The writings of George Washington;

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THE WRITINGS

OF

GEORGE WASHINGTON

VOL. xm.

i 794-1 798

Of this Letter-press Edition
j 50 Copies ha ve been Printed for Sale

No

jL

July, i8g2

J5.G

THE WRITINGS

OF

GEORGE WASHINGTON

COLLECTED AND EDITED

WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD

Vol. XIII.

I 794-1 798

NEW YORK AND LONDON

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS

&be Jiniclurbocker |te8
1892

Press of

G. P. Putnam's Sons

New York

CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII.

1794.

PAGE

To Tobias Lear, December 21st . . . . 1

The Virginia legislature and the navigation company — Weston
and Claiborne on locks — His tobacco in the warehouses.

To Henry Knox, December 30th .... 5

His retirement from office.

To William Pearce, January-December ... 6

Restoring lands — A break in the rotation — Meal and flour —
Carpenters' and Green's unfitness — Increase of lambs — Neglect
of overseers— The renting of the fisheries — Prices of provisions
and the embargo — Green's rascally conduct — Corn supply —
Grasses — Drilled wheat — Sickness of the hands — Disappoint-
ments and losses — The care of lambs — Stuart's conduct — Quarry-
ing stone at Mount Vernon — Abuse of mules and horses — Death
— His objects in conducting the plantation — Bonus to John —
Deceit of the hands — Policy in caring for the land — Small re-
sults of carpenters' work — A granny — Sale and rental of his
lands — Erection of a still — A road through the estate — Green
and his family — Serving wine at Mount Vernon — Matter of
accounts — Clearing woodland — Consumption of corn on the
estate.

1795.

To Daniel Carroll, January 7th 24

Greenleaf's purchases in the federal city intended as specula-
tions— Is opposed to any more large sales — Profit should be
reaped by the commissioners.

To Tobias Lear, January 12th 26

Finances of the navigation company — Measures to be taken
for their adjustment — Claiborne's engineers — His tobacco.

To Eleanor Parke Custis, January 16th ... 29

The Georgetown ball — A hint on assumed insensibility —
Love not an involuntary passion — Questions to be asked — The
declaration must proceed from the man — Marriage of her sister.

vi CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII.

To Edmund Pendleton, January 22d ... 32

His age and desire for retirement — The spirit of anarchy in
Pennsylvania subdued — Ready response of the militia — Favor-
able aspects of Indian affairs — Policy towards the tribes — Land
speculators, settlers, and traders at fault — Jay's mission.

To the Commissioners of the Federal District, Janu-
ary 28th 36

A university in the federal city — Objects to be attained by
its institution — Offers his Potomac River shares — Why he writes
to them on the matter.

To Alexander Hamilton, February 2d ... 39

Final words on his retirement from the Treasury.

To Robert Lewis, February 22d .... 40

Collection of rents — Bad character of under-sheriffs — Mrs.
Haynie — Purchase of leases — Leases for lives.

To Joseph Ceracchi, March 9th 43

His scheme for a national monument — His complaint of de-
ception and ill-treatment — His bust of the President — Attitude
of the President — Busts of Bacchus and Ariadne.

To Charles Carter, March 10th 47

Is not able to lend money — Conditions under which he will
contribute.

To Thomas Jefferson, March 15th .... 48

His idea of a national university — Reasons for selecting the
federal city — A second institution to be in Virginia — As to im-
porting professors — The plans may be united.

To Robert Brooke, March 16th 52

The James River shares offered for a Virginian institution of
learning.

To Daniel Morgan, March 27th 55

Trial of John Mitchell — Good conduct of the army — Mere
agent of the civil power.

To Alexander White, May 17th . . . . 56

Desires his residence to be in the federal city — Comparison
of the old board of commissioners with the new — Necessity for
pressing on the work.

To the Secretaries of State, Treasury, and War, and

the Attorney-General, June 29th 59

Resolution of the Senate advising that the treaty with Great
Britain be ratified — Questions suggested by the resolution.

CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII. vii

PAGE

To Alexander Hamilton, July 3d .61

Publication of the treaty — Desires the opinion of dispassionate
men upon it — Asks for his views.

To Alexander Hamilton, July 13th .... 63
Has received his examination of the treaty — Articles twelve
and three open to objection — The Hudson's Bay Company —
Restraints on traders — If twelfth article is suspended, will it
be necessary to submit again to the Senate ? — Query as to the
fifteenth article.

To Alexander Hamilton, July 14th 67

His opinion on re-submission of treaty in direct opposition to
those of the Cabinet — Has called for new opinions.

To Edmund Randolph, July 22d .... 68

Proceedings at Boston on the treaty — His opinion on the rati-
fication— The French decrees.

To Edmund Randolph, July 24th .... 71

His readiness to return to Philadelphia — Opinions on the
treaty — Monroe's introduction of Archibald Rowan Hamilton.

To Timothy Pickering, July 27th .... 72
Conference with the Indians — Higginson on the Boston
meeting — Fierceness of party disputes.

Address to the Selectmen of Boston, July 28th . 74

His policy in the matter of the treaty.

To Alexander Hamilton, July 29th ... 76

Wishes to know the real temper of the people towards the
treaty — Difference in opinions displayed — Alleged violation of
our engagements with France — The essays of Camillus — Activity
of the opposition.

To Edmund Randolph, July 29th .... 79

His intention to return to Philadelphia — Importance of the
public papers on the treaty requires it — Serious aspect of the
opposition in its relation to France — Never was a crisis so
pregnant of interesting events — Reply to the Boston selectmen
— Chancellor Livingston's letter.

To Edmund Randolph, July 31st . . . . 82

Return of some letters — His journey to Philadelphia —
Prejudices against the treaty more extensive than is generally
imagined — Ratification or rejection brings dangers — A full
examination of the subject necessary — The memorial on the
treaty.

viii CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII.

To Edmund Randolph, August 3d .... 85

Interruption of the mails — Baltimore and Richmond resolu-
tions— His determination unshaken.

To Oliver Wolcott, August .... 87

Questions on the intercepted despatch of Fauchet.

To Edmund Randolph, August 20th ... 90

The story»of Fauchet's despatch — Its contents will not be
divulged by him — A copy of the despatch will be sent to him.

To John Adams, August 20th 91

Prospects of John Quincy Adams — Reply to the Boston re-
monstrance— Meetings in opposition to the constituted authori-
ties useless, dangerous, and improper.

To Robert R. Livingston, August 20th ... 93

His objections to the treaty — Reasons of his polity.

To James Ross, August 22d 94

Opposition of the seaport towns to the treaty — Logical result
of the meetings.

To Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, August 24th . 95

An offer of the Secretaryship of State — Duty should impel
him to accept.

To Alexander Hamilton, August 31st . . . 96

The British provision order — No reply given to questions for
information — Matters to be considered in a new negotiation —
Wishes an expression of his views.

To John Jay, August 31st 99

Treaty ratified by him as far as is in his power — Unfortunate
revival of the domineering spirit in Great Britain — What points
should be covered in a future friendly negotiation.

To George Cabot, September 7th .... 100

Arrival of young Lafayette and his tutor — Will be the friend
of Lafayette — Regard for his official position will prevent
an open recognition — Suggests his entrance to the university at
Cambridge — Inclination to serve him will be evidenced by his
conduct — An assumed name.

To Timothy Pickering, September 9th . . . 103

Sailing of the French and English vessels — Interpretation
that may be put upon the order — Necessity of counteracting the
story to be told by Fauchet.

CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII. ix

PAGE

To Henry Knox, September 20th .... 105

His settlement in Maine — No infallible opinion among
mortals — Upright intentions and close investigation his rule of
conduct — Results of misrepresentation on the public view of the
treaty.

To Timothy Pickering, September 27th . . . 106

The Directorship of the Mint — Samuel Dexter and the office
of Attorney-General — To bring into office one opposed to the
measures of the government, a sort of political suicide.

To Edmund Randolph, September 27th . . . 108

His signature necessary — Some questions on Fauchet's de-
spatch answered.

To Oliver Wolcott, October 2d 109

Delay in Randolph's statement — Some correspondence that
has passed between them — His questions framed with an in-
sidious tendency — A hint that might be thrown out to him.

To Thomas Jefferson, October 4th . . . . in

Madame de Chastellux's application misplaced — Difficulty of
introducing a new crop — Agricultural matters — Buckwheat
dressing — Potatoes as an improving crop — The weavil and rains.

To Edward Carrington, October 9th . . . .114

Difficulty met in filling the office of State — Where it has been
offered — Reasons for not having offered it to Mr. Henry — Innes
for Attorney-General — A letter to Henry — Marshall to be con-
sulted— Contingency of Henry's refusing to serve.

To Patrick Henry, October 9th 118

The office of State — Wishes him to take it — His wishes in the
conduct of the foreign relations of the government — An Ameri-
can character.

To Timothy Pickering, October 1 2th . . . .120

Fatality attending Pinckney's negotiations — An extraordinary
inattention to ciphers — Undignified and insulting course of the
Spanish court — His return to Philadelphia.

To Edmund Randolph, October 21st . . . 122

His letter to the Philadelphia Gazette — Full permission to
use private and confidential, written and oral communications —
His conduct on the treaty — Will receive his vindication through
the press — A request that this letter be included — The public
will decide between them.

CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII.

To Edmund Randolph, October 25th . . . 125

No apprehension from any disclosure whatsoever — Posing as
a martyr to partisan spirit — Motive for giving him the papers
he requires — Can see no relation between the treaty with Great
Britain and the intercepted letter of Fauchet — Has created no
necessity for his disclosures.

To Alexander Hamilton, October 29th . . . 127

Randolph's publication daily expected — His conduct to be
proved inconsistent — Papers in the department copied without
his consent — Who shall be Secretary of State? — Rufus King
suggested — The Attorney-General — Names of candidates re-
viewed— His message to Congress — The treaty with Great
Britain — A firm, manly, and dignified conduct essential — The
negotiations with Spain — The Barbary Powers — Peace with the
Indians — The military establishment — The departments.

To Alexander Hamilton, November 23d . . .136

Young Lafayette and his tutor — His dilemma respecting them
—The attitude of Adet.

To John H. Stone, December 6th . . . .138

Declaration of the Maryland Assembly — His attitude towards
his calumniators.

Speech to Congress, December 8th . . . . 140
To Alexander Hamilton, December 22d . . . 146

The matter of young Lafayette — Randolph's Vindication.

To Gouverneur Morris, December 22d . . . 147

A poor correspondent — Policy of Great Britain — Report of
troubles in Kentucky — Outrageous behavior of British agents —
Result of Remonstrances — Indifference of Great Britain to
advances of commercial intercourse — Difficulty of maintaining
neutrality — His policy has been one of peace — A liberal policy
on the part of Great Britain the best one — Allowance should be
made for imprudent expression of sentiments — Has received much
abuse, but will not swerve — Cause of the opposition to the treaty.

To William Pearce, January-December . . .154

The need of oats for his visits — Real and pretended sickness
of the hands — Planting of seeds — French Will — Donaldson's son
— Difficulty of training negroes — Re-survey of lands — The wheat
crop — Idleness of his carpenters — Absconding of French's Paul
— Betty Davis' ailments — The sowing of grasses — The market
for flour — Death and ill-treatment of farm-hands — Lost lambs —
Shirking of work — Hedging and cedar berries — General policy
in farming.

CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII. xi

1796.

PAGE

To James McHenry, January 20th .... 163

A tender of the office of Secretary of War — Samuel Chase
suggested for a seat on the Supreme bench.

To Bushrod Washington, February 10th . . .164
His connection with the estate of Thomas Colvill.

To Dr. James Anderson, February 15th . . . 167

Iron bridges — Wooden bridges in the United States — Renting
and selling his lands — An offer to immigrants — Quality of
tenants wanted.

To Thomas Pinckney, February 20th . . . 169

His request to be recalled — The treaty he has negotiated with
Spain — The situation of Lafayette, and his desire to secure his
release — His neglect of abuse.

To Gouverneur Morris, March 4th . . . .172

Delay in receiving a ratification of the treaty — A change in
the public sentiment — Causes for thanksgiving.

To Timothy Pickering, March 6th . . . .174

Instructions to the Minister in London — Should be accom-
panied with powers — Proclaiming treaties.

To the Cabinet, March 25th 176

The call of the House for papers on the treaty.

Message to the House of Representatives, March 30th, 1 yj
To Alexander Hamilton, March 31st . . . 180

The call for papers — Doubts upon the proper course to be
pursued — Delay in replying — His own draft sent in.

To Henry Knox, April 4th 182

Nominated on the Boundary Commission — Abused for not
giving the treaty papers.

To George Lewis, April 7th 183

Mr. Parks aspires to marry Harriot Washington — Desires to
know something of his character.

To Edward Carrington, May 1st . . . .184

Public expression of opinions contrary to the utterances of
the peoples' representatives — The blow aimed at the funda-
mental principles of the Constitution — Purity of motive in the
attack.

xii CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII.

To John Jay, May 8th 187

Good intention of the people, and mal-conduct of their repre-
sentatives— His concern and anxiety.

To Alexander Hamilton, May 15th .... 190

Sending of the draft of address — What is to be done to it —
Reasons for retaining the quotation — Anticipated criticism— -
Changes made — A successor to Pinckney — Inclosure.

To Thomas Pinckney, May 220! .... 208

Influence working for the treaty — Ames' speech — Rufus King
to succeed him — The situation of Lafayette — Seeds from Eng-
land.

To Cyrus Griffin, June 8th 210

No charge made — Considerations in making nomination to
office.

To Timothy Pickering, June 9th . . . .211

Instructions for Rufus King — Compensation for an accomptant.

To David Humphreys, June 12th .... 212

The attacks made upon him will not induce him to swerve
from his policy — Has not been guilty of a wilful error — The
private station.

To Timothy Pickering, June 24th . . . .214

The case of the Flying Fish — Information upon the intentions
of France upon the commerce of America — The Cabinet to
advise what measures should be taken.

To Alexander Hamilton, June 26th . . . .217

Measures towards France — Has the President authority to
send a special envoy to France to demand explanations ? — Con-
vening the Senate — What is to be done with Monroe — Wishes
his sentiments, and those of Jay — Regrets not having published
his Valedictory Address — The best time for making it public.

To James McHenry, July 1st 222

The western posts and Indians — Charges against Wayne —
Incroachments on Indian territory.

To Timothy Pickering, July 4th .... 224

Arrival of the Spanish Minister — Quarantine regulations —
Appointment of an Indian agent in the place of Blount.

To Gustavus Scott, July 4th ..... 225

His residence as commissioner — Altered conditions — Reasons
why he should be in the federal city.

CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII. xiii

PAGE

To Thomas Jefferson, July 6th ..... 229

Publication of a Cabinet paper — Attempts to weaken the
confidence of the people in the administration — Truth and right
decisions the sole objects of his pursuit — Not a party man — The
charge of being the enemy of one nation and subject to the in-
fluence of another — The case of the Little Sarah — His Experi-
ence with clover — Field peas and winter vetch — Chicorium —
A movable threshing machine.

To Charles Lee, July 6th 234

As to the recall of Monroe — What is to be done under the
circumstances.

To Timothy Pickering, July 8th .... 235

On executing an act of Congress — Monroe's recall determined
upon — The question of his successor — An offer to General
Pinckney — An error in dates.

To Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, July 8th . . 237

Reasons for making a change in the mission to France —
Greatest embarrassment experienced from home opposition —
Qualities necessary in the appointee.

To James McHenry, July 13th 240

The frigate for the Dey of Algiers — No other alternative but
to comply — The manner of carrying into effect the decision —
Maxim for the executive officers.

To Timothy Pickering, July 13th .... 242

Dawson's journey to Philadelphia — Probable mission to
Monroe.

To Timothy Pickering, July 18th .... 243

What remains to be done towards fulfilling treaties — The Dey's
demand — Attacks on the administration — Necessity for giving
the public a clear and comprehensive view of facts — Desires the
whole of the transactions with France to be examined as critically
as would have been done by Bache — The message for Congress.

To James McHenry, July 18th 246

Boundary lines with the Indians — Incommoded by a visit of
Indians — Executing the acts relating to tribes — The frigate and
materials.
To Timothy Pickering, July 25th . . . . 249

Dawson's mission once more — Obtaining a cannon-founder
from France — Appointment of a surveyor-general — Broken seal
on Monroe's letter — Opposition to the treaty — Plain road for the
executive to pursue.

xiv CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII.

To Timothy Pickering, July 27th . . . .251

French discontents — Origination of the charges and Monroe's
neglect — Recognition of Van Polanen.

To Timothy Pickering, July 27th . . . .253

Monroe's version of French discontent always incomplete —
Inconsistencies in his statements — Guarantee of the French
West India Islands.

To the Duke de Liancourt, August 8th . . . 254

Men in public life cannot be governed solely by the dictates
of their own inclinations — Rumored discontent in France be-
cause of the countenance said to have been given by him to
young Lafayette — His attitude towards the father.

To Timothy Pickering, August 10th .... 256

Instructions for Pinckney — What facts on Monroe's recall can
be spoken of unofficially by the officers of government — Monroe
should be apprized of the reasons for his recall.

To James Anderson, August 18th .... 257

His want of a manager — Pearce's character and conditions of
service — General outline of his business — Requirements.

To James Monroe, August 25th .... 260

His letter to Gouverneur Morris and the French Directory —
Can see nothing exceptional in it — The notice of Col. Innes'
report — Ought not to have produced an ill-effect — One nation
should not interfere with the concerns of another.

To Alexander Hamilton, August 25th . . . 264

Draft of the Farewell Address — Notice of personal abuse —
Returned for revision — How shall it be published.

To Alexander Hamilton, September 1st . . . 266

Regrets having omitted a reference to education in the Address
— Advantages to be derived from a university — Not a new idea
with him — A personal contribution.

To John Quincy Adams, September 12th . . . 269

Wishes information upon a sword — How it reached his
hands.

To Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, September 12th. . 272

Copies of letters sent to him — An answer intended to meet
the eyes of Lord Grenville.

Farewell Address, September 17th . . . . 275

CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII. xv

To Alexander Hamilton, November 2d 326

Publication of Adet's letter — Its object — Should any difference
be made in receiving him — No grounds for complaint on his
part — Should the reply be published — Reasons for and against
such a step — Bringing the subject before Congress — Sinclair's
letter — Government encouragement of agriculture — Jay's opinion
to be taken — Dignity of the country, not personal feelings, in-
volved in Adet's conduct — Inconsistency of the French govern-
ment.

To Alexander Hamilton, November 3d 330

Publication of the reply to Adet — Reasons for it.

To Alexander Hamilton, November 12th . . 331

Some intelligence of a French fleet — His speech to Congress
— Criticism of McHenry's recommendations — The Mediter-
ranean commerce, and a navy.

To Charles Lee, November 14th .... 334

His continued absence from the seat of government.

To George Washington Parke Custis, November 15th, 335

Distinction of classes by dress — Some advice.

To Alexander Hamilton, November 21st . . . 337

Anxiety as to papers — Adet's letter a proof that the French
government are disposed to play a high game — Bache's agency
and the full publication.

To George Washington Parke Custis, November 28th, 339

A letter of advice.

To the Commissioners of the City of Washington,

December 1st 341

Discontents irksome and disagreeable — Corachichi and his
contract — Upon what the establishment of a university depends
— Unreasonableness of his demands.

Speech to Congress, December 7th .... 344
To George Washington Parke Custis, December 19th 354

His correspondence and course of reading — Consequence of
inconstancy and want of steadiness.

To John H. Stone, December 23d .... 355

Resolutions of the Maryland House of Delegates — The aims
of his military and civil endeavor.

xvi CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII.

1797.

PAGE

To Timothy Pickering, January 4th . . . • 357
Laying the French matter before Congress — Care to be exer-
cised in expression.

To David Stuart, January 8th . . ' . . 358

His first care on reaching Mount Vernon — Objects of Adet's
movements — Wish of French to influence the policy of the
United States — Various steps to exert this influence — Paine's
letter — Is confident of being upheld.

To Timothy Pickering, January 9th .... 362

Suggestions for his statement for Pinckney — Attitude of the
government towards France.

To George Washington Parke Custis, January nth . 363

Advice.
To Benjamin Walker, January 12th .... 365

Falsehoods of the Aurora — Republication of the spurious
letters — Desires to learn the author's name — Rivington may
know.

Message to Congress on the Depredations of French

Cruisers, January 19th ..... 368

To Alexander Hamilton, January 22d . . . 369

The claim of M. de Neufville — Conduct of France towards
the United States outrageous beyond conception — Wishes his
views on the Pinckney statement — As to an envoy extraordinary.

To the Commissioners of the City of Washington,

February 15th 371

Sentiments as to the public buildings.

To Henry Knox, March 2d . . . . 374

His losses — The attacks made upon him to destroy his in-
fluence— No wish to mix again in the world of politics — End of
his service.

To Jonathan Trumbull, March 3d ... 376

Pressure under which he writes — Foreign interference in
politics to be reprobated.

To Timothy Pickering, March 3d . . . 378

The spurious letters — Object of the original publication — No
part of his baggage and none of his attendants captured during
the war — A solemn declaration of their being forgeries.

CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII. xvii

PAGE

To James McHenry, April 3d 381

The gazettes confusing — Rejection of Pinckney by the French
— Demonstrations on his journey — Much to be done at Mount
Vernon.

To Oliver Wolcott, May 15th 384

Causes assigned for convening Congress — His labors for the
coming years — Desires his correspondence.

To William Heath, May 20th 385

A former letter not misinterpreted — Threatening clouds on
the political horizon — Idea of disinterested favors or friendship
from any nation too novel to be calculated on — His forthcoming
memoirs.

To Rev. Samuel Stanhope Smith, May 24th . . 388

Disquieting information about young Custis — His indolence
marked.

To Thomas Pinckney, May 28th .... 389

Congratulations on his return to America — Danger in politics
— The new President to work upon the old lines of foreign policy.

To James McHenry, May 29th ..... 391

How he passes his days — Visits of curiosity.

To Oliver Wolcott, May 29th . ... . . 392

The President's speech an unequivocal expression of the pub-
lic mind — Solicitude on the reply of the House — The situation
in Europe.

To George Washington Parke Custis, June 4th . 394

His sorrow and repentance acceptable — Must not be a mo-
mentary impulse — Advice.

To David Humphreys, June 26th .... 397

Embarrassment occasioned by presents — The forged letters —
Ought not to withdraw from public life — His marriage — Only a
general peace in Europe will produce tranquillity in America —
Buildings at Mount Vernon and the federal city — Alexandria.

To James McHenry, July 7th 400

The intercepted letter of William Blount — Enormity of the
crime.

To Samuel Washington, July 12th .... 402

No money at his command — Compelled to sell land to defray
expenses of his station — Why he will accommodate him —
Dangers of borrowing.

xviii CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII.

To William Strickland, July 15th .... 404
His preoccupations — Tenants from Great Britain — Occupiers
and proprietors — Grazing — Bad state of agriculture in America
— Experiments in crops and in rotations — Fencing.

To Timothy Pickering, August 4th . . . .412

The opinion of the Attorney-General on the recall of Monroe
— Is unable to find it among his papers.

To James McHenry, August 14th .... 413

The affair of Senator Blount — Monroe has opened his bat-
teries— Table coolers and other articles — Porcupine's Gazette.

To Timothy Pickering, August 29th . . . .415

Col. Monroe did not call in his passage — A change of senti-
ment in France towards America — The tone will be lowered by
degrees — Has never been alarmed by any fears of a war with
France.

To George Washington Parke Custis, August 29th . 417

The approaching end of the term — Vacation and advice.

To General Lafayette, October 8th .... 419

Return of his son — Congratulations upon his release — His
delicate situation — Conduct of young Lafayette — His own
occupations — Domestic politics.

To Bushrod Washington, October 9th . . . 422

A suit which interests him — Evidence of Grafton Kirk —
Some points to be examined.

To Rev. William Gordon, October 15th . . . 425

Why his correspondence has slackened — Difficulties in keep-
ing workmen to their tasks — Publication of the Epistles — Has
never sought a vindication — The Carey compilation.

To John Langhorne, October 15th .... 428

Reply to a friendly letter.

To Bushrod Washington, November 3d . . . 430

Wants a housekeeper, and specifies requirements.

To John Marshall, December 4th .... 432

Wishes success to his embassy — A change in the public mind
— Inconsistency of American upholders of the French Directory
— The summit of despotism — Severity of the winter and crops —
Young Lafayette.

CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII. xix

1798.

PACK

To George Washington Parke Custis, January 7th . 436

System and daily conduct.

To James McHenry, January 28th .... 438

His lands in the Northwest — Harmony in Congress — Silence
of the envoys — Monroe and Fauchet.

To Timothy Pickering, February 6th . . . 439

Monroe's view — The Aurora's attack upon his honesty — His
relations with Talon — The publication of his letter to Morris
and charges brought against him

To William Augustine Washington, February 27th. 442

Death of his wife — Mr. Ashton's wish — Has engaged a clerk —
Education of sons — His distillery business — Inquiries about
the Washington family.

To Alexander White, March 1st . . . . 446

The memorial to Congress — Disappointed in the attitude of
parties towards France — Monroe's work.

To Bushrod Washington, March 8th .... 448

Attempt of Nicholas to draw him into a correspondence —
Who Nicholas is.

To John Nicholas, March 8th 449

Sincerity of Jefferson's friendship for him — Attacks upon
character becoming systematized — The letter of John Lang-
home — Monroe's view and the propriety of publishing it.

Remarks on Monroe's " View of the Conduct of the

Executive of the United States "... 452

To James McHenry, March 27th .... 491

Rumored treasonable correspondence between a member of
Congress and the French Directory — Trusts and believes
machinations will recoil on the heads of the plotters.

To Alexander White, March 25th .... 492

Proprietors of Washington its worst enemies — The loan will
inspire confidence — Sites of the buildings.

To Ferdinand Ferot, April 15th .... 494

No gentleman has been treated by him with incivility or even
with indifference.

xx CONTENTS OF VOL. XIII.

To Timothy Pickering, April 16th .... 495

Corruption and profligacy in system of the French Directory
must open the eyes of the blindest — No changes to be expected
in the leaders of opposition.

To George Washington Parke Custis, May 10th . 496

His suggested need for money.

To Mrs. Sarah Fairfax, May 16th .... 497

Has never forgot the moments spent in her company — Trouble
in store — Regret in seeing Belvoir in ruins — Why she should
return to America — The great future of the federal city —
Growth of Alexandria.

Mrs. Washington to Mrs. Fairfax, May 17th . . 500

Assurances of undiminished affectionate regard — Personal
intelligence.

THE WRITINGS OF

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO TOBIAS LEAR.

Philadelphia, 21 December, 1794.

My dear Sir,

Your letter of the 1 7th instant was received yester-
day, and I am glad to find, that an act of the Virginia
Assembly has been obtained for prolonging the term
for the completion of the inland navigation of the
Potomac. The like I hope has been or will be ob-
tained this session in the Assembly of Maryland.

A good opportunity presenting itself on Thursday
last, I embraced it to inquire of Mr. Morris if the
directors of that company might entertain any hope
of deriving aid from Mr. Weston's opinion, respecting
the lock-seats at the Great Falls of that river. His
answer was ; " Mr. Weston, from some peculiar
circumstances attending their own concerns, had
been prevented from visiting that spot, as was in-
tended ; but that he was now expected to be in this
city in a few days (as I understood), when he would
propose and urge his going thither."

The plan of Mr. Claiborne's engineer, as far as
I understand it, is to avoid locks altogether. The
vessels are received into a basket, or cradle, and let
down by means of a lever and pulleys, and raised

2 THE WRITINGS OF [1794

again by weights at the hinder extremity of the lever,
which works on an axis at the top of a substantial
post fixed about the centre of the lever. On this
principle, but differently constructed, Mr. Greenleaf
a few months ago showed me a model, the efficacy of
which he seemed to entertain the most exalted opin-
ion. My doubts of the utility of both arise, first,
from the insufficiency of any machinery of this sort
to bear the weight of the cradle, when charged with
water and a loaded boat therein, and its aptness to
get out of order by means thereof ; secondly, I do
not find that they are in general use ; and thirdly,
because, if I recollect rightly, Mr. Weston has told
me, (but of this I am not certain,) that no method of
raising and lowering boats had been found equal
to that of locks. Still, as I observed in my last, I
should be for hearing the opinions and explanations
of any and every scientific and practical character,
that could be easily got at, on this subject, and
therefore would hear Claiborne's engineer, as well
as Mr. Weston ; especially as he professes to be par-
ticularly well skilled in the application of them in
propelling boats, (in an easy and cheap manner,)
against the stream, and in conducting of water to
cities or for any other purpose whatsoever.

The bill you allude to has not passed, nor do I
know what shape it will take if it does, and therefore
can say nothing more on the subject at this time,
than that there will be no precipitancy in engaging
either the agents or the means of carrying the law
into effect. If the measure, which I have recom-

1794] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3

mended, should be adopted, with the importance of
it I am strongly impressed ; consequently, if anything
should be required of the President towards carrying
it into execution, I shall feel it in a particular manner
my duty to set it a going under the most favorable
auspices.

I now have and for some considerable time have
had, twenty five Hogsheads Tobo. in the Ware-
houses in Alexandria, which at some times I have
forgot, and at other times have been indisposed to
take the prices which were given for Potomac
Tobacco on the Virginia side. Originally this
Tobacco was of the best sort put up dry — and the
quality of it reported to be exceedingly good. If
the latter is the case still it will in some respects,
and for some purposes, have the advantage of New
Tobacco — but what to do with it I know not. In
Alexandria it might not bring me 18/ per 100 —
when in George Town (I mean in the Warehouses
at these places) it might bring a guinea. — I have
thought, but whether it be practicable to accomplish
it without difficulty I am unable to decide, that if the
Tobacco could be removed from the Warehouses in
which it now is, to those in George Town, and be
reinspected at the latter, that I might be a considera-
ble gainer by it. But admitting that this can be
done without encountering impediments which might
involve inconveniences ; or that would excite notice
or remarks, neither of which I should incline to
subject myself to ; it would be previously necessary
to know whether the Tobacco would pass at the

4 THE WRITINGS OF [1794

latter place ; for if it should be brought there and be
condemned, I should lose the whole and sustain an
expence besides, whereas in its present situation, it
will, I presume, command the price currant in Alexa.
If the suggestion here mentioned can be accom-
plished (without involving the consequences ex-
pressed above) the best expedient that occurs to
me to effect it, is under the idea of its being pur-
chased by, or rather offered for sale to a Maryland
Merchant, to have it re-examined where it is, in
presence of the George Town Inspectors, who should
be paid for their attendance and who should declare
to the supposed purchaser whether they would pass it,
were it brought to the Warehouses in George Town.
If in the affirmative, and there is no other impediment
to the measure the whole business might be easily
accomplished by the removal — reinspection — and issu-
ing of new notes ; either in my name, or in that of
the supposed purchaser — the last of which for several
reasons I think would have the best appearance.
Whether this project can be carried into execution
or not, is, to me, uncertain ; but, to avoid delay, and in
order to enable you to do it if it should be thought
eligable, I send you the notes for this purpose, or to
know what the Tobacco would sell for where it is, if it
be not eligable to remove it. They may be kept, or
returned, according to circumstances. In the Ware-
houses at George Town — I have — or ought to have
by this time 9,000 lbs. of Crop Tobacco, as you will
perceive by the enclosed letter to me, from Colo.
Deakins ; the same by this also. —

1794] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 5

I return Dr. Currie's letter, with thanks for the
perusal of it. The picture drawn in it of the state of
things in his own country, and the details which he
gives of those of the belligerent powers, are gloomy
for them indeed. All here are well, and all join
in best regards for you, with, dear Sir, your affection-
ate, &c.

TO HENRY KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR.

Philadelphia, 30 December, 1794.

Sir,

The considerations, which you have often suggested
to me, and which are repeated in your letter of the
28th instant, as requiring your departure from your
present office, are such as to preclude the possibility
of my urging your continuance in it. This being the
case, I can only wish that it was otherwise.1

I cannot suffer you, however, to close your public
service, without uniting with the satisfaction, which

I From General Knox's Letter. — " Sir ; In pursuance of the verbal communi-
cations heretofore submitted, it is with the utmost respect, that I beg leave
officially to request you will please to consider, that, after the last day of the
present month and year, my services as the Secretary for the Department of
War will cease. I have endeavored to place the business of the department in
such a train, that my successor may without much difficulty commence the
duties of his station. Any explanations or assistance, which he may require,
shall be cordially afforded by me. *

II After having served my country nearly twenty years, the greatest portion
of which under your immediate auspices, it is with extreme reluctance, that
I find myself constrained to withdraw from so honorable a station. But the
natural and powerful claims of a numerous family will no longer permit me to
neglect their essential interests. In whatever situation I shall be, I shall
recollect your confidence and kindness with all the fervor and purity of affec-
tion, of which a grateful heart is susceptible." — December 28th.

Timothy Pickering, at this time Postmaster-General, was appointed to
succeed Henry Knox as Secretary of War on the 2d of January, I7q5-

6 THE WRITINGS OF [1794

must arise in your own mind from a conscious recti-
tude, my most perfect persuasion, that you have
deserved well of your country.

My personal knowledge of your exertions, whilst it
authorizes me to hold this language, justifies the sin-
cere friendship, which I have ever borne for you, and
which will accompany you in every situation of life ;
being, with affectionate regard, always yours, &c.

LETTERS TO WILLIAM PEARCE, 1 794. *

The reason why I preferred increasing the quantity of Corn
ground in these fields is, that nothing might interrupt the manur-
ings of one field, at each farm, every year with green manure ;
while the Cowpens, and dung from the farm yards would do the
like to the poor parts of a second field, annually. By this means,
and a judicious rotation, I am not without hope of bringing my
land, in time, into a profitable state of cultivation ; and unless
some such practice as this prevails, my fields will be growing
worse and worse every year until the crops will not defray the
expence of the culture of them.

By the report of the week before last, it appeared that Stuart
was plowing in No. 7 ; but as that field, according to the rotation
which I have by me, was to remain this year in Pasture I could
not account for it, otherwise than as a mistake in him, or a direc-
tion of mine which I had forgotten ; — the reason however, of my
mentioning the matter again, in this letter, is, that if that field is
designed for oats and buck wheat, the part or such proportion
thereof (as you like) which was designed for the latter, may go
into corn in like manner as is allowed at the other farms ; but if
it has not been touched, nor intended to be touched this year,
(and I again desire that you will not undertake more than you
can execute well) then such part of No. 1 as you may deem
proper : or you may do what Stuart suggested to me before I left

1 Jn continuation of Vol. XII., page 401.

1794] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 7

home, namely, to plant all the good ground in both No. 1 and No.
3 with corn and sow all the broken and poor parts of them with
buck wheat for manure. * * *

You may continue to eat of my meat, as the white people will
take it after it goes from your table, until your family arrives, and
afterwards also if it shall be found more convenient than to keep
separate stocks, as I believe it will. I perceive Thomas Green
draws fine flour from the mill, when the miller and others are
content with middlings, and which I am sure is good enough for
him. Does his agreement in this respect differ from others ?
* * * 26 January, 1794.

My intention, with respect to the repairs of my house in
Alexandria and inclosing the lot, was, that every particle of the
work, except putting it together, should be prepared at Mount
Vernon, and carried thither by water ; for sure I am if the whole
was to be executed in town that four faithful workmen would do
more there in one week than any four of mine would do in a
month. I expected that Green, or some one that was a judge of
work, would examine critically what was to be done, that the
whole might be carried on in the manner I have just mentioned.
This, as far as the dwelling house is concerned, has been done
already, but not I believe with the accuracy that is necessary to
prevent mistakes. * * *

I am so well satisfied of Thomas Green's unfitness to look after
my Carpenters, that nothing but the helpless situation in which
you find his family, has prevailed on me to retain him till this
time : but if you perceive more and more, as your opportunities
encrease, that he is not to be entrusted, you had better be looking
out in time to supply his place another year, if there should not
be cause to turn him sooner off. * * *

I perceive my overseers are beginning to report the increase of
lambs this year as they did last, by which I never know what they
lose. Let them know it is my expectation, that every lamb that
falls, and every one that dies in the week, and what are actually
in being at the time, is to be precisely set down. It is from hence
only I can form a judgment of their care and attention to them.
According to their mode of rendering the account, I may, if an
hundred lambs fall in a week, and fifty of them die, have an in-

8 THE WRITINGS OF [1794

crease of 50 only in the report ; and although this is true in fact,
it is by no means a fair or satisfactory state of the case. * * *
16 February, 1794.

The insufferable neglects of my overseers in not plowing as
they ought to have done in the fall, begins now to be manifest ;
for I perceive by the account given of the plowing, that I am
driven to the alternative of putting my oats into ground not half
plowed and prepared, and thereby little to expect from it ; — or,
in order to do this, be so late in sowing, as to hazard an entire
loss of the crop, if the Spring is not very moist and dripping ; for
I have seldom succeeded with oats unless they were sown before
the middle of March.

It did not occur to me in time, to advise running the rollers
over your grass grounds, and even the wheat, after the frost had
come fairly out of the earth ; nothing would have recovered both
more. The roots (even of that which had been thrown entirely
out) would have been pressed in such a manner to the earth as to
have shot forth fibers to restore the plant. Now, I presume, it is
too late. * * *

Mr. Smith has, I believe, been furnished with fish from my
landing, and if he will give as much as another, ought to have the
preference ; — but before you positively engage, enquire what the
other fisheries are disposed to sell at. 4/ per thousand for
Herrings, and 10/ per hundred for shad, is very low. I am, at
this moment, paying 6 / a piece for every shad I buy. I am en-
tirely against any waggons coming to my landing ; but there is
one thing which Mr. Smith, or any other with whom you engage,
must perfectly understand, if they agree to take all (over what I
want for my own use), that is, when the glut of fish runs, he must
be provided to take every one I do not want, or have them thrown
on his hands : the truth of the case is, that in the height of the
fishery, they are not prepared to cure, or otherwise to dispose of
them, as fast as they could he caught j of course the seins slacken
in their work, or the fish lye and spoil, when that is the only time
I can make anything by the sein ; for small hauls will hardly
pay the ware and tare of the sein and the hire of the hands.
Your account of the deficiency of sein rope would have surprised
me if it had not been of a piece with the rest of the conduct which

794] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

has waisted everything I had, almost. Whatever is necessary must
be got, and I shall depend upon your care and attention, now to
guard me against destruction of my property, while it is entrusted
to your management.

Secure a sufficiency of fish for the use of my own people from
the first that comes, otherwise they may be left in the lurch, as
has been the case heretofore, by depending on what is called the
glut. * * * 23 March, 1794.

I have no doubt but that the late capture of our vessels by the
British cruisers, followed by the embargo which has been laid on
the shipping in our ports, would naturally occasion a temporary
fall in the article of provisions ; yet, as there are the same
mouths to feed as before, as the demand consequently will be as
great, and as the crops in other parts of the world will not be
increased by these means, I have no doubt at all, but that, as
soon as the present impediments are removed the prices of flour
will rise to what it has been (at least) ; for which reason hold
mine up to the prices mentioned in my last ; and if they are
offered, make a provisory agreement, to be ratified, or not, by
me. * * *

The imposition with respect to the garden seeds is very un-
justifiable ; 'tis infinitely worse than simple robbery, for there you
lose your money only ; but when it is given for bad seed you lose
your money, your labor in preparing for the reception of them,
and a whole season. * * * 6 April, 1794.

I wish you had discharged Green without any ceremony, when
you found him drinking and idling his time away ; as to any re-
liance on his promise to amend, there can be no sort of depend-
ance ; for it has been found that he is growing worse and worse.
The consequence of which is, that he dare not find fault with
those who are entrusted to his care, lest they should retort, and
disclose his rascally conduct ; by which means work that the
same number of hands would perform in a week, takes mine a
month. Nothing but compassion for his helpless family, has
hitherto induced me to keep him a moment in my service (so bad
in the example he sets) ; but if he has no regard for them him-
self, it is not to be expected that I am to be a continual sufferer
on this account for his misconduct.

io THE WRITINGS OF [1794

I never could get an account of the corn made on my estate
last year, consequently can form no idea of the quantity now
on hand, nor of the prospect there is of its carrying me through
the year. At any rate it should be used with great care, but
if it is likely to run short, as much parsimony should be observed
as can comport with the absolute calls for it, on the farms, as I
know not where to get more ; and should find it inconvenient to
pay for it if I did. * * * 4 May, 1794.

Whether you will depend upon the first or second crop of
clover for seed, will be left to yourself ; but I desire (if it be
practicable) that of this, of buck wheat, timothy, and in short
of every other seed which you may have occasion for next year,
may be saved ; as the cost of these things in the markets of this
city falls too heavy upon me besides being bad very often. I
also request you will be particularly careful in saving seeds from
the several kinds of grass, which, from time to time, have been
sown in (what is called) the Vineyard, and other places, for the
purpose of experiments ; or because they were given to me as
curiosities, or for the real value of them. And I hope you have
been, and will be attentive to such as I have sent you myself.
Is that which I forwarded to you some time ago (directing it to
be sown in some part of one of the meadows) come up well ? It
was given to me for a grass of more value than timothy. If so,
all the seed that can ought to be raised from it ; the same of St.
Foin ; which my gardener neglected last year until the seed was
almost lost. If cattle or horses will eat the fancy grass in its
green state, or made into hay, it certainly must be very valuable,
as it grows rank, stands thick on the ground, does not require
strong land, and will remain forever on it. Save what seed you
can from this. Some grows in the vineyard inclosure, and some
I believe in the little garden by the salt house. Several other
grasses, of valuable sorts, which had been given to me, were
sown in this place and the vine yard ; but like most other things
on my estate, have been lost for want of attention hitherto, but I
hope your care will guard me against such neglects in future.

