' I am indebted to Mrs. Burton N. Harrison, a member of the Fairfax
family, for a copy of this letter.
" July 28. Went up to Alexandria with the Association papers," [returned
the same day.] — From an interleaved almanac.
284 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
keys. We could easily have carried down, & most
certainly should have done so, if it had ever got this
length.
That there shoud be a dissatisfaction & murmuring
at the Virginia Association (by those who are more
strictly bound) I do not much wonder at, but it was
the best that the friends to the cause coud obtain
here, & tho' too much relaxed from the spirit with
which a measure of this sort ought to be conducted,
yet will be attended with better effects (I expect)
than the last, inasmuch as it will become general, &
adopted by the trade. Upon the whole I think the
people of Virgina have too large latitude & wish that
the Inhabitants of the North may not have too little.
What I woud be understood by it is, that their Public
Virtue may not be put to too severe a Tryal to stand
the Test much longer if their Importations are not
equal to the Real Necessities of the People, whether
it is or is not I cannot undertake to judge, but sup-
pose they are not, by the defection of New York &
attempts (tho' unsuccessful as yet) in other places to
admit a general Importation of goods. Tea only ex-
cepted.'— As soon as you are able to get the Samples
from Mr. Johnson, Mrs. Washington will be much
obliged in having Joe sent with them. We set out
'He wrote to a correspondent in I-ondon in Aui^ust, 1770: — "You will
jierceive, in looking; over the several invoices, that some of tlie jjoods there
retjiiired, are u])on condition, that tlie act of rariianient ini])osing a duty on
tea, i)a])er, &c. for the jHirpose of raising; a revenue in America, is totally
repealed ; and 1 het; the favor of you to be Ljoverncd strictly thereby, as it
will not ])e in my ])ovver to receive any articles contrary to our non-importation
aL;reement, which 1 have subscribed, and shall religiously adhere to, and sliould,
if it were, as I c(juld wish it to be, ten times as strict."
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 285
this day for Fredericksburg. I expect to be back
about the 9th or loth of next month. My love
attends Jack. I am &c.'
JOURNAL OF A TOUR TO THE OHIO RIVER.^
October ^th. — Began a journey to the Ohio, in company with
Dr. Craik, his servant, and two of mine, with a led horse and
' I am indebted to Miss Margaretta Hartley, of Carlisle, for the above letter.
" That my goods are for the most exceedingly dear bought, and the direc-
tions which are given for the choice of particular articles not always attended
to, I have no scruples in declaring. The first is no otherwise to be proved
than by a comparison of the prices and quantity : the second is to be evinced
by numberless instances, two of which I shall give as the most recent and im-
portant. Having occasion for window glass for a house I was building I sent
for my quantity 9 x II, and got it in 8 x 10. This was a considerable disappoint-
ment, and no small disadvantage to me, but not equal to the one that followed
upon the heels of it — I mean the chariot which I begged might be made of
w^ell seasoned materials, and by a masterly workman ; instead of which it was
made of wood so exceedingly grien that the panels slipped out of the mould-
ings before it was two months in use, split from one end to the other, and
became so open at the joints, though everj' possible care was taken of it, that I
expect very little further service from it with all the repairs I can bestow.
Besides this, we frequently have slight goods and sometimes old and unsalable
articles put off upon us, and at such advanced prices that one would be
inclined to think the tradesmen did not expect to be paid in haste for
them ; for it is a fact, incontestably true, that linens and other articles that
have their prices proportioned to their respective qualities are to be bought in
the factor's stores here almost as cheap as we import them, after the mer-
chant has laid on a suflScient advance for his profit." — To Robert Cary, 20
August, 1770.
In 1770 Washington had gone to the Philadelphia races, run under the
auspices of the Jockey Club, an organization dating from 1766. The races
were run in Center Square. In 1773 Washington and John Parke Custis were
again in Philadelphia. In 1770 James Allen records in his Diary " Governor
Eden and Colonel Washington are in Town come to the races. Water's
horse Herod won the ;i^ioo yesterday, and Mr. Delancey's Sultana ;,^50 to day.
The Town is verj- gay and invitations frequent. I asked Gov. Eden and Col.
Washington to dinner, but they are engaged during their stay." — Penn. Mag.
of Hist, and Biog. ix. 180, 181.
* Washington was much interested in locating the land on the Ohio that had
been granted by the colony to the officers and soldiers serving in the war
286 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
baggage. Dined at Towlston, and lodged at Leesburg, distant
from Mount Vernon about forty-five miles. Here my port-
manteau horse failed in his stomach.'
6th. — Fed our horses on the top of the Ridge, at one Codley's,
and arrived at my brother Samuel's, on Worthington's Marsh, a
little after they had dined, the distance being about thirty miles ;
from hence I despatched a messenger to Colonel Stephen ap-
prising him of my arrival and intended journey.
7///. — My portmanteau horse being unable to proceed, I left
him at my brother's, and got one of his, and proceeded by Joliffs
& Jasper Rinkers "^ to Samuel Pritchard's on Cacapehon, distant,
according to account 39 miles, but by my computation 42, thus
reckoned : 15 to Joliffs, 14 to Rinkers, & 13 to Pritchard's. At
Rinkers, which appears to be a cleanly house, my boy ^ was taken
sick, but continued on to Pritchard's. Pritchard's is also a pretty
good house, there being fine pasturage, good fences, and beds
tolerably clean.
against the French and Indians. He had become the agent of the persons
interested and was constantly urging on the executive the expediency of
completing the grant and thus fulfilling the promise of the colony. In August
1770 he notes in his almanac, " Met the officers of the First Virginia troops
at Captain Weeden's, where we dined and did not finish till about sunset."
It was probably arranged at this meeting that Washington should preceed to
the Ohio and examine the territory that would be covered by the grant, and
this journal contains the notes of his observations. Mr. Sjiarks printed only
a portion of the record, and omitted entirely a few memoranda contained in the
same almanac, which for the most part convey tlie same information as the
notes, but contain also a few additional facts that I have embodied in notes
wherever jiertinent.
In his note-book for 1771, I find the following entries : " March 4. Reached
Winchester to dinner, according to appointment, with the officers &c. claiming
))art of tlic 200,000 acres of land.
7. At my l)rolher's all clay, writing instructions and despatches for Captn.
Crawford, the surveyor of our 2tM:),ooo acres of land.
Octo. 10. At home all day ; Captn. Ciawford came here in the afternoon.
II. Still at home all day, ])l<jlting and measuring the surveys which Captn.
Crawford made for the officers and soldiers." ['['his occujiied him till
the i6tli.]
' " Set out for the settlement on Redstone ivc, and dined at Mr. IJryan Fair-
fax's." - Dined at Rinkers. '' liilly.
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 287
%th. — My servant being unable to travel, I left him at Pritch-
ard's with Dr. Craik, and proceeded myself with Valentine Craw-
ford ' to Colonel Cresap's, in order to learn from him (being just
arrived from England) the particulars of the grant said to be
lately sold to Walpole and others, for a certain tract of country
on the Ohio. The distance from Pritchard's to Cresap's accord-
ing to computation is twenty-six miles, thus reckoned : to the
Fort at Henry Enoch's 8 miles (road exceeding bad) ; 12 to Cox's
at the mouth of little Cacapehon, and 6 afterwards.
^th. — Went up to Rumney in order to buy work-horses, and
met Dr. Craik and my baggage ; arrived there about twelve
o'clock, distance 16 miles. In the afternoon, Doctor Craik, my
servant (much amended) and the baggage, arrived from Pritch-
ard's, said to be 28 miles.
\oth. — Having purchased two horses, and recovered another
which had been gone from me near three years, I despatched my
boy Giles with my two riding-horses home, and proceeded on my
journey ; arriving at one Wise's (now Turner's) mill about twenty-
two miles, it being reckoned seven to the place where Cox's Fort
formerly stood ; ten to one Parker's ; and five afterwards. The
road from the South Branch of Patterson's Creek is hilly, down
the creek, on which is good land, sloping to Parker's, and from
Parker's to Turner's hilly again.
wth. — The morning being wet and heavy we did not set off
till eleven o'clock, and arrived that night at one Killam's, on a
branch of George's Creek, distant ten and a half measured miles
from the north branch of the Potomac, where we crossed at the
lower end of my deceased brother Augustine's bottom, known by
the name of Pendergrass's. This crossing is two miles from the
aforesaid mill and the road bad, as it likewise is to Killam's, the
country being very hilly and stony. From Killam's to Fort Cum-
berland is the same distance, that it is to the crossing above men-
tioned, and the road from thence to JoUiff's by the Old Town
much better.
\2th — We left Killam's early in the morning; breakfasted at
the Little Meadows, ten miles off, and lodged at the Great Cross-
' Valenrine Crawford joined us.
288 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
ings twenty miles further ; which we found a tolerable good
day's work. The country we travelled over to-day was very
mountainous and stony, with but very little good land, and that
lying in spots.
13///. — Set out about sunrise ; breakfasted at the Great Mead-
ows ' thirteen miles, and reached Captain Crawford's ^ about five
o'clock. The lands we travelled over to-day till we had crossed
the Lawrel Hill (except in small spots) was very mountainous and
indifferent ; but when we came down the hill to the plantation of
Mr. Thos. Gist, the land appeared charming, that which lay level
being as rich and black as any thing could possibly be. The
more hilly kind, tho' of a different complexion must be good, as
well from the crops it produces, as from the beautiful white oaks
that grow thereon. Tho' white oak in general indicates poor
land, yet this does not appear to be of that cold kind. The land
from Gist's to Crawford's is very broken tho' not mountainous ;
in spots exceeding rich, and in general free from stone. Craw-
ford's is very fine land ; lying on the Youghiogany at a place com-
monly called Stewart's Crossing.
14//^.— At Captain Crawford's all day. Went to see a coal-mine
not far from his house on the banks of the river. The coal
seemed to be of the very best kind, burning freely, and abundance
of it.
15/"/?. — Went to view some land, which Captain Crawford had
taken up for me near the Youghiogany, distant about twelve miles.
This tract, which contains about one thousand six hundred acres,
includes some as fine land as ever 1 saw, and a great deal of rich
meadow, and in general is leveller than the country about it.
This tract is well watered, and has a valuable mill-seat, (except
that the stream is rather too slight, and, it is said, not constant
more than seven or eight months in the year ; but on account of
the fall, and other conveniences, no place can exceed it.) In go-
ing to this land, I ])assed through two other tracts, which Captain
Crawford had taken uj) for my brolliers Samuel and John. That
'On Decern. 6, 1770, Crawford wrote to Wasliint^ton : "Agreeable to
your desire, I liavc bought tlu- (ireat Meadows from Mr. Harrison for thirty
jiistolcs."
'' Crawford's liousc stood where tlie village of \ew Haven now is.
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 289
belonging to the former was not so rich as some I had seen, but
very valuable on account of its levelness, and little stone — the
soil and timber being good ; that of the latter had some bottom
land upon [?] that was very good (tho' narrow) — the hills very
rich, but the land in general broken. I intended to have visited
the land, which Crawford had procured for Lund Washington,
this day also, but, time falling short, I was obliged to postpone it.
Night came on before I got back to Crawford's, where I found
Colonel Stephen. The lands, which I passed over to-day, were
generally hilly, and the growth chiefly white-oak, but very good
notwithstanding ; and what is extraordinary', and contrary to the
property of all other lands I ever saw before, the hills are the
richest land ; the soil upon the sides and summits of them being
as black as a coal, and the growth walnut, cherr\', pine [?] bushes,
&c. The flats are not so rich, and a good deal more mixed with
stone.
\(ith. — At Captain Crawford's till the evening, when I went to
Mr. John Stephenson's ' (on my way to Pittsburg) and lodged.
This day was visited by one Mr. Ennis, who had travelled down
the Little Kenhawa, (almost) from the head to the mouth, on
which he says the lands are broken, the bottoms neither very
wide nor rich, but covered with beach. At the mouth the lands
are good, and continue so up the river, and about Wheeling, and
Fishing Creek, is, according to his account, a body of fine land.
I also saw a son of Captain John Harden's, who said he had been
from the mouth of the Little Kenhawa to the Big ; but his
description of the lands seemed to be so vague and indeterminate,
that it was much doubted whether he ever was there or not. He
says, however, that at the mouth of the Big Kenhawa, there may
be about 20 or 25,000 acres of land had in a body, that is good ;
that you are not above 5 or 6 miles to the Hills, and that the
falls of the Kenhawa are not above 10 miles up it.
17//^. — Dr. Craik and myself, with Captain Crawford and others,
arrived at Fort Pitt, distant from the Crossing forty-three and
a half measured miles.' In riding this distance we passed
' Stephenson was a half-brother of Crawford.
- Dining at one Widow Meirs, at Turtle Creek.
2 90 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
over a great deal of exceedingly fine land, (chiefly white-oak,)
especially from Seveigley's Creek to Turtle Creek, but the whole
broken ; resembling, (as I think all the lands in this country do,)
the Loudoun lands for hills. We lodged in what is called the
town, distant about three hundred yards from the fort, at one
Mr. Semple's who keeps a very good house of public entertain-
ment. These houses, which are built of logs, and ranged into
streets, are on the Monongahela, and I suppose may be about
twenty in number, and inhabited by Indian traders, &c. The fort
is built on the point between the rivers Allegany and Mononga-
hela, but not so near the pitch of it as Fort Duquesne stood. It
is five-sided and regular, two of which next the land are of brick ;
the others stockade. A moat encompasses it. The garrison con-
sists of two companies of Royal Irish, commanded by Captain
Edmonson.
\Zth. — Dined in the Fort with Colonel Croghan and the officers
of the garrison ; supped there also, meeting with great civility
from the gentlemen, and engaged to dine with Colonel Croghan
the next day at his seat, about four miles up the Allegany.
\()th. — Received a message from Colonel Croghan, that the
White Mingo and other chiefs of the Six Nations had something
to say to me, and desiring that I should be at his house about
eleven (where they were to meet), I went up and received a
speech, with a string of wampum from the White Mingo, to the
following effect.
"That I was a person whom some of them remember to have
seen, when I was sent on an embassy to the French, and most of
them had heard of, they were come to bid me welcome to this
country, and to desire that the people of Virginia would consider
them as friends and brothers, linked together in one chain ; that
1 would inform the governor, that it was their wish to live in
])cace and harmony with the white people, and that though there
liad been some unhaj^py differences between them and the people
u])on our frontiers, they were all made up, and they hoped for-
gotten ; and concluded with saying, that their brothers of Virginia
did not come among them and trade as the inhabitants of the
other i>rovinces did, from whence they were afraid that we did
not look ujjon them with so friendly an eye as they could wish."
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 291
To this I answered, (after thanking them for their friendly-
welcome,) that all the injuries and affronts, that had passed on
either side, were now totally forgotten, and that I was sure noth-
ing was more wished and desired by the people of Virginia, than
to live in the strictest friendship with them ; that the Virginians
were a people not so much engaged in trade as the Pennsylvan-
ians, &ca., which was the reason of their not being so frequently
among them ; but that it was possible they might for the time to
come have stricter connexions with them, and that I would
acquaint the governor with their desires.
After dinner at Colonel Croghan's we returned to Pittsburg,
Colonel Croghan with us, who intended to accompany us part of
the way down the river, having engaged an Indian called the
Pheasant, and one Joseph Nicholson an interpreter, to attend us
the whole voyage ; also a young Indian warrior.
loth. — We embarked in a large canoe,' with sufficient store of
provisions and necessaries, and the following persons, (besides
Dr. Craik and myself,) to wit : — Captain Crawford, Joseph Nich-
olson, Robert Bell, William Harrison, Charles Morgan, and
Daniel Rendon, a boy of Captain Crawford's, and the Indians,
who were in a canoe by themselves. From Fort Pitt we sent our
horses and boys back to Captain Crawford's, with orders to meet
us there again the 14th day of November. Colonel Croghan,
Lieutenant Hamilton, and Mr. Magee, set out with us. At two
we dined at Mr. Magee's, and encamped ten miles below, and
four above the Logstown. We passed several large islands,
which appeared to [be] very good, as the bottoms also did on
each side of the river alternately ; the hills on one side being
opposite to the bottoms on the other, which seem generally to be
about three or four hundred yards wide, and so vice versa.
21st. — Left our encampment about six o'clock, and breakfasted
at the Logstown, where we parted with Colonel Croghan and
company about nine o'clock. At eleven we came to the mouth
of the Big Beaver Creek, opposite to which is a good situation
for a house, and above it, on the same side, (that is the west,)
there appears to be a body of fine land. About five miles lower
^ " Set out for the Big Kanhawa."
292 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
down, on the east side, comes in Raccoon Creek, at the mouth of
which and up it appears to be a body of good land also. All the
land between this creek and the Monongahela, and for fifteen miles
back, is claimed by Colonel Croghan under a purchase from the
Indians, (and which sale he says is confirmed by his Majesty.)
On this creek, where the branches thereof interlock with the
waters of Shirtees Creek, there is, according to Colonel Croghan's
account, a body of fine, rich, level land. This tract he wants to
sell, and offers it at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, with
an exemption of quit-rents for twenty years ; after which, to be
subject to the payment of four shillings and two pence sterling
per hundred ; provided he can sell it in ten-thousand-acre lots.
Note : the unsettled state of this country renders any purchase
dangerous. From Raccoon Creek to Little Beaver Creek appears
to me to be little short of ten miles, and about three miles below
this we encamped ; after hiding a barrel of biscuit in an island
(in sight) to lighten our canoe.
22d. — As it began to snow about midnight, and continued
pretty steadily at it, it was about half after seven before we left our
encampment. At the distance of about eight miles we came to
the mouth of Yellow Creek, (to the west) opposite to, or rather
below which, appears to be a long bottom of very good land, and
the ascent to the hills apparently gradual. There is another
pretty large bottom of very good land about two or three miles
above this. About eleven or twelve miles from this, and just
above what is called the Long Island (which though so distin-
guished is not very remarkable for length, breadth, or goodness),
comes in on the east side the river a small creek, or run, the
name of which I could not learn ; and a mile or two below the
island, on the west side, comes in Big Stony Creek (not larger
in appearance than the other), on neither of which does there
seem to be any large bottoms or bodies of good land. About
seven miles from the last mentioned creek, twenty-eight from our
last encampment, and about seventy-five from Pittsburg, we came
to the Mingo Town, situate on the west side the river, a little
above the Cross Creeks. This place contains about twenty
cabins, and seventy inhabitants of the Six Nations. Had we set
off early, and kept constantly at it, we might have reached lower
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 293
than this place to-day ; as the water in many places run pretty
swift, in general more so than yesterday. The river from Fort
Pitt to the LogstowTi has some ugly rifts and shoals, which we
found somewhat difficult to pass, whether from our inexperience
of the channel, or not, I cannot undertake to say. From the
Logstown to the mouth of Little Beaver Creek is much the same
kind of water ; that is, rapid in some places, gliding gently along
in others, and quite still in many. The water from Little Beaver
Creek to the Mingo Town, in general, is swifter than we found it the
preceding day, and without any shallows ; there being some one
part or another always deep, which is a natural consequence, as the
river in all the distance from Fort Pitt to this town has not widened
at all, nor doth the bottoms appear to be any larger. The hills
which come close to the river opposite to each bottom are steep ;
and on the side in view, in many places, rocky and cragged ; but
said to abound in good land on the tops. These are not a range
of hills, but broken and cut in two, as if there were frequent
watercourses running through, (which however we did not per-
ceive to be the case, consequently they must be small if any.)
The river along down abounds in wild geese, and several kinds
of ducks, but in no great quantity. We killed five wild turkeys
to-day. Upon our arrival at the Mingo Town, we received the
disagreeable news of two traders being killed at a town called the
Grape-Vine Town, thirty-eight miles below this ; which caused
us to hesitate whether we should proceed, or wait for further
intelligence.
2-^d. — Several imperfect accounts coming in, agreeing that only
one person was killed, and the Indians not supposing it to be
done by their people, we resolved to pursue our passage, till we
could get some more distinct account of this transaction. Accord-
ingly about two o'clock we set out with the two Indians, who were
to accompany us, in our canoe, and in about four miles came to
the mouth of a creek called Sculp Creek on the east side, at the
mouth of which is a bottom of very good land, as I am told there
likewise is up it. The Cross Creeks, (as they are called,) are not
large ; that on the west side is biggest. At the Mingo Town we
found and left sixty & odd warriors of the Six Nations, going to the
Cherokee country to proceed to war against the Catawbas. About
294 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
ten miles below the town, we came to two other cross creeks ;
that on the west side largest, but not big, and called by Nichol-
son, French Creek. About three miles, or a little better below
this, at the lower point of some islands, which stand contiguous
to each other, we were told by the Indians with us that three men
from Virginia (by Virginians they mean all the people settled
upon Redstone, &c.) had marked the land from hence all the way
to Red-stone ; that there was a body of exceeding fine land lying
about this place, and up opposite to the Mingo Town, as also
down to the mouth of Fishing Creek. At this place we en-
camped.
2i\th. — We left our encampment before sunrise, and about six
miles below it we came to the mouth of a pretty smart creek,
coming in to the eastward, called by the Indians Split-Island
Creek, from its running in against an island. On this creek there
is the appearance of good land a distance up it. Six miles below
this again we came to another creek on the west side, called by
Nicholson, Wheeling ; and about a mile lower down appears to
be another small water coming in on the east side, which I
remark, because of the scarcity of them, and to show how badly
furnished this country is with mill-seats. Two or three miles
below this again is another run on the west side, up which is a
near way by land to the Mingo Town ; and about four miles
lower, comes in another on the east, at which place is a path
leading to the settlement at Red-stone. About a mile and a half
below this again, comes in the Pipe Creek, so called by the
Indians from a stone, which is found here, out of which they
make pipes. Opposite to this, that is, on the east side, is a bot-
tom of exceeding rich land ; but as it seems to lie low, I am
apprehensive that it is subject to be overflowed. This bottom
ends where the effects of a hurricane appear, by the destruction
and havoc among the trees. Two or three miles below the Pipe
Creek is a })retty large creek on the west side, called by Nichol-
son, Fox-Grape-Vine by others Captema Creek, on which, eight
miles uj), is the town called the (lra|)e-Vine Town ; and at the
mouth of it is the place where it was said the traders lived, and
tlie one was killed. To this place we came about three o'clock in
the afternoon, and finding nobody there, wc agreed to camp ;
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 295
that Nicholson and one of the Indians might go up to the town,
and inquire into the truth of the report concerning the murder.'
25/^, — About seven o'clock, Nicholson and the Indian re-
turned ; they found nobody at the town but two old Indian
women (the men being a hunting) ; from these they learnt that
the trader was not killed, but drowned in attempting to ford the
Ohio ; and that only one boy, belonging to the traders, was in
these parts ; the trader, (father to him) being gone for horses to
take home their skins. About half an hour after seven we set out
from our encampment ; around which and up the creek is a body
of fine land. In our passage down to this we see innumerable
quantities of turkeys, and many deer watering and browsing on
the shore-side, some of which we killed. Neither yesterday nor
the day before did we pass any rifts, or very rapid water, the river
gliding gently along ; nor did we perceive any alteration in the
general face of the country, except that the bottoms seemed to be
getting a little longer and wider, as the bends of the river grew
larger.
About five miles from the Vine Creek comes in a very large
creek to the eastward, called by the Indians Cut Creek, from a
town or tribe of Indians, which they say was cut off entirely in a
very bloody battle between them and the Six Nations. This creek
empties just at the lower end of an island, and is seventy or eighty
yards wide ; and I fancy it is the creek commonly called by the
people of Red-stone &:c Wheeling. It extends, according to the
Indians' account, a great way, and interlocks with the branches of
Split-Island Creek ; abounding in very fine bottoms, and exceed-
ing good land. Just below this, on the west side, comes in a small
run ; and about five miles below it, on the west side also, another
middling large creek empties, called by the Indians Broken-Tim-
ber Creek ; so named from the timber that is destroyed on it by
a hurricane ; on the head of this was a town of the Delawares,
which is now left. Two miles lower down, on the same side, is
another creek smaller than the last, and bearing, (according to
the Indians,) the same name. Opposite to these two creeks, (on
' " We reached the mouth of a creek called Fox Grape Vine Creek (lo miles
up which is a town of Delawares, called Franks Town), about 3 in the after-
noon, distant from our last camp about 26 miles."
296 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
the east side,) appears to be a large bottom of good land. About
two miles below the last mentioned creek, on the east side, and at
the end of the bottom aforementioned, comes in a small creek or
large run. Seven miles from this comes in Muddy Creek, on the
east side of the river, a pretty large creek and heads up against
and with some of the waters of Monongahela, (according to the
Indians' account,) and contains some bottoms of very good
land ; but in general the hills are steep, and country broken about
it. At the mouth of this creek is the largest flat I have seen upon
the river ; the bottom extending two or three miles up the river
above it, and a mile below ; tho it does not seem to be of the rich-
est kind and yet is exceeding good upon the whole, if it be not
too low and subject to freshets. About half way in the long reach
we encamped, opposite to the beginning of a bottom on the east
side of the river. At this place we threw out some lines at night
and found a catfish, of the size of our largest river cats, hooked
to it in the morning, though it was of the smallest kind here. We
found no rifts in this day's passage, but pretty swift water in some
places, and still in others. We found the bottoms increased in
size, both as to length and breadth, and the river more choked up
with fallen trees, and the bottom of the river next the shores
rather more muddy, but in general stony, as it has been all the
way down.
26///. — Left our encampment at half an hour after six o'clock,
and passed a small run on the west side about four miles lower.
At the lower end of the long reach, and for some distance up it,
on the east side, is a large bottom, but low, and covered with
beech near the river-shore, which is no indication of good land.
The long reach is a straight course of the river for about eigh-
teen or twenty miles, which appears the more extraordinary as
the Ohio in general is remarkably crooked. There are several
islands in this reach, some containing an hundred or more acres
of land ; but all I apprehend liable to be overflowed.
At the end of this reach we found one Martin and Lindsay,
two traders, and from them learnt, that the ])erson drowned was
(me Philips, attemi)ting, in company with Rogers, another Indian
trader, to swim the river with their horses at an imi)ro])er place ;
l<.ogers himself narrowly escaping. Five miles lower down comes
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 297
in a large creek from the east, right against an island of good
land, at least a mile or two in length. At the mouth of this creek
(the name of which I could not learn, except that it was called
by some Bull's Creek, from one Bull that hunted on it) is a bot-
tom of good land, though rather too much mixed with beech.
Opposite to this island the Indians showed us a buffalo's path,
the tracks of which we see. Five or six miles below the last
mentioned creek we came to the Three Islands before which we
observed a small run on each side coming in. Below these isl-
ands is a large body of flat land, with a watercourse running
through it on the east side, and the hills back neither so high nor
steep in appearance, as they are up the river. On the other hand,
the bottoms do not appear so rich, though much longer and wider.
The bottom last mentioned is upon a straight reach of the river,
I suppose six or eight miles in length, at the lower end of which
on the east side comes in a pretty large run from the size of the
mouth. About this, above, below and back, there seems to be a
very large body of flat land with some little risings in it.
About twelve miles below the Three Islands we encamped,
just above the mouth of a creek, which appears pretty large at
the mouth, and just above an island. All the lands from a little
below the creek, which I have distinguished by the name of Bull
Creek, appear to be level, with some small hillocks intermixed,
as far as we could see into the country. We met with no rifts
to-day, but some pretty strong water ; upon the whole tolerable
gentle. The sides of the river were a good deal incommoded
with old trees, which impeded our passage a little. This day
proved clear and pleasant ; the only day since the i8th that it
did not rain or snow, or threaten the one or other.
2']th. — Left our encampment a quarter before seven ; and after
passing the creek near which we lay, and another much the same
size and on the same side, (west) also an island about two miles
in length, (but not wide,) we came to the mouth of Muskingum,
distant from our encampment about four miles. This river is
about one hundred and fifty yards wide at the mouth ; it runs
out in a gentle current and clear stream, and is navigable a great
way into the country for canoes. From Muskingum to the Lit-
tle Kanhawa is about thirteen miles. This is about as wide at
298 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
the mouth as the Muskingum, but the water much deeper. It
runs up towards the inhabitants of Monongahela, and, according
to the Indians' account, forks about forty or fifty miles up it, and
the ridge between the two prongs leads directly to the settlement.
To this fork, and above, the water is navigable for canoes. On
the upper side of this river there appears to be a bottom of ex-
ceeding rich land, and the country from hence quite up to the
Three Islands level and in appearance fine. The Ohio running
round it in the nature of a horse-shoe forms a neck of flat land,
which, added to that running up the second long reach (afore-
mentioned,) cannot contain less than fifty thousand acres in view.
About six or seven miles below the mouth of the Little Ken-
hawa, we came to a small creek on the west side, which the
Indians called Little Hockhocking ; but before we did this, we
passed another small creek on the same side near the mouth of
that river, and a cluster of islands afterwards. The lands for two
or three miles below the mouth of the Kenhawa on both sides of
the Ohio appear broken and indifferent ; but opposite to the
Little Hockhocking there is a bottom of exceeding good land,
through which there runs a small watercourse. I suppose there
may be, of this bottom and flat land together, two or three thou-
sand acres. The lower end of this bottom is opposite to a small
island, which I dare say little of it is to be seen when the river is
high. About eight miles below Little Hockhocking we encamped
opposite to the mouth of the Great Hockhocking, which, tho so
called, is not a large water ; though the Indians say canoes can
go up it forty or fifty miles. Since we left the Little Kenhawa
the lands ap])ear neither so level nor so good. The bends of the
river and bottoms are longer, indeed, but not so rich as in the
upper part of the river.
z'&th. — Left our encampment about seven o'clock. Two miles
below, a small run comes in, on the east side, through a piece of
land that has a very good appearance, the bottom beginning
above our encampment, and continuing in appearance wide for
four miles down, to a place where there comes in a small run, and
to the hills, where we found Kiashuta and his hunting party en-
camped. Here we were under a necessity of paying our conij)li-
ments, as this person was one of the Six Nation chiefs, and the
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 299
head of them upon this river. In the person of Kiashuta I found
an old acquaintance, he being one of the Indians that went to the
French in 1753. He expressed a satisfaction at seeing me, and
treated us with great kindness, giving us a quarter of very fine
buffalo. He insisted upon our spending that night with him,
and, in order to retard us as little as possible, moves his camp
down the river about 6 miles just below the mouth of the creek,
the name of which J could not learn it not being large. At this
place we all encamped. After much counselling the over night,
they all came to my fire the next morning with great formality ;
when Kiashuta, rehearsing what had passed between me and the
Sachems at Colonel Croghan's, thanked me for saying, that peace
and friendship were the wish of the people of Virginia, (with
them) and for recommending it to the traders to deal with them
upon a fair and equitable footing ; and then again expressed
their desire of having a trade opened with Virginia, and that the
governor thereof might not only be made acquainted therewith,
but of their friendly disposition towards the white people. This
I promised to do.
29///. — The tedious ceremony, which the Indians observe in
their counsellings and speeches, detained us till nine o'clock.
Opposite to the creek, just below which we encamped, is a pretty
long bottom, and I believe tolerably wide ; but about eight or
nine miles below the aforementioned creek, and just below a
pavement of rocks on the west side, comes in a creek, with fallen
timber at the mouth, on which the Indians say there are wide
bottoms and good land. The river bottoms above, for some
distance, are very good, and continue for near half a mile below
the creek. The pavement of rocks is only to be seen at low
water. About a mile or a Httle better below the mouth of the
creek there is another pavement of rocks on the east side, in a
kind of sedgy ground. On this creek many buffaloes are accord-
ing to the Indians' account. Six miles below this comes in a
small creek on the west side, at the end of a small, naked island, and
just above another pavement of rocks. This creek comes thro a
bottom of fine land, and opposite to it, (on the east side of the
river,) appears to be a large bottom of very fine land also. At
this place begins what they call the Great Bend. Five^^miles be-
300 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
low, this, again on the east side, comes in (about 200 yards above
a little stream or gut) another creek, which is just below an island,
on the upper point of which are some dead standing trees, and a
parcel of white-bodied sycamores ; in the mouth of this creek lies
a sycamore blown down by the wind. From hence an east line
may be run three or four miles ; thence a north line till it strikes
the river, which I apprehend would include about three or four
thousand acres of exceeding valuable land. At the mouth of this
creek which is three or four miles above two islands (at the lower
end of the last is a rapid, and the point of the bend) is the war-
riors' path to the Cherokee country. For two miles and a half
below this the Ohio runs a north-east course, and finishes what
they call the Great Bend. Two miles and a half below this we
encamped.
30//^. — We set out at fifty minutes past seven, the weather being
windy and cloudy, (after a night of rain.) In about two miles we
came to the head of a bottom, (in the shape of a horse-shoe,)
which I judge to be about six miles round ; the beginning of the
bottom appeared to be very good land, but the lower part (from
the growth) did not seem so friendly. An east course from the
lower end would strike the river again about the beginning of the
bottom. The upper part of the bottom we encamped on was an
exceeding good one, but the lower part rather thin land, and
covered with beech. In it are some clear meadow-land, and a
pond or lake. This bottom begins just below the rapid at the
point of the Great Bend. From whence a N. N. W. course would
answer to run a parallel to the next turn of the river. The river
from this place narrows very considerably, and for five or six
miles or more is scarcely more than one hundred and fifty or two
hundred yards over. The water yesterday, except the rapid at
the Great Bend, and some swift places about the islands, was
([uite dead, and as easily passed one way as the other ; the land
in general appeared level and good.
About ten miles below our encampment, and a little lower
down than the bottom described to lie in the shape of a horse-
slioe, comes in a small creek on the west side, and opposite to
this on the east begins a body of flat land, which the Indians tell
us runs (piite across the fork to the falls in the Kenhawa, and
i77o] . GEORGE WASHINGTON. 301
must at least be three days' walk across ; if so, the flat land con-
tained therein must be very considerable. A mile or two below
this we landed, and after getting a little distance from the river,
we came, (without any rising,) to a pretty lively kind of land
grown up with hickory and oaks of different kinds, intermixed
with walnut, &c. We also found many shallow ponds, the sides
of which, abounding with grass, invited innumerable quantities of
wild fowl, among which I saw a couple of birds in size between a
swan and a goose, and in color somewhat between the two, being
darker than the young swan and of a more sooty color. The cry
of these was as unusual as the bird itself ; I never heard any
noise resembling it before. About five miles below this we en-
camped in a bottom of good land, which holds tolerably flat and
rich for some distance out.*
2,'i-st. — I sent the canoe along down to the junction of the two
rivers, about five miles that is, the Kenhawa with the Ohio, and
set out upon a hunting party to view the land. We steered nearly
east for about eight or nine miles, then bore southwardly and
westwardly, till we came to our camp at the confluence of the
rivers. The land from the rivers appeared but indifferent, and
very broken ; whether these ridges may not be those that divide
the waters of the Ohio from the Kenhawa is not certain, but I be-
lieve they are ; if so, the lands may yet be good ; if not, that
which lies off the river bottoms is good for little.
November \st. — A little before eight o'clock we set off with our
canoe up the river, to discover what kinds of lands lay upon the
Kenhawa. The land on both sides this river just at the mouth is
very fine ; but on the east side, when you get towards the hills,
(which I judge to be about six or seven hundred yards from the
river,) it appears to be wet, and better adapted for meadow than
tillage. This bottom continues up the east side for about two
miles ; and by going up the Ohio a good tract might be got of
bottom land, including the old Shawnee Town, which is about
three miles up the Ohio, just above the mouth of a creek,
where the aforementioned bottom ends on the east side the Ken-
hawa, which extends up it at least fifty miles by the Indians'
' " Encamped early just by the old Shawnee town."
302 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
account and of great width (to be ascertained as we come down) ;
in many places very rich, in others somewhat wet and pondy ; fit
for meadow, but upon the whole exceeding valuable, as the land
after you get out of the rich bottom is very good for grain, tho'
not rich. We judged we went up this river about ten miles to-day.
On the east side appear to be the same good bottoms, but small,
neither long nor wide, and the hills back of them rather steep and
poor.
2d. — We proceeded up the river with the canoe about four miles
farther, and then encamped, and went a hunting ; killed five buf-
faloes and wounded some others, three deer, &c. This country
abounds in buffaloes and wild game of all kinds ; as also in all
kinds of wild fowl, there being in the bottoms a great many small,
grassy ponds, or lakes, which are full of swans, geese, and ducks
of different kinds. Some of our people went up the river four or
five miles higher, and found the same kind of bottom on the west
side ; and we were told by the Indians, that it continued to the
falls, which they judged to be fifty or sixty miles higher up. This
bottom next the water (in most places) is very rich ; as you ap-
proach the hills you come (in many) to a thin white-oak land
and poor. The hills so far as we could judge were from half a
mile to a mile from the river, poor and steep in the parts we saw,
with pine growing on them. Whether they are generally so or
not we cannot tell, but I fear they are.
3^. — We set off down the river, on our return homewards, and
encamped at the mouth. At the beginning of the bottom above
the junction of the rivers, and at the mouth of a branch on the
east side, I marked two maples, an elm, and hoop-wood tree, as a
corner of the soldiers' land (if we can get it), intending to take all
the bottom from hence to the rapids in the Great Bend into one
survey. I also marked at the mouth of another gut lower down on
the west side, (at the lower end of the long bottom,) an ash and
hoop-wood for the beginning of anotlier of the soldiers' surveys,
to extend up so as to include all the bottom (in a body) on the
west side. In coming from our last encampment up the Kenha-
\va, I endeavored to take the courses and distances of the river
by a pocket compass, and guessing, which 1 make thus : N. by W,
2 miles ; N. N. W., \\ miles ; N. W., i mile to the mouth of a
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 303
pretty smart creek to the eastward ; No. W., 2 miles to another
creek of the same size on the same side. West, \ mile ; W. N.
W., \ a mile ; N. W., i mile ; W. N. W., 2 miles ; W. by N., 2
miles ; N. W., \\ miles ; W. N. W., \ mile, to the mouth.
/^h. — The Ohio from the mouth of the Kenhawa runs thus :
North, 2 miles ; N. N. W., \\, to the mouth of a creek and Old
Shawnee Town ; N. b. W, i^ miles ; N. E. i mile ; N. E. by E.,
i^ miles ; N. N. E., 4 miles ; E. N. E., | of a mile to the mouth
of a creek on the west side, and to the hills, which the Indians
say is always afire, to w^hich the bottom from the mouth of the
Kenhawa continues and then ends. After passing these hills,
which may run on the river near a mile, there appears to be
another pretty good bottom on the east side. At this place we
met a canoe going to the Illinois with sheep ; and at this place
also, that is, at the end of the bottom from the Kenhawa, just as
we came to the hills, we met with a sycamore about sixty yards
from the river of a most extraordinary size, it measuring, (three
feet from the ground,) forty-five feet round, lacking two inches ;
and not fifty yards from it was another, thirty-one feet 4 inches
round (three feet from the ground also). The second bottom
hinted at the other side (that is the one lying above the bottom
that reaches from the Kanhawa) is that taken notice of the 30th.
ulto., to lie in the shape of a horse shoe, and must from its situa-
tion and quantity of level land be very valuable, if the land is
but tolerably good. After passing this bottom, and about a mile
of hills, we entered into a third bottom and encamped. This bot-
tom reaches within about half a mile of the rapid at the point of
the Great Bend.
%th. — I sent off the canoe with our baggage, and walked across
the neck on foot, with Captain Crawford, the distance, according
to our walking, about eight miles, as we kept a straight course
under the foot of the hills, which run about south-east and were
two hours and a half walking of it. This is a good neck of land,
the soil being generally good, and in places very rich. There is
a large proportion of meadow ground, and the land as high, dry,
and level as one could wish ; the growth in most places is beech
intermixed with walnut, &c., but more especially with poplar, (of
which there are numbers very large.) The land towards the
304 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
upper end is black-oak, and very good. Upon the whole, a
valuable tract might be had here, and I judge the quantity to be
about four thousand acres. After passing this bottom and the
rapid, as also some hills, which jut pretty close to the river, we
came to that bottom before remarked the 29th ultimo, which being
well described there needs no further remark except that the
bottom within view appears to be exceeding rich. But as I was
not out upon it, I cannot tell how it is back from the river. A
little above this bottom we encamped, the afternoon being rainy,
and night wet.
dth. — We left our encampment a little after daylight, and in
about five miles we came to Kiashuta's hunting camp, which was
now removed to the mouth of that creek, noted October 29th for
having fallen timber at the mouth of it, in a bottom of good land.
Between the bottom last described and this bottom, there is
nothing but hills on the east side, except a little flat of 100 acres
or so, between. This bottom thro' which the creek comes may be
about four or five miles in length and tolerably wide, grown up
pretty much with beech, tho' the soil is good.
By the kindness and idle ceremony of the Indians, I was detained
at Kiashuta's camp all the remaining part of this day ; and having
a good deal of conversation with him on the subject of land, he
informed me, that it was further from the mouth of the Great
Kenhawa to the fall of that river, than it was between the two
Kenhawas ; that the bottom on the west side, (which begins near
the mouth of the Kenhawa,) continues all the way to the falls
without the interposition of hills, and widens as it goes, especially
from a ]jretty large creek that comes in about ten or fifteen miles
higher up than where we were ; that in the fork there is a body of
good land, and at some pretty considerable distance above this,
the river forks again at an island, and there begins the reed,
or cane, to grow ; that the bottoms on the cast side of the river are
also very good, but broken with hills, and that the river is easily
passed with canoes to the falls, which cannot be less than one
hundred miles, but further it is not possible to go with them ; and
that there is but one ridge from thence to the settlements upon
the river al)ove, that it is ])ossible for a man to travel, the country
between being so much broken with steep hills and precipices.
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 305
He further informed (which seemed to be corroborated by all
with whom I conversed,) that the back of the short broken
hills but down upon the rivers are ven,- uneven, and not rich
except the lands upon creeks, till you come towards the heads of
the creeks ; then the land grows leveller, and the soil richer.
Wednesday, "jth. — We set out at half an hour after seven and
ing the bottom through which the creek with the fallen
timber at the mouth runs, and which I believe is called Bufialo
Creek, we came to a range of hills for a mile or more in length
upon the river (east side) ; then comes in the bottom opposite to
which the creek, below which we lodged at with the Indians the
28th ulto. empties. This also appears to be a bottom of four or
five miles in length, and tolerable good from the river. When we
pass this bottom the hills (rather smaller and flatter than usual)
come close to the river (east side, for four or five miles) ;
then begins another bottom above, or opposite to a small
island. But before we came to this mile or two, we passed
a good smart bottom on the east side. This bottom lies opposite
to Great Hockocking [ ] above which and opposite to Dela
Hunting party, we encamped.
Thursday, ?>th. — We left our encampment as soon as we could
clearly distinguish the rocks ; and after passing the bottom which
neither appeared to be long, wide nor ver^' we came to a
second noticed the bottom, 27th ulto. opposite to a creek on the
west side, called by the Indians Little Hockhocking, but mav
easily be distinguished by having a large stone just at its mouth
(the upper side), and appears to be very wide and good, and
must be very valuable if it is not liable to be overflowed, some
parts of it appearing low. The lower part of this bottom (as was
obser^'ed the 27th ulto.) is opposite to a small and barren island
with only a few bushes upon it. The upper part of it begins at
much such another place as side (and part of a pretty long
and at a drain or small run that comes out of the hills. This
is within a mile or two of the mouth of the Kenhawa, and the next
bottom, except a little narrow slip at the foot of the hills, below
the
At the mouth of the Kenhawa, Captain Crawford, one of
the Indians and myself, left the canoe, intending to meet
3o6 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
it again at the [mouth] of Muskingum, about thirteen miles
above, but the Indian by [mistake] brought us to the River
miles below it. In this excursion we passed over various
kinds of land, some tolerable good, white-oak ground, level and
meadowy ; some very hilly and broken with stone ; and some
black oak, thinly timbered but good for farming ; and others
about miles before we came to the river (which was at a place
where there was no bottom) exceeding good, full level enough and
well timbered with and black oak ; but in all the ground we
passed over this day, and I suppose we could not have walked less
than miles, there was no water. This was part of the land
where I thought (on Octo. 27) 50,000 acres might be got ; but it
does not answer my expectations : however by falling the
river too low, I apprehend the worst of it ; as we were
the Ridges that divide the waters of Ohio from the Kenhawa
and up towards the 3 Islands, has appearance.
Just below the mouth of the Muskingum we encamped.
Friday, 9//^. — The night proving very rainy and morning wet,
we did not set out till half after ten o'clock, and encamped by the
3 Islands. Seeing a bear upon the shore we landed and followed
it about half a mile from the river, which gave us an opportunity
of seeing a little of the land, which was [very] hilly but rich.
Saturday, loth. After a night of incessant thunder and
lightning, attended with heavy and constant rain till 11 o'clock in
the day, we set off about twelve o'clock (the rain then ceasing,
and to the lower end of the long reach distant about 12 miles.
A little stream, imperceptible to the view in our passage down,
now pouring in her mite, the river rising very fast and grown so
muddy as to render the water irksome to drink.