I presume you are well enough acquainted with clover to
know how it is to be managed ; both for seed and hay. Last
year none of the first (or very little) was saved ; and of the latter,

1794] GEORGE WASHINGTON. n

that is hay, none was made good, and a great deal of it was
entirely spoiled. It ought to be well cured before stacking, but
not much stirred ; especially in the sun, or it will lose the leaf.
Let there be a hollow in the middle of each stack (by way of
ventulater) occasioned by drawing a basket, or stuffed bag
through the middle, whilst the stack is making. * * *

In what state of forwardness is the drilled wheat, when com-
pared with the common wheat ? from the character and descrip-
tion of it, it ought to be ripe for cutting by the 8th or ioth of
June. You will have been told, or will have discovered, that
there are two kinds of wheat in drills, at the Union farm. One
is a double headed sort, whether of much value or not I am
unable to say ; nor do I know whether it ripens sooner or later
than the common kind. Take care of the seeds of both, and
cautiously guard against their mixing in the seed loft. As there
will not be much of the double headed wheat, it might be well
(in order to prevent this) to put it into tight casks, and head it
up securely. The early wheat I set great value on, as it is an
acquisition, in the farming line, of great magnitude in many
points of view. * * *

I find by the reports that Sam is, in a manner, always returned
sick ; Doll at the Ferry, and several of the spinners very fre-
quently so, for a week at a stretch ; and ditcher Charles often
laid up with a lameness. I never wish my people to work when
they are really sick, or unfit for it ; on the contrary, that all
necessary care should be taken of them when they are so ; but if
you do not examine into their complaints, they will lay by when
no more ails them, than all those who stick to their business, and
are not complaining from the fatigue and drowsiness which they
feel as the effect of night walking and other practices which unfit
them for the duties of the day. * * *

As Congress have determined that the Embargo shall not be
renewed, I expect the price of flour will be at least as high as it
has been in Alexandria. In this city it has already risen to 50/
for superfine and 46/6 for fine. * * *" 18 May, 1794.

I learn with concern from your letter of the 18th instant,
that your crops are still laboring under a drought, and most of
them very much injured. At disappointments and losses which

12 THE WRITINGS OF [1794

are the effects of providential acts, I never repine, because I am
sure the alwise disposer of events knows better than we do, what
is best for us, or what we deserve. * * * 25 May, 1794.

The deception with respect to the potatoes (210 instead of 418
bushels) is of a piece with other practices of a similar kind by
which I have suffered hitherto ; and may serve to evince to you,
in strong colors, first how little confidence can be placed in any
one round you ; and secondly the necessity of an accurate in-
spection into these things yourself, — for to be plain, Alexandria
is such a recepticle for every thing that can be filched from the
right owners, by either blacks or whites ; and I have such an
opinion of my negros (two or three only excepted), and not
much better of some of the whites, that I am perfectly sure not
a single thing that can be disposed of at any price, at that place,
that will not, and is not stolen, where it is possible ; and carried
thither to some of the underlying shop keepers, who support
themselves by this kind of traffick. * * * 1 June, 1794.

If lambs of any kind have been sold from my flocks of
sheep, it has not only been done without my consent, but ex-
pressly contrary to my orders. And sure I am, the money for
which they were sold never found its way into my pockets ; nor
is there credit for it in any accounts I have seen. So far has
it been from my practice, or policy to sell off the forward ewe
lambs, that, in order to prevent it, I would not suffer any
lambs to be disposed of at all, unless it was the very latest
runts. My plan, while it was in my power to attend to these
matters myself was, to be sparing of the lambs even for my own
table, and never to kill the females ; to keep the ewe lambs
(especially the latter ones) from the rams the first year — to sepa-
rate the rams from the ewes at shearing time (to be returned at a
proper season) — and, at shearing time also, to cull over, and re-
move to a pasture by themselves, all the sheep above a certain
age, and all such as appeared to be upon the decline, that, after
receiving the summer's run, and such aid as could otherwise be
afforded them, they might be disposed of to the butchers, reserv-
ing enough for the use of the family. If lambs have been dis-
posed of contrary to this plan, it has been done by the knavery
of those who have availed themselves of the opportunity my

1794] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 13

absence has afforded them, to do it. It might be well therefore
for you to enquire by whom lambs have been sold ; and as you
will see by the written agreements with my overseers that they
are not allowed to sell even a fowl, to charge them in explicit
terms, not to depart from it. The granting them this indulgence
was for their comfort on the farm ; but they have no right to
raise anything thereon, of any sort, or kind whatsoever, for sale.
If therefore, as the practice of this sort is contrary to agreement,
they presume to sell one thing, they may and will be suspected of
selling every thing they can do with impunity. This reminds me
of what has often been in my intention to write about, and that is
Mr. Stuart's selling butter. He is, I well remember, allowed a
certain part of the butter that is made on the farm, [and] of course
is entitled to the butter or the value of it ; but to avoid suspicion
he had better, both on his own account and mine, after taking
out what he uses in his own family (and what he ought to account
for) send all that is made besides to the Mansion house ; and, as
it will go from thence to market, let him be allowed for his pro-
portion the price it sells at. Besides avoiding suspicion and evil
reports, another good will be derived from this practice, and that
is, that it will supercede the necessity of his wife's, or any other
person's, running to Alexandria to dispose of this article, or to
enquire into the price of it. That Mr. Stuart's conduct in this
business has not escaped censure you will see by the enclosed ;
but as I never entertained an unfavorable opinion of him, and
always a very bad one of Green, I never mentioned the report to
the former, although, when the latter gave the information, I told
him to commit what he had to say to writing, — charging him at
the same time to say nothing that he could not prove, as he might
bring himself into a scrape if he did. I have no doubt of Mrs.
Stuart's having furnished butter for McKnight's tavern, and if the
quantity bears any proportion to what is asserted in the paper,
that it has been fraudulently done. The account, I presume, is
exaggerated, otherwise instead of being content with one fourth
(which, if my memory serves me, is the part allowed him) he
must have taken three fourths of it at least. But be the report
true or false, it still shews the necessity of the measure I have
advised ; in the first case, to guard me against such impositions ;

i4 THE WRITINGS OF [1794

and in the second, to secure his own character against suspicion
and calumny. * * *

Mr. O'Neil, from Chester County in this State, will be at Mt.
Vernon by the time, or soon after this letter will have reached
you. He has a great opinion of a freestone quarry near my lime-
kiln, but a little up the Branch called Hell hole ; and I have
authorised him to open it at his own expence ; but have told him
that if you have a hand or two that could be spared, and he
would allow the same for them by the day, or month, that he
gives to others, I had no objection to your doing it. I am to be
at no expence or trouble with him, and he has assured me that
the hands he takes from hence with him shall be sober, honest
and well-behaved. If Tom Davis and Neuclus could be spared
from necessary work, they had best go ; for numbers will add
nothing to the despatch of my work, whilst it is under the im-
mediate inspection and direction of Thomas Green ; who, it
appears indispensably necessary to me, should be superceded the
moment you can get a good workman in whom confidence can be
placed, to overlook them ; for the manner in which my carpenters
idle away their time, is beyond all forbearance. Twelve car-
penters in this city would have built every house which is on my
lot in Alexandria (from the foundation) in less time than mine
were employed in the few repairs they received ; but from the
habits of idleness which they have contracted, and the bad
examples of Green, nothing better I am sure is to be expected
from them while they are under his management. 8 June, 1794.

I either misunderstood Peter, or he told me that several of the
mules which are returned in the Mansion House report, and
which I did not intend should be used without previously com-
municating the matter to me, has actually been put to the
plough ; although no longer ago than last October I supplied
every Farm with a complete set of plow beasts (horses or mules).
If the mules are to be taken in this manner, I shall never raise
them to be of any value — for to take them at two or three years
old and work them until they can hardly walk alone, is ruining of
them to all intents and purposes, and I desire a stop may be put
to the practice. Especially as I see no prospect of keeping up
my stock of them, notwithstanding the immense expence I have

1794] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 15

run myself to in providing mares for the purpose of breeding them.
From Peter also, I was told (but this might be by way of excuse
for his own neglect in not attending properly to them in the
covering season) that almost all the mares had slunk their foals ; —
and he mentioned an instance of this happening to a valuable
mare sent from the Mansion house to Dogue run, and rid by
McKoy into the forest, doing it the night he quitted her back.
My hurry the morning I left home (for it was just before that 1
received this information upon enquiring what prospect I had
for colts this year) prevented my mentioning the matter to you.
Night rides and treading wheat will forever deprive me of foals.
But a few years ago I bought, and sent from Lancaster and other
places in this State, &c, 27 large mares for the sole purpose of
breeding mules — never intending that one of them should be put
to work — having in the year 1789 before I left home for New
York, compleatly stocked all my farms with work horses, and
left many mares besides for breeding. Since that period (not
more than five years) it has taken all the surplus of the old
stock, just mentioned — the 27 mares bought for breeding, and
for no other purpose, and all the mules (for at that time there
was not one in use) to supply the deficiencies which have been
occasioned by the rascally treatment I have experienced from
my overseers ; and the want of attention in my managers, during
my absence from home since the period of 1789 above mentioned.
This I know does not apply to you, and it is only mentioned to
shew in what manner I have been abused, and how necessary it
is that you guard me against the like in future. * * *

I hear with concern, but not unexpectedly, of the illness of
your eldest daughter. That she could not without a change for
the better survive the indisposition with which she has been
afflicted long, was the opinion of all who saw her ; and, in a
degree, I presume must have been your own. So far then you
must be prepared for the unfortunate event ; and tho' nature, at
so awful a trial, must shrink for a time, reason and reflection
will produce resignation to a degree, against which there is no
control.

It is but justice to acknowledge to you, that so far as I was
able, from the hurt which confined me whilst I was at Mount

16 THE WRITINGS OF [1794

Vernon, to look into my business, I was well satisfied with your
conduct, and I am persuaded I shall have no cause to complain
of it in future. Good judgment and experimental knowledge
properly exerted never can, when accompanied with integrity
and zeal, go wrong. These qualifications you have the character
of possessing, and I place confidence therein. My favorite
objects, as I have often repeated to you, are to recover my land
from the gullied and exhausted state into which it has been
unfortunately thrown for some years back — To lay down all the
low and swampy lands to grass, and be it little or much, to do it
well — To have clover lots sufficient for soiling work horses and
cattle, and for other purposes — To substitute as fast as possible
hedges and live fences in place of dead ones, and of anything
that will make them — To be attentive to my stock of all species
and descriptions, taking care to improve and increase them to
the full extent of your pasturage, beyond which, although you
might raise food for their winter support, it would be folly to
go — And lastly, to look as much as possible into the little, as
well as ye greater concerns of ye farms ; for more is wasted and
lost from an omission in not doing the first than any one is
aware of, when they examine the aggregate amount of trifles —
To improve also every thing into manure that will make it — is
among the considerations to be attended to. 13 July, 1794.

Remember to give John a dollar the last day of every month,
provided he behaves well — letting him know that it is on that
express condition he is to receive it. And if a suit of cloaths of
tolerable good cloth, made to his own taste, will keep him in good
humor, let him be indulged with them. If by his conduct he
merits these things, I shall not begrudge them to him. * * *
20 July, 1794.

Is there anything particular in the cases of Ruth, Hannah
and Pegg, that they have been returned sick for several weeks
together ? Ruth I know is extremely deceitful ; she has been
aiming for some time past to get into the house, exempt from
work ; but if they are not made to do what their age and
strength will enable them, it will be a very bad example for
others — none of whom would work if by pretexts they can avoid
it. 27 July, 1794.

1794] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 17

If your corn ground has got foul by the rains which have fallen,
or even if they are not perfectly clean, I had rather, although it
will inevitably delay your seeding, put off sowing wheat — or any
thing else indeed — until it is clean, bright and in good order for
the reception of them : — for I never found anything but disap-
pointed hopes from a contrary practice ; — which has long decided
me in an opinion that to aim at the cultivation of more ground
than one can, under almost any circumstances, master completely
is not the certain way to make sure, or even large crops ; but an
infallible one to destroy the land. I have long been convinced
moreover, that if the same labor, and expense of manure, &c,
(which is the common mode of management in Virginia) was be-
stowed of 50 acres of land, that is now scattered over 100, that
the former would be more profitable and productive to the
owner. What I would be understood to mean by this, is that a
field not more than half prepared for a crop, the crop not more
than half tilled, and the ground but indifferently manured, will
not produce as much as the half of it would, if these were
bestowed in full proportion to the requirements of the land. If
one's means is equal to the accomplishment of the whole there
can be no doubt, in that case, but that the whole will double the
half. All I mean to express is, that whatever is attempted, should
be well executed as it respects crops, and as it respects meadows
and other improvements, to complete and make good as one
goes. It was not my intention to apply what I have here said to
the state in which you have described your corn ground to be
under from so much rain, or to any particular case ; but as
general observations which I am persuaded will hold good in all
cases. An essential object with every farmer ought to be the
destruction of weeds. His arable and pasture grounds should
produce nothing but grain, pulse, if he raises them, vegitables of
different sorts, according to his designs, and grasses. Nothing
then but deep and frequent plowing, hoeing and hand weeding,
can eradicate weeds, and such other trash as foul and exhaust
the fields, and diminish the crops : and these, neither in season,
in quantity, or quality can be given, if more is undertaken than
the force and means are competent to. I am glad to hear that the
young timothy is beginning to shew itself in the new meadows. It

18 THE WRITINGS OF [1794

is an ardent wish of mine to have the whole well covered with grass,
free from sprouts and weeds, and smooth for the scythe. * * *

It seems to me to be indispensably necessary that some person
should be engaged in place of Thomas Green, to look after my
carpenters ; for in the manner they conduct [themselves] under
his superintendency, it would be for my interest to set them free,
rather than give them victuals and cloaths. James, by the reports,
has been 9 days I perceive in plaining the floors of the house in
town ; Neuclus (besides what was done to it before) six days'
paving, and sanding the cellar which a man in Philadelphia
would have done in less than as many hours ; Davis, eight or
nine days' papering, and so on : — whilst Green himself, and the
others, appear determined (as it would seem to me) to make the
new house at Union farm a standing job for the summer, as the
chimney and underpinning will more than probably be for Davis
the same time. When this last work is done, that is, underpin-
ning the house, it must be remembered that air holes is left in it,
to prevent the sleepers from rotting.

It may not be amiss to say beforehand, that no trifling charac-
ter (unless he means to tread in the footsteps of Green) will do
for an overlooker of these workmen. Besides the usual requisites
of skill, honesty, sobriety and industry, be must be a man of tem-
per, firmness and resolution, — for it is not to be expected that
men who have been in the habits of such extreme idleness so
long, probably of a great deal of villainy, can be recovered from
it without prudent management, and much resolution, properly
tempered. * * * 3 August, 1794.

When I was at home, an application was made to me by Kate
at Muddy hole (through her husband, Will) to serve the negro
women (as a Grany) on my estate ; intimating that she was full as
well qualified for this purpose as those into whose hands it was
entrusted; and to whom I was paying twelve or ^15 a year;
and why she should not be so, I know not ; but wish you to cause
some enquiry to be made into this matter, and commit this busi-
ness to her, if thereupon you shall be satisfied of her qualifica-
tions. This service, formerly, was always performed by a negro
woman belonging to the estate — but latterly, until now, none
seemed disposed to undertake it. * * * 17 August, 1794.

1794] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 19

The land Mr. Gunnel speaks of, lyes in Loudoun County,
although it is within 18 or 20 miles of Alexandria. But if the
facts which he relates with respect to the trespass thereon can be
clearly proved, request Col. Simms, of Alexandria, or any other
who practices in Loudoun court, and is well recommended to you,
to bring suit against them : for it is really shameful to be treated
in the manner I am by people who take such liberties with my
timber and wood during my absence — under a supposition they
may do it with impunity.

You may inform Mr. Pierce Bailey that my selling, or not
selling that tract, depends upon getting the terms of my asking
complied with. These are fifteen hundred pounds (Virginia cur-
rency)— five hundred of which to be paid down, and interest on
the other two thirds until discharged — the credit to be agreed on,
which may be 3, four, or more years ; provided the land and a
bond is given as security for payment of the principal ; and some
unquestionable surety for the regular discharge of the interest on
the day it becomes due. Mr. Gill of Alexandria came up to my
price, but we differed with respect to the interest. There is
about 300 acres of it, with two good mill seats on it — one wholly
mine, the other on Difficult run, which divides my land from
others. There is also a good deal of meadow land on the tract.

I have no objection to your putting up the still which is at
Mount Vernon, if any advantage from it can be derived under
the tax, which is laid upon it. * * * 31 August, 1794.

There cannot, in my opinion, be the smallest occasion for
opening the new road, which under different circumstances than
those which exist at present, was ordered by the Court at my
particular request. Nor would it be, if opened, of the least bene-
fit to any one except Mr. Thomson Mason, and very little to him,
as he has the free use of all the roads (though with gates to them)
that he ever travelled before that order was obtained. It is to be
observed that, when I applied for, and the court granted that
road, the design was to relieve me from a great hardship, without
doing any injury to the public ; for at that time the Ferry called
Posey's (where Crow lives) was a public one — of course, the road
from the Gumspring to it, and from my mill to it, were public
roads ; and by the laws of Virginia gates were forbid on them.

20 THE WRITINGS OF [1794

This prevented me from enclosing my land, as the expence of
lanes on both sides those roads would have been too heavy for
the advantage which would have resulted. Under this view of
the case, and because very few who passed the ferry travelled the
Alexandria road, I was led to form the plan of having but one
public road through my Mount Vernon tract, which would have
been from my mill, by the barn on Union farm, along the string
of fence that divides the upper from the lower fields, until it came
to the gate on the hill, by a lane, that distance. All, in that case,
who would have crossed the ferry going to, or returning from
Maryland, would pass the mill ; at which place, if going down
the country, they would take the road to Colchester ; if going
towards the Mountains or Alexandria, they would have to pass
by Mr. Lund Washington's. This was the real situation of things
when the Court, on my petition, was pleased to afford me the
relief I asked, by permitting me to stop up the old, and to open
new public roads. But the thing has now taken an entire new
shape ; for finding after this permission was obtained that the
Ferry had become so unproductive as not even to furnish the
boats which were required, I petitioned the Assembly to discon-
tinue it by law, as it was established by law ; hence the roads to
it, I presume, ceased to be public ; — and the new ones unneces-
sary— at least for the present — as the old ones (with the differ-
ence of gates only) serve all the purposes they ever did. Upon
this representation, which I am sure is a candid and just one, I
persuade myself that the court will not compel me to open the
road you say you have been required to do, when no person, half
as much as myself, would be benefitted by it. In fact, with my
force, the thing is impracticable this fall ; for the greater part of
two miles, from the levelness of the ground, and water (knee deep
at times) standing thereon, would require a high causeway to
render it passable in the winter. If this was done, I should de-
rive more benefit from it than any other person, for there would
be no pretext then for passing through my farms, and leaving
the gates open for my own stock to get out and others in. These
sentiments may be communicated to the Court, if the order with
which you are served is positive — and to Mr. Mason, who I am
confident is not disposed to run me to such an expence at this

i794] GEORGE WASHINGTON, 21

season, for so trifling (if any) an advantage to himself. 28 Sep-
tember, 1794.

The demand for workmen at the federal city is such, and their
wages consequently so high, that if Donaldson,1 as an overlooker,
should prove incompetent, I know not how, or where you will get
supplied. If he understands what he professes to have been
bred to, and is sober and industrious, he may prove a very useful
man to me, although he is unfit to have the care of my carpen-
ters. But what have you done with him, if Green's family still
occupy the house ? By my agreement with him, he is entitled to
the use of that house, and Garden, and may consider it as a
breach of contract to be deprived of it. What then is to be
done with the other family ? I cannot bear the thought of adding
to the distress I know they must be in, by turning them adrift ;
and it would be as disagreeable to let them come into that part
of the Green house adjoining the shoemaker's room ; — their
habits are not good ; — and to mix them among the negros would
be attended with many evils as it respected themselves, and no
good as it respected me. It would be better therefore on all
accounts if they were removed to some other place, even if [I]
was to pay the rent, provided it was low, or make some allowance
towards it. Donaldson and family will get disgusted by living
among the negros, if he is still in the Green house. * * * 2
November, 1794.

Speaking of gentlemen's servants it calls to my mind, that in a
letter from Mrs. Fanny Washington to Mrs. Washington (her
aunt) she mentions, that since I left Mount Vernon she has given
out four dozen and eight bottles of wine. Whether they are
used, or not, she does not say ; but I am led by it to observe,
that it is not my intention that it should be given to every one
who may incline to make a convenience of the house in travelling,
or who may be induced to visit it from motives of curiosity.
There are but three descriptions of people to whom I think it
ought to be given : first, vay particular and intimate acquaintance,
in case business should call them there, such for instance as
Doctor Craik. 2dly, some of the most respectable foreigners

1 James Donaldson.

22 THE WRITINGS OF [1794

who may, perchance, be in Alexandria or the federal city ; and
be either brought down, or introduced by letter, from some of my
particular acquaintance as before mentioned ; or thirdly, to per-
sons of some distinction (such as members of Congress, &c.) who
may be travelling through the country from North to South, or
from South to North ; to the first of which, I should not fail to
give letters, where I conceive them entitled. Unless some cau-
tion of this sort governs, I should be run to an expence as
improper, as it would be considerable ; — for the duty upon
Madeira wine makes it one of the most expensive liquors that
is now used, while my stock of it is small, and old wine (of
which that is) is not to be had upon any terms : for which reason,
and for the limited purposes already mentioned, I had rather you
would provide claret, or other wine on which the duty is not so
high, than to use my Madeira, unless it be on very extraordinary
occasions.

I have no objection to any sober, or orderly person's gratifying
their curiosity in viewing the buildings, gardens, &c, about Mt.
Vernon ; but it is only to such persons as I have described that
I ought to be run to any expence on account of these visits of
curiosity, beyond common civility and hospitality. No gentle-
man who has a proper respect for his own character (except rela-
tions and intimates) would use the house in my absence for the
sake of conveniency (as it is far removed from the public roads),
unless invited to do so by me or some friend ; nor do I suppose
any of this description would go there without a personal, or
written introduction.

I have been thus particular, that you may have a full view of
my ideas on this subject, and conform to them ; and because the
knowledge I have of my servants is such, as to believe, that if
opportunities are given them, they will take off two glasses of
wine for every one that is drank by such visitors, and tell you
they were used by them, — without such a watch over them as the
other business you are employed in, would not allow you to
employ. * * * 23 November, 1794.

By mistake, the sum of ^300 was omitted in the charges
against my bond to Mr. Lund Washington ; as you have dis-
covered in the above letter. By my mode of settling the bonded

1794] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 23

account, he will be ^7, 10, 8 in my debt, and by the mode he
proposes, I shall be ^51, 12, 11 in his debt. Which of these is
the mode by which a court of law, or equity, would settle it, I
neither know, nor shall try ; all that I can say on the subject, I
have already said in my letter to him, viz., that Mr. John Mercer
settled my account with his father's and brother's estate by
charging me interest on all his payments ; and when I objected
thereto, he said it was the method by which the Chancellor in
Virginia settled matters of a like nature ; which was confirmed by
Mr. Randolph, who was well acquainted with the practice of that
court. However, as I am determined to have no dispute on the
subject, Mr. Washington may settle it by which account he pleases
(both are enclosed), or by striking a medium between the two
methods, as shall be most agreeable to his own ideas of justice.
Take up my bond, and after tareing my name from it, send it to
me ; — Let all the accounts between him and me be finally closed,
and unless there is an absolute occasion for it, do not run me to
the expence of smiths' work there, or elsewhere, in future.

After you have discharged this account, and such others as are
known to be due, from me, place the surplus of the money in the
bank of Alexandria, and give me the amount of the sum. But on
second thoughts, there will be your own wages, the wages of the
overseers, &c, which will be due in a very little time. Let all be
paid, for I never like to be in debt to any one, or have any money
in my possession that another has a right to call for. * * *
7 December, 1794.

I approve your idea of clearing up the wood between the fence
and the road, and letting it lay over to another year ; but quere,
would it not be better, instead of cleaning the ground thoroughly,
and exposing the earth to the rays of the summer's sun, to have it
well grubbed, and lye with all the brush on it until the proper
period arrives for breaking it up for corn ? In many places, this
is the universal practice ; and in the opinion of some, (especially
in the Northern and Eastern States) an indispensable one. They
have two ways of doing this. — The one is, by letting the brush lye
on the ground until the leaves, and small twigs have fallen, and
are beginning to rot ; which, when plowed in, occasions putrefac-
tion and fermentation, and of course more product, after these

24 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

have happened. The other is, to let the brush lye (not in heaps
by piling it up, but as it is cut off) until the spring — and then set
fire to it ; which spreading over the whole surface, equally warms
the earth, while the ashes serve as manure. Which of these is the
best, or whether either of them are better than to expose the soil
to the sun (as it is of a cold and sour nature) deserves considera-
tion. * * * 14 December, 1794.

The whole amount of the corn crop I perceive is 1639 barrels.
I perceive also by the reports of last week, and I believe it has
been as much for several weeks preceeding, your weekly consump-
tion of this article is 22 barrels to the stock, and about 14 to the
negros ; amounting together to 36 barrels, which multiplied by 52,
the number of weeks in a year makes 1872, and is 233 barrels
more than is made. How far this extraordinary consumption has
been occasioned by the hogs which have been fatting, and how
far it is capable of reduction, it is more than I am able at this
distance to determine. It would, if continued, be using consider-
ably more than ever was expended on the estate ; for which
reason, as I observed in one of my late letters to you, at the same
time that I wish nothing to be starved thereon, I would have the
corn, and indeed every thing else, administered with the utmost
ceconomy ; for hard indeed will it be upon me, if I can make no
more from my estate, wheat alone excepted, than is consumed
thereon ; and from the produce of that article, overseers' wages
and every thing that is bought, is to be paid for. * * *
21 December, 1794.

TO DANIEL CARROLL.

Philadelphia, 7 January, 1795.

Dear Sir,

You will consider this letter as coming from me in
my private capacity, at the same time I do not object
to the communication of the sentiments to your col-
leagues in office.

You will recollect no doubt that I yielded my assent
to Mr. Greenleaf's first proposition to purchase a

795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 25

number of lots in the Federal City (altho' I thought
the price he offered for them was too low) because
matters at that time seemed to be in a stagnant state,
and something was necessary to put the wheels in
motion again. To the second Sale which was made
to him, my repugnance was greater, in as much as
the necessity for making it was not so apparent to
my view — and because another thing had become
quite evident — Viz : that he was speculating deeply
— was aiming to monopolize deeply, and was thereby
laying the foundation of immense profit to himself
and those with whom he was concerned.

Viewing the matter in this light, you will readily
perceive, at the first glance, how much my sentiments
are opposed to any more large sales, if there be any
other resource by which money can be obtained to
carry on your operations.

The sum which will be necessary to compleat the
public buildings and other improvements in the City,
is very considerable. You have already, if I mistake
not, disposed of more than a moiety of the Lots
which appertain to the Public ; and I fear not a fourth
part of the Money necessary for that purpose, is yet
provided. The persons to whom you have sold are
reselling to others (subjecting them to the conditions
to which they are made liable themselves) and this
they are doing to an immense profit. Lately, a Gen-
tleman from England, has paid, or is to pay ,£50,000
for 500 Lots. — Will it not be asked, why are specu-
lators to pocket so much money ? Are not the
Commissioners as competent to make bargains ?

26 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

The business, I conceive, is now fairly on its legs
— to sell therefore by wholesale faster than is indis-
pensably necessary to keep the machine in proper
motion will, probably (as property is rising there), be
deemed impolitic. And to part with the legal title
to the lots (especially in large sales of them) on per-
sonal security, may be hazarding more than prudence
will warrant.

For a variety of reasons, unnecessary to be enume-
rated, tho' some of them are very important, I could
wish to see the force of your means directed toward
the capitol in preference to the other public buildings.

With great esteem &c.

TO TOBIAS LEAR.

Philadelphia, 12 January, 1795.

My dear Sir,

On friday last I wrote you a few lines and assigned
reasons for not writing more fully.

In addition to what I then said, which was only to
inform you that permission had been given by the
Canal Company of this state for Mr. Weston to visit
the falls of potomac, and that he might be expected
at the federal city about the first of next month, I
shall notice with concern it being contrary to the
heretofore entertained opinion — that the funds for
carrying on that navigation are from your view of
them likely to fall short ^10,000 Stg. of the object.

What expedient had best be adopted for supplying
the deficiency, merits serious consideration under

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 27

existing circumstances. — On an abstract view of the
case I should give it as my opinion without hesitation,
that the present stockholders ought to continue their
advances until the final completion — and for this
plain and interesting reason, with me — that no spec-
ulation to which money can be applied will be more
productive with so much honor and so little risque.
But how far the majority of the Company (many of
whom probably never bestowed a thought on the
subject) may be of this sentiment — or how far their
inclination and abilities might induce the adoption of
the measure if they were, is not for me to decide —
and as individuals of the Company will be as free
as others to become purchasers if the shares are
increased, it does not appear to be a matter of much
moment which of these modes is prefered, or whether
by loan, if the money is to be obtained.

No doubt remains in my mind of what will be the
productiveness of the tolls when the navigation is in
full operation — To the best of my recollection they
were calculated to amount (at the time of passing the
Acts of incorporation) to 15 p ct on the capital,
by an estimate which was then made of the several
articles which from their contiguity, it was known,
would be water borne. • Since that period the popu-
lation of the Counties bordering on the River, and of
course, the produce arising therefrom, has encreased
greatly, and when the Shenandoah is added thereto
(which formed no part of the original estimate) it
must be equal to the most sanguine expectation.

Mr. Claiborne's Engineers (for it seems he has two

28 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

for different purposes) are fixed in this City ; either
of which according to the use for which you want one
might be had at any time ; but as I am not strongly
impressed with a belief that men of eminence would
come to this Country in the manner and under the
circumstances they have done (but this I say without
having any knowledge of the real characters of these
Gentlemen — and without design to injure them)
might it not be politic to obtain the opinion of the
most competent of them, before Mr. Weston, (who
is known to be a scientific and experienced engineer
gives his ? He will not adopt their opinions contrary
to his experience and judgment ; but if his opinion is
first taken, and transpires, it may be given into by
them from the want of these in themselves, endeav-
oring thereby to erect a character on his foundation.

I am much obliged by the trouble of your enquiries
respecting my Tobacco in the Warehouses at Alexan-
dria and George Town ; and as the disposal of it is
somewhat out of my way at present, and in truth is
a matter that rarely occurs to me, except when I am
reminded of it by Mrs. Washington, you would add
to the favor by making sale of it on such terms, and
whensoever in your judgment the moment is favor-
able. I am in no hurry nor under any necessity to
precipitate the sale ; and to your judgment also it is
left, to continue where it is, or to remove the Tobacco
from Alexa. to Georgetown.

We are all tolerably well and join in good wishes,
and the compliments of the season to you. With
regard and affection I^am, &c.

i795l GEORGE WASHINGTON. 29

TO ELEANOR PARKE CUSTIS.

Philadelphia, 16 January, 1795.

Your letter, the receipt of which I am now acknowl-
edging, is written correctly and in fair characters,
which is an evidence that you command, when you
please, a fair hand. Possessed of these advantages,
it will be your own fault if you do not avail yourself
of them, and attention being paid to the choice of
your subjects, you can have nothing to fear from the
malignancy of criticism, as your ideas are lively, and
your descriptions agreeable. Let me touch a little
now on your Georgetown ball, and happy, thrice
happy, for the fair who were assembled on the occa-
sion, that there was a man to spare ; for had there
been 79 ladies and only 78 gentlemen, there might,
in the course of the evening, have been some disorder
among the caps ; notwithstanding the apathy which
one of the company entertains for the "youth " of the
present day, and her determination " never to give her-
self a moment's uneasiness on account of any of them."
A hint here ; men and women feel the same inclinations
towards each other now that they always have done,
and which they will continue to do until there is a
new order of things, and you, as others have done,
may find, perhaps, that the passions of your sex are
easier raised than allayed. Do not therefore boast
too soon or too strongly of your insensibility to, or
resistance of, its powers. In the composition of the
human frame there is a good deal of inflammable
matter, however dormant it may lie for a time, and
like an intimate acquaintance of yours, when the torch

30 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

is put to it, that which is within you may burst into
a blaze ; for which reason and especially too, as I
have entered upon the chapter of advices, I will read
you a lecture drawn from this text.

Love is said to be an involuntary passion, and it
is, therefore, contended that it cannot be resisted.
This is true in part only, for like all things else, when
nourished and supplied plentifully with aliment, it is
rapid in its progress ; but let these be withdrawn and
it may be stifled in its birth or much stinted in its
growth. For example, a woman (the same may be
said of the other sex) all beautiful and accomplished,
will, while her hand and heart are undisposed of, turn
the heads and set the circle in which she moves on
fire. Let her marry, and what is the consequence?
The madness ceases and all is quiet again. Why ?
not because there is any diminution in the charms of
the lady, but because there is an end of hope. Hence
it follows, that love may and therefore ought to be
under the guidance of reason, for although we cannot
avoid first impressions, we may assuredly place them
under guard ; and my motives for treating on this
subject are to show you, while you remain Eleanor
Parke Custis, spinster, and retain the resolution to
love with moderation, the propriety of adhering to the
latter resolution, at least until you have secured your
game, and the way by which it may be accomplished.

When the fire is beginning to kindle, and your
heart growing warm, propound these questions to it.
Who is this invader ? Have I a competent knowledge
of him ? Is he a man of good character ; a man of
sense ? For, be assured, a sensible woman can never

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 31

be happy with a fool ? What has been his walk in
life ? Is he a gambler, a spendthrift, or drunkard ?
Is his fortune sufficient to maintain me in the manner
I have been accustomed to live, and my sisters live,
and is he one to whom my friends can have no reason-
able objection? If these interrogatories can be satis-
factorily answered, there will remain but one more
to be asked, that, however, is an important one. Have
I sufficient ground to conclude that his affections are
engaged by me ? Without this the heart of sensi-
bility will struggle against a passion that is not re-
ciprocated— delicacy, custom, or call it by what epithet
you will, having precluded all advances on your part.
The declaration, without the most indirect invitation
of yours, must proceed from the man, to render it
permanent and valuable, and nothing short of good
sense and an easy unaffected conduct can draw the
line between prudery and coquetry. It would be no
great departure from truth to say, that it rarely hap-
pens otherwise than that a thorough-faced coquette
dies in celibacy, as a punishment for her attempts to
mislead others, by encouraging looks, words, or ac-
tions, given for no other purpose than to draw men
on to make overtures that they may be rejected.

This day, according to our information, gives a hus-
band to your elder sister, and consummates, it is to
be presumed, her fondest desires. The dawn with us
is bright, and propitious, I hope, of her future hap-
piness, for a full measure of which she and Mr. Law
have my earnest wishes.1 Compliments and con-
gratulations on this occasion, and best regards are

1 Elizabeth Parke Custis married Mr. Law, a nephew of Lord Ellenborough.

32 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

presented to your mamma, Dr. Stuart and family ;
and every blessing, among which a good husband
when you want and deserve one, is bestowed on you
by yours, affectionately.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.

Philadelphia, 22 January, 1795.

Dear Sir,

From a long acquaintance with and sincere regard
for you, I always feel pleasure in hearing from you
and of you. Consequently your letter of the 30th
ultimo was an acceptable annuity.1

1 From Mr. Pendleton's Letter. — " Lest I should suffer the year to expire, I
take up the pen to congratulate you on your safe return from the westward,
and on your having, as we hope, quelled the spirit of anarchy and disorder in
that quarter, without shedding other blood than what shall be found on a legal
trial to have been justly forfeited to the laws, a circumstance which affords
considerable consolation under the enormous expense incurred on the occasion,
which, though inevitable, is yet grievous in the present situation of America.

** The success of our army under General Wayne is also gratifying, affording
a fair prospect of peace in that quarter with the Indians. I fear a radical
peace with those to the southward will only be attained by a similar proceed-
ing. Will you permit me, Sir, to suggest a doubt, whether the policy of con-
tracting to pay an annual tribute to neighboring Indians be sound, and adapted
to the genius and temper of that people. It conveys an idea of inferiority,
which most nations indeed will take advantage of ; but these people, having
been in a train of beneficial plunder upon us, will only be restrained by their
fear of offending our government, and not by concessions. The old counsel-
lors will profess to be at peace, and continue to receive their annuity, whilst
their young men continue their depredations, and the others will say they can-
not restrain them. A fair and well-supplied trade with them, a strict adherence
to treaties on our part, and a demand of the same on theirs, a fair purchase of
their lands when they choose to sell, a prohibition of all speculations upon
them, either in trade or buying their lands, and occasional presents in their
necessity, which they will consider as a bounty, and not view it in the light of
the other, as a stipulated price of peace with them, seem tome the true system.

" I hope we are to continue at peace with the nations of Europe, though
they shall be mad enough to continue their war. But if the papers retail the
truth, is it not strange that the Bermudian privateers should yet be capturing
American vessels ? " — December 30th.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 33

Notwithstanding you have passed your seventy-
third year, whilst you enjoy tolerable health, and
retain your faculties in the vigor they are, I wish, as
well on public as on private account, that length of
days may be added to those which you have already
numbered. A month from this day, if I should live
to see the completion of it, will place me on the wrong
(perhaps it would be better to say on the advanced)
side of my grand climacteric ; and, although I have
no cause to complain of the want of health, I can
religiously aver, that no man was ever more tired of
public life, or more devoutly wished for retirement
than I do.

I hope and believe, that the spirit of anarchy in
the western counties of this State, (to quell which
the force of the Union was called for,) is entirely
subdued ; and although, to effect it, the community
has been saddled with a considerable expense, yet I
trust no money could have been more advantageously
expended, both as it respects the internal peace and
welfare of this country, and the impression it will
make on others. The spirit with which the militia
turned out in support of the constitution and the
laws of our country, at the same time that it does
them immortal honor, is the most conclusive refu-
tation, that could have been given to the assertions
of Lord Sheffield,1 that, without the protection of

1 In his Observations on the Commerce of the American States. This tract
was published shortly after the peace at the end of the revolution, and within
two years it passed through six editions. Its object was to disparage the im-
portance of the English trade with the United States, and to prevent a com-
mercial treaty. It contained an elaborate array of details respecting the

American trade, stated and arranged in such a manner as to give the author's
3

34 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

Great Britain, we should be unable to govern our-
selves, and would soon be involved in confusion.
They will see, that republicanism is not the phantom
of a deluded imagination. On the contrary, that,
under no form of government, will laws be better
supported, liberty and property better secured, or
happiness be more effectually dispensed to mankind.

The successes of our army to the westward have
already been productive of good consequences. They
have dispelled a cloud, which lowered very heavily
in the northern hemisphere (the Six Nations) ; and,
though we have received no direct advices from
General Wayne since November, there is reason to
believe, that the Indians, with whom we are or were
at war in that quarter, together with their abettors,
begin to see things in a different point of view. But
what effect these favorable changes may have on the
southern Indians, it is not easy at this moment to
decide.

I accord fully in opinion with yourself, that the
plan of annual presents, in an abstract view, unac-
companied with other measures, is not the best mode
of treating ignorant savages, from whose hostile con-
duct we experience much distress ; but it is not to be
forgotten, that they in turn are not without serious
causes of complaint, from the encroachments which
are made on their lands by our people, who are not
to be restrained by any law now in being, or likely
to be enacted. They, poor wretches, have no press

reasoning a plausible aspect, and to produce a considerable influence on the
public mind, especially as his views accorded with the prevalent feeling in Eng-
land. Several pamphlets were written in reply to Lord Sheffield's Observations.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 35

through which their grievances are related ; and it is
well known, that, when one side only of a story is
heard and often repeated, the human mind becomes
impressed with it insensibly. The annual presents,
however, to which you allude, are not given so much
with a view to purchase peace, as by way of contri-
bution for injuries not otherwise to be redressed.
These people are very much irritated by the continual
pressure of land speculators and settlers on one hand,
and by the impositions of unauthorized and unprin-
cipled traders, who rob them, in a manner, of their
hunting, on the other. Nothing but the strong arm
of the Union, or, in other words, adequate laws can
correct these abuses. But here jealousies and preju-
dices, (from which I apprehend more fatal conse-
quences to this government, than from any other
source,) aided by local situations, and perhaps by
interested considerations, always oppose themselves
to efficient measures.

My communications to Congress, at the last and
present sessions, have proceeded upon ideas similar
to those expressed in your letter, namely, to make
fair treaties with the savage tribes, (by this I mean,
that they shall perfectly understand every article and
clause of them, from correct and repeated interpreta-
tions ;) that these treaties shall be held sacred, and
the infractors on either side punished exemplarily ;
and to furnish them plentifully with goods, under
wholesome regulations, without aiming at higher prices
than are adequate to cover the cost and charges. If
measures like these were adopted, we might hope to
live in peace and amity with these borderers ; but not

36 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

whilst our citizens, in violation of law and justice, are
guilty of the offences I have mentioned, and are
carrying on unauthorized expeditions against them ;
and when, for the most atrocious murders, even of
those of whom we have the least cause of complaint,
a jury on the frontiers can hardly be got to listen to
a charge, much less to convict a culprit.

The madness of the European powers, and the
calamitous situation into which all of them are thrown
by the present ruinous war, ought to be a serious
warning to us to avoid a similar catastrophe, so long
as we can with honor and justice to our national
character. What will be the result of Mr. Jay's
mission is more than I am able, at this moment, to
disclose. Charged as he has been with all matters in
dispute between the two countries, (not, as has been
insinuated in some of the gazettes, merely with that
of spoliation,) it may easily be conceived, that there
would be a large field of discussion. But upon what
principle (except that of piracy,) to account for the
conduct of the Bermudian privateers, at this stage of
the negotiation, is beyond my comprehension on any
fair ground of conjecture, as it must swell the bill.
With very great esteem and regard, I am, dear Sir, &c.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE FEDERAL DISTRICT.

Philadelphia, 28 January, 1795.

Gentlemen,

A plan for the establishment of an university in
the Federal City has frequently been the subject of
conversation ; but, in what manner it is proposed to

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 37

commence this important institution, on how ex-
tensive a scale, the means by which it is to be
effected, how it is to be supported, or what progress
is made in it, are matters altogether unknown to me.

It has always been a source of serious reflection
and sincere regret with me, that the youth of the
United States should be sent to foreign countries
for the purpose of education. Although there are
doubtless many, under these circumstances, who
escape the danger of contracting principles unfavor-
able to republican government, yet we ought to
deprecate the hazard attending ardent and sus-
ceptible minds, from being too strongly and too
early prepossessed in favor of other political systems,
before they are capable of appreciating their own.

For this reason I have greatly wished to see a plan
adopted, by which the arts, sciences, and belles-lettres
could be taught in their fullest extent, thereby em-
bracing all the advantages of European tuition, with
the means of acquiring the liberal knowledge, which
is necessary to qualify our citizens for the exigencies
of public as well as private life ; and (which with me
is a consideration of great magnitude) by assembling
the youth from the different parts of this rising
republic, contributing . from their intercourse and
interchange of information to the removal of preju-
dices, which might perhaps sometimes arise from
local circumstances.

The Federal City, from its centrality and the ad-
vantages, which in other respects it must have over
any other place in the United States, ought to be

38 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

preferred, as a proper site for such an university.
And if a plan can be adopted upon a scale as exten-
sive as I have described, and the execution of it should
commence under favorable auspices in a reasonable
time, with a fair prospect of success, I will grant in
perpetuity fifty shares in the navigation of Potomac
River towards the endowment of it.

What annuity will arise from these fifty shares,
when the navigation is in full operation, can at this
time be only conjectured ; and those, who are ac-
quainted with the nature of it, can form as good a
judgment as myself.

As the design of this university has assumed no
form with which I am acquainted, and as I am equally
ignorant who the persons are, that have taken or are
disposed to take the maturation of the plan upon
themselves, I have been at a loss to whom I should
make this communication of my intentions. If the
Commissioners of the Federal City have any particu-
lar agency in bringing the matter forward, then the
information, I now give to them, is in its proper
course. If, on the other hand, they have no more to
do in it than others, who may be desirous of seeing
so important a measure carried into effect, they will
be so good as to excuse my using them as the medi-
um for disclosing these intentions ; because it appears
necessary, that the funds for the establishment and
support of the institution should be known to the
promoters of it ; and I see no mode more eligible for
announcing my purpose. For these reasons, I give
you the trouble of this address, and the assurance of
being, Gentlemen, &c.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 39

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

Philadelphia, 2 February, 1795.

Dear Sir,

After so long an experience of your public services,
I am naturally led, at this moment of your departure
from office (which it has always been my wish to pre-
vent), to review them. In every relation, which you
have borne to me, I have found that my confidence
in your talents, exertions, and integrity has been well
placed. I the more freely render this testimony of
my approbation, because I speak from opportunities of
information, which cannot deceive me, and which fur-
nish satisfactory proof of your title to public regard.1

My most earnest wishes for your happiness will
attend you in your retirement, and you may assure
yourself of the sincere esteem, regard, and friendship
of, dear Sir, your affectionate, &c.

1 Mr. Hamilton resigned the office of Secretary of the Treasury on the 31st
of January. The following is his answer to the above letter :

"Philadelphia, February 3d, 1795. Sir: My particular acknowledgments
are due for your very kind letter of yesterday. As often as I may recall the
vexations I have endured, your approbation will be a great and precious con-
solation. It was not without a struggle, that I yielded to the very urgent
motives, which impelled me to relinquish a station, in which I could hope to
be in any degree instrumental in promoting the success of an administration
under your direction ; a struggle, which would have been far greater, had I
supposed that the prospect of future usefulness was proportioned to the
sacrifices to be made.

" Whatever may be my destination hereafter, I entreat you to be persuaded,
(not the less for my having been sparing in professions,) that I shall never
cease to render a just tribute to those eminent and excellent qualities, which
have been already productive of so many blessings to your country ; that you
will always have my fervent wishes for your public and personal felicity, and
that it will be my pride to cultivate a continuance of that esteem, regard, and
friendship, of which you do me the honor to assure me. With true respect
and affectionate attachment, I have the honor to be, &c."

Oliver Wolcott, Jr., was appointed as successor to Mr. Hamilton on the
3d of February.

4o THE WRITINGS OF [1795

TO ROBERT LEWIS.

Philad'a, 22 February, 1795.

Dear Sir :

Your letter of the 1 7th Ult. came duly to hand —
but the pressure of business in which I am always
involved whilst Congress are in session has pre-
vented my acknowledging the receipt of it at an
earlier date ; and now, I may not be so full as you
might wish ; but shall touch upon the several points
of your letter and in the order they stand there.

If the tenants are not punctual in the discharge of
their Rents, when they become due, destrain for
them without delay, or hesitation ; unless their disa-
bility to pay proceeds from some providential inter-
position, or from some other obvious cause which
entitles them to indulgence, for it may be depended
upon, if the failure proceeds from idleness, the man
who is unable to pay one rent, will never pay two,
willingly ; and generally, when it goes beyond that
the score is wiped out.

With respect to the Sheriffs, shew them no indul-
gence ; of all descriptions of men in this Country, I
think them ( tho' there may, and undoubtedly there
are exceptions ) the least entitled to favor ; I mean
to be understood as speaking of under sheriffs, and
those who farm the office, merely to grind the people
and get money into their hands, for speculative and
other purposes of their own, instead of rendering it
where due.

I shall expect the accounts of all the monies col-
lected, and of the arrearages as soon as you can

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 41

make it out, that I may know precisely how the
matter stands on this and on the replevy bonds.

Mrs. Haney1 should endeavor to do what she can
for herself — this is a duty incumbent on every one ;
but you must not let her suffer, as she has thrown
herself upon me ; your advances on this account will
be allowed always, at settlement ; and I agree readily
to furnish her with provisions and for the good char-
acter you give of her daughter make the latter a
present in my name of a handsome but not costly
gown, and other things which she may stand mostly
in need of. — You may charge me also with the worth
of your tenement on which she is placed, and where
perhaps it is better she should be, than at a great
distance from your attentions to her.

I have already given you my ideas with respect to
the purchasing of leases ; but to these I will add,
that if you can make advantageous bargains, conclude
them ; as far as you have means in your own hands
to carry them into effect. — Beyond this, make them
conditionally only leaving the ratification to me ; that
I may decide from the prospect I have of command-
ing money ; whether to carry them into execution or
not. In conducting this business, there are two
things which you should never loose sight of. The
first is, that the sum given to purchase in the lease,
is fixed and certain ; and the rent which can be had
for the tenement is often uncertain. To go upon

1 Elizabeth Haynie, who died 29 April 1796. I have not been able to trace
her relationship to Washington. A daughter, Sally Ball Haynie, is mentioned
in his will.

42 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

the supposition, therefore, that it will rent for this
or that sum, is fallacious ground unless there is un-
equivocal evidence on which to form an opinion.
The second thing is, that the rent, whatever it may
be, must be more than will afford 6 pr. ct. interest
for the sum advanced for the purchase, in addition
to the rent — first, because 6 pr. ct. is the legal interest
of the United States. — Secondly because any person
who has money to lend, and will adopt the usual
modes, may obtain much more ; and thirdly because
the rent which is received, and which I am entitled
to without any advance, is equivalent to a certain
principal — for instance, if I was to give an hundred
pounds for a lease, the rent of which was £6, if I
did not receive £12 rent, the deficiency would be
lost upon legal ground, because the land is equal to
£6, and the ^"ioo paid by way of purchase is equal
to ;£ioo more. But those who possess money, can
turn it (where they are disposed to do it) to more
profit than lending it at 6 pr. ct. — I have no inclina-
tion however to fall into those practices — therefore
after this explanation of my ideas, go on and pur-
chase as far as you have means, absolutely ; and
conditionally, afterwards, for the reasons given.

I had no conception that at this day my leases
were so full of lives as would appear from your
account of them ; I wish my confidence in placing
blank leases signed into the hands of Mr. Muse may
not have been abused. I have not to the best of my
recollection, sanctioned more than the rental for lives
of two leases — one to Mr. Aires ; and another to a

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 43

person who was formerly an overseer to my brother
John ; the rest were formed for a term of years
which must have expired. I am, &c.

TO JOSEPH CERACCHI.1

Philadelphia, 9 March, 1795.

Sir :

I am directed by the President of the United
States to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
the 7th inst., and that of the present date ; — and to
express to you his regret at your despair of bringing
your plan of a national monument to a fortunate issue.

Whether there are sufficient grounds for despair,
or whether more time may not be necessary to give
the subscription papers a fair trial, and to ascertain

1 Although signed by his secretary, this letter was one of Washington's, and
the draft is entirely in his writing. Joseph Ceracchi was a sculptor of some
pretensions, who, in 1795, sought the aid of Congress in the erection of a
monument to the American Revolution. Failing to secure the recognition of
that body, he was advised to attempt a popular subscription, and in June,
1796, prepared an elaborate circular descriptive of the intended work, with a
letter of recommendation signed by the President, the members of the Cabi-
net, and many leading members of both houses of Congress. — Historical Mag-
azine, 1859, 234. " Just as the circular address was about to be despatched,
it was put into his head that the scheme was merely to get rid of his importu-
nities, and being of the genus irritabile, he suddenly went off in anger and
disgust, leaving behind him heavy drafts on General Washington, Mr. Jeffer-
son, &c, &c, for the busts, &c, he had presented to them. His drafts were
not the effect of avarice, but of his wants, all his resources having been
exhausted in the tedious pursuit of his object. He was an enthusiastic wor-
shipper of Liberty and Fame ; and his whole soul was bent on securing the
latter by rearing a monument to the former, which he considered as personified
in the American Republic. Attempts were made to engage him for a statue
of General W., but he would not stoop to that." — Madison to St. George
Tucker, 30 April, 1830. Ceracchi was guillotined for a supposed connection
with an attempt on Bonaparte's life.

44 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

the result with more precision ; you can decide with
more accuracy than he, who has not taken and can-
not take, any active part in this business. He has
formed no Opinion thereon, much less is he enabled
to offer you any advice on this subject.

But as you hold out strong indications of decep-
tion, and complain of ill treatment without pointing
to the instances, he thinks it necessary that an ex-
planation should be had between you and himself ;
that no charges hereafter may lie at his door. — To
do this it requires nothing more than to draw your
attention to circumstances which cannot have escaped
your recollection.

Of your intention of coming to this Country orig-
inally, the President could have had no knowledge —
and you had been in the City some time before he
was informed of it.1 Whilst here your name was
frequently mentioned to him in very advantageous
terms. — He was told of a design you had projected
for the erection of a National Monument ; — that you
were preparing the Busts of particular characters in
this City ; and that you had expressed an earnest
desire to take his. This request being reiterated he,
with the reluctance which he has always felt on these
occasions, yielded his assent ; and accordingly sat for
you ; without having any other motive than to ac-
commodate your views, or without perceiving any
other object on your part, than a desire to take cop-
ies from it, if, thereafter, any advantages were likely
to result therefrom.

1 Ceracchi came to Philadelphia in 1791.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 45

What more (if any thing) might have passed be-
tween you and others, on this occasion he knows not ;
— and with respect to the public edifice, he does not
now recollect whether a memorial, which you had
prepared for congress, was ever presented ; or if
presented, what the reception of it was ; — much less
does he know of any specific encouragement that
could have induced you to return to this country in
expectation of prosecuting the plan.

As a public character he had no power to offer
any, because the means of accomplishment were to
flow from legislative authority ; and as a private man
he never could, or would have committed himself in
this affair further than as a Subscriber. — Thus much
relates to the first part of this transaction. — With
respect to the subsequent part, that is, your return
to this Country, and what has happened since ; the
President desires me to remark, that these are events
which were adopted without any consultation with
him or his knowledge, and he heard thro' a variety
of channels of the model of the proposed monument,
the likenesses of the Busts, &c, &c. — before the
pressure of business in which he was engaged, would
permit him to see them ; — or to comply with a second
request that he would set for some alteration in the
Bust which was intended for himself, and with which
he complied, on the same principle which had pro-
duced the first sitting ; — always conceiving it was for
purposes of your own it was wanted, untill hints were
given that it was designed to be presented to Mrs.
Washington. Then for the first time he knew, [he]

46 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

declared, that he could not, and would not accept it
as a present.

The preceeding facts are necessary to acquit the
President of having had any agency in your decep-
tion (if you have been deceived,) or of involving you
in a situation which seems to have become irksome
and inconvenient. What follows will shew the ground
on which he declines to discharge the account which
is inclosed in your letter of the 7th before mentioned.

You cannot have forgot, Sir, that when you sent
the busts of Bacchus and Ariadne to the President in
1792, and requested his acceptance of them, that they
were refused, and returned to you. — Upon which with
earnestness (being on the point of your departure and
not knowing what to do with them) you requested
that they might be permitted to remain in his house.
— To this he assented. — And supposing the object
was that they might be exhibited as specimens of your
abilities, as a sculptor, he had temporary pedestals
made for them to stand on ; — and always announced
them as your workmanship and your property.

On Monday next they will be sent to you ; — this
would have been done to-day, but company will
occupy the servants and prevent their being taken

down. — The Bust intended for the P. is also at

your disposal. — Or if you incline to receive for it the
highest value that the best artist, or the most skilful
connoiseurs in the city will say is the intrinsic worth,
he will, notwithstanding this true recital of the case,
pay the amount : although it is just to observe, and
it may well be supposed he would have been desirous

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 47

of knowing the cost, and consulting his own inclina-
tion and convenience, before it was undertaken, if he
had not conceived that it was intended for your own
use, and not for his. —

He desires me to add, that it is with real concern
he finds the abilities of our infant republic, will not
afford employment for a person of your talents. The
cause probably is that the United States are just
emerging from the difficulties and expenses of a long
and bloody war — and cannot spare money for those
gratifications and ornamental figures, — as in the
wealthy countries of Europe. — He is sorry also that
you should quit them under any embarrassments or
with discontent. — For myself, I am, &c,

B. Dandridge.

TO CHARLES CARTER.

Philadelphia, 10 March, 1795.

Dear Sir,

Your favor of the 23d ulto. came duly to hand. — I
wish, sincerely it was in my power to comply with
your request in behalf of your son, but it really is not,
to the extent of it.

My friends entertain a very erroneous idea of my
pecuniary resources, when they set me down for a
money lender, or one who (now) has a command of
it. You may believe me when I assert that the bonds
which were due to me before the Revolution, were
discharged during the progress of it— with a few ex-
ceptions in depreciated paper (in some instances as
low as a shilling in the pound.) That such has been

48 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

the management of my Estate, for many years past,
especially since my absence from home, now six years,
as scarcely to support itself. That my public allow-
ance (whatever the world may think of it) is inade-
quate to the expence of living in this City ; to such
an extravagant height has the necessaries as well as
the conveniences of life arisen.— And, moreover that
to keep myself out of debt ; I have found it expedient
now and then to sell Lands, or something else to
effect this purpose.

These are facts I have no inclination to publish to
the World, nor should I have disclosed them on this
occasion, had it not been due to friendship, to give
you some explanation of my inability to comply with
your request. If, however by joining with nine others,
the sum required can be obtained — notwithstanding
my being under these circumstances — and notwith-
standing the money will be to be withdrawn from an-
other purpose — I will contribute one hundred pounds
towards the accommodation of your son's wants,
without any view to the receipt of interest therefrom.

With very great esteem and regard, I am, &c.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON,
■r^ ~ Philadelphia, 15 March, 1795.

Dear Sir,

I received your letter of the 23d ultimo1; but not
at so early a period as might have been expected
from the date of it. My mind has always been more

1 Respecting a plan of several professors of Geneva for migrating to the
United States.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 49

disposed to apply the shares in the inland navigation
of Potomac and James Rivers, which were left to my
disposal by the legislature of Virginia, towards the
endowment of an university in the United States,
than to any other object it had contemplated. In
pursuance of this idea, and understanding that other
means are in embryo for establishing so useful a
seminary in the Federal City, I did, on the 28th of
January last, announce to the commissioners thereof
my intention of vesting in perpetuity the fifty shares
I hold under that act in the navigation of Potomac,
as an additional mean of carrying the plan into effect,
provided it should be adopted upon a scale so liberal
as to extend to and embrace a complete system of
education.

I had little hesitation in giving the Federal City a
preference of all other places for the institution, for
the following reasons. 1st, on account of its being
the permanent seat of the government of this Union,
and where the laws and policy of it must be better
understood than in any local part thereof. 2d, because
of its centrality. 3d, because one half (or near it) of
the District of Columbia is within the Commonwealth
of Virginia, and the whole of the State not inconven-
ient thereto. 4th, because, as a part of the endow-
ment, it would be useful, but alone would be inadequate
to the end. 5th, because many advantages, I con-
ceive, would result from the jurisdiction, which the
general government will have over it, which no other
spot would possess. And, lastly, as this seminary is
contemplated for the completion of education and

50 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

study of the sciences, (not for boys in their rudi-
ments,) it will afford the students an opportunity of
attending the debates in Congress, and thereby be-
coming more liberally and better acquainted with the
principles of law and government.

My judgment and my wishes point equally strong
to the application of the James River shares to the
same object at the same place ; but, considering the
source from whence they were derived, I have, in a
letter I am writing to the executive of Virginia on
this subject, left the application of them to a seminary
within the State, to be located by the legislature.

Hence you will perceive, that I have in a degree
anticipated your proposition. I was restrained from
going the whole length of the suggestion by the
following considerations. 1st, I did not know to what
extent or when any plan would be so matured for the
establishment of an university, as would enable any
assurances to be given to the application of M.
D'lvernois. 2d, the propriety of transplanting the
professors in a body might be questioned for several
reasons ; among others, because they might not be
all good characters, nor all sufficiently acquainted
with our language. And again, having been at
variance with the levelling party of their own coun-
try, the measure might be considered as an aristo-
cratical movement by more than those, who, without
any just cause that I can discover, are continually
sounding the bell of aristocracy. And, 3d, because
it might preclude some of the first professors in other
countries from a participation, among whom some of

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 51

the most celebrated characters in Scotland, in this
line, might be obtained.

Something, but of what nature I am unable to
inform you, has been written by Mr. Adams to M.
D'lvernois. Never having viewed my intended dona-
tion as more than a part of the means, that were to
set this establishment afloat, I did not incline to go
too far in the encouragement of professors, before
the plan should assume a more formal shape, much
less to induce an entire college to migrate. The
enclosed is the answer I have received from the com-
missioners ; from which, and the ideas I have here
expressed, you will be enabled to decide on the best
communication to be made to M. D'lvernois.

My letter to the commissioners has bound me to
the fulfilment of what is therein engaged ; and if the
legislature of Virginia, in considering the subject,
should view it in the same light I do, the James
River shares will be added thereto ; for I think one
good institution of this sort is to be preferred to two
imperfect ones, which, without other aid than the
shares in both navigations, is more likely to fall through,
than to succeed upon the plan I contemplate ; which,
in a few words, is to supersede the necessity of send-
ing the youth of this country abroad for the purpose
of education, (where too often principles and habits
unfriendly to republican government are imbibed, and
not easily discarded,) by instituting such an one of
our own, as will answer the end, and associating them
in the same seminary, will contribute to wear off those
prejudices and unreasonable jealousies, which prevent

52 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

or weaken friendships and impair the harmony of the
Union. With very great esteem, I am, &c.

P. S. Mr. Adams laid before me the communica-
tions of M. D'lvernois ; but I said nothing to him of
my intended donation towards the establishment of
an university in the Federal District. My wishes
would be to fix this on the Virginia side of the
Potomac River ; but this would not embrace or
accord with those other means, which are proposed
for the establishment.

TO ROBERT BROOKE, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.

Philadelphia, 16 March, 1795.

Sir,

Ever since the General Assembly of Virginia were
pleased to submit to my disposal fifty shares in the
Potomac, and one hundred in the James River Com-
pany, it has been my anxious desire to appropriate
them to an object most worthy of public regard.

It is with indescribable regret, that I have seen
the youth of the United States migrating to foreign
countries, in order to acquire the higher branches of
erudition, and to obtain a knowledge of the sciences.
Although it would be injustice to many to pronounce
the certainty of their imbibing maxims not congenial
with republicanism, it must nevertheless be admitted,
that a serious danger is encountered by sending
abroad among other political systems those, who
have not well learned the value of their own.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 53

The time is therefore come, when a plan of univer-
sal education ought to be adopted in the United
States. Not only do the exigencies of public and
private life demand it, but, if it should ever be appre-
hended, that prejudice would be entertained in one
part of the Union against another, an efficacious
remedy will be, to assemble the youth of every part
under such circumstances as will, by the freedom of
intercourse and collision of sentiment, give to their
minds the direction of truth, philanthropy, and mu-
tual conciliation.

It has been represented, that a university corre-
sponding with these ideas is contemplated to be built
in the Federal City, and that it will receive considera-
ble endowments. This position is so eligible from its
centrality, so convenient to Virginia, by whose legis-
lature the shares were granted and in which part of
the Federal District stands, and combines so many
other conveniences, that I have determined to vest
the Potomac shares in that university.

Presuming it to be more agreeable to the General
Assembly of Virginia, that the shares in the James
River Company should be reserved for a similar ob-
ject in some part of that State, I intend to allot them
for a seminary to be erected at such place as they
shall deem most proper. I am disposed to believe,
that a seminary of learning upon an enlarged plan,
but yet not coming up to the full idea of an univer-
sity, is an institution to be preferred for the position
which is to be chosen. The students who wish to
pursue the whole range of science, may pass with

54 THE WRITINGS OF [I795

advantage from the seminary to the university, and
the former by a due relation may be rendered co-
operative with the latter.

I cannot however dissemble my opinion, that if all
the shares were conferred on an university, it would
become far more important, than when they are
divided ; and I have been constrained from concen-
tring them in the same place, merely by my anxiety
to reconcile a particular attention to Virginia with a
great good, in which she will abundantly share in
common with the rest of the United States.

I must beg the favor of your Excellency to lay this
letter before that honorable body, at their next ses-
sion, in order that I may appropriate the James
River shares to the place which they may prefer.
They will at the same time again accept my acknowl-
edgments for the opportunity, with which they have
favored me, of attempting to supply so important a
desideratum in the United States as an university
adequate to our necessity, and a preparatory semi-
nary. With great consideration and respect, I am,
Sir, &C.1

I This letter was accordingly communicated by the Governor of Virginia to
the Assembly at their next session, when the following resolves were passed : —

" In the House of Delegates, I December, 1795.

II Whereas the migration of American youth to foreign countries, for the
completion of their education, exposes them to the danger of imbibing politi-
cal prejudices disadvantageous to their own republican forms of government,
and ought therefore to be rendered unnecessary and avoided ;

" Resolved, that the plan contemplated of erecting a university in the Federal
City, where the youth of the several States may be assembled, and their course
of education finished, deserves the countenance and support of each State.

" And whereas, when the General Assembly presented sundry shares in the

1 795 J GEORGE WASHINGTON. 55

TO MAJOR-GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN.

Philadelphia, 27 March, 1795.

Dear Sir,

The interest which you have taken in the safety of
John Mitchell, as expressed in your letter of the 19th
of January last, would be an inducement to me to go
as far, in relieving him, as public propriety will ad-
mit. But, the attorney-general having made a re-
port, of which the enclosed is a copy, I think it
advisable to postpone the further consideration until
his trial shall have taken place.

It has afforded me great pleasure to learn, that the
general conduct and character of the army have been
temperate and indulgent, and that your attention to
the quiet and comfort of the western inhabitants has
been well received by them. Still it may be proper
constantly and strongly to impress upon the army,
that they are mere agents of civil power ; that, out
of camp, they have no other authority than other
citizens ; that offences against the laws are to be ex-

James River and Potomac Companies to George Washington, as a small token
of their gratitude for the great, eminent, and unrivalled services he had
rendered to this commonwealth, to the United States, and the world at large,
in support of the principles of liberty and equal government, it was their wish
and desire that he should appropriate them as he might think best ; and
whereas, the present General Assembly retain the same high sense of his virtues,
wisdom, and patriotism ;

"Resolved, therefore, that the appropriation by the said George Washington
of the aforesaid shares in the Potomac Company to the university, intended to
be erected in the Federal City, is made in a manner most worthy of public
regard, and of the approbation of this commonwealth.

" Resolved, also, that he be requested to appropriate the aforesaid shares in
the James River Company to a seminary at such place in the upper country,
as he may deem most convenient to a majority of the inhabitants thereof."

56 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

amined, not by a military officer, but by a magistrate ;
that they are not exempt from arrests and indict-
ments for violations of the laws ; that officers ought
to be careful not to give orders, which may lead the
agents into infractions of law ; that no compulsion
be used towards the inhabitants in the traffic carried
on between them and the army ; that disputes be
avoided, as much as possible, and be adjusted as
quickly as may be, without urging them to an ex-
treme ; and that the whole country is not to be con-
sidered as within the limits of the camp.

I do not communicate these things to you for any
other purpose, than that you may weigh them, and,
without referring to any instructions from me, adopt
the measures necessary for accomplishing the fore-
going objects. With great regard and esteem, I am,
dear Sir, &c.

TO ALEXANDER WHITE.
[private.]

Philadelphia, 17th May, 1795.

Dear Sir :

Your letter of the nth inst. came to hand by the
post of yesterday.

With pleasure I received your acceptance of the
office of Commissioner of the Federal City. The
commission will be forwarded to you from the de-
partment of State, and the sooner you can enter
upon the duties of the trust, the more convenient
and agreeable it will be.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 57

With the candor which I am sure will be agreeable
to you, I shall intimate (for reasons which I shall not
at this time enumerate, but which will appear evident
after you have been there a while) that a residence in
the City, if a house is to be had, will be more pro-
motive of its welfare, than your abode in George
Town. — I shall add, that the motives which induced
a fixed salary (which the first commissioner did not
receive) were, that they should reside on the spot ; —
that they were not only to plan and regulate the
affairs of the City, — but to look to the execution of
them also ; to accomplish which with the greatest
ease to themselves, and best advantage to the public ;
I presumed that after measures were decided on by
the board they would have been so arranged as that
each member would have attended to the execution
of a particular part ; or if found more convenient,
that in rotation each would have superintended the
whole. — I could not perceive however when in the
City last, (the only time since the change in the
Board) that any such arrangement had been adopted.
— In short, the only difference I could perceive be-
tween the proceedings of the old and the new Com-
missioners resulted from the following comparison. —
The old met not oftener than once a month, except
on particular occasions ; the new meet once or twice
a week. — In the interval the old resided at their
houses in the Country ; the new resided at their
houses in George Town. The old had too much of
the business done by daily wages, and were obliged
to trust to Overseers and Superintendants to look to

58 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

the execution ; the new have gone more into the
execution of it by contracts, and piece work, but rely
equally, I fear, on others to see to the performance.
These changes (tho' for the better) by no means
apply a radical cure to the evils that were com-
plained of ; nor will they justify the difference of
compensation from six dollars per diem for every
day's attendance in the City and sixteen hundred
per annum.

My time will not permit me to go more into detail
on this subject ; — nor is it necessary ; your own good
judgment will supply all, and more than I could
add.—

The year 1800 will be soon upon us ; The neces-
sity therefore of hurrying on the public buildings, and
other works of a public nature, and executing of them
with economy ; the propriety of preventing idleness
in those who have day or monthly wages, and imposi-
tion by others, who work by measure — by the piece,
or by contract — and seeing that all contracts are ful-
filled with good faith, are too obvious to be dwelt on,
— and are not less important than to form plans, and
establish rules, for conducting, and bringing to a
speedy and happy conclusion this great and arduous
business.1 I am, &c.

1 Alexander White was appointed to succeed Daniel Carroll. While seeking
a man for the office Washington wrote to William Deakins : " That the duties
of a commissioner of the Federal City would have been discharged with ability
and fidelity by the gentleman whose name you have mentioned to me, I can-
not harbor a doubt ; but the An[ge]l Gab[rie]l, in his situation, would have
been charged with partiality. From a thorough conviction of this, I have
never turned my attention to a character who, at the time of his appointment,
was a resident either in George Town, or the Federal City."

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 59

TO SECRETARIES OF STATE, TREASURY, AND WAR, AND
THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL.1

Q Philadelphia, 29 June, 1795.

I enclose to you a copy of the resolution of the Senate, advis-
ing that the late treaty with Great Britain be ratified. Upon this
resolution two questions arise.

First, is or is not that resolution intended to be the final act of
the Senate ; or do they expect, that the new article which is pro-
posed shall be submitted to them before the treaty takes effect ?

1 Jay had closed his English mission by signing a treaty on 19 November, 1794.
Of the objects of that mission, but one was secured — that of a surrender of the
western posts; and even this was not to be until June, 1796. The treaty
instead of recognizing the maxim "free ships make free goods," agreed that
French goods in American vessels should be liable to seizure by Great Britain
— in direct contravention of the treaty with France. It also extended the list
of contraband ; the right of impressment was not surrendered by Great
Britain ; and finally what concessions were obtained in the trade with the
British West Indies were neutralized, and in some cases made oppressive, by
subsequent events. The full text may be found in American State Papers,
Foreign Relations, i., 520. The treaty was long on its passage, for it was not
received by the President till 7 March, 1795, a few days after the adjournment
of Congress. Washington summoned the Senate to convene on Monday, the
8th of June, and on that day laid before it the treaty and accompanying
documents. The French Minister, Fauchet, then awaiting his successor, wrote
to Randolph, asking that the Senate should not vote on the treaty until Adet
should arrive and make known his instructions (June 8th). Such a delay could
hardly have been made by the President with propriety ; and the Senate
entered into a consideration of the treaty, while Adet, who arrived on the 13th,
amused the Executive by a promise of certain French acts relative to commerce
with the United States, a promise that was not fulfilled when the Senate rose
on June 26th.

The proceedings of the Senate was held behind closed doors, but this did
not prevent an agitation, chiefly hostile to the document, from being carried on
in the newspapers and in public meetings. In the Senate, Aaron Burr wished
a further negotiation with Great Britain, while Henry Tazewell moved that the
President be advised not to sign. Compensation for negroes and other property
carried away during the war was also urged, but all opposition was voted down,
and on the 24th of June, by a vote of twenty to ten, the Senate advised and con-
sented to its conditional ratification. "An insuperable objection existed to
an article regulating the intercourse with the British West Indies, founded on
a fact which is understood to have been unknown to Mr. Jay. The intention

60 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

Secondly, does or does not the constitution permit the Presi-
dent to ratify the treaty, without submitting the new article, after
it shall be agreed to by the British King, to the Senate for their
further advice and consent?

I wish you to consider this subject as soon as possible, and
transmit to me your opinion in writing, that I may without delay
take some definitive step upon the treaty. I am, &c.x

of the contracting parties was to admit the direct intercourse between the
United States and those Islands, but not to permit the productions of the
latter to be carried to Europe in the vessels of the former. To give effect to
this intention, the exportation from the United States of those articles, which
were the principal productions of the Islands, was to be relinquished. Among
these was cotton. This article, which a few years before was scarcely raised
in sufficient quantity for domestic consumption, was becoming one of the rich-
est staples of the southern States. The Senate, being informed of this fact,
advised and consented that the treaty should be ratified on condition that an
article be added thereto, suspending that part of the twelfth article which
relates to the intercourse with the West Indies." — Chief -Justice Marshall.

The Senate had agreed to keep the treaty a secret ; but a few days after its
rising, a sketch of the document appeared in the Aurora, and led Senator
Stevens Thomson Mason, a strong opponent of the treaty, to send to that
paper his copy, and on July 1st it was issued by Bache in a pamphlet.

In the meantime 4< the English papers contained an account, which, though
not official, was deemed worthy of credit, that the order of the 8th of June,
1793, for the seizure of provisions going to French ports, was renewed. In
the apprehension, that this order might be construed and intended as a practi-
cal construction of that article in the treaty, which seemed to favor the idea,
that provisions, though not generally contraband, might occasionally become
so, a construction in which he had determined not to acquiesce, the President
thought it wise to reconsider his decision. Of the result of this reconsidera-
tion there is no conclusive testimony. A strong memorial against this objec-
tionable order was directed ; and the propositions to withhold the ratifications
of the treaty until the order should be repealed, to make the exchange of
ratifications dependent upon that event, and to adhere to his original purpose
of pursuing the advice of the Senate, connecting with that measure the mem-
orial which had been mentioned, as an act explanatory of the sense in which
his ratification was made, were severally reviewed by him. In conformity with
his practice of withholding his opinion on controverted points, until it should
become necessary to decide them, he suspended his determination on these
propositions until the memorial should be prepared and laid before him." —
Marshall 's Life of Washington, 2d edition, vol. ii., p. 361.

1 " On Monday the 8th of June," says Chief-Justice Marshall, " the Senate,
in conformity with the summons of the President, convened in the Senate-

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 61

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
[PRIVATE AND PERFECTLY CONFIDENTIAL.]

Philadelphia, 3 July, 1795.

My dear Sir,

The treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation,
which has lately been before the Senate, has, as you
will perceive, made its public entry into the Gazettes
of this City. — Of course the merits, and demerits of
it will (especially in its unfinished state), be freely
discussed.

It is not the opinion of those who were determined
(before it was promulgated) to support or oppose it,
that I am sollicitous to obtain ; for these I well know
rarely do more than examine the side to which they
lean ; without giving the reverse the consideration it
deserves ; — possibly without a wish to be apprised of
the reasons on which the objections are founded. —
My desire is to learn from dispassionate men, who
have a knowledge of the subject, and abilities to
judge of it, the genuine opinion they entertain of
each article of the instrument ; and the result of it in
the aggregate. In a word, placed on the footing the
matter now stands, it is, more than ever, an incum-
bent duty on me to do what propriety, and the true
interest of this country shall appear to require at my
hands, on so important a subject, under such delicate
circumstances.

chamber, and the treaty, with the documents connected with it, were submitted
to their consideration.

" On the 24th of June, after a minute and laborious investigation, the Senate,
by precisely a constitutional majority, advised and consented to its conditional
ratification."

62 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

You will be at no loss to perceive from what I
have already said, that my wishes are to have the
favorable and unfavorable side of each article stated
and compared together ; that I may see the bearing
and tendency of them ; — and ultimately, on which
side the balance is to be found.

This treaty has, I am sensible, many relations,
which, in deciding thereon ought to be attended to ;
— some of them too are of an important nature. — I
know also, that to judge with precision of its com-
mercial arrangements, there ought likewise to be an
intimate acquaintance with the various branches of
commerce between this country and Great Britain as
it now stands ; — as it will be placed by the treaty, —
and as it may affect our present, or restrain our
future treaties with other nations. — All these things
I am persuaded you have given as much attention to
as most men ; and I believe that your late employ-
ment under the General government afforded you
more opportunities of deriving knowledge therein,
than most of them who have not studied and prac-
ticed it scientifically, upon a large and comprehensive
scale.

I do not know how you may be occupied at pres-
ent ; — or how incompatible this request of mine may
be to the business you have in hand. All I can say
is, that however desirous I may be of availing
myself of your sentiments on the points I have
enumerated, and such others as are involved in the
treaty, and the resolution of the Senate ; (both
of which I send you, lest they should not be at

i795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 63

hand) it is not my intention to interrupt you in that
business ; or, if you are disinclined to go into the in-
vestigation I have requested, to press the matter
upon you : for of this you may be assured, that with
the most unfeigned regard — and with every good
wish for your health and prosperity

I am, Your Affectc. friend &c

P. S. — Admitting that his B: Majesty will consent
to the suspension of the 12th Article of the treaty, is
it necessary that the treaty should again go to the
Senate? or is the President authorized by the reso-
lution of that body to ratify it without.1

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

[private.]

Philadelphia, 13th July, 1795.

My dear Sir,

I have, in the regular course of the Posts, been
duly favoured with your letters of the 9th, accompa-
nying your observations on the several articles of the
treaty, with Great Britain, — and of the 10th supple-
mentary thereto. —

For both, I offer you my sincere thanks, as they
have afforded me great satisfaction. Altho' it was
my wish that your observations on each article
should be diffusive, yet I am really ashamed when I
behold the trouble it has given you, to explore and to
explain so fully as you have done, the whole of them.

1 Hamilton's reply is printed in his Writings (Lodge's edition), iv., 322. It
was not, however, a " cabinet paper," as Mr. Lodge describes it.

64 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

The most obnoxious article (the 12th) being sus-
pended by the Senate, there is no occasion to express
any sentiment thereon. — I wish, however, it had ap-
peared in a different form. — And altho' it is but fair
to presume that, no further advantage could have
been obtained in the 3d article, yet the exclusion of
the vessels belonging to the United States from all
the " Seaports, Harbours, Bays, or Creeks of His
Majesty," when theirs are admitted into all ours, to
the highest Ports of entry, is not marked with reci-
procity.— It may be urged and truly, that under the
existing regulations of the B. government, we are
not, at this time, allowed those privileges ; except
when they are made to subserve their own purposes :
whilst from Quebec (but how we are to get there I
know not,) and upwards, — the lakes, and the waters
on their side of the line, are open to our commerce,
and that we have equal advantages in the Indian
trade on both sides ; except within the limits of the
Hudson's bay company.

All this looks very well on paper ; but I much
question whether in its operation it will not be found
to work very much against us.

1 st. What are the limits of that company? — are
they so defined, and so clearly understood, as that
our traders when they are in the Wilderness can with
precision say, thus far I may of right go, without let
or hindrance ?

2nd. Admitting the fact, will they not, having pos-
session of the trade, and the Indians being in their
interest, by every artifice of their traders, prevent

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 65

ours from extending themselves into the country —
sharing in the profit, and thereby bringing on dis-
putes which may terminate seriously. —

3d. Does not the hitherto (I might add present)
improper interference of the British, within our terri-
tory, and the sollicitude that that government has
manifested upon all occasions to get a footing on the
Mississippi ; and on the waters and carrying places
leading thereto, evince, in a most unequivocal man-
ner, that disputes may be expected to arise within
our territory as well as their own, from the attempts
of their Traders to monopolize the trade ; and from
the overbearing support, or underhand countenance,
they will give, not only in what is right, but in what
is convenient, to its views also. —

My opinion of this article therefore is, that it
would have been more for our peace, if not for our
interest, to have restrained the traders of both na-
tions to their own side of the line, leaving the
Indians on each, to go to whichsoever their interest,
convenience, or inclination, might prompt them.
This would have thwarted the views of the British
on the Mississippi, whilst all the doors into upper
Canada, and the Western Country would have been
as wide open then, as they are now made by the
treaty ; — and no difficulty I am persuaded would
have been found by our people, of introducing goods
across the line, after they had got them to it, and the
Posts possessed by us, if this avenue should be found
the most convenient and cheapest.

I wish too the 2nd article had been more defi-

66 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

nite with respect to the terms " Precincts or Jurisdic-
tion."— Except that the shortness of its duration for
operation may afford a remedy, I should expect
many disputes would arise therefrom.

I asked, or intended to ask in my letter of the 3d
whether you conceived (admitting the suspension of
the 1 2th Article should be agreed to by the B. gov-
ernment) there would be a necessity for the treaty
going before the Senate again for their advice and
consent ? This question takes its birth from a
declaration of the minority of that body, to that

effect.

With much truth and sincerity

I am always your affectionate &c
P. S. I was almost in the act of sending the en-
closed letter to the Post Office when your favor of
the 1 ith was put into my hands.

Query — Whether the passage, which you have
quoted from the 15th article in your letter of the
above date does not mean that no prohibition shall
be imposed on the exportation or importation of any
articles to or from the U. S. which shall not be also
imposed on the like exportation or importation to or
from other foreign nations ? That is : — that the
U. S. shall be under no other disability, than any
other foreign nations. — If so, there would seem to be
no privilege granted, but only an engagement, that
other nations shall not be rivals to the U. S. by being
freed from the prohibition. — For example — Your idea
is, that whatever of its own produce Spain may carry
from their territory ; that is, they may re-export to

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 67

England Spanish produce. — I wish this could be
made clear ; for I readily see the advantage of it in
one sense ; tho' I am not sure that we can bring any
Country, except the East Indies, into our own, the
produce of it, and reexport it to England so as to
make a profit from this circuitous voyage.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

Philadelphia, 14 July, 1795.

My dear Sir,

I received your favor of yesterday, this moment,
when I am on the eve of a journey to Virginia.1

The opinion which you have given as to its being
necessary to submit the new article to the Senate,
being in direct opposition to that of the Secretaries
and the Attorney-general, has occasioned some em-
barrassment with me. — For I always understood it to
be the sense of the majority of the Senate, that they
were not to pass their judgment upon the new article
further than they have done. — But as I shall be ab-
sent, and Mr. Randolph has before him the bringing
of this business to a close ; I wish you to write to
him your ideas, if upon mature reflection you shall
think differently from the gentlemen around me ; or
you find the sense of the Senate to be different from
what I have been led to expect. — I have told Mr.
Randolph that your sentiments do not agree with
those which I received from the Officers of govern-
ment ; and have desired him to revise them. —

1 He set out for Mt. Vernon on the next day.

68 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

I have also told him that I have requested the favor
of you to write to him on this subject.

Very affectionately &c.

P. S. Notwithstanding one great object of my
visit to Mount Vernon, is relaxation ; yet, to hear
from you, the sentimts. entertained of the treaty —
and in short on any other interesting subject, with
which the public mind is occupied would be a consid-
erable gratification. — The state of our pecuniary
matters in Holland, at this time, is a bar to Mr.
Adams's leaving that country — but the next best step

will be adopted. —

Yours as before.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Mount Vernon, 22 July, 1795.

Dear Sir,

Both your letters, dated the 17th instant, found
me at this place, where I arrived on Monday. The
letter from the commissioners to you, I return, as I
also do the gazettes of Pittsburg and Boston. The
proceedings at the latter place are of a very unpleas-
ant nature. The result I forwarded to you from
Baltimore, accompanied with a few hasty lines, writ-
ten at the moment I was departing from thence ;
with a request that it might be considered by the
confidential officers of government, and returned to
me with an answer thereto, if an answer should be
deemed advisable.1

1 He had written : " The application is of an unusual and disagreeable
nature, and moreover is intended, I have no doubt, to place me in an embar-
rassed situation, from whence an advantage may be taken."