Sunday, ii//;.— The last night proved a night of incessant rain,
attended with thunder and lightning. The river by this morning
had raised about feet and was swelling fast. The rain seeming
to abate a little and the wind springing up in our favor we were
tempted to set off ; but we were deceived in both ; for the wind
soon ceased and the rain continued without intermission, till
about four o'clock, when it moderated. However, tho' we did not
set off till eleven, we got to the head of the long reach abt 18
miles, the river continuing to rise fast, and much choaked with
wood.
T77o] . GEORGE WASHINGTON. 307
Monday, \2th. — There fell a little rain in the night, tho' noth-
ing to [speak] of. About sunrise we left our encampment to
encounter a very stream which by this time had [risen]
feet perpendicular, and running with great velocity. After
contending with it the whole day we were not able to get more
than about five miles. The water still rising, and the current, if
possible running with more violence, we came to a resolution of
ordering our horses (which by appointment were to be at
burg the 14th inst.) to meet us at Mingo Town, accordingly
Tuesday, 13//^. — We despached a young Indian express to
Valentine Crawford, who had the charge of them, to proceed on
to that place, where we purposed, if possible, to get the canoe,
being about 50 miles below. In pursuance of this resolution we
imbarked again, and with difficulty got about 5 miles further to
the mouth of the uppermost broken timber creek. In [course] of
last night the River rose perpendicular, and in the
with what it rose in the day time must be now four or five and
twenty feet [above] its usual height, and not a great [deal] below
its banks — in low [places above them]. This day, about 3 in the
afternoon, we met two battoes and a large canoe going (at a very
fast rate) to the Illinois, with provisions for the garrison at Fort
Chartres.
Wednesday, 14M. — The river began [to come] at a stand
between sunset and dark night, and continued for some
[hou]rs so, falling only two feet by sun [rise]. About an hour by
sun we [left] our encampment and reached a [little] above the
Captening (or Fox Grape Wine Creek) about eleven miles not
finding the water quite so strong as yesterday, with a little
assistance, from the wind. About two or three miles below
[Capten]ing I got out (on the west side) [passe]d through a neck
of as good [lands] as ever I saw, between that and [the cre]ek ;
the land on the hillsides was as rich as the bottoms, than which
nothing can exceed. The bottom at the mouth of Captening
appears of equal goodness with the one below it.
Thursday, 15///. — The canoe set off at sunrise, as I did to view
that [bottom] opposite to the mouth of Pipe Creek. In passing
[over] the neck I found the lower part was very rich ; upon the
river towards the hills with well timbered ; and not only
in places. The middle back of the rich bottom is black
3o8 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
and white oak land [fit for] farming or any purpose whatever, and
intermixed with meadows. The upper end is as rich quite to the
hills (which are as ever I saw but subject to freshes.'
******
the course of the creek which meanders through a bottom of
fine land, especially at the forks where there appears a large body
of it. The vail (through which this creek runs) as far as we could
see up it, appears to be wide, and the soil of the hills which
confines it good, tho' very steep in some places. On this creek
which heads up a little to the southward of Redstone settlement,
there is according to the Indians' account and all the accounts I
could get, a great deal of fine land. The body of flat land at the
Forks is but a very little way from the river in a direct line and
may contain I guess a thousand acres or more. Below the mouth
of this creek there is a bottom of pretty good land but not large ;
and about five miles above, at the mouth of a small run which
comes in at the lower point of an island (and which by mistake I
called Octo. 23, Fishing Creek) there is a bottom of as fine land
as can possibly be, but not large, containing not more than two or
three hundred acres. At the head of this bottom and a little
below the second Cross Creek we encamped, distant from our last
thirteen or fourteen miles.
Here it was for the second time the old Indian with me spoke
of a fine piece of land and beautiful place for a house, and in
order to give me a more lively idea of it, chalked out the situation
on his deer skin. It lies upon Bull Creek, at least thirty miles
from the mouth, but not more than five from the mouth of
Muddy Creek, in an E. S. E. direction. The spot he recommends
for a house lies very high, commanding a prospect of a great deal
of level land below on the creek — the ground about it very rich
and a fine spring in the middle of it, about which many buffaloes
use and have made great roads. Bull Creek according to his
' Two pages so mutilated as to be undecipherable, but another part of the
almanac has the following entries :
"15th. I^eached Wheeling (on the west) where there had been an Indian
town and where some of the Shawnees are going to settle in the Spring, distance
from our last incampment 12 miles.
" 16. Got within 13 miles of the lower Cross Creek — thirteen miles."
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 309
account runs parellel with the Long Reach in the Ohio, and not
above six or seven miles from it ; having fine bottoms which
widen as they extend into the country, and towards the head of it
is large bodies of level, rich land.
17M. — By this morning the river had fallen in the whole two
or three and twenty feet, and was still lowering. About eight
o'clock we set out, and passing the lower Cross Creeks we came
to a pretty long and tolerably wide and good bottom on the east
side of the river ; then comes in the hills, just above which is
Buffalo Creek, (a creek I neither saw nor remarked in going
down) upon which and above it between that and the Cross
Creeks near the Mingo Town, (distant three or four miles) is a
bottom of exceeding fine land, but not very large unless it extends
up the creek. About three o'clock we came to the Towti without
seeing our horses, the Indian, (who was sent express for them,)
having passed through only the morning before ; (being detained
by the creeks, which were too high to ford, without going high up
them). Here we resolved to wait their arrival, which was ex-
pected to-morrow ; and here then will end our water voyage along
a river, the general course of which from Beaver Creek to the
Kenhawa is about south-west, (as near as I could determine) ;
but, in its windings through a narrow vale, extremely serpentine ;
forming on both sides of the river alternately necks of very good
bottoms, (some exceedingly fine,) lying for the most part in the
shape of a half-moon, and of various sizes. There is verj' little
difference in the general width of the river from Fort Pitt to the
Kenhawa ; but in the depth I believe the odds are considerably in
favor of the lower parts, as we found no shallows below the Mingo
Town, except in one or two places where the river was broad, and
there, I do not know but there might have been a deep channel in
some part of it. Every here and there are islands, some larger
and some smaller, which, operating in the nature of locks, or steps,
occasion pretty still water above, but for the most part strong and
rapid water alongside of them. However there is none of these
so swift but that a vessel may be rowed or set up with poles.
When the river is in its natural state, large canoes, that will carry
five or six thousand weight or more, may be worked against stream
by four hands, twenty or twenty-five miles a day ; and dovvTi, a
3IO THE WRITINGS OF [177a
good deal more. The Indians, who are very dexterous (even
their women) in the management of canoes, have their hunting-
camps and cabins all along the river, for the convenience of
transporting their skins by water to market. In the fall, so soon
as the hunting-season comes on, they set out with their families
for this purpose ; and in hunting will move their camps from place
to place, till by the spring they get two or three hundred or more
miles from their towns ; then beaver catch it in their way up,
which frequently brings them into the month of May, when the
women are employed in planting, the men at m3,rket, and in idle-
ness, till the Fall again, when they pursue the same course.
During the summer months they live a poor and perishing life.
The Indians who reside upon the Ohio, (the upper parts of it
at least,) are composed of Shawanees, Delawares, and some of the
Mingoes, who, getting but little part of the consideration that was
given for the lands eastward of the Ohio, view the settlement of
the people upon this river with an uneasy and jealous eye, and do
not scruple to say, that they must be compensated for their right
if the people settle thereon, notwithstanding the cession of the
Six Nations thereto. On the other hand, the people from Vir-
ginia and elsewhere are exploring and marking all the lands that
are valuable, not only on Redstone and other waters of the Mon-
ongahela, but along down the Ohio as low as the Little Kenhawa ;
and by next summer I suppose will get to the Great Kenhawa at
least. How difficult it may be to contend with these people after-
wards is easy to be judged, from every day's experience of lands
actually settled, supposing these to be made ; than which nothing
is more probable, if the Indians permit them, from the disposition
of the people at present. A few settlements in the midst of some
of the large bottoms would render it impracticable to get any large
quantity of land together ; as the hills all the way down the river
(as low as I went,) come pretty close, and are steep and broken,
incapable of settlements tliough some of them are rich and only
fit to sui)iJort the bottoms with timber and wood. The land back
of the bottoms, as far as 1 liave been able to judge, either from
my own observations or from information, is nearly the same,
that is, exceeding uneven antl liilly ; and 1 do presume that there
are no bodies of flat, rich land to be found, till one gets far
i77o] . GEORGE WASHIXGTOX. 311
enough from the river to head the little runs and drains, that
come through the hills, and to the sources (or near them) of the
creeks and their branches. This, it seems, is the case of the lands
upon Monongahela and Youghiogany, and I fancy holds good
upon this river, till you get into the flat lands (or near them)
below the falls. The bottom land differs a good deal in quality.
That highest up the river in general is richest ; tho the bottoms
are neither so wide nor long, as those below. Walnut, [?] cherrj',
and some other woods that grow snarly and neither tall nor large,
but covered with grape vines, (with the fruit of which this country
at this instant abounds,) are the growth of the richest bottoms ;
but on the other hand, these bottoms appear to me to be the
lowest and most subject to floods. The sugar-tree and ash, mixed
with walnut, &c., compose the growth of the next richest low
grounds ; beech, poplar, oaks &c. the last. The soil of this is
also good, but inferior to either of the other kinds ; and beech
bottoms are excepted against on account of the difiiculty of clear-
ing them, their roots spreading over a large surface of ground and
being hard to kill.
Sunday \^th. — Agreed with two Delaware Indians to carry up
our canoe to Fort Pitt, for the doing of which I was to pay six
dollars and give them a quart tin can,
Monday 19///. — The Delawares set off with the canoe, and, our
horses not arriving, the day appeared exceeding long and tedious.
Upon conversing with Nicholson, I found he had been two or
three times to Fort Chartres, at the Illinois, and got from him the
following account of the lands between this and that, and upon
the Shawna River, on which he had been huntins.
The lands down the Ohio grow more and more level as you
approach the falls, and about 150 miles below them, the country
appears quite flat and exceeding rich. On the Shawna river
(which comes into the Ohio 400 miles below the falls and about
1 100 from Pittsburg) up which he had hunted 300 and more
miles the lands are exceeding level, rich and fine, but a good deal
intermixed with cane or reed, which might render them difficult
to clear ; that game of all kinds was to be found here in the
greatest abundance, especially buffalo. That from Fort Chartres
to Pittsburg by land is computed 800 miles, and in travelling
312 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
thro' the country from that place he found the soil very rich, the
ground exceeding level to Opost (a French settlement) and from
Opost to the Lower Shawna Town on Scioto equally flat. That
he passed through large plains thirty miles in length without a
tree, except little islands of wood. That in these plains thousands
and tens of thousands of buffalo may be seen feeding ; that the
distance from Fort Chartres to Opost is about 240 miles and the
country not very well watered ; from Opost to the Lower Shawna
Town is about 300 more, abounding in good springs and rivulets ;
that the remainder of the way to Fort Pitt is hilly, and the hills
larger as you approach the fort, tho' the land in general is also
good.
At Fort Pitt I got the distances from place to place down the
Ohio, as taken by one Mr. Hutchings, and which are as follows,
with some corrections of mine : —
From Fort Pitt to
Logstown
Big Beaver Creek
Racoon Creek
Little Beaver Creek
Yellow Creek
Big Stony Creek
Mingo Town
Cross Creeks
Buffalo Creek or Scalp Ck.
Second Cross Creek
Wheeling, or Split Island Ck.
Sculp Creek
Path to Redstone
Pipe Creek
('aptening
Cut Creek
Broken Timber Creek
2d. Broken Timber Creek
Muddy Creek
Beginning of the Long Reach
I'.nd of ditto
miles
W
i8i
W
29I
G.W.
E
34-
W
44
w.
52
G.W.
W.
66
w.
73
74
G.W.
E
78
G.W.
84
G.W.
E.
94
G.W.
W.
100
G.W.
E.
108
G.W.
W.
no
G.W.
W.
113
G.W.
E.
118
G.W.
W.
123
G.W.
W.
125
G.W.
E.
134
137
155
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 313
From Fort Pitt to
Bull Creek G.W.
A pretty large Creek on the west
Muskinghum
Little Kenhawa
Little Hockhocking
Hockhocking
Creek with fallen timber at the mouth
[ ? ] Creek on the west and beginning of the
Great Bent
Another small Creek on the east, just above a gut
Rapid at the point of the Great Bent
Big Kenhawa
The Distance by Hutchings is
Big Guyandot
Big Sandy Creek
Scioto River
Big Buffalo Lick, a mile eastward of the river
Large Island divided by a gravelly creek
Little Mincamie river
Licking Creek
Great Mincamie river
Where the Elephant's bones were found
Kentucke river
The Falls
To where the low country begins
Beginning of the 5 islands
Large river on the east side
Very large island in the middle of the river
Ouabache river
Big Rock and Cave on the west side
Shawano river
Cherokee river
Fort Massiac
Mouth of the Ohio
In all 1 164
miles
E.
160
178
W.
182
E
195
W.
202
W.
210
E
230
W.
236
E
241
245
£
272
266i
E.
308
E.
321
W.
366
W.
390
4ioi
W.
492^
E.
500I-
W.
527i
E.
56oi
604^^
682
837J
875i
902^
960^
999i
1042^
1094
1 107
1118J
1 164
314 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
The distances from Fort Pitt to the mouth of the Great Ken-
hawa are set down agreeable to my own computation, but from
thence to the mouth of River Ohio are strictly according to
Hutchings' account, which account I take to be erroneous inas-
much as it appears that the miles in the upper parts of the river
are very long, and those towards the Kanhawa short, which 1
attribute to his setting oif in a falling fresh and running slower
as he proceeded on.
The letters E and W. signify which side of the river the re-
spective waters come in on, that is, whether on the east or west
side.
20th. — About one o'clock our horses arrived, having been pre-
vented from getting to Fort Pitt by the freshes. At two we set
out and got about ten miles, the Indians travelling along with us.
Tuesday, " 2\st. — Reached Fort Pitt in the afternoon, distant
from our last encampment about twenty-five miles, and, as near
as I can guess, thirty-five from the Mingo Town. The land be-
tween the Mingo Town and Pittsburg is of different kinds. For
four or five miles after leaving the first mentioned place we
passed over steep, hilly ground hurt with stone covered with
white-oak, and a thin shallow soil. This was succeeded by a
lively white-oak land, less broken ; and this again by rich land,
the growth of which was chiefly white and red-oak mixed ; which
lasted, with some intervals of indiff^erent ridges, all the way to
Pittsburg. It was very observable, that, as we left the river, the
land grew better, which is a confirmation of the accounts I had
before received, that the good bodies of land lie upon the heads
of the runs and creeks ; but in all ray travels through this coun-
try, I have seen no large body of level land. On the branches of
Raccoon Creek there appears to be good meadow ground, and on
Shurtees Creek, (over both which we passed,) the land looks well.
The country between the Mingo Town and Fort Pitt appears to
be well supplied with springs.
Thursday, 22d. — Stayed at Pittsburg all day. Invited the of-
ficers and some other gentlemen to dinner with me at Scrapie's,
among whom was one Dr. Connolly, (nephew to Colonel Croghan,)
a very sensible, intelligent man, who had travelled over a good
' Shoulil Ijc Wediicsd.iy.
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 315
deal of this western country both by land and water, and confirms
Nicholson's account of the good land on the Shawna River, up
which he had been near four hundred miles. This country (I
mean on the Shawna River), according to Dr. Connolly's descrip-
tion, must be exceedingly desirable on many accounts. The
climate is exceeding fair, the soil remarkably good ; the lands
well watered with good streams, and level enough for any kind of
cultivation. Besides these advantages from nature, it has others
not less important to a new settlement, particularly game, which
is so plenty as not only to render the transportation of provisions
there, (bread only excepted,) altogether unnecessary, but to en-
rich the adventurers with the peltry for which there is a constant
and good market. Dr. Connolly is so much delighted with the
lands and climate on that river, that he seems to wish for nothing
more, than to induce one hundred families to go there and live,
that he might be among them. A new and most desirable gov-
ernment might be established there, to be bounded, (according to
his account), by the Ohio northward and westward, the ridge that
divides the waters of the Tennessee or Cherokee River southward
and westward, and a line to be run from the Falls of Ohio, or
above, so as to cross the Shawna River above the fork of it. Dr.
Connolly gives much the same account of the land between Fort
Chartres in the Illinois country, and Post St. Vincent, (Opost)
that Nicholson does, except in the article of water, which the
Doctor says is bad, and in the summer scarce, there being little
else than stagnate water to be met with.
Friday 23^. — After settling with the Indians and people that
attended me down the river, and defraying the sundry expenses
accruing at Pittsburg, I set off on my return home ; and, after
dining at the widow Miers's, on Turtle Creek, reached Mr. John
Stephenson's (two or three hours in the night.)
24///. — When we came to Stewart's Crossing at Crawford's, the
river was too high to ford, and his canoe gone adrift. However,
after waiting there two or three hours, a canoe was got, in which
we passed, and swam our horses. The remainder of this day I
spent at Captain Crawford's, it either raining or snowing hard all
day.
Sunday 25///. — I set out early in order to see Lund Washing-
3i6 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
ton's land ; but the ground and trees being covered with snow, I
was able to form but an indistinct opinion of it ; though, upon
the whole, it appeared to be a good tract of land, and as level as
common — indeed more so. From this I went to Mr. Thomas
Gist's and dined, and then proceeded on to the Great Crossing at
Hogland's, where I arrived about eight o'clock.
Monday 26//z. — Reached Killam's, on George's Creek, where we
met several families going over the mountains to live ; some with-
out having any places provided. The snow upon the Allegany
Mountains was near knee deep.
Tuesday 27//^. — We got to Colonel Cresap's at the Old Town,
after calling at Fort Cumberland and breakfasting with one Mr.
Innis at the new store opposite — 25 miles.
2?)th. — The Old Town Gut was so high as to wet us in crossing
it, and when we came to Cox's the river was impassable ; we were
obliged therefore to cross in a canoe, and swim our horses. At
Henry Enoch's, at the Forks of Cacapehon, we dined, and
lodged at Rinker's, the distances they computed : from the old
Town to Cox's, 8 miles ; from thence to the Cacapehon, 12 ; and
18 afterwards — in all 38 miles. The last 18 I do not think long
ones.
Thursday 29///. — Set out early, and reached my brother's by
one o'clock (about 22 or 3 miles). Dr. Craik, having business at
Winchester, went that way, and was to meet at Snicker's to-mor-
row by ten o'clock.
Friday 30///. — According to appointment the Doctor and I met,
and after breakfasting at Snicker's we proceeded to West's, where
we arrived at or about sunset.
Saturday December \st. — Reached home, being absent from it
nine weeks and one day.
TO DR. BOUCHER.
Mount Vkrnon, Deer i6th, 1770.
According to appointment J acky Custis now returns
to Annapolis. His mind | is [ a good deal released
i77o] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 317
from Study, & more than ever turnd to Dogs Korses
and Guns ; indeed upon Dress and equipage, which
till of late, he has discovered little Inclination of
giving into. I must beg the favor of you, therefore,
to keep him close to those useful branches of Learn-
ing which he ought now to be acquainted with, and as
much as possible under your own Eye. Without
these, I fear he will too soon think himself above con-
troul, and be not much the better for the extraordin-
ary expence attending his Living in Annapolis ; which
I should be exceeding soxry for, as nothing but a
hasty progress towards the completion of his Educa-
tion, can Justifie my keeping him there at such an
expence as his Estate will now become chargeable
with.
The time of Life he is now advancing into requires
the most friendly aid and Council (especially in such
a place as Annapolis) ; otherwise, the warmth of his
own Passions, assisted by the bad example of other
Youth, may prompt him to actions derogatory of Vir-
tue, & that Innocence of Manners which one coud
wish to preserve him in : For wch reason I would
beg leave to request, that he may not be suffered to
sleep from under your own Roof, unless it be at such
places as you are sure he can have no bad examples
set him ; nor allow him to be rambling about of
Nights in Company with those, who do not care how
debauched and viceous his Conduct may be.
You will be so good I hope, as to excuse the lib-
erty I have taken in offering my sentiments thus
freely — I have his welbeing much at Heart, & should
3i8 THE WRITINGS OF [1770
be sorry to see him fall into any Vice, or evil course,
which there is a possibility of restraining him from.'
TO DR. BOUCHER.
Mount Vernon, Jan 2nd, 1771.
Jack's return has been delayed, as well from a be-
lief that you might not be well settled, as from a de-
sire of gratifying him in his favourite amusement of
Hunting, these Hollidays. He returns now he says,
with a determination of applying close to his Studies ;
and I confide entirely in your promise of making him
do so, as time slips of[f] a pace, and other Idea's &
pursuits, will soon render it more difficult to keep him
' For this, and the following letters, I am indebted to the courtesy of the editor
of Lippincott's Magazine.
"... Unluckily too, there lodged a Youth with us, of a character exactly
calculated to spoil such a Lad as Custis. He is sensible, wild, volatile, idle &
good-natured. You will know that I allude to a son of Mr. Sam. Galloway's.
I by no means aim to reproach the young gentleman, whom really I like exceed-
ingly myself, yet can I not help giving it as my opinion that He has done your
ward more harm than He or His Family can easily make amends for. You can-
not conceive wth wt delight Custis wd listen to his droll Tales & Accts. of his
Pranks at School in England. . . . Sam. Galloway has also a Daughter, young
& pretty : Out of respect to you, as I supposed, he frequently invited Custis to
his House : it was disagreeable to me to be oblig'd to refuse Him because it gave
offense, but I believe He never was there but twice, once when I was, & once
when I was not. It was about the time of the Players being here. Miss Galloway
came to town. Jack has a propensity to the Sex, which I am at a loss how to
judge of, much more how to describe. I observ'd somewhat of a particular at-
tention, exceeding bare civility to this Young Lady. I took such steps as I
judged most likely to wean liim in time. . . ." — Boucher to Washington, l8
December, 1770.
" When Joe, with your favour found his way to this place, I was from home,
& did not return for some days. The High Winds and Ice, have been the cause
of this very natural disappointment of getting to Marlborough as it was quite
impossible for him to cross the River in these storms of wind, and now it is at-
tended with some risk. — Mrs. Washington lias packed up what Books the Port-
manteau would contain, [be]fore tlie date of this, & of such kinds as I hope you
wanted. She has given out the thoughts of accompanying me to Frederick, so
1771] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 319
confined to them, than at present. In respect to the
kinds, & manner of his Studying, I leave it wholely to
your better Judgment — had he begun, or rather pur-
sued his study of the Greek Language, I should have
thought it no bad acquisition ; but whether [if] he
acquire this now, he may not forego some more useful
branches of learning, is a matter worthy of considera-
tion. To be acquainted with the French Tongue is
become a part of polite Education ; and to a man who
has [the prospect] of mixing in a large Circle abso-
lutely [necessary. Without] Arithmetick, the com-
mon [affairs of] Life are not to be managed [with
that you will find her at home if I should not have the pleasure of seeing you
here (should you be detained by the bad weather longer than was expected). The
Inclosed I should be obliged to you to forward by a Safe, rather than the first,
conveyance that may offer." — Washington to Boucher, 20 February, 1771.
"Agreeable to the above date, Joe attempted to cross the River ; but being
unable to affect it, has been unavoidably detained till this time and now the
River is so much choked with Ice as to render his passage precarious. — Mrs
Washington begs the favour of you to get her, for Pats)-, another Phial of yEther
and bring with you when you come to Mount Vernon." — Washington to Boucher,
25 Februar)-, 1771.
" Meeting with your letter of the 9th Inst, upon the Road & being uncertain
whether I can get this into the hands of the Post in time, I only mean to inform
you, that it woud be convenient enough to me to pay the sum you ask, either to
CoU. Thornton or Mr. Mawrey was I to go up that way, but as I set out to mor-
row for Xomony, in order to spend a few days with my brother, & purpose to
proceed from thence into Stafford, & so through Maryland, I shall have little
chance of seeing either the one or the other of those Gentlemen, unless I shoud
change my Rout ic pass by Fredg. instead of going through Maryland, which at
present I do not expect.
" I shall however be at home by the first of June if no accident prevents it, and
then can pay the money to whomsoever you may appoint to receive it, or if con-
trary to my present intention I shoud take Fredericksburg in my way up I will
lodge the ^^50 Marj'ld Cy with Mr. Mawrey I will inform you of my return by
the first Post after I get home, & will write more fully than at present, I have
only to add therefore that with very great esteem. " — Washington to Boucher, 19
May, 1771. He was writing from New Kent. Miss Gutch, of Norton House,
was good enough to send me this letter.
320 THE WRITINGS OF [1771
success. The study of Geo]metry, and the Mathe-
[matics (with due regard to the HJmites of it) is
equally [advantageous. The principles] of Philosophy
Moral, Natural, &c. I should think a very desirable
knowledge for a Gentleman ; but as I said before, I
leave the whole to your direction ; with this earnest
request, that, in whatever kind of Study you think
proper to engage him, he may be kept diligently to
it, for he really has no time to loose.
The shortness of the distance between this and your
present habitation will, I hope, give us the pleasure
of seeing you and Miss Boucher often at Mount Ver-
non, in this hope Mrs Washington also rests and with
her Compliments and wishes, joind with mine for the
return of many happy, & prosperous years to you, I
remain with great sincerity etc.
TO DR. BOUCHER.'
Mount Vernon, June 5th, 1771.
I should have set Mr. Custis off for Annapolis as
soon as I heard of your passing by (being very un-
willing that he should loose any time from School
that [is] possible to be avoided) but it was thought
necessary to [keep] him till his cloaths could be
Washd & got in readiness [to] take with him, which
has detained him till now. — By him I send you ^50
Maryld Curry the Sum wrote for [in] your last. In-
closing at the same time Doctr Stevenson's letter
and acct which I beg the favour of you to pay as
' I am indebted to the editor of Lippimott's Magazine for this letter.
i77i] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 321
soon as convenient, agreeable to his request. — The
money thus receivd & paid, you will please to credit
and charge according to the Rates which the different
kinds of Specie pass in the respective Governments ;
otherwise I shoud be a considerable looser between
66 1 & 20 pr Ct. the proportion which the two Cur-
rencies bear to Sterling, leaving a difference of 46^
between Virga & Mar^dand, when in Fact (with us
upon this River, who receive Dollrs at 6/.) the real
difference is only 25 pr Ct. — at ye utmost, 30.
In respect to the other matters contained in your
Letter of the 9th Ulto I shall endeavour to be as ex-
plicit as I can. And first in regard to Mr Custis going
to England. — My own Inclinations have always been
strong in favour of his prosecuting the plan you
formerly laid down for him — his Friends a good deal
divided in theirs — some on acct of the expence ;
others, as being almost the last of a Family, think he
shoud run no risks that are to be avoided — These
opinions tho they are Insufficient to biass my own
Judgment in this matter (as I think the more con-
spicuous the point of view a man is to appear
in, the more pains should be taken to enlarge
his mind and qualify him for a useful Member of
Society) yet they determined me in some measure
not to appear sollicitous or forward in promoting it ;
but leave things a little more to their own workings,
and to the turn and disposition of the Youth himself,
after his Genius is a little more unfolded and he bet-
ter able to have an opinion of his own. — In this state
of mind I was, when your prospects of a change, &
32 2 THE WRITINGS OF [1771
doubts [about] accompanying him, were communi-
cated to me ; which will have no small weight in turn-
ing the Scale ; for, however desirable it may be to see
him travel (if his Income shoud be thought by GenI
Court sufficient to admit of the expence) under the
care of a Gentleman who would endeavour to guard,
& steer him clear of those follies & vices which youth
almost imperceptably falls into, at the same time that
he was Instilling into him taste for useful knowledge
and Improvement, Yet I must own I should never
wish to see him set out for England, at his time of
Life recommended to the care of a merchant only —
or to Embark on a Tour of the kind you proposed
v/ithout a Conductor ; as pleasure and dissipation
without a kirb, would leave little room for study, &
more than probably end in his Ruin : I am therefore
more perplex'd than ever I was, & find the difficulty
of giving a defenitive answer encreased by your
doubts ; and [can only] add, that when the period
arrives at which you [think] it eligible for him to set
out on a Tour of this [kind, it will] if it appears to be
his own desire, upon a pro[bability of your intention]
& your inclination to accompany him, meet [with
my] hearty concurrence, notwithstanding the ex-
[pense. Far]ther than this I do not think myself at
liberty [to decide. I] conceive there is much greater
circumspection to [be observed] by a Guardian than
a natural Parent, who is only accountable to his own
Conscience for his Conduct ; whereas any faupas in a
Guardian however well meant the Action, seldom
fails to meet with malicious construction, and often
i77i] GEORGE WASHINGTON, 323
subjects the Party to Inconvenience which is trouble-
some to get reHeved from — This opinion of mine is
not known to my Ward — He beheves, for anything I
know to the contrary, that his Trip to England is re-
solvd on — & I should be glad if his time was
devoted to the Study of those useful Branches of
Learning as will render him fit for it.
I very sincerely congratulate you on the prospect
of your change, to a parish not far distant from this,
& should be glad to see you soon confirmd in a
Benefice equal to the full extent of your wishes. —
Colo Colvil by his Will left the Legatees in England
five years to put in their Claim & proove their Right ;
this time will not expire till the 8th day of Octr next
— as to Mr Johnson's Physick as he has been so
obliging to provide it, you will be so [good as], when
an opportunity ofifers, to send it over ; tho' if [it be]
some of the last, nothing is to be expected from it ;
th[at was] used without having in the smallest de-
gree, the de[sired effect.]
I canrK)t conclude, without requesting [in the]
most Importunate manner that all due attention [and
considera]tion may be given to Jack's Education — I
fear [the progress] he has made in Classical knowl-
edge has of la[te been] trifiing ; as I cannot discover
that he is much [farther] in Latten than when he left
Mr Magowan, know[s little] Arithmetick, and is
quite ignorant of the Greek Language, which he
has begun under the Tuition of that Gentleman ; &
therefore, as well as from some enquiries which I
[have] lately made, apprehend, that he lacks that At-
324 THE WRITINGS OF [1771
tention which is necessary to advance him in his
Studies — the Information which I have but Just come
to the knowledge of has filled me with a sincere con-
cern, not because of the expence attendg his Living
in Annapolis were it 4 times as great ; but on acct of
the lost time which is never to be regained. — Duty &
Inclination both prompt me to mention this matterto
you, as I have his Improvement much at heart, and
wd wittingly leave nothing unattempted on my part
to see this accomplished.
I am with Mrs Washington's Compliments [and]
thanks for your attention to Jack in the Small Pox '.
If (?) Fees a £z
[F]ar[e]s (?) .
third of a Doctor
\ of Ditto .
Pennsylvania Money
7/6
£a2.
6.
0.
7-
10.
2.
0
6
0
6
y •
I.
0.
0
;^50-
0.
0,
COLSTON.
TO
Fairfax Coty. Virginia, 24 June, 1771.
Sir;
Your letters of the 1 5th December frorrJ Georgia,
and 20th of April, from Charlestown, came duely to
hand. In answer to them, I have only to inform you,
' "A letter from Boucher, ig April, 1771, explains his reasons for taking
' Jack ' to Baltimore to be given the small-pox. He expresses ' heart-felt sat-
isfaction ' at Jack's favorable condition, — the fever-marks having broken out i
on neck, l one ear, breast 2, arm i, legs 3, — not one on face. Dr. Stephenson's
price was 2 pistoles, and 25J. for board. The 'third of a Doctor' in Wash-
ington's accompanying account may imply that two others were given the small-
pox at the same time. In another letter (May 3) Boucher is vexed because Jack,
after being well enough to come back without danger to other pupils, and put
his mother and step-father out of apprehension, was persuaded to remain in
Baltimore for Mr Gough's wedding." — Moncurc D. Conway in Lippincott's
Magazine, April, 1889.
177 1] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 325
that my advertisements which you refer to, were issued
in consequence of instructions from our late Governor
and Council ; and that I have nothing more to do in
the affair, than to receive, & deliver in to them the
several claims of the respective Officers & Soldiers
who embarked in the ser^'ice of this Colony in the
year 1754 (under a Proclamation of the then Gover-
nor, offering a reward of 200,000 acres of Land to all
those who shou'd voluntarily engage in an Expedition
against the French, who were at that time encroaching
on his majesty's lands, on the Ohio ;) among those
who embarked under this encouragement was your
son, and well entitled, not only by proclamation, but
by his merit and bravery, to a Lieutenant's share of
the Lands, which no doubt he (if any of us do) will
obtain, as I have exhibited your claim for that pur-
pose.— Nothing final, however, is determined on with
respect to this matter — you will stand upon the same
footing with the rest of the claimants, provided you
contribute in the same proportion towards the inci-
dental charges attending the Surveys &c which are
now set about & for which each subaltern Officer
has already been call'd upon for the respective sums
of £(y- and £^. — 10 — o — current money of this gov-
ernment in order to prosecute the work ; it will
behoove you therefore to give some person a power
of attorney to act on your behalf, who must be fur-
nished with the means of contributing your quota
past, and to come, for furthering of this business,
which must, from the nature of it, be attended with
trouble and expense. I know of no person better
326 THE WRITINGS OF [177 1
qualified to serve you in this matter, than the one
who first exhibited your claim ; I mean Mr. Alexr.
Craig, who is a resident of Williamsburg, a man of
very fair character, and lays more in the way of
receiving your instructions and communicating such
information as may be proper for you to receive,
than I should be, or any one else I am acquainted
with.
It may not be amiss to add for your further satis-
faction, that all the claims are not yet given in, conse-
quently the proportion and value of the land which
may fall to each ofificer's share is not fully ascer-
tained ; and that we have many difficulties, & some
uncertainties to struggle through, before our right to
these lands will be fully recognized. Such powerful
sollicitation is there at the Court of Great Britain for
the lands to the westward of us, where our grant was
located ; and such the opposition we meet with ; tho'
it is hoped that the Equity of our claim will at length
prevail.'
' When Pontiac, the king of the Ottawa confederacy, rose against the English
in 1762, Sir William Johnson, to secure the friendship of the Six Nations, invited
them to send delegates to a general council at the German Flats in the middle of
July, 1763. The Indians then offered to cede all their lands east of the Ohio
to the English for a fair consideration, and Croghan, Johnson's agent, believed
at the time that nothing but an acceptance of the ofTer could prevent a war. The
matter was not determined and the establishment of English settlements on the
Alleghanies and in the Illinois country (tJien largely held by French colonists)
tended to make the trade with the Indians less profitable. To prevent a further
diminution of the profits a scheme was formed by Govr. Franklin of New Jersey
for purchasing a large tract of territory on the Ohio and forming permanent set-
tlements upon it. General Gage, Governor Moore, and Sir Wm. Johnson were
also interested in the scheme, wliich was urged upon the British ministry by Benj.
Franklin in 1766— '68. The original idea comprehended a colony in the Illinois ;
but on submitting the jjlan to Lord Shelburne it was found that " it did not qua-
177 1 ] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 327
In which case, the Land will be well worth the
trouble and expence we may bestow to obtain it, not-
withstanding the remote distance it is from navigation.
drate with the sentiments of people here ; that their objections to it were, the
distance, which would make it of little use to this country, as the expense on the
carriage of goods would oblige the people to manufacture for themselves ; that it
would for the same reason be difficult both to defend it and to govern it ;
that it might lay the foundation of a power in the heart of America, which
in time might be troublesome to the other colonies, and prejudicial to our
government over them ; and that people were wanted both here and in the al-
ready settled colonies, so that none could be spared for a new colony." Frank-
lin to Wm. Franklin, 1-j September, 1766. General Phineas Lyman of Conn.,
who had served with bravery and distinction in the late war, was in England
urging the claims of the " military adventurers," which were designed to cover
the same territory as those of the Franklin company, and an effort was made to
make the two schemes one. In October, 1767, Franklin could report that the
plan had been approved in Cabinet Council, and had been referred to the Board
of Trade, where it appears to have slept for some years without being acted
upon. " There is little doubt," wrote Johnson to Gov. Franklin, in May,
1768, "but that the intended settlement may be productive of a regular civil
government in that valuable country, and this, too, without doing violence or
overreaching the Indians, which from sentiments of policy as well as justice
should be always cautiously avoided."
The treaty of Fort Stanwix (September, 1768) established the bounds of Eng-
lish territory essentially as they had been proposed at the German Flats. " Be-
ginning at the mouth of the Tennessee river, it followed the Ohio and Alleghany
rivers to Kittaning ; thence in a direct line to the nearest fork of the west branch
of the Susquehannah ; and thence following that stream through the AUeghanies,
it passed by way of Burnett's Hills and the eastern branch of the Susquehannah
and the Delaware, into New York, having its northern terminus at the conflu-
ence of Canada and Wood creeks. The line, thus proposed, was not in accord-
ance with the instructions of the Board of Trade. Hillsborough, who had suc-
ceeded the liberal Shelbume as colonial secretary, and was bitterly opposed
to any settlements in the interior, wished to have the line extended no farther
than the mouth of the great Kenawha, where it would then meet the line which
Stuart, at a council in South Carolina, had recently established with the Chero-
kees as the western boundary of Virginia. The temper, however, of the Confed-
erate deputies at this time rendered it impossible for the Baronet to follow
strictly his instructions, without defeating the very object of the congress."
Stone, Life of Sir Wm. Johnson, ii., 307. Johnson claimed that the effect
of this treaty, which was ratified in 1770, was to vest the claim of the northern
Indians to the country south of the Ohio in the crown, leaving the southern In-
328 THE WRITINGS OF [1771
I am much obliged to you for the favorable opinion
you are pleas'd to entertain of me, and wish I may
continue to deserve it, and approve myself Sir, &c.
dians only to be dealt with concerning it ; " and should they refuse to give it up,
it is in his majesty's power to prevent the colonies from availing themselves of
the late cession in that quarter, till it can be done with safety and the common
consent of all who have just pretensions to it." Johnson to Gage, 16 December,
1768.
This plan reappears in London in 1770 : "A society of us, in which some of
the first people in England are engaged, and in which you and Colonel Croghan
are made original partakers, have concluded a bargain with the Treasury for a
large tract of land lying and fronting on the Ohio (part of the lands lately ceded
by the Indians to Great Britain), large enough for a government. Having it
suggested to us by Lord Hillsborough that it would be right that we should have
a charter of government, in consequence of this bargain so concluded, we are
next to apply to the Council Board, that the grant may issue. We expect to
meet with opposition, and some objections arising from the impressions made by
such opposition, yet have no doubt of carrying this point, as we have settled the
main point. As soon as the grant has issued we are to apply to the Lords of
Trade on the subject of the charter." Thomas Pownall to Sir William John-
son, April, 1770. The application for the grant was made in behalf of the com-
pany by Thomas Walpole, a London banker, Benjamin Franklin, John Sargent,
and Samuel Wharton, but was opposed by Lord Hillsborough in a report that
gave Franklin an opportunity to make such a crushing reply as to lead to Hills-
borough's resignation from the cabinet. (Franklin, IVorks, Bigelow's Edition,
IV., 137, 495 ; v., i). This company known as the Grand Company or Wal-
pole's grant received its grant in 1772.
In September 1768 Lieutenant-Colonel Wilkins took command of Fort Pitt
armed with wide powers of administration, and bringing " orders for the estab-
lishment of a court of justice in Illinois for the administration of the laws and
the adjustment and trial of all controversies existing between the people relating
to debts or property, either real or personal." In defiance of the king's procla-
mation of 1763, Colonel Wilkins began to make large grants of domain, and
among others was one said to contain 13,986 acres, but in reality covered some
30,000 acres, made to John Baynton, Samuel Wharton, and George Morgan,
merchants of Philadelphia, who " trading in this country, have greatly con-
tributed to his majesty's service." This grant lay between the villages of Kas-
kaskia and Prairie du Rocher, in the present county of Randolph. In i8og the
Commissioners rejected a claim based upon this grant on the ground that
Wilkin had no authority to make it.
i77i] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 329
TO DR. BOUCHER.
Mount Vernon, 9 July, 1771-
Dear Sir,
From several concurring causes, which have assem-
bled upon the eve of my departure for Williamsburg,
I have both my head and my hands too full of busi-
ness to allow me time to write more than a hasty un-
digested answer to your letter of the 4th. This,
however, I shall attempt to do.
In my last I Informed you, (as well as I can recol-
lect the contents of the letter) that the friends (I do
not confine myself to the relations) of Mr. Custis, were
divided in their opinions, of the propriety of his trav-
elling, not on account of the advantages which might
result from it, but on account of the expense, as he
would set out with so heavy a charge, as you thought
sufficient to induce you to accompany him, which
would at once anticipate half his income. For his
estate is of a kind, that rather comes under the
denomination of a large than a profitable one. He
has a good deal of land and a great many slaves, it is
true, but the former is more to be esteemed for the
situation than the produce, being of an indifferent
quality and much worn, so that large crops cannot be
made from them. These doubtful opinions was a
sufficient cause, I added, for me to be circumspect in
my conduct, as I had another tribunal to account to
besides that in my own breast, for the part I was to
act on this occasion. For you cannot but know, that
every farthing, which is expended on this young gen-
tleman, must undergo the inspection of the General
330 THE WRITINGS OF [177 1
Court, In their examination of my guardianship ac-
counts, and that it would never answer for me to per-
mit him to launch into any uncommon or extravagant
tract, (especially at a time when a heavy and expen-
sive chancery suit is just commenced against his es-
tate,) without first knowing whether such an expence
would be submitted to by those, who had a constitu-
tional right to put a negative thereon.
These are the reasons why I said in my last, that
my own inclinations were still as strong as ever for
Mr. Custis's pursuing his travelling scheme, but that
it was necessary the Court should approve of the ex-
pense, (I did not want their opinion of the utility of
travelling) and provided, that it should appear, when
his judgment is a little more matured, that he is de-
sirous of undertaking this tour upon a plan of im-
provement, rather than a vague desire of gratifying
an idle curiosity, or spending his money wantonly.
For by the bye, if his mother does not speak her
sentiments, rather than his, he is abundantly lukewarm
in the scheme ; and I cannot help giving it as my opin-
ion, that his education, from what I have understood
of his improvements, (however advanced it may be
for a youth of his age,) is by no means ripe enough
for a tour of travelling ; not that I think his becom-
ing a mere scholar is a desirable education for a gen-
tleman, but I conceive a knowledge of books is the
basis upon which other knowledge is to be built, and
that it is men and things more than books he is to be
acquainted with by travelling. At present, however
well versed he may be in the principles of the Latin
177 1] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 331
lanauaee (which is not to be at all wondered at, as he
began the study of it as soon as he could speak), he is
unacquainted with several of their classical authors,
which might be useful to him to read. He is ig-
norant of the Greek, (which the advantages of un-
derstanding I do not pretend to judge), knows
nothing of French, which is absolutely necessar)' to
him as a traveller ; little or nothing acquainted with
arithmetic, and totally ignorant of the mathematics,
than which, so much of it at least as relates to sur\-ey-
ing, nothing can be more essentially necessary to any
person possessed of a large landed estate, the bounds
of some part or other of which is always in controversy.
Now, whether he has time between this and next
spring to acquire a sufficient knowledge of these, or
so much of them as are requisite, I leave you to judge
of ; and whether a boy of seventeen years old, which
will be his age the last of November next, can have
any just notions of the end and design of travelling ?
I have already given it as my opinion, that it would
be precipitating this event, unless he was to go im-
mediately to the university for a couple of years, and
in this case he could see nothing of America ; which
might be a disadvantage to him, as it is to be expected
that every man, who travels with a view of observing
the laws and customs of other countries, should be
able to give some description of the situation and
government of his own.
Upon the whole, it is impossible for me at this time
to give a more decisive answer, however strongly
inclined I may be to put you upon an absolute cer-
332 THE WRITINGS OF [1771
tainty in this affair, than I have done ; and should
think myself wanting in candor, if I concealed any
circumstance from you, which leads me to fear, that
there is a possibility, if not a probability, that the
whole design may be totally defeated ; and therefore
I add, that before I ever thought myself at liberty to
encourage this plan, I judged it highly reasonable and
necessary, that the mother should be consulted. I
laid your first letter and proposals before her, and
desired that she would ponder well, before she re-
solved, as an unsteady behavior might be a disadvan-
tage to you. Her determination was, that, if it
appeared to be his inclination to undertake this tour,
and if it should be adjudged for his benefit, she would
not oppose it, whatever pangs it might give her to
part with him. This declaration she still adheres to,
but in so faint a manner, that I think, what with her
fears and his indifference, (if he really is so) it will
soon be declared that he has no inclination to go, the
consequence of which is too obvious to be mentioned.
I do not say that this will be the case ; I cannot speak
positively. But as this [is] the result of my own
reflection upon the matter, I thought it but fair to
communicate it to you.
Several causes, I believe, have concurred to make
her view his departure, as the time approaches, with
more reluctance than she expected. The unhappy
situation of her daughter has in some degree fixed
her eyes upon him as her only hope. Add to this the
doubts of her friends, &c., to what I have already
said, I can only add, that my warmest wishes are to
177 1] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 333
see him prosecute a plan, at a proper period, which I
am sure will redound to his advantage, and that noth-
ing shall be wanted on my part to aid and assist him
in it. In the event of his going, I should think my-
self highly favored, and him much honored, by Gov-
ernor Eden's letters of introduction. Such, with others
that might be procured, can not fail of having their
advantages.