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 69

In my hurry, I did not signify the propriety of
letting those gentlemen know fully my determination
with respect to the ratification of the treaty, and the
train it was in ; but as this was necessary, in order to
enable them to form their opinions on the subject
submitted, I take it for granted that both were com-
municated to them by you as a matter of course.
The first, that is, the conditional ratification (if the
late order, which we have heard of, respecting provi-
sion vessels, is not in operation,) may, on all fit occa-
sions, be spoken of as my determination, unless from
any thing you have heard or met with since I left you,
it should be thought more advisable to communicate
further with me on the subject. My opinion respect-
ing the treaty is the same now that it was, namely, not
favorable to it, but that it is better to ratify it in the
manner the Senate have advised, and with the reser-
vation already mentioned, than to suffer matters to
remain as they are, unsettled. Little has been said
to me on the subject of this treaty along the road I
passed, and I have seen no one since, from whom I
could hear much concerning it ; but, from indirect dis-
courses, I find endeavors are not wanting to place it
in all the odious points of view, of which it is suscepti-
ble, and in some, which.it will not admit. * * *

As you have discovered your mistake, with respect
to the dates of the French decrees, I shall add
nothing on that, nor on any other subject at this
time, further than a desire to know if you have heard
any thing more from M. Adet on the treaty with
Great Britain ; and whether Mr. Jaudenes has replied

70 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

to your letter to him on the score of his inconsistency.
I am, &C.1

P. S. A Solomon is not necessary to interpret the
design of the oration of Mr. Brackenridge.

I A few days previous to the date of the above letter, a conversation had
taken place between M. Adet and the Secretary of State, which was reported
by the latter to the President as follows :

" M. Adet came to the office and told me, that he had come to express to
me in an amiable manner the uneasiness, which the treaty with Great Britain
had excited in him. Professing not to have seen it, I promised him a copy,,
and that day delivered it to him. He stated some days afterwards in writing three
objections. I. That we had granted to Great Britain liberty to seize our naval
stores going to France ; while France, by her commercial treaty with the
United States, could not seize naval stores of the United States going to Eng-
land. 2. That Engish privateers may find an asylum in our ports, even
during the present war with France. 3. That France could not open a new
negotiation with us, as we were prevented from departing, in a new treaty,
from this stipulation in favor of British privateers ; and France would not give
up her prior right.

M In answer to the first objection, I have written to him, that contraband
is left unchanged, where it stands by the law of nations ; that the working of
our treaty with France is reciprocal, inasmuch as if we were at war with Eng-
land, France would be just where we are now ; and that this working of our
treaty was plainly foreseen, when it was made. Still I tell him, that, upon
the principles of hardship, or injury to a friend, it shall be a subject of our
new negotiation ; shall not wait for the general treaty ; and I doubt not that
some modification may be devised.

II In answer to the second, I have written to him, that English privateers
will not be admitted into our ports, during this or any other war with France ;
that our stipulation is exactly the same with that in the treaty of France with
England in 1786 ; that the French treaty is protected from infraction by a
positive clause in the treaty with Great Britain, and that it never shall be
violated.

" In answer to the third objection, I have written to him, that we would not
ask him to renounce the advantages given to French privateers, in exclusion of
the enemies of France ; and that the old treaty might be continued in force
respecting this particular, so as still to give this right a priority to the like
right, stipulated by the treaty with Great Britain.

"In the last paragraph of my letter I desire, that, if any embarrassment
still hangs upon these points, he may afford me an opportunity of meeting
them, before his communications are despatched to the Committee of Public
Safety. While I was transcribing my letter, he came to see me ; and I read

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 71

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Mount Vernon, 24 July, 1795.

Dear Sir,

My letter from Baltimore, and the one written by
Friday's post, dated the 2 2d instant, renders it in a
manner unnecessary for me to add more on the score
of the treaty with Great Britain, or on the movements
which are taking place thereupon in different parts,
than to inform you, that, if circumstances should make
it more eligible for me to repair to Philadelphia, than
for you to come to this place, I can set out as well on
a day's as a month's notice for the seat of government ;
where, if matters are peculiarly embarrassed, I should
be on the theatre of information, with documents and
other aids about me, that could not be had here.

I have not, as I mentioned to you in my last, heard
much respecting the treaty since I left Philadelphia.
At Baltimore I remained no longer than to breakfast.
In Georgetown my whole time was spent on business
with the commissioners ; and in Alexandria I did not
stop. Yet the same leaven, that fermented a part of
the town of Boston, is at work, I am informed, in
other places ; but whether it will produce the same
fruit remains to be decided.

to him the observations on the last point. He exclaimed that they were very
good, very good ; and, I inferred, satisfactory. I met him at the President's
some time afterwards, and asked him if he had received my letter. He said,
' Yes.' I told him that I hoped I had placed the subject upon a satisfactory
footing. He expressed a degree of satisfaction ; but not so pointed, as what
he had said to me as to the part of the letter relative to the third objection.
He added something about his not intending to discuss the law of the 23d of
March ; but he spoke in so low a voice, that I did not catch his meaning." —
July 14th.

72 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

I shall expect, agreeably to the assurances you have
given me, to be well and regularly advised of the pros
and cons in this business, and the preponderancy
thereof. * * *

The introduction of A. R. H.1 to you was, I con-
ceive, more the effect of design, than of ignorance
or inadvertency. The impropriety of the measure
was too palpable, even if instances in abundance had
not announced, that characters in the predicament
that gentleman was could not be noticed by the offi-
cers of government without giving umbrage. The
conduct of Mr. M. is of a piece with that of the
other ; and one can scarcely forbear thinking, that
these acts are part of a premeditated system to em-
barrass the executive government. I am, &c.

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF WAR.

Mount Vernon, 27 July, 1795.

Dear Sir,

On Saturday morning I received your letter of the
2 1 st instant with its enclosures. The post of to-
morrow from Alexandria is the first by which I could
answer it.

If the meeting of the commissioners appointed to
treat with the Onondaga, Cayuga, and Oneida Indians

1 The person here alluded to, Archibald Hamilton Rowan, Mr. Randolph
describes as having been convicted of sedition in Ireland, and just arrived in
Philadelphia from France. Senator Butler, Mr. Randolph adds, "brought
him to my office to introduce him. This inaccuracy of this member of the
Senate did not surprise me, nor did it betray me into more than decent civility
to a man, who brought a recommendatory letter from Mr. Monroe, dated in
April."

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 73

took place at Albany the 15th instant, as was ex-
pected, by the extract from General Schuyler's letter
to the Governor of New York, any further sentiment
now on the unconstitutionality of the measure would
be received too late. If it did not take place accord-
ing to expectation, it is my desire that you would
obtain the best advice you can on the case, and do
what prudence, with a due regard to the constitution
and laws, shall dictate.1

With respect to the meeting, which is proposed to
be held with the St. Regis Indians, the proposition
of Governor Jay is regular, and I can think of no
better character than Colonel Wadsworth, or Mr.
Boudinot, to attend it on the part of the United
States. If both should decline the service, any
other respectable and well-known disinterested char-
acter would meet my approbation equally.

The extract from Mr. Higginson's' letter, which
you were so obliging as to send to me, places the
proceedings of the town of Boston in a different
point of view, from what might have been enter-
tained from the resolutions, which were sent to me
by express, accompanied with a letter from the select-
men of that place. But, much indeed to be re-
gretted, party disputes are now carried to such a

1 The legislature of New York had authorized the governor to appoint com-
missioners to treat with those Indians respecting the purchase of their lands.
It was a question whether such a negotiation could be legally held without the
intervention of the United States. The attorney-general had given an opinion
that such a measure would be unconstitutional.

2 Mr. Stephen Higginson of Boston, formerly a member of Congress. The
extracts are printed in Life of Pickering, iii., 177.

74 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

length, and truth is so enveloped in mist and false
representation, that it is extremely difficult to know-
through what channel to seek it. This difficulty to
one, who is of no party, and whose sole wish is to
pursue with undeviating steps a path, which would
lead this country to respectability, wealth, and happi-
ness, is exceedingly to be lamented. But such, for
wise purposes it is presumed, is the turbulence of
human passions in party disputes, when victory more
than truth is the palm contended for, that "the post
of honor is a private station." With much esteem
and regard, I am, &c.

TO EZEKIEL PRICE, THOMAS WALLEY, WILLIAM BOARD-
MAN, EBENEZER SEAVER, THOMAS CRAFTS, THOMAS
EDWARDS, WILLIAM LITTLE, WILLIAM SCOLLAY, AND
JESSE PUTNAM, SELECTMEN OF THE TOWN OF
BOSTON.

United States, 28 July, 1795.
Gentlemen,

In every act of my administration, I have sought the happiness
of my fellow citizens. My system for the attainment of this ob-
ject has uniformly been to overlook all personal, local, and par-
tial considerations ; to contemplate the United States as one
great whole ; to confide, that sudden impressions, when errone-
ous, would yield to candid reflection ; and to consult only the
substantial and permanent interests of our country

Nor have I departed from this line of conduct, on the occasion
which has produced the resolutions contained in your letter of
the 13th instant.

Without a predilection for my own judgment, I have weighed
with attention every argument, which has at any time been
brought into view. But the constitution is the guide, which I
never can abandon. It has assigned to the President the power

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 75

of making treaties, with the advice and consent of the Senate. It
was doubtless supposed that these two branches of government
would combine, without passion, and with the best means of in-
formation, those facts and principles upon which the success of
our foreign relations will always depend ; that they ought not to
substitute for their own conviction the opinions of others, or
to seek truth through any channel but that of a temperate and
well-informed investigation.

Under this persuasion, I have resolved on the manner of exe-
cuting the duty before me. To the high responsibility attached
to it, I freely submit ; and you, Gentlemen, are at liberty to make
these sentiments known as the grounds of my procedure. While
I feel the most lively gratitude for the many instances of appro-
bation from my country, I can no otherwise deserve it, than by
obeying the dictates of my conscience. With due respect, I am,
Gentlemen, &C.1

1 The same letter, in substance, was sent in reply to several addresses similar
to that from the selectmen of Boston.

" Not willing to lose a post day, I hasten to send these resolutions above al-
luded to, late as it is, to Alexandria, to go on to-morrow, with a request similar
to the one made from Baltimore. A day or two more will, I presume, bring to
me the result of the meeting proposed to be held in Philadelphia, which prob-
ably will be followed by one from Baltimore and other towns ; although I have
no advice thereof further than the papers contained, as being in agitation at
Baltimore before I left Philadelphia. If one comes from the last mentioned
place, and is immediately published, as the others have been, before delivery,
let an answer thereto, if answers are advisable, follow it without waiting for
my request. I have no time to add more, than that the commercial part of the
treaty, as far as my information goes, is generally disliked." — Washington to
Randolph, 27 July, 1795.

There had lately been a public meeting in Philadelphia for the purpose of
passing resolves against the treaty. After the business of the meeting was
closed, a copy of the treaty was suspended on a pole and carried about the
streets by a company of people, who at length stopped in front of the British
minister's house, and there burnt the treaty, and also before the door of the
British consul, amidst the huzzas and acclamations of the multitude. Mr.
Hammond, the British minister, complained of this indignity to the Secre-
tary of State. "I have sent this representation," said Mr. Randolph, in
a letter to the President, " for the opinion of the attorney-general. But I
am convinced, that neither law nor expediency will support any movement of
the government. Indeed, in the conversation which I had with him, he was

76 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
[private.]

Mount Vernon, 29 July, 1795.

My dear Sir,

Your letters of the 20th and 21st Instt. found me
at this place, after a hot and disagreeable ride.

As the measures of the government respecting the
treaty were taken before I left Philadelphia, some-
thing more imperious than has yet appeared, must
turn up to occasion a change. — Still, it is very desir-
able to ascertain, if possible, after the paroxysm of
the fever is a little abated, what the real temper of
the people is, concerning it ; for at present the cry
against the Treaty is like that against a mad-dog ;
and every one, in a manner, seems engaged in running
it down. —

That it has received the most tortured interpreta-
tion, and that the writings against it (which are very
industriously circulated) are pregnant of the most
abominable mis-representations, admits of no doubt ;
— yet, there are to be found, so far as my information
extends, many well disposed men who conceive, that
in the settlement of old disputes, a proper regard to

very calm, and appeared to concur in the impossibility of a public measure in
relation to the event." He had written two days previously : " Mr. Ham-
mond yesterday received his letters of recall. He came over to state to me,
that he had several things to communicate by order, relative to the treaty, on
the supposition of its being ratified, and that he would impart them to me in a
few days ; as he expects to be ready for his departure in about a fortnight or
three weeks. We entered into some conversation on the occurrences at
Charleston, upon which he spoke with moderation, and declared that he should
represent, when he returned to England, the sincerity of this government in
the business of the treaty." — July 29th. — Sparks.

i795l GEORGE WASHINGTON. 77

reciprocal justice does not appear in the Treaty ;
whilst others, also well enough affected to the gov-
ernment, are of opinion that to have had no com-
mercial treaty would have been better, for this
country than the restricted one, agreed to ; in as
much, say they, the nature of our Exports and im-
ports (without any extra, or violent measures) would
have forced or led to a more adequate intercourse
between the two nations without any of those shackles
which the treaty has imposed. In a word, that as
our exports consist chiefly of provisions and raw
materials, which to the manufacturers in G. Britain,
and to their Islands in the West Indies, affords em-
ployment and food ; they must have had them on our
terms, if they were not to be obtained on their own ;
whilst the imports of this country, offers the best
mart for their fabrics ; and of course, is the principal
support of their manufacturers ; but the string which
is most played on, because it strikes with most force
the popular ear, is the violation, as they term it, of
our engagements with France ; or in other words the
predilection shown by that instrument to G. Britain
at the expence of the French nation.

The consequences of which are more to be appre-
hended than any, which are likely to flow from other
causes, as ground of opposition ; because, whether
the fact is, in any degree true or not, it is the inter-
est of the French (whilst the animosity, or jealousies
between the two nations exist) to avail themselves of
such a spirit to keep us and G. Britain at variance ;
and they will in my opinion accordingly do it. — To

78 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

what length their policy may induce them to carry
matters, is too much in embryo at this moment to
decide : — but I predict much embarrassment to the
government therefrom — and in my opinion, too much
pains cannot be taken by those who speak, or write,
in favor of the treaty, to place this matter in its true
light. —

I have seen with pleasure, that a writer in one of
the New York papers under the signature of Camil-
lus, has promised to answer, — or rather to defend
the treaty — which has been made with G. Britain. —
To judge of this work from the first number, which
I have seen, I auger well of the performance and
shall expect to see the subject handled in a clear,
distinct and satisfactory manner : — but if measures
are not adopted for its dissemination a few only will
derive lights from the knowledge or labor of the au-
thor ; whilst the opposition pieces will spread their
poison in all directions ; and Congress, more than
probable, will assemble with the unfavorable impres-
sions of their constituents. The difference of con-
duct between the friends and foes of order and good
government, is in nothing more striking than that the
latter are always working like bees, to distil their
poison ; whilst the former, depending often times
too much and too long upon the sense and good dis-
positions of the people to work conviction, neglect
the means of effecting it.

With sincere esteem & regard

I am, your Affecte.1

1 Camillus was Hamilton himself.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 79

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH, SECRETARY OF STATE.

[private.]

Mount Vernon, 29 July, 1795.

My dear Sir,

Your private letters of the 24th and 25th instant
have been received, and you will learn by the official
letter of this date my determination of returning to
Philadelphia after Monday, if nothing in the interim
casts up to render it unnecessary.

I am excited to this resolution by the violent and
extraordinary proceedings, which have and are about
taking place in the northern parts of the Union, and
may be expected in the southern ; because I think
that the Memorial, the Ratification, and the Instruc-
tions, which are framing, are of that vast magnitude
as not only to require great individual consideration,
but a solemn conjunct revision. The latter could
not take place if you were to come here ; nor would
there be that source of information, which is to be
found at, and is continually flowing to the seat of
government ; and besides, in the course of deliber-
ation on these great objects, the examination of
official papers may more than probable be found
essential, which could be resorted to at no other
place than Philadelphia. .

To leave home so soon will be inconvenient. A
month hence it would have been otherwise ; and was,
as I hinted to you before I left the city, in contem-
plation by me for the purpose of Mrs. Washington's
remaining here till November, when I intended to
come back for her. But whilst I am in office, I shall

80 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

never suffer private convenience to interfere with
what I conceive to be my official duty.

I view the opposition, which the treaty is receiving
from the meetings in different parts of the Union, in
a very serious light ; not because there is more weight
in any of the objections, which are made to it, than
was foreseen at first, for there are none in some of
them, and gross misrepresentations in others; nor as
it respects myself personally, for this shall have no
influence on my conduct, plainly perceiving, and I am
accordingly preparing my mind for it, the obloquy
which disappointment and malice are collecting to
heap upon me. But I am alarmed on account of the
effect it may have on, and the advantage the French
government may be disposed to make of, the spirit
which is at work to cherish a belief in them, that the
treaty is calculated to favor Great Britain at their
expense. Whether they believe or disbelieve these
tales, the effect it will have upon the nation will be
nearly the same ; for, whilst they are at war with that
power, or so long as the animosity between the two
nations exists, it will, no matter at whose expense, be
their policy, and it is to be feared will be their con-
duct to prevent us from being on good terms with
Great Britain, or from her deriving any advantages
from our trade, which they can hinder, however
much we may be benefited thereby ourselves. To
what length this policy and interest may carry them
is problematical ; but, when they see the people of
this country divided, and such a violent opposition
given to the measures of their own government pre-

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 81

tendedly in their favor, it may be extremely embar-
rassing, to say no more of it.

To sum the whole up in a few words, I have never,
since I have been in the administration of the govern-
ment, seen a crisis, which in my judgment has been
so pregnant of interesting events, nor one from which
more is to be apprehended, whether viewed on one
side or the other. From New York there is, and I
am told will further be, a counter current ; but how
formidable it may appear, I know not. If the same
does not take place at Boston and other towns, it will
afford but too strong evidence, that the opposition is
in a manner universal, and would make the ratification
a very serious business indeed. But, as it respects the
French, counter resolutions, even would, for the reasons
I have already mentioned, do little more than weaken,
in a small degree, the effect the other side would have.

I have written and do now enclose the letter, the
draft of which was approved by the heads of depart-
ments, to the selectmen of the town of Boston ; but
if new lights have been had upon the subject, since
it was agreed to, or if upon reconsideration any
alteration should be deemed necessary, I request you
to detain it until I see you. Let me also request,
that the same attention may be given to the draft of
a letter to Portsmouth and the Chamber of Com-
merce at New York, as was recommended on that
occasion. I am, &c.

P.S. I add to the paper sent, Chancellor Living-
ston's letter,1 and wish, if it is best to give it an an-

1 Expressing disapprobation of the treaty. See the answer, dated August 20th.
6

82 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

swer, that one may be prepared. Although this
letter is a hurried as well as a private one, I have no
objection to the confidential officers seeing it, and
wish them to prepare their minds on the several sub-
jects mentioned therein against I arrive.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH, SECRETARY OF STATE.

[private.]

Mount Vernon, 31 July, 1795.

My dear Sir,

On Wednesday evening I sent the packet, now
under cover with this, to the post-office in Alexandria,
to be forwarded next morning at the usual hour, four
o'clock, by the Baltimore mail. But, behold ! when
my letter-bag was brought back from the office and
emptied, I not only got those which were addressed
to me, among which yours of the 27th was one, but
those also which I had sent up the evening before.

I have to regret this blunder of the postmaster, on
account of the enclosures, some of which I wished to
have got to your hands without delay, that they
might have undergone the consideration and acting
upon, which was suggested in the letter accompanying
them. On another account I am not sorry for the
return of the packet to you, as I resolved thereupon,
and reading some letters, which I received at the
same time, to wait your acknowledgment of the receipt
of my letter of the 24th instant, before I would set
out ; as I should thereby be placed on a certainty
whether your journey hither, or mine to Philadelphia,

1795J GEORGE WASHINGTON. 83

would under all circumstances be deemed most eligi-
ble ; or whether the business could not be equally
well done without either : repeating now, what I did
in my letter of the 24th, that I do not require more
than a day's notice to repair to the seat of govern-
ment, and that, if you and the confidential officers
with you are not clear in the measures which are best
to be pursued in the several matters mentioned in my
last, my own opinion is, and for the reasons there
given, that difficult and intricate or delicate questions
had better be settled there, where the streams of
information are continually flowing in, and that I
would set out accordingly.

To be wise and temperate, as well as firm, the
present crisis most eminently calls for. There is too
much reason to believe, from the pains which have
been taken before, at, and since the advice of the
Senate respecting the treaty, that the prejudices
against it are more extensive than is generally im-
agined. This I have lately understood to be the
case in this quarter, from men, who are of no party,
but well-disposed to the present administration. How
should it be otherwise, when no stone has been left
unturned, that could impress on the minds of the
people the most arrant misrepresentation of facts ;
that their rights have not only been neglected, but
absolutely sold ; that there are no reciprocal advan-
tages in the treaty ; that the benefits are all on the
side of Great Britain ; and, what seems to have had
more weight with them than all the rest, and most
pressed, that the treaty is made with the design to

84 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

oppress the French, in open violation of our treaty
with that nation, and contrary, too, to every principle
of gratitude and sound policy ? In time, when pas-
sion shall have yielded to sober reason, the current
may possibly turn ; but, in the mean while, this gov-
ernment in relation to France and England may be
compared to a ship between the rocks of Scylla and
Charybdis. If the treaty is ratified, the partisans of
the French, (or rather of war and confusion,) will
excite them to hostile measures, or at least to un-
friendly sentiments ; if it is not, there is no foreseeing
all the consequences, which may follow, as it respects
Great Britain.

It is not to be inferred from hence, that I am or
shall be disposed to quit the ground I have taken,
unless circumstances more imperious than have yet
come to my knowledge should compel it ; for there
is but one straight course, and that is to seek truth
and pursue it steadily. But these things are men-
tioned to show, that a close investigation of the sub-
ject is more than ever necessary, and that they are
strong evidences of the necessity of the most circum-
spect conduct in carrying the determination of gov-
ernment into effect, with prudence as it respects our
own people, and with every exertion to produce a
change for the better from Great Britain.

The memorial seems well designed to answer the
end proposed ; and by the time it is revised and new-
dressed, you will probably (either in the resolutions,
which are or will be handed to me, or in the news-
paper publications, which you promised to be attentive

795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 85

to,) have seen all the objections against the treaty,
which have any real force in them, and which may be
fit subjects for representation in the memorial, or in
the instructions, or both. But how much longer the
presentation of the memorial can be delayed without
exciting unpleasant sensations here, or involving seri-
ous evils elsewhere, you, who are at the scene of
information and action, can decide better than I. In
a matter, however, so interesting and pregnant of
consequences as this treaty, there ought to be no
precipitation ; but, on the contrary, every step should
be explored before it is taken, and every word weighed
before it is uttered or delivered in writing.

The form of the ratification requires more diplo-
matic experience and legal knowledge than I possess,
or have the means of acquiring at this place, and
therefore I shall say nothing about it. I am, &c.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Mount Vernon, 3 August, 1795.

Dear Sir,

No mail at two o'clock yesterday had been received
in Alexandria from Philadelphia since the 29th
ultimo. I am sending up this afternoon to see if the
expected mail of this day is in ; although I have little
hope of it, as the violence and continuance of the
rains since Thursday last has been such, as to sweep
every thing before them, and to do great damage to
the gathered and growing grain, as well as other
things. Of course, by swelling the waters and carry-

86 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

ing away bridges, the intercourse between one place
and another, where these were, has been entirely cut
off. This circumstance, added to the inexcusable
blunder of the postmaster in Alexandria, will prevent
my despatches, which ought to have been in Phila-
delphia on Saturday last, from getting to your hands
until Thursday next at soonest.

To these impediments is to be attributed, I presume,
the non-reception of the Baltimore resolutions, for
resolutions I am told have been passed at that place.
And the like may be expected from Richmond, a
meeting having been had there also, at which Mr.
Wythe, it is said, was seated as moderator ; by chance
more than design, it is added. A queer chance this
for the chancellor of a State.1

All these things do not shake my determination
with respect to the proposed ratification, nor will they,
unless something more imperious and unknown to
me should, in the judgment of yourself and the gentle-
men with you, make it advisable for me to pause.
But let me again repeat my desire, that, as fast as
these kind of resolutions or addresses (call them
what you will) appear in the papers pro or con, answers
if thought advisable may be drafted and sent to me,
approved by all of you, without waiting for individual
applications on each one separately ; for this would

1 "Some hours after my messenger was despatched for Alexandria, the Rich-
mond production was delivered to me by the express sent for that purpose.
They have outdone all that has gone before them ; but, according to the
account given by the express, the meeting was not numerous, and some of the
principal characters not in town. I send the proceedings to Alexandria to-day,
to go on by the first mail, to be acted upon as mentioned in former letters." —
Washington to Randolph, 4 August, 1795.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 87

occasion a considerable lapse of time, in the first
place ; and, in the second, would be saving me from
some writing on this subject, which is an object, as I
have no aid (Mr. Dandridge being with his friends in
New Kent). I am, &c.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

August, 1795. x

At what time should Mr. F's. letter be made known
to Mr. R. ?

What will be the best mode of doing it? In
presence of the Secretaries and Attorney-General ?

1 Late in March, 1795, a French corvette was captured by a British man-of-
war off Pesmarque, and some of Fauchet's despatches to his government were
taken. These despatches were sent to the British minister in the United
States, Hammond, and by him were given to Wolcott, 28 July, 1795. On the
same day Wolcott showed one despatch to Pickering, and on the next day to
the Attorney-General, when a decision was reached to summon Washington
to Philadelphia. On the 31st Wolcott and Pickering waited upon Randolph,
and urged him to write to Washington requesting his return. On this Ran-
dolph, voicing the opinion of the Cabinet, thought it expedient for the
President to return to Philadelphia, at the earliest possible day, as some de-
cisive step might be necessary in consequence of the communications from
Mr. Hammond, then about to sail for England. And not satisfied with that,
Pickering wrote a letter for Washington's " own eye alone," saying : " On the
subject of the treaty I confess that I feel extreme solicitude ; and for a special
reason, which can be communicated to you only in person. I entreat, there-
fore, that you will return, with all convenient speed, to the seat of government.
In the meantime, for the reason above referred to, I pray you to decide on no
important political measure, in whatever form it may be presented to you."

Washington reached the city on August nth, and Pickering gave him an ac-
count of the intercepted despatch, and a translation of it made by Pickering
was left with him. For some days the President considered the matter, and
the best manner of bringing it before Randolph, and submitted to Wolcott, and
probably to the other members of the Cabinet, the questions printed in the text.

The intercepted despatch was No. 10, dated 10 Brumaire (31 October,
1794), and purported to give some " precieuses confessions " of Mr. Randolph

88 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

If the explanations given by the latter are not
satisfactory, whether, besides removal, are any other
measures proper to be taken, and what ?

Would an application to Mr. A. to see the para-
graphs in Nos. 3 and 6, alluded to in Fauchet's letter,
be proper ? These might condemn or acquit un-
equivocally, and if innocent, whether R. will not
apply for them if I do not ?

on the Western insurrection. After giving an account of the two political
parties — the federalist and the anti-federalist — the fiscal interest and the
agricultural — he asserted the preponderance of the treasury in government and
in legislation. Under the influence of the French Revolution the anti-federalists
became the republicans or patriots, and, attacking the treasury and its policy,
suffered a momentary check. The popular societies formed a point of union
and centralization, strengthened by the commercial stress, the subjection of
navigation, and the audacity of Great Britain ; and resolutions of censure
were passed against the government. The growing complaints of the repub-
licans came to a head on the passage of the excise law ; and by the measures
of repression, under the pretext of giving energy to the government, as Ran-
dolph had said, it was intended to introduce absolute power and mislead the
President into paths that would conduct him to unpopularity. Of the measures
of repression Hamilton was the adviser ; Randolph favored pacific negotiation.
"Two or three days before the proclamation was published, and of course
before the Cabinet had resolved on its measures, Mr. Randolph came to see
me with an air of great eagerness, and made to me the overtures of which I
have given you an account in my No. 6. Thus with some thousands of dol-
lars, the republic could have decided on civil war or on peace ! Thus the con-
sciences of the pretended patriots of America already have their prices ! It is
very true that the certainty of these conclusions, painful to be drawn, will
forever exist in our archives ! What will be the old age of this government if it
is thus early decrepit ! " The cause of all this was laid at Hamilton's door, who
had made of the whole nation a stock-jobbing, speculating, selfish people.
Some patriots might be found, like Monroe, Madison, and Jefferson. The
true question to be settled was the destruction or the triumph of the treasury
policy. The President's marching against the insurrection was an act of
wisdom ; the conduct of Hamilton was a piece of deep policy, to establish a
more perfect intimacy with the President, whose name was alone a sufficient
shield against attack.

The despatch is printed in full in Conway, Edmund Randolph, 272.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 89

If upon the investigation of the subject, it should
appear less dark than at present, but not so clear as
to restore confidence, in what light, and on what
ground is the removal to appear before the public ?

What immediate steps are necessary to be taken
as soon as R. is resolved on, if that should be the
case, with respect to the archives in that office ?

If the letter of F. is the only evidence and that
thought sufficient to the removal, what would be the
consequence of giving the letter to the public with-
out any comments, on the ground on which the
measure of the Executive respecting the removal is
founded ? It would speak for itself ; a part, without
the whole, might be charged with unfairness. The
public would expect reasons for the sudden removal
of so high an officer, and it will be found not easy to
avoid saying too little or too much upon such an
occasion, as it is not to be expected that the removed
officer will acquiesce without attempting a justifica-
tion, or at least to do away by explanation the sting
of the letter of accusation ; unless he was let down
easily, to do which I see no way ; for if guilty of what
is charged, he merits no favor, and if he is not, he will
accept none ; and it is not difficult to perceive what
turn he and his friends will give to the act, namely,
that his friendship for the French nation, and his
opposition to a complete ratification have been the

cause.1

1 On August 19th, in the presence of Wolcott, Pickering, and Bradford,
Washington gave to Randolph the intercepted despatch, and the Secretary
requested an opportunity to throw his ideas on paper. Instead of so doing, he

90 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, 20 August, 1795.

Sir,

Your resignation of the office of State is received.
Candor induces me to give you in a few words the
following narrative of facts.

The letter from Mr. Fauchet, with the contents of
which you were made acquainted yesterday, was, as
you supposed, an intercepted one. It was sent by Lord
Grenville to Mr. Hammond, by him put into the
hands of the Secretary of the Treasury, by him shewn
to the Secretary of War and the Attorney-General ;
and a translation thereof was made by the former
for me.

At the time Mr. Hammond delivered the letter, he
requested of Mr. Wolcott an attested copy, which
was accordingly made by Mr. Thornton, his late
secretary, and which is understood to remain at pres-
ent with Mr. Bond. Whether it is known to others
I am unable to decide.

Whilst you are in pursuit of means to remove the
strong suspicions arising from this letter, no disclos-
ure of its contents will be made by me ; and I will
enjoin the same on the public officers, who are

sent in his resignation that evening. On the 22d Washington gave him a copy
of Fauchet's No. 10, and the ex-Secretary at once set out for Newport to see
Fauchet, and obtain from him a denial of the insinuations contained in that
despatch. In this he claimed to have succeeded. " I trust that I am in pos-
session of such materials, not only from Mr. Fauchet, but also from other
sources, as will convince every unprejudiced mind that my resignation was
dictated by considerations which ought not to have been resisted for a mo-
ment ; and that everything connected with it, stands upon a footing perfectly
honorable to myself." — Randolph to Washington, 15 September, 1795.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 91

acquainted with the purport of it ; unless something
shall appear to render an explanation necessary on the
part of the government ; of which I will be the judge.
A copy of Mr. Fauchet's letter shall be sent to you.
No. 6, referred to therein, I have never seen.

I am, &c.

TO JOHN ADAMS, VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED

STATES.

Philadelphia, 20 August, 1795.

Dear Sir,

I have received your favor of the 10th instant with
its enclosures. They contain a great deal of interest-
ing matter, and No. 9 discloses much important infor-
mation and political foresight. For this proof of
your kindness and confidence, I pray you to accept
my best and most cordial thanks.

Mr. John Adams,1 your son, must not think of
retiring from the walk he is now in. His prospects,
if he pursues it, are fair ; and I shall be much mis-
taken if, in as short a time as can well be expected,
he is not found at the head of the diplomatic corps,
let the government be administered by whomsoever
the people may choose.

The embarrassment into which he was thrown by
the unforeseen events, which so soon took place in
Holland after he had received his first instructions
and had arrived in that country, have long since been
removed, and he can be at no loss now as to the
course to pursue.

1 John Quincy Adams, then Minister from the United States in Holland.

92 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

Long before this letter can have reached you, my
answer to the Boston resolutions will, I presume,
have been published in the gazettes of that place,
notwithstanding the delays it met with in getting
thither ; first, from a mistake of the postmaster in
Alexandria, who, mixing it with the despatches that
were addressed to me, returned it by the messenger,
who carried my letters to his office, which necessarily
detained it three days ; and the immense falls of rain
and destruction of bridges which followed, and pre-
vented all travelling for at least three days more.

Whether it was from the spark, which kindled the
fire in Boston, that the flames have spread so exten-
sively, or whether the torch by a preconcerted plan
was lit ready for the explosion in all parts, so soon as
the advice to ratify the treaty should be announced,
remains to be developed ; but, as the ratification
thereof, agreeably to the advice of the Senate, has
passed from me, the meetings in opposition to the
constituted authorities are as useless at all times, as
they are improper and dangerous.1 My best respects
to Mrs. Adams, and, with sincere regard, I am, &c.

1 The ratification of the treaty was signed by the President on the 18th of
August. The question was brought before the cabinet the day after his arrival
in Philadelphia, and discussed anew. " The Secretary of State maintained
singly the opinion, that, during the existence of the provision order, and during
the war between England and France, this step ought not to be taken. This
opinion did not prevail. The resolution was adopted to ratify the treaty imme-
diately, and to accompany the ratification with a strong memorial against the
provision order, which should convey in explicit terms the sense of the Ameri-
can government on that subject. By this course the views of the executive
were happily accomplished. The order was revoked, and the ratifications of
the treaty were happily exchanged." — Marshall's Life of Washington, 2d
edit., vol. ii., p. 368.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 93

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Philadelphia, 20 August, 1795.

Dear Sir,

I received your favor dated the 8th of July, on the
subject of the treaty with Great Britain, the day pre-
ceding my departure for Mount Vernon, from whence
I intended to have acknowledged the receipt of it ;
but so many letters of a public nature were poured
upon me at that place, and the urgency of the busi-
ness in which I have since been engaged, have pre-
vented my doing it till now.

Aiming only to promote and secure the true inter-
ests of my country, I willingly receive information
concerning those interests from my fellow-citizens.
The opinions and reasonings of enlightened men are
particularly acceptable ; but, as it happens in other
matters, so in this, they are extremely variant. You
deem the treaty palpably defective and pregnant
with evils ; others think it contains substantial good.
For myself, I freely own, that I cannot discern in
it the mischiefs you anticipate. On the contrary,
although it does not rise to all our wishes, yet it
appears to me calculated to procure to the United
States such advantages, as entitle it to our ac-
ceptance. My final act of course conforms to this
opinion.

I feel myself greatly obliged by your expressions
of respect, esteem, and attachment, and, if the unvary-
ing integrity of my views have deserved them, they
will not now be withdrawn ; for I can merit your
good opinion, and the general approbation of my

94 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

fellow-citizens, only by a conscientious discharge of
what I conceive to be my duty. With great esteem
and regard, I am, &c.

TO JAMES ROSS.

Philadelphia, 22 August, 1795.

Dear Sir,

I have been favored with your letter of the 3d
instant. I am perfectly satisfied with all your trans-
actions with Colonel Shreve, and will ratify them
whensoever the papers shall be produced.

The seaport towns, or rather parts of them, are
involved, and are endeavoring as much as in them
lies to involve the community at large, in a violent
opposition to the treaty with Great Britain, which is
ratified as far as the measure depends upon me. The
general opinion, however, as far as I am able to come
at it is, that the current is turning.

The consequences of such proceedings are more
easily foreseen than prevented, if no act of the con-
stituted authorities is suffered to go into execution
unaccompanied with the poison of malignant opposi-
tion. If one could believe that the meetings, which
have taken place, spoke the general sense of the
people on the measure they condemned, it might with
truth be pronounced, that it is as difficult to bear
prosperity as adversity, and that no situation or con-
dition in life can make them happy. But, being
hurried, I shall not dwell on this subject, and only
add, that with much truth I am, dear Sir, yours, &c.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 95

TO CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY.1

Philadelphia, 24 August, 1795.

My dear Sir,

The office of Secretary of State has become vacant
by the resignation of Mr. Randolph. Is the period
yet arrived when the situation of your private con-
cerns would permit you to accept it ? As a prelimi-
nary mean of information, I have resorted to your
letter of the 24th of February, 1 794 ; and, though
the time there allotted for arranging them is not
quite accomplished, there-is not much wanting of it.
And I have heard, besides, that you were in a man-
ner retiring from the pursuits of your profession.

It is unnecessary for me to repeat sentiments, which
you have so often heard me express, respecting my
wishes to see you in the administration of the general
government ; the sincerity of which you can have
no doubt. Equally unnecessary is it for me to ob-
serve to you, that the affairs of this country are in a
violent paroxysm, and that it is the duty of its old
and uniform friends to assist in piloting the vessel
in which we are all embarked between the rocks of
Scylla and Charybdis ; for more pains never were
taken, I believe, than at this moment, to throw it
upon one or the other, and to embroil us in the
disputes of Europe.

I shall add nothing further, however, on this sub-
ject ; for nothing, I am certain, I could say, would be
new to a person of your observation and information.
I will come, therefore, to the point at once. Can

1 The position was first tendered to Thomas Johnson.

96 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

you, or can you not, make it comport with your con-
venience and inclination to accept the appointment
of Secretary of State ? If you answer in the affirm-
ative, it will occur to you instantly, that an office of
such dignity and high importance ought not to be
without a head at such a crisis as this a moment, if it
could well be avoided. If (which I should sincerely
regret) your answer should be in the negative, the
less there is said of the offer the better, (for reasons
which will readily occur to you.) In either case, be
so good as to favor me with an answer as soon as
your mind is made up relative thereto. With very
sincere esteem and regard, I am, &C.1

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
[private.]

Philadelphia, 31 August, 1795.

My dear Sir,

Since my return to this city, I have received a
letter from you dated August.

We know officially, as well as from the effects,
that an order for seizing all provision vessels going
to France has been issued by the British goverment ;
but so secretly, that as late as the 27th of June it

1 After a brief statement of his private affairs, Mr. Pinckney added in
reply :

" Under these circumstances it is not in my power to accept the elevated
station, in which you have so obligingly offered to place me ; and while I de-
cline this reiterated instance of your friendship and partiality, I confess I do
it with regret ; for stormy clouds overhanging the political horizon, so far from
preventing me from coming forward in public office, would rather induce me

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 97

had not been published in London : It was com-
municated to the cruisers only, and not known until
the captures brought it to light. — By these high
handed measures of that government, and the out-
rageous, and insulting conduct of its officers, it would
seem next to impossible to keep peace between the
United States and G. Britain.

To this moment we have received no explanation
of Home's conduct from their charge des affaires
here ; altho' application was made for it before the
departure of Mr. Hammond ; on the statement of
Govr. Fenner, and complaint of the French Minister.
— Conduct like this, disarm the friends of Peace
and order, while they are the very things which
those of a contrary description are wishing to see
practiced. —

I meant no more than barely to touch upon these
subjects, in this letter, the object of it being, to
request the favor of you to give me the points on
which, in your opinion, our new Negociator is to
dwell ; when we come into the field of negociation
again, — agreeably to the recommendation of the
Senate ; — agreeably to what appears to have been
contemplated by Mr. Jay and Lord Grenville at
the close of the treaty subscribed by them ; and
agreeably also to what you conceive ought to

to accept one, did not the reasons mentioned in the letter I have above referred
to still operate. I lament they do so ; but, thus circumstanced, I can only
repeat my thanks for your many favors, and offer my best wishes for the pros-
perity of our happy constitution, and for him who, I doubt not, will with his
usual ability pilot safely the vessel in which we are all embarked." — Charles-
ton, September 16th.

98 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

be brought forward, and insisted upon, on this
occasion.

I am sorry I have been so late in applying for this
opinion ; but a coincidence of unexpected events have
involved me in more than usual business ; and some
of it not of a very pleasant nature. This has occa-
sioned the delay : — but the pro's and con's relative to
the Treaty that is and the treaty that ought to be, in
the judgment of the opponents, are so much in your
view, that if you wanted a remembrancer, you would
be at no loss from these discussions to advert to
them ; and you will require but little time to furnish
me with what I have here asked. This I press with
more earnestness, inasmuch as circumstances will
render it very inconvenient for me to remain here
longer than the present week, (before I return to
Mount Vernon for my family) but which I must do,
until the Instructions for the new Negociator is
compleated.

Altho' you are not in the Administration — a thing
I sincerely regret — I must, nevertheless (knowing
how intimately acquainted you are with all the con-
cerns of this country) request the favor of you to note
down such occurrences, as in your opinion are proper
subjects for communication to Congress at their next
session ; and particularly as to the manner in which
this treaty should be brought forward to that body ;
as it will in any aspect it is susceptible of receiving
be the source of much declamation ; and will I have
no doubt produce a hot session. With sincere regard
I am, my dear Sir, your affecte. and obedt.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 99

TO JOHN JAY.
[private.]
My DEAR SlR, Philadelphia, 31 August, 1795.

You will have learnt from the public gazettes, and
through other more authentic channels, that all that
rested with me to do to give ratification to the treaty
between this country and Great Britain is already
accomplished. Mr. Pinckney's absence from the
court of London, the information and aids it was
expected he would derive from Mr. Short's presence
and acquaintance with matters at that of Madrid, the
pecuniary situation of our affairs in Holland requiring
the attention of Mr. Adams in that country, and the
little knowledge we had of the character and qualifi-
cations of Mr. Deas/have occasioned no little embar-
rassment in this business. However, a mode is
adopted which I hope will be effectual.

It has not been the smallest of these embarrass-
ments, that the domineering spirit of Great Britain
should revive again just at this crisis, and the out-
rageous and insulting conduct of some of her officers
should combine therewith to play into the hands of
the discontented, and sour the minds of those, who
are friends to peace, order, and friendship with all
the world ; but this by the by.

The object of this letter is to pray you to aid me with
such hints, relative to those points, which you conceive
to be fit subjects for the further friendly negotia-
tions on the trade with Great Britain, agreeably to
the recommendation of the Senate ; and which appear

1 Charge d'Aflaires in London, during Mr. Pinckney's absence at Madrid.

ioo THE WRITINGS OF [1795

to have been in contemplation by the concluding part
of the treaty signed by yourself and Lord Grenville.
I intended to have asked this favor of you at an
earlier day ; but a coincidence of unexpected circum-
stances has involved me in so much business and per-
plexity, that it has been delayed from time to time,
(since my arrival in this city), until the present
moment. But as nothing is now asked, that you have
not, I am sure, revolved over and over again during
your negotiation, and since the decision of the Senate
thereupon, I persuade myself it will require but very
little time for the digest I ask, and which I beg to
receive as soon as you can make it convenient to give
it to me — Circumstances making it necessary for me to
leave this place if possible on Monday next for Vir-
ginia, in order to bring back my family ; but instruc-
tions for the new negotiation must be prepared before
I go. With very great esteem and regard, I am, &c.

TO GEORGE CABOT.
[private and confidential.]
DEAR SlR Philadelphia, 7 September, 1795.

The enclosed letters, which, after reading, be so
good as to return to me, will be the best apology I
can offer for the liberty I am about to take, and for
the trouble, which, if you comply with my request, it
must necessarily give.1

1 The letters here alluded to were from George Washington Lafayette, the
son of General Lafayette, and from M. Frestel, who had recently arrived
together in Boston from France, and had written to President Washington,
giving notice of their arrival.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 101

To express all the sensibility, which has been
excited in my breast by the receipt of young Lafay-
ette's letter, from the recollection of his father's
merits, services, and sufferings, from my friendship
for him, and from my wishes to become a friend and
father to his son is unnecessary. Let me in a few
words declare, that I will be his friend ; but the man-
ner of becoming so, considering the obnoxious light
in which his father is viewed by the French govern-
ment, and my own situation as the executive of the
United States, requires more time to consider in all
its relations, than I can bestow on it at present, the
letters not having been in my hands more than an
hour, and I myself on the point of setting out for
Virginia to fetch my family back, whom I left there
about the ist of August.

The mode, which at the first view strikes me as
the most eligable to answer his purposes and to save
appearances, is, first, to administer all the consolation
to the young gentleman, that he can derive from the
most unequivocal assurances of my standing in the
place of and becoming to him a father, friend, pro-
tector, and supporter. But, secondly, for prudential
motives, as they may relate to himself, his mother
and friends, whom he has left behind, and to my offi-
cial character, it would be best not to make these
sentiments public ; and of course it would be ineliga-
ble, that he should come to the seat of the general
government, where all the foreign characters (particu-
larly that of his own nation) are residents, until it is
seen what opinions will be excited by his arrival ;

102 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

especially, too, as I shall be necessarily absent five or
six weeks from it on business in several places.
Thirdly, considering how important it is to avoid
idleness and dissipation, to improve his mind, and to
give him all the advantages, which education can be-
stow, my opinion and my advice to him are, if he is
qualified for admission, that he should enter as a
student at the university in Cambridge, although it
should be for a short time only ; the expense of
which, as also of every other means for his support,
I will pay. And I now authorize you, my dear Sir,
to draw upon me accordingly ; and, if it is in any de-
gree necessary or desired, that M. Frestel, his tutor,
should accompany him to the university in that char-
acter, any arrangements which you shall make for
the purpose, and any expense thereby incurred for the
same, shall be borne by me in like manner.

One thing more, and I will conclude. Let me pray
you, my dear Sir, to impress upon young Lafayette's
mind, and indeed upon that of his tutor, that the
reasons why I do not urge him to come to me have
been frankly related, and that their prudence must
appreciate them with caution. My friendship for his
father, so far from being diminished, has increased
in the ratio of his misfortunes ; and my inclination
to serve the son will be evidenced by my conduct.
Reasons, which will readily occur to you, and which
can easily be explained to him, will account for
my not acknowledging the receipt of his or M.
Frestel's letter. With sincere esteem and regard, I
am, dear Sir, &c.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 103

P. S. You will perceive, that young Lafayette has
taken the name of Motier. Whether it is best he
should retain it, and aim at perfect concealment, or
not, depends upon a better knowledge of circum-
stances than I am possessed of ; and therefore I leave
this matter to your own judgment, after a consulta-
tion with the parties.1

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF WAR.

[private.]

Elkton, 9 September, 1795.

Dear Sir,

I had no time yesterday morning to look into the
gazettes, nor did I know until the evening that the
French frigate Medusa had slipped her cables, and
put to sea on the 31st ultimo, and was followed in a
few hours by the Africa.

1 Lafayette and his tutor determined to go to New York, where they expected
to reside with a friend, M. La Colombe, until further directions might be
received from Washington. »

" It was at this moment of solicitude, that I arrived to testify to them the
benignity of your intentions, by expressing those unequivocal assurances of
friendship, which your goodness had dictated, and which were received with
every emotion of the most lively sensibility. A conversation succeeded, which
had for its object a relief from their present perplexity with the least possible
deviation from the path you had proposed. In addition to the motives already
explained for removing further than Cambridge, it was urged that the studies
now actually pursuing by M. Motier are entirely different from those prescribed
in any of our universities, and that your desires therefore will be best accom-
plished by a continuance in his present course under M. Frestel. It was
admitted, however, that other aids would be requisite in those branches of
education, which M. Frestel does not profess. With a view to these, and to
combine with them abstinence from society, it is thought best to seek a
position near some principal town, where all the desiderata can be found."
— George Cabot to Washington, 16 September, 1795.

io4 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

This circumstance, be the result what it may, I re-
gret exceedingly, because the effect of the order for
the departure of the latter will be the same, as to the
British, as if she had been in the harbor of Newport,
and we shall obtain no credit for it from the French
and their partisans. For as the appearance, how-
ever false, is susceptible of the interpretation, so it
will be said, that the order was never intended to be
issued until it was known there would be nothing for
it to operate upon.

The purpose, however, of my writing you this let-
ter is to request, that Mr. Monroe may be immedi-
ately and fully informed of facts, and directed to
represent them truly as they are ; for it may be re-
lied upon, if the Medusa escapes being captured, M.
Fauchet (whose mind is ardent, and who does not
leave this country with the most favorable impres-
sions of the views of the government towards his
own) will paint this transaction in very high colors ;
and among other things will say, that, after waiting
in vain a month to see if the executive would take
effectual notice of the indignity offered to him, and
the insult to its own sovereignty, he was obliged to
forego his passage, or run the hazards he did to ac-
complish it. Being in a hurry, and just upon the
point of proceeding, I will only add, that, with sin-
cerity and truth, I am, &C.1

1 The Medusa was blockaded in the harbor of Newport by the British frigate
Africa. A storm drove the Africa from her position near the shore, and the
commander of the Medusa took advantage of this circumstance, cut his cables,
and put to sea. M. Fauchet embarked for France on board this vessel. She
was chased by the Africa^ but not overtaken.

795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 105

TO HENRY KNOX.

Mount Vernon, 20 September, 1795.

My dear Sir,

I received with great pleasure the letter you wrote
to me from Boston, dated the 2d of this month, as I
always shall do any others you may favor me with.
This pleasure was increased by hearing of the good
health of Mrs. Knox and your family, and the
agreeableness of your establishment at St. George's,
in the Province of Maine. I may add, also, that
the account given of the favorable disposition of
the people generally in your hemisphere relatively
to the treaty with Great Britain, contributed not
a little to the satisfaction I derived in hearing
from you.

Next to a conscientious discharge of my public
duties, to carry along with me the approbation of my
constituents would be the highest gratification my
mind is susceptible of ; but, the latter being a second-
ary, I cannot make the former yield to it, unless some
criterion more infallible than partial (if they are not
party) meetings can be discovered, as the touchstone
of public sentiment. If any power on earth could,
or the Great Power above would, erect the standard
of infallibility in political opinions, there is no being
that inhabits this terrestrial globe, that would resort
to it with more eagerness than myself, so long as I
remain a servant of the public. But as I have found
no better guide hitherto, than upright intentions and
close investigation, I shall adhere to those maxims,
while I keep the watch ; leaving it to those who will

io6 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

come after me, to explore new ways, if they like or
think them better.

The temper of the people of this State, particularly
the southern parts of it, and of South Carolina and
Georgia, as far as it is discoverable from the several
meetings and resolutions, which have been published,
is adverse to the treaty with Great Britain ; and yet
I doubt much whether the great body of yeomanry
have formed any opinion on the subject, and whether,
if their sense could be fairly taken under a plain and
simple statement of facts, nine tenths of them would
not advocate the measure. But with such abominable
misrepresentations as appear in most of the proceed-
ings, it is not to be wondered at, that uninformed
minds should be affrighted at the dreadful consequen-
ces that are predicted, and which they are taught to
expect from the ratification of such a diabolical in-
strument, as the treaty is denominated. From North
Carolina we hear little concerning it, and from Ken-
tucky nothing. * * *

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF WAR.

[PRIVATE.]

Mount Vernon, 27 September, 1795.

Dear Sir,

Your private letter of the 2 1st instant did not reach
me until yesterday. A late letter of mine to you
will have fixed the directorship of the mint upon Mr.
Boudinot. The application, therefore, of Major
Jackson, however fit he may have been for the office,

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 107

is too late. But, besides the reasons assigned in your
letter against such an appointment at present, I should
have preferred a character from another State, if one
equally suitable could have been found, for the
reasons you have often heard me mention, although
they do not apply with the same force now as
formerly.

With respect to Mr. D l for the office of at-
torney-general, although I have a very good opinion
of his abilities, and know nothing in his moral char-
acter or connexions that is objectionable, yet the
reason I assigned when his name was first mentioned
to me has still weight in my mind ; that is, after a long
and severely contested election, he could not obtain
a majority of suffrages in the district he formerly
represented. In this instance, then, the sense of his
constituents respecting him personally has been fairly
taken ; and one of the charges against me relative to
the treaty, you know, is, that I have disregarded the
voice of the people, although that voice has never
yet been heard, unless the misrepresentations of
party, or at best partial meetings, can be called so.

I shall not, whilst I have the honor to administer
the government, bring a man into any office of con-
sequence knowingly, whose political tenets are ad-
verse to the measures, which the general government
are pursuing ; for this, in my opinion, would be a
sort of political suicide. That it would embarrass
its movements is most certain. But of two men
equally well affected to the true interests of their

1 Samuel Dexter. The office was eventually filled by Charles Lee.

108 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

country, of equal abilities, and equally disposed to
lend their support, it is the part of prudence to give a
preference to him, against whom the least clamor can
be excited. For such a one my inquiries have been
made, and are still making. How far I shall succeed,
is at this moment problematical.

I have not relinquished my intention of being in
Philadelphia about the middle of next month. With
great esteem and regard, I am, &c.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Mount Vernon, 27 September, 1795.

Sir,

I have lately received three letters from you, two
bearing date the 15th instant, the other the 21st.
One of the former came to hand the 19th, the other
the 2 2d, and the last yesterday.

Your signature as Secretary of State to the ratifica-
tion of the treaty having been given on the 14th of
August, and your resignation not taking place until
the 19th, it became necessary in order to be con-
sistent, (the original being despatched,) that the
same countersign should appear to the copies, other-
wise this act would not have been required of you.

It is not in my power to inform you at what time
Mr. Hammond put the intercepted letter of M.
Fauchet into the hands of Mr. Wolcott. I had no
intimation of the existence of such a letter until after
my arrival in Philadelphia the nth of August. When
Lord Grenville first obtained that letter, and when

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 109

the British minister here received it from him, are
facts with which I am entirely unacquainted. I have
never seen in whole or in part M. Fauchet's de-
spatches numbered 3 and 6 ; nor do I possess any
document, or knowledge of papers, which have
affinity to the subject in question.

No man would rejoice more than I should to find,
that the suspicions which have resulted from the in-
tercepted letter were unequivocally and honorably
removed. I am, &c.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

[private.]

Mount Vernon, 2 October, 1795.

Dear Sir,

Your letter of the 26th ultimo was received yester-
day. It is not wonderful, that Mr. Randolph's late
conduct, and the publication of his letter to me,
should have excited an anxious curiosity to know what
his explanations will be ; but it is wonderful, that so
much time should be required to give them birth.

Embarrassed, as it is to be apprehended he is in
this business, his object, I conceive, must be to gain
time, to puzzle, and to try if he cannot discover in-
consistencies in the conduct of others relative to it.
On no other ground can I account for his letter to
me, dated the 21st ultimo, which with his other two
of the 15th, and my answer to the whole, I here-
with enclose for the information of yourself and
Colonel Pickering only.

no THE WRITINGS OF [1795

His letters of the 15th received no acknowledg-
ment, and at first I hesitated whether to give any to
that of the 2 1st. After a while I thought of referring
him to you for information on those points, which it
was evidently as much or more in your power than in
mine to give him ; but finally I conceived it most
eligible to furnish him with no pretexts, and there-
fore wrote what you will see. I did it, because, if
delay was his object, it would be promoted by my
silence ; and because (which probably would have
answered his purposes still better), it might have
afforded him some ground for saying he was doomed
to be a victim, and, with a view to accomplish it, the
means to his vindication were denied or withheld.

These reasons, added to a disposition to do him all
manner of justice, induced me to give him concise
answers to all his queries, as far as the means were
within my knowledge, although fully convinced in
my own mind of the insidious tendency of them.

Whether similar inquiries have been made of you
of Colonel Pickering, or of both, by him, I know not.
If they have, to see if he could involve inconsistency
in the answers has been his aim. And to know what
kind of superstructure he might build on information,
he has, if any, obtained from M. Fauchet, it was
necessary to ascertain in the first place, whether the
government was in possession of any part of that
gentlemen's letters, numbered 3 and 6, by which this
superstructure might be endangered. I was on the
point once of hinting to him, that I hoped nothing in
his vindication would render it necessary to publish

1 795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 1 1 1

the whole of M. Fauchet's letter ; but, on second
thoughts I declined it, lest he should consider it as
a threat, and make an improper use of it.

As I shall shortly be in Philadalphia, I will not add
on this subject ; but from you, if any thing more
transpires, I should be glad to hear. The present
enclosures may remain in your hands until my re-
turn to the city. I am, &c.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
DEAR SlR Mount Vernon, 4 October, 1795.

Your letter of the 12th ulto. after travelling to Phil-
adelphia and back again was received by me at this
place, the 1st Instant.

The letter from Madame de Chastellux to me is
short, referring to the one she has written to you, for
particulars respecting herself and infant son. Her
application to me is unquestionably misplaced, and
to Congress it would certainly be unavailing, as the
Chevalier Chastellux's pretensions (on which her's
must be founded) to any allowance from this country
were no greater than that of any and every other Officer
of the French army who served in America the last
war. To grant to one therefore would open a wide
door to applications of a similar nature, and to con-
sequent embarrassments. Probably the sum granted
at the last session of Congress to the daughter of the
Count de Grasse, has given rise to this application —
that it has done so in other instances I have good
reasons to believe.

ii2 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

I am much pleased with the account you have of
the succory. This, like all other things of the sort
with me since my absence, from home, have come to
nothing : for neither my Overseers, nor Manager will
attend properly, to anything but the crops they have
usually cultivated ; and in spite of all I can say, if
there is the smallest discretionary power allowed
them, they will fill the land with Indian Corn, altho'
even to themselves there are the most obvious traces
of its baneful effects. — I am resolved however, as soon
as it shall be in my power, to attend a little more
closely to my own concerns, to make this Crop yield
in a degree to other grain, — to pulses — and to grasses.
— I am beginning again with Chicory, from a handful
of seed given to me by Mr. Strickland ; which
though flourishing at present, has no appearance of
seeding this year. Lucern has not succeeded better
with me than with you ; but I will give it another
and a fairer tryal before it is abandoned altogether.
Clover, when I can dress lots well, succeeds with me,
to my full expectation, but not on the fields in rota-
tion. Altho' I have been at much cost in seeding
them, — this has greatly disconcerted the system of
rotation on which I had decided ; — I wish you may
succeed in getting good seed of the winter Vetch ; —
I have often imported it but the seed never vegitated
or in so small a proportion as to be destroyed by
weeds — believe it wou'd be an acquisition if it was
once introduced properly, in our farms. — The Albany
pea which is the same as the field pea, of Europe, I
have tried and found it will grow well, but is subject
to the same bug which perforates the Garden pea, and

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 113

eats out the Kernel ; — so it will happen I fear with the
pea you propose to import, — I had great expectation
from a green dressing with Buck-wheat as a prepara-
tory fallow for a crop of wheat ; but it has not
answered my expectation yet ; I ascribe this, however,
more to mismanagement in the times of seeding and
plowing in, than any defect in the system. The first
ought to be so ordered in point of time, as to meet a
convenient season for ploughing it in while the plant
is in its most succulent state, but this has never been
done on my farms, and consequently has drawn as
much from as it has given to the earth. — It has always
appeared to me that there were two modes in which
Buck wheat might be used advantageously as a
manure. — One to sow early and as soon as a suffi-
ciency of seed ripened, to stock the ground a second
time, to turn the whole in, and when the succeeding
growth is getting in full bloom, to turn that in also
(before the seed begins to ripen) and when the fer-
mentation and putrefaction ceases to sow the ground
in that state and plow in the wheat. — The other mode
is to sow the Buck wheat so late as that it shall be
generally about a foot high, at the usual seeding of
wheat, then turn it in, and sow thereon immediately,
as on a clover lay, harrowing in the seed lightly to
avoid disturbing the buried Buckwheat — I have never
tryed the last method but see no reason against its
succeeding. — The other, as I observed above, I have
prosecuted, but the Buck wheat has always stood too
long, and consequently had got too dry and sticky to
answer the end of a succulent plant.

But of all the improving and ameliorating crops,

ii4 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

none in my opinion, are equal to Potatoes on stiff and
hard bound land (as mine is). I am satisfied from a
variety of instances, that on such land a crop of pota-
toes is equal to an ordinary dressing. In no instance
have I failed of good wheat, Oats or clover that fol-
lowed potatoes ; — and I conceive they give the soil a
darker hue. — I shall thank you for the result of your
proposed experiment relatively, the winter Vetch and
pea ; when they are made.

I am sorry to hear of the depredation committed by
the Weavil in your parts, it is a great calamity at all
times, and this year when the demand for wheat is so
great and the price so high, must be a mortifying one
to the farmer ; — The rains have been very general,
and more abundant, since the first of August than
ever happened in a summer within the memory of
man. Scarsely a mill dam or bridge between this and
Philadelphia, was able to resist them and some were
carried off a second and third time.

Mrs. Washington is thankful for your kind remem-
brance of her, and unites with me in best wishes for
you. With very great esteem and regard, &c.

TO EDWARD CARRINGTON.

[private and confidential.]

Mount Vernon, 9 October, 1795.

Dear Sir,

Your letter of the 2d instant came duly to hand,
and I shall wait the result of the proposed inquiries.

One request frequently begets another, and that
is the case at present. You know full well, that the

795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 115

office of State is vacant, but you may not know, that
I find difficulty in filling it. In the appointments to
the great offices of the government, my aim has
been to combine geographical situation, and some-
times other considerations, with abilities and fitness of
known characters. In pursuance of this system, I
have tried to bring Judge Patterson, Mr. Johnson
(of Maryland), and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of
South Carolina into this office, all have declined ;
the latter by the post of Wednesday.1 I would have
made an offer of it to Mr. Henry in the first instance-
but two reasons were opposed to it; 1st, ignorance
of his political sentiments (for I should consider it
an act of governmental suicide to bring a man into
so high a office, who was unfriendly to the constitu-
tion and laws, which are to be his guide ; and, 2d, be,
cause I had no idea, that he would accept the office,
until General (late Governor) Lee gave some rea-
sons, which have induced me (in a degree) to draw
a different conclusion, assuring me at the same time,
that he believed Mr. Henry's sentiments relative to
the constitution were changed, and that his opinion
of the government was friendly. Of these matters,
however, (so important in their nature,) I wish to
learn the opinion of ethers. And of whom can
I inquire more likely to know than yourself?

Let me then come to the point. If, in the judg-
ment of yourself and General Marshall, Colonel
Innes is a fit character for Attorney-General of the

1 On November 19th a tender was made to John Eager Howard of the War
Department, Pickering becoming Secretary of State.

u6 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

United States, will accept the office, and enter upon
the duties of it without delay, no application is to be
made to Mr. Henry, be his sentiments what they
may.1 If. on the contrary, that event does not take
place, I impose upon you the task, and pray you to
have the goodness to forward the enclosed letter to
him by express (the cost of which I will pay), pro-
vided you accord in sentiment with General Lee,
with respect to the political opinions of that gentle
man, and have reason to believe, he has expressed
no opinions adverse to the treaty with Great Britain,
but is disposed to the adoption of it ; for, other-
wise, it would place both him and me in embarrassed
situations.

From the instances, which have fallen within your
own knowledge, you can form some idea of the dif-
ficulties I experience in finding out, and prevailing
on, fit characters to fill offices of importance. In
the case before us, I am sensible that I am im-
posing a delicate task upon you ; but, from the
peculiar circumstances thereof, it is in some measure
a necessary one ; and, having a high opinion of
General Marshall's honor, prudence, and judgment,
I consent to your consulting him on this occasion, as
you did in the case of Colonel Innes.

I have, I must confess, but little expectation that

1 A previous letter had been written to Mr. Carrington making inquiry about
Colonel James Innes, in relation to the office of Attorney-General. The rea-
son why the President did not wish any advances to be made to Mr. Henry, if
Colonel Innes concluded to accept that office, doubtless was, that two of the
high officers of state could not with propriety be taken from Virginia. Colonel
Innes declined the appointment.

i795 ] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 117

Mr. Henry will accept the offer if it gets to him,
and therefore I must look forward to the conse-
quence of his refusal. Let me ask, therefore, if
another trial should be made, and a refusal ensue,
and ultimately it should be found eligible to remove
the present Secretary of War to the office of State,
if it should be agreeable to himself, would you fill
his place as Secretary of War ?

You will, my dear Sir, perceive, that the whole of
this letter is perfectly confidential, written perhaps
with more candor than prudence ; but I rely on your
goodness and prudence to appreciate my motives.
My letter to Mr. Henry is left open for your perusal,
that the whole matter may be before you. If it
goes forward, seal it ; if not, return it to, dear
Sir, your friend, &C.1

1 From Mr. Carringtori s Reply. — " I have been honored with yours of the
9th instant, and immediately consulted General Marshall thereon. As to a
change in Mr. Henry's opinions upon the constitution, he has been so little
within the circle of our movements, that we must rather rely on the intelli-
gence of General Lee, who has had much communication with him, than our
own observations. Mr. Henry has for several years been in a degree silent on
public topics ; nor have we heard of anything whatever as coming from him
relating to the treaty. We are not without apprehensions, that General Lee
estimates too highly the affections of Mr. Henry towards the constitution.
General Marshall being, however, decidedly of opinion, in which I cordially
joined, that your letter should be forwarded to him, I have this morning
despatched it by express. In this determination we were governed by the
following reasons.

" First, his non-acceptance, from domestic considerations, maybe calculated
on. In this event, be his sentiments on either point what they may, he will
properly estimate your letter, and, if he has any asperities, it must tend to
soften them, and render him, instead of a silent observer of the present ten-
dency of things, in some degree active on the side of government and order.

" Secondly, should he feel an inclination to go into the office proposed, we
are confident, very confident, he has too high a sense of honor to do so with

u8 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

TO PATRICK HENRY.

Mount Vernon, 9 October, 1795.

Dear Sir,

Whatever may be the reception of this letter, truth
and candor shall mark its steps. You doubtless know,
that the office of State is vacant ; and no one can be
more sensible, than yourself, of the importance of
filling it with a person of abilities, and one in whom
the public would have confidence.

It would be uncandid not to inform you, that this
office has been offered to others ; but it is as true,
that it was from a conviction in my own mind, that
you would not accept it, (until Tuesday last, in a
conversation with General, late Governor, Lee, he
dropped sentiments which made it less doubtful,)
that it was not offered first to you.

I need scarcely add, that if this appointment could
be made to comport with your own inclination, it
would be as pleasing to me, as I believe it would be

sentiments hostile to either of the points in view. This we should rely on,
upon general grounds ; but under your letter a different conduct is, we conceive
from our knowledge of Mr. Henry, impossible.

" Thirdly, we are fully persuaded that a more deadly blow could not be given
the faction in Virginia, and perhaps elsewhere, than that gentleman's accept-
ance of the office in question, convinced as we are of the sentiments he must
carry with him. So much have the opposers of the government held him up
as their oracle, even since he has ceased to respond to them, that any event,
demonstrating his active support to government, could not but give the party
a severe shock.

" To these reasons we think it not inapplicable to add, that, in the present
crisis, Mr. Henry may reasonably be calculated on as taking the side of gov-
ernment, even though he may retain his old prejudices against the Constitu-
tion. He has indubitably an abhorrence of anarchy ; to be at the head of a
popular assembly we know is his delight ; but there is much difference between
that situation, and scrambling for pre-eminence in a state of confusion, for

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 119

acceptable to the public. With this assurance, and
with this belief, I make you the offer of it. My first
wish is, that you would accept it ; the next is, that
you would be so good as to give me an answer as
soon as you conveniently can, as the public business
in that department is now suffering for want of a
Secretary.

I persuade myself, Sir, it has not escaped your ob-
servation, that a crisis is approaching, that must, if it
cannot be arrested, soon decide whether order and
good government shall be preserved, or anarchy and
confusion ensue. I can most religiously aver I have
no wish, that is incompatible with the dignity, happi-
ness, and true interest of the people of this country.
My ardent desire is, and my aim has been, (as far as
depended upon the executive department,) to comply
strictly with all our engagements, foreign and domes-
tic ; but to keep the United States free from political
connexions with every other country, to see them

which he is ill fitted. This we know Mr. Henry is fully sensible of. We
know, too, that he is improving his fortune fast, which must additionally attract
him to the existing government and order, the only guarantees of property.
Add to this, that he has no affection for the present leaders of the opposition
in Virginia.

" You will perceive, Sir, that we have changed the order in which you
directed the propositions to Colonel Innes and Mr. Henry to stand. The fact
is, we have as yet had no opportunity of acting with respect to the first gentle-
man, nor do we know when we shall. This was likely to suspend operations
longer than the nature and importance of the objects admitted, even had we
supposed you particularly attached to the order directed ; this consideration,
together with the observations made in regard to Mr. Henry, appeared natu-
rally to dictate the course we have taken. Should Colonel Innes arrive before
the return of the express, General Marshall will hold his preliminary conversa-
tions, as preparatory to a proposition, incase of a refusal in the other instance."
— Richmond, October 13th.

120 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

independent of all and under the influence of none.
In a word, I want an American character, that the
powers of Europe may be convinced we act for our-
selves, and not for others. This, in my judgment, is
the only way to be respected abroad and happy at
home ; and not, by becoming the partisans of Great
Britain or France, create dissensions, disturb the pub-
lic tranquillity, and destroy, perhaps for ever, the
cement which binds the union.

I am satisfied these sentiments cannot be other-
wise than congenial to your own. Your aid there-
fore in carrying them into effect would be flattering
and pleasing to, dear Sir, &c. *

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF WAR.

Mount Vernon, 12 October, 1795.

Sir,

Your letters of the 2d and 5th instant came to my
hands on Thursday last ; but it was not in my power
conveniently to acknowledge the receipt of them by

1 Mr. Henry declined the offer. His opinions may be inferred from the
following extract from Mr. Carrington's letter, which accompanied Mr. Henry's
answer. '* It gives us pleasure to find that, although Mr. Henry is rather to
be understood as probably not an approver of the treaty, his conduct and senti-
ments generally, both as to the government and yourself, are such as we calcu-
lated on, and that he received your letter with impressions, which assure us of
his discountenancing calumny and disorder of every description." — Richmond,
October 20th. Henry's reply is printed in Henry, Life, Correspondence, and
Speeches of Patrick Henry, ii., 558.

"The offer of the Secretaryship of State to P. Henry is a circumstance
which I should not have believed, without the most unquestionable testimony.
Col. Coles tells me Mr. Henry read the letter to him on that subject." — Madi-
son to Jefferson, 6 December, 1795.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 121

the succeeding post.1 It is a very singular occur-
rence, that Mr. Pinckney should make use of a cipher
to which there is no counterpart in the office of
State. A kind of fatality seems to have pursued
this negotiation, and, in short, all our concerns with
Spain, from the appointment of Mr. Carmichael
under the new government, as minister to that coun-
try, up to the present day. If the ciphers, which
have been furnished Mr. Gouverneur Morris, Mr.
Jay, Mr. Adams, and Colonel Humphreys, or any of
them, are different from those, by which the letter of
Mr. Pinckney has been tried, let them also be resorted
to. Otherwise, as the business has commenced in
error, the continuance therein is highly probable,
until that gentleman is informed of this extraordi-
nary inattention, and is thereby led to correct it, and
of course the most material and interesting parts of
his communications will be lost. Enough, however,
appears already, to show the temper and policy of
the Spanish court, and its undignified conduct, as it
respects themselves, and insulting as it relates to us ;
and I fear will prove, that the late treaty of peace
with France portends nothing favorable to these
United States.

1 At this time, Mr. Pickering, though Secretary of War, discharged the
duties also of Secretary of State. The letters above referred to related to Mr.
Pinckney's negotiations in Spain. "Mr. Pinckney had obtained," said he,
" two interviews with the Duke de Alcudia, but to no purpose. That court
appears to be playing the old game of delay. The Duke said he could not
negotiate until he received from Mr. Jaudenes the answers of this government
to the propositions he was directed to make. Mr. Pinckney assured the Duke,
that no such propositions had been made. A number of passages are in a cipher,
which Mr. Taylor could find no key to explain." — October 2d.

122 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

I am glad to find, however, that matters are going
on well in Morocco, but much concerned to hear of
the unfavorable decision in the High Court of Ap-
peals, on one of the spoliation cases in London.1

I shall (as mentioned in one of my last letters) set
out for Philadelphia this day ; but business with the
commissioners of the Federal City will detain me in
Georgetown to-morrow, and of course keep me a day
longer from the seat of government than I expected.
I am, &c.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, 21 October, 1795.

Sir,

In several of the public gazettes I had read your
note to the editor of the Philadelphia Gazette, with
an extract from a letter, addressed to me, of the 8th
instant ; but it was not until yesterday that the letter
itself was received.2

It is not difficult from the tenor of the letter to
perceive what your objects are ; but, that you may

1 " A letter from Mr. Simpson," said Mr. Pickering, " promises well for the
treaty he is negotiating with the Emperor of Morocco. The military presents
were delivered in the presence of an army of ten thousand men, and were well
received."

3 Mr. Randolph's note to the editor of the Philadelphia Gazette was as fol-
lows. " Sir, the letter, from which the enclosed is an extract, relates princi-
pally to the requisition of a particular paper. My only view at present is to
show my fellow citizens what is the state of my vindication." — October 10th.

Extract — " You must be sensible, Sir, that I am inevitably driven to the
discussion of many confidential and delicate points. I could with safety im-
mediately appeal to the people of the United States, who can be of no party.
But I shall wait for your answer to this letter, so far as it respects the paper
desired, before I forward to you my general letter, which is delayed for no

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 123

have no cause to complain of the withholding any
paper (however private and confidential) which you
shall think necessary in a case of so serious a nature,
I have directed that you should have the inspection
of my letter of the 2 2d of July, agreeably to your
request, and you are at full liberty to publish without
reserve any and every private and confidential letter
I ever wrote to you ; nay, more, every word I ever
uttered to or in your hearing, from whence you can
derive any advantage in your vindication. [I grant
this permission, inasmuch as the extract alluded to
manifestly tends to impress on the public mind an
opinion, that something has passed between us which
you should disclose with reluctance, from motives of
delicacy with respect to me.] l

You know, Sir, even before the treaty was laid
before the Senate, that I had difficulties with respect
to the commercial part of it, with which I professed
to be the least acquainted, and that I had no means
of acquiring information thereon without disclosing
its contents, not to do which until it was submitted
to the Senate had been resolved on. You know, too,

other cause. I shall also rely, that any supposed error in the general letter, in
regard to facts, will be made known to me, that I may correct it if necessary ;
and that you will consent to the whole of the affair, howsoever confidential and
delicate, being exhibited to the world: At the same time I prescribe to myself
the condition not to mingle any thing, which I do not sincerely conceive to be-
long to the subject." — Randolph to Washington, 8 October, 1795.

The delay of Mr. Randolph's letter in coming to the President's hands was
occasioned by its passing the latter on his way from Mount Vernon to Philadel-
phia, where he arrived on the 20th. But the extract was sent to the printer on
the ioth, two days after the letter was written, and before it could,* in any
event, have reached the President. — Sparks.

1 Sentences enclosed in brackets were suggested by Pickering.

124 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

that it was my determination, previous to this sub-
mission, to ratify the treaty, if it should be so ad-
vised and consented to by that body ; and that the
doubts, which afterwards arose and were communi-
cated verbally to Mr. Hammond, proceeded from
more authentic information of the existence of what
is commonly called the " Provision Order" of the
British Government. [And finally, you know the
grounds on which my ultimate decision was taken, as
the same were expressed to you, the other Secreta-
ries of departments, and the late Attorney-General,
after a thorough investigation of the subject in all
the aspects in which it could be placed.] '

As you are no longer an officer of the government,
and propose to submit your vindication to the public,
it is not my desire, nor is it my intention, to receive
it otherwise than through the medium of the press.
Facts you cannot mistake, and, if they are fairly and
candidly stated, they will invite no comments.

The extract of your letter to me, dated the 8th
instant, being published in all the gazettes, I request
that this letter may be inserted in the compilation you
are now making ; as well to show my disposition to
furnish you with every means I possess towards your
vindication, as that I have no wish to conceal any
part of my conduct from the public. ! That public
will judge, when it comes to see your vindication,

1 Pickering's suggestions.

2 The following was a sentence of the draft, but omitted in the letter as
sent : V I am induced to make this request inasmuch as the extract above
alluded to appears to me to have a manifest tendency to impress on the public
mind an opinion that something misterious has passed between us which you
reluctantly bring forward whilst others are kept back."

i795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 125

how far and how proper it has been for you to pub-
lish private and confidential communications, which
oftentimes have been written in a hurry, and some-
times without even copies being taken ; and it will, I
hope, appreciate my motives, even if it should con-
demn my prudence, in allowing you the unlimited
license herein contained. I am, &c.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.1

~ Philadelphia, 25 October, 1795.

oIR,

Your letter of the 24th has been received. It is
full of innuendoes. I shall, therefore, once more, and
for the last time, repeat, in the most unequivocal terms,
that you are at full liberty to publish any thing that
ever passed between us, written or oral, that you
think will subserve your purposes. A conscious
rectitude, and an invariable endeavor to promote
the honor, welfare, and happiness of this country, by
every means in the power of the executive, and within
the compass of my abilities, leaves no apprehension
on my mind from any disclosure whatsoever.

To whom, or for what purpose, you mean to apply
the following words of your letter, " / have been the
meditated victim of party spirit" will be found, I pre-
sume, in your defence ; without which I shall never
understand them. I cannot conceive they are aimed
at me ; because an hundred and an hundred times

1 Memorandum attached to this letter, as recorded in the letter-book.
4 The following is the rough draft of a letter to Edmund Randolph, but, upon
reconsideration, it was not sent."

126 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

you have heard me lament, from the bottom of my
soul, that difference of sentiments should have occa-
sioned those heats, which are disquieting a country,
otherwise the happiest in the world ; and you have
heard me express the most ardent wish, that some
expedient could be devised to heal them. The dis-
closure to me, by an officer of government, of M.
Fauchet's intercepted letter, after the contents were
communicated to him, was an act of such evident
propriety, that no man of candor, entertaining a
proper sense of duty, can possibly condemn. I do
not see, then, how this will apply to the case, more
than the first.

You have, Sir, entirely mistaken the principle, upon
which (in contravention of the opinion of the gentle-
man, who is discharging the duties of Secretary of
State,) I gave you the inspection of what you declared
to be the only paper you were in want of, to com-
plete your defence. My sole motive in furnishing
it was, that it might not be imputed that any thing,
which you conceived necessary to your vindication,
was withheld ; for, however differently the matter
may appear in the sequel, I am free to declare, that I
cannot, at this moment, see what relation there is
between the treaty with Great Britain and the details
and suggestions, which are contained in the inter-
cepted letter of M. Fauchet. I am still more at a
loss to understand the meaning of these other words
in your letter : " But I shall disclose even what I am
compelled to disclose, under the operation of the neces-
sity\ which you yourself have created" Can these ex-
pressions allude to my having put M. Fauchet's letter

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 127

into your hands, in presence of the heads of depart-
ments, for explanation of the passages which related
to your conversations with him ? Or to the accept-
ance of your resignation, voluntarily and unexpect-
edly offered ? Or to the assurance, given in my letter
of the [20th] of August in answer to yours of the
[19th] (and most religiously observed on my part),
not to mention any thing of the matter, until you had
had an opportunity of clearing it up ; whilst you, on
the other hand, were making free communications
thereof in all quarters, and intimating to your friends,
that, in the course of your vindication, you should
bring things to view, which would affect me more
than any thing, which had yet appeared ? If neither
of these, nor an expectation that I should have passed
the matter over unnoticed, or in a private explana-
tion only between ourselves, I know nothing to which
the sentiment can have the least reference. But I
do not write from a desire to obtain explanations ;
for it is not my meaning, nor shall I proceed any far-
ther in discussions of this sort, unless necessity should
call for a simple and candid statement of the business,
to be laid before the public. I am, &c.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
[private and confidential.]

Philadelphia, 29 October, 1795.

My dear Sir :

A voluminous publication is daily expected from
Mr. R[andolph]. The paper alluded to in the ex-
tract of his letter to me of the 8th inst, and inserted

128 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

in all the gazettes, is a letter of my own to him, from
which he intends (as far as I can collect from a com-
bination of circumstances) to prove an inconsistency
in my conduct, in ratifying the Treaty with G. Brit-
ain, without making a rescinding (by the British
government) of what is commonly called the Provi-
sion order, equally with the exception of the 12th
article by the Senate, a condition of that ratification,
intending thereby to show, that my final decision
thereon was the result of party advice ; and that that
party was under British influence. It being a letter
of my own which he has asked for, I did not hesitate
a moment to furnish him therewith, and to authorize
him to publish every private letter I ever wrote, and
every word I ever uttered, if he thought they would
contribute to his vindication. But the paper he
asked for is but a mite of the volume that is to
appear ; for without any previous knowledge of
mine, he had compiled every official paper (before
this was asked) for publication, the knowledge of
which can subserve the purposes he has in view ; and
why they have not made their appearance before
this, I know not, as it was estimated in the published
extract of his letter to me, that nothing retarded it
but the want of the paper then applied for, which
was furnished the day after my arrival in this city,
where (on the 20th inst.) I found his letter, after it
had gone to Alexandria, and had returned.1

1 The paper referred to was Washington's letter to Randolph of July 22d.
On applying at the Department of State for a sight of it Randolph was de-
nied by Pickering on the ground that it could have no relation to the inter-
cepted despatch of Fauchet ; " and Mr. Randolph perfectly well knows that

i795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 129

I shall now touch upon another subject as unpleas-
ant as the one I have just quitted. What am I to
do for a Secretary of State ? I ask frankly, and with
solicitude ; and shall receive kindly any sentiments
you may express on the occasion. That there may
be no concealment, and that the non-occupancy of
the office until this time may be accounted for, (I tell
you in confidence that,) Mr. Patterson, of New Jer-

his resignation was occasioned solely by the evidence of his criminal conduct
exhibited in Mr. Fauchet's letter. The inspection of the President's letter
then cannot be necessary for Mr. Randolph's vindication."

In December a pamphlet was published, entitled A Vindication of Mr.
Randolph's Resignation. In this pamphlet are contained a narrative of the
principal events relating to the case, the correspondence between the President
and Mr. Randolph, the whole of Fauchet's letter, and Mr. Randolph's remarks
upon the parts touching his conduct. Some parts of the pamphlet show a
bitterness of feeling, and a warmth of temper, which weaken the force of the
author's statements, and render it at least doubtful in the reader's mind
whether candor in every instance prevailed over resentment.

"As the asperity," says Chief Justice Marshall, "with which Mr. Ran-
dolph spoke of the President on other occasions as well as in his * Vindication,'
was censured by many, it may rescue the reputation of that gentleman from
imputations, which might be injurious to it, to say, that, some time before his
death, he had the magnanimity to acknowledge the injustice of those imputa-
tions. A letter to the Honorable Bushrod Washington, of July 2d, 1810, a
copy of which was transmitted by Mr. Randolph to the author, contains the
following declarations among others of similar import. ' I do not retain the
smallest degree of that feeling, which roused me fifteen years ago against some
individuals. For the world contains no treasure, deception, or charm, which
can seduce me from the consolation of being in a state of good-will towards all
mankind ; and I should not be mortified to ask pardon of any man with whom
I have been at variance for any injury, which I may have done him. If I
could now present myself before your venerated uncle, it would be my pride to
confess my contrition, that I suffered my irritation, let the cause be what it
might, to use some of those expressions respecting him, which, at this moment
of my indifference to the ideas of the world, I wish to recall, as being incon-
sistent with my subsequent conviction. My life will I hope be sufficiently ex-
tended for the recording of my sincere opinion of his virtues and merit, in a
style which is not the result of a mind merely debilitated by misfortune, but of
that Christian philosophy, on which alone I depend for inward tranquillity."'
— Marshall's Life of Washington, 2d edition, vol. ii., note.
9

i3o THE WRITINGS OF [1795

sey ; Mr. Thomas Johnson, of Maryland; General
Pinckney, of South Carolina ; and Mr. Patrick
Henry, of Virginia ; in the order they are men-
tioned, have all been applied to, and refused.
Would Mr. King accept it ? You know the objec-
tions I have had to the nomination, to office, of any
person from either branch of the Legislature, and
you will be at no loss to perceive, that at the present
crisis, another reason might be adduced against this
appointment. But maugre all objections, if Mr.
King would accept, I would look no further. Can
you sound, and let me know soon, his sentiments on
this occasion ? If he should feel disposed to listen
to the proposition, tell him candidly, all that I have
done in this matter ; that neither he nor I may be
made uneasy thereafter from the discovery of it ; he
will, I am confident, perceive the ground upon which
I have acted, in making these essays ; and will, I am
persuaded, appreciate my motives. If he should
decline also,1 pray learn with precision from him,
what the qualifications of Mr. Potts, the Senator,2
are, and be as diffusive as you can with respect to
others, and I will decide on nothing until I hear
from you — pressing as the case is.