You will please to make my compliments to Mr.
Dulany, and assure him, that I have not the vestige
of a house at the Frederic Springs, othervvise it should
have been, if unengaged, much at his service. The
two seasons I spent at those waters I stood indebted
to Mr. Mercer for the use of his house.
I scarce know what answer to give to the papers
you transmitted to me as an executor of the will
of Col. Thos. Colvill, deceased. The affairs of that
estate are unhappily involved with Mr. Semple, to
whom Colo. Colvill in his life time sold a tract of
land in Mar}'land, called Merr}4and, for (I think)
;^26oo sterling, and from whom we can neither get the
money nor land. Till this matter is settled the ex-
ecutors are unable to pay off the legacies in this
countr}', consequently can answer no demands of the
residuar)- legatees in England, who only come in for
the surplusage if any there be. I believe there will
be more than sufficient to discharge the debts and
legacies here, but the overplus will be trifling. I
remain, &c.'
' The original of this letter was sold in the Stevens sale of 1872, and is printed
in full in the catalogue, p. 336.
334 THE WRITINGS OF [1771
TO ROBERT GARY & CO.
Mt. Vernon, 20 July 1771
Gentlemen,
Our goods by the Liberty, Captn. Walker, came to
hand in good order, and soon after his arrival ; as
they generally will do when shipped in a vessel to
this river, and scarcely ever when they go to any
others (unless they should be despatched in one of
your own ships, and the Captain particularly instructed
concerning the delivery of them.) For it don't often
happen that a vessel bound to one river has goods of
any consequence for another, and the masters, in
these cases keep the packages till an accidental con-
veyance offers, and for want of better opportunities,
frequently commit them to boatmen who care very
little for the goods so they get their freight, and often
land them where it suits their convenience, not where
they have engaged to do, which was the case of those
parcels sent by Saunderson. It is to little purpose,
therefore, to recommend it to us to seek redress of
the masters for these delays or abuses (though it may
be the only remedy left) unless the injury is of so
extensive a nature as to make it worth while to be at
some expense and trouble to watch for and find out
the Captains. Our situation in this country differs
very widely from yours. A ship going from Virginia
to London is always, and with ease, to be met with
at that part ; but a ship from London to Virginia
may be in Rappahannock, or any of the other rivers,
three months before I know anything of her arrival,
and may make twenty voyages without my seeing, or
177 1] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 335
even hearing of the captain, in the same manner that
vessels may trade to Liverpool, Whitehaven, or Bris-
tol, unknown to you. It is more expedient, there-
fore, to prevent the evil, than to redress it afterwards,
and this is very easily done by sending the goods out
in ships belonging to the river they are destined for.
So much in answer for that part of your letter of the
13th of November advising me to make Saunderson
(a man I never saw in my life, and perhaps never
shall) pay the extra expence I was put to in getting
my goods from Mr. Bland's warehouse at Boyds Hole.
There are several other passages in the letter above
mentioned that I think it incumbent upon me to take
some notice of ; not that I am fond of dwelling upon
a subject that is full as disagreeable to me as it can
be to you, but because there is one paragraph in par-
ticular in it, respecting the Windsor glass, which
appears to me to contain an implication of my having
deviated from the truth. Why else should you re-
quire in the name of the person you bought of, a
square to be sent you ? And what end was it to
answer, but to charge me indirectly with a misrepre-
sentation of the fact ? For if it was supposed by
Mrs. Dennis that I had related a falsehood, it migrht
as well have been imagined, that I would have prac-
tised a deceit, as there could have been no difficulty
in making Mrs. Ann Dennis a square of 8 by 10 out
of 9 and II, and any one who would condescend to
practise the one would not hesitate to execute the
other. But, however credulous I may have been in
relation to the prices of tobacco, I could not well
336 THE WRITINGS OF [177 1
have been so in respect to the measurement of the
glass when I built a house with sashes 9 by 11, and
got squares that would not fit them. I do not repeat
this matter with a view of having any allowance made
me — I neither want nor would accept of any ; but to
show that it is much more likely Mrs. Dennis should
put up a box of 8 by 10 through carelessness or by
mistake, than that I should mistake the size when I
came to use it. I had nothing more in view when I
made the complaint first, than to shew how inatten-
tive the tradesmen and shopkeepers sometimes are,
that I might be relieved from the like inconveniences
for the time to come. This was my reason also for
taking notice of the Duffield from Mauduit & Co,'
not that I expected any deduction from the price, as
they could not see the condition of the cloth for want
of my having an opportunity of reshipping it, an in-
convenience we are obliged to submit to and is among
the disadvantages attending my shipping to a house
that has no connection with the river I live on, and
it is seldom we have it in our power of sending any
little trifling matters which want repairs, alterations,
&c. to London, not choosing to put Captains of ves-
sels, with whom we have no concern, nor any way of
obliging in return, to any trouble in sending for or
taking charge of them. So likewise is it a disadvan-
tage on account of your letters which come chiefly by
York and James River ships, by which means I have
the postage from Williamsburg to Alexandria always
'"When I opened the package a piece of Duffield, charged ;^4.I3.6 was
found eaten to a honeycomb by moth."
177 1] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 337
to pay, which upon a letter that contains an account
of sales, or that has anything else enclosed, amounts
often to four, five, and sometimes eight or ten shil-
lings, which in the end increases to no trifling sum.
I observe what you have said in respect to the pur-
chase of our goods with ready cash. It is what those
who have money in your hands, or who pay interest
for the loan of yours, have an undoubted right, to
expect. And if we are allowed the benefits of deben-
ture, and the prompt payment of goods (for I am
told, the tradesmen and shopkeepers generally, if not
always, make out their notes on twelve or more
months' credit, according to the general run of their
dealings, and then discount according to the pay-
ments)— I say, if these are allowed, it is all we have
a right to expect ; and yet, I do aver that I can buy
linen and many other articles in the stores here in
their sterling way of dealing, cheaper than I can import
them, which is a mystery not easy to be accounted
for, as I do not conceive that you are charged the
retail prices for the goods you purchase. For though
the quantity that I, or any other individual, may want
is small, yet, when it is considered that one person
has a demand for twenty pounds worth, another for
fifty, a third for an hundred, and so on to the amount
of thousands for any article (linen for example), to
be shipped off at one and the same time, surely the
whole is of dignity enough to bring you under the
denomination of a wholesale purchaser, and sufficient
to entitle you to all the benefits of a drawback upon
the exported ggods. This is the light in which things
338 THE WRITINGS OF [177 1
have always appeared to me. I may be mistaken,
however, in my conjectures for want of better knowl-
edge of trade ; and if I expect any thing that is
unreasonable, or inconsistent with the principles of a
just, fair and practicable commerce, I am sure I do
not desire to be indulged in it. But I cannot help
adding that it has ever been my opinion that in return,
for the heavy charges upon our tobacco and the
ample and uncommon commissions which are drawn
upon the sales of it, we ought to reap every advantage
which can be procured in the purchase of our goods.
Otherwise I should be glad to know to what end we
import them. * * *
Our Association in Virginia for the non-importation
of goods is now at an end except against tea, paper,
glass, and painters' colors of foreign manufacture.
You will please, therefore, to be careful that none of
the glass, paper, &c., contained in my invoices, are of
those kinds which are subject to the duty imposed
by Parliament for the purpose of raising a revenue in
America. The late great calamity which has befallen
this country by the overflowing of the waters will be
communicated to you I expect through so many dif-
ferent channels that it is scarce worth my while to
touch upon the subject. Neither my ward nor self
has sustained any damage by this disaster, but it is
expected, that it cannot fail to have some effect upon
the prices of tobacco. In which case we suppose ours
will reap the advantage of it as well as others.
i77i] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 339
THE ANNAPOLIS RACES OF I 771.
Sept. 21. Set out with Mr. Wonneley for the Annapolis races.
Dined at Mr. WilHam Digges, and lodged at Mr. Ignatius Digges.
22. Dined at Mr. Sam. Galloway's, and lodged with Mr.
Boucher in Annapolis.
23. Dined with Mr. Loyd Dulany, and spent the evening at
the Coffee House.
24. Dined with the Govr., and went to the play and ball after-
wards.
25. Dined at Doctor Stewards, and went to the play and ball
afterwards.
26. Dined with Mr. Ridouts, and went to the play after it.
27. Dined at Mr. Carroll's, and went to the ball.
28. Dined at Mr. Boucher's, and went from thence to the play,
and afterwards to the Coffee House.
29. Dined with Major Jenifer, and supped at Dan'l Dulany,
Esqs.
30. Left Annapolis, and dined and supped with Mr. Sam'l
Galloway.
October i. Dined at Upper Marlborough, and reached home
in the afternoon.
TO GEORGE MERCER, LONDON.'
Williamsburg, 7 November, 1771.
Dear Sir,
Since you first left this countr}^ I have been favored
with two letters from you ; one of them ser\'ing to
enter your own, and the claims of Captains Stobo
' From an interleaved Almanac.
' Mercer had been in England for upwards of six years as the agent of the old
"Ohio Company." Failing to establish the claims of the company, he ap-
proached the organizers of the new company known as Walpole s Grant, and
sought to merge the interests of the two claimants. This he accomplished, as on
May 7, 1770, the following agreement was made: "We the Committee of
the Purchasers of a Tract of Country for a new Province on the Ohio in
America, do hereby admit the Ohio Company as a co-purchaser with us for two
340 THE WRITINGS OF [177 1
and Vanbraam, to part of the two hundred thousand
acres of land, granted under Governor Dinwiddle's
proclamation ; and the other, of the i8th of Decem-
ber, which did not come to my hands till about the
first of last month, urging the expediency of prose-
cuting our right to those lands with spirit.
In respect to the first, I have only to inform you,
that your own claim, as well that for your brother as
yourself, was entered before the receipt of your letter,
and that Stobo's and Vanbraam's are also entered.
In answer to the second, I can only add, that the
same backwardness, which has ever appeared in our
Honorable Board to recognise our right to these
lands, seems still to prevail, and that our business in
this affair is by no means in that forwardness, which
I could wish, owing, I believe I may say, to other
causes, as well as to a lukewarmness in those from
whom we seek redress. The unequal interest and
dispersed situation of the claimants make a regular
cooperation difficult. An undertaking of this kind
cannot be conducted without a good deal of expense
and trouble ; and the doubt of obtaining the lands,
after the utmost efforts, is such, as to discourage the
larger part of the claimants from lending assistance,
shares of the said Purchase [equal to two seventy-second parts of the entire
purchase], in consideration of the engagement of their agent, Col. Mercer, to
withdraw the application of the said Company for a separate grant within the
limits of the said Purchase." This agreement was repudiated by the old com-
pany. On the i8th of December, 1770, Mercer wrote to Washington from
Dublin: "Before I left England, I mentioned my having agreed with, or I
may rather say prevailed with, the great Land Company [i. e. Walpole's Grant]
there, that the two hundred thousand acres, claimed by the officers of the
Virginia troops, should be allowed out of tlieir grant."
I77IJ GEORGE WASHINGTON. 341
whilst a few are obliged to wade through every' diffi-
culty, or relinquish ever}^ hope.
In this state of things, and in behalf of those, who
had contributed to the expense of exploring and sur-
veying the lands, I petitioned the Governor and
Council, that the amount of each man's share, ac-
cording to his rank, should be ascertained, and each
claimant suffered to designate and survey his portion
separately, by which means every man would stand
upon his own footing. This petition I thought so
reasonable, and so consistent with ever}' principle of
common justice, to say nothing of the disadvantage
of being forced into large tracts, and the manifest in-
convenience of dividing them afterwards, that I con-
ceived it could not possibly be rejected ; but to my
great astonishment it was so, and we are now com-
pelled to be at the expense of surveying our whole
quantity in twenty surveys, and then each individual
subjected to the charge of surveying his own sep-
arately. In this way we are doubly taxed, while the
whole is held as a kind of joint interest, and no man
knows his property, or can tell how or in what man-
ner to dispose of it. In short, so many glaring
obstacles opposed their mode of proceeding, that
they did not even attempt to remove them, but con-
tented themselves with putting the soldiers upon a
worse footing, than the meanest individual in the
community, rather than be thought to give a license
for the pillaging of his Majesty's or the Proprietary
lands, when it is a fact well known, and every age
evinces it, that no country ever was or ever will be
342 THE WRITINGS OF [1771
settled without some indulgence. What inducements
have men to explore uninhabited wilds, but the pros-
pect of getting good lands ? Would any man waste
his time, expose his fortune, nay, life, in such a
search, if he was to share the good and the bad with
those that come after him ? Surely not. We have
surveyed ten of the largest tracts we can find in the
district allowed us, and have been able to get sixty
thousand acres, and for this tract we have been
obliged to go between two and three hundred miles
below Fort Pitt, as the lands thereabouts are thought
to be within the Pennsylvania government ; at least,
they are surveyed under those rights, and held by
such a number of individuals, that it was thought to
be impolitic to engage in private disputes, whilst
there appeared but a gloomy prospect of getting any
land at all.
The claims, which have been presented to me, are
now all given in, and the Governor and Council have
determined, that each officer shall share according to
the rank in which he entered the service, and that the
land shall be distributed in the following manner,
namely, to each field-officer fifteen thousand acres, to
each captain nine thousand, to each subaltern six
thousand, to the cadets two thousand five hundred
each, six hundred to a sergeant, five hundred to a
corporal, and four hundred to each private soldier.
They have made a reserve of thirty thousand acres,
as well to provide for any claims, which may hereafter
come in, as to compensate those, who have been and
must necessarily continue to be saddled with the ex-
i77i] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 343
pense, which we find will not be vei*}^ inconsiderable,
as we have already expended near two hundred
pounds, and the surveyor not yet paid/
This expense must now be greatly augmented, as
we shall be exposed to a considerable charge in ex-
ploring the lands, before we can proceed to survey
any more. From every thing we know at present, it
appears impossible to get two hundred thousand
acres in twenty surveys, without including mountains
and inhospitable hills to the amount of near one half,
which will render the grant of little value, and be the
' Major George Muse had been accused of cowardice at the affair of the
Great Meadows, and his name was omitted in the vote of thanks to the offi-
cers by the legislature. It was decided, however, that this person should have
his share of the land, and the following extract from a letter to him on this sub-
ject will show with what spirit and tone Washington could retort upon rudeness,
when there was occasion.
" Sir,
" Your impertinent letter was delivered to me yesterday. As I am not accus-
tomed to receive such from any man, nor would have taken the same language
from you personally, without letting you feel some marks of my resentment, I
would advise you to be cautious in writing me a second of the same tenor. But
for your stupidity and sottishness you might have known, by attending to the
public gazette, that you had your full quantity of ten thousand acres of land al-
lowed you, that is, nine thousand and seventy-three acres in the great tract, and
the remainder in the small tract.
" But suppose you had really fallen short, do you think your superlative merit
entitles you to greater indulgence than others ? Or, if it did, that I was to make
it good to you, when it was at the option of the Governor and Council to allow
but five hundred acres in the whole, if they had been so inclined ? If either of
these should happen to be your opinion, I am very well convinced, that you will
be singular in it ; and all my concern is, that I ever engaged in behalf of so un-
grateful a fellow as you are. But you may still be in need of my assistance, as
I can inform you, that your affairs, in respect to these lands, do not stand upon
so solid a basis as you may imagine, and this you may take by way of hint.
" I wrote to you a few days ago concerning the other distribution, proposing
an easy method of dividing our lands ; but since I find in what temper you are,
I am sorry I took the trouble of mentioning the land or your name in a letter, as
I do not think you merit the least assistance from me. "
344 THE WRITINGS OF [177 1
source of much discontent at a division. It behooves
us, therefore, to examine the lands well before we
survey. And allow me to add, that it will be very
proper for you to give Messrs. Stobo and Vanbraam
a hint, that something more than entering their claims
is necessary. I dare say they will hardly think it
reasonable to profit by the labor and purse of others.
It is highly incumbent on them, therefore, to appoint
an agent in this country to transact their business
and advance their proportion of the expense, if they
expect to share in the lands.
To give you a minute detail of the proceedings,
respecting this grant, would be a work of time, and
afford you little entertainment. What I have here
said will serve as a general outline, and that is all
I have aimed at in this letter. I should not have de-
layed answering your first letter till this time, had
you not mentioned your intention of embarking soon
on your return. This account having been frequent-
ly corroborated by your brother, of whom I often
inquired after you, I thought a letter could have little
chance of finding you in England. I have just been
told by Mr. Mercer, that you are to remain in London
for some advices from him, respecting the affairs of
the Ohio Company. Mrs. Washington makes a ten-
der of her compliments to you, and I am, with very
sincere regard, dear Sir, your most obedient humble
servant.
i77i] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 345
TO ROBERT STOBO.
Mt. Vernon, 22 November, 1771.
Dear Sir,
Your claim to a share of the 200,000 acres of land
under Governor Dinwiddle's proclamation has been
entered, and the Governor and Council have settled
the proportions which fall to each man's lot (accord-
ing to the rank he entered the service with), by which
each field officer is allowed 15,000 acres, each captain,
9000, each subaltern, 6000, each cadet, 2500, a ser-
geant, 600, a corporal, 500, and each private soldier,
400 acres apiece.
The solicitinof this matter with some other ex-
pences that have attended the prosecution of our
claim have cost a few individuals upwards of ^200
already, and instead of getting one half the land con-
tiguous to the forks of Monongahela(now Fort Pitt),
where they are of some value, we are obliged to go
down the Ohio near 300 miles lower, and take the
land in twenty surveys, by which means, and the
nature of that country which you know is very hilly
and broken, we shall be obliged to include a large
portion of bad land, so as not only to render the grant
of little value, but will create a orood deal of discon-
tent at a division, as it is absolutely impossible to
make an equal distribution of the good and bad,
nor divide it by lot, as different ranks are entitled to
different quantities ; and when all is done, what
plague and trouble we are yet to meet with from the
proprietors of the new government to the westward
of us, whose grant includes every inch of the land we
346 THE WRITINGS OF [177 1
are expecting under our Order of Council, I know not.
Time only can reveal it.
The expence attending the grant of ours, is in a
manner but just beginning, as we have not surveyed a
third part of the land yet, and are laid under the in-
convenience and hardship of first exploring the coun-
try, then surveying our whole quantity in twenty
surveys, and after that each man his particular quan-
tity separately — a grievance we have labored much
to get removed, but could not. It is therefore
incumbent upon you to appoint an agent here to
attend to your interest in these lands ; who should
be enabled to contribute your proportion of the ex-
pense, for without money the business cannot go for-
ward, even if the way was smooth, much less where
there are difficulties in every stage of it.
What I have here said will just serve to give you
some idea of this affair ; to relate the whole proceed-
ings, with the troubles and vexations that have ac-
companied them in stating our claims, drawing
petitions, presenting memorials, &c. &c., would
require a volume, and afford little entertainment.'
' Washington addressed a similar letter to Vanbraam, and on the same day
wrote to George Mercer to purchase the right of Stobo and Vanbraam, " pro-
vided they will take a trifle for them." " My only motive for doing this is that
the progress of our affairs may be less obstructed, by being more contracted.
The whole trouble of late (in this country I mean) has fallen upon me, and a
good deal of expence which never has, nor indeed never can be, brought in to
account I have been subjected to by my activity in this matter ; and, as it is
very obvious that the whole work must go on at the expence of a few, or not at
all, I am inclined to adventure a little further in order to take the chance of
gaining in proportion to my loss ; for no problem in Euclid is more clear than that
those who do not choose to advance beforehand whilst there is at least a hope of
success, will hardly draw their purse strings to reimburse the expences of others
1772] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 347
TO DR. BOUCHER.
Mount Vernon, 4th May, 1772.
After a tiresome, and in my opinion, a very unim-
portant Session, I returned home about the middle
of last Month accompanied by Colo Bassett &c.
The expediency of an American Episcopate was
long & warmly debated, and at length rejected. As
a substitute, the House attempted to frame an
Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, to be composed of a Presi-
dent and four other clergymen, who were to have full
power and authority to hear and determine all mat-
ters and causes relative to the clergy, and to be vested
with the [power] of Suspension, deprivation, & visi-
tation. From this Jurisdiction an Appeal was to be
when even hope is departed from them. . . . Col. Cresap, whom I have
seen since his return from England, gave it to me as his opinion, that some of
the shares in the new (charter) government on the Ohio might be bought very
cheap from some of the present members. Are you of this opinion ? who are
they that would sell ? and at what price do you think a share could be bought ? "
" I believe from what I have lately heard, that there is no doubt now, of the
Charter Government taking place on the Ohio ; but upon what terms, or how
the Lands will be granted to the people, I have not been able to learn ; I should
be glad however if you would endeavor to keep the tract you sur\'eyed for me
till such time as we can tell where, and how, to apply for Rights ; or if you did
anything with McMahan, on my account, I will abide by that.
" As soon as the tract at the Great Meadows' is enlarged, I should be glad to
have the surveys retum'd to the office, and to get a plat of it myself, as I am
determined to take a patent for it immediately.
" I cannot hear of any reserve in favor of Colo. Croghan ; for which reason I
do not caie to say anything more to him on the subject of a purchase untill mat-
ters are upon a more permanent footing ; since no disadvantage can follow to
him, after leaving him at liberty in my last letter to sell the Tract he made me
an offer of to anybody he pleased.
" I should be glad however to hear from you how he goes on in his sales, and
what is said, and thought of his claim ; in short, what chance there appears to
be of his getting it ; for I suppose his right to the Lands he claims must either
be confirmed or rejected by this time ; and known at Pittsburg before now. "
— Washington to Crawford. 6 December, 1771.
348 THE WRITINGS OF [1772
had to a Court of Delegates, to consist of an equal
number of Clergymen and Laymen ; but this Bill,
after much canvassing, was put to Sleep, from an
opinion that the subject was of too much Importance
to be hastily entered into at the end of a Session. —
An Act has passed this session empowering Trustees
(to be chosen by ye Subscribers to the Scheme) to
raise money by way of Subscription, & Lottery, for
the purpose of opening, & extending the Navigation
of Potomack from the Tide Water, to Fort Cum-
berland ; & for perpetuating the Toll arising from
vessells to the Adventurers in the scheme ' — but ye
Execution of it must necessarily be suspended till
some thing similar passes into a Law in your pro-
vince.— An Act has also passed for Erecting a Light
House on Cape Henry, from which I think the
Shipping will derive great advantages ^ — and a Bill
went through the House, but rejected in the Coun-
cil, for having Septennial Vestrys, and a general
dissolution of all those now in existence.
Herewith I send the Pamphlets you desird me to
get, together with your Accts from both Printing
Offices discharged ; both Printers being desired to
forward your Gazettes for the future to the care of
Mr. Lowndes of Bladensburg.
I expected to have made you a visit soon after my
return from Williamsburg, and to have gone from
thence to Annapolis, but am a little uncertain now
when it will be in my power to enjoy this pleasure ;
as I have business that will call me into Loudoun,
' Hcning, Statutes, viii., 570. ' Ilening, Statutes, viii., 539.
1772] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 349
Fauquier, and Berkeley (one of the New Counties
taken from Frederick, the other Dunmore) sometime
between the middle, & last of this month ; & am now
engaged in Fishing and other matters which seems
I think to require my attendance.
TO DR. BOUCHER.
Mount Vernon, 21st May, 1772.
Inclination having yielded to Importunity, I am
now contrary to all expectation under the hands of
Mr. Peale ; but in so grave — so sullen a mood — and
now and then under the influence of Morpheus, when
some critical strokes are making, that I fancy the
skill of this Gentleman's Pencil, will be put to it, in
describing to the World what manner of man I am.
I have no doubt of Mr Peale's' meeting with very
good Incouragement in a Tour to Williamsburg ; for
having mentioned him to some Gentlemen at our
Court, they seem desirous of employing him in his
way down.^
' Charles Willson Peale.
* " May 19. Found Mr. Peale & J. P. Custis.
20. I sat to have my picture drawn.
21. I set again to take the drapery.
22. Set for Mr. Peale to finish my face."
— From an interleaved Almanac, 1772.
His Ledger contains the following items entered under 30 May 1772 : —
By Mr. Peale, Painter, Drawing my picture ;if 18.4.0
Miniature ditto for Mrs. Washington 13.
Ditto ditto for Miss Custis 13.
Ditto, ditto, for Mr. Custis 13.
57-40
" This picture, painted in May, 1772, a three quarter length, represents
Washington in the costume of a Colonel of the 22d. (?) Regiment of Virginia
35 o THE WRITINGS OF [1772
Your excuse for denying us the pleasure of your
Company, with Governor Eden & Lady, tho not
strictly warranted by Scripture, is nevertheless highly
admissable, and I sincerely congratulate you upon
the prospect of happiness ; as I think there is a fair
Field of it opening to your view, from the judicious-
ness of your choice — Whether Mrs Washington
ever stretches as far as Annapolis or not, we shall
certainly take some very early opportunity of making
your acquaintance on this occasion.
May 23d.
The foregoing Letter was designed to go by Jack
Custis, who intended, as he said, but afterwards
altered his mind ; to take the benefit of a Ball at
Alexandria on Thursday Evening, in his way home
the next day. — In the interim Joe brought me your
favor of the 21st, forbidding us any longer to hope
for the pleasure of Govr Eden and Lady's Company ;
which we had been flattering ourselves with the
honor of, for several days ; & which I now beg the
favor of you to assure them we regret ; at the same
time I am further to ask you to apologize to Mr
Eden for my not paying my respects to him at Mr
Digges ; which I fully intended to do, but falling
under Mr Peale's hands that morning in a regular
Rot[ation, he kept] me so long, knowing that it w[as
his custom] of asking, that I had not time [to visit him
Militia ; a blue coat faced with red, bright metal buttons having the number of
the regiment cast upon them, and a dark red waistcoat and breeches. He
wears the hat usually called the Wolfe hat, with sash and gorget. This has
been engraved by Steel, Paradise, Parker, Forrest, Rogers and Buttre." —
Baker, Engraved Portraits of Washington, I2. In January, 1774, Mr. Peale
painted a picture of Mr. Custis, at an expense of ten guineas.
1772] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 351
befjore Dinner, and the Govr You wrote me he was
to set out for Mr Rogers after it. — Be pleased to
assure Mr and Mrs Eden, which you may do with
great truth, that Mrs Washington and myself shall
think ourselves very happy in seeing them at Mount
Vernon whenever they can make it convenient to give
us the honor of their Company.
I find upon enquiry that, it will not be in my power
to supply you and Mr Calvert with the Weathers you
want ; the Rot, or some other distemper among my
sheep swept off near an hundred, in the Space of a
Month, this Spring for me. — I am much obliged to
Mr Galloway for the Claret, and as I have no imme-
diate use for it (having a Box or two by me) I must
trouble Mr Digges for House Room for it till I return
from my trip upward.
TO LORD DUNMORE, LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.'
Mount Vernon, 15 June, 1772.*
My Lord,
The very obliging offer your Lordship was pleased
to make, the day I left Williamsburg, in behalf of
the officers and soldiers, who, under the faith of gov-
' Mr. Sparks prints this letter as dated 1771 ; but Lord Dunmore did not reach
Virginia until early in 1772, and the Assembly was prorogued June 10, 1772,
thus allowing for the meeting to which Washington alludes in his opening
sentence.
- The position of John Murray, Earl of Dunmore, in Virginia was not a little
curious, and in the absence of full information has not been interpreted by his-
torians of the colony to his credit. He was transferred from New York to
Virginia, and became unpopular almost from the beginning of his rule (1772).
Burk charges that he went on a " party of pleasure to the back settlements " and
meeting Dr. John ConnoUy, a man of " some taste, an intimate knowledge of
352 THE WRITINGS OF [1772
ernment, lay claim to two hundred thousand acres of
land, on the waters of the Ohio, promised them by
proclamation in i 754, I did not embrace, because it
is evident to me, who am in some degree acquainted
with the situation of that country, and the rapid prog-
ress now making in the settlement of it, that delay
at this time in the prosecution of our plan would
amount to the loss of the land, inasmuch as immi-
grants are daily and hourly settling on the choice
spots, and waiting a favorable opportunity to solicit
Indian affairs, a considerable knowledge of the world, and a lax morality,"
plotted with him to engage Pennsylvania and Virginia in a civil war about their
territorial boundaries, and to incite the Indians against the settlers. (^History of
Virginia, iii., 375, et seq?) Doddridge asserts that " it was the general belief
among the officers of our army, at the time, that the Earl of Dunmore, while at
Wheeling, received advice from his government of the probability of the ap-
proaching war between England and the colonies, and that afterwards, all his
measures, with regard to the Indians, had for their ultimate object an alliance
with these ferocious warriors for the aid of the mother country in their contest
with us." (Notes on the Wars West of the Allegany.) Jacob, in his Life of
Cresap, repeats what Burk wrote, and these charges are accepted, with some
reserve, by Howison, in his History of Virginia, ii., 72, 73. Campbell
believes the governor's proceedings were actuated "rather by motives of per-
sonal interest, than of political manceuvre." History of Virginia, 593, 594.
Brantz Mayer regards the charge as "not altogether proved against the British
earl " {Logan ^ Cresap, 81). The differences that arose between Virginia and
Pennsylvania respecting the disputed territory, and the curious performances of
Connolly, are described in Force's American Archives.
" By the Quebec Act of 1774 Great Britain, with a view of holding the colonies
in check, established the Roman Catholic religion in Canada, and enlarged its
bounds so as to comprise all the territory northwest of the Ohio to the head of
Lake Superior and the Mississippi. This attempt to extend the jurisdiction of
Canada to the Ohio was especially offensive to Virginia. Richard Henry Lee,
in Congress, denounced it as tlie worst o( all the acts complained of. In Vir-
ginia, Dunmore's avarice getting the better of his loyalty, he espoused her claims
to western lands, and became a partner in enormous purchases in southern
Illinois. In 1773 Thomas and Cuthbert lUillet, his agents, made surveys of
lands at the falls of the Ohio ; and a part of Louisville and of towns opposite to
Cincinnati are yet held under his warrant."
1772] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 353
legal titles, on the ground of preoccupancy, when the
office shall be opened. I therefore hoped, and the
the officers and soldiers, who have suffered in the
cause of their country, still hope, that, although your
Lordship was of opinion you could not at that time
vest them with an absolute and bond fide grant of the
land, yet that you will permit them to take such steps,
at their own expense and risk, as others do, to secure
their lands agreeably to proclamation, especially as
their claim is prior to any other, and better founded,
they having a solemn act of government and the
general voice of the countr}'- in their favor.
This is the light, my Lord, in which the matter ap-
peared to me, and in this light it is also considered
by the officers with whom I have lately had a meet-
ing. The report gains ground, that a large tract of
country on the Ohio, including ever}' foot of land to
the westward of the Allegany Mountains, is granted
to a company of gentlemen in England, to be formed
into a separate government. If this report is really
well founded, there can be no doubt of your Lord-
ship's having the earliest and most authentic accounts
of it, since it so essentially interferes with the interests
and expectations of this country.
To request the favor of your Lordship to inform
me whether this report be true, and, if true, whether
any attention has been or probably will be paid to the
order of Council and proclamation of 1754, may be
presumptuous ; but, as the officers and soldiers con-
fide in me to transact this business for them, and as
it would be a real advantage to them to know the
354 THE WRITINGS OF [1772
truth of this report, and how it is Hkely to affect
them, there needs no other apology for my taking
the liberty of addressing to you this request, in the
hope that your Lordship will condescend to do me the
honor of writing a line on the subject by the next
post to Alexandria, which will be acknowledged as a
peculiar obligation conferred on, my Lord, your Lord-
ship's most obedient servant.
TO MATTHEW CAMPBELL.
Mt. Vernon, 2 August, 1772.
Sir,
In reply to your letter of the 4th I think it a
piece of justice due to you to acknowledge that I was
not lead to inquire into the price of the goods I had
purchased of you already, and might hereafter take
from anything that passed between us at the time I
offered to discontinue my own importations (upon
condition I could get my goods at nearly what they
would cost to import them myself). I very well re-
member that nothing conclusive passed between you
and me on that occasion, as a proof of which I made
out my own invoice and sent it home by Captain
Jordan as usual. Consequently you were not re-
strained on that account from charging me what you
pleased. My inquiry arose from an opinion that I
was dealing with you upon better terms than common,
and this opinion was founded upon what Mr. Adam
told me of his scheme. When I came, therefore, to
' A merchant in Alexandria.
1772] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 355
see an article advanced a good deal higher than I
expected I own to you that I was alarmed and thought
it high time to know upon what footing I was pur-
chasing. If after this acknowledorment, which I
thought it incumbent on me to make, in order that
you might be released even from the apprehension of
an engagement, you still think proper to let me have
the goods I may find occasion to buy in the country
at 25 per cent sterling advance upon the genuine
cost, dischargeable at the current exchange, I will
confine my whole countr}' dealings to your store, and
will endeavor to throw the wages which I pay to hire-
lings into your hands also ; provided, you will let
me know upon what certain reasonable advance they
can have their goods (upon the strength of my credit).
For unless they can deal with you upon better terms
than with others, I should not think myself justifiable
in attempting to influence their choice, and this
knowledge I must come at in order that I may con-
vince them (if satisfied myself) of the propriety of
the measure.
You may believe me sincere when I assure you
that no man wishes to see your company prosper in
trade more than I do, and self interest apart, I have
always thought the way to do this was to import
largely and sell low provided you could get a ready
vend and quick payments for your goods. But do
not deceive yourself by the ready despatch you have
hitherto met with ; for though I do not pretend to
dispute your selling at a low advance in general,
(having had no opportunity at all of judging) yet give
356 THE WRITINGS OF [1772
me leave to add that the progress you have hitherto
met with, is by no means an evident proof of it. The
mind of man is fond of novelty ; curiosity led many
to your store, and inclination when there tempted
them to be doing. To this they were excited by an
opinion which most people had imbibed of your large
importation, and intended scheme of trade. But, my
good sir, this is but the work of a day, and like the
evening of it, will sink into obscurity, unless by a
steady adherence to your plan you convince the judg-
ment as well as satisfy the curiosity of your customers.
You see that I have used a freedom which friendship
only can excuse me for. If I did not wish well to
your undertaking, I should not take the liberty of
troubling you with my sentiments, which however
different from your own, or wrong in your principles,
are truely genuine.
TO LORD DUNMORE AND COUNCIL.
5 November, 1772.
My Lord, and Gentlemen ;
The whole quantity of 200,000 acres of land granted
by the Hon. Robert Dinwiddie's proclamation of the
19th of Feb., 1754, being now fully obtained (within
the number of surveys limited) and the last certifi-
cates thereof lodged in the Secretary's office, I take
the liberty humbly to inform your Excellency and
Honors that the surveys formerly made are already
patented, agreeably to an order of Council of the 6th
of Nov., I 771, and that the certificates lately returned
and unappropriated, are for 28,400, 21,941, 7,276,
1772]
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
357
7,894, and 6,788 acres, in all, 72,299 acres. It is also
necessary to inform the Board that the following
claims, including not only those which were given on
the day of Oct. 1771, but such as have been en-
tered here, are yet to be acknowledged and satisfied
accordingly :
Col. Joshua Fry's heir, being short of his full ninth
at the last distribution
George Washington, also short of his ninth at that
distribution
Col. Muse & others "
And'w Waggener
John Savage
Dr. James Craik
Robt. Stobo's heir for his full proportion of the
200,000 acres.
Jacob Vanbraam "
William Bronaugh "
James Forest's heir "
Thomas Bullet
John Wright's heir *'
Jno. David Wilper "
And'w Touler "
Francis Self
Arthur Watts, dec'd "
Robert Stewart "
Alex'r Bonny "
Wm. McAnulty "
Thos. Napp ''
Jesse May "
Robt. Murphy "
Jno. Smith "
Wm. Horn, dec'd "
7 232
acres
453
u
199
«
2,672
a
2,672
«
394
u
9,000
iC
9,000
(I
6,000
ii
6,000
a
2,500
a
2,500
ii
600
<(
400
a
400
a
400
a
400
a
400
li
200
400
<<
400
a
400
ic
400
it
400
((
53,432
acres
458 THE WRITINGS OF [1772
This ninth of 53,432 acres of land, taken from the
amount of the survey on the other side, leaves, of the
30,000 acres; (set apart in Oct., 1771, for satisfying
any claims which might thereafter come in, and for
the further purpose of reimbursing the few who had
been at the trouble and whole risque) 18,867 acres,
which if appropriated to those who were full in ad-
vance at that time, and distributed according to the
former proportions, will go thus :
To George Washington, 3,5°° ;
" Geo. Muse, 3,500 ;
" Geo. Mercer 2,800 ;
" Adam Stephen 2,100
" Andrew Lewis 2,100
" Peter Hog 2,100
'* John West 1,400 and
" James Craik 1,400 acres.
And if this method of proportioning the 18,867 acres
of land is approved of by Y'r Exc'll'y and Hon'rs, and
you are pleased to order, as before, an association of
names into each Patent, so as to bring the amount of
their several claims as near to the quantity of land in
the survey as may be, the following method of doing
it probably will be found to answer as well as any
other, as it cost some hours in shifting and changing
the claims from one survey to another, to bring them
so near ; but if any other method, better approved
of, it cannot but be equally agreeable to the parties
concerned, as chance, at all events, must have the
government of this matter.
1772]
GEOR GE WA SHING TON.
359
Tract of 7,276 Acres.
To Geo. Washington for his div. of the last distri-
bution
And for his div. of the 18,867 acres
To Geo. Muse the residue,
The Tract of 28,400 acres.
453
3,500
3»953
3,323
7,276
To Capt. Stobo's heir in full.
9,000
To Capt Vanbraam
9,000
To representative of James Towners, dec'd.
6,000
To Andrew Fowler,
400
To Thomas Napp.
400
To Arthur Watts, dec'd
400
To Jesse May (assigned to M. Fox)
400
To Frank Self
400
To Jno. Smith
400
To Alex. Bonny
400
To Wm Horn dec'd —
400
To Wm. McAnulty,
400
28,400
The Tract of 7,894 acres.
To Wm Bronaugh, in full
Dr. Craik, for his div. at the last distribution
18,867 acres
Col. Muse, for residue
The Tract of 6,788 acres.
To And'w Waggener, for his div. at the last distri-
bution
Jno. West, his div. to the 18,867 acres
6,000
394
1,400
100
7,894
2,572
1,400
36o THE WRITINGS OF [1772
Col. Mercer, for the remainder of the tract — with
what he received over his proportion at the last
distribution, it more than pays him 2,816
6,788
The Tract of 21,944 Acres.
To the heirs of Col. Fry, for his div. at the last dis-
tribution
7,242
John Savage,
2,572
Thos Bullet, in full of the grant
2,500
Wm. Wright, dec'd " " "
2,500
John David Wilfer
600
Adam Shepherd, for his div. of 18,867 acres
2,100
Andrew Lewis
2,100
Peter Hog
2,100
21,714
As the opening of the patents for these lands will
put an end to the business of this tract of 1754, so far
as depends upon Y'r Excellency and Hon'rs, I would
beg leave to offer two points of material interest to
some of the trustees to the serious consideration and
determination of the Board. The first is, as none of
the patentees, under the mode adopted of granting
land to numbers in the same patent, can be ascer-
tained of their particular property therein till a legal
division is established, which (as in the case of a late
grant of 28,667 acres to sixty odd patentees, is
scarcely practicable to accomplish, and, of conse-
quence the saving of the land by cultivation and im-
provement, next to impossible ; by this means the
intended bounty offered for a valuable consideration
1772] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 361
is not only rendered void but to those who have con-
tributed to the expense, evidently injurious, inasmuch
as they have paid for that which it is not in their
power to come at,) I say, under these circumstances,
whether some expedient cannot be hit upon to serve
those who are willing and desirous of complying with
the theory of the grant, either by prolonging the
time of cultivation, if this can be done, or by directing
each man's share in any patent to be laid off, (if the
division is not effected by consent of parties) within
a certain limited period, of which public notice to be
given, as each patentee thereafter shall respectively
apply to the Surveyor, who may be instruced, to
lay off the same in one body and in a good figure to
prevent injustice.
The second matter to be offered is : whether some-
thing cannot, and if it can, ought not to be done,
compeling those who have never paid one farthing,
or taken one single step towards obtaining their lands,
(not even the fees of office on their own particular
tracts,) to contribute in proportion to the quantity of
land they have, and are to receive ? Without some-
thing of this sort can be done previous to the patent-
ing, or in the patenting of these lands, nothing is to
be expected from them afterwards ; for where men
(I am speaking of those who hold principal shares in
this grant, for as to common soldiery, little ever was
expected from them,) are found so remiss, after re-
peated exhortation, as neither to afford time nor
money for the purpose of conducting a work which
could not possibly have gone without both, little of
362 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
the latter is to be expected after the business is at an
end and their patents delivered to them, unless liti-
gious law-suits are commenced, some of which against
infants, and some against persons beyond sea, and
without this, I must, after having been already saddled
with almost the whole trouble and many expenses
peculiar to myself, submit to considerable loss, as
I have been obliged to advance all the fees of office,
and many drafts of the Surveyor, and considered,
I dare say, by him, as liable for his whole fees, assured
by having one, in that case, for the before mentioned
tract of 28,600 acres patented to the common soldiery
to pay for without. (I fear,) their being a penny the
better of it, as no step hath yet been taken to obtain
a division. One year of the three gone, and one-half
of them may never more be heard of.
I have thus, may it please Y'r Excellency and
Hon'r, endeavored to draw the whole of this matter
into one short view, to save you the trouble of refer-
ring from one order of Council to another. I have
now to beg pardon for the trouble I have had occasion
from time to time to give in prosecuting this matter,
and have the honor to be, &c.
TO COLONEL BASSETT.
Mount Vernon, 15 February, 1773.
Dear Sir :
Your favor of the 5th came to my hands in course
of post last Thursday, and filled us with no small con-
cern at the indisposition of yourself and family.
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. ^^i
Equally concerned am I to hear of the unhappy state
of our paper currency, and that the interposition of
the Assembly is thought necessary. Should this
measure be resolved on, be so good as to advise me,
whether it be intended that the country business
generally shall be proceeded on, or this alarming
affair of the money only taken into consideration.
In the former case, I shall come down ; in the lat-
ter, as the session will be short and my business
obliges me to the Gen'l Court, I believe I shall de-
cline it.
Could there have been anything favorable said on
the subject of corn, I should not have neglected advis-
ing you of it till this time. I have scarcely heard
the name of corn mentioned since I left Williamsburg,
and nothing can contribute more towards keeping
down the price than the mildness of the winter
hitherto, having had no snow to cover the ground
here yet, and but little hard weather. I have a few
hundred barrels of my own to sell, but have met with
no offers for it as yet.
Our celebrated fortune. Miss French, whom half
the world was in pursuit of, bestowed her hand on
Wednesday last, being her birthday (you perceive I
think myself under a necessity of accounting for the
choice) upon Mr. Ben Dulany, who is to take her to
Maryland in a month from this time. Mentioning of
one wedding puts me in mind of another, tho' of less
dignity ; this is the marriage of Mr. Henderson (of
Colchester) to a Miss More (of the same place)
remarkable for a very frizzled head, and good sing-
364 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
ing, the latter of which I shall presume it was that
captivated our merchant.
Mrs. Washington, Patsy Custis and Jack, who is
now here, are much as usual, and the family not
sicklier than common. Hoping this will find you
perfectly restored, and the rest of the good folks
of Eltham in better health than when you wrote last,
I am with best wishes to Mrs Bassett, yourself and
the children, in which all here join.
TO CAPTAIN JOHN DALTON.
Mt. Vernon, 15 February, 1773.
Sir,
I am obliged to you for the notice you have given
me of an intended meeting of your vestry on Tues-
day next. I do not know, however, that it will be in
my power to attend, nor do I conceive it at all neces-
sary that I should, as I am an avowed enemy to the
scheme I have heard (but never till of late believed)
that some members of your vestry are inclined to
adopt.
If the subscription to which among others I put my
name was set on foot under sanction of an order of
vestry, as I always understood it to be I own myself
at a loss to conceive upon what principle it is, that
there should be an attempt to destroy it, repugnant
it is to every idea I entertain of justice to do so ; and
the right of reclaiming the pews by the vestry in
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 365
behalf of the parish (which have been buih by private
contribution granting the subscription money to be
refunded with interest,) I most clearly deny.
Therefore, as a parishioner who is to be saddled with
the extra charge of the subscription money, I protest
against the measure. As a subscriber who meant to
lay the foundation of a family pew in the new church,
I shall think myself injured. For give me leave to
ask, can the raising of that ^150 under the present
scheme be considered in anv other liorht than that of
a deception ? Is it presumable that this money would
have been advanced if the subscribers could possibly
have conceived that after a solemn act of vestr}'^
under faith of w^hich the money was subscribed, the
pews would be reclaimed ? Surely not ! The thought
is absurd ! and can be stated in no better point of
view than this : Here is a parish wanting a large
church, but considering the circumstances of its con-
stituents is content with a small one, till an offer is
made to enlarge it by subscription (under certain
privileges), which is acceded by the vestry ; and
when effected and the parish better able to bear a
fresh tax, what does it want ? Why to destroy a
solemn compact and reclaim the privileges they had
granted. For I look upon the refunding of money
as totally beside the question. And for what pur-
pose I beg leave to ask, is this to be done ? I own
to you I am at a loss to discover ; for as ever\- sub-
scriber has an undoubted right to a seat in the
church, what matters it whether he assembles his
366 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
whole family into one pew, or, as the custom is, have
them dispersed into two or three ; and probably it is
these families will increase in a proportionate degree
with the rest of the parish, so that if the vestry had a
right to annul the agreement, no disadvantage would
probably happen on that account.