1 King declined. " Circumstances of the moment conspire with the disgust
which a virtuous and independent mind feels at placing itself en but to the
foul and venomous shafts of calumny which are continually shot by an odious
confederacy against virtue, to give Mr. King a decided disinclination to the
office." — Hamilton to Washington, 5 November, 1795.

2 Richard Potts. " We both think well of his principles and consider him
as a man of good sense. But he is of a cast of character ill-suited to such an
appointment, and is not extensive either as to talents or information. It is also
a serious question whether the Senate at this time ought to be weakened." —
Hamilton 's Reply.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 131

To enable you to judge of this matter with more
lights still ; I add, that Mr. Marshall, of Virginia, has
declined the office of Attorney General, and I am
pretty certain, would accept of no other, and I know
that Col. Carrington would not come into the War
Department (if a vacancy should happen therein.)
Mr. Dexter, it is said, would accept the office of
Attorney General.1 No person is yet absolutely
fixed on for that office. Mr. Smith of South Caro-
lina, some time ago, would have had no objection to
filling a respectable office under the General Govern-
ment, but what his views might lead to, or his abilities
particularly fit him for, I am an incompetent judge ;
and besides, on the ground of popularity, his preten-
sions would, I fear, be small.2 Mr. Chase, of Mary-
land, is, unquestionably, a man of abilities ; and it is
supposed by some that he would accept the appoint-
ment of Attorney-General. Though opposed to the
adoption of the constitution, it is said, he has been a

1 " Either Mr. Dexter or Mr. Gore would answer [for Attorney General].
They are both men of undoubted probity. Mr. Dexter has most natural
talent, and is strong in his particular profession. Mr. Gore, I believe, is
equally considered in his profession, and has more various information. No
good man doubts Mr. Gore's purity, but he has made money by agencies for
British houses in the recovery of debts, etc., and by operations in the funds,
which a certain party object to him. I believe Mr. Dexter is free from every-
thing of this kind. Mr. King thinks Gore on the whole preferable. I hesitate
between them." — Hamilton's Reply.

1 '■'Smith, though not of full size, is very respectable for talent, and has
pretty various information. I think he has more real talent than the last in-
cumbent of the office [Randolph]. But there are strong objections to his
appointment. I fear he is of an uncomfortable temper. He is popular with no
description of men, from a certain hardness of character ; and he, more than
most other men, is considered as tinctured with prejudices towards the British."
— Hamilton's Reply.

132 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

steady friend to the general government since it has
been in operation. But he is violently opposed in
his own State by a party, and is besides, or to speak
more correctly, has been accused of some impurity in
his conduct.1 I might add to this catalogue that
Col. Innes is among the number of those who have
passed in review ; but his extreme indolence renders
his abilities (great as they are said to be) of little
use. In short, what with the non-acceptance of
some, — the known dereliction of those who are most
fit ; the exceptionable drawbacks from others ; — and
a wish (if it were practicable) to make a geographical
distribution of the great offices of the administration,
I find the selection of proper characters an arduous
duty.

The period is approaching, indeed is already come,
for selecting the proper subjects for my communica-
tions to Congress at the opening of next session —
and the manner of treating them merits more than
the consideration of a moment. The crisis, and the
incomplete state in which most of the important
affairs of this country are at present, make the first
more difficult, and the latter more delicate than usual.

The treaty with Great Britain is not yet concluded.
After every consideration, however, I could bestow

1 Samuel Chase, when in Congress, had speculated upon the necessities of
the Continental army, using the information of its needs he acquired as a mem-
ber of Congress for his own pecuniary advantage. It is not a little remarkable
that it was Hamilton who had publicly exposed this abuse, for the Publius let-
ters of 1778 were written against Chase, and were instrumental in having him
dropped from the Maryland delegation in Congress. In his reply Hamilton
took no notice of this suggestion of Chase's appointment.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 133

on it (and after entertaining very serious doubts of
the propriety of doing it on account of the provision
order), it has been ratified by me ; what has been or
will be done by the government of Great Britain,
relative to it, is not now, and probably will not be
known by the meeting of Congress. Yet such per-
haps is the state of that business, as to make com-
munication thereof to the legislature necessary ;
whether in the precise form, or to accompany it with
some expression of my sense of the thing itself, and
the manner in which it has been treated, merits deep
reflection. If good would flow from the latter, by a
just and temperate communication of my ideas to
the community at large, through this medium, guarded
so as not to add fuel to passions prepared to blaze,
and at the same time so expressed as not to excite
the criticisms or animadversions of European powers,
I would readily embrace it. But, I would decidedly
avoid every expression which could be construed
into a dereliction of the powers of the President
with the advice and consent of the Senate to make
treaties, — or into a shrinking from any act of mine
relative to it. — In a word, if a conciliatory plan can
be assimilated with a firm, manly, and dignified con-
duct in this business, it. would be desirable; but the
latter I will never yield. On this head it may not be
amiss to add, that no official (nor indeed any other)
accounts have been received from France of the
reception of the treaty with Great Britain, by the
National Convention. Perhaps it is too early to
expect any.

134 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

Our negotiations with Spain, as far as accounts
have been received from Mr. Pinckney (soon after
his arrival there, but after a conference with the
Duke de la Alcudia on the subject, before, however,
the peace between France and that country was
publicly known), stand upon the same procrasti-
nating, trifling, undignified (as it respects that gov-
ernment), and insulting as it relates to this country,
ground as they did at the commencement of them.
Under circumstances like these, I shall be at a loss
(if nothing more decisive shall arrive between this
and the assembling of Congress) what to say on this
subject, especially as this procrastination and trifling
has been accompanied by encroachments on our
territorial rights. There is no doubt of this fact ;
but persons have, nevertheless, been sent both by
Gov. Blount and Gen. Wayne, to know by what au-
thority it is done. The conduct of Spain (after
having herself invited this negotiation, and throughout
the whole of its progress) has been such, that I have,
at times, thought it best to express this sentiment at
once in the speech, and refer to the proceedings.
At other times, to say only that matters are in the
same inconclusive state they have been ; and that if
no alteration for the better, or a conclusion of it,
should take place before the session is drawing to a
close, that the proceedings will be laid fully before
Congress.

From Algiers, no late accounts have been re-
ceived ; and little favorable, it is to be feared, is to
be expected from that quarter.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 135

From Morocco, the first communications, after our
agent arrived there, were pleasing ; but the final
result, if any has taken place, is yet unknown — and
are more clouded.

Our concerns with the Indians will tell well. I
hope, and believe, the peace with the Western Indians
will be permanent, unless renewed difficulties with
Great Britain should produce (as it very likely would
do) a change in their conduct. But whether this matter
can be mentioned in the speech with propriety,
before it is advised and consented to by the Senate,
is questionable ; and nothing, I am sure, that is so,
and is susceptible of cavil or criticism, will escape
the anonymous writers, if it should go unnoticed
elsewhere. It will be denominated by these gentry
a bolster. All the hostile Indians to the southward
have renewed the treaties of amity and friendship
with the United States, and have given the best
proof in their power of their sincerity, to wit, a
return of prisoners and property ; and peace prevails
from one end of our frontier to the other. Peace
also has been produced between the Creeks and
Chickasaws by the intervention of this government ;
but something untoward and unknown here has
occasioned a renewal of hostilities on the part of the
Creeks.

The military establishment is of sufficient import-
ance to claim a place in the general communication,
at the opening of the session ; and my opinion is,
that circumstanced as things are at present, and the
uncertainty of what they may be next year, it would

136 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

be impolitic to reduce it, but whether to express any
opinion thereon, or leave it entirely to their own
decision, may be considered.

Whether a report from the Secretary of the Treas-
ury, relative to fiscal matters, particularly on the
loans of money, and another from the Secretary of
War respecting the frigates, arsenals, military stores
directed to be provided ; and the train in which the
trade with the Indians is, agreeably to the several
acts of Legislature, may not be proper, and to be
referred to in the speech.

Having desired the late Secretary of State to note
down every matter as it occurred, proper either
for the speech at the opening of the session, or for
messages afterwards, the inclosed paper contains
everything I could extract from that office. Aid me,
I pray you, with your sentiments on these points,
and such others as may have occurred to you relative
to my communications to Congress.

With affectionate regard, I am always yours.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

Philadelphia, 23 November, 1795.

My dear Sir,

Enclosed are letters for Mr. de la Fayette, and his
Tutor. I leave them open for your perusal ; and
notwithstanding the request in my letter of the 18th
I shall cheerfully acquiesce in any measures respecting
them which you (and others with whom you may be
disposed to consult) may deem most eligable. —

As there can be no doubt, that the feelings of both

i795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 137

are alive to every thing which may have the semblance
of neglect or slight ; — and indeed, expectant as they
must have been, (without adverting perhaps to the
impediments) of an invitation to fly to me without
delay — and distressing and forlorn as the situation of
one of them is — it is necessary that every assurance
and consolation should be administered to them. —
For these reasons I pray you to send my letters to
them by Express, the expence of which I will repay
with thankfulness.

The doubt which you have expressed of the
propriety of an open and avowed conduct in me
towards the son of Mr. de la Fayette, and the subject
it might afford to malignancy to misinterpret the
cause, has so much weight that I am distrustful of
my own judgment in deciding on this business lest
my feelings should carry me further than prudence
(while I am a public character) will warrant. —

It has, however, like many other things in which I
have been involved, two edges, neither of which can
be avoided without falling on the other.

On one side, I may be charged with countenancing
those who have been denounced the enemies of
France ; — on the other with not countenancing the
son of a man who is dear to America. —

When I wrote to you last x I had resolved to take
both the pupil and Tutor into my own family, sup-
posing it would be most agreeable to the young
gentlemen, and congenial with friendship. — At the
same time that it would have given me more com-
mand over him — been more convenient — and less

1 On the 1 8th of November.

138 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

expensive to myself than to board them out. — But
now, as I have intimated before, I confide the matter
entirely to your decision, after seeing, and conversing
with them. —

Mr. Adet has been indirectly sounded on the
coming over of the family of Fayette generally y but
not as to the exact point — His answer was, that as
France did not make war upon women and children,
he did not suppose their emigration could excite any
notice. The case, however, might be different, if
one of them (with his Tutor, whose character, con-
duct and principles may, for aught I know to the
contrary, be very obnoxious) was brought into my
family, and of course, into the company that visited
it. — But as all these things will be taken into consid-
eration by you I shall not dwell upon them, and only
add that with esteem, regard, and sincere affn. I am
ever yours.

P. S. I have no doubt but that young Fayette
and his Tutor might be boarded at German Town —
or in the vicinity of this City, and would be at hand
to receive assistance and advice as occasion might
require although he might not be a resident under
my roof.

TO JOHN H. STONE, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND.
DEAR SlR : Philadelphia, 6 December, 1795.

By Thursday's post I was favored with your letter
of the 27th ultimo, enclosing a Declaration of the
General Assembly of Maryland. At any time the

i795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 139

expression of such a sentiment would have been con-
sidered as highly honorable and flattering. At the
present, when the voice of malignancy is so high-
toned, and no attempts are left unessayed to destroy
all confidence in the constituted authorities of this
country, it is peculiarly grateful to my sensibility ;
and, coming spontaneously, and with the unanimity
it has done from so respectable a representation of
the people, it adds weight as well as pleasure to
the act.

I have long since resolved, for the present time at
least, to let my calumniators proceed without any
notice being taken of their invectives by myself, or
by any others with my participation or knowledge.
Their views, I dare say, are readily perceived by all
the enlightened and well-disposed part of the com-
munity ; and by the records of my administration,
and not by the voice of faction, I expect to be ac-
quitted or condemned hereafter.

For your politeness in making the unofficial and
friendly communication of this act, I pray you to
receive my thanks, and assurances at the same time
of my being, with very great esteem and regard, dear
Sir, &C.1

1 The Declaration of the General Assembly of Maryland, referred to in this
letter, was expressed in the following language, and was unanimously adopted
by the House of Delegates and the Senate : —

14 Resolved unanimously, that the General Assembly of Maryland, impressed
with the liveliest sense of the important and disinterested services rendered to
his country by the President of the United States ; convinced that the prosperity
of every free government is promoted by the existence of rational confidence
between the people and their trustees, and is injured by misplaced suspicion
and ill-founded jealousy ; considering that public virtue receives its best reward

.

140 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

SPEECH TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, DECEMBER 8TH,

I795.1

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate

and House of Representatives :

I trust I do not deceive myself, while I indulge the persuasion,
that I have never met you at any period, when, more than at the
present, the situation of our public affairs has afforded just cause
for mutual congratulation, and for inviting you to join with me
in profound gratitude to the Author of all good, for the numerous
and extraordinary blessings we enjoy.

The termination of the long, expensive, and distressing war, in
which we have been engaged with certain Indians, northwest of
the Ohio, is placed in the option of the United States, by a treaty,
which the commander of our army has concluded provisionally
with the hostile tribes in that region.

In the adjustment of the terms, the satisfaction of the Indians
was deemed an object worthy no less of the policy, than of the
liberality of the United States, as the necessary basis of durable
tranquillity. This object, it is believed, has been fully attained.
The articles agreed upon will immediately be laid before the
Senate for their consideration.

The Creek and Cherokee Indians, who alone of the southern
tribes had annoyed our frontier, have lately confirmed their pre-

in the approving voice of a grateful people, and that, when this reward is
denied to it, the noblest incentive to great and honorable actions, to generous
zeal and magnanimous perseverance, is destroyed ; observing, with deep con-
cern, a series of efforts, by indirect insinuation, or open invective, to detach
from the first magistrate of the Union the well-earned confidence of his fellow
citizens ; think it their duty to declare, and they do hereby declare, their
unabated reliance on the integrity, judg?nent, and patriotism of the President of
the United States."

This Declaration was brought forward in the House of Delegates by William
Pinckney. Mr. McHenry, in a letter giving an account of the matter to the
President, wrote : "Mr. Pinckney, a man of real talents and genius, and a fas-
cinating speaker, took charge of the Declaration. He originated it in the
House, and supported it beautifully and irresistibly. His influence and
conduct on the occasion overawed some restless spirits, and reached even into
the Senate." — Annapolis, December 5th.

1 This speech was written by Hamilton.

i795l GEORGE WASHINGTON. 141

existing treaties with us ; and were giving evidence of a sincere
disposition to carry them into effect, by the surrender of the
prisoners and property they had taken. But we have to lament,
that the fair prospect in this quarter has been once more clouded
by wanton murders, which some citizens of Georgia are repre-
sented to have recently perpetrated on hunting parties of the
Creeks, which have again subjected that frontier to disquietude
and danger ; which will be productive of further expense, and
may occasion more effusion of blood. Measures are pursuing to
prevent or mitigate the usual consequences of such outrages, and
with the hope of their succeeding, at least to avert general
hostility.

A letter from the Emperor of Morocco announces to me his
recognition of our treaty made with his father the late Emperor ;
and, consequently, the continuance of peace with that power.
With peculiar satisfaction I add, that information has been re-
ceived from an agent deputed on our part to Algiers, importing,
that the terms of a treaty with the Dey and Regency of that
country had been adjusted in such a manner, as to authorize
the expectation of a speedy peace, and the restoration of our
unfortunate fellow-citizens from a grievous captivity.

The latest advices from our envoy at the court of Madrid give,
moreover, the pleasing information, that he had received assur-
ances of a speedy and satisfactory conclusion of his negotiation.
While the event, depending upon unadjusted particulars, cannot
be regarded as ascertained, it is agreeable to cherish the expecta-
tion of an issue, which, securing amicably very essential interests
of the United States, will at the same time lay the foundation of
lasting harmony with a power, whose friendship we have uni-
formly and sincerely desired to cultivate.

Though not before officially disclosed to the House of Repre-
sentatives, you, Gentlemen, are all apprized, that a treaty of
amity, commerce, and navigation has been negotiated with Great
Britain ; and that the Senate have advised and consented to its
ratification, upon a condition which excepts part of one article.
Agreeably thereto, and to the best judgment I was able to form
of the public interest, after full and mature deliberation, I have
added my sanction. The result on the part of his Britannic Ma-

i42 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

: ~t~

jesty is unknown. When received, the subject will, without delay,
be placed before Congress.

This interesting summary of our affairs, with regard to the
foreign powers, between whom and the United States contro-
versies have subsisted ; and with regard also to those of our
Indian neighbors, with whom we have been in a state of enmity
or misunderstanding, opens a wide field for consoling and gratify-
ing reflections. If, by prudence and moderation on every side,
the extinguishment of all the causes of external discord, which
have heretofore menaced our tranquillity, on terms compatible
with our national rights and honor, shall be the happy result ;
how firm and how precious a foundation will have been laid for
accelerating, maturing, and establishing the prosperity of our
country.

Contemplating the internal situation, as well as the external re-
lations, of the United States, we discover equal cause for content-
ment and satisfaction. While many of the nations of Europe,
with their American dependencies, have been involved in a con-
test unusually bloody, exhausting, and calamitous ; in which the
evils of foreign war have been aggravated by domestic convulsion
and insurrection ; in which many of the arts most useful to
society have been exposed to discouragement and decay ; in
which scarcity of subsistence has embittered other sufferings ;
while even the anticipations of a return of the blessings of peace
and repose are alloyed by the sense of heavy and accumulating
burthens, which press upon all the departments of industry, and
threaten to clog the future springs of government ; our favored
country, happy in a striking contrast, has enjoyed general tran-
quillity ; a tranquillity the more satisfactory, because maintained
at the expense of no duty. Faithful to ourselves, we have vio-
lated no obligation to others. Our agriculture, commerce, and
manufactures prosper beyond former example ; the molestations
of our trade (to prevent a continuance of which, however, very
pointed remonstrances have been made) being overbalanced by
the aggregate benefits which it derives from a neutral position.
Our population advances with a celerity, which, exceeding the
most sanguine calculations, proportionally augments our strength
and resources, and guarantees our future security. Every part

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 143

of the Union displays indications of rapid and various improve-
ment ; and with burthens so light as scarcely to be perceived,
with resources fully adequate to our present exigencies, with
governments founded on the genuine principles of rational lib-
erty, and with mild and wholesome laws, is it too much to say, that
our country exhibits a spectacle of national happiness never
surpassed, if ever before equalled ?

Placed in a situation every way so auspicious, motives of com-
manding force impel us, with sincere acknowledgment to Heaven,
and pure love to our country, to unite our efforts to preserve,
prolong, and improve our immense advantages. To cooperate
with you in this desirable work is a fervent and favorite wish of
my heart.

It is a valuable ingredient in the general estimate of our welfare,
that the part of our country, which was lately the scene of dis-
order and insurrection, now enjoys the blessings of quiet and
order. The misled have abandoned their errors, and pay the re-
spect to our constitution and laws, which is due from good citi-
zens to the public authorities of the society. These circumstances
have induced me to pardon, generally, the offenders here referred
to ; and to extend forgiveness to those, who had been adjudged
to capital punishment. For, though I shall always think it a
sacred duty, to exercise with firmness and energy the constitu-
tional powers with which I am vested, yet it appears to me
no less consistent with the public good, than it is with my per-
sonal feelings, to mingle in the operations of government every
degree of moderation and tenderness, which the national justice,
dignity, and safety may permit.

Gentlemen, Among the objects, which will claim your attention
in the course of the session, a review of our military establish-
ment is not the least important. It is called for by the events
which have changed, and may be expected still further to change,
the relative situation of our frontiers. In this review, you will
doubtless allow due weight to the considerations, that the ques-
tions between us and certain foreign powers are not yet finally
adjusted ; that the war in Europe is not yet terminated ; and that
our western posts, when recovered, will demand provision for
garrisoning and securing them. A statement of our present

144 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

military force will be laid before you by the department of
war.

With the review of our army establishment is naturally con-
nected that of the militia. It will merit inquiry, what imperfec-
tions in the existing plan further experience may have unfolded.
The subject is of so much moment in my estimation, as to excite
a constant solicitude, that the consideration of it may be re-
newed, till the greatest attainable perfection shall be accom-
plished. Time is wearing away some advantages for forwarding
the object, while none better deserves the persevering attention
of the public councils.

While we indulge the satisfaction, which the actual condition of
our western borders so well authorizes, it is necessary that we
should not lose sight of an important truth, which continually
receives new confirmations, namely, that the provisions hereto-
fore made with a view to the protection of the Indians from the
violences of the lawless part of our frontier inhabitants are insuf-
ficient. It is demonstrated that these violences can now be per-
petrated with impunity ; and it can need no argument to prove,
that, unless the murdering of Indians can be restrained by bring-
ing the murderers to condign punishment, all the exertions of
the government to prevent destructive retaliations by the Indians
will prove fruitless, and all our present agreeable prospects illu-
sory. The frequent destruction of innocent women and children,
who are chiefly the victims of retaliation, must continue to shock
humanity ; and an enormous expense, to drain the treasury of
the Union.

To enforce upon the Indians the observance of justice, it is
indispensable that there shall be competent means of rendering
justice to them. If these means can be devised by the wisdom of
Congress, and especially if there can be added an adequate pro-
vision for supplying the necessities of the Indians on reasonable
terms, (a measure, the mention of which I the more readily
repeat, as in all the conferences with them they urge it with
solicitude,) I should not hesitate to entertain a strong hope of
rendering our tranquillity permanent. I add, with pleasure, that
the probability even of their civilization is not diminished by the
experiments which have been thus far made, under the auspices

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 145

of government. The accomplishment of this work, if practicable,
will reflect undecaying lustre on our national character, and
administer the most grateful consolations that virtuous minds
can know.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives :

The state of our revenue, with the sums which have been bor-
rowed and reimbursed, pursuant to different acts of Congress,
will be submitted from the proper department ; together with an
estimate of the appropriations necessary to be made for the service
of the ensuing year.

Whether measures may not be advisable to reinforce the pro-
vision for the redemption of the public debt, will naturally engage
your examination. Congress have demonstrated their sense to
be, and it were superfluous to repeat mine, that whatsoever
will tend to accelerate the honorable extinction of our public
debt, accords as much with the true interest of our country
as with the general sense of our constituents.

Gentlemen of the Senate

and House of Representatives :

The statements, which will be laid before you, relative to the
mint, will show the situation of that institution, and the necessity
of some further legislative provisions for carrying the business of
it more completely into effect, and for checking abuses which
appear to be arising in particular quarters.

The progress in providing materials for the frigates, and in
building them ; the state of the fortifications of our harbors ; the
measures which have been pursued for obtaining proper sites for
arsenals, and for replenishing our magazines with military stores ;
and the steps which have been taken towards the execution of
the law for opening a trade with the Indians, will likewise be
presented for the information of Congress.

Temperate discussion of the important subjects, which may
arise in the course of the session, and mutual forbearance where
there is a difference of opinion, are too obvious and necessary for
the peace, happiness, and welfare of our country to need any
recommendation of mine.

146 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

Philadelphia, 22 December, 1795.

My dear Sir,

Have you seen or heard more of young Fayette
since you last wrote to me on that subject ? Where
did he go to ? Did you deliver him the letter I sent
under cover to you for him? His case gives me
pain, and I do not know how to get relieved from it.
— His sensibility I fear is hurt, by his not acknowl-
edging the receipt of my letter to him ; and yet, if
considerations of a higher nature are opposed to a
more uncovert countenance, it must be submitted to.
— If he wants money, I am ready to furnish it.

'Ere this, I presume you have seen the long prom-
ised vindication, or rather accusation. What do you
think of it ? and what notice should be taken of it.
You are fully acquainted with my Sentiments relative
to the rival and warring powers of F[rance] and
E[ngland] ; and have heard as strong sentiments
from me with respect to both, as ever he did. His
declaration that he was always opposed to the Com-
mercial part of the Negociation is as impudent and
insolent an assertion as it is false, if he means more
than that it was contingent (as the Instructions to
Mr. Jay declare), and to apply the knowledge of it to
me. But if you have seen his performance, I shall
leave you to judge of it, without any comments of
mine.1

With much sincerity and truth

I am always and affect'ly Yours.

1 " I have read with care Mr. Randolph's pamphlet. It does not surprise
me. I consider it as amounting to a confession of guilt ; and I am persuaded

1795J GEORGE WASHINGTON. 147

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

Philadelphia, 22 December, 1795.

My dear Sir,

I am become so unprofitable a correspondent, and
so remiss in my correspondencies, that nothing but
the kindness of my friends, in overlooking these
deficiencies, could induce them to favor me with a
continuance of their letters ; which to me are at
once pleasing, interesting, and useful. To a man
immersed in debt, and seeing no prospect of extrica-
tion but by an act of insolvency (perhaps absolvency
would be a better word), I compare myself ; and like
him, too, afraid to examine the items of the account,
I will at once make a lumping acknowledgment of the
receipt of many interesting private letters from you,
previous to your last arrival in England, and will
begin with those subsequent thereto of the 3d of
July and 22d of August.

As the British government has repealed the order
for seizing our provision vessels, little more need be
said on that head, than that it was the principle,
which constituted the most obnoxious and exception-
able part thereof, and the predicament in which this
country was thereby placed in her relations with
France. Admitting, therefore, that the compensation
to some individuals was adequate to what it might
have been in another quarter, yet the exceptions to
it on these grounds remained the same.

this will be the universal opinion. His attempts against you are viewed by all
whom I have seen, as base. They will certainly fail of their aim, and will do
good, rather than harm, to the public cause and to yourself. It appears to me
that, by you, no notice can be, or ought to be, taken of the publication. It
contains its own antidote." — Hamilton to Washington, 24 December, 1795.

148 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

I do not think Colonel Innes's report to the gov-
ernor of Kentucky was entirely free from exceptions.
But let the report be accompanied with the following
remarks. 1, that the one, which Lord Grenville might
have seen published, was disclaimed by Colonel Innes,
as soon as it appeared in the public gazettes, on
account of its incorrectness. 2, an irritable spirit at
that time pervaded all our people at the westward,
arising from a combination of causes (but from none
more powerful, than the analogous proceedings of
Great Britain in the north, with those of Spain in
the south, towards the United States and their In-
dian borderers), which spirit required some manage-
ment and soothing. But, 3d and principally, Lord
Grenville if he had adverted to the many remon-
strances, which have gone from this country against
the conduct of his own, which I will take the liberty to
say has been as impolitic for their nation, (if peace and
a good understanding with this was its object,)
as it has been irritating to us. And, that it may not
be conceived I am speaking at random, let his Lord-
ship be asked, if we have not complained, — That some
of their naval officers have insulted and menaced us
in our own ports ? That they have violated our
national rights, by searching vessels and impressing
seamen within our acknowledged jurisdiction, and in
an outrageous manner have seized the latter by entire
crews in the West Indies, and done the like, but not
so extensively, in all parts of the world ? That the
Bermudian privateers, or to speak more correctly,
pirates, and the admiralty court of that island, have

i795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 149

committed the most atrocious depredations and vio-
lences on our commerce, in capturing, and in their
adjudications afterwards, as were never tolerated in
any well-organized or efficient government ? That
their governor of Upper Canada has ordered in an
official and formal manner settlers within our own
territory, (and far removed from the posts they have
withheld from us,) to withdraw, and forbid others to
settle on the same ? That the persons, to whom their
Indian affairs are intrusted, have taken unwearied pains
and practised every deception to keep those people in
a state of irritation and disquietude with us ; and, to
the latest moment, exerted every nerve to prevent the
treaty, which has lately been concluded between
the United States and them from taking effect?

These complaints were not founded in vague and
idle reports, but on indubitable facts ; facts, not only
known to the government, but so notorious as to be
known to the people also, who charge to the last item
of the above enumeration the expenditure of a million
or more of dollars annually for the purpose of self-
defence against Indian tribes thus stimulated, and for
chastising them for the ravages and cruel murders,
which they had committed on our frontier inhabitants.
Our minister at the court of London has been directed
to remonstrate against these things with force and
energy. The answer, it is true, has been (particularly
with respect to the interferences with the Indians) a
disavowal. Why then are not the agents of such
unauthorized, offensive, and injurious measures made
examples of ? For wherein, let me ask, consists the

i5°

THE WRITINGS OF

l>795

difference to us between their being the acts of gov-
ernment, or the acts of unauthorized officers or agents
of the government, if we are to sustain all the evils,
which flow from such measures ?

To this catalogue may be added the indifference,
nay, more than indifference, with which the govern-
ment of Great Britain received the advances of this
country towards a friendly intercourse with it, even
after the adoption of the present constitution, and
since the operation of the government ; and, also, the
ungracious and obnoxious characters, (rancorous refu-
gees, as if done with design to insult the country,)
which they have sent among us as their agents, who,
retaining all their former enmity, could see nothing
through a proper medium, and becoming the earwigs
of their minister (who, by the by, does not possess a
mind capacious enough, or a temper sufficiently con-
ciliatory, to view things and act upon a great and
liberal scale), were always laboring under some unfa-
vorable information and impression, and probably not
communicating them in a less exceptionable manner
than they received or conceived them themselves.

I give you these details (and, if you should again
converse with Lord Grenville on the subject you are
at liberty, unofficially to mention them, or any of them,
according to circumstances), as evidences of the im-
politic conduct (for so it strikes me) of the British
government towards these United States ; that it may
be seen how difficult it has been for the executive,
under such an accumulation of irritating circumstan-
ces, to maintain the ground of neutrality, which had

i795j GEORGE WASHINGTON. 151

been taken ; at a time when the remembrance of
the aid we had received from France in the revolution
was fresh in every mind, and when the partisans of
that country were continually contrasting the affec-
tions of that people with the unfriendly disposition of
the British governme7tt. And that, too, as I have
observed before, while the recollection of their own
sufferings during the war with the latter had not been
forgotten.

It is well known, that peace (to borrow a modern
phrase) has been the order of the day with me since
the disturbances in Europe first commenced, My
policy has been, and will continue to be, while I have
the honor to remain in the administration of the
government, to be upon friendly terms with, but in-
dependent of, all the nations of the earth ; to share
in the broils of none ; to fulfil our own engagements ;
to supply the wants and be carrier for them all ; being
thoroughly convinced, that it is our policy and inter-
est to do so. Nothing short of self-respect, and that
justice which is essential to a national character,
ought to involve us in war ; for sure I am, if this
country is preserved in tranquillity twenty years longer,
it may bid defiance in a just cause to any power
whatever ; such in that time will be its population,
wealth, and resources.

If Lord Grenville conceives, that the United States
are not well disposed towards Great Britain, his can-
dor, I am persuaded, will seek for the causes, and his
researches will fix them, as I have done. If this
should be the case, his policy will I am persuaded be

iS2 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

opposed to the continuance or renewal of the irritating
measures, which I have enumerated ; for he may be
assured, (though the assurance will not, it is probable,
carry conviction with it from me to a member of the
British administration,) that a liberal policy will be
one of the most effectual means of deriving advantages
to their trade and manufactures from the people of
the United States, and will contribute, more than
any thing else, to obliterate the impressions, which
have been made by their late conduct towards us.

In a government as free as ours, where the people
are at liberty, and will express their sentiments often-
times imprudently, and, for want of information,
sometimes unjustly, allowances must be made for
occasional effervescences ; but, after the declaration
which I have here made of my political creed, you
can run no hazard in asserting, that the executive
branch of this government never has, or will suffer,
while I preside, any improper conduct of its officers
to escape with impunity, or will give its sanctions to
any disorderly proceedings of its citizens.

By a firm adherence to these principles, and to the
neutral policy which has been adopted, I have brought
on myself a torrent of abuse in the factious papers in
this country, and from the enmity of the discontented
of all descriptions therein. But, having no sinister
objects in view, I shall not be diverted from my course
by these, nor any attempts which are, or shall be
made to withdraw the confidence of my constituents
from me. I have nothing to ask ; and, discharging my
duty, I have nothing to fear from invective. The acts

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 153

of my administration will appear when I am no more,
and the intelligent and candid part of mankind will
not condemn my conduct without recurring to them.
The treaty entered into with Great Britain has, as
you have been informed, undergone much and severe
animadversion ; and, though a more favorable one
were to have been wished, which the policy perhaps
of Great Britain might have granted, yet the de-
merits thereof are not to be estimated by the opposi-
tion it has received; nor is the opposition sanctioned
by the great body of the yeomanry in these States.
For they, whatever their opinions of it may be, are
disposed to leave the decision where the constitution
has placed it. But an occasion was wanting, and the
instrument, by those who required it, was deemed
well calculated, for the purpose of working upon the
affections of the people of this country towards those
of France, whose interests and rights under our treaty
with them they represented as being violated ; and,
with the aid of the provision order, and other irritating
conduct of the British ships of war and agents, as
mentioned before, the means were furnished, and more
pains taken, than upon any former occasion, to raise
a general ferment with a view to defeat the treaty.1

1 On the 14th of December, Mr. Jay wrote as follows to President Washing-
ton : "I have lately received much intelligence from several quarters. Some
allowances are to be made for zeal ; but all my accounts agree in representing
the public mind as becoming more and more composed, and that certain viru-
lent publications have caused great and general indignation, even among many
who had been misled into intemperate proceedings, and had given too much
countenance to factious leaders. The latter, however, persevere with great
activity, though with less noise and clamor. These are political evils, which
in all ages have grown out of such a state of things, as naturally as certain
physical combinations produce whirlwinds and meteors "

154 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

But knowing that you have other correspondents,
who have more leisure, and equally capable of detail-
ing these matters, I will leave you to them and the
gazettes for fuller information there and a more
minute account of the prevailing politics. And
thanking you for the interesting intelligence and
opinions contained in your letter of the 2 2d of
August, I shall only add, that, with sincere esteem
and regard, I am, dear Sir, your affectionate friend.

P. S. We have not heard through any other chan-
nel than your Letter, of the intended resignation of
Mr. Skipwith and of the proposed recommendation
of Mr. Montflorence.

LETTERS TO WILLIAM PEARCE, 1 795. *

* * * After getting out as many of your best qualified
Oats for seed as the ground by the rotations, and such other as
you shall allot for them, may require, — take care that the residue
is not used so near as to disfurnish my horses when I may come
to Mount Vernon ; which, probably, will be twice between the
adjournment of Congress on the 3d of March, and their meeting
again in autumn. — The first for a flying trip (as soon as the
roads will permit me to travel after the adjournment ) with not
more than five horses ; — the other, during the hot weather, for a
longer term ; and with more than double that number of horses ;
as Mrs. Washington and the family will accompany me. —

What chimney has fallen, by which negro children were
hurt, and how are they now ? — Under real or pretended sickness,
I perceive Doll, at the Ferry, rarely does any work ; — it would
be well to place her in a situation where her ways can be attended
to — if she is really unable to work, none will be required of her ;

1 In continuation of page 24.

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 155

if she is able, deceitful complaints, which she is very capable of
making, ought not to avail her. * * * 4 January, 1795.

* * * As it is my wish to plant many Irish potatoes this
year, be sure to reserve enough for seed, by making ample
allowance for thefts, waste, and rotting. — I shall send you by the
first vessel a bushel and half of clean honey locust seed ; which
I would have raised in a nursery for the purpose of hedging. —
By an experiment I have made a (large) quart contains 4,000
seed ; this, allowing ten seed to a foot, would sow, or plant, four
rows of 500 feet each; — at this rate, 40 quarts (which I think
you may count upon, at least) would require 160 rows ; ground
for which I would have you prepare whenever you shall find
most convenient, that the seed may be put in as soon as it
arrives : — two feet apart will be enough for the rows, as to weed
the plants until they are fit to transplant is all that will be
required — and this will be done in two years.

I am sorry to hear that French Will is resuming his old tricks
again. — The lye he tells, respecting my promise of freedom to
him, after seven years of service, carries its conviction along with
it ; — inasmuch as I had no certainty of holding him an hour after
Mrs. French's death ; which might have happened within the
year I hired him ; how then could I promise freedom to a person
I held under such tenure? — Harsh treatment will not do with
him ; you had better, therefore, let him piddle, and in this way
( though I believe little trust is to be placed in him ) get what
you can out of him. * * * 11 January, 1795.

* * * I never saw Donaldson's son, but from what you
have said respecting him, I am very willing to allow him his
victuals and coarse cloathing : — but ascertain the quantum, and
sort of both, in writing, to prevent mistakes and grumbling
hereafter. — I am always ready, and willing, to fulfil every engage-
ment I enter into ; — and hating disputes, I wish always that
contracts may be clearly understood ; — for this reason also, it is
necessary he should know that the boy must work duly and
truely. — And whilst I am on this subject, I would repeat my
expectation that he will take pains to teach those who work
with him (especially Isaac and the boy Jem) in the principles of
the several kinds of work they are employed in ; — particularly]

156 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

in carts, wheels, Plows, harrows, wheel barrows, and such kinds
of implements as are used about a farm, or dwelling house. — I
would also have him cautioned against an error which I have felt
no small inconvenience from ; — and that is, that rather than
persevere in doing things right themselves, and being at the
trouble of making others do the like, they will fall into the
slovenly mode of executing work which is practiced by those
among whom they are. — I have experienced this not only from
European tradesmen, — but from farmers also, who have come
from England ; and from none in a greater degree than from
Mr. Whiting, and one Bloxham, who preceeded him ; — and who,
tho' perfectly acquainted with every part of a farmer's business ; —
and peculiarly so (the latter, I mean) in the management and use
of Oxen for the Cart or plow, double or single, with yokes or
with harness ; yet, finding it a little troublesome to instruct the
Negros, and to compel them to the practice of his modes, he
slided into theirs; and at length ( which I adduce as a proof )
instead of using proper flails for threshing the grain, I have
found my people at this work with hoop polls — and other things
similar thereto. * * * 25 January, 1795.

* * * It is my earnest wish to have my land on four-mile
run re-surveyed, and the bounds thereof ascertained ; that the
pretence of not knowing the lines may no longer be an excuse
for the trespasses which are committed thereon, to the great
diminution of its value ; — the wood being the more important,
as the land is of a mean quality. — For the purpose of surveying,
it was that I left the papers with you ; and more than once have
called your attention to this business. — It might be well to agree
upon some day with Mr [Lund] Washington and others,
(amongst whom a Mr. Terret joins) that are knowing to the
lines and interested in the business ; that it may be effectually
done if everything is clear, and no difficulties should arise with
respect to title, or bounds. — If these, or either of them, should
happen, enter into no agreement that will be obligatory on me. —
I attempted, as will appear by some notes amongst the papers I
left with you, to survey this land myself ; but having no person
with me who was acquainted with the lines, I was unable to find
more than two or three of the corners. — A Moses Ball, if living,

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 157

must have some knowledge of the lines: — Mr. Terret also, but as
he is interested in this business, and is accused of being a pretty
considerable trespasser on the part which joins him, it would not
be strange if corner and line trees both are cut down ; nor very
strange, if it has not happened from entire ignorance, if he should
not endeavor to perplex and mislead thereabouts. — As the
survey is not in consequence of a law suit, and made by order of
the court, there is no necessity of employing the County Sur-
veyor, unless he possesses more skill than any other who can
readily be got ; and will do it upon as moderate terms, as any
other. — Do not let my papers go out of your hands — or any
copies be taken from them. — The Surveyor, if he is a man of
science, will know what the variation of the compass is, and
what allowance to make for it, if any difficulty should arise from
the want of the corner and line trees. * * * 15 February,

1795.

I was afraid the open weather we have had, with frost, would

have injured the Wheat. — A short crop of this article two years
running, would fall heavy on me ; as it seems to be the only
thing, to any sort of amount, from which the means is derived,
by which the various, and heavy expences of my estate, is borne. —
If the Wheat is thrown much out of the ground, and the roots
exposed, try the roller thereon — repeatedly — as soon as the earth
is a little settled, and the roller will pass over it without its stick-
ing thereto ; — over the parts I mean (of the fields) that are injured.
I tried this method one year with very good success ; and it is a
practice strongly recommended by all the Books on farming. — I
have, myself, seen bunches of wheat the roots of which have been
entirely out of the ground, take again by the Roller's compressing
them to the earth : and the chance of doing it is well worth the
expence and time which is required by the Roller, drawn with
Oxen. * * *

I am sorry my letter was so long getting to the hands of my
nephew Colo. Washington ; — for if I have not formed a very
erroneous, and unjust opinion of the conduct of my negro car-
penters— there is not to be found so idle a set of Rascals. — In
short, it appears to me, that to make even a chicken coop, would
employ all of them a week ; — buildings that are run up here in

158 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

two or three days (with not more hands) employ them a month
or more. * * * 22 February, 1795.

* * * If the absconding of French's Paul did not proceed
from a quarrel with, or threats from, his overseer, it will be found,
I expect, that he has been guilty of some piece of roguery ; of the
discovery of which he was afraid : — pains therefore ought to be
taken to apprehend and bring him to punishment.

What sort of lameness is Dick's (at D. Run) ; that he should
have been confined with it for so many weeks ? — and what kind
of sickness is Betty Davis's, that it should have had a similar
effect upon her ? — If pretended ailments, without apparent causes,
or visible effects, will screen her from work, I shall get no service
at all from her ; for a more lazy, deceitful and impudent huzzy,
is not to be found in the United States than she is. * * *
8 March, 1795.