Upon the whole. Sir, as I observed to you before,
considering myself as a subscriber, I enter my protest
against the measure in agitation. As a parishioner,
I am equally averse to a tax which is intended to
replace the subscription money. These will be my
declared sentiments if present at the vestry. If I am
not, I shall be obliged to you for communicating
them.
TO REV. DR. THRUSTON.
Williamsburg, 12th March, 1773.
Revd. Sir,
Your favor of the 25th ulto. by Mr. Watson came
duly to hand ; in answer to it I must beg leave to
inform you, that the short allotment of Land to Mr.
Andw Waggener was not the result of any determina-
tion of the Officers who met at Fredericksburg on the
23d of Novemr. (for they had nothing to do, either
in settling the proportions, or distributing the Land,)
but was a solemn act of the Governor and Council, on
the sixth preceeding, (adopted after having a full
state of the several advances laid before them,
and in my opinion, upon the most just and equitable
principles.) If Mr. Waggener therefore, is in-
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 367
jur'd, or thinks himself injured, he must appeal to
that Board as the only Tribunal which can afford
him redress.
From your statement of the case, however, it would
appear that you have been deceived by Mr. Wagge-
ner's representation of this matter — he has been a
culprit in respect to his contributions, from the very
beginning as thus. — In August 1770 a meeting of all
the principal claimants, was required in Fredericks-
burg : — accordingly Mr. Waggener, among others,
attended, and exhibiting the nature of his claim, was
considered as the representative of his uncle Thos.
Waggener. — An advance was then voted — his pro-
portion call'd for — but not paid 'till many months
after. —
In March, 1771, another meeting of the Claim-
ants was summoned in Winchester ; (for by, or
before this time, it is necessary to be remarked, that
our affairs, never in a very promising way, began to
grow very alarming, from the sollicitation of a large
Grant on the Ohio, by some of the most powerful
men in England, and by Lord Bottetourt ; notwith-
standing the order of the council of the 15th Decem-
ber 1769 — expressly forbidding the Surveys to go on)
at this meeting, the few that attended, maugre all the
discouragements, resolved, as the only chance left, to
proceed at all hazards to surveying ; altho' they were
sensible that the expence would be great ; and would
inevitably light on their own heads, if it failed ;
accordingly, another sum was voted, and Mr. Wag-
gener call'd upon in an earnest and pressing manner
368 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
to advance his proportion : — and what has he done ?
why, not paid one shilling of it to this hour ; so that
it was not for his non-attendance at Fredericksburg
in November last (where, give me leave to add, if other
business was an excuse for this negligence, no man
could plead it with more propriety than myself, having
left all my business in Williamsburg undone, by
reason of the late coming in of the merchants, in
order to be up there) that he was curtailed of his
land in the first distribution, but, for want of his
money to make the surveys, the effecting of which
could not be done without. Whether this neglect
proceeded from a disinclination to advance more
under the circumstances, as they then appeared —
from disability, or any other cause, his own Breast
can best determine ; sufficient it is, that he was call'd
upon on the 4th of March, 1771, to make this deposit,
and that it is not done yet : — The Council seeing, and
having no reason to disbelieve these things, not only
as they respected Mr. Waggener, but all others under
the like predicament, thought it very just and reason-
able, that those who, rather than give up their hopes,
had waded thro' every difficulty and expence, should
be first considered, and therefore determin'd, (without
a dissenting voice, that I have heard of) that, of the
first surveys, every one should receive in the propor-
tion he had advanced ; being well satisfied that this
work could not have gone on without money ; and that
it never was expected, nor could with propriety be
expected that I, who had had so much trouble in
other respects, was to ride about as a Collector, to
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 369
receive five pounds of this man, ten pounds of that
and so on ; it being sufficient for the Parties to be
apprized of their quotas, and to whom to pay it. To
what I have here said, I must take the liberty of
observing further by way of explanation of my own
meaning and the Council's intention, that my offer
which you hint at had no allusion to an alteration of
the kind you apply for — for the matter under con-
templation at the time of inserting that saving clause
was the quality of the soil, it being supposed that the
difference therein might cause an unequal division,
tho' each man should obtain his quantum of Land.
These, Sir, are facts, and but part of the reasons
which govern'd in the determination of this matter,
under which you may judge how far Mr. Waggener
has just cause of complaint. Colo. Fry, Lt. Savage
&c. have shared the same fate ; & Captn. Stobo,
Vanbraam & others who have contributed nothing,
have had no part of the Lands already sur\'ey'd,
allowed them, but left to come in at the second dis-
tribution, when I dare say the Govr. & Council will
measure their justice by the same Rule they observ^'d
upon the last occasion, if the same causes prevail, as
they are left at large, by the Proclamation of 1754
under which we derive our claim, to divide the Land
in any manner they think proper. — That Mr. Wag-
ener, or the greatest delinquent of the whole shou'd
be now ready <2f willing to pay up their deficiencies
& take a share of the patents, I neither wonder at
or doubt ; many men have objections to the purchase
of Lottery' tickets (in which light this Grant of ours,
370 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
to the most sanguine of us all, has appear'd) that
would be fond enough of partaking in the prizes ;
but let it be asked, would the delinquents have been
ready & willing to have paid up their quotas, if the
scheme had fallen through ? (as it most assuredly
would have done if a few had not stood forth in sup-
port of the claim) & where will be the answer ? It
does not need the gift of prophecy to make it ; for if
the money could not be got whilst there was the
chance of a prize, there wou'd be little hopes of
receiving it in a case of a Blank.
What kind of Land may be included in the next
surveys, I cannot undertake to determine ; but should
think it hard if the District allow'd us, never yet half
explored, shou'd not be able to afford more than
1 27,000 acres of good land, the quantity now patented.
I have rather exceeded the bounds of a letter, by
endeavoring to give you some idea of this matter ;
after which I have only to repeat, that I have no
power to redress the complaint, even if I had adjudged
it reasonable, which in truth I do not, as I have declared
upon this, & shall do upon every other occasion, when
call'd upon. — Notwithstanding I am informed, — that
you have been pleased to complain of the advantage
which Doctr. Craik & I (why not Colo. Fry & Colo.
Mercer also) have reaped in a distinct allotment, the
reasons of which I endeavor'd, in as clear & distinct
a manner as I could to account for ; and as far as I
was concern'd in the distinction, if it is considered in
this light, with openness & candour ; with what pro-
priety am I accused then ? Did it matter anything,
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 371
whether Doctr. Craik, Mr. West or Mr. Poison was
left out of the large Surv^ey, so far as the general end
respecting quantity was answered by it ? And if it
did not, was there any person better entitled to the
indulgence than the Doctor, considered in every
point of view ? I think not, and admitting that by
fixing my Lott in this Survey, & turning others out,
the amount of the Claims had corrisponded as nearly
as now with the quantity of the Survey ; was there
any reason for doing of it? if not, why shou'd it have
happened ? —
I did not on the one hand, pick the Surveys that
were assigned me, either from the excellency of the
Land, or convenience of situation ; If I had, I should
have avoided the largest Tract I now have (compos-
ing a full moiety of my quantum) as ever^^ inch of it,
from the Surveyors' account, is subject to be over-
flowed— nor did I, on the other, object to the fifty
thousand on account of the Land, for if I had my
choice of the whole country, I should have fixed in
this Survey, but because I thought (after the Land
became patented) if any additional trouble was to be
encounter'd (from the strange manner of granting it)
it might as well fall upon others, as me ; as my
shoulders had supported the whole weight heretofore ;
and in as much as I might add without much arro-
gance, that if it had not been for my unremitted
attention to ever)^ favorable circumstance, not a
singe acre of Land would ever have been obtained.
372 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
TO JAMES WOOD/
13 March, 1773.
Dear Sir,
Herewith you will receive Lord Dunmore's certifi-
cates of my claims (as well in my own right as by
purchase from Captain Posey and Mr. Thruston) in
the location of which in the government of West
Florida I shall rely on your friendship and care.
Unnecessary it is to add that I should choose
good land or none at all. But as many things con-
cur to make land valuable, it is impossible for me at
this distance, and under my present knowledge of
that country, to be explicit in any direction. Sufifice
it then to observe, generally, that I would greatly
prefer the land upon the river, to lands back from it ;
that I should not like to be in a low morassy country,
nor yet in that which is hilly and broken ; and that,
from the idea I entertain of that country at this time,
I should like to be as high up the Mississippi as the
navigation is good, having been informed that the
lands are better, and the climate more temperate
in the northern parts of the government than below.
If I could get the lands equally good in one sur-
vey, I should prefer it. If not, then in one or more
as circumstances require. Perhaps some locations
already made upon the river might for a small con-
sideration be bought ; if so, I would rather advance a
little money than put with less valuable land. You
will please to have the grant surveyed and effectually
secured, with such indulgences as those claiming
' A tenant of Washington, occupying " Lot 6," in his Fauquier property.
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 373
under the proclamation of 1 763 are entitled to ; and
do all and every thing in my behalf which shall to
you seem right and proper ; the cost of doing which
I will pay, and moreover for your faithful discharge
of this trust allow you the sum of one hundred
pounds Virginia currency on the due execution of it.
Wishing you a pleasant tour and safe return to your
friends.'
TO JAMES WOOD.
Mt. Vernon, 30 March, 1773.
Dear Sir,
I intended to have had a little further conversation
with you on the subject of the Florida Lands, but my
haste to leave Williamsburg and your dining out the
day I did do so, prevented it. I addressed a short
letter to you by way of memorandum, and left it with
Mr. Southall. I hope you received it ; that I may
' This move to colonize in Florida was made by an association styling itself
the " Military Company of Adventurers," composed of those who had served
in the provincial army in the late war. This company expected to obtain the
grant from the British government of a large tract of territor}' in ' ' West
Florida " (now Mississippi), on the Mississippi and Yazoo rivers — territory that
had been thrown open to settlement by the creation of a new State, Florida,
after the peace of 1763. This company appointed General Phineas L}Tnan, of
Connecticut, to press its claims on the ministry, but he found so much opposition
to it that he was unable to effect his purpose. Without waiting for a formal
grant, the company in Jany. , 1 773, sent a party from New York to take possession.
' ' After a long voyage they arrived at Pensacola, and there, to their great dis-
appointment and chagrin, found that the Governor had no authority to grant
them lands as had been represented. Considerable time was spent in negotia-
tions on the subject, and exploring the rivers and adjacent countr)' ; but no
settlement was made." Walker, History of Athens County, Ohio, i., 26, 27.
Gentleman s Magazine, 1772, 63, 355 509. Franklin's Writings. A letter
from Washington to William Edwards, the Governor of West Florida, intro-
ducing Mr. Wood, is printed in Sparks, Writings of Washington, ii., 369.
374 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
be satisfied you did so, please to advise me, as the gov-
ernor's certificates of my claim were inclosed therein.
These certificates will be sufficient authority for
the governor of West Florida to warrant the surveys,
and if any scruple is entertained of my purchases
from Mr. Thruston and Captain Posey, I shall re-
move it by transmitting their bonds which should
have accompanied this letter could I have been
assured of its reaching your hands before your de-
parture.
You will readily perceive by the tenor of my last
that it is good land, or none, I am now in pursuit of ;
and that I could wish to have it procured in such a
part of the country as from your own observation
aided by information, you shall judge most valuable ;
although in accomplishing of it, I pay a little more.
For these reasons it is I avoid particular directions.
I shall place a generous confidence in your integrity,
having no doubt either of your ability or inclination
to serve me. By meeting with Mr. Gist, and others
of your old acquaintances you will have it in your
power of forming from their accounts a pretty gen-
eral, and perhaps just idea of the nature of the coun-
try ; and of determining by your own observations
on them whether the lands on the Mississippi, the
Mobile, or elsewhere, promise in fuhcro to become
most valuable. Not till after which I would recom-
mend it to you to fix on your locations. Doctor
Connolly is curious in his observations and sensible
in his remarks. To him, therefore, I have wrote (as
he has been pleased to solicit my correspondence) re-
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 375
questing his assistance to you. I have also taken the
liberty of writing to the Governor of West Florida
expressing my hopes of obtaining this land (and
more) in case you should think proper to locate it in
that government, agreeable to the tenor of his
Majesty's proclamation ; mentioning at the same
time your intended tour, and the discretionary power
I had vested you with ; and as Lord Dunmore prom-
ised me that he would give you an introduction to
him, I hope you received it.
It would appear to me from the words of his
Majesty's proclamation of October 1 763, that those
who obtain land under it are not only entitled to an
exemption of quit rents for ten years, but exempt
also from cultivation and improvement for the same
term. Of this latter, however, please to be informed
from the best authority, as in the event of it, I should
be strongly [inclined] to extend my views beyond
the quantity I here claim, especially as the time
allowed for doing it is not short and difficult to be
complied with. This, therefore, is a matter I would
beg leave to refer to your consideration ; requesting
in case you find the country from a comparative view
of it desirable, good lands easy to be obtained, and
not difficult to keep under the established rules of
government, that you would increase my quantity to
fifteen, twenty, or twenty-five thousand acres. In
short I could wish to have as much good land located
in a body or contiguous together (for the convenience
of the superintendence) as I could save without much
difficulty or expence, even if the first ten thousand
376 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
should be subject to the same laws of cultivation with
the last.
Various are the reports concerning the quit rents
and purchase money of these lands ; but it appears
evident to me from the strict sense and letter of the
Proclamation, that the governor has no right to ex-
act more than is demanded in Virginia or any other
of his Majesty's colonies, in none of which, I believe,
nore than two shillings sterling rent, and ten shillings
right money, are required. * * *
TO BENEDICT CALVERT.
Mount Vernon, 3 April, 1773.
Dear Sir,
I am now set down to write to you on a subject of
importance, and of no small embarrassment to me.
My son-in-law and ward, Mr. Custis, has, as I have
been informed, paid his addresses to your second
daughter, and, having made some progress in her
affections, has solicited her in marriage. How far a
union of this sort may be agreeable to you, you best
can tell ; but I should think myself wanting in can-
dor, were I not to confess, that Miss Nellie's amiable
qualities are acknowledged on all hands, and that an
alliance with your family will be pleasing to his.
This acknowledgment being made, you must per-
mit me to add, Sir, that at this, or in any short time,
his youth, inexperience, and unripened education,
are, and will be, insuperable obstacles, in my opinion,
to the completion of the marriage. As his guardian,
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 377
I conceive it my indispensable duty to endeavor to
carry him through a regular course of education
(many branches of which, I am sorry to add, he is
totally deficient in), and to guard his youth to a more
advanced age before an event, on which his own
peace and the happiness of another are to depend,
takes place. Not that I have any doubt of the
warmth of his affections, nor, I hope I may add, any
fears of a change in them ; but at present I do not
conceive that he is capable of bestowing that atten-
tion to the important consequences of the married
state, which is necessary to be given by those, who
are about to enter into it, and of course I am unwill-
ing he should do it till he is. If the affection, which
they have avowed for each other, is fixed upon a
solid basis, it will receive no diminution in the course
of two or three years, in which time he may prose-
cute his studies, and thereby render himself more
deserving of the lady and useful to society. If,
unfortunately, as they are both young, there should
be an abatement of affection on either side, or both,
it had better precede than follow marriage.
Delivering my sentiments thus freely will not,
I hope, lead you into a belief, that I am desirous of
breaking off the match. To postpone it is all I have,
in view ; for I shall recommend to the young gentle-
man, with the warmth that becomes a man of honor,
(notwithstanding he did not vouchsafe to consult
either his mother or me on the occasion,) to consider
himself as much engaged to your daughter, as if the
indissoluble knot were tied ; and, as the surest means
378 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
of effecting this, to apply himself closely to his stud-
ies, (and in this advice I flatter myself you will join
me,) by which he will, in a great measure, avoid those
little flirtations with other young ladies, that may, by
dividing the attention, contribute not a little to divide
the affection.
It may be expected of me, perhaps, to say some-
thing of property ; but, to descend to particulars, at
this time, must seem rather premature. In general,
therefore, I shall inform you, that Mr. Custis's estate
consists of about fifteen thousand acres of land, a
good part of it adjoining the city of Williamsburg,
and none of it forty miles from that place ; several lots
in the said city ; between two and three hundred
negroes ; and about eight or ten thousand pounds
upon bond, and in the hands of his merchants. This
estate he now holds independent of his mother's
dower, which will be an addition to it at her death ;
and, upon the whole, it is such an estate as you will
readily acknowledge ought to entitle him to a hand-
some portion with a wife. But as I should never
require a child of my own to make a sacrifice of him-
self to interest, so neither do I think it incumbent on
me to recommend it as a g;uardian.
At all times when you, Mrs. Calvert, or the young
ladies, can make it convenient to favor us with a
visit, we should be happy in seeing you at this place.
Mrs. Washington and Miss Custis join me in respect-
ful compliments, and
I am, dear Sir, your most obedient servant.
1773] GEORGE WASHIXGTON. 379
TO LORD DUNMORE, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.
Mount Vernon, 13 April, 1773.
My Lord,
In obedience to your Lordship's request, I do
myself the honor to inform you, that, by letters this
day received from Dr. Cooper of King's College in
New York, I find it will be about the first of next
month before I shall set ofif for that place, and that
it will perhaps be the middle of June before I return.
Harvest then coming on, and seldom ending till after
the middle of July, I could almost wish to see it
accomplished ; but if the delay in doing it is attended
with any kind of inconvenience to your Lordship, I
will, at all events, be ready by the first of July to
accompany you through any and every- part of the
western country^ which you may think proper to
visit.
I beg the favor of your Lordship to inform me,
therefore, as nearly as you can, of the precise time
you will do me the honor of calling here, that I may
get ready accordingly, and give notice of it to Mr.
Crawford (if your Lordship purposes to take the
route of Pittsburg), whom I took the liberty of
recommending as a good woods-man, and well ac-
quainted with the lands in that quarter, that he may
be disengaged when we get to his house, which is
directly on that communication. I am persuaded,
that such a person will be found very necessary- in an
excursion of this sort, from his superior knowledge of
the countr}^ and of the inhabitants, who are thinly
scattered over it.
38o THE WRITINGS OF [1773
No person can be better acquainted with the equi-
page and simple conveniences necessary in an under-
taking of this sort, than your Lordship, and, therefore,
it would be impertinent in me to mention them ; but
if your Lordship should find it convenient to have
any thing provided in this part of the country, and
will please to honor me with your commands, they
shall be punctually obeyed. As, also, if your Lord-
ship chooses to have an Indian engaged, I will write
to Colonel Croghan, Deputy Indian Agent, who lives
near Pittsburg, to have one provided.
The design of my journey to New York is to take
my son-in-law, Mr. Custis, to King's College. If
your Lordship, therefore, has any letters or com-
mands, either to that place or Philadelphia, I shall
think myself honored in being the bearer of them, as
well as benefited by means of the introduction. I
am, &c.
TO COLONEL BASSETT.
Mount Vernon, 25 April, 1773.
Dear Sir :
The interruption of the post for several weeks,
prevented our receiving the melancholy account of
your loss until within these few days. That we sym-
pathize in the misfortune, and lament the decree
which has deprived you of so dutiful a child, and the
world of so promising a young lady, stands in no
need, I hope, of argument to prove ; but the ways of
Providence being inscrutable, and the justice of it
not to be scanned by the shallow eye of humanity,
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 381
nor to be counteracted by the utmost efforts of
human power or wisdom, resignation, and as far as
the strength of our reason and reHgion can carr}^ us,
a cheerful acquiescence to the Divine Will, is what
we are to aim ; and I am persuaded that your own
good sense will arm you with fortitude to withstand
the stroke, great as it is, and enable you to console
Mrs. Bassett, whose loss and feelings are much to be
pitied.
By letters from Doct'r Cooper, President of the
College in New York, my departure for that place is
now fixed to about the 8th of May, which puts it out
of my power to attend the meeting in Williamsburg
this Court. I have therefore by Mr. Henderson in-
closed several letters to and drafts upon different
people for money, to Col. Fielding Lewis, who wrote
me that he should be in Williamsburg ; but if sick-
ness, or any other unforeseen accident should prevent
his attendance, I should take it ver)' kind of you to
ask for and open my letter to him and comply with
the contents in respect to the receiving and paying
of money.
Mrs. Washington, in her letter to Mrs. Bassett,
informs her of Jack Custis's engagement with Nelly
Calvert, second daughter of Benedict Calvert, Esq.,
of Maryland. I shall say nothing further therefore
on the subject than that I could have wished he had
postponed entering into that engagement till his
studies were finished. Not that I have any objection
to the match, as she is a girl of exceeding good char-
acter ; but because I fear, as he has discovered much
382 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
fickleness already, that he may either change, and
therefore injure the young lady ; or that it may pre-
cipitate him into a marriage before, I am certain, he
has ever bestowed a serious thought of the conse-
quences ; by which means his education is inter-
rupted and he perhaps wishing to be at liberty again
before he is fairly embarked on those important
duties.
My sincere good wishes attend Mrs. Bassett and
ye family.
JOURNEY TO NEW YORK, 1 773.'
May 10. I set out on my journey to New York, lodged at Mr
Calvert's.
II Breakfasted at Mr. Igns. Digges. Dined at the Coffee
House in Annapolis, and lodged at the Governor's.
12. Dined, supped, and lodged at the Governor's.
13. After breakfast, and about 8 o'clock, set out for Rock-
hall, where we arrived in two hours and 25 minutes. Dined on
board the Annapolis, at Chestertown, and supped and lodged at
Mr. Ringgold's.
14. Stop'd at Georgetown on Sassafras, and dined and
lodged at Mr. Dl. Heath's.
15. Dined at Newcastle and lodged at Wilmington.
16. Breakfasted at Chester and dined at Govr. Penn's in
Philadelphia.
17. Dined again at Govr. Penn's and spent the evening at
the Jockey Club.
18. Dined with several gentlement at our own lodgings,
and went to the Assembly in the evening.
19. Dined at the Governor's, and spent the evening at Mr.
Allan's.
20. Dined with Mr. Cadwalladcr, and went to the Ball.
' From an interleaved Almanac.
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 383
21. Dined with Mr. Meredeth, and spent the evening at Mr.
Mease's.
22. Dined at Mr. Morris's, and spent the evening at the
Club.
23. Set out for New York with Lord Sterling, Majr. Bay-
ard, and Mr. Custis, after breakfasting with Govr. Penn. Dined
with Govr. Franklin at Burlington, and lodged at Trenton.
24. Breakfasted at Princeton ; dined at Bound Brook, and
reached Lord Sterling's at Baskin's Ridge in the afternoon.
25. Dined and lodged at Lord Sterling's, drank tea at Mr.
Kimble's.
26. Dined at Elizabeth Town, and reached New York in
the evening, which I spent at Hull's Tavern. Lodged at a Mr
Farmer's.
27. Dined at the entertainment given by the citizens of
New York to Gen'l Gage.
28. Dined with Mr. James Delancey, and went to the play
and Hull's Tavern in the evening.
29. Dined with Majr. Bayard and spent the evening wnth
the Old Club at Hull's.
30. Dined with Gen'l Gage, and spent the evening in my
own room, writing.'
31. Set out on my return home. Dined with Captn. Ken-
nedy near New Ark, and lodged at Amboy.
' " Enclosed you have a set of bills for one hundred pounds sterling, which
please to set at the prevailing exchange, and retain the money in youx own
hands to answer Mr. Custis's expenses at college, and such calls as he may have
for cash to defray the incident expenses of his abode in this city.
" In respect to the first article of charge, I submit the matter wholly to your
better judgment, under a firm belief of your adopting such measures, as will
most contribute to promote the principal end of Mr. Custis's coming here, not
regarding the extra charge incurred in the accomplishing of it. In regard to
the second, as I do not know what sum he ought, with propriet)-, to expend in
such a place as New York, I shall not undertake to determine it ; but hope, if,
contrar)- to my expectation, you should find him inclined to run into any kind
of extravagance, you ^vill be so good, by your friendly admonition, as to check
its progress.
" As Mr. Custis may probably want clothing and other necessaries, you will
please to establish a credit in his behalf with such merchants as you can recom-
384 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
June I. Breakfasted at Brunswick on the banks of the Princeton;
dined at Princeton and lodged at Bristol.
2. Got to Philadelphia by nine o'clock to my old lodging.
Dined at my lodgings and spent ye evening there.
3. Rid to the Meadows along the River before breakfast.
About II o'clock left Phila. ; dined at the Sorrel House, 13 miles
from it, and lodged at the Ship Tavern, 34 off.
4. Breakfasted at the Sign of the Bull, 13 miles from ye
Ship ; dined at Lancaster, 19 miles further, and lodged at
Wright's Ferry, 10 miles from Lancaster.
5. Breakfasted in York Town. Dined at the Sign of the
Buck, 14 miles from York, which is 12 miles from Wright's Ferry,
and lodged at Suttons, 15 miles from the Buck.
6. Breakfasted at Slades, 10 miles from Suttons, and dined
and lodged at Baltimore Town.
7. Breakfasted at the Widow Ramsay's, 15 miles from
Baltimore, and lodged at Mr. Calvert's.
8. Reach'd home to dinner, about 2 o'clock.
TO COLONEL BASSETT.
Mount Vernon, 20th June, 1773.
Dear Sir,
It is an easier matter to conceive, than to describe
the distress of this Family ; especially that of the
unhappy Parent of our Dear Patsy Custis, when I
inform you that yesterday removed the Sweet Inno-
cent Girl Entered into a more happy & peaceful
mend ; and when the deposit now lodged with you is expended in this and other
payments, be so good as to transmit me a copy of tlie disbursements, and I shall
furnish you with other bills whereby to lay in a new fund.
" I have nothing further to add at present, except that at the next vacation,
or at any other time, I shall think myself very happy in seeing you in Virginia,
and that I am, with very great respect and esteem, your most obedient humble
servant." — Washington to Dr. Cooper, 31 May, 1773.
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 385
abode than any she has met with in the afflicted Path
she hitherto has trod.'
She rose from Dinner about four o'clock in better
health and spirits than she appeared to have been in
for some time ; soon after which she was seized with
one of her usual Fits, & expired in it, in less than
two minutes without uttering a word, a groan, or
scarce a sigh. — This sudden, and unexpected blow, I
scarce need add has almost reduced my poor Wife to
the lowest ebb of Misery ; which is encreas'd by the
absence of her son, (whom I have just fixed at the
College in New York from whence I returned the
8th Inst) and want of the balmy consolation of her
Relations ; which leads me more than ever to wish
she could see them, and that I was iMaster of Argu-
ments powerful enough to prevail upon Mrs. Dan-
dridge to make this place her entire & absolute
home. I should think as she lives a lonesome life
(Betsey being married) it might suit her well, .& be
agreeable, both to herself & my Wife, to me most
assuredly it would.
I do not purpose to add more at present, the end
of my writing being only to inform you of this
unhappy change. —
Our Sincere Affections are offered to Mrs. Bassett,
Mrs. Dandridge, & all other Friends, & I am very
sincerely
' "19. About five o'clock poor Patey Custis died suddenly." — From an inter-
leaved A Imanac.
386 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
ADVERTISEMENT OF THE OHIO LANDS.'
Mount Vernon in Virginia, July 1^, 1773.
THE Subscriber having obtained Patents for upwards of
TWENTY THOUSAND Acres of LAND on the Ohio
and Great Kanhawa (Ten Thousand of which are situated on the
banks of the first-mentioned river, between the mouths of the two
Kanhawas, and the remainder on the Great Kanhawa, or Hew
River, from the mouth, or near it, upwards, in one continued
survey) proposes to divide the same into any sized tenements
that may be desired, and lease them upon moderate terms, allow-
ing a reasonable number of years rent free, provided, within the
space of two years from next October, three acres for every fifty
contained in each lot, and proportionably for a lesser quantity,
shall be cleared, fenced, and tilled ; and that, by or before the
time limited for the commencement of the first rent, five acres for
every hundred, and proportionably, as above, shall be enclosed
and laid down in good grass for meadow ; and moreover, that at
least fifty good fruit trees for every like quantity of land shall be
planted on the Premises. Any persons inclinable to settle on
these lands may be more fully informed of the terms by applying
to the subscriber, near Alexandria, or in his absence, to Mr.
LUND WASHINGTON ; and would do well in communicating
their intentions before the ist of October next, in order that a
sufficient number of lots may be laid off to answer the demand.
As these lands are among the first which have been surveyed
in the part of the country they lie in, it is almost needless to pre-
mise that none can exceed them in luxuriance of soil, or conven-
ience of situation, all of them lying upon the banks either of the
Ohio or Kanhawa, and abounding with fine fish and wild fowl of
various kinds, as also in most excellent meadows, many of which
(by the bountiful hand of nature) are, in their present state, almost
fit for the scythe. From every part of these lands water carriage
is now had to Fort Pitt, by an easy communication ; and from
Fort Pitt up the Monongahela, to Redstone, vessels of convenient
' Printed in The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, 20 August,
1773 ; and Pennsylvania Gazette, September, 1773.
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 387
burthen, may and do pass continually ; from whence, by means
of Ch€at River, and other naWgable branches of the Monongahela
it is thought the portage to Potowmack may, and will, be reduced
within the compass of a few miles, to the great ease and conven-
ience of the settlers in transporting the produce of their lands
to market. To which may be added, that as patents have now
actually passed the seals for the several tracts here offered to be
leased, settlers on them may cultivate and enjoy the lands in peace
and safety, notwithstanding the unsettled counsels respecting a
new colony on the Ohio ; and as no right money is to be paid for
these lands, and quitrent of two shillings sterling a hundred, de-
mandable some years hence only, it is highly presumable that
they will always be held upon a more desirable footing than where
both these are laid on with a ver^' heavy hand. And it may not
be amiss further to obserse, that if the scheme for establishing a
new government on the Ohio, in the manner talked of, should
ever be effected, these must be among the most valuable lands in
it, not only on account of the goodness of soil, and the other
advantages above enumerated, but from their contiguity to the
seat of government, which more than probable will be fixed at
the mouth of the Great Kanhawa.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.'
' 1773. Augt. 23. " In the afternoon came David Allan and James White-
law, two Scotchmen, empowered by a number of families about Glasgow, to
look out land for two hundred families, who had a mind to settle in America.
' ' 24. The above persons prosecuted their journey towards Carolina in pursuit of
this scheme, purposing also to \-iew the lands on Ohio, and to see mine there
before they returned with their report to Scotland." — From an interleaved
almanac.
" In your letter you mention the American Company of Farmers in the west
of Scotland, and I cannot but approve of their sending over skilled men to take
up land for them before they bring their families here ; and they have just taken
the method which you and others ad\"ised me to take, and I would surely follow
your advice, but I could not prevail on my wife to stay a year behind me. David
Allan and James Whiteland, the two commissioners from that company, are now
at my house, and I hope they will rest with me for a week or two, for I can
easily accommodate them and their horses. They are going now for North
Carolina to look for a large tract of land agreeably to their commission. A
lai^e tract of land to the extent of 16,000 or 20,000 acres, all contiguous and
conveniently situated and not yet occupied, is not to be got in the middle prov-
388 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
TO WILLLIAM CRAWFORD.
Mount Vernon, 25 September, 1773.
Dear Sir,
I have heard, (the truth of which, if you saw Lord
Dunmore in his way to or from Pittsburg you possi-
bly are better acquainted with than I am,) that his
Lordship will grant patents for lands lying below the
Scioto, to the officers and soldiers, who claim under
the proclamation of October, 1763. If so, I think
no time should be lost in having them surveyed, lest
some new revolution should happen in our political
system. I have, therefore, by this conveyance, writ-
ten to Captain Bullet, to desire he will have ten
thousand acres surveyed for me ; five thousand of
inces : though they might hereabout get plenty of single plantations here and
there ; for the farmers are, many of them, selling their plantations and going
back to take up larger tracts. I, therefore, advised them all I could to go to the
Ohio, but they are afraid the settlers there will be too far from market or a land-
ing place. Since I come to America I have learned to think that those who
have got a rich soil in a favorable climate, and who have got all the conveniences
of life in great plenty, may be happy enough though they have but little money,
and they may carry on a sort of inland trade among themselves by way of barter ;
but those on the Ohio will not long be under that necessity, for I hear that money
is already subscribed to improve the navigation by cuts into the Ohio, and be-
sides the farmers in that rich country may easily get money by rearing large
flocks of cows, hogs, and sheep, which they may drive to Philadelphia, and the
market towns of New York and Maryland. By my being here I see that much
of that fine land on the Ohio and Mississippi will be quickly taken up, though
no person should come to it from Scotland. I see emigrants in crowds passing
this way almost every week. One of my family, whom I lately sent to Phila-
delphia, lodged in a house with fifty of them, and within these few days I saw
more than three score, all of them hastening to the banks of the Ohio. Some
of them came from Ireland, some from England, and some from Germany, and
we hear that several ship fulls are coming from Corsica or Italy. About Fort
Pitt, where three considerable rivers fall into tiie Ohio, the country is pretty well
peopled already." Alexander Thomson, 16 August 1773. — Penn. Magazine of
History and Biography, viii., 322, 323.
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 389
which I am entitled to in my own right, the other
five thousand by purchase from a captain and lieu-
tenant.
I have desired him to get this quantity of land in
one tract, if to be had of the first quality ; if not,
then in two, or even in three, agreeably to the sev-
eral rights under which I hold, rather than sur\'ey
bad land for me, or even that which is middling. I
have also desired him to get it as near the mouth of
the Scioto, that is, to the western bounds of the new
colony as may be ; but for the sake of better lands,
I would go quite down to the Falls, or even below,
meaning thereby to get richer and wider bottoms, as
it is my desire to have my lands run out upon the
banks of the Ohio. If you should go down the
river this fall, in order to look out your own quantity
under the proclamation, I shall be much obliged to
you for your assistance to Captain Bullet, in getting
these ten thousand acres for me, of the most valuable
land you can, and I will endeavor to make you ample
amends for your trouble ; but I by no means wish or
desire you to go down on my account, unless you
find it expedient on your own. Of this I have writ-
ten to Captain Bullet, under cover to you, desiring,
if you should be with him, that he will ask your
assistance.
As I have understood that Captain Thompson (by
what authority I know not) has been surveying a
good deal of land for the Pennsylvania officers, and
that Dr. Connolly has a promise from our Governor
of two thousand acres at the Falls, I have desired
39© THE WRITINGS OF [1775
Captain Bullet by no means to involve me in dis-
putes with any person, who has an equal claim to
land with myself, under the proclamation of 1763.
As to the pretensions of other people, it is not very
essential ; as I am told that the Governor has de-
clared he will grant patents to none but the officers
and soldiers, who are comprehended within the
proclamation aforementioned ; but even of these
claims, if I could get lands equally as good, as con-
venient, and as valuable in every respect, elsewhere,
I should choose to steer clear.'
Old David Wilper, who was an officer in our regi-
ment, and has been with Bullet running out land for
himself and others, tells me, that they have already
discovered salt springs in that country, three of
' Some Pennsylvania officers, claimants to land on the Ohio, among them
being Col. John Armstrong, sent Capt. William Thompson to meet Capt. Bullet
at the mouth of the Scioto, and make surveys in that region.
" Application was made to the Governor and Council of Virginia, in 1774, by
the agent of these associated officers, for leave and permission to survey and
lay off the portions of land M'hich they were respectively entitled to under the
proclamation of 1763. That the Governor and Council were of opinion that
the claim of the said officers was well founded, and a commission was there-
upon granted by the masters of William and Mary College, to Captain William
Thompson, appointing him either a principal or deputy-surveyor for the pur-
pose of making the said surveys within Virginia. The said Thompson, being
duly authorized, proceeded to make the surveys, and did actually make and
complete them on Salt Lick River, then in Virginia, now in Kentucky. . . .
Thompson, when he had completed a draft of the surveys, and made the neces-
sary arrangements with the associated ofiicers for the completion of the titles,
proceeded, in the year 1775, to the office in Virginia, for the purpose of return-
ing the said surveys, and having them duly accepted ; but, as a previous condi-
tion to their acceptance, it was required of him that he should take an oath of
allegiance to the King of Great Britain, wliicii as a patriot, from principles of
attachment to his country, he refused to take, and consequently, the surveys
were not accepted, and the patents not issued." — Report of Mr. Boyle to the
House of Representatives, 3 February, 1807.
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 391
which Captain Thompson has included within some
surveys he has made ; and the other, an exceedingly-
valuable one, upon the River Kentucky, is in some
kind of dispute. I wish I could establish one of my
surveys there ; I would immediately turn it to an
extensive public benefit, as well as private advantage.
However, as four are already discovered, it is more
than probable there are many others, and if you
could come at the knowledge of them by means of
the Indians or otherwise, I would join you in taking
them up in the name or names of some persons, who
have a right under the proclamation, and whose right
we can be sure of buying, as it seems there is no
other method of having lands granted ; but this
should be done with a good deal of circumspection
and caution, till patents are obtained.
I did not choose to forego the opportunity of writ-
ing to you by the gentlemen, who are going to divide
their land at the mouth of the great Kenhawa, though
I could wish to have delayed it till I could hear from
the Governor, to whom I have written, to know cer-
tainly whether he will grant patents for the land
which Captain Bullet is surveying, that one may
proceed with safety ; as also whether a discretionar)'
power, which I had given Mr. Wood to select my
land in West Florida, under an information, even
from his Lordship himself, that lands could not be
had here, would be any bar to my surveying on the
Ohio ; especially as I have heard since Mr. W^ood's
departure, that all the lands on that part of the Mis-
sissippi, to which he was restricted by me, are already
392 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
engaged by the emigrants, who have resorted to that
country. Should I, however, receive any discour-
aging account from his Lordship on these heads, I
shall embrace the first opportunity that offers after-
wards to acquaint you with it.
By Mr. Leet I informed you of the unhappy cause,
which prevented my going out this fall. But I hope
nothing will prevent my seeing you in that country
in the spring. The precise time, as yet, it is not in
my power to fix ; but I should be glad if you would
let me know how soon it may be attended with safety,
ease, and comfort, after which I will fix upon a time
to be at your house.
I am in the mean while, with sincere good wishes
for you, Mrs. Crawford, and family, your friend, &c.
TO MICHAEL CRESAP.
Mount Vernon, 26th Septemr 1773.
Sir,
In my passage down the Ohio in the F"all of the
year 1770, I made choice of a piece of Land, being
the first bottom on the So East side the river above
Capteening, as also a little above a place where the
effects of a hurricane appear among the Trees, and
opposite to a Creek on the other side near the upper
end of the bottom, call'd Pipe Creek.' The next
Spring, when Capt: Crawford went down the Ohio
to survey, I desired him to run out this Land for me,
which he accordingly did, & returned me the Plat of
' Page 295, ante.
1 773 J GEORGE WASHINGTON. 393
it, as you may see by the inclosed copy ; intending
as soon as a Patent could be obtained, to apply for
me. The summer following, hearing that Doctor
Brisco had taken possession of this bottom, (altho*
inform'd of my claim to it) I wrote him a letter, of
w^hich the inclos'd is a copy. — And within these few
days I have heard (the truth of which I know not)
that you, upon the Doctor's quitting of it, have also
taken possession of it. If this information be true, I
own I can conceive no reason why you or any other
person should attempt to disturb me in my claim to
this Land, as I have not, to my knowledge, injur'd or
attempted to injure, any other man in his pretensions
to Land in that country ; it is a little hard, therefore
upon me that I cannot be allowed to hold this bottom
(which is but a small one) in peace and quietness,
'till a legal right can be obtained, which I always have
been and still am ready to pay for, as soon as I know
to what office to apply. — I would feign hope that my
information respecting your taking possession of this
Land, is without foundation ; as I should be sorry to
enter into a litigation of this matter with you or any
other Gentleman ; but as I conceiv'd that I had as
good a right to make choice of this bottom, as any
other person has ; as I am sure that I am the first
that did so, and have had it survey'd so as to ascer-
tain the bounds, upwards of two years ago, I am
resolved not to relinquish my claim to it. — But if you
have made any Improvements thereon not knowing
of my claim, I will very readily pay you the full value
thereof being, etc.
394 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
TO COLONEL ARMSTRONG.
Mount Vernon, 10 October, 1773.
Dear Sir,
Upon my return home from the AnnapoHs races
(from whence I wrote you, committing the letter to
the care of Capt. McGachen of Baltimore Town, who
assured me it should be forwarded the week after,) I
received a letter from Lord Dunmore, our Governor^
containing the following paragraph, which I enclose
for your information, agreeable to my promise.
" I last post received yours of the 12th inst.* (that is Septem-
ber) wherein you beg to be informed whether I propose granting
patents to such officers and soldiers as claim under his Majesty's
proclamation in 8ber 1763. I do not mean to grant any patents
on the Western waters, as I do not think I am at present impow-
ered so to do. I did indeed tell a poor old German lieuten-
ant who was with me," and informed me he was very poor and had
ten children, that I possibly might grant him a patent contiguous
to that which he had under Mr. Dinwiddie's proclamation, which,
I suppose, is what may have given rise to the report you have
heard."
I was suspicious, as I think I wrote you in my last,
that the report of Lord Dunmore's granting patents
was rather premature ; for after declaring to the offi-
cers of his own government that he did not conceive
himself at liberty to issue patents for lands on the
Western Waters, I could scarce think he would change
his opinion without giving them some intimation of
it, either in a publick or private manner ; and yet
there are some words in his letter (which I have
' I have not l)cen able to discover lliis letter of Washington's.
* David Wilj)er.
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 395
marked) which seem to imply an expectation at least
of doing it. It remains therefore to be considered,
whether the officers claiming under his Majesty's
proclamation of 1763 have a better chance of secur-
ing their lands elsewhere ; and if they have not,
whether the known equity of their claims, the pre-
vailing opinion that Bullet is proceeding by authority
in the surv^eys he is now making, and the united en-
deavors of the officers to obtain patents for the
lands actually surveyed, may not discourage other
emigrants from settling thereon ; and, in the end,
induce government to comply with their just requisi-
tions by fulfilling its own voluntary promises. I own
it is a kind of lottery, and whether the chance of
a prize is not worth the expense of a survey, is the
point in question. As subjects and individuals of the
community at large, we are at least upon a par with
those who are occupying the country ; but whether
any of these pleas, under the present discourage-
ments of government, will avail anything, is a mere
matter of speculation, on which every person must
exercise his own powers of reflection.
TO LORD DUXMORE.
Williamsburg, 2 November, 1773.
My Lord,
Urged by repeated applications from a number of
officers, whom I have had the honor to command in
the service of this colony, I take the liberty of ad-
dressing your Excellency on the subject of the lands.
396 THE WRITINGS OF [1773
which the gentlemen conceive themselves entitled to
under his Majesty's bounty of October, 1763.
The exception in favor of the officers and soldiers,
contained in his Majesty's order in Council,' of the
6th of April last, they humbly conceive is so strong
an implication of your Lordship's right to grant them
these lands, as to remove every restraint you were
under before ; and as there are no waste lands to be
had in this colony, but such as lie upon the western
waters, they humbly pray for leave to survey on the
river Ohio, and its waters, below the mouth of Scioto
(the western boundary of the new colony, should it
ever take place), apprehending that your Excellency
has an undoubted right to grant patents for these
lands, since they have ever been considered as ap-
pertaining to Virginia, warranted, as they have been
informed, by the Colony Charter, and sold by the Six
Nations at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, in 1 768. Nor
is the right thereto, it is humbly presumed, by any
means diminished by the nominal line, commonly
called the Ministerial Line ; since that transaction
seems to have been considered by government as a
temporary expedient, at the instigation of the Indian
Agent, to satisfy the southern Indians, who, as it is
said, have disclaimed any right to the very lands in
contest ; and no further regard has been paid to it by
the ministers themselves.
The officers of the Virginia troops, impressed with
these sentiments, and having undoubted reason to
' This order in Council may he found in Docniiwiits relating to the Colonial
History of Nezu York, viii., 357, 358.
1773] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 397
believe, that there is no other chance left them to ob-
tain their lands, but on the Ohio, and knowing at the
same time, that the officers of Pennsylvania, under a
belief that these lands appertain to Virginia, and that
patents will be granted for them, have surveyed two
hundred thousand acres, — would fain hope, that they
may be allowed to proceed by authority to make their
surveys also, anywhere upon the Ohio, or its waters,
below the Scioto ; humbly representing to your Lord-
ship, that a delay in this case is, in effect, equal to a
refusal, as the countr}' is becoming spread over with
emigrants, and experience has convinced all those,
who have had occasion to attend to the matter, that
these people when once fixed are not to be dispos-
sessed, were it politic to attempt it.
The officers have an entire confidence in your
Lordship's disposition to promote their just rights.
They have no other dependence, and they hope to
be put on an equal footing with those other officers,
whose pretensions are not better founded than their
own.
The part I take in bringing this matter to a hear-
ing will, I hope, meet with your Lordship's excuse,
as I am, with the greatest respect, my Lord, your
Lordship's most obedient and most humble servant.'
' " The favorable account, which you were pleased to transmit to me, of Mr.
Custis's conduct at college, gave me ver\- great satisfaction. I hoped to have
felt an increase of it by his continuance at that place, under a gentleman so
capable of instructing him in every branch of useful knowledge. But this hope
is at an end ; and it has been against my wishes, that he should quit college,
in order that he may enter soon into a new scene of life, which I think he
would be much fitter for some years hence, than now. But having his own in-
clination, the desires of his mother, and the acquiescence of almost all his rela-
398 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
TO WILLIAM BLACK.
Mount Vernon — 17th Jan'y — 1774.
Sir,
I was not a little surprized when informed by your
own letter, as well as from Mr. Hill's, of Mrs. Black's
having refused to acknowledge her right of Dower in
the Lands I bought of you. Did you not repeatedly
assure me, that she was ready at all times, to re-
linquish her right ? and did she not signify as much
to me herself, as I brought her from Williamsburg to
Colo. Bassett's ? From whence then does this sudden
change proceed ? Is it because I placed more con-
fidence than I ought, & to make things agreeable to
you, & convenient to your creditors, paid the money
in Williamsburg, when I was not obliged to do it 'till
the Title was effectually secured, & had 'till the 2 5th
of Deer to do this in ? A generous mind would
recoil at such a thought : & yet what other con-
struction can I put upon this change. You say " I
tell her she only wants the customary compliment"
for my own part, I know of no compliment estab-
lished by Custom : I have bought many pieces of
lives to encounter, I did not care, as he is the last of the family, to push my
opposition too far, and I have therefore submitted to a kind of necessity.
" Not knowing how his expenses at college may stand, I shall be much
obliged to you if you will render me an account of them. You will please to
charge liberally for your own particular attention to Mr. Custis, and sufficiently
reward the other gentlemen, who were engaged in the same good offices. If
the money I left with you is insufficient to answer these purposes, please to advise
me thereof, and I will remit the deficiency.
" I am very sorry it was not in my power to see you whilst in these parts. I
thank you very sincerely. Sir, for your polite regard to Mr. Custis, during his
abode at college, and through you beg leave to offer my acknowledgments in
like manner to the professors." — Washittj^tonto Dr. Cooper, 15 December, 1773-
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 399
Land before these, and never had a demand of the
kind ; nor can I harbor so unfavorable an opinion
of Mrs. Black, as to think she is influenced by
so low and pitiful a consideration ; however, if I mis-
judge the matter, and the custom is, as you say, you
must have comply'd with it yourself ; whatever, there-
fore, you have given to others, for these very Lands,
I will (tho' I think myself under no obligation to do
it) give to Mrs. Black, which will remove that ob-
jection.— But if I was surprized at this refusal of
Mrs. Black's, how much more so ought I to be, at
your attempting, according to Mr. Hill's account, to
withhold the Mills, which is solely an act of your
own? Under what pretext is this done? Do you
not remember, that by our agreement you were to
deliver possession of the plantations, INIills, and every
thing thereunto belonging, immediately after the 25th
of Decemr ; & that you are bound to do this in a
Bond of /^ 1 1,000 — ? But this bond you tell me
must be given up to you, before you can surrender
possession of the premises, when one of the express
conditions of it, is to enforce a compliance : Is not
your request, therefore, a very reasonable & proper
one ? To convince you that it is so, I enclose you a
copy of the Bond (as you certainly have forgot it)
accompanied with this assurance, that I shall hold
fast the Original, till you have complyed with the
conditions of it ; after which, as it is not intended,
nor can have any further operation, it is a matter of
moonshine in whose hands it is lodged, or what be-
comes of it.
400 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
Thus much respecting the Dower & Detainer in
general, I shall observe further to you, that though
it never was my intention or desire, to hasten Mrs.
Black out of the House, whilst the weather continued
unfavorable, yet, when you applyed for this & some
other indulgences, did I not always tell you, that I
thought myself under no obligation to enter into
a second contract on this head ? And did I not
moreover refuse to sign an instrument of writing
which you had drawn, declaratory of your wants be-
cause I chose to be govern'd by circumstances, & the
future conduct of your people ; not that I had any
objection, (as I dare say I might tell you) to your
Negroes staying on the plantations to finish your
crops, & take care of your stock, provided there was
room for my people, & yours behaved themselves
well, neither disturbing of us in our operations, nor
committing of waste ; so in like manner respecting
the vessell, — but these being apply'd for as mat-
ters of indulgence, after you had enter'd into a
Solemn contract to deliver up the whole, on or
before the 25th of December, whence comes it, that,
after having fulfilled every tittle of the contract on
my part, you should conceive yourself at liberty
to withhold the Mills, & talk of not delivering up
possession, 'till I should first surrender a Bond, wh'ch
is the only security I have for your doing of it, and
for indemnifying me against Mrs. Black's claim ; after
I have paid every farthing of the purchase money. —
Is there honor, justice or equity in such kind of
proceedings? No, Sir, there is not, & to cut the
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 401
matter short, I have directed Mr. Hill to wait upon
you, & before evidences to demand immediate
possession of the two Mills, — to view & note down,
before the same evidences, the order & condition of
the houses, &c., occupied by you and your people, —
to require you to hasten the finishing of your crops,
that all your people, except such as are necessary- for
the care of your stock may be transported — and
lastly, that you may remove yourself & Family, as
soon as the weather will permit Mrs. Black to go
with convenience, that my people may have the free
& uninterrupted management of the whole purchased
premises. — And to this, I have to add by way of hint
to you, that, whatever accident or damage comes to
the Mills, Mill-Dams, or any house, houses, or other
things in your occupation ; I shall look to you for
full & ample reparation for the same; as I also do,
for the profits of the Mill, till surrender'd, which can
easily be ascertained by your own advertisements. —
It was far from my expectation, & much further from
my desire, to enter into a litigation of those points,
but I shall conceive it a duty incumbent on me to
assert a just right ; and to see that the bargain which
we have made, is reciprocally complied with. —
I do not incline to take any part of your household
furniture ; — the fixtures appurtaining to the houses, I
expect will remain entire, — but if Mr. Hill should
choose (I do not know that he does) to take any
part, or all of your Stocks, & you & he can agree
upon the terms, he has my consent : — but as to the
negro Miller & wife, I shall not interfere in the
402 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
purchase of them, for if Mr. Hill should like the
Negroes & price, I suppose he will buy them ; but if
he does not, he would be to blame to do it.
P. S. The Bond from Col: Byrd's Trustees to me,
I have by this opportunity sent to Mr. Wythe, from
whom you can get it, so soon as he thinks it ought to
be given up : — the other may also be surrender'd, so
soon as you have comply'd with the conditions of it.
TO COLONEL BASSETT.
Mount Vernon, 12 Feby. 1774.
Dear Sir,
I find there will go some matters from this coun-
try, which will make my attendance at the Assembly
necessary ; this I cannot possibly do and go over the
Mountains this Spring. I have therefore determined,
much against my Inclination & Interest, to postpone
my Trip to the Ohio till after Harvest (as I cannot
well be absent from home at that Season.) As
March therefore (at least the first of it) is a disagree-
able Season to travel our Roads In, and as I am
obliged [illegible] to run land about the 20th of the
month of March, and from thence proceed into
Frederick and Berkeley I hope it will be agreeable
and convenient to Mrs. Bassett and you to give us
the pleasure of seeing you here after that time ; the
Roads and Weather will be then orood : our Fisher-
ies will be then come on, and I think you will have
more satisfaction than in an earlier visit.
The Letter herewith Inclosed for Mr. Dandridge
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 403
contains Black's Bond which Mr. Wythe has advised
me to lodge in some safe hands to be tendered to
that pritty Gentleman upon his complying with the
Conditions of it. As the care of it is a thing of
the utmost Importance, I should be obliged to you
(if Captn. Crawford should not go to Mr. Dan-
dridge's himself) to send the letter by Abram, or
some careful Person, least the Bond should get lost.
As I am very much hurried just now, by business
of different kinds, and as I presume my Wife has in-
formed Mrs. Bassett of Jack's Marriage, and all the
other little occurrences she can think of, I shall only
request you to make my affecte. Complements to
her, and the rest of the Family, and believe me to be
with great truth.'
TO HENRY RIDDELL.
Mount Vernon, 22 February, 1774.
Sir,
Mr. Young, hearing me express a desire of import-
ing Palatines to settle on my lands on the Ohio, tells
' " You will now receive a Draft on Messrs. Osgood, Hanbury & Co. — for ;^65,
Sterling, — which please to dispose of, & with the money arising, discharge the
several claims which you have taken the trouble to collect, against Mr. Custis ;
whose residence at Kings College, I little expected would have been of such
short duration ; otherwise, I shou'd not (as his guardian) have thought myself
justified in incurring so great an expense ; not that I think he could have got
conveniently & agreeably fixed in the College for less than what is charged on
that account, but then, for the benefit of only three months residence there,
this might have been avoided. — however, as his discontinuance at it, is an act of
his own, & much against my judgment, he can only blame me (if he blames at
all) for yielding too easily to his importunities, supported by the concurrence
of his relations. — I could have wished. Sir, you had been pleased to make a
charge in the accot for your own trouble, or that I knew what was customary
& proper to be allowed on these occasions." — Washington to Dr. Cooper,
15 April, 1774.
404 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
me, that, in discoursing of this matter in your com-
pany, you suggested an expedient, which might prob-
ably be attended with success ; and that if I inclined
to adopt it, you wished to be informed before the
sailing of your ship.
The desire of seating and improving my lands on
the Ohio, is founded on interested as well as political
views. But the intention of importing Palatines for
the purpose was more the effect of sudden thought,
than mature consideration, because I am totally un-
acquainted with the manner, as well as the expense
of doing it ; and I was led into the notion principally
from a report of either this or some other ship of
yours being blamed, for not taking an offered freight
of these Germans at forty shillings sterling. I was
thus induced to think if this charge was not much ac-
cumulated by other expenses, that I could fall on no
better expedient to settle my lands with industrious
people, than by such an importation.
The terms upon which I have thought of importing
Palatines, or people from Ireland, or Scotland, are
these ; to import them at my expense, where they are
unable to transport themselves, into the Potomac
River, and from hence to the Ohio ; to have them,
in the first case, engaged to me under indenture ; in
the second, by some other contract equally valid, to
become tenants upon the terms hereafter mentioned ;
as without these securities, I would not encounter the
expense, trouble, and hazard of such an importation.
But to make matters as easy and agreeable as pos-
sible to these emigrants, I will engage, on my part,
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 405
that the indentures shall be considered in no other
light, than as a security for reimbursing to me every
expense I am under, with interest, in importing
them, removing them to the land, and supporting them
there, till they can raise a crop for their own subsist-
ence ; giving up the said indentures, and considering
them altogether as freemen and tenants, so soon as
this shall happen ; not to each person or family
respectively, but when the whole accumulated expense
shall be discharged ; as I must, for my own safety,
consider them as jointly bound for this payment, till
the expiration of the indented terms, otherwise I must
be an inevitable loser by every death or other acci-
dent ; whilst they cannot, in the worst light, be con-
sidered as more than servants at large during the in-
dented term. I can also engage to set them down
upon as good land as any in that country ; and, where
there is neither house built, nor land cleared, I will al-
low them an exemption of rent four years ; and, where
there is a house erected, and five acres of land cleared
and fit for cultivation, two years.
They shall have the land upon lease for twenty-one
years, under the usual covenants ; and also at an an-
nual rent, after the first becomes due, of four pounds
sterling for each hundred acres, allowing each family
to take more or less, as inclination and convenience
may prompt. And I will, moreover, engage to re-
new the leases at the expiration of the above twenty-
one years ; and, in like manner, at the end of every
seven years afterwards, upon an increased rent, to be
agreed on between the landlord and tenant ; or, in
4o6 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
order to fix the matter absolutely, if this should be
more agreeable, the rent may be increased at these
periods in proportion to the increased value of that,
or the adjoining lands possessed of equal advantages
of soil and situation.
These are the terms on which I thought to import
and plant people on my Ohio lands, which are, for
the quantity, equal if not superior to any in that
country ; situate altogether upon the Ohio, or Great
Kenhawa, two fine inland navigable rivers, abounding
in fish and wild fowl of all sorts, as the lands do in
wild meats of the best kind.
From Alexandria to the navigable waters of the
Ohio, along a much frequented road used by wagons,
is, according to the computed distance, two hundred
miles. This land-carriage, if the inland navigation
of the Potomac should be effected, than which I think
nothing easier, will be reduced to sixty miles as mat-
ters now stand ; some say to forty, and others to
twenty. But call it the greatest distance, any com-
modity made upon any part of these lands of mine
may be transported along a very easy water-commu-
nication to the settlement of Red-stone, where the
land-carriage at this time begins. To say nothing,
therefore, of the advantages of raising stock of all
kinds, and horses, which will carry themselves to
market, and are now and will, from the nature of
things, continue to be in great demand in the interior
parts of this great continent, hemp, flax, pot-ashes,
indigo, and the like, will well afford the expense of
this land-carriage, admitting it never may be reduced.
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 407
and can be cultivated to advantage on the river
bottoms in that country'.
Having thus exhibited a general view of my design,
I shall now be obliged to you, Sir, to inform me with
as much precision as you can, what certainty there is
that your ship will go to Holland ; what probability
there is of her getting Palatines, if she does go ; when
they may be expected in this countr}' ; what would
be the freight ; and, as near as you can judge, the
whole incidental expense attending each person deliv-
ered at Alexandria ; and, moreover, whether it would
be expected, that the whole of these charges, includ-
ing freight, should be paid down immediately on the
arrival of the ship here, as it must appear rather hard
to make a certain provision for an uncertain event.
It may not be amiss further to obsen,'e, that I see
no prospect of these people being restrained in the
smallest degree, either in their civil or religious prin-
ciples ; which I take notice of, because these are
privileges, which mankind are solicitous to enjoy, and
upon which emigrants must be anxious to be informed.
I wrote to Philadelphia by the last post for full
information of the manner and charge of importing
these people from Holland ' ; and, if your account in
answer to this letter should prove agreeable to my
' " Interested as well as political motives render it necessary for me to seat
the lands, which I have patented on the Ohio, in the cheapest, most expeditions,
and effectual manner. Many expedients have been proposed to accomplish
this, but none, in my judgment, so likely to succeed as the importing of Pala-
tines. But how to do this upon the best terms, is a question I wish to have
answered. Few of this kind of people ever come to Virginia, whether because
it is out of the common course of its trade, or because they object to it, I am
unable to determine. I shall take it very kind in you, therefore, to resolve the
4o8 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
wishes, I will send a more particular description of
the lands, which I wish to settle, as well as copies of
the plots, and do any other matter which may be
judged necessary to further the design. I am, &c.
TO THOMAS LEWIS, ESQ.
Mount Vernon, 5th May, 1774.
Sir,
Your letter of the 31st of March did not come to
my hands 'till the latter end of last month ; and no
direct opportunity that I have heard of, has offered
since, this letter taking the chance of conveyance
from place to place only. —
following questions, which I am persuaded you can do with precision, by in-
quiring of such gentlemen, as have been engaged in this business.
" Whether there is any difficulty in procuring these people in Holland ? If
so, from whence does it proceed ? Whether they are to be had at all times, or
at particular seasons only, and when ? Whether tliey are engaged previously to
sending for them, and in what manner ? Or do ships take their chance after
getting there ? Upon what terms are they generally engaged ? And how much
for each person do they commonly stand the importer landed at Philadelphia ?
Is it customary to send an intelligent German in the ship, that is to bring them ?
Do vessels ever go immediately to Holland for them, and, if they do, what car-
goes do they carry ? Or are they to go round, and where ? In short, what
plan would be recommended to me, by the knowing ones, as best for importing
a full freight, say two or three hundred or more, to Alexandria ? In case of
full freight, how are the numbers generally proportioned to the tonnage of a
vessel?" — Wasliington to James Tilghman, [22] February, 1774.
William McGachen wrote to Washington on 13 March, 1774 : " I have pur-
chased for you four men convicts, four indented servants, for three years and a
man and his wife for four years. The price is I think rather high, but as they
are country, likely people and you at present wanted them, Mr Crawford said
he imagined you would be well satisfied with our bargain. I have agreed to
pay £1x0 sterling for them. . . . Should you want any more there is a
shij) expected this month with country convicts. I suppose six months' credit
may be got for a parcel of them on the same terms I liave bought the parcel
now sent you, as ihey are at present scarce and in demand." For an interesting
note on indented servants, see Jefferson, Works, ix., 254.
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 409
Immediately upon the receipt of your favor by Mr.
Young, I despatched a letter to Capt. Crawford (cov-
ering yours to him) pointing out the necessity of his
attempting to qualify as your Deputy, at your Court
for April. Before this I did not urge him (as he
appeared anxious to return home) to take that rout,
for two reasons : — in the first place I did not advert
to the necessity of this qualification ; in the next place
*till your letter arrived (which was after he was gone)
I did not know whether you would accept of him as
an assistant or not. — At the same time I wrote to
him, I forwarded Letters under his cover, (in order
to be deliver'd by him, to Mr. Madison, Mr. Jones
and Capt. Hog, requesting the favor of each to
facilitate his business if he came in on this errand ;
but what has been the result of all this I know not,
never having heard a syllable from him since. —
I come now to take notice of what you have said in
respect to Mr. Michael Cresap, whose claim to the
round bottom and other Lands along the banks of
the Ohio (for as I am credibly informed) thirty miles,
is equally well founded ; and founded upon no other
right, or pretence than that of claiming, every good
bottom upon the river ; building a cabbin thereon to
keep off others, and then selling them, and going on
to possess other Lands in the same manner. — This if
common report tells truth, is the foundation of Mr.
Cresap's claim to the round bottom ; set up long
after I had made choice of it, and had had it sur-
vey'd as a stage, or Lodgment between Fort Pitt, &
my Lands on the Great Kenhawa : — it is true, as this
4IO THE WRITINGS OF [1774
is esteem'd a valuable bottom, he may have taken
more pains in the improvement of it, than of the
others ; but his choice, or even knowledge of it, was
long after I had had it survey'd.
This being the amount of his claim, I will now give
you the substance of mine, which cannot be better
done, than by informing you, that in the fall of the
year 1770, when I went to view the Lands, which
have been since surveyed under the Proclamation of
1754, I made choice of this spot of Land (called the
round bottom) marked Trees, & directed Captn.
Crawford, when he went down the spring following
to survey it, which he accordingly did, as may appear
by his certificate inclosed you by Mr. Young. Some-
time after this, hearing that Doctor Brisco had taken
possession of it, & actually had or was going to fix
Negroes on it, I wrote him a letter of which No i is
a copy, upon which I was informed he had quit it.
Sometime after this again, I learned that Mr. Michael
Cresap had taken possession of it, built houses, and
was working hands thereon, upon which I also wrote
him a letter of which No. 2. is the copy ; and was
given to understand that Mr. Theobald (or Tibbies,
as he is commonly called) who was Partner with Mr.
Cresap in this Land, was determined to give it up ;
receiving at the same time a message by Capt. Craw-
ford from Mr. Michael Cresap, that if I would let him
have the Land he would pay me what I thought the
worth of it ; to which I returned for answer, that as it
was the only piece of Land I had upon the Ohio,
between Fort Pitt and the Kenhawas, and found it
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTOX. 411
ver}' necessar}'^ as a stage or Lodgment, in coming
up the river, I could not agree to part with it, but
again offered to pay for any labor or improvement,
which he had made.
In this situation things were, when I wrote to you
by Mr. Young ; — otherwise, if I had thought that
Mr. Cresap could, with any color of Justice, or
even at any rate (as he must be conscious, that the
mode he has praticed, of engrossing & selling Lands,
I should have mention'd it to you before, but in truth,
from every thing that has passed, I concluded that he
had yielded to my prior claim. — In like manner may
my title to the three thousand acres on the waters of
Sharter & Racoon) be disputed : For after that
also was surveyed for me ; after I had bought the
rights (or claims rather) of several people to it, &
after I had actually built several houses thereon, by
way of strengthening my right, numbers of People
went, in a forcible manner, and in defiance of repeat-
ed notices, & took possession of the Land, & built
cabbins in such a manner as to prevent even entrance
into my houses, & may, as Mr. Cresap has, dispute
my title under pretence of having improved it ; — but
I do not expect that such claims as these can ever
have an operation to my prejudice, or ought to retard
my Patent ; however, I do not wish to hasten any
measure faster than it can be done with propriety. — '
' " The late Col. Angus McDonald, near Winchester, and several other individ-
uals, went out in the spring of 1774, to survey the militan,- bounty lands, lying
on the Ohio and Kanawha rivers, allowed by the king's proclamation to the offi-
cers and soldiers of the army, for their ser^^ces in the preceding war with the
412 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
SESSION OF THE HOUSE OF BURGESSES, I 774-'
May 5. Set off for Mr. Calvert's ; dined and lodged there.
6. After dinner returned home. Mr. and Mrs. Custis and
Miss Calvert came home with us. Found Mr. Tilghman here.
Indians, but were driven off." This act led to Dunmores War. Kercheval,
History of the Valley of Virginia, 145.
The following advertisement was printed in the Maryland Gazette, 26 May,
1774 :—
Fairfax County, Va., May 10, 1774.
In the month of March last the subscriber sent out a number of carpenters
and laborers, to build houses and clear and enclose lands on the Ohio, intending
to divide the several tracts which he there holds, into convenient sized tenements
and to give leases therefor for lives, or a term of years, renewable forever, under
certain conditions which may be known either of him, or Mr. Valentine Crawford,
who is now on the land.
The situation and quality of these lands having been thoroughly described in
a former advertisement, it is unnecessary to enlarge on them here ; suffice it gen-
erally to observe, that there are no better in that country, and that the whole of
them lay upon the banks of the Ohio or Great Kanawha, and are capable of
receiving the highest improvement. George Washington.
***** *
" Before I conclude (as the whole of my force is in a manner confined to
the growth of wheat and manufacturing of it into flour) permit me to ask how
flour of a good quality would sell in London ? What would be the freight
of it there, and commission ? and whether if our commerce with Great Britain
is kept open (which seems to be a matter of very great doubt at present) you
would choose to accept a commission to sell one or two hundred barrels at a
time as I could meet with a convenient freight (for it will not do to be put into
tobacco ships, the heat thereof being too great and apt to
the flour musty." — Washington to Robert Cary & Co.,
Williamsburg, i June, 1774.
' From an interleaved Almanac.
. ^ The Virginia Assembly convened at Williamsburg on Thursday, May 5th.
The earlier days of the session were occupied with matters connected with the
Indian outbreaks and the boundary disputes with Pennsylvania ; but the news
of the Boston Port Bill, closing that town to all foreign trade after June
1st, was soon known in Virginia, and in the then disturbed condition of public
opinion could have but one elTcct. " Infinite astonishment and equal resent-
ment," wrote a member of the Assembly on the 20th, " have seized every one
here, and a resort to tlie expedient of 1769-70, a general agreement to stop all
trade with Britain, ap])eared jirobable. The House is now pushing on the
public business for wliicli we are called here at this time ; but before we depart
our measures will be settled and agreed on. The plan is extensive ; it is wise,
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 413
7, Went with the above company to a boat race and barbe-
cue at Johnson's ferry. Returned at night with Mr. Milner.
8. Mr. Tilghman and Mr. Milner went away after break-
fast. We (that is the rest) went to Pohick Church.
and I hope under God, it will not fail of success." At the instance of the
younger and more aggressive members of the Assembly, Robert Carter Nicholas
moved on May 24th to appoint June ist as a day of fasting, humiliation and
prayer, and that the Burgesses attend church in a body on that day. The
motion was carried, and the governor on the 26th, hearing that the fast was in-
tended to prepare the minds of the people to receive other resolutions of the
House, presumably intended to stUl more inflame the whole country and insti-
gate the people to acts that might rouse the indignation of the mother country
against them, with the unanimous consent of the council, dissolved the Assem-
bly, on the ground that the terms of the resolution reflected highly upon the
King and Parliament of Great Britain.
What these other resolutions might have been is shown by the paper
prepared the day before dissolution by Richard Henry Lee, denouncing the
closing of Boston as " a most violent and dangerous attempt to destroy the con-
stitutional liberty and rights of all British America," and proposing a general
congress of the Colonies, " to consider and determine on ways the most effectual
to stop the exports from North America, and for the adoption of such other
measures as may be most decisive for securing the rights of America against the
systematic plan formed for their destruction." He was prevented from propos-
ing these resolutions by many worthy members, " who wished to have the
public business first finished, and who were induced to believe, from many
conversations they had heard, that there was no danger of a dissolution."
R. H. Lee to Samuel Adams, 23 June, 1774. That the general temper of the
Assembly was moderate is further shown by a letter from Lord Dunmore to the
Earl of Dartmouth, dated the 29th : " I have heard from many of the dissolved
members, and I hope it is true, that the House in general in the hasty manner
the measure was proposed and agreed to, did not advert to the whole force of
the terms in which the order I transmit [the appointment of a fast] is conceived,
and that if it had, it is believed a strong opposition would have been made to it.
and probably that it might have met a different fate."
On the morning after the dissolution the members of the late House of
Burgesses to the number of eighty-nine, met in the long room of the Raleigh
Tavern, known as the Apollo, drew up an association, reciting their grievances
against Great Britain, recommending the disuse of tea and East Indian products
— a measure directed against the East India Company, — making the cause of
Boston common to all the Colonies, and instructed the Committee of Correspond-
ence to propose to the similar committees in the other Colonies to appoint
deputies to meet in Congress at such place annually as should be most con-
venient ; there to deliberate on those general measures which the united
414 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
9. At home all day alone.
10. Miss Calvert, Miss (?) Custis and Mr. Custis went over
to Maryland. I continued at home all day. Major Waggener
and Mr. Thos. Triplet dined here.
11. At home all day alone.
12. Set off with Mrs Washington for Williamsburg.
Dined at Dumfries and lodged at Col. Lewis's in Fredericksburg.
13. At Fredericksburg all day. Dined at Col. Lewis's and
spent the evening at Weedon's.
14. Dined at Roys Ordinary and lodged at Tods Bridge.
15. Breakfasted at Rufifins Ferry and dined and lodged at
Col. Bassett's.
16. Came to Williamsburg, dined at the Governor's, and
spent the evening at Mrs. Campbell's.
interests of America may require. Jefferson records that " nobody thought at
that time of extending our association further, to the total interruption of our
commerce with Great Britain ; or if it was proposed by any (which I don't
recollect), it was condemned by the general sense of the members who formed
that association." Jefferson to A. Cary, 9 December, 1774. Indeed the
moderate tone of what was done was not satisfactory to R. H. Lee, who was
urging more decided steps. " The consequent conduct of the members was
surely much too feeble in opposition to the very dangerous and alarming degree,
to which despotism had advanced. So thinking, I did propose to the dissolved
members a plan of a general congress, but tliey made a distinction between their -
then state, and that when they were members of the House of Burgesses." Lee
to Samuel Adams, 23 June, 1774. Nevertheless a circular letter under date
May 28th was prepared and sent to the committees in the other Colonies, asking
their views on the expediency of a general congress. This irregular, because
self-constituted convention, appears to have dissolved on the same day.
On the following day (Sunday, May 29th) letters were received from some of
the committees in the northern Colonies recommending a union of the southern
Colonies against the rigorous and unconstitutional measures of the British ministry
respecting America. Peyton Randolph, as moderator of the former meeting,
deemed it expedient to summon the members, and in reply to his call twenty-
five of them met on Monday the 30th, Washington among the number. (The
names of the twenty-five are given in Purviancc, Baltimore during the Revolu-
tion, 135.) The meeting unanim<jusly agreed to a circular letter, from which the
following extract is taken : " Most of tlie gentlemen present seemed to think it
absolutely necessary for us to enlarge our late association, and that we ought to
adopt the sclieme of non-importation to a very large extent ; but we were
divided in our opinions as to stopping our exports. We could not, however,
being so small a proportion of our late associates, presume to make any altera-
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 415
17. Dined at the Speaker's and spent the evening at South-
all's.
18. Dined at the club at Mrs. Campbell's and spent the
evening at Southall's.
19. Dined and spent the evening at Mrs. Campbell's.
20. Dined at Mrs. Campbell's, and spent the afternoon at
my own lodgings.
21. Dined at the Speaker's and went up to Colo. Bassett's
in the afternoon.
22. At Colo. Bassett's all day.
23. Came to Williamsburg with Mrs. Washington. Dined
at the Attorneys, and spent the evening there.
24. Dined at the Speaker's, and spent the evening at Mrs.
Campbell's.
tion in the terms of our general association, and we resolved to invite all the
members of the late House of Burgesses to a general meeting in this city on the
first day of August next. We fixed this distant day in the hopes of accommo-
dating the meeting to every gentleman's private affairs, and that they might in
the meantime, have an opportunity of collecting the sense of their respective
counties. The inhabitants of this city were convened yesterday afternoon, and
most cheerfully acceded to the measure we had adopted." The action of this
assemblage led Dunmore to remark that it gave " too much cause to apprehend
that the prudent views, and the regard to justice and equity, as well as loyalty
and affection, which is publicly declared by many of the families of distinction
here, will avail little against the turbulence and prejudice which prevail through-
out the country ; it is, however, at present quiet." Lord Dunmore to the Earl
of Dartmouth, 6 June, 1774.
The day of fasting was observed throughout the Colony. " The people met
generally with anxiety and alarm in their countenances, and the effect of the day,
through the whole Colony, was like a shock of electricity, arousing every man,
and placing him erect and solidly on his center." Jefferson, Works, i., 7. " The
fast was obeyed throughout Virginia with such rigor and scruples, as to inter-
dict the tasting of food between the rising and setting sun. With the remem-
brance of the King [Ministry?], horror was associated ; in churches, as well as
in the circles of social conversation, he seemed to stalk like the arch-enemy of
mankind.'' Edmund Randolph {(\M0X.&d by Moncure D. Conway in his biog-
raphy of Randolph).
The Governor issued writs for a new Assembly to meet on August nth, but the
troubled condition of public opinion led him later to prorogue it to the first
Thursday in November. A series of papers by Thomson Mason, printed in the
Gazette as the British-American, will repay study. They are reprinted in
Eorce.
41 6 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
25. Dined and spent the evening at the Governor's.
26. Rid out with the Governor to his farm and breakfasted
with him there. Dined at Mrs. Dawson's and spent the evening
at my lodgings.
27. Dined at the Treasurer's and went to the Ball given by
the House of Burgesses to Lady Dunmore.
28. Dined at Mrs. Campbell's and spent the evening at my
lodgings.
29. Went to church in the fore and afternoon. Dined at
Mrs. Dawson's, and spent the evening at my lodgings.
30. Dined at Mr. Southall's. Spent the evening in my own
room.
31. Dined at Mr. Charlton's, and spent the evening in my
room.
June I St. Went to church and fasted all day.
2. Dined at Mr. Charlton's and came up to Col. Bassett's in
the afternoon.
3. At Colo. Bassett's all day in company with Mr. Dan-
dridge, &c.
4. Went up by water with Mr. and Mrs. Bassett, Mrs. Dan-
dridge and Mrs. Washington to the land bought of Black in
Kings and Queens. Returned to Col. Bassett's to dinner.
5. At Col. Bassett's all day.
6. Set [off] with him for Williamsburg. Dined at Richard
Charlton's and supped at Anderson's.
7. Dined at Mrs. Dawson's and spent the evening at the
Raleigh.
8. Dined at the Raleigh and spent the evening at the
Anderson's.
9. Dined at the Raleigh and spent the evening there also.
10. Dined at the Raleigh and went to the fire works.
11. Dined at Mrs. Dawson's, and went up to Colo. Bassett's
in the afternoon.
12. At Col. Bassett's all day.
13. Returned with him to Williamsburg. Dined at the
Raleigh, and spent the evening at Anderson's.
14. Dined with the Council at Southall's ; and spent the
evening at Anderson's.
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 417
15. Dined at Mrs. Dawson's and spent the evening at the
Capitol at a meeting of the society for promoting useful knowl-
edge.
16. Dined at the Governor's and spent the evening at
Anderson's.
17. Dined at Anderson's and spent the evening there.
18. Dined at Mrs. Dawson's and came up to Col. Bassetts
in the afternoon.
19. At Colo. Bassett's all day.
20. Set off from thence on my return home. Dined at
Todd's Bridge and lodged at Hubbard's.
21. Breakfasted at the Boiling Green, dined and lodged at
Col. Lewis's in Fredericksburg.
22. Reached home to a late dinner, after breakfasting at
Acquia.
TO BRYAN FAIRFAX.
Mount Vernon, 4 July, 1774.
Dear Sir,
John has just delivered to me your favor of yester-
day, which I shall be obliged to answer in a more
concise manner, than I could wish, as I am very much
engaged in raising one of the additions to my house,
which I think (perhaps it is fancy) goes on better
whilst I am present, than in my absence from the
workmen.
I own to you, Sir, I wished much to hear of your
making an open declaration of taking a poll for this
county, upon Colonel West's publicly declining last
Sunday ; and I should have written to you on the
subject, but for information then received from sev-
eral gentlemen in the churchyard, of your having
refused to do so, for the reasons assigned in your let-
4i8 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
ter ' ; upon which, as I think the country never stood
more in need of men of abiHties and liberal senti-
ments than now, I entreated several gentlemen at our
church yesterday to press Colonel Mason to take a
poll, as I really think Major Broadwater,^ though
a good man, might do as well in the discharge of his
domestic concerns, as in the capacity of a legislator.
And therefore I again express my wish, that either
you or Colonel Mason would offer. I can be of little
assistance to either, because I early laid it down as a
maxim not to propose myself, and solicit for a second.
As to your political sentiments, I would heartily
join you in them, so far as relates to a humble and
dutiful petition to the throne, provided there was the
most distant hope of success. But have we not tried
this already ? Have we not addressed the Lords, and
remonstrated to the Commons ? And to what end ?
Did they deign to look at our petitions ? Does it not
appear, as clear as the sun in its meridian brightness,
that there is a regular, systematic plan formed to fix
the right and practice of taxation upon us ? Does
not the uniform conduct of Parliament for some years
past confirm this ? Do not all the debates, especially
' The poll here mentioned was for the election of delegates to the House of
Burgesses. Mr. P'airfax declined, as he said, chiefly because he thought he could
not give satisfaction at that time ; for he should think himself bound to oppose
strong measures, and was in favor of petitioning, and giving Parliament a fair
opportunity of repealing their obnoxious acts. " There are scarce any at Alex-
andria," he adds, "of my opinion ; and though the few I have elsewhere con-
versed with on the subject are so, yet from them I could learn, that many thought
otherwise ; so that I believe I should at this time give general dissatisfaction,
and therefore it would be more projjcr to decline, even upon this account, as
well as because it would necessarily lead me into great expenses, which my cir-
cumstances will not allow." " Charles Broadwater.
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 419
those just brought to us, in the House of Commons
on the side of government, expressly declare that
America must be taxed in aid of the British funds,
and that she has no longer resources within herself ?
Is there any thing to be expected from petitioning
after this ? Is not the attack upon the liberty and
property of the people of Boston, before restitution
of the loss to the India Company was demanded, a
plain and self-evident proof of what they are aiming
at ? Do not the subsequent bills (now I dare say
acts), for depriving the Massachusetts Bay of its char-
ter, and for transporting offenders into other colonies
or to Great Britian for trial, where it is impossible
from the nature of the thing that justice can be
obtained, convince us that the administration is deter-
mined to stick at nothing to carr}^ its point ? Ought
we not, then, to put our virtue and fortitude to the
severest test ?
With you I think it a folly to attempt more than
we can execute, as that will not only bring disgrace
upon us, but weaken our cause ; yet I think we may
do more than is generally believed, in respect to the
non-importation scheme. As to the withholding of
our remittances, that is another point, in which I own
I have my doubts on several accounts, but principally
on that of justice ; for I think, whilst we are accusing
others of injustice, we should be just ourselves ; and
how this can be, whilst we owe a considerable debt, and
refuse payment of it to Great Britain, is to me incon-
ceivable. Nothing but the last extremity, I think, can
justify it. Whether this is now come, is the question.
420 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
I began with telling you, that I was to write a short
letter. My paper informs me I have done otherwise.
I shall hope to see you to-morrow, at the meeting of
the county in Alexandria, when these points are to be
considered. I am, dear Sir, your most obedient and
humble servant'
TO BRYAN FAIRFAX.
Mount Vernon, 20 July, 1774.
Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 1 7th was not presented to me till
after the resolutions, (which were adjudged advisable
for this county to come to), had been revised, altered,
and corrected in the committee ; nor till we had gone
into a general meeting in the court-house, and my
attention necessarily called every moment to the
business that was before it.^ I did, however, upon
' I774> July 5- Went up to Alexandria to a meeting of the inhabitants of
this county. Dined at Arrell's, and lodged at my own house. 6. Dined at
Doctr. Brown's, and returned home in the evening. 14. Went up to Alexan-
dria to the Election, where I was chosen, together with Major Broadwater, Bur-
gess. Staid all night to a ball. 17. Col. Mason came in the afternoon, and
staid all night. 18. Went up to Alexandria to a meeting of the County.
Returned in the evening.
* The inhabitants of Fairfax County had assembled, and appointed a commit-
tee for drawing up resolutions expressive of their sentiments on the great topics,
which agitated the country. Washington was chairman of this committee, and
moderator of the meetings held by the people. An able report was prepared by
the committee, containing a series of resolutions, which were presented at a
general meeting of the inhabitants at the court-house in Fairfax County on the
i8th of July. It is printed in Force's American Archives, Fourth Series, i., 597.
Mr. Bryan Fairfax, who had been present on former occasions, not approving
all the resolutions, absented himself from this meeting, and wrote a long letter
to the chairman, stating his views and objections, with the request that it should
be publicly read.
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 421
receipt of it, (in that hurry and bustle,) hastily run it
over, and handed it round to the gentlemen on the
bench of which there were many ; but, as no person
present seemed in the least disposed to adopt your
sentiments, as there appeared a perfect satisfaction
and acquiescence in the measures proposed (except
from a Mr. Williamson, who was for adopting your
advice literally, without obtaining a second voice on
his side), and as the gentlemen, to whom the letter
was shown, advised me not to have it read, as it was not
like to make a convert, and repugnant, (some of them
thought,) to the very principle we were contending
for, I forbore to offer it otherwise than in the manner
above mentioned ; which I shall be sorry for, if it gives
you any dissatisfaction in not having your sentiments
read to the county at large, instead of communicating
them to the first people in it, by offering them the
letter in the manner I did.
That I differ very widely from you, in respect to the
mode of obtaining a defeat [repeal] of the acts so
much and so justly complained of, I shall not hesitate
to acknowledge ; and that this difference in opinion
may probably proceed from the different construc-
tions we put upon the conduct and intention of the
ministry may also be true ; but, as I see nothing, on
the one hand, to induce a belief that the Parliament
would embrace a favorable opportunity of repealing
acts, which they go on with great rapidity to pass,
and in order to enforce their tyrannical system ; and,
on the other, I observe, or think I observe, that gov-
ernment is pursuing a regular plan at the expense of
422 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
law and justice to overthrow our constitutional rights
and liberties, how can I expect any redress from
a measure, which has been ineffectually tried already ?
For, Sir, what is it we are contending against ? Is it
against paying the duty of three pence per pound on
tea because burthensome ? No, it is the right only,
we have all along disputed, and to this end we have
already petitioned his Majesty in as humble and
dutiful manner as subjects could do. Nay, more, we
applied to the House of Lords and House of Com-
mons in their different legislative capacities, setting
forth, that, as Englishmen, we could not be deprived
of this essential and valuable part of a constitution.
If, then, as the fact really is, it is against the right of
taxation that we now do, and, (as I before said,) all
along have contended, why should they suppose an
exertion of this power would be less obnoxious now
than formerly ? And what reasons have we to be-
lieve, that they would make a second attempt, while
the same sentiments filled the breast of every Ameri-
can, if they did not intend to enforce it if possible ?'
^ Mr. Fairfax had written : — " I come now to consider a resolve, which ought
to be the most objected to, as tending more to widen the breach, and prevent a
reconciliation than any other. I mean that, wherein the authority of Parliament is
almost in every instance denied. Something similar to this, though more
imprudent, is the most exceptionable part of the conduct of some in New
England. It has been asserted in the House of Commons, that America has
been gradually encroaching ; that, as they have given up points, we have insisted
on more. The fact is true, as to encroachment, but the reason assigned is
wrong. It is not because they have given up points, but because they have not
given them up, that we out of resentment demand more tlian we at first thought
of. But however natural it is for j)eo])le incensed to increase their claims, and
whatever our anger may induce us to say, in calm deliberations we should not
insist on any thing unreasonable. We have all along submitted to the authority
of Parliament. From the first settlement of the colonies I believe there never
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 423
The conduct of the Boston people could not jus-
tify the rigor of their measures, unless there had been
a requisition of payment and refusal of it ; nor did
that measure require an act to deprive the govern-
ment of Massachusetts Bay of their charter, or to
exempt offenders from trial in the place where of-
fences were committed, as there was not, nor could
not be, a single instance produced to manifest the
necessity of it. Are not all these things self evident
proofs of a fixed and uniform plan to tax us ? If we
want further proofs, do not all the debates in the
House of Commons ser\^e to confirm this? And has
not General Gage's conduct since his arrival, (in
stopping the address of his Council, and publishing
was an act of Parliament disputed, till the famous Stamp Act. It is a maxim in
law, that all the acts made since the settlement of the colonies do not extend
here, unless the colonies are particularly named ; therefore all acts wherein they
are included do extend here.
" When the Stamp Act was repealed, it was said, and I did not hear it con-
tradicted, that the Americans objected to internal taxes, but not to external
duties. When the duty on tea was laid, as an external duty, we objected to it,
and with some reason, because it was not for the regulation of trade, but for the
express purpose of raising a revenue. This was deemed a small encroachment
on our first demands. Some now object to the authority, which has established
and regulated the post-office, a very useful regulation. Others deny their
authority in regard to our internal affairs. If we go on at this rate, it is impos-
sible, that the troubles of America should ever have an end. Whatever we may
wish to be the case, it becomes good subjects to submit to the constitution of
their country. \Mienever a political establishment has been settled, it ought to
be considered what that is, and not what it ought to be. To fix a contrary prin-
ciple is to lay the foundation of continual broils and revolutions.
" The Parliament from prescription have a right to make laws binding on the
colonies, except those imposing taxes. From prescription the Americans are
exempt from taxation. Let us stand upon good ground in our opposition,
otherwise many upon reflection may desert the cause. Therefore I hope some
alteration will be made in the second resolve, or that nothing under this head \vill
be mentioned."
424 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
a proclamation more becoming a Turkish bashaw,
than an English governor, declaring it treason to as-
sociate in any manner by which the commerce of
Great Britain is to be affected,) exhibited an unex-
ampled testimony of the most despotic system of
tyranny, that ever was practised in a free govern-
ment? In short, what further proofs are wanted to
satisfy one of the designs of the ministry, than their
own acts, which are uniform and plainly tending to
the same point, nay, if I mistake not, avowedly to fix
the right of taxation ? What hope then from peti-
tioning, when they tell us, that now or never is the
time to fix the matter ? Shall we, after this, whine
and cry for relief, when we have already tried it in
vain ? Or shall we supinely sit and see one province
after another fall a prey to despotism ? If I was in
any doubt, as to the right which the Parliament of
Great Britain had to tax us without our consent, I
should most heartily coincide with you in opinion,
that to petition, and petition only, is the proper
method to apply for relief ; because we should then
be asking a favor, and not claiming a right, which,
by the law of nature and our constitution, we are, in
my opinion, indubitably entitled to. I should even
think it criminal to go further than this, under such
an idea ; but none such I have. I think the Parlia-
ment of Great Britain hath no more right to put
their hands into my pocket, without my consent, than
I have to put my hands into yours for money ; and
this being already urged to them in a firm, but decent
manner, by all the colonies, what reason is there to
expect any thing from their justice ?
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 425
As to the resolution for addressing the throne, I
own to you, Sir, I think the whole might as well have
been expunged. I expect nothing from the measure,
nor should my voice have accompanied it, if the non-
importation scheme was intended to be retarded by
it ; ' for I am convinced, as much as I am of my ex-
istence, that there is no relief but in their distress ;
and I think, at least I hope, that there is public vir-
tue enough left among us to deny ourselves every
thing but the bare necessaries of life to accomplish
this end. This we have a right to do, and no power
upon earth can compel us to do otherwise, till they
have first reduced us to the most abject state of
slavery that ever was designed for mankind. The
stopping our exports would, no doubt, be a shorter
cut than the other to effect this purpose ; but if we
owe money to Great Britain, nothing but the last
necessity can justify the non-payment of it ; and,
therefore, I have great doubts upon this head, and
' Among the Alexandria resolves, which were the subject of Mr. Fairfax's
letter, there was one for petitioning the King. In relation to this, he wrote ; —
" I hope it will be recommended, that, if a petition should be agreed upon, and
sent home by the general Congress, no conditional resolution, which may be
formed at the time, should be published until it is known, that the petition has
had no effect. For we should otherwise destroy the very intention of it. To
petition and to threaten at the same time seem to be inconsistent. It might be
of service with the ministry, if they have evil designs, to know the dispositions
of the people here. I am sure that sufficiently appears from what has already
been published. And if that appears, no threatenings ought to accompany the
petition. It ought to be as modest as possible, without descending to meanness.