* * * All grasses ought to be sown on clean and well
prepared ground, especially those near a dwelling house, which
attract the eyes of all visitors. — This observation applies to grain
as well as grass ; — for which reason, however desirable it might
have been, to have got the oats in the ground soon, I had rather
hear it was delayed than that it should be sown before every
thing was in perfect order for it ; for it is a fixed principle with
me, that whatever is done should be well done. Unless this maxim
is attended to, our labor is but in vain, and our expectation of a
return, is always deceptious ; whilst we are ascribing our dis-
appointments to anything rather than the true cause, namely —
not laying (by proper preparations) a good foundation on which
to build our hopes.

I observe what you say of Betty Davis, &ct. — but I never
found so much difficulty as you seem to apprehend, in dis-
tinguishing between real and feigned sickness ; — or when a person
is much afflicted with pain. Nobody can be very sick without
having a fever, nor will a fever or any other disorder continue
long upon any one without reducing them. Pain also, if it be
such as to yield entirely to its force, week after week, will appear
by its effects ; but my people (many of them) will lay up a month,
at the end of which no visible change in their countenance, nor
the loss of an oz. of flesh, is discoverable ; and their allowance

i795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 159

of provision is going on as if nothing ailed them. — There cannot,
surely be any real sickness under such circumstances as I have
described ; nor ought such people to be improperly endulged. —
It should be made one of the primary duties of every Overseer to
attend closely, and particularly to those under his care who really
are, or pretend to be, sick ; to see that they first receive aid and
comfort in time, and before it is too late to apply them ; and
that the others do not impose upon him. In the first case you
ought to be immediately notified, as delay is often dangerous ;
and in the second, where the matter is at all doubtful, you ought
to be the judge, for I am as unwilling to have any person, in my
service, forced to work when they are unable, as I am to have
them skulk from it, when they are fit for it. — * * * 22
March, 1795.

* * * Considering the quality of my flour this year, and
the smallness of the quantity, I am very well satisfied that you
have got it off your hands at the prices it sold ; altho' flour at
this market is at 12 dollars a barrel and rising. — In short, the
scarcity of this article in Europe, and demand for it ; added, to
the failure of the last wheat crop in this Country will enable
the holders to get any price they please. — Let me know the quan-
tity of the midlings and ship-stuff you disposed of. — And tell
Davenport to make out, and to have sent to me, the mill account
for last year, that I may see what wheat has gone into, and what
flour has come out of, the mill. — I have no reason to suspect
that Davenport is otherwise than an honest man ; but regular
and fair accounts should be stated, and rendered by all men. —
In doing this with him, the Overseers' accounts of the wheat
sent to, and his of what is received in the mill, should agree ; so
likewise ought his charges of the flour, Bran, &c, sent to Mansion
House, the Overseers, &c, to agree with what is reported and
credited. — This being done, and added to the different kinds of
flour that are sold, and the shorts and Bran used, will (account-
ing also for the Toll Wheat) show the state of the manufacturing
business — which is not only satisfactory, but absolutely neces-
sary ; — for I strongly suspect, notwithstanding it would appear
by the experiments which have been made of an hundred
bushels that the balance is in favor of flour, — that the case is

Id

::

it

160 THE WRITINGS OF [1791

.

otherwise on the aggregate quantity which is ground. — That it is
so this year, can admit of no doubt ; — it would be inconceivable
otherwise that the [ ] of my last year's crop of wheat, and

] that of the year before, should yield only [ ] barrels
of flour, besides what was consumed in the family.

If the boy at the Mill is to go into the Garden, at Mansion
house, the sooner it happens the better ; — and I really (consider-
ing the little work my Mill does) see no reason why he should
not. — I am sorry to find by your last reports that there has beei
two deaths in the family since I left Mount Vernon ; — and one
of them a young fellow. — I hope every necessary care and atten-
tion was afforded him. — I expect little of this from McKoy, — or
indeed from most of his class ; for they seem to consider a Negro
much in the same light as they do the brute beasts, on the farms ;
and often times treat them as inhumanly. * * * 10 May,

1795.

* * * Davy's lost lambs carry with them a very suspicious

appearance ; — and it will be to be regretted, if he betakes himself

to Rogueries of that sort ; — for in that case, nothing will escape,

if he can avoid detection ; and grain will be less liable to it than

animals. — If the lambs had been poisoned, or had died a natural

death, or their deaths had been occasioned by any accident, their

bones would have been forth coming, and his not being able to

produce them, is an argument, both of his guilt, and of his not

expecting to be called upon for that evidence of the truth of his

assertion, and fair dealing. — This circumstance will make it

necessary to watch him a little closer. — He has some very sly,

cunning and roguish negroes under him ; among whom none has

a greater disposition to be so, or who he can make a more useful

agent of, than Nathan ; his mother and father. — * * *

What is the matter with Ruth and Ben, (not the Ben that cut

himself) at River farm, that week after week they are returned

sick ? — The first of them, Ruth, has been aiming, for some time,

to get herself excused from work. — More than they are able to do

in reason, I do not expect ; — but I have no idea of their being

totally exempted, whilst work proportioned, and adapted to their

strength and situation, can be found for them. — The example is

bad, and will be too readily (as is the case at present with several

1795] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 161

more of them) attempted ; if, under the plea of pains, &c, &c ,
they find they can carry their point. — * * * 5 July, 1795.

* * * At the proper season let all the English thorn, in the
vineyard, be transplanted (I do not care where, so it be) to places
where the strongest inner fences are required. — Let the long
string of fence from the gate at Union Farm (going into No. I)
quite through to the branch be planted with the honey locust, if
they are of a size proper for it. — Continue the Cedar hedge from
the barn at that place, to the Mill road ; or as far as you have
plants for that purpose : — and then (on both sides of that lane)
in ground properly spaded, or well hoed up, and formed into a
bed, sow the Cedar berries in a single straight row ; after rubbing
off the skin, or glutinous substance which surrounds the seed, in
the manner which has been mentioned to you ; and which, it is
said, is necessary to their vegitation. — But with respect to these,
and other berries, the vegitation of which is said to be promoted
by their passing through the body of an animal, I have often
thought, that if they were put into a pot with water sufficient
to moisten the whole mass of them, and kept warm (but not
hot), from morning until night, and then to have the skin
rubbed off as before mentioned, it would answer as well as the
heat of the animal body. — The only danger would be from
carelessness, in letting them get so hot as to destroy vegitation
altogether. * * *

No hedge, alone, will, I am persuaded, do for an outer inclo-
sure, where two, or four footed hogs find it convenient to open a
passage ; but I am equally satisfied, that any hedge will do for
partition fences, where no hogs are suffered to run ; con-
sequently those that can be quickest raised, will answer my
purposes best ; if I am even obliged to have a double hedge, in
the manner before mentioned,- to be ready for the decline of the
first. * * * 22 November, 1795.

I wish you to make the most you can of the materials you
have within yourself, for hedging ; for I do not believe you will
get any berries of the white thorn from Newcastle ; for the reason
given in one of my letters after I arrived at this place from
Mount Vernon last. — I hope the Cedar berries will prove better
than you expect, that you may, as soon as possible, get the lane

i62 THE WRITINGS OF [1795

from the New barn (at Union farm) to the Mill road compleated
with that kind of hedge on both sides. — Make good the hedges
as you proceed, in this business ; otherwise you will have incom-
plete ones, that will render no service. — Anxious as you perceive
I am, to substitute hedges instead of dead fences, I have full
confidence in your exertion to raise them ; — and as I have ob-
served in a former letter, those for inner and cross fences, where
no hogs are suffered to run, may, in the first instance, be made
of anything that suits the soil, and will grow quick, — altho' they
should be doubled hereafter. — When I speak of tilling too much
land, and add that a less quantity would be more productive than
the greater quantity, which is now tended in order to produce an
adequate quantity of Corn ; I would not be understood to mean
that half of one of your fields in the condition they now are,
would produce you as much corn (or other things) as the whole
of it would do ; — that would be absurd ; — but for example, sup-
pose ten hands are necessary to cultivate a field of 100 acres
(more or less) and that this quantity, in common seasons, can be
cultivated as well as usually is done, but will allow no spare time,
or labor for any extra work — my idea then is, that by turning
half that field out, or rather let it be enclosed, and nothing suf-
fered to run upon it, (that all the grass and weeds it produces
may fall, rot, and ameliorate the soil) — Cultivate the other half
better than you could do the whole ; — and bestow all the spare
labor of the ten hands in raking — scraping, — collecting and
carrying out all the manure that can be obtained from swamps,
ponds, trash about the house, and in the lanes, — and even leaves
and rotten trees from the woods ; that more would be produced
in a year or two from the 50 acres, than is now got from the hun-
dred : — and by this means gullies might be filled up — and many
other improvements made on the farms that are not, nor cannot
be done with a full crop. — Is it not better to get 20 bushels of
Wheat (and other things in proportion) from one acre of ground,
than from two acres ? — That worn land, undressed and unim-
proved will not produce the latter, that is 20 bushels, and when
well cultivated and manured, will produce the former, is known
to every man who has attended to these things ; — and yet, such
is the force of habit, that people will not quit the path their

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 163

fathers have trod in. — Besides, I am so well persuaded of the in-
jury land sustains from the growth of Indian Corn, I never desire
to raise more than enough for my Negros (who cannot do with-
out it ;) substituting other species of food for Horses, Hogs, &c.
— or even buying from the sales of other crops, if I cannot do
this. * * * 6 December, 1795.

to james Mchenry.

[private.]

Philadelphia, 20 January, 1796.

My dear Sir,

Let this letter be received with the same friendship
and frankness with which it is written. Nothing
would add more to the satisfaction this would give
me, than your acceptance of the offer I am going to
make you.

Without further preface then, will you suffer me
to nominate you to the office of Secretary of War ?
That I may give evidence of the candor I have pro-
fessed above, I shall inform you, that, for particular
reasons, (more fit for an oral than a written communi-
cation,) this office has been offered to Genl. Pinckney
of So. Carolina, Colo. Carrington of Virginia, and
Govr. Howard of Maryland, and that it would now
give me sincere pleasure if you would fill it.

After making this declaration, I can press you no
farther ; but I press for an immediate answer, as the
public service is suffering much for want of a head to
the department of War. If you consent to this
nomination, prepare to come on as soon as it is made,
(for the reason just mentioned,) altho' at this season,
and in the present state of the roads, you should not

164 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

find it convenient to bring Mrs. Mctienry and your
family along with you.

Sound, I pray you, and let me know without de-
lay, if Mr. Saml. Chase would accept a seat on the
Supreme Judicial bench of the United States, made
vacant by the resignation of Mr. Blair. If his de-
cision is in the affirmative, he will at once perceive
the necessity of being here by the first Monday (if
possible) in next month, at which time that court is
to sit in this city. Altho' these subjects are both of
an interesting nature, I will add no more on them at
present ; but assure you of the sincere friendship
and affectionate regard of &c.

TO BUSHROD WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, 10 February, 1796.

Dear Sir,

On Saturday last I received your letter of the
24th Ulto.

Presuming that Mr. Keith has sent you all the at-
tested accounts of my Executorship of the Estate
of Colo. Thomas Colvill, in which the affairs
of John Colvill, his brother (to whom he was
executor) were involved — together with the will
of the former, and the claims originating from an
extraordinary devise which you will find therein, I
am at a loss to know, what more you require than is
contained in those papers, when you wish I would
give you the general out lines of the business ; that
you may be enabled thereby to frame the Bill.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 165

I have no papers now by me except copies of the
accounts, which have been settled with the court,
authentic copies of which I presume you have re-
ceived ; — and having very little knowledge in chan-
cery proceedings I hardly know where to begin or
end a story, that may subserve your purpose. I will
however, attempt to detail some facts relative to the
business, which has involved me in much unex-
pected vexation and trouble in order that I may as
soon as possible be rid of it.

You must know then that in a visit to Colo.
Thomas Colvill, on his death bed, (an unlucky
one I have ever since deemed it) he informed me,
that he had appointed me, one of his Executors. I
told him that my numerous engagements, of a simi-
lar kind, would not permit me to discharge the duties
of one. — He urged — I refused — he pressed again,
assuring me that all the trouble would be taken off
my hands, by his wife and Mr. John West (who
married his niece) that he wished only for my name,
— and that I would now and then only inquire how
Matters were conducted by those first named. Un-
willing to make the last moments of a worthy and
respectable character uneasy, I yielded to his re-
quest ; and having so done I would not be worse than
my word, and qualified accordingly : — and when it
suited my convenience, occasionally assisted ; until
my services were required by the county in which I
lived, to attend the State convention, at Williams-
burg and Richmond — by these conventions, to attend
the Congresses which were held in this City, — and by

166 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

the latter to take the command of the Army, which,
and my continuance with the latter comprehended a
period of more than ten years, at the expiration of
which and my return to private life, I found that
Mrs. Colvill, and Jno. West both were dead — that
no final settlement of the Estate had been made.
That every thing relative to it was enveloped in
darkness, and that instead of being a mere auxiliary
in the business I was compelled for my own security,
to become the sole actor.

Under these circumstances, and knowledge of Mr.
Keith's fitness, from being a professional man ; —
from having been once, a clerk of a Court and well
acquainted with proceedings of this kind ; and from
his knowledge of incidents ; I employed him to col-
lect, and digest the materials which were to be found
among the papers of Mrs. Colvill, and West into a
final settlement ; and nothing short of his assiduity,
and knowledge of the subject, cou'd have exhibited
the accounts in the manner they have appeared.
Sure I am that I could not have framed the accounts
from the materials which were exhibited.

I ought to have mentioned in an earlier part of
this detail, that one of the first acts of the Executors
was — to publish in the English papers an extract of
the Will of Colo. Thomas Colvill, making the nearest
relations of his mother his residuary Legatees. —
This bequest and publication raised a host of claim-
ants, one of whom through the medium of General
Howe, while he commanded the B. forces in America
demanded in an open impudent and imperious letter,

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 167

which passed through the hands of that officer, the
restitution, of an Estate worth forty thousand pounds
which he says was the surplus of the Estate and due
to him, — altho' the very clause under which he claimed
expressed a doubt of there being any surplus at all. —
If this concise account is inadequate to the pur-
poses of a Bill, I pray you to propound specific ques-
tions, and they shall receive immediate answers. —
My objects, are, simply these, — 1st, as the surplus
after paying the debt and Legacies, is not precisely
ascertained ; after many law suits and much diffi-
culty ; I wish that those who have the best right to
it, may receive the benefit of the donation ; — and 2d,
that I may know where and in what manner to dis-
pose of the money ; not being willing to hold it, nor
to have anything to do with those who may claim it,
I accordingly, as I have been advised turn the whole
matter over to the Chancellor ; who at the same time
that he affords relief to me, will do justice to others.
With sincere friendship I am

Your affectionate Uncle.

TO DR. JAMES ANDERSON.

Philadelphia, 15 February, 1796.

Sir :

Since my last to you in Deer. I have been favored
with your letter of the 15th of Septr., on the sub-
ject of Iron Bridges.

The invention is ingenious, and if it answers as
well in practice, as it appears in theory, it will be a
valuable and useful discovery. — I see no reason why

168 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

it should not, as the construction is upon mathemati-
cal principles. — I should fear however if you have
not been correct in your estimates and comparison,
that a Bridge formed of Iron must cost more than
one of stone, — both having the same span. But as
I have had no leisure to examine the matter accu-
rately, this may be a very erroneous opinion of mine.

The mechanics of these United States, are in the
practice of building bridges of wood, that are not
exceeded any where, for span of arch, convenience,
appearance and cheapness, — one lately erected over
Piscataqua river in the State of New Hampshire, has
a span of 244 feet in one arch, — but the want of
durability in bridges built of such perishable materials,
is a serious objection to them.

The more I have revolved the plan of renting the
farms of my Mount Vernon Estate, the more inclined
I am to the measure, — and that being my inten-
tion in this respect, as well as in the sale of certain
lands which I possess on the western waters, may
be known, I have caused a notification (as you will
perceive by the enclosed hand bills, which are copies
thereof) to be inserted in some of the public Gazettes
of this Country; — but without much expectation of
carrying it into effect the ensuing year.

Having taken the liberty of bringing you acquaint-
ed with the preliminary steps to this measure, I now
offer the plan in a more advanced stage ; but upon
the same principle, and under the same restrictions
contained in my last, — namely, that it may be com-
municated (not by way of public notification, — nor

i796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 169

at all if it militates in any degree with the declared
policy of the British Government) to any man or set
of men, who you may have reason to believe are dis-
posed to migrate to this Country ; and would wish to
avail themselves of the information therein contained.

As it relates to tenants, I should wish for peace-
able, industrious and skilful farmers ; to obtain such,
I must resort to some other country than this, where
little knowledge of husbandry is possessed, and less
care used in the practice of it, to keep the land from
a ruinous course. — For many reasons, the similarity
of language not least, — I would prefer those of yours.

Numbers come daily by individual families ; and
more from habit, than any advantage I ever could
discover, arrive at this city, and New York. But in-
dividuals who have not capitals equal to my undivided
farms, would not answer my views, forasmuch as it
would not be convenient, or agreeable to me, to let a
part, and retain a part of the same farm. With
esteem and regard, I am &c.

P. S. Enclosed also are the terms on which I
propose to give leases.

TO THOMAS PINCKNEY.
rv cTR * Philadelphia, 20 February, 1796.

Your letter of the 10th of October from Madrid has
been duly received.1 With regret I read the request,
which is contained in it ; but the footing on which

1 From Mr. Pinckney's Letter. — " The situation of my family and the atten-
tion necessary to my other domestic concerns requiring my return home, I take
the liberty of requesting the favor, that you will direct my letters of recall to

170 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

you have placed the matter forbids opposition, or even
persuasion on my part that you would recede from
it ; although the difficulty of supplying your place to
my satisfaction, or to the satisfaction of your country,
or of the court you will leave, will not be found easy.

Having heard through different channels, that you
had concluded a treaty with Spain, and that the
vessel which had it on board was spoke at sea, we
are in daily and anxious expectation of its arrival.
The information has diffused general pleasure, and
will be soothing to the inhabitants of the Western
waters, who were beginning to grow restive and
clamorous to obtain the navigation.1

Since the re-confinement of M. de Lafayette, (after
the attempt made by Dr. Bollman and Mr. Huger,

be expedited so as to reach England by the middle of the month of June next,
unless you should intend to recall me at an earlier period. Before that time
arrives, I shall have served four years in the diplomatic line ; a period which
I have always contemplated as the longest I could with propriety dedicate to
this employment, and which I also consider as sufficiently extensive for the in-
terest of the United States that the same person should continue in mission,
unless very peculiar circumstances should require a prolongation of the term.

" I have sincerely felt for the unpleasantly delicate situation in which late
events have placed you as our chief magistrate, and it would give me infinite
concern to think, that I had in any degree contributed to occasion these embar-
rassments. I can only say, that I have in every thing acted according to my
best judgment, and, in what concerns yourself, by the dictates of the sincerest
friendship and grateful respect." — Madrid, October 10th, 1795.

1 ' ■ The ship Favorite, by which these despatches are sent, having been delayed
much longer in this port than was expected, affords me an opportunity of in-
forming you, that the Spanish treaty arrived here on the 22d ultimo, that it
was laid before the Senate as soon after as the accompanying papers could be
copied, and that, on the 3d instant, the ratification of it was advised and con-
sented to by a unanimous vote of that body. Hence you may form an opinion
of the general approbation of your negotiation." — Washington to Pine kney,
5 March, 1796.

2 Doctor Eric Bollman and Francis Kinloch Huger.

I796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 171

both of whom are now in this city, to effect his escape),
we have heard nothing further respecting him, than
that his confinement is more rigorous than before.
We know, indeed, that Madame de Lafayette and his
two daughters have been at Hamburg ; that it was
reported they were coming to America, but that in-
stead of doing it, they went to Vienna to try the
effect of personal solicitation to obtain his release-
ment. Newspaper accounts go farther and say they
were permitted to proceed to Olmutz. But how far
the latter information is to be depended upon, and,
if true, what has or will be the result, is altogether
unknown to me.

I need hardly mention how much my sensibility
has been hurt by the treatment this gentleman has
met with, or how anxious I am to see him liberated
therefrom ; but what course to pursue, as most likely
and proper to aid the measure, is not quite so easy
to decide on. As President of the United States,
there must be a commitment of the government by
any interference of mine ; and it is no easy matter in
a transaction of this nature for a public character to
assume the garb of a private citizen, in a case that
does not relate to himself. Yet such is my wish to
contribute my mite to accomplish this desirable ob-
ject, that I have no objection to its being made known
to the Imperial ambassador in London, (who, if he
thinks proper, may communicate it to his court,) that
this event is an ardent wish of the people of the
United States, in which I sincerely add mine. The
time, the manner, and even the measure itself, I leave

:

172 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

to your discretion ; as circumstances, and every matter
which concerns this gentleman, are better known on
that, than they are on this side of the Atlantic.

I shall add no more on this, and but little on any
other subject at present. The gazettes, which I pre-
sume you receive, will show you in what manner the
public functionaries are treated here. The abuse,
however, which some of them contain, has excited no
reply from me. I have a consolation which no
earthly power can deprive me of, that of acting from
my best judgment ; and I shall be very much mis-
taken, if I do not soon find, that the public mind is
recovering fast from the disquietude into which it has
been thrown by the most wilful, artful, and malignant
misrepresentations that can be imagined. The cur-
rent is certainly turned, and is beginning to run
strong the other way. But I am proceeding farther
than I intended, and will therefore conclude with
assurances of the esteem and regard with which I
am, dear Sir, &c.

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

Philadelphia, 4 March, 1796.

My dear Sir,

Altho' I have but little expectation (from the infor-
mation which I have received from your sister Mrs.
Ogden) that this letter with a copy of my last to you,
will reach London before you will have embarked for
America, I have determined nevertheless to take the
chance of it ; and accordingly have put it under cover
to Mr. Pinckney.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 173

Hitherto the business of the session tho slow in its
progress, has been tranquil in discussion. — By some
misconception of Mr. Deas,1 or some strange fatality
attending his dispatches, the formal ratification of the
treaty by his Britannic Majesty, has never yet been
received ; but having sufficient and official evi-
dence of the fact, both from Mr. Deas and the British
charge des affaires residing here ; it was proclaimed
on the 29th ulto. as the law of the land : and being
before the House of Representatives, their proceed-
ings thereon must soon appear. — The conjecture is
that an attempt (how successful I am unable to inform
you) will be made to censure it in several points;
and for being disadvantageous to these United States
on the whole ; but will make provision for carrying
it into effect. — The debates relative to this Treaty,
will be I presume animated ; and if heats are occa-
sioned in the course of the session, they will proceed
from this cause. But as it is not my intention to
anticipate the debates or the votes, I shall say nothing
further relatively thereto.

That a great change has been wrought in the
public mind with, respect to this Treaty within the
last two months, is apparent to every one.

But in the body politic, as in the body natural,
when one of its members are disordered (I confine it
to members because I do not believe the whole mass
has been at all attainted) it requires some time to effect
a perfect cure ; especially while there remains a morbid
tumor always working and difficult to eradicate.

1 William Allen Deas, Secretary of Legation at London.

174 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

If the people of this country have not abun-
dant cause to rejoice at the happiness they enjoy, I
know of no country that has. We have settled all
our disputes, and are at peace with all nations. We
supply their wants with our superfluities, and
are well paid for doing so. — The earth generally,
for years past, has yielded its fruits bountifully. No
City, Town, Village, or even farm but what exhibits
evidences of increasing wealth and prosperity ; while
Taxes are hardly known but in name. Yet by the
second sight, — extraordinary foresight, or some other
sight attainable by a few only, evils afar off are dis-
covered by these, alarming to themselves ; and as
far as they are able to render them so, disquieting
to others. * * *

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Philadelphia, 6 March, 1796.

Sir,

I have given your letter of instructions to our
minister at the court of London attentive consid-
eration, and approve them ; unless the last clause but
one should give rise to the negotiation of an article,
which may not accord with the result of a motion
pending in the House of Representatives, (intro-
duced, if my memory serves me, by Mr. Smith of
Baltimore,) of which, however, I have but an imper-
fect recollection.

I think, too, (even with the advantages proposed
to be obtained by the reduction,) that our negoti-

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 175

ator should adhere, even to the hazard of the treaty-
altogether, to vessels of one hundred tons' burthen
for the West India trade.

These things, and a general view of the subject as
comprised in the instructions, added to matters which
have been, and may yet be introduced into Congress,
which may have relation to the proposed negotia-
tion, incline me to think, that it would be better to
forbear sending the despatches for Mr. Pinckney by
the ship Favorite (as other conveyances will, no
doubt, soon offer), and to take more time in consult-
ing the most intelligent mercantile characters within
your reach, on the principles and heads of the several
articles, which are the subject of them.

The instructions ought, in my opinion, to be ac-
companied with powers. They may be offered or not,
as occasion shall require. They can, with this alter-
native, do no harm ; whereas the want of them, if
called for, may occasion a suspension of the measure.
Mr. Adams's letter, and Lord Grenville's propositions,
relative to captured vessels of a certain description,
and with respect to the pay of the commissioners,
require immediate attention.

Proclamations of the treaties with Spain and Al-
giers should issue as soon as they can be prepared,
and the ratification of the former despatched as soon
as possible. Measures also for carrying these, and
the other treaties which have been ratified and pro-
claimed, into effect, ought to meet with no delay that
can be avoided.

And I request you would concert measures with

176 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

the Secretaries of War and the Treasury, if neces-
sary, for proceeding vigorously and securely with the
arsenal at the confluence of the Potomac and Shenan-
doah. I am, &c.

TO THE SECRETARIES OF STATE, THE TREASURY, WAR,
AND THE ATTORNEY GENERAL.

Philadelphia, 25 March, 1796.
Sir,

The resolution moved in the House of Representatives, for the

papers relative to the negotiation of the treaty with Great Britain,1

having passed in the affirmative, I request your opinion,

1. Whether that branch of Congress has or has not a right,
by the constitution, to call for those papers ?

2. Whether, if it does not possess the right, it would be ex-
pedient under the circumstances of this particular case to furnish
them ?

3. And, in either case, in what terms would it be most proper
to comply with, or to refuse, the request of the House ?

These opinions in writing, and your attendance, will be ex-
pected at ten o'clock tomorrow. I am, &c.

1 The treaty with Great Britain, commonly called Jay's Treaty, having
been ratified in London on the 28th day of October, 1795, and returned to the
United States, a copy of it was laid before Congress, by the President, on the
1st of March. It now became the duty of the House of Representatives to
make appropriations for carrying the treaty into effect. The party in the
House, opposed to the treaty, were not satisfied with the course pursued by
the President in promulgating it by a proclamation, before the sense of the
House of Representatives had been in any manner obtained upon the subject.
A resolution was brought forward by Mr. Livingston, which, after an amend-
ment by the original mover, assumed the following shape :

" Resolved, that the President of the United States be requested to lay
before this House a copy of the instructions given to the minister of the
United States, who negotiated the treaty with Great Britain communicated by
his message of the 1st instant, together with the correspondence and docu-
ments relating to the said treaty, excepting such of said papers as any existing
negotiation may render improper to be disclosed."

A debate arose which did not terminate till the 24th of March, when the

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 177

MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

March 30th, 1796.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives :

With the utmost attention I have considered your resolution of
the 24th instant, requesting me to lay before your House a copy
of the instructions to the minister of the United States, who
negotiated the treaty with the King of Great Britain, together
with the correspondence and other documents relative to that
treaty, excepting such of the said papers as any existing negotia-
tion may render improper to be disclosed.

In deliberating upon this subject, it was impossible for me to
lose sight of the principle, which some have avowed in its discus-
sion, or to avoid extending my views to the consequences, which
must flow from the admission of that principle.

I trust that no part of my conduct has ever indicated a
disposition to withhold any information which the constitution
has enjoined upon the President as a duty to give, or which
could be required of him by either House of Congress as a right ;
and with truth I affirm, that it has been, as it will continue to be
while I have the honor to preside in the government, my con-
stant endeavor to harmonize with the other branches thereof,
so far as the trust delegated to me by the people of the United
States, and my sense of the obligation it imposes to " preserve,
protect, and defend the constitution," will permit.

The nature of foreign negotiations requires caution, and their

resolution passed in the affirmative by a vote of sixty-two to thirty-seven, and
it was accordingly sent to the President by a committee of the House. The
President replied to the committee, "that he would take the request to the
House into consideration."

The members of the cabinet were unanimous in advising the President not
to comply with the resolution. Each of them stated the grounds of his opinion
in writing. During the progress of the debate, Chief-Justice Ellsworth drew
up an argument, showing that the papers could not be constitutionally de-
manded by the House of Representatives. Madison wrote to Jefferson, 4
April, 1796 : " The absolute refusal [of the President] was as unexpected as
the tone and tenor of the message are improper and indelicate." He sus-
pected that Hamilton was the author.

178 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

success must often depend on secrecy ; and, even when brought
to a conclusion, a full disclosure of all the measures, demands,
or eventual concessions which may have been proposed or con-
templated, would be extremely impolitic ; for this might have a
pernicious influence on future negotiations, or produce immediate
inconveniences, perhaps danger and mischief, in relation to other
powers. The necessity of such caution and secrecy was one
cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the
President, with the advice and consent of the Senate ; the prin-
ciple on which that body was formed confining it to a small
number of members. To admit, then, a right in the House of
Representatives to demand, and to have, as a matter of course,
all the papers respecting a negotiation with a foreign power,
would be to establish a dangerous precedent.

It does not occur, that the inspection of the papers asked for
can be relative to any purpose under the cognizance of the
House of Representatives, except that of an impeachment, which
the resolution has not expressed. I repeat, that I have no
disposition to withhold any information which the duty of my
station will permit, or the public good shall require, to be
disclosed ; and, in fact, all the papers affecting the negotiation
with Great Britain, were laid before the Senate, when the treaty
itself was communicated for their consideration and advice.

The course, which the debate has taken on the resolution of
the House, leads to some observations on the mode of making
treaties under the constitution of the United States.

Having been a member of the general convention, and know-
ing the principles on which the constitution was formed, I have
ever entertained but one opinion on this subject ; and, from the
first establishment of the government to this moment, my
conduct has exemplified that opinion, that the power of making
treaties is exclusively vested in the President, by and with the
advice and consent of the Senate, provided two thirds of the
Senators present concur ; and that every treaty, so made and
promulgated, thenceforward became the law of the land. It is
thus that the treaty-making power has been understood by
foreign nations ; and, in all the treaties made with them, we
have declared, and they have believed, that, when ratified by the

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 179

President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, they
became obligatory. In this construction of the constitution,
every House of Representatives has heretofore acquiesced ; and,
until the present time, not a doubt or suspicion has appeared, to
my knowledge, that this construction was not the true one.
Nay, they have more than acquiesced ; for till now, without
controverting the obligation of such treaties, they have made all
the requisite provisions for carrying them into effect.

There is also reason to believe that this construction agrees
with the opinions entertained by the State conventions, when
they were deliberating on the constitution ; especially by those
who objected to it, because there was not required, in commercial
treaties, the consent of two thirds of the whole number of the
members of the Senate, instead of two thirds of the Senators
present ; and because, in treaties respecting territorial and
certain other rights and claims, the concurrence of three fourths
of the whole number of the members of both Houses respectively
was not made necessary.

It is a fact declared by the general convention, and universally
understood, that the constitution of the United States was the
result of a spirit of amity and mutual concession. And it is well
known, that, under this influence, the smaller States were
admitted to an equal representation in the Senate with the larger
States, and that this branch of the government was invested with
great powers ; for on the equal participation of those powers the
sovereignty and political safety of the smaller States were deemed
essentially to depend.

If other proofs than these, and the plain letter of the consti-
tution itself, be necessary to ascertain the point under considera-
tion, they may be found in the journals of the general convention,
which I have deposited in the office of the Department of State.
In those journals it will appear, that a proposition was made,
" that no treaty should be binding on the United States, which
was not ratified by a law " ; and that the proposition was
explicitly rejected.

As, therefore, it is perfectly clear to my understanding, that
the assent of the House of Representatives is not necessary to
the validity of a treaty ; as the treaty with Great Britain exhibits,

180 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

in itself, all the objects requiring legislative provision, and on
these the papers called for can throw no light ; and as it is
essential to the due administration of the government, that the
boundaries, fixed by the constitution between the different
departments, should be preserved ; a just regard to the consti-
tution and to the duty of my office, under all the circumstances
of this case, forbids a compliance with your request.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

[private.]

Philadelphia, 31 March, 1796.

My dear Sir,

I do not know how to thank you sufficiently, for
the trouble you have taken to dilate on the request
of the House of Representatives for the papers rela-
tive to the British Treaty ; or how to apologize for
the trouble, (much greater than I had any idea of
giving,) which you have taken to show the impropri-
ety of that request.

From the first moment, and from the fullest con-
viction in my own mind, I had resolved to resist the
principle, which was evidently intended to be estab-
lished by the call of the Ho. of Representatives ; and
only deliberated on the manner in which this could
be done with the least bad consequences.

To effect this, three modes presented themselves to
me. 1 st, a denial of the Papers in toto, assigning
concise but cogent reasons for that denial ; 2d, to
grant them in whole ; or, 3d, in part ; accompanied
with a pointed protest against the right of the House
to controul treaties, or to call for Papers without

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 181

specifying their object, and against the compliance
being drawn into precedent.

I had as little hesitation in deciding, that the first
was the most tenable ground ; but, from the peculiar
circumstances of this case, it merited consideration, if
the principle could be saved, whether facility in the
provisions might not result from a compliance. An
attentive examination, however, of the Papers and the
subject, soon convinced me that to furnish all the
Papers would be highly improper, and that a partial
delivery of them would leave the door open for as
much calumny as the entire refusal — perhaps more so
— as it might, and I have no doubt would be said,
that all such as were essential to the purposes of the
House were withheld.

Under these Impressions I proceeded, with the
Heads of Departments and the Attorney-Gen. to
collect materials and to prepare an answer, subject
however, to alteration and revision, according to cir-
cumstances. This answer was ready on Monday, and
proposed to be sent in on Tuesday ; but it was delayed
until I should receive what was expected ; not doing
it definitely on that day, the delivery of my answer
was further postponed till the next, notwithstanding
the anxious solicitude, which was visible in all quar-
ters to learn the result of Executive decision.

Finding that the draft, I had prepared, embraced
most if not all the principles, which were detailed in
the paper I received yesterday, though not the reason-
ings ; that it would take considerable time to copy
the latter ; and, above all, having understood, that, if

182 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

the papers were refused, a fresh demand with stric-
tures might be expected, I sent in the answer which
was ready, reserving the other as a source for reason-
ing, if my information proves true.

I could not be satisfied without giving you this
concise account of the business, to express again my
sincere thanks for the pains you have been at to in-
vestigate the subject, and to assure you, over and
over, of the warmth of my friendship, and of the affec-
tionate regard, with which I am, &c.

TO HENRY KNOX.

Philadelphia, 4 April, 1796.

My dear Sir,

Before this will have reached you, you must have
seen in the gazettes, that I have taken the liberty
(without a previous consultation) to nominate you
the commissioner for ascertaining the true St. Croix
and the Eastern boundary of the United States,
agreeably to the fifth article of the treaty lately
entered into with Great Britain. I hope it will be
convenient and agreeable for you to accept the trust,
the appointment having been confirmed by the
Senate.

As the gazettes will give you in detail a resolution
of the House of Representatives, calling upon the
President for all the papers (excepting such as might
respect pending treaties) relative to that treaty ; also
the debates thereupon, and my answer; it is un-
necessary to repeat them. I am beginning to receive,
what I had made my mind up for on this occasion,

17961 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 183

the abuse of Mr. Bache and his correspondents.
The answer, which I have given, is referred to a
committee of the whole House for Wednesday next,
the probable result of which it is too early yet to
predict or even to guess at. These are unpleasant
things, but they must be met with firmness. Present
me to Mrs. Knox and the family in acceptable terms,
and be assured of the friendship and affectionate
regard of, &c.

P. S. At a proper time, after knowing whether
you accept the appointment or not, you will hear
officially from the Secretary of State.1

TO GEORGE LEWIS.

Philadelphia, 7 April, 1796.

Dear Sir,

Tuesday's post brought me a letter from a Mr.
Andrew Parks, of Fredeg., covering one from your
mother, both on the subject of overtures of marriage
made by the former to your cousin Harriot Wash-
ington, which, it seems, depend upon my consent for
consummation.

My sister speaks of Mr. Parks as a sober, discreet
man and one who is attentive to business. Mr.
Parks says of himself that his fortune at present does
not much exceed three thousand pounds, but with
industry and economy he has every expectation of
rapidly improving his condition, being concerned
with his brother-in-law, Mr. Th. Elderry, of Balti-
more, in mercantile business.

1 General Knox declined the appointment, and David Howell, of Rhode
Island, was nominated to the Senate in his place.

1 84 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

As I am an entire stranger to Mr. Parks, to his
family connexion, or his connexions in trade, his
mode of living, his habits, and to his prospects in
trade, I should be glad if you would ascertain them
with as much precision as you can, and write me
with as little delay as you can well avoid.

Harriot, having little or no fortune of her own,
has no right to expect a great one in a husband, but
it is desirable she should marry a gentleman, one
who is well connected and can support her decently,
in the life she has always moved. Otherwise she
would not find matrimony, with a large family per-
haps about her and scanty means, so eligible a situ-
ation as she may have conceived.1

TO EDWARD CARRINGTON.

[private.]

Philadelphia, i May, 1796.

Dear Sir,

With much pleasure I received your letter of the
22d ultimo ; and, if the sense of the great body of
citizens in Virginia should be expressed in the man-

1 "Your letter of the 1st inst. has been duly received. The subject on
which it is written is a serious one, and it shall meet as it deserves a serious
consideration.

" My niece Harriot Washington having very little fortune of her own,
neither she nor her friends have a right to make that (however desirable it
might be) a primary consideration in a matrimonial connection. — but there
are other requisites which are equally desirable and which ought to be attended
to in a union of so much importance ; — without therefore expressing at this
moment either assent or dissent, to the proposal you have made, it is necessary
for me to pause.

" My wish is to see my niece happy ; — one step towards which, is for her to
be united with a gentleman of respectable connections ; and of good disposi-

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 185

ner you seem to expect, it would give me and, I
believe, every friend to order and good government
throughout the United States very great satisfaction,
more so than similar sentiments from any other State
in the Union ; for people living at a distance from it
know not how to believe it possible, that its represen-
tatives, both in the General and State legislatures,
can speak a language, which is repugnant to the sense
of their constituents, especially too as they seem to
give the tone to all the States south of them.1

Whatever my own opinion may be on this or any
other subject interesting to the community at large,

tions ; — with one who is more in the habit (by fair and honorable pursuits) of
making than in spending money ; and who can support her in the way she has
always lived." — Washington to Andrew Parks, 7 April, 1796. The marriage
occurred 16 July, 1796.

1 From Mr. Carrington's Letter. — " The late votes of the House of Repre-
sentatives, which have just reached us, and from which it appears that appro-
priations are not intended to be made for giving effect to the treaty between
the United States and Great Britain, have, in my opinion, brought our political
maladies to a crisis. The disorganizing machinations of a faction are no longer
left to be nourished and inculcated on the minds of the credulous by clamorous
demagogues, while the great mass of citizens, viewing these as evils at a
distance, remain inactive. The consequences of a failure of the treaty are too
plain and too threatening to the unparalleled happiness and prosperity we
enjoy, not to excite alarm in the minds of all, who are attached to peace and
order. This class of citizens will now come forward and speak for themselves,
and will be found to compose the great body of the community. I may possibly
be mistaken. I however feel a confidence in an opinion, that the sense of
Virginia to this purpose will shortly be extensively expressed in public meet-
ings and by petitions. A meeting of the people of this city will take place on
Monday next, for the purpose of expressing their opinions on the pending
measures, and setting on foot a petition or remonstrance to the House of
Representatives thereon. From what I can learn from various parts of
the country I verily believe, that similar measures will be adopted at least in
many counties. Feeling as I do a strong conviction, that the intelligence
contained in this letter is well founded, I have indulged myself in the satis-
faction of communicating it to you, and hope that events will realize it." —
Richmond, April 22d.

186 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

it always has been and will continue to be my earnest
desire to learn, and, as far as is consistent, to com-
ply with, the public sentiment ; but it is on great
occasions only, and after time has been given for cool
and deliberate reflection, that the real voice of the
people can be known.

The present, however, is one of those great occa-
sions, than which none more important has occurred,
or probably may occur again to call forth their de-
cision ; and to them the appeal is now made. For
no candid man in the least degree acquainted with
the progress of this business will believe for a
moment, that the ostensible dispute was about papers,
or whether the British treaty was a good one or a
bad one, but whether there should be a treaty at all
without the concurrence of the House of Represen-
tatives, which was striking at once, and that boldly,
too, at the fundamental principles of the constitution ;
and, if it were established, would render the treaty-
making power, not only a nullity, but such an abso-
lute absurdity as to reflect disgrace on the framers of
it. For will any one suppose, that they who framed,
or those who adopted, that instrument ever intended
to give the power to the President and Senate to
make treaties, and, declaring that when made and
ratified they should be the supreme law of the land,
would in the same breath place it in the powers of the
House of Representatives to fix their vote on them ;
unless apparent marks of fraud or corruption (which
in equity would set aside any contract) accompanied
the measure, or such striking evidence of national in-

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 187

jury attended their adoption, as to make a war or any
other evil preferable ? Every unbiassed mind will
answer in the negative.

Whence the source and what the object of all this
struggle is, I submit to my fellow-citizens. Charity
would lead one to hope, that the motives to it have
been pure. Suspicions, however, speak different lan-
guage, and my tongue for the present shall be silent.
Such further information on this head, or any other
similar important, which may come to your knowledge,
and which your leisure and inclination may enable
you to give, will be very acceptable to, dear Sir,
yours, &C.1

TO JOHN JAY, GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK.