There is one expression, then, in one of our resolves, which I much object to ;
that is, a hint to the King, that, if his Majesty will not comply, there lies but
one appeal. This ought surely to be erased. There are two methods proposed
to effect a repeal ; the one by petition, the other by compulsion. They ought
then to be kept separate and distinct, and we shall find few for joining them
together, who are not rather against the fonner."
426 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
wish to see the other method first tried, which is
legal and will facilitate these payments.
I cannot conclude without expressing some concern,
that I should differ so widely in sentiment from you,
in a matter of such great moment and general import ;
and should much distrust my own judgment upon the
occasion, if my nature did not recoil at the thought
of submitting to measures, which I think subversive
of every thing that I ought to hold dear and valuable,
and did I not find, at the same tim.e, that the voice
of mankind is with me.
I must apologize for sending you so rough a sketch
of my thoughts upon your letter. When I looked
back, and saw the length of my own, I could not, as
I am also a good deal hurried at this time, bear the
thoughts of making off a fair copy. I am, &c.
VIRGINIA CONVENTION.'
1774. Aug. I. Went from Colo. Bassett's to Williamsburg to
the meeting of the Convention. Dined at Mrs. Campbell's, spent
ye evening in my lodgings.
' In compliance with the recommendation of the deputies, embodied in a
circular issued from Williamsburg on the 31st of May, delegates were chosen in
the county meetings to assemble at Williamsburg on August 1st. Washington
was present, as the extracts from his diary show, but he gives no record of what
business was before the convention or what was decided upon by the delegates.
It was to this assembly, which by an act of its own was transferred into a con-
vention, a revolutionary body as it afterwards appeared, that Jefferson, unable
to attend because of illness, sent tiie paper that was later printed as A Summary
View of the Rii^hts of British Ameriea. 'Phis definition of rights and griev-
ances intended to serve as instructions for the delegates to a general Congress
was set aside by the Convention as " too l)old for the present state of things,
. . . Tamer sentiments were preferred, and, I believe, wisely preferred ;
the lea]) I proposed lacing too long, as yet, for the mass of our citizens." Jeffer-
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 427
2. At the convention ; dined at the Treasurer's. At my lod-
gings in the evening.
3. Dined at the Speaker's, and spent the evening at my own
lodgings.
4. Dined at the Attorney's, and spent the evening at my own
lodgings.
5. Dined at Mrs. Dawson's, and spent the evening at my own
lodgings.
6. Dined at Mrs. Campbell's, and spent the evening at my own
lodgings.
7. Left Williamsburg about 9 o'clock.
son, Works, i., 123, 124. The instructions as adopted will be found in Force,
American Archives, Fourth Series, i., 68g, and in Jefiferson, Works, i., 142.
The Convention on the 5th, elected as delegates to the general or Continental
Congress, Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick
Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison and Edmund Pendleton.
The Convention also passed and unanimously adopted a new Association,
pledging themselves not to import from Great Britain or elsewhere after the
1st of November, any goods, wares or merchandises whatever, medicines ex-
cepted ; not to import slaves ; not to use or import tea ; not to buy of the East
India Company, if payment for the tea destroyed at Boston be insisted upon, to
whose acts the misfortunes of Boston were attributed ; not to export tobacco or
any other article to Great Britain, and to improve the domestic breed of sheep,
with a view to establishing manufactures in the Colonies. The full Associa-
tion is printed in Force, American Archives, Fourth Series, i., 686-688. The
Convention adjourned on Saturday, August 6.
" He [Mr. Lynch] told us that Colonel Washington made the most eloquent
speech at the Virginia Convention that ever was made. Says he, ' I will raise
one thousand men, enlist them at my own expense, and march myself at their
head for the relief of Boston.' " John Adams, Works, ii., 360.
It was probably in allusion to this saying that the following was written :
" The province of Virginia is raising one company in every county, which will
make a body of six thousand men. They are all independent ; and so great is
the ambition to get among them, that men who served as commanding officers
last war and have large fortunes, have offered themselves as private men."
American Archives, Fourth Series, i. , 953.
428 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Williamsburg, 7 August, 1774.'
Dear Sir,
If this letter should (though I do not see any prob-
able chance that it will,) reach your hands in time, it
is to ask, if you do not think it necessary, that the
deputies from this colony should be furnished with
authentic lists of the exports and imports annually,
more especially to and from Great Britain ; and, in
that case, to beg of you to obtain such from the cus-
tom-house officers on the Potomac and Rappahan-
nock. I have desired the speaker, if he should
think it expedient, and might not have thought of it,
to do the same from the York, and James River
offices.
I have got an account (though not a certified
one,) from Mr. Wythe, of our number of taxables
in 1770, since increased (Archy Carey says) to
10,000, as would have appeared by the list which
would have been returned in May, if the session
had gone on. I am, &c.
P. S. If you should travel to Philadelphia by
land I should be glad of your company. Mr. Henry
is to be at my house on his way Tuesday, the
thirtieth instant.^
' From Life and Correspojidcncc of Richard Henry Lee, i., 105. I have
clianged the date from the 9th to the 7th.
' " I hoped to have obtained from the Custom Houses, the number and size
of the shipping, as well as a general state of the imports and exports, and ac-
cr)rdingly applied ; but they appear at present unwilling to give me any infor-
mation on the subject, I suppose on account of the present situation of public
:'fTairs, and the part I have taken therein." — Silas Dcane to Gov. Trumbull,
16 August, 1774.
[774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 429
TO BRYAN FAIRFAX.
Mount Vernon, 24 August, 1774.
Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 5th instant ' came to this place,
forwarded by Mr. Ramsay, a few days after my re-
turn from Williamsburg, and I delayed acknowledg-
' In order to show what the beliefs of a moderate loyalist were, and to fur-
ther illustrate the situation of politics in Vir^nia at this time, I have thought it
best to print this letter of Brjan Fairfax in full : —
I received your Favour of the 20th of July and must own that I thought it odd
at first that my Letter was not read tiU I considered that I had no Right to have
it done, as ever}- one who chose it ought to have been present, and till I per-
ceived by your Letter that the Committee were against it. If there had been
no Reason for refusing it but a Persuasion that the sentiments contained in it
were erroneous I don't think it would have been a just one. I am satisfied
with your Reasons as I had no Desire to make a Part)* or oppose mj' opinion to
that of a large Majority- ; I sent it down, as I could not go in person, without
great Inconvenience, that I might not hereafter reproach myself with being
silent on the Occasion. However I am inclined, since the Receipt of yours to
think I am mistaken about the Plan determined on at Home. You have no
Reason, Sir, to doubt your Opinion ; it is I that have Reason to doubt mine
where so many men of superior understanding think otherwise. It has in Fact
caused me to examine it again and again ; but if I was not convinced of an
Error, it appeared to me that it showed as much Cowardice in a Man not to
maintain his opinions when real, as Obstinacy to persevere in them contrary to
Conviction. Mr. Williamson told me the other day that he found afterwards
that there were a great many of his opinion in the Court House who did not
care to speak, because they thought it would be to no Purpose ; and it may be
so, because a Person present when he was telling me so, said he was at the Meet-
ing and did secretly object to some of the Resolves but could not speak his
mind. That you may not think my Sentiments quite so singular as they ap-
peared to be, I must observe, that the second Person's opinion I heard after the
arrival of the Boston Port Bill, was Mr. Dalton's, who asked me what I thought
of it ; whether I did not think that the Parliament were bound to do what they
did or something like it to secure the Trade of their Merchants? If the same
outrage had been committed in any foreign Port whether the Government could
have acquiesced without demanding and enforcing Restitution ? or something to
this Purport. And it really appeared to me then a distinct Thing from enfor-
cing the Paj-ment of the Duty. The next Person whose opinion I heard was Mr.
Williamson's ; and the next Mr. Henderson's, with this difference, that the
Bostonians ought to have destroyed the Tea, but should have sent home the
430 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
ing it sooner, in the hopes that I should find time,
before I began my other journey to Philadelphia, to
answer it fully, if not satisfactorily ; but, as much of
Payment for it immediately. But that the government could not avoid taking
the Steps &c. He joined with me in opinion that the People at Boston were
blameable in their Behavior in other Respects ; and when I expressed my con-
cern at the Bill then talked of for altering their Charter, he observed that the
Measure might be necessary considering the factious Conduct of the people.
They have all along appeared to me to shew a different spirit from the Rest of
the Colonies ; and if ever we have a civil war, I think without some check they
will be at the head of it, and I can't conceive any thing worse for America at
present. I know not whether Mr. Henderson told me this in confidence or not.
In case he should, I beg that you won't mention his opinion, altho' he don't re-
serve this Caution. By mentioning the word Check, I don't mean to approve
of all or scarce one of the measures lately exercised on N: England. A Charter
should not be altered without the Consent or Consulting with the Majority of the
people, or upon some very flagrant or violent Occasions wherever the good of
the whole is endangered. But even then the Consent of the whole ought to be
obtained. No Constitution, as I mentioned in my Letter, should be altered
unless the Consent of every Part concerned can be had. We have no right to
alter our Constitution without the consent of the king & Parliament. For the
same Reason none of our Constitutions should be altered without our consent :
For the Parliament according to the opinion of good Civilians have no Right to
alter the Constitution of England without taking or obtaining a sanction from
the voice of the people if it could be had ; because the Constitution is fixed when
the people's Representatives are chosen, and therefore they must act according
to it and can't alter it. It may possibly be for the good of the Colony of Mas-
sachusetts to alter the Constitution. Governor Hutchinson a Native and a Man
of good character advised it, it is true, but he may have too arbitrary Notions.
As the People who first went to settle chose such a Form of Government and
obtained it, they ought to l)e the best Judges of the Conveniences or Inconven-
iences attending it. I wish our's was altered with respect to the Council ; but
it is dangerous meddling in such matters ; it might be a bad precedent in
troublesome times. And as to ye Act for transporting Criminals to England
for Trial tho' I wish every man could obtain strict justice, and that no Man in
civil Disputes should be tried till the Passions of Men have a little subsided, I
dislike it as much as any Man ; Rut in regard to the Boston Port Bill I own I
have no objection to it, except to the Power given to the Cmwn of shutting up
the Port after the Tea may be paid for. I can see no Difference between de-
manding Satisfaction first, and sending a Fleet to demand it with conditional
orders to block up the Port upon Refusal or till Satisfaction is made. I own
lo<j tliat I have been inclined to think tliat the Tea ought to have been paid for
before the other Colonies had joined in support of Boston ; but I suppose I am
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 431
my time has been engrossed since I came home by
company, by your brother's sale and the business
consequent thereupon, in writing letters to England,
wrong as so many others think otherwise. However upon this Occasion I can't
help mentioning, that at a very full Meeting of Gentlemen at York relating to
the Middlesex Election, there were only two, one a namesake of mine, who dis-
sented from the whole Assembly ; consequently their opinions were very un-
popular. And yet I have lived to see some coming over to their opinion and as
strongly of their opinion ; two of them at least, Mr. Harrison and Mr. Grayson,
as ever they were of a contrary one. This Example (if this Assembly were mis-
taken) would serve to shew, if there were not many Instances in History where
large Bodies of Men have been mistaken, that a Man, however doubtful he may
become when he perceives a great number to think otherwise, ought not to be
too hasty in giving up his opinion.
I have been uneasy to find that any one should look upon the Letter sent down
as repugnant to the principle we were contending for ; and therefore when you
have leisure I shall take it as a Favor if you will let me know wherein it was
thought so. I must make an Apology for these long Letters which I trouble you
with. I have scarce passed a day without anxious thoughts upon the subject. I
beg leave to look upon you as a Friend, and it is a great Relief to unbosom ones
thoughts to a Friend ; besides, the Information and Correction to my Errors
I may obtain from a Correspondence, is a great Inducement to it. For I am
convinced that no Man in the Colony wishes its Prosperity more, would go
greater Lengths to serve it, nor is at the same time a better subject to the
Crown. Pray excuse these Compliments. They may be tolerable in a Friend.
I can't recollect any Expression that could give any Reason for the supposi-
tion just mentioned as to Taxes, I never was of opinion that the Parliament had
a Right to impose them, and hardly ever had a Doubt upon the subject of their
taking our Money from us without our Consent ; Tho' as to the Duty on Tea I
never was so clear in opinion as to sign any Paper in opposition to the Right ;
but as it is certainly unjust, I may refuse to trade with a nation exercising that
Injustice even if the Right was ever so clear. But I don't remember that I
mentioned any doubts upon the subject. Since I got so far I have been reading
King James's Charters to the first Virginia Companys at the End of Stith's His-
tory ; there is one Expression in the 2d Charter, a little different from the
Quotation of it which I have in the House, and which I can't understand
perfectly, at least without considering a subsequent clause. Sect. ig. And for
their further Encouragement of our special Grace and Favour, we do, by these
presents, for us, our Heirs and Successors, yield and grant, to and with the said
Treasurer and Company, and their successors, and every of them, their
Factors and Assigns, that they and every of them shall be free of all subsidies
and Customs in Viiginia, for the Space of one & twenty years, and from all
Taxes and Impositions forever, (here the Quotation stops) upon any Goods or
432 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
and now in attending to my own domestic affairs
previous to my departure as above, I find it im-
possible to bestow so much time and attention to
merchandises, at any time or times hereafter, either upon Importation thither,
or exportation from thence, into our Realm of England, or into any other of our
Realms or Dominions, by the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors,
&c.: Except only the five pounds pr. cent due for Custom, upon all such goods
and merchandises as shall be brought or imported into our Realm of England, or
any other of these our Dominions according to the ancient Trade of Merchants ;
'&c. In the 2ist Sect, are these words (after directing what duties strangers and
foreigners are to pay over and above such subsidy and custom as the said
Treasurer and Company or their Successors, is, or hereafter shall be, to pay)
and the same sums of money and benefit as aforesaid, for and during the space of
one and twenty years, shall be wholly employed to the Benefit, Use and
Behoof of the said Colony and Plantation ; and after the said one and twenty
years ended, the same shall be taken to the Use of us, our Heirs and Successors,
by such Officers and Ministers, as by us our heirs and Successors, shall be there-
unto assigned and appointed, as is specified in the said former Letters Patents.
I shall be glad of your opinion upon this. If you would read over all the
Charters anew some Thoughts might occur on both sides of the Question. The
distinction that was made some years ago in the Colonies between the Right to
impose Duties for the Regulation of Trade which has been allowed, and the
Right to impose Duties for raising a Revenue, I don't understand so well as
I wish to do, tho' I can see a great difference between the propriety or Justice
in laying a small Duty or Duties for the former purpose, and a declared, or
apparent intention to raise a considerable Revenue by Degrees.
There is a new opinion now lately advanced in Virginia that the Parliament
has no Right to make any or scarce any Laws binding on the Colonies. It has
given me much uneasiness. For altho' I wish as much as any one that we were
legally exempted from it, yet I hold it clearly that we ought to abide by our
Constitution. The common Consent and acquiescence in the colonies for such
a length of time is to us a clear Proof of their having a Right, and altho' it is
said that it has only been exercised in Matters of Trade, it will be found to be a
mistake. The act for the Alteration of the style was unquestionably received and
assented to. The Act for the Regulation of the Post-Office, I mean the first Act ;
the Act empowering Officers to enlist servants just imported, and to pay for
them ; the Acts relating to the Provincial Troops the late war, &c. have no
Relation to Trade ; but they were enacted when the Act of any single Assembly
could not have answered the End. And upon tliese occasions they have been
passed without the least objection that ever 1 heard to the contrary. When I
first heard the Subject of Taxation mentioned, a Tax was talked of to be laid by
Parliament on the Lands in America. Colo. Mason, who was present spoke as
much as usual upon the subject, ui)on the Imfprojpriety I believe of taxing
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 433
the subject matter of your letter as I could wish
to do, and therefore, must rely upon your good na-
ture and candor in excuse for not attempting it.
infant Colonies and the nature or excessiveness of it compared to the value of
Lands, &c. , but I did not hear him make one objection as to the Right of Par-
liament. When I came afterwards to hear the Right called in question I
recollected the Conversation, and was surprised that I had not heard a Man of
his understanding and readiness to find fault with ever)' thing irregular, take
notice of it ; and tho' he may not have considered the matter as a new Point, yet
it is a proof that the Idea of the Parliament having no Right to make any Laws
for us had not ever entered into his mind before. I saw Colo. Richard Henry
Lee act as Justice of the Peace under the act relating to servants, and insist upon
the Right he had to act on shipboard because the Act of Parliament had given
power to aU Justices in America to act without confining them to their respective
Counties. I have often heard mention made of uniting some of the Colonies, by
Act of Parliament, of some in Pennsylvania having thoughts of petitioning to
have their Charter abrogated and a new Government formed, and aU this
without any objection to the Right ; which looks to me like a common Consent.
But I am almost unwilling to advance any opinion now. I should not but in
hopes that you will give me yours upon this Point.
By the first Charter granted to Virginia, the Council were to govern the Col-
ony according to such Laws, ordinances and Instructions as they were to re-
ceive from the Crown. By the second Charter they were to be governed by
such Laws, orders, &c. , as should be made by the Council for the Colony ap-
pointed in and to reside in London ; who were to make, ordain and establish
all manner of Laws, Orders, Directions, Instructions, forms and ceremonies of
Government and Magistracy, fit and necessary for the said Colony ; and the
first government was annulled. Pursuant to these Charters and the third, the
Council and Company in England made an Ordinance for holding an Assembly
in Virginia, with power to make Laws in the year 1721, with a proviso that no
Law made was to be in force tiU it had obtained their Assent at Home.
When I have considered these Disputes I have often wished to know the sen-
timents of the first settlers here. In Capt. Smith's History there is mention of
Taxes by the Parliament, and some one in Virginia makes the same objections
to it as we do at this day. Much about the same time I perceive that the As-
sembly had petitioned the Parliament for Relief ; they thought themselves Ul-
used by the King. I am mistaken in saying that the Assembly petitioned.
It was the company at home petitioned, being encouraged it is said by the Par-
liament having taken the case of the Plantation Tobacco into consideration.
The Assembly petitioned the King to continue and even farther to confirm the
Government, under which they then lived. But if the Government must be
altered, they desired &c. , and in their letter to the Lords of the Council they
expressed a Desire that the Governors sent over might not have absolute au-
434 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
In truth, persuaded as I am, that you have read all
the political pieces, which compose a large share of
the Gazette at this time, I should think it, but for
your request, a piece of inexcusable arrogance in
me, to make the least essay towards a change in your
political opinions ; for I am sure I have no new lights
to throw upon the subject, or any other arguments
to offer in support of my own doctrine, than what
you have seen ; and could only in general add, that
an Innate spirit of freedom first told me, that the
measures, which administration hath for some time
been, and now are most violently pursuing, are re-
pugnant to every principle of natural justice ; whilst
thority, but might be restrained to the consent of the Council ; and that they
might still retain the liberty of their General Assemblies. This was the style
and situation of our Ancestors in the Infancy of the Colony. The English
Government was a long time arriving to Maturity also. I don't think the Con-
stitution was properly settled till the Revolution. And then immediately were
sown the seeds of its Ruin. The Parliament then first began to borrow money
and consume in one year the amount of some years' Taxes. And within ten
or twelve years Corruption was introduced in order to keep out the Tory Inter-
est. I am very sorry we happen to differ in opinion. I hope however that
our Sentiments will again coincide as in other Matters : I wish they could with
regard to storing the Goods. Perhaps it is only intended as a Threat to the
Merchants. But if it is otherwise, and they should send any over, I am afraid
that we should lie at the Mercy or Generosity of those Merchants whether they
will apply to Government for Troops to release their Goods or not. If the
End could be answered otherwise it would be better. If there was virtue
enough in the Country to abstain from only half the goods commonly con-
sumed, it might probably answer in a few years. If every man of Influence
would encourage his Neighbor to persevere, perhaps we might hold out ; espe-
cially if tlie names of those Merchants should be published who sell or import
contrary to the Desire of the general Sense of the Country ; as it might prevent
others from doing the like. I am sorry to hear what you mention of General
Gage. I did not imagine he has been so weak as to call Resolutions not to
trade with Great Britain by the name of Treason.
I must again apologise for this Letter, hoping you'l excuse it and believe that
I am, &c. — Bryan Fairlax to Washington, Towlston, 5 August, 1774.
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 435
much abler heads than my own hath fully convinced
me, that it is not only repugnant to natural right, but
subversive of the laws and constitution of Great
Britain itself, in the establishment of which some
of the best blood in the kingdom hath been spilt.
Satisfied, then, that the acts of a British Parliament
are no longer governed by the principles of justice,
that it is trampling upon the valuable rights of
Americans, confirmed to them by charter and the
constitution they themselves boast of, and convinced
beyond the smallest doubt, that these measures are
the result of deliberation, and attempted to be car-
ried into execution by the hand of power, is it a time
to trifle, or risk our cause upon petitions, which with
difficulty obtain access, and afterwards are thrown by
with the utmost contempt ? Or should we, because
heretofore unsuspicious of design, and then unwilling
to enter into disputes with the mother country, go on
to bear more, and forbear to enumerate our just
causes of complaint ? For my own part, I shall not
undertake to say where the line between Great Brit-
ain and the colonies should be drawn ; but I am
clearly of opinion, that one ought to be drawn, and
our rights clearly ascertained. I could wish, I own,
that the dispute had been left to posterity to deter-
mine, but the crisis is arrived when we must assert
our rights, or submit to every imposition, that can be
heaped upon us, till custom and use shall make us as
tame and abject slaves, as the blacks we rule over
with such arbitrary sway.
I intended to have wrote no more than an apology
436 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
for not writing- ; but I find I am insensibly running
into a length I did not expect, and therefore shall
conclude with remarking, that, if you disavow the
right of Parliament to tax us, (unrepresented as we
are,) we only differ in respect to the mode of opposi-
tion, and this difference principally arises from your
belief, that they — the Parliament, I mean, — want a
decent opportunity to repeal the acts ; whilst I am as
fully convinced, as I am of my own existence, that
there has been a regular, systematic plan formed to
enforce them, and that nothing but unanimity in the
colonies (a stroke they did not expect) and firmness,
can prevent it. It seems from the best advices from
Boston, that General Gage is exceedingly disconcerted
at the quiet and steady conduct of the people of the
Massachusetts Bay, and at the measures pursuing by
the other governments ; as I dare say he expected to
have forced those oppressed people into compliance,
or irritated them to acts of violence before this, for a
more colorable pretense of ruling that and the other
colonies with a hiofh hand. But I am done.
I shall set off on Wednesday next for Philadelphia,
whither, if you have any commands, I shall be glad
to oblige you in them ; being, dear Sir, with real re-
gard, &c.
P. S. Pray what do you think of the Canada Bill ?
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 437
THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS OF 1 774-
August 30. Colo. Pendleton, Mr Henry, Colo. Mason, and Mr,
Thos. Triplet, came in the evening and stay'd all night.
31. All the above gentlemen dined here ; after which with
Colo. Pendleton and Mr. Henry, I set out on my journey to Phil-
adelphia and reached Upper Marlboro.
September i. Breakfasted at Queen Anne. Dined in Annapolis,
and lodged at Rock Hall.
2. Dined at Rock Hall (waiting for my horses), and lodged
at New Town, on Chester.
3. Breakfasted at Down's. Dined at the Brick Tavern
(Carson's) and lodged at Newcastle.
4. Breakfasted at Christeen Ferry. Dined at Chester, and
lodged at Doctr. Shippen's in Phila. after supping at ye New
Tavern.'
5. Breakfasted and dined at Doctor Shippen's. Spent ye
evening at Tavern.*
6. Dined at the New Tavern, after being in Congress all
day.
7. Dined at Mr. Pleasants', and spent the evening in a Club
at the New Tavern.
8. Dined at Mr. Andrew Allan's, and spent the evening in
my own lodging.
9. Dined at Mr. Tilghman's, and spent the evening at home
(at my lodgings).
10. Dined at Mr. Richard Penn's.
11. Dined at Mr Griffen's.'
12. Dined at Mr. James Allan's.
13. Dined at Mr. Thos. Mifflin's.
14. Rid over the Province Island, and dined at Mr Wm.
Hamilton's.
15. Dined at my lodgings.
' Adams describes it as "the most genteel one in America."
' On this day the delegates met at the Tavern in the morning and went to
Carpenter's Hall. Peyton Randolph was unanimously chosen President, and
Charles Thomson Secretary.
* Adams records dining at Mr killing's "with the gentlemen from Vii^nia."
Works, ii., 378.
438 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
16. Dined at the State House, at an entertainment given by
the city to the members of the Congress.'
17. Dined at Mr. Dickenson's, about 2 miles from town.
18. Dined at Mr. Hills, about 6 miles from town.
19. Rid out in the morning ; dined at Mr. Ross's.
20. Dined with Mr. Fisher, the Mayor.
21. Dined with Mr. James Mease.
22. Dined with Mr. Chew, the Chief Justice.
23. Dined with Mr. Joseph Pemberton.
24. Dined with Mr Thos. Willing, and spent ye evening at
ye city Tavern.
25. Went to the Quaker meeting in the forenoon, and St.
Peters in the afternoon. Dined at my lodgings.
26. Dined at the old Doctr. Shippen's, and went to the
Hospital.'
27. Dined at the Tavern with the Virginian Gentlemen &c.
28. Dined with Mr. Edward Shippen's ; spent the afternoon
with the Boston gentlemen.'
29. Dined at Mr. Allans, and went to the Ball in the after-
noon.
30. Dined at Doctor Cadwalladers.
October i. At ye Congress till 3 o'clock. Dined with Mr. Ham-
ilton at Bush Hill.
2. Went to Christ Church, and dined at ye New Tavern.
3. At Congress till 3 o'clock. Dined at Mr. Reed's.
' " On Friday, Septejiiber i6th, the Honorable Delegates, now met in Gen-
eral Congress, was elegantly entertained by the gentlemen of Philadelphia.
Having met at the City Tavern about three o'clock, they were conducted from
thence to the State House by the Managers of the Entertainment, where they
were received by a very large company, composed of the clergy, such genteel
strangers as happened to be in Town, and a number of respectable citizens,
making in the whole near five hundred." The toasts that were drank are given
in Force, American Archives, Fourth Scries, i., goo. Adams makes no men-
tion of this.
' " Dined at old Dr Shippens, with Mr and Mrs Blair, young Dr. Shippen,
the Jersey delegates, and some Virginians. Afterwards went to the Hospital,
and heard another lecture upon anatomy from young Dr. Shippen." Adams,
ii., 382.
^ "Spent the evening at home with Colonel Lee, Colonel Washington, and
Dr. Shippen, who came in to consult us." Adams, ii., 386.
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 439
4. At Congress till 3 o'clock. Dined at young doctor
Shippen's.
5. At Congress as above. Dined at Doctor Bond's.
6. At Congress. Dined at Mr. Saml. Meredith's.
7. At Congress. Dined at Mr. Thos. Smith's.'
8. At Congress. Dined with Mr. John Cadwallader.
9. Went to the Presbyterian meeting in the forenoon, and
Romish church in the afternoon.' Dined at Sevan's.
10. At Congress. Dined at Doctor Morgan's.
11. Dined at my lodgings, and spent the evening at Sevan's.
12. At Congress all the forenoon. Dined at Mr. Josh.
Wharton's, and went to ye Governor's Club.
13. Dined at my lodgings, after being at Congress till
4 o'clock.
14. Dined at Mr. Thos. Barclay's and spent the evening
at Smith's.
15. Dined at Bevan's. Spent the evening at home.
16. Went to Christ Church in the forenoon, after which rid
to and dined in ye Province Island. Supped at Byrns's.
17. After Congress dined on board Captn. Hamilton. Spent
the evening at Mr. Mifflin's.
18. Dined at Doctor Rush's and spent the evening at ye New
Tavern.
19. Dined at Mr. Willing's, and spent the evening at my own
lodgings.
20. Dined at ye New Tavern with ye Pennsylvania Assem-
bly.' Went to the Ball afterwards.
21. Dined at my lodging and spent the evening there also.
22. Dined at Mr. Griffen's and drank tea with Mr. Rober-
deau.
' " Dined with Mr. Thomas Smith, with a large company, the Virginians and
others." — Adams, ii., 395.
' Adams was present, and gives a good account in his Diarj- (IForis, ii.,
395), and in a letter to his wife, October 9, 1774.
• " Dined with the whole Congress, at the City Tavern, at the inN-itation of
the House of Representatives of the Pro^'ince of Pennsylvania. The whole
House dined with us, making near one hundred guests in the whole ; a most
elegant entertainment." — Adams, ii, 400.
440 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
23. Dined at my lodgings and spent the evening there.
24. Dined with Mr, Mease, and spent the evening at the new-
tavern.
25. Dined at my lodgings.
26. Dined at Bevan's, and spent the evening at the New
Tavern.'
27. Set out on my return home."
' " This day the Congress finished. Spent the evening together at the City
Tavern; all the Congress, and several gentlemen of the town." — Adams, ii.,
401.
^ Of the impression Washington made on his fellow members we have but few
records, but such as exist all tend to show that it was marked :
" Col. Washington is nearly as tall a man as Col. Fitch, and almost as hard
a countenance ; yet with a very young look, and an easy soldierlike air and
gesture. He does not appear above forty five, yet was in the first actions in
1753 and 1754, on the Ohio, and in 1755 was with Braddock, and was the
means of saving the remains of that unfortunate army. It is said that in the
House of Burgesses in Virginia, on hearing of the Boston Port Bill, he offered
to raise and arm and lead one thousand men himself at his own expense, for the
defence of the country, were there need of it. His fortune is said to be equal to
such an undertaking." — Silas Deane to his wife, 19 September, 1774.
" Mr. Henry, on his return home, being asked, ' Who is the greatest man in
Congress?' replied, ' If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge, of South Caro-
lina, is by far the greatest orator ; but if you speak of solid information and
sound judgment. Colonel Washington is unquestionably the greatest man on that
floor.' " — CaJ7ipbell, 580.
Dr. Solomon Browne in a letter from Philadelphia, 5 Oct., 1774, recorded in
a few lines of doggerel verse how he went to see " America's great patriots, re-
tire from weighty council," and among them
" With manly gait
His faithful steel suspended by his side,
Passed W'-shi-gt-n along, Virginia's Hero."
"This Col. Washington," he added, "is a man noted as well for his good
sense, as his Bravery. I heard, he said, he wished to God the Liberties of
America were to be determined by a single Combat between himself and
G[eorg]e." — Penn. Mag. of Biography and Ilistoy, v., IIO, ill.
" It is now Saturday morning. ... In the afternoon [yesterday] came in the
Virginia and Maryland delegates. . . . The Virginia, and indeed all the south-
ern delegates appear like men of importance. We waited on, and were intro-
duced to them in the evening. They are sociable, sensible, and spirited men,
and the short opportunity I had of attending to their conversation gives me the
highest idea of their principles and character." — Silas Dcanc to his wife, Sep-
tember, 1774. " You may tell your friends tiiat I never met, nor scarcely had
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 441
TO CAPTAIN ROBERT MACKENZIE.'
Philadelphia, 9 October, 1774.
Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 13th ultimo from Boston gave
me pleasure, as I learnt thereby, that you were well,
and might be expected at Mount Vernon in your way
to or from James River, in the course of the winter.
When I have said this, permit me with the freedom
of a friend (for you know I always esteemed you) to
an idea of meeting, with men of such firmness, sensibiUty, spirit, and thorough
knowledge of the interests of America, as the gentlemen from the Southern
Provinces appear to be. In this I do not speak from prejudice, but from the
knowledge I have of them in their pubUc as weU as their private conversation,
both of which I attend to with a pleasure that balances many, if not more than
all the anxieties and troubles of such a journey. May New England go hand in
hand with them, and we need not fear a want of spirit." Do. to do., Septem-
ber 5th, 1774.
" There are some fine fellows come from Virginia, but they are verj' high.
The Bostonians are mere milksops to them. We understand they are the capi-
tal men of the colony, both in fortune and understand." — Joseph Reed, Life of
Reed, i., 75.
' Captain Mackenzie had been a captain of the Virginia regiment, com-
manded by Washington in the French War, and a friendly intimacy seems
always to have subsisted between them. Mackenzie had obtained a commission
in the regular army, and was now attached to the forty-third regiment of foot.
He was wounded at the battle of Bunker's Hill, while fighting in that regi-
ment. He wrote as follows to Washington from Boston, 13 September, 1774 : —
" Mr. Atchison can sufficiently inform you of the state of this unhappy prov-
ince, of their tyrannical oppression over one another, of their fixed aim at total
independence, of the weakness and temper of the mainsprings that set the whole
in motion, and how necessary it is, that abler heads and better hearts should
draw a line for their guidance. Even when this is done, 't is much to be
feared, that they will follow it no further, than where it coincides with their
present sentiments.
" Amidst all these jarrings we have until lately lived as in a camp of pleasure ;
but the rebellious and numerous meetings of men in arms, their scandalous and
ungenerous attacks upon the best characters in the province, obliging them to
save their lives by flight, and their repeated but feeble threats to dispossess the
troops, have furnished sufficient reasons to General Gage to put the town in a
formidable state of defence, about which we are nov\' fully employed, and which
wUl be shortly accomplished to their great mortification."
442 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
express my sorrow, that fortune should place you in
a service, that must fix curses to the latest posterity
upon the contrivers, and, if success (which, by the
by, is impossible) accompanies it, execrations upon
all those, who have been instrumental in the execu-
tion,
I do not mean by this to insinuate, that an officer
is not to discharge his duty, even when chance, not
choice, has placed him in a disagreeable situation ;
but I conceive, when you condemn the conduct of
the Massachusetts people, you reason from effects,,
not causes ; otherwise you would not wonder at a
people, who are every day receiving fresh proofs of
a systematic assertion of an arbitrary power, deeply
planned to overturn the laws and constitution of
their country, and to violate the most essential and
valuable rights of mankind, being irritated, and with
difficulty restrained from acts of the greatest violence
and intemperance. For my own part, I confess to
you candidly, that I view things in a very different
point of light from the one in which you seem to con-
sider them ; and though you are led to believe by
venal men, — for such I must take the liberty of call-
ing those new-fangled counsellors, who fly to and sur-
round you, and all others, who, for honors or pecu-
niary gratifications, will lend their aid to overturn the
constitution, and introduce a system of arbitrary gov-
ernment,— although you are taught, I say, by dis-
coursing with such men, to believe, that the people
of Massachusetts are rebellious, setting up for inde-
pendency, and what not, give me leave, my good
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 443
friend, to tell you, that you are abused, grossly
abused. This I advance with a degree of confidence
and boldness, which may claim your belief, having
better opportunities of knowing the real sentiments
of the people you are among, from the leaders of
them, in opposition to the present measures of the
administration, than you have from those whose busi-
ness it is, not to disclose truths, but to misrepresent
facts in order to justify as much as possible to the
world their own conduct. Give me leave to add,
and I think I can announce it as a fact, that it is not
the wish or interest of that government, or any other
upon this continent, separately or collectively, to set
up for independence ; but this you may at the same
time rely on, that none of them will ever submit to
the loss of those valuable rights and privileges, which
are essential to the happiness of ever}' free state, and
without which, life, liberty, and property are rendered
totally insecure.
These, Sir, being certain consequences, which must
naturally result from the late acts of Parliament rela-
tive to America in greneral, and the orovernment of
Massachusetts Bay in particular, is it to be wondered
at, I repeat, that men, who wish to avert the impend-
ing blow, should attempt to oppose it in its progress,
or prepare for their defence, if it cannot be averted ?
Surely I may be allowed to answer in the negative ;
and again give me leave to add as my opinion, that
more blood will be spilled on this occasion, if the
ministry are determined to push matters to extrem-
ity, than history has ever yet furnished instances of
444 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
in the annals of North America, and such a vital
wound will be given to the peace of this great coun-
try, as time itself cannot cure, or eradicate the re-
membrance of.
But I have done. I was involuntarily led into a
short discussion of this subject by your remarks on
the conduct of the Boston people, and your opinion
of their wishes to set up for independency. I am
well satisfied, that no such thing is desired by any
thinking man in all North America ; on the contrary,
that it is the ardent wish of the warmest advocates
for liberty, that peace and tranquillity, upon constitu-
tional grounds, may be restored, and the horrors of
civil discord prevented.'
I am very glad to learn, that my friend Stewart
' " At that Congress [the first Continental], Washington had appeared as one
of the representatives of Virginia, but apparently not yet clear as to what extent
it was proper to involve himself in the difficulties into which Massachusetts was
plunged. There is reason to suppose that he shared somewhat in the distrust
generally felt, south of New England, of the purposes of the Massachusetts
leaders. Whilst in this state of mind, he received a letter from Captain
MacKenzie. MacKenzie was a native of Virginia, and an acquaintance of
Washington, who had taken a commission in the British army, and was at this
time attached to one of the regiments stationed at Boston. The object of the
letter was to prejudice his mind against the action of the people of Massa-
chusetts, and to induce him to exert his influence to counteract the policy their
delegates were advocating in Philadelphia. Determined to satisfy himself as
to the true character and designs of these delegates, he seems to have sought an
interview and free conference with them at their lodgings. That interview took
place on the evening of the 28th of September, 1774 [page 438 antc\. Richard
Henry Lee, and Dr. Shippen of Philadelphia, were also present. It seems to
have settled all Washington's doubts, if he had any ; for instead of noisy,
brawling demagogues, meaning mischief only, he found the delegates plain,
downright practical men, seeking safety from oppression, and contemplating
violence only as a result of an absolute necessity forced on them by the govern-
iiient at home. The effect of this conference is made visible in liis answer to
MacKenzie." — Charles Francis Adams, Proceedings of the Massachusetts His-
torical Society, iv., 69.
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 445
was well when you left London. I have not had a
letter from him these five years, nor heard of him I
think for two. I wish you had mentioned his em-
ployment,
I remain, dear Sir, your most obedient servant.'
1 " I have this very day heard, that in that tract of Virginia called the North-
em Neck, and which lies betwixt Rappahannock and Potomack Rivers, they have
lately raised one thousand volunteers, as fine fellows and good woodsmen as any
on our continent, who have put themselves under the command of Col. George
Washington, a brave and experienced officer, whom it is said, has undertaken
the command of them, and that they are soon to march for your place." Wil-
liam Black to Boston Committee, 22 December, 1774. Massachusetts Historical
Society, Fourth Series, iv., p. 187.
" My necessary absence, on the occasion of the Indian disturbances will I hope,
account and excuse me for my not having acknowledged your Lordship's several
letters in due time and order, and for not having regularly communicated ac-
counts of the public affairs of the colony to which some of them refer ; and I
wish I were now so fortunate as to have it in my power to make a representa-
tion of their appearing with a more favorable aspect than when I last wrote upon
these important concerns.
" The associations first, in part, entered into, recommended by the people of
this colony, and adopted by what is called the Continental Congress, are now
enforcing throughout this country with the greatest rigor. A Committee has
been chosen in every county, whose business it is to carry the association of the
Congress into execution, which committee assumes to inspect the books, invoices,
and all other secrets of the trade and correspondence of merchants, to watch the
conduct of every inhabitant without distinction, and to send for all such as come
under their suspicion into their presence, to interrogate them respecting all mat-
ters which, at their pleasure, they think fit objects of their inquiry ; and to stig-
matize, as they term it, such as they find transgressing what they are now hardy
enough to call the laws of the Congress, which stigmatising is no other than in-
viting the vengeance of an outrageous and lawless mob to be exercised upon the
unhappy victims. Every county, besides, is now arming a company of men,
whom they call an Independent Company, for the avowed purpose of protecting
their Committees, and to be employed against government if occasion require.
The Committee of one county has proceeded so far as to swear the men of their
Independent Company to execute all orders which shall be given them from the
Committee of their County.
"As to the power of government which your Lordship in your letter No. 11
directs should be exerted to counteract the dangerous measures pursuing here, I
can assure your Lordship that it is entirely disregarded, if not wholly overturned.
There is not a justice of peace in Virginia that acts except as a Committee man ;
446 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
TO JAMES MERCER.
Mount Vernon, 26 December, 1774.
Dear Sir,
I do not recollect whether, in my last, I informed
you that it was ^29 you gave for the negro Kate, and
that the whole of your purchases in Frederick
amounted to ^2385, 14. 2 ; if I did not then do it,
these will be found right, and agreeable to the
original entries.
I have heard nothing yet from Colo. Payton^
respecting those lands which you appear charged
with at the Loudoun sale. There is no doubt, I
the abolishing the courts of justice was the first step taken in which the men of
fortune and pre-eminence joined equally with the lowest and meanest. The
general court of judicature of the colony is much in the same predicament ; for
though there is at least a majority of his Majesty's council who, with myself, are
the judges of that court, that would steadily perform their duty, yet the lawyers
have absolutely refused to attend, nor indeed would the people allow them to
attend, or evidences to appear. The reason, commonly assigned for this pro-
ceeding, is the want of a fee bill, which expired the last session of Assembly ;
and it is a popular argument here, that no power but the legislature can estab-
lish fees, and the fee bill not having been renewed is attributed to the dissolu-
tion. But the true cause of so many persons joining in so opprobrious a measure
was to engage their English creditors, who are numerous, to join in the clamors
of this country ; and not a few, to avoid paying the debts in which many of the
principal people here are much involved.
" With regard to the encouraging of those, as your Lordship likewise exhorts
me, who appeared in principle averse to these proceedings, I hope your Lord-
ship will do me the justice to believe I have left no means in my power unes-
sayed to draw all the assistance possible from them to his Majesty's government ;
but I presume your Lordsiiip will not think it very extraordinary that my per-
suasions should have been unavailing against the terrors which on the other
hand, are held out by the Committee.
" Independent Companies, &c., so universally supported, who have set them-
selves up superior to all other authority, under the auspices of their Congress,
the laws of which they talk of in a stile of respect, and treat with marks of rev-
erence which they never bestowed on their legal government, or the laws pro-
ceeding from it. I can assure your Lordship, that I have discovered no instance
where the interposition of government, in the feeble state to which it is reduced,
[774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 447
presume, of courts or others taking them off your
hands. If there be, the sums bid for them will
require to be added to your account.
I cannot say but that I should have liked to have
had 1224 acres of land warranted to me, instead of
your granting 1 200 acres more or less ; for as it was
upon the presumption that the tracts of Gray and
Adams contained this quantity, clear of disputed
bounds, that I agreed to give the price I did ; so if it
falls short (I mean more than is generally allowed for
variation of instruments) I shall not much like, nor
indeed think myself bound by it ; and am inclined to
could serve any other purpose than to suffer the disgrace of a disappointment,
and thereby afford matter of great exultation to its enemies, and increase their
influence over the minds of the people.
" But, my Lord, every step which has been taken by these infatuated people,
must inevitably defeat its own purpose. Their non-importation, non-exporta-
tion, &c., cannot fail, in a short time to produce a scarcity which will ruin thou-
sands of families. The people, indeed, of fortune may supply themselves and
their negroes for two or three years ; but the middling and poorer sort, who live
from hand to mouth have not the means of doing so, and the produce of their
lands will not purchase those necessaries (without which themselves and negroes
must stars-e) of the merchants, who may have goods to dispose of, because the
merchants are prevented from turning such produce to any account. As to
manufacturing for themselves, the people of Virginia are very far from being
naturally industrious, and it is not by taking away the principal, if not the only
encouragement to industry, that it can be excited ; nor is it in times of anarchy
and confusion that the foundation of such improvements can be laid. The
lower class of people too will discover that they have been duped by the richer
sort, who for their part elude the whole effects of the association, by which their
poor neighbors perish. \Miat then is to deter those from taking the shortest
mode of supplying themselves ; and unrestrained as they are by laws, from
taking whatever they want, wherever they can find it ?
"The arbitrar}' proceedings of these Committees, likewise, cannot fail produ-
cing quarrels and dissensions, which will raise partisans of government ; and I
am firmly persuaded that the colony, even by their own acts and deeds, must be
brought to see the necessity of depending on its mother countn-, and of em-
bracing its authority." — Dunmore to the Earl of Dartmouth, 24 December, 1774.
448 THE WRITINGS OF [1774
think (as Mr. Carlyle also does) that Hough must
have made some mistake in his measurement, as the
original patents to Adams and Gray together contain
no more than 11 68 acres, whilst it appears that
Adams' patent runs into Gray's, and one half, or near
it, of Gray's is taken away by Strutfield's. Notwith-
standing all which Hough you say (for I have no plat
or report of his) makes 56 acres more than is granted
by both patents ; at the same time he differs but little
(I perceive by your plat) from the original courses
and distances.
I do not pretend either to be well acquainted with,
the phrases which constitute a general warranty, but
the words made use of by you, for this purpose are
not so strong and eniphatical as I have generally ob-
served upon these occasions ; which usually run in
some such manner as this : " From the claim, or
claims of any person, or persons, whatsoever, the said
his , his heirs &c. doth warrant, and will forever
defend." Your covenant may, for ought I know be
tantamount, although no such expressions are used,
and, therefore, I shall say nothing further on this
head.
It was my intention to have run round the lines of
these tracts and tried the contents of them myself ;
but I have never been a day well since my return
from Frederick, nor a day without company. If you
have Adam's conveyance, I should be glad to be fur-
nished with it when you send the copy of the power of
attorney, to McCoul and Blair, as I have no paper
relative to this land, except an unattested copy of the
Proprietor's deed to him.
1774] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 449
I have wrote to your Brother ' since I came home. I
intended a short letter, just to advise him of the
amount of the sales, but insensibly run into a long
one. Inclosed is a copy of it, as also of the two
queries which he seems anxious for your answering ;
the reason of my repeating them to you now, being
that they are again urged to me in a letter from Mr.
Montague. If you choose to answer them, it may be
by way of letter to me, which I can enclose to your
brother. It was for this reason I have furnished
you with my preparatory letter.
As ye quantity of wheat threshed at Marlborough,
agreeably to your letter of the 13th inst. is too much
for a load ; and as the holidays are near at hand, and
bad weather probably approaching, it will be out of
my power to send for it very soon. Indeed this will
always be the case, (which makes no material differ-
ence to me,) if it cannot be got ready for delivery
before Christmas, it being difficult afterwards, to
procure craft till the frosts are thought to be over in
the spring.
I have heard no person speak of the sale of cattle
in Frederick but what thought it a great one. I
have mentioned the average price to no one since, but
what thinks I might buy for much less ; and although
I do not dispute, as I have never seen the goodness
of your cattle at Marlborough, yet give me leave my
friend to tell you, that you are too sanguine in your
expectations in matters of this sort. It is not my in-
tention to buy at high prices, as I am in no immediate
' George Mercer.
45 o THE WRITINGS OF [1774
want. My design, as I raise a great deal of provender,
was to stock my plantations more plentifully than they
are, if I could purchase upon terms as I liked ; and
hearing you talk of selling cattle from Marlborough,
I thought it might answer both our purposes ; but you
are to observe that if your bond upon delivery of the
cattle is to have a credit for the amount of ye sale, it
is, to all intents and purposes, a ready money sale to
both [of] us, although no cash is deposited. This, in
fact, is the case in respect to the land, which makes
the ^446 allowed for your moiety equal to ^468. 6. o,
a year hence, to say nothing of the disadvantage
attending ready money sales ; and is a circumstance
I did not advert to. The kind of cattle I should
prefer, would be cows and heifers, as they would put
me into a full stock the soonest ; but when I wrote to
you on this subject, my intention if we could agree
upon terms, was to take off all you could spare of
every kind ; if the person I should send liked the
cattle at the price they should be offered, and found
they were not the worse for having a parcel picked
out for your plantation use, for I would not be con-
cerned with refuse cattle at any rate.
I find, in order to lay your brother's affairs fully
before him in my next, that it will be necessary for
me to have copies of both the reports made by the
commissioners, neither of which I have. As I think
you spoke something of a plan when we were in
Frederick together, of your committee being branched
out to [ ] different purposes, I shall be obliged to
you for forwarding me a copy of your resolution
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 451
respecting the matter. A plan of this kind I am sure
is necessary for us, and we may be benefitted by a
precedent.
With very great esteem, and with the compliments
of the season, I remain, &c.'
INSTRUCTIONS FOR MR. JAMES CLEVELAND.
10 January, 1775.
As I am resolved, if no unforeseen accident happens to pre-
vent it, to have my people at work upon my lands on the Ohio,
by the last day of March, no steps previous to this undertaking
should be delayed, by which a disappointment must follow. I,
therefore, knowing it will take some time to collect provisions,
and tools to carry on this work, and that the transportation of
them in the spring early over the Allegany Mountains may be
attended with difficulty and uncertainty, do request and require
you to go immediately over to Gilbert Simpson's in the Redstone
settlement, and there do, or attempt to do, the following things : —
First. Engage anywhere between one hundred and fifty and
two hundred bushels of Indian corn, and to prevent disappoint-
ments, let it be actually lodged at Gilbert Simpson's before the
first day of March. Also engage upon the best terms you can to
be delivered as aforesaid, about fifteen hundredweight of bacon ;
and desire Mr. Simpson by all means to have them securely
lodged for you at his house by that time at furthest.
Second. Engage upon the best terms you can, such, and so
many canoes, as are absolutely necessary to transport your pro-
visions and tools down the river. And to avoid the expense of
bags as much as possible, try if one of the canoes cannot be
' Endorsement on back of letter : " The genl. then corresponded with Mr.
Montague, the friend of Mr. Gravatt and brother of Mis Wroughton, thro'
whom the power of attorney originally came to George Mason, John Taylor,
and the gen'l. to sell G. Mercer's estates in Frederick and Loudoun.
" Moiety of four mile run land estimated at ;[C446 conveyed to the gen'l. in
discharge of John Mercer's debt to Custis — one of the old debts estimated in the
settlement between the father and sons at ;^2300."
452 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
fitted up in such a manner as to carry your corn and bacon with
the assistance of one or two only. Perhaps the canoes built for
me last year may again be got. Speak to Major Crawford on
this head.
Third. If Mr. Simpson has not already moved all the tools
and necessaries which were carried out for me last spring, from
Val. Crawford's, let it be done as soon as you get out. Here
with is a list of what he acknowledges he had left upon hand
in September last, as also of what he carried out. Take an
exact account of everything you find and have them secured
at Mr. Simpson's ready at your departure down the river. After
which see what things you will want for your undertaking down
the river, and then
Fourth. Try if they are to be had out there, at what prices,
and if you find the only difference to lie in the expense of the
carriage out, endeavor to buy every thing you can want there,
rather than run the hazard of sending them from hence in March,
and have them lodged as above ; for if you do not get every
thing into his possession, you may more than probable depend
upon promises, and be disappointed after your men are assembled
and ready to start, which must occasion a delay, and of course a
loss to me, not only of time, but in having men upon expence.
Fifth. It may not be amiss to engage potatoe seed, and such
things, as will not only contribute to your better living, but v/ill,
in case corn should be found very scarce and difficult to be got
make the less of it necessary ; for I do expect that from the
breaking up of the plantations last year, and the great number of
people that will be going over this, that corn will be very scarce
and exceeding dear. If you could get peach, or any other kind
of fruit stones, or apple seeds, it would not be amiss to engage
them to carry out with you.
Sixth. Inasmuch as both time and expences will be saved by
engaging men in the Redstone settlement to go with you down
the river, I would have you make diligent enquiry whether they
are to be had, and upon what terms, and engage at least five
upon the best terms you can, and have them bound in the arti-
cles given you. If you should meet with such peojjle as you
think will answer the purpose, in your own neighborhood or
elsewhere, you might engage them, provided you can depend
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 453
upon their going at the proper time and will transport themselves
without any expence to me.
Seventh. If you can hire negro fellows, or choose to carry any
of your own, upon the terms I mentioned to you, there will not in
that case be occasion to hire so many white men as above (to wit,
five). And as I am told that there are three of the servants
which I sent out last spring still at Mr. Val. Crawford's and his
brother. Captain Crawford's, ready to be employed in my service ;
you may direct them to stay where they are, and be ready again
the 15th of March ; or if Gilbert Simpson wants hands for my
mill work, let them be employed (instead of hirelings) there,
till the 15th of March aforesaid.
Eight. As the rest of the servants were sold, and the money
by this time become due, I have desired Mr. Val. Crawford, if he
has received it, to pay it to you ; and if he has not, to let you have
the purchaser's bonds, which give to Mr. Simpson, and desire
him to collect the money and apply it towards payment of the mill
accounts. If you can get com, or other provisions, tools, or other
things of Val. Crawford, I would have you do it, as it will save me
the payment of cash ; but be sure to have the matter fixed in
such a manner with him as to run no risque of a disappointment.
You may get com and other things from Captain Crawford, in
like manner ; but that you may not depend too much upon these
uncertain chances, I now furnish you with ;^6o, Pennsylvania
money, and whatever it falls short of the amount of your purchases
I will supply when you go out again, that everybody may be paid
for what you get of them.
As I must set off for the Assembly by the first of February,
and shall want to see you before I go, I would have you endeavor
[if] it can conveniently be done, to be down here by that time.
I have nothing more to add at present than to wish you success
in your journey, and am (S:c.
SUPPLEMENTARY INSTRUCTIONS.
I earnestly recommend to you to follow after the people I have
sent out as soon as you can do it with safety, as much depends
upon making a proper beginning.
' Without date, but probably later than March 6. See page ^^q post.
454 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
If you should not arrive at Gilbert Simpson's till after William
Stevens is gone with the people, provision, and tools, you will
follow them by land and water, as you shall find it most conven-
ient. I directed Stevens to leave his baggage horses there, in
order that you might go by land if you chose it, as it would be
the most expeditious way and you would want the horses on the
land to draw in your logs, plow, and bring in your game.
If you should go by land, I shall have no objections to your
buying and carrying two or three cows down with you, if they are
to be had upon reasonable terms. If you should buy cows get a
bull also, that the breed may be propagated. You will find a
bell necessary for them, as also for the horses.
As you know the general plan and design of my seating these
lands, I shall not hamper you with particular instructions, but
leave you to be governed by circumstances. My first and indeed
principal aim is, to save as much land as possible, in the shortest
time and at the least expence. If this could be done in such a
manner, and by such means, as to be serviceable hereafter, it
would be so much the better ; and for this reason it is, I shall
leave you to act from circumstances.
It runs in my head, that if there is a good stream of water upon
any of the tracts, and a convenient place out of the way of freshes,
to build a mill, that this might be as good a method as any to
save the land, provided an industrious millwright could be en-
gaged, and there could be any certain prospect of getting iron
work without much trouble or inconvenience.
When you see Stevens, call for the instructions I gave him, in
order that you may see what is there required, and govern your-
self thereby as nearly as circumstances will permit ; for I do not
mean to tie you down strictly to any certain rule, but to allow
you to act in such a manner as shall appear most for my interest.
If you should find any of the white servants obstinate, and
determined not to behave well, I hereby give you full power and
authority to sell and dispose of them to the best advantage. I
have given Stevens a description of each, that in case any should
attempt to runaway, they may be advertised, and every pains
taken to recover them that can be consistently.
Write to me by every opportunity, as it is very probable that
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 455
not one letter in five will come to hand. Mention in all of them,
therefore, what you want and how you go on.
After you have got a place inclosed, try and buy me all the
buffalo calves you can get, and make them as gentle as possible.
I would not stick at any reasonable price for them, especially the
cow calves, but I should like at least two bull calves for fear of
accidents, as I am very anxious to raise a breed of them.
Take the two servants from Major Crawford's that he offered,
if you find from their character that they will answer your pur-
pose, and that they will be useful to you. If you get them, you
may in my name, promise them a year of their time if they be-
have so as to deserve it.
TO JOHN WEST.
Mount Vernon, 13 January, 1775.
Sir,
Your letter of the 8th, which is just handed to me,
could not have given you more pain in writing, than
it has given me in reading, because I never deny or
even hesitate in granting any request, that is made to
me, especially by persons I esteem, and in matters of
moment, without feeling inexpressible uneasiness. I
do not wonder at your solicitude on account of your
only son. The nurturing and bringing him up in a
proper course is, no doubt, an object of great concern
to you, as well as importance to him ; but two things
are essentially necessary in the man to whom this
charge is committed, a capacity of judging with
propriety of measures proper to be taken in the
government of a youth, and leisure sufficient to
attend to the execution of these measures. That
you are pleased to think favorably of me, in respect
to the first, I shall take for granted, from the request
456 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
you have made ; but to show my incapacity of attend-
ing to the latter, with that good faith, which I think
every man ought to use, who undertakes a trust of
this interesting nature, I can solemnly declare to you,
that, for a year or two past, there has been scarce a
moment, that I could properly call my own. What
with my own business, my present ward's, my
mother's, which is wholly in my hands, Colonel Col-
vill's, Mrs. Savage's, Colonel Fairfax's, Colonel
Mercer's, and the little assistance I have undertaken
to give in the management of my brother Augustine's
concerns (for I have absolutely refused to qualify as
an executor), together with the share I take in public
aflairs, I have been kept constantly engaged in writ-
ing letters, settling accounts, and negotiating one
piece of business or another ; by which means I have
really been deprived of every kind of enjoyment, and
had almost fully resolved to engage in no fresh
matter, till I had entirely wound up the old.
Thus much. Sir, candor, indeed the principle of
common honesty, obliged me to relate to you, as it
is not my wish to deceive any person by promising
what I do not think it in my power to perform with
that punctuality and rectitude, which I conceive the
nature of the trust would require. I do not, however,
give a flat refusal to your request. I rather wish you
to be fully informed of my situation, that you may
think with me, or as I do, that, if it should please the
Almighty to take you to himself as soon as you
apprehend (but I hope without just cause), your son
may be placed in better hands than mine. If you
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 457
think otherwise, I will do the best I can, merely as
a guardian.
You will act very prudently in having your will
revised by some person skilled in the law, as a testa-
tor's intentions are often defeated by different inter-
pretations of statutes, which require the whole
business of a man's life to be perfectly conversant
with them. I shall not, after what I have here said,
add any thing more than my wishes, which are
sincerely offered, for your recovery, and that you
may live to see the accomplishment of your son's
education. With very great esteem, Sir, I am &c. '
TO JOHN CONNOLLY.
Mount Vernon, 25 February, 1775.
Dear Sir,
Your servant, on his return from Williamsburg,
affords me occasion to answer your polite letter. I
confess the state of affairs is sufficiently alarming ;
which our critical situation, with regard to the In-
dians does not diminish : but as you have wrote to
' On 2 February, 1775, the citizens of Fairfax County met, George Washington
presiding, and voted to enroll their militia, and to pay a tax of three shillings
per poll to defray the expense of equipment.
' ' Virginia and Marjdand ride most noble mettled coursers. But to drop this
jockey metaphor, they are a noble spirited people. Never was such vigor and
concord heard of, not a single traitor, scarcely a silent dissentient. The whole
country is fuU of soldiers, all furnished, all in arms." Charles Lee to Robert
Morris, 27 January, 1775. He was writing from Williamsburg, Va.
" In spite of Gage's flaming sword,
Or Carleton's Canadian troop,
Brave Washington shall give the word, -
And we '11 make them howl and whoop."
— Virginia Gazette, 12 Januarj-, 1775.
458 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
Lord Dunmore, relative to the prisoners under your
charge, there can be no doubt of his Lordship's hav-
ing now transmitted you the necessary directions on
that subject. I have only to express my most ardent
wishes that every measure, consistent with reason
and sound policy, may be adopted to keep those
people, at this time, in good humor; for another
rupture would not only ruin the external, but internal
parts of this government. If the journal of your
proceedings in the Indian war is to be published, I
shall have an opportunity of seeing what I have long
coveted. With us here, things wear a disagreeable
aspect ; and the minds of men are exceedingly dis-
turbed at the measures of the British government.
The King's Speech and Address of both Houses,
prognosticate nothing favorable to us ; but by some
subsequent proceedings thereto, as well as by private
letters from London, there is reason to believe the
ministry would willingly change their ground, from a
conviction the forcible measures will be inadequate
to the end designed. A little time must now unfold
the mystery, as matters are drawing to a point. I
am &c.'
TO JNO. WASHINGTON.
Mount Vernon 6th Mar 1775
Dear Sir,
Mr. Fitzhugh delivered me your favr of the 13th
ulto. on Tuesday last — but as I received it on the
' From "A Narrative of the Transactions, Imprisonment, and sufferings of
John Connolly, an American Loyalist and Lieut. Col. in his Majesty's Service,"
printed in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, xii. and
xiii. Force's Fourth Series, ii., I2i, 122.
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 459
Road, I could not answer it by him, & wish it was in
my power to do it satisfactorily now — So far am I
from having ^200 to lend, that, involved as I am with
one expence and another particularly on a very heavy
charge of Seating my Lands over the AlHgany
Mountains in order to comply with the conditions of
the Grant. I would gladly borrow that Sum myself
for a few months, so exceeding difficult do I find it,
under the present scarcity of cash to collect enough
to answer this emergency & at the same time comply
with my other engagements — This information you
may rely on as a fact from Dr Sir &c.
INSTRUCTIONS FOR WILLIAM STEVENS.
6 March, 1775.
As Mr. James Cleveland, whom I have employed to take charge
of my business upon the Ohio, is rendered unable at this time by
sickness, to proceed out with my People, I must commit the care
& management of them, & the business to you, till he can follow,
or till you can hear further from me.
Proceed therefore, without any unnecessary loss of time, to Mr.
Gilbert Simpson's on Youghiogany, where I expect Provision's are
laid In, & where Majr. Crawford will have in readiness Tools, &
Canoes ready to transport you down the River — do not delay one
moment longer than you can help in that Settlement, but set out
with all your necessaries by Water for the great Kanhawa — Your
Provisions will go in Casks which are provided for the purpose ;
but the two Horses which are sent for the purpose of drawing in
your Logs, fetching in your Provisions, & tending your Corn
when they can be spared from other business, must be sent down
by Land in the manner which shall appear most advisable to you
at Simpson's. —
The Land you are to go to, lays on the great Kanhawa on the
46o THE WRITINGS OF [1775
lower or Right hand side as you go up it — the Tract begins abt
two Miles from the Mouth of that River and runs up the same,
binding therewith, for Seventeen Miles — you may begin your Im-
provements therefore in any part, but nearest the middle (for
fear of getting of it) would be best if you can carry on your works
to equal advantage to do wch you should examine the Bottoms
well to see where you can clear most in the shortest time.
So soon as you have pitchd upon the Spot to begin your
Improvements on, use every diligence in your power to get as
much Land as possible ready for Corn, & continue planting, even
with the rare ripe Corn, as long as you think it shall have time to
come to perfection. You may, in the meanwhile, be putting up
Houses for the convenience of yourselves to live in, but do not
spend any time in fencing in the Field till it is too late to Plant, as
the Corn can take no injury till some time after it is up which will
be time enough to begin Fencing.
After the Season is too far advanced for Planting, and you
have Inclosed the Field — you are then to go to such other kinds
of Improvements as will go the furthest in saving the Land — that
is, you are to build — to clear — to Fence — to drain — or do any
thing else agreeable to the Act of Assembly which will be highest
valued in proportion to the work, & the time spent thereon ; & I
have a notion that draining will be found among the most profita-
ble things you can do — but as it is impossible for me to judge, at
this distance, you must be governd by Circumstances, and your
own judgment which I hope will be employed as much as
possible for my Interest.
Consult Major Crawford about a Hunter & endeavr to secure
a good one upon the best terms you can to attend you — this
Hunter might, probably, be a proper Person to take the Horses
down. —
I do not know that any of the white servants will attempt to
run away from you, but to guard against it as much as possible
keep a strict watch, & as soon as you have got to the Land draw
your Canoes (without telling them the reason of it) quite up
the Bank & cover them to prevent the sun from splitting them.
In the Keg with the Lead, there is a Canister of Peach-stone
Kernals (near 2000) let them be phinted in Drills as soon as you
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 461
get to the Land, & fixed upon a Place for a Plantation, — also
Plant Potatoes — Pease & every thing of that kind in their proper
seasons, if you can get them to carry with you — and if you
could get I Boor, & 2 Sow pigs to carry with you it would be a
good thing.
As you will be under a necessity of depending upon hand
Mill stones for meal (a pair of which are provided at Mr.
Simpson's) you should take care to be provided with peck to
keep them in order. — also with a grind stone for your Tools.
I have no reason to doubt, but that you will find every thing
provided at Simpsons by the time you get out — if however it
should turn out otherwise, — I hope Majr. Crawford will give you
all the assistance he can in getting what is wanted as it will be a
folly to go down without, — get 2 light fluke Plows.
Leave with Gilbert Simpson an exact list of every thing you
carry down the River, though never so trifling, for Mr. Cleve-
land, that he may know what you have & see if any thing fur-
ther is necessary for him to provide. — Endeavour to make the
Servants and Negroes take care of their Cloathes & have them
mended when wanted.
I give you a description of each Servant — if any of them
should Run away, advertize a good reward to any one that will
bring them to you, to me, or Majr. Crawford.
Take great care of your Tools, that none are lost, or left as
you go along down — Take care also that you have full enough
of them for your hands ; if to spare, so much the better, as I
shall probably send out more hands some time hence Keep a
list therefore of the quantity you have, & call them over fre-
quently.— After you have built a House for yourselves, there
might also be one built to lock yr Provisions, Tools &c., up in.
I cannot pretend to say with certainty, when I shall be with
you ; but hope it may happen in May — if not in May it shall be
as soon after as I can make it convenient — nor can I judge with
any certainty how long it will take you to save that Tract on
the great Kanhawa, which you are to go first to, as it contains
10,990 acres ; but the Buildings and other Improvements ought
to be valued (at any rate) before you go to the next Tract or
rather return to it, as it lyes on the Ohio, three or four miles
462 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
above the Rapid, at the great Bent in the Ohio (which is 30 odd
miles above the mouth of the great Kanhawa) this is the next
4395 acre tract I shall Improve, & Lyes in Bottetourt County,
as the large one of 10,990 acres does in Fincastle County.
I give you Money to bear your Expences out, and hope, and
beg that you will use as much frugality in Travelling as pos-
sible,— keep an exact Acct. of your Expences that you may be
able to settle with me when we meet, or with Mr. Cleveland in
my behalf.
I would have you, as it is as good a way as any, go by Mr.
Cleveland's House, & if he is well enough to give it, take his ad-
vise about your conduct, if he thinks he shall be able to follow
you in any reasonable time, perhaps it may be necessary to leave
the Horses at Gilbert Simpson's for him & the Negro that is run
away to come after you by Land, & to drive two or three Cows
out, if to be had from the Red Stone settlement.
Sow the Turnep seed which you carry as soon as you can
with safety — and endeavour to provide Water-Mellon seed — Cu-
cumbers— & every kind of seed which will serve to make your
Corn &CC hold out at the same time that it adds to your good
Living.
Get three or 4 good strong padlocks at Leesburg & as many
strong Lines for Fishing, as Fish will be a great help to you.
Get Paper at Leesburg, and write frequently to me how you
go on, as Letters are very apt to miscarry.
I wish you well & that success may attend you, & am &c.'
' 17 March, 1775. " The Independent Company of Richmond County present
their most respectful compliments to Colo. Washington, and beg leave to inform
him that they have unanimously chosen him their commander, should they be
obliged to have recourse to arms to defend their King and country. They flatter
themselves from their assiduity they shall be able to make a tolerable appear-
ance some time in the summer, and should look on themselves as highly honored
if the Colonel would be pleased to review Ihem when most convenient to him.
In the meantime they would be glad to be favoured with any instructions he
should thind proper to give.
On Monday March 20th, the convention assembled " in the old church in the
town of Richmond." One of its fir?* acts after organization was to approve
the proceedings of the "American Continental Congress," and to consider
" this whole continent as under the highest obligations to tliat very respectable
body, for the wisdom of their counsels, and their unremitted endeavors to
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 463
TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON.
Richmond, 25 March, 1775.
Dear Brother,
Mr. Smith delivered me your letter of the i6th
instant, but as one is generally in a hurry and bustle
in such places, and at such times, as these, I have only
time to acknowledge it, and add, that it would have
given me pleasure to have met you here. I shall refer
you to Mr. Smith for an account of our proceedings
up to this day, and you cannot fail of learning the
rest from the Squire, who delights in the minutiae of
a tale. I am in doubt whether we shall finish here
this week ; but as I shall delay little time on the road
in returning, I shall hope to see you on your way up,
or down, from Berkeley. I am much obliged to you
for the holly-berries and cotton-seed. My love to my
sister and the children.
I had like to have forgot to express my entire
approbation of the laudable pursuit you are engaged
in, of training an independent company. I have
promised to review the independent company of
maintain and preserve inviolable, the just rights and liberties of his Majesty's
dutiful and loyal subjects in America." Thanks were returned to the dele-
gates by name. But see Force, Fourth Series ii., 163, 164.
On the 23d Patrick Henry introduced resolutions looking to the arming of
the colony.
Thursday March 23, 1775. The Virginia convention resolved "that a well
regulated militia, composed of gentlemen and yeomen, is the natural strength
and only security of a free government ; that such a militia in this colony
would forever render it unnecessary for the mother country to keep among us,
for the purpose of our defence, any standing army of mercenary forces, always
subversive of the quiet, and dangerous to the liberties, of the people, and would
obviate the pretext of taxing us for their support. — Force, Fourth Series, ii.,
168, 169.
"That this colony be immediately put into a posture of defence, and that
464 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
Richmond some time this summer, they having made
me a tender of the command of it. At the same
time I could review yours, and shall very cheerfully
accept the honor of commanding it, if occasion
require it to be drawn out, as it is my full intention to
Mr. Henry, Mr. Lee, Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Harrison, Mr. Lemuel Riddick,
Mr. Washington, Mr. Stevens, Mr. Andrew Lewis, Mr. Christian, Mr. Pendle-
ton, Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Zane, be a committee to prepare a plan for the
embodying, arming, and disciplining, such a number of men as may be suffi-
cient for that purpose." A report was made on the following day, and is
printed in Virginia Gazette, March 30, 1775.
Some of the warmest patriots in the convention, writes Wirt, opposed these
resolutions. Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pendleton and
Robert C. Nicholas, " resisted them with all their influence and abilities." He
gives what purports to be Henry's speech in favor of his resolutions — on the
authority of Edmund Randolph — but the researches of Mr. Moncure D. Con-
way enable us to give what Randolph himself wrote. " After a few seconds
Richard Henry Lee fanned and refreshed with a gale of pleasure ; but the
vessel of the revolution was still under the impulse of the tempest which Henry
had created. Artificial oratory fell in copious streams from the mouth of Lee,
and rules of persuasion accomplished every thing which rules could effect. If
elegance had been personified, the person of Lee would have been chosen.
But Henry trampled upon rules, and yet triumphed, at this time perhaps
beyond his own expectation. Jefferson was not silent. He argued closely,
profoundly, and warmly on the same side. The post in the revolutionary
debate belonging to him, was that at which the theories of republicanism were
deposited. Washington was prominent, though silent. His looks bespoke a
mind absorbed in meditation on his country's fate ; but a positive concert
between him and Henry could not more effectually Jiave exhibited him to view,
than when Henry ridiculed the idea of peace ' when there was no peace,' and
enlarge on the duty of preparing for war." Omitted Chapters of History, 382.
On the same day [March 25] Washington was appointed on a committee "to
prepare a plan for the encouragement of arts and manufactures in this colony."
The delegates to the Continental Congress were also elected.
George Mason was taking an active part in the political events of this time,
but he appears to have made Washington the instrument for carrying his ideas
into practice. He submitted in February, 1775, a ])]an for establishing a militia,
printed in Force, Fourth Series, vol. i., 1145, and made the judicious suggestion
that the old burgesses should be chosen as delegates to attend the convention at
Richmond, rightly believing that such a step would carry more weight with the
people than the selection of new men.
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 465
devote my life and fortune in the cause we are
engaged in, if needful.
I remain, dear Sir, your most affectionate brother.
TO LORD DUNMORE.
Mount Vernon, 3d April 1775.
My Lord.
At second hand, I learnt from Captain Floyd,
that the Surveys made by Mr. Crawford under 'the
Proclamation of 1 754 (expressly agreeable to an
order of Council of the 15th of December, 1769), and
for which your Lordships Patents under the Seal of
the Colony, hath actually been obtained, are now de-
clared null and void. — The information appearing al-
together incredible, I gave little attention to it, 'till I
saw Mr. Wilper on friday last, who, in confirmation
of the report, added, that all the patentees (whom he
had seen) under that Proclamation, were exceedingly
distressed and at a loss, to know what to think of it,
or how to act in a case so uncommon, this therefore
has caused me to give your Lordship the trouble of a
Letter on the occasion, convinced as I am, of your
inclination to hear, and disposition to redress, any
just cause of complaint, which may be submitted to
your decision. — In pursuit of this enquiry, my Lord,
which becomes highly interesting to me, as well as
others, to make, I shall beg leave to lay a short state
of our case before your Lordship in order to shew (if
the information be true), for I confess I look'd upon
it at first as a move only of the Surveyors to filtch a
466 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
little more money from us, the peculiar hardship of our
situation if we are to encounter fresh difficulties in
search of Lands which in my humble opinion has
already involved us in expence and trouble, which
ought to have been avoided.
I shall not presume, my Lord, to ask a patient
hearing of the reasons which induced Mr. Dinwiddie
to issue the Proclamation of 1 754 ; — the proclamation
itself is sufficiently declaratory of them and, being an
act of public notoriety, the utility of which was well
known at the time of its promulgation, and as uni-
versally acknowledged to be just ; I shall say nothing
thereon ; nor shall I undertake to prove how well
men ; at very small daily pay, were entitled to this
testimony of his Majesty's bounty ; the experience
your Lordship has lately had of a warfare in that
country affords a recent instance of the hardship and
difficulty which the first troops had in exploring a
trackless way over those great ridges of mountains
between Fort Cumberland and Pittsburgh, and mak-
ing roads for the armies which afterwards followed,
and in which they joined. But I will take the liberty
humbly to represent, that instead of having extraor-
dinary difficulties thrown in our way, we were in my
opinion entitled, as well from the spirit, as the express
words of the Proclamation, above mentioned, to the
Lands free of all costs and trouble, for the truth of
which, I should have no scruple in appealing to your
Lordship's candor, if you would take the trouble of
reading the Proclamation, wherein (after setting forth
the necessity of raising Troops) are these words ; —
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 467
" For an encouragement to all who shall voluntarily
enter into the said service. I do hereby notify and
promise, by and with the advice and consent of his
Majesty's Council of this Colony, that over Cff above
their pay 200,000 acres of His Majesty, the King of
Great Britain's Lands, on the east side of the River
Ohio, within this Dominion (100,000 acres to be con-
tiguous to the said Fort, and the other 100,000 acres,
to be on or near the River Ohio) shall be laid off, &
granted to such persons who by their voluntary en-
gagement and good behavior in the said service ;
shall deserve the same ; and I further promise that
the said Lands shall be divided amongst them imme-
diately after the performance of the said service," &c.
— Is it not to be inferred, my Lord, from the natural
import of these words, that the Lands were to be
laid off for, and divided amongst the grantees, with-
out involving them in either trouble or expence ?
Nothing, in my humble opinion, is more self-evident.
But they finding that the most valuable part of their
Grant, (respecting the location) was actually preoc-
cupied— that Emigrants were spreading fast over that
country, — and that the same difficulties might arise in
other quarters and contests ensue ; application was
made for liberty to make our own surv^eys, and a Dis-
trict assigned for it, at least 200 miles from any set-
tlement— unexplored by any County-Surveyor, un-
known in whose districts it lay, if it lay in any, as the
jurisdiction of no county had extended within the
number of miles above mentioned ; — and but few men
at that early day, hardy enough to undertake a work,
468 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
in a wilderness where none but savages & wild beasts
inhabited. — I say, under these circumstances, applica-
tion was made for a special surveyor, and an order of
Council obtained in the following words : —
" The Council also advised that Colo. Washington
should apply to the President & Masters of the Col-
lege requesting them to nominate & appoint a person
properly qualified to survey the said Land with all
possible expedition, signifying to them that their
compliance herein will be agreeable to this Board."
In consequence of this order, & of Capt. Crawford's
qualification as a Surveyor, he was appointed to run
out this 200,000 acres of Land ; and having given
Bond in the usual & accustomed form, to the College
proceeded to the business, and making his returns to
the Secretary's office. Patents have been issued under
your Lordships signature & the seal of the Colony,
ever since the first of December 1773. Would it not
be exceedingly hard then, my Lord, under these cir-
cumstances— at this late day — after we had proceeded
in all respects agreeably to the orders of Government,
and after many of us have been run to great & con-
siderable expence, to declare that the Surveys are
invalid? It appears in so uncommon a light to me,
that I hardly know yet how to persuade myself into
a belief of the reallity of it, nor should I have given
your Lordship any trouble on the subject at this time,
but for the importunity of others, and from a desire
(as I shall leave home the first of May) of knowing
if the account be true, what steps the grantees, under
the afore-mentioned Proclamation, are further to take.
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 469
I beg your Lordships excuse for the length and
freedom of this epistle. I am persuaded you possess
too much candour yourself to be offended at it in
others, in relating of facts, especially, as I profess
myself to be, with the utmost respect, etc'
TO MONTAGUE.
Mount Vernon, 5 April. 1775.
Sir,
My Letter of the 4th of December to Colo. Mercer
(dispatched by the first opportunity that offered after
the close of his Sales) would inform you of the total
amount thereof ; & that the contest between Miss
Wroughton and Messrs. Dick & Hunter, respecting a
preference of Mortgages, would, more than probable,
be avoided.
I have now to acknowledge the receipt of your
favor of the 29th of August, & to acquaint you,
that the packet herewith sent to Colo Mercer, con-
tains such papers & documents as are necessary' to
give the fullest information of the state of his affairs
in this country ; which, circumstances considered,
have turned out infinitely beyond my expectation, or
the expectation of ever)'- one who bestow'd any
' On March 2ist Dunmore had issued a proclamation against the claims of some
"disorderly persons" to lands in Virginia under pretence of a purchase from
the Indians ; but the occasion of Washington's letter was a report that the sur-
veyor who had made the surveys had not properly qualified, a matter that Lord
Dunmore was examining. In October, Lord Dunmore and others, forming
the Wabash Company, purchased an extensive tract of territory from the In-
dians of the Piankeshaw nation, but the revolution followed and the claims
were never allowed.
470 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
thought upon them. I shall not therefore, at this
time, trouble you either with a recital or copies of
those papers, but add, that I have directed the
Attorney General (Mr. Randolph) who was retained
as Counsel for Colo. Mercer & his mortgages to
appeal from any decision which might even appear to
give Messrs. Dicks and Hunter's trust-Deed the
preference, to Miss Wroughton's Mortgage ; for as
to Mr. Gravat's, it is entirely out of the question, no
person disputing the validity of his mortgage. Mr.
James Mercer, in a Letter which I received from him
some time ago, proposed a matter, which if acceded
to, might ultimately secure Miss Wroughton, and put
an end to all controversy respecting the mortgage.
I shall communicate the proposal in his own words,
as follows ;
" It appears to me to be yet of some consequence
to Messrs. Dick & Hunter, if they are postpon'd to
Miss Wroughton, — tho' none to Miss Wroughton —
in this way — if they are postpon'd, and the purchasers
are not punctual, they will not receive their money
but out of the last payments, by which Mr. Dick
may be greatly affected ; for in the mean time his
Estate may be seized, & sold for half its value. As
Miss Wroughton cannot want all her money at once,
& will be sufficiently secured ; I could wish she
wou'd consent to let the Speaker's Debt be paid,
next, after she will receive ^1,000. — Cou'd this be
granted I shall not dispute her preference. My
answer shews how much this Debt is — if she will
consent, I will guarantee her Debt, or let her have a
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 471
preference. Pray be so kind as to mention this to
Mr. Montague."
After considering this proposal, you will be so
good Sir, as to let me know Miss Wroughton's senti-
ments thereon, that I may communicate them to Mr.
Mercer, & conform to them myself.
It gives me much pain to find two Gentln broth-
ers, who individually stand high in the esteem
of their countrymen, imbibing unfavorable impres-
sions, and, to their joint Friends, mu[tu]ally arraign-
ing the conduct of each other, when I am satisfied
that both think themselves right, and that neither
hath made proper allowance for the situation of the
other. At Colo. Mercer's request, I propounded the
queries he transmitted, to his Brother, whose answers,
in a letter to me, are forwarded to him ; but these
things only serve to irritate ; for as I am thoroughly
satisfied on the one hand, that Colo. Mercer has
advanced nothing to you, or Mr. Gravat, but what
was perfectly consistent with his Ideas of truth &
justice : — so on the other, I am as well persuaded,
that Mr. James Mercer hath not intentionally
wronged him of a farthing ; & yet appearances may
be against him, for want of a thorough knowledge of
his situation, & the motives which influenced his
conduct. — That Colo. Mercer has been a considerable
loser in the management of his Estate here, nobody
will deny ; but has not every gentleman in this countr^^
whose other avocations, or whose inclinations would
not permit them, to devote a large portion of their
time & attention to the management of their own
472 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
Estates, shared the same fate ? Our Gazettes afford
but too many melancholy proofs of it in the sales
which are daily advertised ; the nature of a Virginia
Estate being such, that without close application, it
never fails bringing the proprietors in Debt annually,
as Negroes must be clothed & fed, taxes paid, &c,
&c, whether anything is made or not : — but Colo.
Mercer must, I think ; have been well acquainted
with two facts, namely, that his brother had neither
leisure, nor a competent knowledge of plantation
business, to become a fit person to undertake it, —
and, that Steward's (in this country at least) far re-
moved from the inspection of a Superior, are scarce
ever to be entrusted. — But all this is foreign from the
main purpose of my letter and is an evil out of the
power of poor Mercer or his friends to remedy, at
this day ; the uneasiness I feel at seeing two Brothers,
accustomed to live in perfect amity, now bickering &
accusing each other of hardships occasioned by the
other, led me into this digression, for which I ask
your pardon.
I hope this Letter will find you in a better state of
health than your last describes, & with esteem &
respect, &c.
TO MERCER.
\^Extract.\
Mount Vernon 5 April — 1775.
I enclose you a copy of my last letter of the 4th of
December, and an account of the proceedings of the
Convention held at Richmond the 20th ulto. A great
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 473
number of very good companies were raised in many
counties in this Colony, before it was recommended
to them by the Convention, & are now in excellent
training ' ; the people being resolved, altho' they wish
for nothing, more ardently, than a happy & lasting
reconciliation with the parent State, not to purchase
it at the expence of their liberty, & the sacred com-
pacts of Governments. — When you see my old friend
Colo. Stewart, be pleased to present my warmest
wishes to him, and assure him, that having received
no answer to several letters I had written, I concluded
that he must either be dead — removed out of the
reach of my letters, or had forgot there was such
a person in existence as myself. To the best of my
recollection I have never received a line from him
since his first leaving Jamaica or immediately upon
his arrival in London from that Island ; Since which
I have, as above, wrote several times, without ever
learning with certainty where he was fixed, or in what
Line he walked. I am, &c.
ADVERTISEMENT.'
Fairfax Cocnty, April 23, 1775.
Forty Dollars Reward. Ran away from the subscriber, on
the 19th instant, at night, two servant men, viz. Thomas Spears,
a joiner, bom in Bristol, about 20 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches
and a half high, slender made. He has light grey or blueish col-
ored eyes, a little pock marked, and freckled, with sandy colored
hair, cut short ; his voice is coarse, and somewhat drawlUng. He
' Sparks, Writings of Washington, ii., 506.
- From the Virginia Gazette, 4 May, 1775.
474 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
took with him a coat, Avaistcoat, and breeches, of light brown duffil,
with black horn buttons, a light colored cloth waistcoat, old
leather breeches, check and oznabrig shirts, a pair of new milled
yarn stockings, a pair of old ribbed ditto, new oznabrig trowsers,
and a felt hat, not much the worse for wear. William Webster,
a brickmaker, born in Scotland, and talks pretty broad. He is
about 5 feet 6 inches high, and well made, rather turned of 30,
with light brown hair, and roundish face. He had an olive col-
ored coat, pretty much worn, with black horn buttons, duffil waist-
coat and breeches (same as Spears' s) oznabrig trousers, and check
and oznabrig shirts. They went off in a small yawl, with turpen-
tine sides and bottom, the inside painted with a mixture of tar
and red lead. Masters of vessels are cautioned against receiving
of them ; and the above reward is offered to any person who will
deliver them at my dwelling-house in this county, or twenty
DOLLARS for each from
George Washington.'
TO GEORGE WILLIAM FAIRFAX, ENGLAND.
Philadelphia, 31 May, 1775."
Dear Sir,
Before this letter will come to hand, you must
undoubtedly have received an account of the engage-
' " I have as yet heard nothing from the speaker fixing the time of our setting
out ; indeed from some disturbances in the city by the slaves, I doubt whether
he will go. I purpose, however, to set off at all events Wednesday morning,
the 3d., and shall be glad to meet you at upper Marlbrough, Thursday night."
— Edmund Pendleton to Washington, 21 Ajiril, 1775.
" May 9, 1775. Dined with Stephen Collins ; passed the evening at Joseph
Reed's, in company with Col. Washington, (a fine figure and of a most easy
and agreeable address,) Richard Ilcnry Lee, and Col. Harrison, three of the
Virginia delegates. Besides Mr. and Mrs. Reed, were Mrs. Deberdt, Dr. Ship-
pen and Thomas Smith. I staid till twelve o'clock, the conversation being
chiefly on the most feasible and prudent method of stopping up the channel of
the Delaware to prevent the coming up of any large ships to the city ; I could
not perceive the least disposition to .accommodate matters." — Curwens Journal
and Letters, 27, 28.
' Washington was now attending the second Continental Congress, which
assembled in Philadelphia on the lOth of May.
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 475
ment in the Massachusetts Bay, between the ministe-
rial troops (for we do not, nor can we yet prevail
upon ourselves to call them the King's troops), and
the provincials of that government. But as you may
not have heard how that affair began, I enclose you the
several affidavits, which were taken after the action.
General Gage acknowledges, that the detachment
under Lieutenant-Colonel Smith was sent out to
destroy private property ; or, in other words, to
destroy a magazine, which self-preservation obliged
the inhabitants to establish. And he also confesses,
in effect at least, that his men made a very precipitate
retreat from Concord, notwithstanding the reinforce-
ment under Lord Percy ; the last of which may ser\-e
to convince Lord Sandwich, and others of the same
sentiment, that the Americans will fiofht for their
liberties and property, however pusillanimous in his
Lordship's eye they may appear in other respects.
From the best accounts I have been able to collect
of that affair, indeed from every one, I believe the
fact, stripped of all coloring, to be plainly this, that,
if the retreat had not been as precipitate as it was, and
God knows it could not w^ell have been more so, the
ministerial troops must have surrendered, or been
totally cut off. For they had not arrived in Charles-
town (under cover of their ships) half an hour, before
a powerful body of men from Marblehead and Salem
was at their heels, and must, if they had happened to
be up one hour sooner, inevitably have intercepted
their retreat to Charlestown. Unhappy it is, though,
to reflect, that a brother's sword has been sheathed in
a brother's breast, and that the once happy and
476 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
peaceful plains of America are either to be drenched
with blood or inhabited by slaves. Sad alternative !
But can a virtuous man hesitate in his choice?
I am with sincere regard, and affectionate compli-
ments to Mrs. Fairfax, dear Sir, your &c.'
ACCEPTANCE OF APPOINTMENT.
On the 15 June, 1775, Congress having resolved "That a gen-
eral be appointed to command all the continental forces raised or
to be raised for the defence of American liberty," proceeded tea
' ELECTED COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE CONTINENTAL ARMY.
While the appointment of Washington to the command of the Continental
army appears a natural one when regarded from a military standpoint — as he
was about the only man of American birth in the colonies who could lay claim
to any extensive military experience, — the political reasons that controlled the
choice were by no means unimportant. The contest between the colonies and
the mother country had naturally centred in the colony of the Massachusetts
Bay, and Boston had in consequence assumed the leading part. When hostili-
ties had actually begun and the siege of Boston attempted, the Provincial Con-
gress was met by the serious question of how to maintain, control, and utilize the
force that had so suddenly been collected and looked to it for commands. To
continue the men in service for any time was more than the Congress could ac-
complish ; and to disband them would defeat their cause, and ruin their charac-
ter with the other colonies, from which aid was expected. It was thus very
natural that the Provincial Congress should turn to the Continental Congress
and seek advice and assistance.
There existed reasons, however, why this advice and active aid should not be
at once granted. I have already quoted what Mr. Charles Francis Adams
believed of " one of the most characteristic as well as important productions
that remain to give an insight into his [Washington's] mind " (page 444 ante).
Other evidences are at hand of a little jealousy subsisting on the part of the
Southern Colonies of the New England provinces, dating from a very early period
of the contest. The people of Boston, it was said, " do affect to dictate and
take the lead in Continental measures," and were apt " from an inward vanity
and self-conceit, to assume big and haughty airs." Ilawley to John Adams, 25
July, 1774. Even General Gage intimated that to persuade the other colonies
to make the cause of Boston the common cause of America, the delegates from
Massachusetts to the General Congress would probably " pay the rest the com-
pliment of taking their advice." Gage to the Earl of Dartmouth, 20 July,
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 477
choice, and the ballots being taken, George Washington, esq., was
unanimously elected.
On the day following the president informed Mr. Washington
that Congress had unanimously made choice of him to be general
and commander-in-chief of the American forces and requested he
would accept that employment, to which Mr. W., standing in his
place, answered :
Mr. President,
Though I am truly sensible of the high honor done
1774. It was to a Virginia delegate, Peyton Randolph, that the post of honor
in the Congress was given, and the efforts of the Boston representatives were
exerted to remove distrust, and were in a measure crowned with success. " Here-
tofore, we have been accounted by many intemperate and rash ; but now we
are universally applauded as cool and judicious, as well as spirited and brave.
This is the character we sustain in Congress. There is, however, a certain de-
gree of jealousy in the minds of some, that we aim at total independency, not
only of the mother country, but of the colonies, too ; and that, as we are a
hardy and brave people, we shall in time overrun them." Samuel Adams to
Joseph Warren, 25 September, 1774.
In the second Congress Adams found that this jealousy was directed against
a New England army, commanded by a New England general, and that to gain
the aid of the Congress, or induce it to assume the maintenance, regulation and
direction of the motley force then collected before Boston, the point of com-
mand must be yielded. Writing many years after the event he recalls that
some of the leading Sons of Liberty in Philadelphia took pains to warn him and
his colleagues to be moderate, and to recognize the lead of Virginia — the col-
ony, doubtless, that had exhibited the most marked jealousy, if not suspicion,
of the motives of the New England provinces. Again was Randolph unani-
mously chosen to the chair, but in a few days was obliged to return to Virginia
to open the session of the Assembly. Hancock, of Massachusetts, was elected
to the vacancy, — presumably a political choice — and soon the affairs of the con-
tinent, rendered doubly momentous by the shedding of blood at Lexington,
pressed upon the attention of Congress. Washington, it is recorded by John
Adams ( Works, i., 173) was attending the sessions of Congress in military uni-
form— blue and bufif. Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society,
January, 1859. This action was, as Mr. Charles Francis Adams suggests, an
announcement that his mind was made up, and, as it were, an unconscious nom-
ination of himself for a command. The Massachusetts and Virginia delegates
were at this time working together, this unity being secured mainly through the
intimacy existing between the two Adamses and Richard Henry Lee.
On June 2d a letter from the Massachusetts Provincial Congress was laid before
478 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
me in this appointment, yet I feel great distress from
a consciousness that my abilities and military experi-
ence may not be equal to the extensive and important
trust. However, as the Congress desire it, I will enter
upon the momentous duty and exert every power I
the Continental body, asking advice respecting the institution of a civil govern-
ment in the colony, and also suggesting that as the army then collecting from
different colonies was for the general defence of the rights of America, the
regulation and direction of it were proper subjects for Continental action.
Force, American Archives, Fourth Series, ii., 621. It is not known whether
the question of command was connected with this suggestion, and Mr. C. F.
Adams regards the appointment by the Provincial Congress of Artemas Ward to
the chief command on the day after this letter was written, as an indication that
it was not. I am inclined to believe, however, that this appointment of Ward
was not intended to forestall any nomination by the Continental Congress, but
was local in its nature, for he was to command only the forces raised by the
Congress from which he received his commission. The issuing of the commis-
sion was deemed "expedient." The conception of a continental army was
probably then forming, as the New York delegates in the Continental Congress
wrote on June 3 to the Provincial Assembly about the "command of the Conti-
nental army in our Province," as "general officers will, in all probability, be
shortly appointed by this Congress." So again on the 7th, the Provincial Con-
gress wrote in reply : " The colonies of Massachusetts and Connecticut have
fonned their respective armies, and nominated to the general command of them ;
the supposition that in case a continental army should be established by author-
ity of your respectable body, their officers will be permitted to preserve their
respective ranks, appears to us highly probable." It does not follow that the
matter had as yet been formally brought before Congress. Force, American
Archives, Fourth .Series, ii., 898, 1282, 1292. James Warren had already
hinted the name of Washington to John Adams for the command. " They
[the army] seem to want a more experienced direction. I could for myself
wish to see your friends Washington and L [ee] at the head of it ; and yet dare
not propose it, though I have it in contemplation." 7 May, 1775. Step by
step the idea of Continental control gained force, and matters were in train for>
the nomination of officers.
The Soutliern delegates were in favor of Washington, but even some of the
members from Virginia wore " very cool " about his appointment, while Pendle-
ton was " very clear and full against it." Furthermore the New England dele-
gates were divided in opinion, an embarrassment that Adams believed " was
never publicly known." It was, however, soon known to Gage, for he wrote to
the Earl of Dartmouth on October 15th of " much division in the Congress, jeal-
ousy of the Eastern delegates, owing to which Washington was appointed to the
chief command of the rebel army." Weary of waiting and convinced that a
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 479
possess in the service and for support of the glorious
cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks
for this distinguished testimony of their approbation.
But lest^ome unlucky event should happen unfavour-
able to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered
concession must be made John Adams determined to bring the matter to a head
by moving that Congress should adopt the army before Boston, and appoint
Colonel Washington commander of it. ' ' Accordingly, when Congress had as-
sembled, I rose in my place, and in as short a speech as the subject would ad-
mit, represented the state of the Colonies, the uncertainty in the minds of the
people, their great expectation and anxiety, the distresses of the army, the dan-
ger of its dissolution, the difficulty of collecting another, and the probability that
the British army would take advantage of our delays, march out of Boston, and
spread desolation as far as they could go. I concluded with a motion, in form,
that Congress would adopt the army at Cambridge, and appoint a general ; that
though this was not the proper time to nominate a general, yet, as I had reason
to believe this was a point of the greatest difficulty, I had no hesitation to de-
clare that I had but one gentleman in my mind for that important command,
and that was a gentleman from Virginia who was among us and ver)- well known
to all of us, a gentleman whose skill and experience as an officer, whose inde-
pendent fortune, great talents, and excellent universal character, would com-
mand the approbation of all America, and unite the cordial exertions of all the
colonies better than any other person in the union. Mr. Washington, who hap-
pened to sit near the door, as soon as he heard me allude to him, from his usual
modesty, darted into the library room. . . . Mr. Samuel Adams seconded the
motion. . . . The subject came under debate, and several gentlemen declared
themselves against the appointment of Mr. Washington, not on account of any
personal objection against him, but because the army were all from New Eng-
land, had a general of their own, appeared to be satisfied with him, and had
proved themselves able to imprison the British army in Boston, which was all
they expected or desired at that time. Mr. Pendleton, of Virginia, Mr. Sher-
man, of Connecticut, were verj' explicit in declaring their opinion ; Mr. Gushing
and several others more faintly expressed their opposition, and their fears of dis-
contents in the army and in New England. Mr. Paine expressed a great opin-
ion of General Ward and a strong friendship for him, having been his classmate
at college, or at least his contemporary ; but gave no opinion upon the question.
The subject was postponed to a future day. In the meantime, pains were taken
out of doors to obtain a unanimity, and the voices were generally so clearly in
favor of Washington, that the dissentient members were persuaded to withdraw
their opposition, and Mr. Washington was nominated, I believe by Mr. Thomas
Johnson of Maryland, unanimously elected, and the army adopted." Adams,
Works, ii., 415-418.
The choice was made on Thursday, June 15th, and on the next day Washing-
48o THE WRITINGS OF [1775
by every gentleman in the room, that I this day
declare with the utmost sincerity I do not think
myself equal to the command I am honored with.
As to pay, Sir, I beg leave to assure the Congress,
that as no pecuniary consideration could have
tempted me to accept this arduous employment at the
ton was notified of his election and accepted in the modest speech printed above.
It was soon apparent that the opinion of Washington entertained by " many of
the staunchest " members of Congress had been adopted in Massachusetts where
the inactivity and almost incompetency of General Ward to meet the emergency
were leading the Provincial Congress to look elsewhere for a commander. " I
should heartily rejoice to see this way the beloved Colonel Washington and do
not doubt the New England generals would acquiesce in showing to our sister
colony, Virginia, the respect which she has before experienced from the Conti-
nent, in making him Generalissimo. This is a matter in which Dr. Warren
agrees with me, and we had intended to write you jointly on the affair." James
Warren to John Adams, 4 June, 1775. (The letter may have reached Philadel-
phia before the choice had been made.) The battle of Bunker's Hill only served
to increase the feeling against the provincial general. ' ' Fine fellows you know
our countrymen are ; and want nothing but a general of spirit and abilities to
make them a fine army. All our efforts, which are many, cannot supply that
defect, — yours must do it. Could you believe, he [Ward] never left his house
on Saturday ; but I shall add no more. I wish that was the worst of it " War-
ren to Samuel Adams, 21 June, 1775. And to John Adams he wrote : " Had
our brave men, posted on ground injudiciously at first taken, had a Lee or a
Washington instead of a general destitute of all military ability and spirit to
command them, it is my opinion the day would have terminated with as much
glory to America as the 19th of April. This is our great misfortune, and it is
remediless from any other quarter than yours. We dare not supercede him here
— it will come well from you, and really merits your attention." 20 June, 1775.
On the same day the Massachusetts Provincial Congress wrote to the Continen-
tal Congress : " We beg leave humbly to suggest that if a commander in chief
of the army of the United Colonies should be appointed, it must be plain to
your Honors, that no part of this Continent can so much require his immediate
presence and exertions as this colony." While we find the suggestion of Wash-
ington for the command among both the Southern members and in Massachu-
setts, it would not be a correct statement to assert that he was chosen in obedi-
ence to a general demand. The act was rather due to the efforts of a few of the
more far sighted leaders of the Revolution, in which colonial pride and jealousy
played not an unimportant part.
The political effect of the appointment was clearly recognized by some. " I
can now inform you tliat the Congress have made choice of the modest and vir-
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 481
expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not
wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact
account of my expenses. Those I doubt not they
will discharge, and that is all I desire.'
tuous, the amiable, generous, and brave George Washington, Esquire, to be
general of the American army, and that he is to repair, as soon as possible, to the
camp before Boston. This appointment will have a great effect in cementing
andsecuring the union of these colonies." John Adams. 17 June, 1775. "George
Washington, a delegate from Virginia, is, at the particular request of the people in
New England, and with the unanimous consent of the Congress, appointed
commander in chief of the Continental forces, with a handsome salary per an-
nima. The commission he received with pleasure, but positively refused any
pay, requiring only a reimbursement of his actual expenses." Letter dated
Philadelphia, 20 June, 1775, in Force, American Archives, Fourth Series, ii.,
1033. There are some personal records of the appointment that do not lack in-
terest. " There is something charming to me in the conduct of Washington. A
gentleman of one of the first fortunes upon the continent, leaving his delicious
retirement, his family and friends, sacrificing his ease, and hazarding all in the
cause of his country ! His views are noble and disinterested. He declared, when
he accepted the mightj' trust, that he would lay before us an exact account of his
expenses, and not accept a shilling for pay." John Adams to Elbridge Gerry,
18 June, 1775. Samuel Adams speaks of " our patriotic General Washington "
(to Gerry, 22 June), and Hancock, recovering from his chagrin at being passed
over, could say " He is a fine man." {To Gerry, 18 June.) In the camp at Cam-
bridge the appointment was gracefully accepted and his conduct after his arrival
greatly increased the esteem in which he was held and prevented much of that
discontent which, it was feared, would follow the supercession of the pro\4ncial
generals. Greene, Life of Greene, i., loi.
As a curiosity, I give the following memorandum : —
" WTien Congress determined to be independent and appointed general officers
to command our armies to prosecute the war for independence and defending our
liberty, they nominated Gen'l Washington to the chief command ; but his great
modesty recommended Genl Lewis in preference to himself. But one of his col-
leagues from Virginia observed that Genl. Lewis's popularity had suffered much
from the declamation of some of his troops on the late expedition against the
Indians, and it would be impolitick at that juncture to make the appointment."
Narrative of Captain John Stuart, Magazine of American History, 1877, 740.
' " As soon as he could get himself in readiness he set out for Boston to take
upon him the command of the army before that town." {MS. note of Charles
Thomson prefixed to vol. i. of Washington's Letters in the Records of the
Continental Congress.) Thomson's memorandum was made from a copy of the
acceptance in the MS. of Edmund Pendleton. Continental Congress, No. 152,
vol. i., p. I.
482 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
COMMISSION AS COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.
^IXjC delegates of the United Colo?ites of New-Hampshire, Massa-
chusetts bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New- York, New y^ersey,
Pennsylvania, New Castle, Kent &' Sussex on Delaware, Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolifia and South Carolina
To i&ZUXQt ^ilaslxttX^tjCriX Esquire
'WS^t/ reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism,
conduct and fidelity Do by these presents constitute and appoint you
to be (&tXiSiXK\ WCI&, ®01UmatXdjeie in @M«f of the Army
of the United Colonies afid of all the forces raised or to be raised by
them and of all others who shall voluntary offer their service and
join the said army for the defence of American liberty and for
repelling every hostile invasion thereof. And you are hereby vested
with full power and authority to act as you shall think for the good
and welfare of the sej'vice.
,^11^ we do hereby strictly charge and require all officers and
soldiers under your com?fiand to be obedient to your orders 6^ diligent
in the exercise of their several duties.
J^tX^ we do also enjoin and require you to be careful in executing
the great trust reposed in you, by causing strict discipline and order to
be observed in the army and that the soldiers are duly exercised and
provided with all convenient necessaries.
^XktL you are to regulate your conduct in every respect by the rules
and discipline of ivar {as herewith given you) and punctually to
observe and follow such orders and directions from time to time as
you shall receive from this or a future Congress of the said United
Colonies or a committee of Congress for that purpose appointed.
This Commission to continue in force until revoked by this or a
future Congress. „ , ^ ,, ^
By order of the Congress
Dated, Philadelphia fune igth lyjS-
John Hancock President
Attest Chas. 1 HOMSON Seer.
[See note on opposite page.]
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 483
TO MRS. MARTHA WASHINGTON..
Philadelphia, 18 June, 1775.
My Dearest,
I am now set down to write to you on a subject,
which fills me with inexpressible concern, and this
concern is greatly aggravated and increased, when
Note. — The Commission and instructions were drawn up by the same com-
mittee of Congress, consisting of Richard Henry Lee, Edward Rutledge and John
Adams, and appointed 16 June, 1775. The instructions are as follows : —
" This Congress having appointed you to be General and Commander-in-
chief of the army of the United Colonies, of all the forces raised or to be raised
by them, and of all others who shall voluntarily offer their service, and join the
said army for the defence of American liberty, and for repelling every hostile
invasion thereof, you are to repair ^vith all expedition to the colony of Massa-
chusetts Bay, and take charge of the army of the United Colonies. For your
better direction ; —
" I. You are to make a return to us as soon as possible of all forces, which
you shall have under your command, together with their military stores and pro-
visions ; and also as exact an account as you can obtain of the forces which
compose the British army in America.
" 2. You are not to disband any of the men you find raised until further di-
rection from this Congress ; and if you shall think their numbers not adequate
to the purpose of security, you may recruit them to a number you shall think
sufi&cient, not exceeding double that of the enemy.
" 3. In all cases of vacancy occasioned by the death or removal of a colonel,
or other inferior officer, you are by brevet, or warrant under your seal, to ap-
point another person to fill up such vacancy, until it shall otherwise be ordered
by the Provincial Convention, or the Assembly of the colony, from whence are
the troops in which such vacancy happens, shall direct otherwise.
" 4. You are to victual, at the Continental expense, all such volunteers as
have joined or shall join the united army.
"5. You shall take every method in your power, consistent with prudence,
to destroy or make prisoners of all persons who now are, or who hereafter shall
appear in arms against the good people of the United Colonies.
" 6. And whereas all particulars cannot be foreseen, nor positive instructions
for such emergencies so beforehand given, but that many things must be left to
your prudent and discreet management, as occurrences may arise upon the place,
or from time to time fall out, you are, therefore, upon all such accidents, or any
occasions that may happen, to use your best circumspection ; and, advising with
your council of war, to order and dispose of the said army under your command
as may be most advantageous for the obtaining of the end for which these forces
have been raised, making it your especial care, in discharge of the great trust
committed unto you, that the liberties of America receive no detriment."
484 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
I reflect upon the uneasiness I know it will give you.
It has been determined in Congress, that the whole
army raised for the defence of the American cause
shall be put under my care, and that it is necessary
for me to proceed immediately to Boston to take upon
me the command of it.
You may believe me, my dear Patsy, when I assure
you, in the most solemn manner, that, so far from
seeking this appointment, I have used every endeavor
in my power to avoid it, not only from my unwilling-
ness to part with you and the family, but from a con-
sciousness of its being a trust too great for my capacity,
and that I should enjoy more real happiness in one
month with you at home, than I have the most dis-
tant prospect of finding abroad, if my stay were to be
seven times seven years. But as it has been a kind
of destiny, that has thrown me upon this service,
I shall hope that my undertaking it is designed to
answer some good purpose. You might, and I sup-
pose did perceive, from the tenor of my letters, that
I was apprehensive I could not avoid this appoint-
ment, as I did not pretend to intimate when I should
return. That was the case. It was utterly out of my
power to refuse this appointment, without exposing
my character to such censures, as would have re-
flected dishonor upon myself, and given pain to my
friends. This, I am sure, could not, and ought not,
to be pleasing to you, and must have lessened me
considerably in my own esteem. I shall rely, there-
fore, confidently on that Providence, which has here-
tofore preserved and been bountiful to me, not
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 485
doubting but that I shall return safe to you in the
fall. I shall feel no pain from the toil or the danger
of the campaign ; my unhappiness will flow from the
uneasiness I know you w^U feel from being left alone.
I therefore beg, that you will summon your whole
fortitude, and pass your time as agreeably as possible.
Nothing will give me so much sincere satisfaction as
to hear this, and to hear it from your own pen. My
earnest and ardent desire is, that you would pursue
any plan that is most likely to produce content, and
a tolerable degree of tranquillity ; as it must add
greatly to my uneasy feelings to hear, that you are
dissatisfied or complaining at what I really could
not avoid.
As life is always uncertain, and common prudence
dictates to every man the necessity of settling his
temporal concerns, while it is in his power, and while
the mind is calm and undisturbed, I have, since I came
to this place (for I had not time to do it before I left
home) got Colonel Pendleton ' to draft a will for me,
by the directions I gave him, which will I now enclose.
The provision made for you in case of my death will,
I hope, be agreeable.
I shall add nothing more, as I have several letters
to write, but to desire that you will remember me to
your friends, and to assure you that I am, with the
most unfeigned regard, my dear Patsy, your affec-
tionate, &c.
' Colonel Edmund Pendleton, at this time a delegate from Virginia to the
Continental Congress.
486 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
TO JOHN PARKE CUSTIS.
Philadelphia, 19 June, 1775.
Dear Jack :
I have been called upon by the unanimous voice
of the colonies to take the command of the con-
tinental army. It is an honor I neither sought after,
or was by any means fond of accepting, from a con-
sciousness of my own inexperience and inability to
discharge the duties of so important a trust. How-
ever, as the partiality of the Congress has placed me
in this distinguished point of view, I can make them
no other return but what will flow from close atten-
tion and upright intention — for the rest I can
say nothing. My great concern upon this occasion
is, the thought of leaving your mother under the un-
easiness which I fear this affair will throw her into ;
I therefore hope, expect, and indeed have no doubt,
of your using every means in your power to keep up
her spirits, by doing everything in your power to pro-
mote her quiet. I have, I must confess, very uneasy
feelings on her account, but as it has been a kind of
unavoidable necessity which has led me into this
appointment, I shall more readily hope that success
will attend it and crown our meetings with happiness.
At any time, I hope it is unnecessary for me to
say, that I am always pleased with yours and Nelly's
abidance at Mount Vernon ; much less upon this oc-
casion, when I think it absolutely necessary for the
peace and satisfaction of your mother ; a considera-
tion which I have no doubt will have due weight
with you both, and require no arguments to enforce.
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 487
As the public gazettes will convey ever}'^ article of
intelligence that I could communicate in this letter, I
shall not repeat them, but with love to Nelly, and
sincere regard for yourself, I remain, &c.
P. S. — Since writing the foregoing, I have received
your letter of the fifteenth instant. I am obliged to
you for the intelligence therein contained, and am
glad you directed about the tobacco, for I had really
forgot it. You must now take upon yourself the en-
tire management of your own estate, it will no longer
be in my power to assist you, nor is there any occa-
sion for it, as you have never discovered a disposi-
tion to put it to a bad use.
The Congress, for I am at liberty to say as much,
are about to strike two millions of dollars as a con-
tinental currency, for the support of the war, as
Great Britain seems determined to enforce us into —
and there will be at least fifteen thousand raised as a
continental army. As I am exceedingly hurried ; I
can add no more at present than that I am, &c.
TO COLONEL BASSETT.
Philadelphia, 19 June, 1775.
Dear Sir, —
I am now Imbarked on a tempestuous ocean, from
whence perhaps no friendly harbor is to be found. I
have been called upon by the unanimous voice of
the Colonies to the command of the Continental
Army. It is an honor I by no means aspired to. It
is an honor I wished to avoid, as well from an un-
488 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
willingness to quit the peaceful enjoyment of my
Family, as from a thorough conviction of my own In-
capacity & want of experience in the conduct of so
momentous a concern ; but the partiallity of the Con-
gress, added to some political motives, left me with-
out a choice. May God grant, therefore, that my
acceptance of it, may be attended with some good to
the common cause, & without injury (from want of
knowledge) to my own reputation. I can answer
but for three things : a firm belief of the justice of
our cause, close attention in the prosecution of it,
and the strictest Integrity. If these cannot supply
the place of ability & Experience, the cause will
suffer, & more than probable my character along
with it, as reputation derives its principal support
from success ; but it will be remembered, I hope,
that no desire or insinuation of mine placed me in
this situation. I shall not be deprived, therefore, of
a comfort in the worst event, if I retain a conscious-
ness of having acted to the best of my judgment.
I am at liberty to tell you that the Congress, in
committee (which will I dare say be agreed to when
reported), have consented to a Continental Currency,
and have ordered two million of dollars to be struck
for payment of the Troops and other expenses arising
from our defence, as also that 15,000 men are voted
as a Continental army, which will I dare-say be aug-
mented, as more Troops are imbarked & Imbarking
for America than was expected at the time of passing
that vote. As to other articles of Intelligence I must
refer you to the Gazette, as the Printers pick up every
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 489
thing that is stirring in that way. The other Officers
in the higher departments are not yet fixed, therefore
I cannot give you their names. I set out to-morrow
for Boston, where I shall always be glad to hear from
you. My best wishes attend Mrs. Bassett, Mrs.
Dandridge, & all our relations & friends. In great
haste, as I have many letters to write, and other
business to do. I remain with the sincerest regards.
Dear Sir, &c.
P.S, I must entreat you and Mrs. Bassett if pos-
sible to visit at Mt. Vernon, as also my wife's other
friends. I could wish you to take her down, as I
have no expectation of returning till winter & feel
great uneasiness at her lonesome situation. I have
sent my Chariot & Horses back.
TO THE CAPTAINS OF SEVERAL INDEPENDENT COMPA-
NIES IN VIRGINIA.
Philadelphia, 20 June, 1775.
Gentlemen,
I am now about to bid adieu to the companies
under your respective commands, at least for a while.
I have launched into a wide and extensive field, too
boundless for my abilities, and far, very^ far, beyond
my experience. I am called, by the unanimous voice
of the Colonies, to the command of the Continental
arm.y ; an honor I did not aspire to ; an honor I was
solicitous to avoid, upon a full conviction of my inad-
equacy to the importance of the service. The par-
tiality of the Congress, however, assisted by a political
490 THE WFITINGS OF [1775
motive, rendered my reasons unavailing, and I shall
to-morrow set out for the camp near Boston.
I have only to beg of you, therefore, before I go,
(especially as you did me the honor to put your com-
panies under my direction, and know not how soon
you may be called upon in Virginia for an exertion
of your military skill,) by no means to relax in the
discipline of your respective companies.'
I have the honor to be, &c.
' The reply of the Independent Company of Alexandria to this 'letter is an
evidence of the warm attachment of his friends, at the same time that it is
remarkable for the sentiments it expresses, even at so late a day, in regard to a
conciliation with great Britain.
" Your favor of the 20th ultimo, notifying us of your intended departure for
the camp, we received, and, after transmitting copies to the different officers, to
whom it was directed, we laid it before a full meeting of your company this
day. At the same time that they deplore the unfortunate occasion, that calls
you, their patron, friend, and worthy citizen, from them and your more tender
connexions, they beg your acceptance of their most hearty congratulations upon
your appointment to the supreme military command of the American confed-
erated forces. Firmly convinced. Sir, of your zealous attachment to the rights
of your country, and those of mankind, and of your earnest desire, that har-
mony and good will should again take place between us and our parent state,
we well know, that your every exertion will be invariably employed to preserve
the one and effect the other.
" We are to inform you. Sir, by desire of the company, that, if at any time
you shall judge it expedient for them to join the troops at Cambridge, or to
march elsewhere, they will cheerfully do it. We now recommend you to the
favor of Him, by whom kings reign and princes decree justice, wishing all your
counsels and operations to be directed by his gracious providence to a happy
and lasting union between us and Great Britain."
The publication of this letter called out the following :
" Go, gallant Washington —
And v/hen (all milder means withstood)
Ambition, tani'd by loss of blood.
Regains lier reason ; then, on angels' wings.
Shall /<"«(-(• descend, and shouting greet.
With peels of joy, these liai)py climes."
— Pennsylvania Gazette, 26 July, 1775.
[775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 491
TO JOHN AUGUSTINE ^YASHINGTON.
Philadelphia, 20 June, 1775.
Dear Brother,
I am now to bid adieu to you, and to ever}' kind of
domestic ease, for a while. I am embarked on a wide
ocean, boundless in its prospect, and in which, per-
haps, no safe harbor is to be found. I have been
called upon by the unanimous voice of the Colonies
to take the command of the Continental army ; an
honor I neither sought after, nor desired, as I am
thoroughly convinced, that it requires greater abilities
and much more experience, than I am master of, to
conduct a business so extensive in its nature, and
arduous in the execution. But the partiality of the
Congress, joined to a political motive, really left me
without a choice ; and I am now commissioned a
General and Commander-in-chief of all the forces
now raised, or to be raised, for the defence of the
United Colonies. That I may discharge the trust to
the satisfaction of my employers, is my first wish ; that
I shall aim to do it, there remains as little doubt of.
How far I may succeed, is another point ; but this I
am sure of, that, in the worst event, I shall have the
consolation of knowing, if I act to the best of my
judgment, that the blame ought to lodge upon the
appointers, not the appointed, as it was by no means
a thing of my own seeking, or proceeding from any
hint of my friends.
I am at liberty to inform you, that the Congress,
in a committee, (which will I dare say be agreed to
when reported,) have consented to a Continental cur-
492 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
rency, have ordered two millions of dollars to be
struck for payment of the troops, &c., and have
voted fifteen thousand men as a Continental army,
which number will be augmented, as the strength of
the British troops will be greater than was expected
at the time of passing that vote. General Ward,
General Lee, General Schuyler, and General Putnam
are appointed Major-Generals under me. The Brig-
adier-Generals are not yet appointed. Major Gates
j]is made] Adjutant-General.' I expect to set out to-
* General Ward had already been appointed, by the Provincial Congress of
Massachusetts, commander of all the forces raised by that colony, and was now
in Cambridge at the head of the army. Generals Lee and Schuyler were in
Philadelphia, and accompanied the Commander-in-chief to New York. Lee
continued with him to head-quarters. Putnam was in Cambridge, commanding
the Connecticut troops. Gates was at his seat in Berkeley County, Virginia, but
speedily joined the army.
Lee was a colonel on half-pay in the British army, but he resigned his com-
mission, by a formal letter to the Secretary at War, as soon as he was appointed
major-general by the Congress, and before he received a commission in the
American army. He had been a soldier from his youth, and had seen much
service in America during the French war, and afterwards in Europe. When
he received this appointment, he had been only about eighteen months in the
colonies, but that time had mostly been spent in travelling. He thus formed
many acquaintances, and inspired the public with a high opinion of his military
character. His friend Gates had induced him to buy lands in Virginia, beyond
the Blue Ridge, where he sometimes resided. Gates, also, had been an officer
in the British army. He was a captain at Braddock's defeat, where he was
wounded ; and he rose afterwards to the rank of major, which he resigned, and
retired from the service, purchasing lands and settling himself as a planter in
Virginia. A friendly intercourse had long subsisted between him and Washing-
ton. He was appointed Adjutant-General by the Congress, at the express
solicitation of the Commander-in-chief, with the rank of brigadier. General
Washington wrote to him immediately after his appointment, and Gates replied
in very cordial terms, adding in conclusion : — " I will not intrude more upon
your time, only to assure you, that I shall not lose a moment in paying you my
personal attendance, with the greatest respect for your character, and the sin-
cerest attachment to your person." Gates arrived in Cambridge before the
middle of July. — Sparks.
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 493
morrow for Boston, and hope to be joined there in a
little time by ten companies of riflemen from this
province, Maryland, and Virginia. For other articles
of intelligence, I shall refer you to the papers, as the
printers are diligent in collecting every thing that is
stirring.
I shall hope that my friends will visit and endeavor
to keep up the spirits of my wife, as much as they
can, as my departure will, I know, be a cutting stroke
upon her ; and on this account alone I have many
very disagreeable sensations. I hope you and my
sister, (although the distance is great,) will find as
much leisure this summer as to spend a little time at
Mount Vernon.
My sincere regards attend you both, and the little
ones, and I am your most affectionate brother.
TO THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.
New York 24th [25] June 1775.'
Gentlemen,
The Rain on Friday afternoon and Saturday the
advice of several Gentlemen of the Jerseys and this
' Washington's commission was signed on the igth. On the following day
"the three battalions of Philadelphia and the liberties, together with the
artillery company, a troop of light horse, several companies of light infantry,
rangers and riflemen, in the whole about two thousand, marched out to the
commons, and having joined in brigade, were reviewed by General Washing-
ton. . . . They went through the manual exercise, firings and manoeuvres
with great dexterity and exactness." Rivington's Gazetteer, ]un&2(^\h. " Phila-
delphia, June 23. This morning at seven o'clock it is said, general Washing-
ton will set out for Massachusetts Bay, in order to take command of the
American Army, attended by Major Mifflin, one of his aid de camps, and
general Lee, who is appointed third in command." Virginia Gazette, 6 July.
"June 24. Yesterday morning General Washington and General Lee set off
494 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
city, by no means to cross Hudson's River at the
lower Ferry and some other occurrences too trivial
to mention (which happened on the Road) prevented
my arrival at this place until the afternoon of this
day. In the morning, after giving General Schuyler
for Philadelphia to take command of the American army at Massachusetts Bay.
They were accompanied a few miles from town by the troop of light horse, and
by all the officers of the city militia on horseback. They parted with our cele-
brated commanders, expressing the most ardent wishes for their success over
the enemies of our liberty and country." Rivingion's GazetUer, June 2gth. On
the 24th, General Schuyler wrote to the New York Congress from New Bruns-
wick : "General Washington, with his retinue, is now here, and proposes to
be at Newark by nine to-morrow morning. The situation of the men-of-
war at New York (we are informed) is such as may make it necessary that
some precaution should be taken in crossing Hudson's river, and he would take
it as a favor if some gentlemen of your body would meet him to-morrow at New-
ark, as the advice you may there give him will determine whether he will continue
his proposed route or not." On the day before (June 23d) the New York Con-
gress had requested Col. Lasher, whom Jones describes as a German shoe-
maker, "to send one of his field officers to meet General Washington, and to
know when he will be in this city," and " to make such orders as to have his
battalion ready to receive Gen. Washington when he shall arrive." On the
receipt of General Schuyler's letter the Congress ordered Thomas Smith, John
Sloss Hobart, Gouverneur Morris, and Richard Montgomery " to go immediately
to Newark, and recommend to general Washington the place which they shall
think most prudent for him to cross at." Some precaution was necessary as
the i.rovince was still intensely loyal, the Provincial Congress, where the revo-
lutionary spirit might be supposed to have centered, was then discussing a
plan of accommodation with Great Britain, and on this very day information
was received that the royal governor, Tryon, had arrived at the Hook, and
might land at one o'clock. How to pay the due respect to both the general
and the governor was a question that could be determined only by a proper
amount of "trimming," but little creditable to the Congress. "Colonel
Lasher was called in, and requested to send one company of the militia to
Paulus Hook to meet the generals ; that he have another company at the side
of the ferry for the same purpose ; that he have the residue of his battalion
ready to receive the general or governor Tryon, which ever shall first arrive,
and to wait on both as well as circumstances will allow." {^Provincial Con-
gress, June 25th.) Fortunately for the Congress circumstances were favorable
to this double arrangement, as Washington landed a sufficient time before
Tryon to permit an escort for both. "Last Sunday about two o'clock, the
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 495
such orders, as, from the result of my Inquiry into
matters here, appear necessary, I shall set out on my
Journey to the Camp at Boston and shall proceed
with all the dispatch in my Power. Powder is so
essential an Article that I cannot help again repeat-
generals Washington, Lee and Schuyler arrived here. They crossed the North
River at Hoback [Hoboken] and landed at Col. Lispenard's [in the vicinity of
Laight and near Greenwich Street]. There were eight or ten companies under
arms, all in uniforms, who marched out to Lispenards. The procession began
from there thus, the companies first, Congress next, two of Continental Con-
gress next, general officers next, and a company of horse from Philadelphia,
who came with the general brought up the rear. There were an innumerable
company of people, men, women and children present." Gilbert Livingston
to Dr. Peter Tappan, 29 July, 1775. The Virginia Gazette, 13 July, copying
from a northern gazette, said " The generals landed at the seat of Colonel
Lispenard about 4 o'clock yesterday afternoon, \i. e. the 25th], from whence
they were conducted by nine companies of foot in their uniforms, and a greater
number of the principal inhabitants of this city than ever appeared here on any
occasion before." Judge Thomas Jones, a staunch loyalist records a descrip-
tion of this event : " After I2 o'clock the same day Washington, Lee, and
Schuyler, three of the first rebel generals appointed by Congress to the com-
mand of their army, the two first on their way to Boston, the latter for Albany
to command the expedition then preparing against Canada, arrived from Phila-
delphia, and were entertained at the house of Leonard Lispenard, Esq., about
two miles out of town. Upon this occasion the volunteer companies raised
for the express purpose of rebellion, the members of the Provincial Congress,
those of the city committee, the parsons of the dissenting meeting-houses, with
all the leaders and partisans of faction and rebellion (including Peter R.
Livingston, Esq., and Thomas Smith, John Smith and Joshua Hett Smith, the
brother-in-law and brothers of William Smith, Esq.,) waited upon the beach
to receive them upon their landing from the Jersey shore, and conducted them
up to Lispenard's, amidst the repeated shouts and huzzas of the seditious and
rebellious multitude, where they dined, and towards evening were escorted
to town, attended and conducted in the same tumultuous and ridiculous man-
mer." New York during the Revolutionary War, i., 55. Governor Tryon
landed in the evening (eight or nine o'clock) and it is very probable, as Jones
says, much the same collection of people greeted him with the loudest acclama-
tions and accompanied him to the house of Mr. Hugh Wallace. " Gaine, in
his New York Gazette and Mercury, does not allude to either of the arrivals
referred to ; Rivington, in his Gazetteer of the 28th June, gives an account of
Tryon's reception." New York City during the Revolution, 83, n.
496 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
ing the necessity of a supply. The Camp at Boston
from the best accounts I can get from thence, is but
very poorly supplied. At this place they have scarce
any. how they are provided in General Wooster's
Camp I have not been able yet to learn.'
Governor Tryon is arrived and General Schuyler
directed to advise you of the line of conduct he
moves in. I fear it will not be very favourable to the
American cause. I have only to add that I am with
the greatest respect and regard.
TO THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.
New York Sunday 24 [25] June 1775 5 o'Clock P M
Sir
Upon my Arrival here this Afternoon I was in-
form'd that an Express was in town from the provin-
cial Camp in Massachusets Bay, and having seen
among other papers in his possession a Letter directed
to you as president of Congress I have taken the
Liberty to open it.
' General Wooster commanded tlie forces, which had been raised by Connec-
ticut, and which were stationed on the shores of Long Island Sound, to protect
the southern borders of that colony. On the 15th of June, a rumor having
been spread, that a regiment of British troops was soon to be landed in the city
of New York from Ireland, the Provincial Congress invited General Wooster
to march within five miles of the city for its defence, and while there to be un-
der the command of the Continental Con^^ress, or that of New York. This
request being approved by the government of Connecticut, General Wooster
marched eighteen hundred men to the neighbourliood of the city, on the 28th of
June, where he remained several weeks. — MS. Journal of the New York Pro-
vincial Coni;rcss.
In reply to General Wooster's letter of consent, the Congress add : — "We beg
leave to testify to you our high sense of the readiness, which you show to assist
our colony. That honest zeal, which inspirits the bosom of our countrymen in
Connecticut, commands our admiration and praise."
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 497
I was induced to take that Liberty by several Gen-
tlemen of New York who were anxious to know the
particulars of the Affair of the 1 7th Inst and agreeable
to the Orders of many members of the Congress who
judged it necessary that I should avail myself of the
best Information in the Course of my Journey.
You will find Sir by that Letter a great want of
Powder in the provincial army ; which I sincerely hope
the Congress will supply as speedily & as effectually
as in their Power.
One thousand pounds in Wt were sent to the
Camp at Cambridge three days ago from this City ;
which has left this Place almost destitute of that
necessary article ; there being at this Time from the
best Information not more than four Bbs of powder
in the City of N York.
I propose to sett off for the provincial Camp to
morrow and will use all possible Dispatch to join the
Forces there.
Please to make my Compliments to the Gentlemen
the Congress.
TO MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP SCHUYLER.
New York, 25 June, 1775.
Sir,
You are to take upon you the command of all the
troops destined for the New York department, and see
that the orders of the Continental Congress are car-
ried into execution, with as much precision and exact-
ness as possible. For your better government therein,
you are herewith furnished with a copy of the in-
498 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
structions given to me by that honorable body. Such
parts thereof as are within the line of your duty, you
will please to pay particular attention to. Delay no
time in occupying the several posts, recommended by
the Provincial Congress of this colony, and putting
them in a fit posture to answer the end designed ;
neither delay any time in securing the stores, which
are, or ought to have been, removed from this city by
order of the Continental Congress.
Keep a watchful eye upon Governor Tryon, and, if
you find him attempting, directly or indirectly, any
measures inimical to the common cause, use every
means in your power to frustrate his designs.' It is
not in my power, at this time, to point out the mode
by which this end is to be accomplished ; but if forci-
ble measures are judged necessary, (respecting the
person of the Governor,) I should have no difficulty
in ordering of them, if the Continental Congress was
not sitting ; but as this is the case, [and] the seizing
of governors quite a new thing, and of exceeding
great importance, I must refer you to that body for
direction, if the Governor should make any move
towards increasing the strength of the Tory party, or
' Tryon had been governor of New York since August, 1771, and recently
absent for several months in England. He was known to be extremely hostile
to the movements in the colonies ; and, possessing much talent and address, it
was feared his influence would have a pernicious effect on the inhabitants of New
York, who already manifested a lukewarmness and hesitancy by no means en-
couraging to the ardent champions of liberty. Hence the necessity of keeping
an eye on his motions, and guarding against any schemes he might adopt to
promote his aims. The mayor, aldermen, and commonalty of the city con-
gratulated him in a public address, to which he replied ; but there was no inter-
course between him and the Provincial Congress. — Almon's Remembrancer, vol.
i., p. 180.
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 499
in arming them against the cause we are embarked
in. In like manner, watch the movements of the
Indian Agent, (Colonel Guy Johnson,) and prevent,
as far as you can, the effect of his influence to our
prejudice with the Indians.' Obtain the best infor-
mation you can of the temper and disposition of
those people, and also of the Canadians, that a proper
line may be marked out to conciliate their good
opinion, or facilitate any future operation.
The posts on Lake Champlain, &c., you will please
to have properly supplied with provisions and am-
munition ; and this I am persuaded you will aim at
doing on the best terms, to prevent our good cause
from sinking under a heavy load of expense. You
will be pleased, also, to make regular returns to me
once a month, and to the Continental Congress, and
oftener as occurrences may require, of the forces
under your command, of your provisions, stores, &c.,
and give me the earliest advices of every piece of in-
telligence, which you shall judge of importance to be
speedily known. Your own good sense must govern
in all matters not particularly pointed out, as I do not
wish to circumscribe you within narrow limits. I am
Sir, &c.=
' Guy Johnson resided at Guy Park, near the Mohawk River, at that time on
the frontiers of New York, and had excited a good deal of uneasiness among the
people, by the part he had taken with the Indians, and by the influence he was
known to have over them. A correspondence of a f)ointed nature had already
passed between him and the New York Provincial Congress. — -Journals of
the Congress for i"]"]^. — Also, Sparks's Life of Gouvemeur Morris, vol. i.,
p. 41.
' After Washington had left Philadelphia a change in the sentiments of Con-
gress respecting Canada occurred, and Schuyler was ordered to repair at once to
500 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
ANSWER TO AN ADDRESS OF THE NEW YORK PROVIN-
CIAL CONGRESS/
New York, 26 June, 1775.
Gentlemen,
At the same time that with you I deplore the un-
happy necessity of such an appointment, as that with
which I am now honored, I cannot but feel senti-
ments of the highest gratitude for this affecting in-
stance of distinction and regard.
Ticonderoga and Crown Point, to examine into the condition of these posts
and obtain intelligence of the disposition of the Canadians and the Indians of
Canada ; to destroy all British boats on the lakes, and if practicable and not dis-
agreeable to the Canadians, to occupy St. Johns and Montreal. The cause of
this change was the letter from the Albany Committee, printed in Force,
American Archives, Fourth Series, ii., 1048.
' On the 26th the draught of an address to General Washington was read in
Congress, and Mr. Morris and Mr. Low waited upon the general to know
when he would receive it. The reply was at half past two that afternoon, at
which hour the following address was presented :
" At a time when the most loyal of His Majesty's subjects, from a regard to
the laws and constitution by which he sits on the throne, feel themselves re-
duced to the unhappy necessity of taking up arms to defend their dearest
rights and privileges, while we deplore the calamities of this divided Empire,
we rejoice in the appointment of a gentleman from whose abilities and virtue we
are taught to expect both security and peace.
"Confiding in you. Sir, and in the worthy Generals immediately under your
command, we have the most flattering hopes of success in the glorious struggle
for American liberty, and the fullest assurance, that whenever this important
contest .shall be decided liy that fondest wish of each American soul, an accom-
modation with our mother country, you will cheerfully resign the important
deposit committed into your hands and reassume the character of our worthiest
citizen."
The idea contained in this last sentence, which Mr. Sparks says was " a broad
hint to a military commander-in-chief," is taken from a letter written by the
New York Provincial Congress to its delegates in the Continental Congress on 7
June, 1775. In sul)mitting its views on the appointment of ofhcers it said :
"On a general in America, fortune also should l)estow her gifts, that he may
rather communicate luster to his dignities than receive it, and that his country
in his property, his kindred, and connexions, may have sure pledges that he
will faithfully perform the duties of his liigh office, and readily lay down his
1775] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 501
May your warmest wishes be realized in the suc-
cess of America, at this important and interesting
period ; and be assured, that every exertion of my
worthy colleagues and myself will be equally extend-
ed to the reestablishment of peace and harmony be-
tween the mother country and these colonies, as to
the fatal but necessary operations of war. When we
assumed the soldier, we did not lay aside the citizen ;
power when the general weal requires it." Force, American Archives, Fourth
Series, ii., 1282. The address and the general's reply were published by order
of the Congress.
" When Oliver Cromwell was declared Generalissimo of the Parliament army
in King Charles I's time, he soon made himself master of the Government. And
when the Prince of Orange was set at the head of the Confederacy in the
Netherlands, on the separation of the United Provinces from Spain, he soon
assumed the Stadtholdership, which has ever since been continued in his fam-
ily. To obviate, perhaps, any similar apprehension, the Provincial Congress
of New York have addressed his Excellency, hoping, that whenever the im-
portant contest shall be decided by that fondest wish of every American soul, an
accommodation with the mother country, he will cheerfully resign the sacred
trust, and reassume the character of their worthiest citizen. To this address
the General retiimed a full and satisfactory answer." Gentleman s Magazine.
August, 1775.
"June 27. Yesterday afternoon General Washington with his suite, attend-
ed by the several New York militia companies, a troop of gentlemen of the
Philadelphia light horse, commanded by Captain Markoe, and a number of the
inhabitants of New York, set out for the provincial camp at Cambridge, near
Boston. Last night he rested at King's Bridge, and this morning proceeded
on his journey." New York Gazette, July 24th. Quoted in Moore, Diary of the
Revolution, i., 104.
" I do myself the honor to acquaint you that I parted with General Wash-
ington yesterday at 10 o'clock at New RocheUe, at which place we were met by
General Wooster's and Colonel Waterbury's regiments. . . . Governor
Tryon I have reason to believe will not create any trouble in his government.
It is said that he laments (and is sincere) that the unhappy controversy has been
carried so far, and that he wishes a happy termination of it on principles
friendly to both." Schuyler to the Continental Congress, New York, June 28,
1775- (Governor Trumbull expected to meet Washington at Hartford on the 27th.)
" Govr. Tryon continues a prudent conduct. I cannot learn that he has taken
any step that will give umbrage." Schuyler to Hancock, July 2, 1775.
502 THE WRITINGS OF [1775
and we shall most sincerely rejoice with you in that
happy hour, when the establishment of American
liberty, on the most firm and solid foundations, shall
enable us to return to our private stations in the
bosom of a free, peaceful, and happy country. I
am, &c.
END OF VOL. II.
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