Philadelphia, 8 May, 1796.

Sir,

You judged very right when, in your letter of the
1 8th ultimo, you observed, " I can have but very
little time for private letter-writing " ; but, if my
friends will put up with the hasty and indigested
ones I can write under such circumstances, there are

1 A letter of much the same purport was written to Charles Carroll on the
same day, in which occurred the following additional sentences :

" Every true friend to this country must see and feel that the policy of it is
not to embroil ourselves with -any nation whatever ; — but to avoid their
disputes and their politics ; and if they will harass one another, to avail
ourselves of the neutral conduct we have adopted. Twenty years' peace with
such an increase of population and resources as we have a right to expect,
added to our remote situation from the jarring powers, will in all probability
enable us in a just cause to bid defiance to any power on earth. Why then
should we prematurely embarrass (for the attainment of trifles comparatively
speaking) in hostilities, the issue of which is never certain, always expensive,
and beneficial to a few only (the least deserving perhaps), whilst it must be

1 88

THE WRITINGS OF

[1796

a few, (among whom permit me the gratification to
place you,) with whom I should feel very happy to
correspond, and, while I hold my present office, to
learn their sentiments upon any of the important
measures, which come before the executive of the
United States.1

I am sure the mass of citizens in these United
States mean well, and I firmly believe they will
always act well whenever they can obtain a right
understanding of matters ; but in some parts of the
Union, where the sentiments of their delegates and
leaders are adverse to the government, and great
pains are taken to inculcate a belief, that their rights
are assailed and their liberties endangered, it is not
easy to accomplish this ; especially, as is the case in-
variably, when the inventors and abettors of perni-

distressing and ruinous to the great mass of our citizens. But enough of this
— the people must decide for themselves, and probably will do so notwith-
standing the vote has gone in favor of the appropriations by a majority of 51
to 48 — as the principle and assumption of power which has been contended
for, remain, although the consequences by the present decision, probably will
be avoided."

1 From Mr. Jay's Letter. — u Your answer to the call for papers meets with
very general approbation here. I have full faith that all will end well, and
that France will find us less easy to manage than Holland or Geneva. The
session of our legislature is concluded, and nothing unpleasant has occurred
during the course of it. I think your measures will meet with general and
firm support from the great majority of this State. There is no defection
among the Federalists. As to the others, they will act according to circum-
stances. These contentions must give you a great deal of trouble ; but it is
apparent to me, that the conclusion of them, like the conclusion of the late
war, will afford a train of reflections, which will console and compensate you
for it. Attachment to you, as well as to my country, urges me to hope and to
pray, that you will not leave the work unfinished. Remain with us at least
while the storm lasts, and until you can retire like the sun in a calm, unclouded
evening. May every blessing here and hereafter attend you." — New York,
April 1 8th.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 189

cious measures use infinite more industry in dissemi-
nating the poison, than the well disposed part of the
community to furnish the antidote. To this source
all our discontents may be traced, and from it all our
embarrassments proceed. Hence serious misfor-
tunes, originating in misrepresentation, frequently
flow, and spread, before they can be dissipated by
truth.

These things do, as you have supposed, fill my
mind with much concern and with serious anxiety.
Indeed, the trouble and perplexities which they
occasion, added to the weight of years, which have
passed over me, have worn away my mind more than
my body, and render ease and retirement indispensa-
bly necessary to both, during the short time I have
to stay here. It would be uncandid, therefore, and
would discover a want of friendship and confidence,
(as you have expressed a solicitude for my at least
riding out the storm,) not to add, that nothing short
of events, or such imperious circumstances, (as I
hope and trust will not happen,) and might render a
retreat dishonorable, will prevent the public an-
nunciation of it in time to obviate a misapplication
of votes, at the election of President and Vice-
President of the United States in December next,
upon myself.

I congratulate you on the tranquil session just
closed in your State, and upon the good dispositions
generally, which I am informed prevail among the
citizens therein. With most friendly sentiments I
remain, dear Sir, &c.

i9o THE WRITINGS OF [1796

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

Philadelphia, 15 May, 1796.

My dear Sir,

On this day week I wrote you a letter on the sub-
ject of the information received from G[ouverneur]
Morris],1 and put with it some other papers respect-
ing the case of M. de La Fayette, under cover to Mr.
Jay, to whom also I had occasion to write. But in
my hurry (making up the despatches for the post-
office next morning) I forgot to give it a super-
scription ; of course it had to return from New York
for one, and to encounter all the delay occasioned
thereby before it could reach your hands.

Since then I have been favored with your letter of
the 10th inst.,2 and inclose (in its rough state) the

1 Morris had written to Washington (March 4th), that the new French minis-
ter was about to sail for America, " directed to exact in the space of fifteen
days a categorical answer to certain questions. What these are I can only
conjecture, but suppose that you will, in effect, be called on to take part
decidedly with France. Mr. Monroe will no doubt endeavor to convince the
rulers of that country that such conduct will force us into the war against
them ; but it is far from impossible that the usual violence of their counsels
will prevail." Morris wrote more fully to Hamilton on the same day. — Diary
and Letters of Gouverneur Morris, ii., 159.

" In the French government there were persons in favor of a rupture with
the United States. Monroe, who was ambassador, gave the Directory the
most prudent advice on this occasion. ' War with France,' said he, ' will
force the American government to throw itself into the arms of England, and
submit to her influence ; aristocracy will gain supreme control in the United
States and liberty will be compromised. By patiently enduring, on the con-
trary, the wrongs of the present President, you will leave him without excuse,
you will enlighten the Americans, and decide a contrary choice at the next
election. All the wrongs of which France may have to complain will then be
repaired.' This wise and provident advice had its effect upon the Directory."
— Thiers' Histoire de la Revolution Francaise, tome ix., ch. i.

2 " When last in Philadelphia, you mentioned to me your wish, that I should
redress a certain paper, which you had prepared. As it is important that a

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 191

paper mentioned therein, with some alteration in
the first page (since you saw it) relative to the refer-
ence at foot. Having no copy by me, except of the
quoted part, nor of the notes from which it was
drawn, I beg leave to recommend the draught now
sent to your particular attention.

Even if you should think it best to throw the
whole into a different form, let me request, notwith-
standing, that my draught may be returned to me
(along with yours) with such amendments and cor-
rections as to render it as perfect as the formation
is susceptible of ; curtailed if too verbose ; and re-
lieved of all tautology not necessary to enforce the
ideas in the original or quoted part. My wish is that
the whole may appear in a plain style, and be handed
to the public in an honest, unaffected, simple part.

It will be perceived, from hence, that I am attached
to the quotation. My reasons for it are, that as it is
not only a fact that such an address was written, and
on the point of being published, but known also to one
or two of those characters, who are now strongest
and foremost in the opposition to the government,
and consequently to the person administering of it
contrary to their views, the promulgation thereof, as
an evidence that it was much against my inclination
that I continued in office, will cause it more readily
to be believed, that I could have no view in extend-
ing the powers of the Executive beyond the limits

thing of this kind should be done with great care, and much at leisure touched
and retouched, I submit a wish, that as soon as you have given it the body you
mean it to have, it may be sent to me." — Hamilton to Washington, 10 May,
1796.

i92 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

prescribed by the Constitution ; and will serve to
lessen, in the public estimation, the pretensions of
that party to the patriotic zeal and watchfulness, on
which they endeavor to build their own consequence,
at the expense of others who have differed from them
in sentiment. And besides, it may contribute to
blunt, if it does not turn aside, some of the shafts
which, it may be presumed, will be aimed at my
annunciation of this event ; among which, conviction
of fallen popularity, and despair of being re-elected,
will be levelled at me with dexterity and keenness.

Having struck out the reference to a particular
character in the first page of the address, I have less
(if any) objection to expunging those words which
are contained within parentheses, in pages 5, 7, and
8, in the quoted part, and those in the eighteenth
page of what follows ; nor to discarding the egotisms
(however just they may be), if you think them liable
to fair criticism, and that they had better be omitted,
notwithstanding some of them relate facts which are
but little known to the community.

My object has been, and must continue to be, to
avoid personalities ; allusions to particular measures,
which may appear pointed, and to expressions which
could not fail to draw upon me attacks which I should
wish to avoid, and might not find agreeable to repel.

As there will be another session of Congress before
the political existence of the present House of Rep-
resentatives, or my own, will expire, it was not my
design to say a word to the Legislature on this
subject ; but to withhold the promulgation of my
intention, until the period when it shall become

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 193

indispensably necessary for the information of the
Electors (which this year will be delayed until the
7th of December). This makes it a little difficult
and uncertain what to say, so long beforehand, on
the part marked with a pencil, in the last paragraph
of the second page.

All these ideas and observations are confined, as
you will readily perceive, to my draught of the
Valedictory Address. If you form one anew, it will,
of course, assume such a shape as you may be dis-
posed to give it, predicated upon the sentiments
contained in the inclosed paper.

With respect to the gentleman1 you have men-
tioned as successor to Mr. P[inckney], there can be
no doubt of his abilities, nor, in my mind, is there
any of his fitness ; but you know, as well as I, what
has been said of his political sentiments, with respect
to another form of government ; and from thence
can be at no loss to guess at the interpretation which
would be given to the nomination of him. However,
the subject shall have due consideration ; but a
previous resignation would, in my opinion, carry with
it too much the appearance of concert, and would
have a bad, rather than a good effect. Always and
sincerely, I am yours, &c. 2

1 Rufus King.

2 Although Hamilton replied on the 20th, he does not appear to have even
mentioned the receipt of the draught of the Valedictory Address ; for in reply-
to a letter from Washington (of the 29th), he wrote on June 1st : "I thought
I had acknowledged the receipt of the paper inquired for in a letter written
speedily after it — or in one which transmitted you a draft of a certain letter by
Mr. Jay."

" It is now pretty certain that the President will not serve beyond his present
term." — Madison to Monroe, 26 February, 1796.
13

194

THE WRITINGS OF

[1796

[iNCLOSURE.] '

Friends and Fellow-Citizens :

The quotation in this Address was composed, and intended to
have been published, in the year 1792, in time to have announced
to the Electors of the President and Vice-President of the United
States, the determination of the former \ previous to the said election
to that office could have been made ; but the solicitude of my con-
fidential friends * * *2 added to the peculiar situation of
our foreign affairs at that epoch, induced me to suspend the
promulgation, lest, among other reasons, my retirement might
be ascribed to political cowardice. In place thereof, I resolved,
if it should be the pleasure of my fellow-citizens to honor me
again with their suffrages, to devote such services as I could
render, a year or two longer, trusting that within that period all
impediments to an honorable retreat would be removed.

In this hope, as fondly entertained as it was conceived, I
entered upon the execution of the duties of my second admin-
istration. But if the causes which produced this postponement
had any weight in them at that period, it will readily be acknowl-
edged that there has been no diminution in them since, until very
lately, and it will serve to account for the delay which has taken
place in communicating the sentiments which were then com-
mitted to writing, and are now found in the following words : —

madison, 1792.

The period which will close
the appointment with which my
fellow-citizens have honored
me being not very distant, and
the time actually arrived at

HAMILTON S ABSTRACT OF
POINTS, 1796.

I. The period of a new elec-
tion approaching, it is his duty
to announce his intention to
decline.

1 In printing the inclosure I have added Hamilton's " Abstract of Points "
to show the modifications he suggested, although it is doubtful if this Abstract
was ever shown to the President. On the manuscript is noted " Copy of the
original draught, considerably amended " ; a note that Mr. Binney very reason-
ably supposes to mean that a much altered and expanded paper was based
upon this abstract, and such a paper was sent to Washington on July 30th.

2 A few sentences, containing a reference to Madison, have been erased.

1796]

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

*95

which their thoughts must be
designating the citizen who is
to administer the Executive
Government of the U. S. dur-
ing the ensuing term, it may be
requisite to a more distinct
expression of the public voice
that I should apprize such of
my fellow-citizens as may re-
tain their partiality towards me,
that I am not to be numbered
among those of whom a choice
is to be made.

I beg them to be assured that
the resolution which dictates
this intimation has not been
taken without the strictest re-
gard to the relation which, as a
dutiful citizen, I bear to my
country ; and that in with-
drawing that tender of my ser-
vice which silence in my situa-
tion might imply, I am not
influenced by the smallest defi-
ciency of zeal for its future
interests, or of grateful respect
for its past kindness, but by
the fullest persuasion that such
a step is compatible with both.

The impressions under which
I entered on the present ardu-
ous trust were explained on the
proper occasion. In discharge
of this trust, I can only say
that I have contributed towards
the organization and adminis-
tration of the Government the
best exertions of which a very

II. He had hoped that long
ere this it would have been in
his power, and particularly had
nearly come to a final resolu-
tion in the year 1792 to do it,
but the peculiar situation of
affairs, and the advice of confi-
dential friends, dissuaded.

III. In acquiescing in a fur-
ther election he still hoped a
year or two longer would have
enabled him to withdraw, but a
continuance of causes has de-
layed till now, when the posi-
tion of our country, abroad and
at home, justify him in pursu-
ing his inclination.

IV. In doing it he has not
been unmindful of his relation
as a dutiful citizen to his coun-
try, nor is now influenced by
the smallest diminution of zeal
for its interest or gratitude for
its past kindness, but by a be-
lief that the step is compatible
with both.

V. The impressions under
which he first accepted were
explained on the proper occa-
sion.

VI. In the execution of it,
he has contributed the best
exertions of a very fallible judg-
ment— anticipated his insuffi-
ciency— experienced his dis-

196

THE WRITINGS OF

[1796

fallible judgment was capable.
For any errors which may have
flowed from this source, I feel
all the regret which an anxiety
for the public good can excite ;
not without the double consola-
tion, however, arising from a
consciousness of their being in-
voluntary, and an experience
of the candor which will inter-
pret them. If there were any
circumstances which could give
value to my inferior qualifica-
tions for the trust, these cir-
cumstances must have been
temporary. In this light was
the undertaking viewed when I
ventured upon it. Being, more-
over, still further advanced into
the decline of life, I am every
day more sensible that the in-
creasing weight of years ren-
ders the private walks of it in
the shade of retirement as
necessary as they will be accept-
able to me. May I be allowed
to add that it will be among the
highest, as well as the purest
enjoyments that can sweeten
the remnant of my days, to par-
take in a private station, in the
midst of my fellow-citizens, of
that benign influence of good
laws under a free Government
which has been the ultimate ob-
ject of all our wishes, and in
which I confide as the happy
reward of our cares and labors !

qualifications for the difficult
trust, and every day a stronger
sentiment from that cause to
yield the place — advance into
the decline of life — every day
more sensible of weight of
years, of the necessity of repose,
of the duty to seek retirement,
etc. Add,

VII. It will be among the
purest enjoyments which can
sweeten the remnant of his
days, to partake in a private
station, in the midst of his fel-
low-citizens, the laws of a free
government, the ultimate ob-
ject of his cares and wishes.

1796]

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

197

May I be allowed further to add,
as a consideration far more im-
portant, that an early example
of rotation in an office of so
high and delicate a nature may
equally accord with the repub-
lican spirit of our Constitution,
and the ideas of liberty and
safety entertained by the people.

[Here followed a paragraph
of Madison that Washington
omitted.]

In contemplating the moment
at which the curtain is to drop
forever on the public scenes of
my life, my sensations antici-
pate, and do not permit me to
suspend, the deep acknowledg-
ments required by that debt of
gratitude which I owe to my
beloved country for the many
honors it has conferred on me,
for the distinguished confi-
dence it has reposed in me, and
for the opportunities I have
thus enjoyed of testifying my
inviolable attachment by the
most stedfast services which
my faculties could render. All
the returns I have now to make
will be in those vows which I
shall carry with me to my re-
tirement and to my grave, that
Heaven may continue to favor
the people of the United States
with the choicest tokens of its
beneficence ; that their union
and brotherly affection may be

VIII. As to rotation.

IX. In contemplating the
moment of retreat, cannot for-
bear to express his deep ac-
knowledgments and debt of
gratitude for the many honors
conferred on him — the steady
confidence, which, even amidst
discouraging scenes and efforts
to poison its source, has adhered
to support him, and enabled
him to be useful — marking, if
well placed, the virtue and wis-
dom of his countrymen. All the
return he can now make must
be in the vows he will carry with
him to his retirement : 1st, for
a continuance of the Divine
beneficence to his country ;
2d, for the perpetuity of their
union and brotherly affection
— for a good administration
insured by a happy union of
watchfulness and confidence ;
3d, that happiness of people
under auspices of liberty may
be complete ; 4th, that by a

198

THE WRITINGS OF

[1796

prudent use of the blessing
they may recommend to the
affection, the praise, and the
adoption of every nation yet a
stranger to it.

perpetual ; that the free Con-
stitution, which is the work of
their own hands, may be sa-
credly maintained ; that its ad-
ministration in every Depart-
ment maybe stamped with wis-
dom and with virtue, and that
this character may be ensured
to it by that watchfulness over
public servants and public
measures which, on the one
hand, will be necessary to
prevent or correct a degener-
acy, and that forbearance, on
the other, from unfounded or
indiscriminate jealousies, which
would deprive the public of the
best services by depriving a
conscious integrity of one of
the noblest incitements to per-
form them ; that, in fine, the
happiness of the people of
America under the auspices of
liberty may be made complete,
by so careful a preservation and
so prudent a use of this bless-
ing as will acquire them the
glorious satisfaction of recom-
mending it to the affection, the
praise, and the adoption, of
every nation which is yet a
stranger to it.

[Here all similarity between the two papers ceases, and I give
the suggestions of each writer : — ]

MADISON.

" And may we not dwell with well-grounded hopes on this
flattering prospect, when we reflect on the many ties by which

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 199

the people of America are bound together, and the many proofs
they have given of an enlightened judgment and a magnanimous
patriotism ?

" We may all be considered as the children of one common
country. We have all been embarked in one common cause.
We have all had our share in common sufferings and common
successes. The portion of the earth, allotted for the theatre of
our fortunes, fulfils our most sanguine desires. All its essential
interests are the same ; while the diversities arising from climate,
from soil, and from other local and lesser peculiarities, will natu-
rally form a mutual relation of the parts, that may give to the
whole a more entire independence, than has perhaps fallen to the
lot of any other nation.

" To confirm these motives to an affectionate and permanent
union, and to secure the great objects of it, we have established
a common government, which, being free in its principles, being
founded in our own choice, being intended as the guardian of
our common rights, and the patron of our common interests, and
wisely containing within itself a provision for its own amendment
as experience may point out its errors, seems to promise every
thing that can be expected from such an institution ; and, if sup-
ported by wise counsels, by virtuous conduct, and by mutual and
friendly allowances, must approach as near to perfection as any
human work can aspire, and nearer than any which the annals of
mankind have recorded.

u With these wishes and hopes I shall make my exit from civil
life ; and I have taken the same liberty of expressing them, which
I formerly used in offering the sentiments which were suggested
by my exit from military life.

" If, in either instance, I have presumed more than I ought,
on the indulgence of my fellow-citizens, they will be too gener-
ous to ascribe it to any other cause, than the extreme solicitude
which I am bound to feel, and which I can never cease to feel,
for their liberty, their prosperity, and their happiness."

HAMILTON.

X. Perhaps here he ought to end. But an unconquerable
solicitude for the happiness of his country will not permit him to

200

THE WRITINGS OF

[1796

leave the scene without availing himself of whatever confidence
may remain in him, to strengthen some sentiments which he
believes to be essential to their happiness, and to recommend
some rules of conduct, the importance of which his own
experience has more than ever impressed upon him.

XI. To consider the union as the rock of their salvation,
presenting summarily these ideas :

Safety, peace l* ^he strengtn and greater security from ex-

and liberty and ternal danger.

2. Internal peace, and avoiding the necessity of
establishments dangerous to liberty.

3. Avoids the effects of foreign intrigue.

4. Breaks the force of faction by rendering
combinations more difficult.

Fitness of the parts for each other by their very discrimina-
tions :

1. The North, by its capacity for maritime strength and manu-
facture.

2. The agricultural South furnishing materials and requiring
those protections.

The Atlantic board to the western country by the strong
interest of peace, and

The Western, by the necessity of Atlantic maritime protection.

Cannot be secure of their great outlet otherwise — cannot trust
a foreign connection.

Solid interests invite to union. Speculation of difficulty of
government ought not to be indulged, nor momentary jealousies
— lead to impatience.

Faction and individual ambition are the only advisers of
disunion.

Let confidence be cherished. Let the recent experience of the
West be a lesson against impatience and distrust.

XII. Cherish the actual government. It is the government of
our own choice, free in its principles, the guardian of our com-
mon rights, the patron of our common interests, and containing
within itself a provision for its own amendment.

But let that provision be cautiously used — not abused ; chan-
ging only in any material points as experience shall direct ; neither

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 201

indulging speculations of too much or too little force in the
system ; and remembering always the extent of our country.

Time and habit of great consequence to every government, of
whatever structure.

Discourage the spirit of faction, the bane of free government ;
and particularly avoid founding it on geographical discrim-
inations. Discountenance slander of public men. Let the
departments of government avoid interfering and mutual
encroachment.

XIII. Morals, religion, industry, commerce, economy.
Cherish public credit — source of strength and security.
Adherence to systematic views.

XIV. Cherish good faith, justice, and peace, with other nations :

1. Because religion and morality dictate it.

2. Because policy dictates it.

If these could exist, a nation invariably honest and faithful,
the benefits would be immense.

But avoid national antipathies or national attachments.

Display the evils j fertile source of wars — instrument of ambi-
tious rulers.

XV. Republics peculiarly exposed to foreign intrigue, those
sentiments lay them open to it.

XVI. The great rule of our foreign policies ought to be to
have as little political connection as possible with foreign
nations.

Cultivating commerce with all by Establishing temporary and
gentle and natural means, diffusing convenient rules that com-
„_i j- __*x„: •*. u—4. x • j 7 mercemay be placed on asta-

and diversifying it, but forcing nolh- bie footing ; merchants know

ing — and cherish the sentiment of their commerce : how to sup-
independence, taking pride in the ap- port them, not seekingyW.r.
pellation of American.

XVII. Our separation from Europe renders standing alliances
inexpedient — subjecting our peace and interest to the primary
and complicated relations of European interests.

Keeping constantly in view to place ourselves upon a re-
spectable defensive, and if forced into controversy, trusting to
connections of the occasion.

XVIII. Our attitude imposing and rendering this policy safe

202 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

But this must be with the exception of existing engagements,
to be preserved but not extended.

XIX. It is not expected that these admonitions can control
the course of the human passions, but if they only moderate
them in some instances, and now and then excite the reflections
of virtuous men heated by party spirit, my endeavor is rewarded.

XX. How far, in the administration of my present office my
conduct has conformed to these principles, the public records
must witness. My conscience assures me that I believed myself
to be guided by them.

XXI. Particularly in relation to the present war, the procla-
mation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the key to my plan.
Touch sentiments with Approved by your voice and that of your

regard to conduct of bel- representatives in Congress, the spirit of

hgerent powers. A wish . '

that France may estab- that measure has continually guided me,

lish good government. uninfluenced by, and regardless of, the
complaints and attempts of any of the powers at war or their
partisans to change them.

I thought our country had a right under all the circumstances
Time everything, to take this ground, and I was resolved as far as
depended on me to maintain it firmly.

XXII. However, in reviewing the course of my administration,
I may be unconscious of intentional errors, I am too sensible of
my own deficiencies not to believe that I may have fallen into
many. I deprecate the evils to which they may tend, and pray
Heaven to avert or mitigate and abridge them. I carry with me,
nevertheless, the hope that my motives will continue to be
viewed with indulgence, that after forty-five years of my life de-
voted to public service, with a good zeal and upright views, the
faults of deficient abilities will be consigned to oblivion, and
myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

XXIII. Neither interest nor ambition has been my impelling
motive. I never abused the power confided to me — I have not
bettered my fortune, retiring with it, no otherwise improved than
by the influence on property of the common blessings of my
country : — I retire with undefiled hands and an uncorrupted heart,
and with ardent vows for the welfare of that country, which has been
the native soil of myself and my ancestors for four generations.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 203

HINTS, OR HEADS OF TOPICS.

" Had the situation of our public affairs continued to wear the
same aspect they assumed at the time the foregoing address was
drawn, I should not have taken the liberty of troubling you, my
fellow-citizens, with any new sentiment, or with a repetition more
in detail of those, which are therein contained ; but considerable
changes having taken place, both at home and abroad, I shall
ask your indulgence while I express, with more lively sensibility,
the following most ardent wishes of my heart.

" That party disputes among all the friends and lovers of their
country may subside, or, as the wisdom of Providence has ordained
that men on the same subjects shall not always think alike, that
charity and benevolence, when they happen to differ, may so far
shed their benign influence, as to banish those invectives, which
proceed from illiberal prejudices and jealousy.

" That, as the All-wise Dispenser of human blessings has favored
no nation of the earth with more abundant and substantial means
of happiness than United America, we may not be so ungrateful
to our Creator, so wanting to ourselves, and so regardless of pos-
terity, as to dash the cup of beneficence, which is thus bountifully
offered to our acceptance.

" That we may fulfil with the greatest exactitude all our en-
gagements, foreign and domestic, to the utmost of our abilities*
whensoever and in whatsoever manner they are pledged ; for in
public, as in private life, I am persuaded that honesty will for
ever be found to be the best policy.

* That we may avoid connecting ourselves with the politics of
any nation, farther than shall be found necessary to regulate our
own trade, in order that commerce may be placed upon a stable
footing, our merchants know their rights, and the government the
ground on which those rights are to be supported.

" That every citizen would take pride in the name of an
American, and act as if he felt the importance of the character,
by considering, that we ourselves are now a distinct nation, the
dignity of which will be absorbed, if not annihilated, if we enlist
ourselves, farther than our obligations may require, under the
banners of any other nation whatsoever. And, moreover, that

2o4 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

we should guard against the intrigues of any and every foreign
nation, who shall endeavor to intermingle, however covertly and
indirectly, in the internal concerns of our country, or who shall
attempt to prescribe rules for our policy with any other power,
if there be no infraction of our engagements with themselves,
as one of the greatest evils that can befall us as a people ; for,
whatever may be their professions, be assured, fellow-citizens, and
the event will, as it always has, invariably prove, that nations as
well as individuals act for their own benefit, and not for the
benefit of others, unless both interests happen to be assimilated,
and when that is the case there requires no contract to bind them
together ; that all their interferences are calculated to promote
the former ; and, in proportion as they succeed, will render us
less independent. In a word, nothing is more certain, than that,
if we receive favors we must grant favors ; and it is not easy to
decide beforehand under such circumstances as we are, on which
side the balance will ultimately preponderate ; but easy indeed is
it to foresee, that it may involve us in disputes, and finally in war,
to fulfil political alliances. Whereas, if there be no engagements
on our part, we shall be unembarrassed, and at liberty at all times
to act from circumstances, and the dictates of justice, sound
policy, and our essential interests.

" That we maybe always prepared for war, but never unsheath
the sword except in self-defence, so long as justice, and our essen-
tial rights and national respectability, can be preserved without
it ; for without the gift of prophecy it may safely be pronounced,
that, if this country can remain in peace twenty years longer (and
I devoutly pray, that it may do so to the end of time), such, in all
probability, will be its population, riches, and resources, when
combined with its peculiarly happy and remote situation from the
other quarters of the globe, as to bid defiance, in a just cause, to
any earthly power whatsoever.

" That, whensoever and so long as we profess to be neutral, our
public conduct, whatever our private affections may be, may
accord therewith ; without suffering partialities on one hand, or
prejudices on the other, to control our actions. A contrary prac-
tice is not only incompatible with our declarations, but is preg-
nant with mischief, embarrassing to the administration, tending

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 205

to divide us into parties, and ultimately productive of all those
evils and horrors which proceed from faction.

" That our Union may be as lasting as time ; for, while we are
encircled in one band, we shall possess the strength of a giant,
and there will be none who can make us afraid. Divide, and we
shall become weak, a prey to foreign intrigues and internal dis-
cord, and shall be as miserable and contemptible, as we are now
enviable and happy.

u That the several departments of government may be preserved
in their utmost constitutional purity, without any attempt of one
to encroach on the rights or privileges of another ; that the gen-
eral and State governments may move in their proper orbits ;
and that the authorities of our own constitution may be respected
by ourselves, as the most certain means of having them respected
by foreigners.

" In expressing these sentiments it will readily be perceived,
that I can have no other view now, whatever malevolence might
have ascribed to it before, than such as results from a perfect
conviction of the utility of the measure. If public servants, in
the exercise of their official duties, are found incompetent, or
pursuing wrong courses, discontinue them. If they are guilty of
mal-practices in office, let them be more exemplarily punished.
In both cases, the constitution and laws have made provision ;
but do not withdraw your confidence from them, the best incen-
tive to a faithful discharge of their duty, without just cause ; nor
infer, because measures of a complicated nature, which time,
opportunity, and close investigation alone can penetrate, for
these reasons are not easily comprehended by those, who do not
possess the means, that it necessarily follows they must be wrong.
This would not only be doing injustice to your trustees, but be
counteracting your own essential interests, rendering those trus-
tees, if not contemptible in the eyes of the world, little better at
least than ciphers in the administration of the government, and
the constitution of your own choosing would reproach you for
such conduct."

CONCLUSION.

As this Address, fellow-citizens, will be the last I shall ever
make you, and as some of the gazettes of the United States have

206

THE WRITINGS OF

[1796

teemed with all the invective that disappointment, ignorance of
facts, and malicious falsehoods could invent, to misrepresent my
politics and affections ; to wound my reputation and feelings ;
and to weaken if not entirely destroy the confidence you had
been pleased to repose in me ; it might be expected at the part-
ing scene of my public life, that I should take some notice of
such virulent abuse. But, as heretofore, I shall pass them over
in utter silence ; never having myself, nor by any other with my
participation or knowledge, written, or published a scrap in
answer to any of them. My politics have been unconcealed,
plain and direct. They will be found (so far as they relate to
the belligerent powers) in the proclamation of the 22d. of April,
1793 ; which, having met your approbation, and the confirmation
of Congress, I have uniformly and steadily adhered to, uninflu-
enced by and regardless of the complaints and attempts of any
of those powers or their partisans to change them.

The acts of my administration are on record. By these, which
will not change with circumstances nor admit of different inter-
pretations I expect to be judged. If they will not acquit me, in
your estimation, it will be a source of regret ; but I shall hope
notwithstanding, as I did not seek the office with which you have
honored me, that charity may throw her mantle over my want of
abilities to do better — that the gray hairs of a man who has,
excepting the interval between the close of the Revolutionary
War and the organization of the new government — either in a
civil, or military character, spent five and forty years — all the
prime of his life — in serving his country, be suffered to pass
quietly to the grave — and that his errors, however numerous, if
they are not criminal, may be consigned to the tomb of oblivion,
as he himself soon will be to the mansions of retirement.

To err is the lot of humanity, and never for a moment, have I
ever had the presumption to suppose that I had not a full propor-
portion of it. Infallibility not being the attribute of man, we
ought to be cautious in censuring the opinions and conduct of
one another. To avoid intentional error in my public conduct
has been my constant endeavor ; and I set malice at defiance to
charge me justly, with the commission of a wilful one ; or, with
the neglect of any public duty, which in my opinion ought to

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 207

have been performed, since I have been in the administration of
the government, — an administration which I do not hesitate to
pronounce — the infancy of the government, and all other circum-
stances considered — that has been as difficult, delicate, and trying
as may occur again in any future period of our history ; through
the whole of which I have to the best of my judgment, and with
the best information and advice I could obtain, consulted the
true and permanent interest of my country without regard to
local considerations — to individuals — to parties — or to nations.

To conclude, and I feel proud in having it in my power to do
so with truth, that it was not from ambitious views ; it was not
from ignorance of the hazard to which I knew I was exposing my
reputation ; it was not from an expectation of pecuniary com-
pensation, that I have yielded to the calls of my country ; and
that, if my country has derived no benefit from my services, my
fortune, in a pecuniary point of view, has received no augmenta-
tion from my country. But in delivering this last sentiment, let
me be unequivocally understood as not intending to express any
discontent on my part, or to imply any reproach on my country
on that account. [The first would be untrue — the other ungrate-
ful. And no occasion more fit than the present may ever occur
perhaps to declare, as I now do declare, that nothing but the
principle upon which I set out, and from which I have in no
instance departed, not to receive more from the public than my
expenses, has restrained the bounty of several legislatures at the
close of the war with Great Britain from adding considerably to
my pecuniary resources.] ' I retire from the chair of govern-
ment no otherwise benefitted in this particular than what you
have all experienced from the increased value of property, flow-
ing from the peace and prosperity with which our country has
been blessed amidst tumults which have harrassed and involved
other countries in all the horrors of war. I leave you with un-
defined hands, an uncorrupted heart, and with ardent vows to
Heaven for the welfare and happiness of that country in which I
and my forefathers, to the third or fourth progenitor, drew our
first breath.

1 In the margin of this passage Washington noted : " This may or not be
omitted." The brackets do not appear in the copy of Washington's draught.

208 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

TO THOMAS PINCKNEY.
[private.]

Philadelphia, 22 May, 1796.

Dear Sir :

To my letters of the 20th of February and 5th of
March I beg leave to refer you for the disclosure of
my sentiments on the subjects then mentioned to you.
Very soon afterwards a long and animated discussion
in the House of Representatives respecting the treaty
of amity, commerce, and navigation with Great
Britain, took place, and continued in one shape or
another untill the last of April, suspending in a man-
ner all other business, and agitating the public mind
in a higher degree than it has been at any period
since the revolution. And nothing, I believe, but
the torrent of petitions and remonstrances, which
were pouring in from all the eastern and middle
States, and were beginning to come pretty strongly
from that of Virginia, requiring the necessary pro-
visions for carrying the treaty into effect, would have
produced a division (fifty-one to forty-eight) in favor
of the appropriation.

But as the debates, which I presume will be sent
to you from the department of State, will give you a
view of this business more in detail than I am able
to do, I shall refer you to them. The enclosed
speech, however, made by Mr. Ames at the close of
the discussion, I send to you ; because, in the opinion
of most, who heard it delivered or have read it since,
his reasoning is unanswerable.1

1 This speech is printed in the Works of Fisher Ames.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 209

The doubtful issue of the dispute, and the real
difficulty in finding a character to supply your place
at the court of London, has occasioned a longer de-
lay than may have been convenient or agreeable to
you. But as Mr. King of the Senate, who it seems
had resolved to quit his seat at that board, has ac-
cepted the appointment, and will embark as soon as
matters can be arranged, you will soon be relieved.

In my letter of the 20th of February, I expressed
in pretty strong terms my sensibility on account of
the situation of the Marquis de Lafayette. This is
increased by the visible distress of his son, who is
now with me, and grieving for the unhappy fate of
his parents. This circumstance, giving a poignancy
to my own feelings, has induced me to go a step
farther than I did in the letter above mentioned, as
you will perceive by the enclosed address (a copy of
which is also transmitted for your information) to
the Emperor of Germany, to be forwarded by you
in such a manner, and under such auspices, as in your
judgment shall be deemed best ; or to arrest it, if
from the evidence before you, derived from former
attempts, it shall appear clear that it would be of no
avail to send it.

Before I close this letter, permit me to request the
favor of you to embrace some favorable occasion to
thank Lord Grenville in my behalf, for his politeness
in causing a special permit to be sent to Liverpool
for the shipment of two sacks of the field peas, and
the like quantity of winter vetches, which I had re-
quested our consul at that place to send me for seed,
14

2IO

THE WRITINGS OF

[1796

but which it seems could not be done without an
order from government ; a circumstance which did
not occur to me, or I certainly should not have given
it the trouble of issuing one for such a trifle. With
very great esteem, I am, &c.

TO CYRUS GRIFFIN.

Philada., 8 June, 1796.

Sir,

I am sorry, that, without being accused, you should
think it necessary to go into a lengthy justification
of your conduct and principles.

What the entire design of your letter of the 23d
ulto. may be, I am at a loss to conceive, and, pressed
as I have been, and still am, on all sides, in the dis-
charge of my public functions, I have no leisure to
enquire. If the object of it (among other things) is
to intimate that you have been overlooked in some
recent appointments, I can only say, that nominations
are made from the view I am able to take of the
cases which come before me ; in doing which, I have
often, if not always, where the appointments are not
of a local nature, found it necessary to combine a
variety of considerations none of which, however,
have originated from a desire to serve a friend or
relation ; or a wish to oblige this or that man — or set
of men ; but from the information I can obtain
(where I have no personal knowledge) of the fitness
of characters to offices. —

That I may have erred, and in many instances
made injudicious nominations, is highly probable , —

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 211

wonderful indeed would it be, if the case was other-
wise ; but numerous, and chagreening as disappoint-
ments may have been to individuals (and abundant
they are) I can defy malignancy itself to ascribe par-
tiality, or interested motives to any of my nomina-
tions ; — or omissions, to prejudice or dislike. — I have
naught therefore, on this score, to reproach myself
with. —

For the attachment you have professed for my
person and administration, I pray you to accept my
best thanks, and the assurances of the esteem &
regard with which I am, &c.

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Philadelphia, 9 June, 1796.

Sir,

The instructions for Mr. King, herewith returned,
appear to me to be proper. To them, however, I
think might be added a desire, that he should attempt
to remove any doubts, which may arise in the con-
struction of the article relative to our trade with the
East Indies ; and to get relieved, if it be practicable,
from the restrictions on our vessels going from thence
with their cargoes to China.

I shall not impede the forwarding of the other in-
structions to the accomptant for the British spolia-
tions, as they are now drawn. At the same time, I
cannot forbear observing, that I think ^500 sterling
would have been ample compensation for such a
character.

1st, because no such officer was conceived neces-

212

THE WRITINGS OF

[1796

sary by the negotiators of the Treaty, nor provided
for in the estimate to Congress.

2d, because, among other inducements to the ap-
pointment of Mr. Gore, his supposed knowledge of
commerce was one, (a legal and commercial charac-
ter being deemed necessary for the purposes of the
commission.) — Why, then, it may be asked, seek for
the latter character in an accomptant of new creation,
uncontemplated by the treaty ? And this question,
more than probable, will be accompanied with the
charge of favoritism to the wishes of the person
designated and his friends.

And 3d, because our secretaries of legation are not
allowed half what is proposed to be given as com-
pensation to this accomptant. I am, &c.

TO DAVID HUMPHREYS.

Philadelphia, 12 June, 1796.

My dr. Humphreys —

I could not suffer Captain O'Brien to return with-
out carrying along with him this evidence of my con-
tinued regard and friendship for you. In expressing
of which I shall be concise, for along and interesting
session closed only the first day of this month — many
laws which require immediate attention and execu-
tion ; added to a preparation for a journey to Mount
Vernon (tomorrow) for a little relaxation from the
unpleasant scenes which have been and are continu-
ally presenting themselves to my view, will not, how-
ever well disposed I might otherwise be, permit me
to be profuse.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 213

From the office of State you will receive every
thing that relates to business ; and the gazettes,
which I presume accompany the despatches, will
bring you pretty well acquainted with the state of
politics and of parties in this country ; and shew you
in what manner I am attacked for a steady opposition
to every measure which has a tendency to disturb the
peace and tranquillity of it. But these attacks, un-
just and unpleasant as they are, will occasion no
change in my conduct ; nor will they work any other
effect in my mind, than to increase the anxious desire
which has long possessed my breast to enjoy in the
shades of retirement the consolation of having ren-
dered my country every service my abilities were
competent to, uninfluenced by pecuniary or ambitious
considerations as they respected myself, and without
any attempt to provide for my friends farther than
their merits, abstractedly entitle them to — nor an at-
tempt in any instance to bring a relation of mine into
office. Malignity therefore may dart her shafts ; but
no earthly power can deprive me of the consolation
of knowing that I have not in the course of my ad-
ministration been guilty of a wilful error, however
numerous they may have been from other causes.
When you shall think with the poet that M the post
of honor is a private station," I may be inclined to
enjoy yourself in my shades — (I do not mean the
shades below where, if you put it off long, I may be)
I can only tell you that you will meet with the same
cordial reception at Mount Vernon that you have
always experienced at that place, and that I am, &c.

214

THE WRITINGS OF

[1796

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Mount Vernon, 24 June, 1796.

Sir,

The information contained in a letter, of which the
enclosed is a correct copy, (with a reservation only
of names agreeably to the request of the writer,) may
serve as a comment upon the conduct of the owner
of the privateer Flying-Fish, and as a development
also of the intentions of the French government, so
far as it relates to the commerce of the United States
with Great Britain.1 The communications in the last
numbers of the Aurora, (that I have seen,) afford
still further evidence of this system, and are cal-
culated most evidently to prepare the public mind
for this event, at the same time that they labor to
make it appear, that the treaty with that country is
the cause of such conduct in France.

The source from which the information comes can-
not, as to its authenticity and knowledge of facts, be

1 The Mount Vernon was an American vessel purchased by an Englishman,
loaded in the name of Wrilling and Francis with English property, and capture'd
by a French privateer, the Flying Fish. Adet would give no satisfaction,
although Washington was very well disposed to favor him personally.

" Mr. Adet was as cordially, & as repeatedly asked to visit, Mount Vernon
as either of the other foreign characters ; but to me he never said he would
come. La Fayette and Mr. Frestel however, the day before I left Philadel-
phia, understood him that he should set out on this visit in ten days after me ;
since which I have heard nothing of him.

u It was my determination, and so I acted, to place them all upon precisely
the same ground ; but as there are many who will not be disposed to think so,
but on the contrary, will more than probably, represent it otherwise, it will be
very agreeable to me, that you should see & express to him, on my behalf, the
sentiments which are mentioned in your letter ; predicated on the hope, raised
in me, by the Gentlemen beforementioned." — Washington to James Mc-
Henry, 11 July, 1796.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 215

■ — -

doubted ; of course, if the persons through whom it has
passed to the reciter are not mistaken in their details,
the most entire credit is to be given to the account.
Under these impressions, and the serious aspect
which they present, it is my request that you and the
Secretaries of the Treasury and War would meet ;
consult the treaties, the laws of nations, and of the U.
States, which have any relation to the subject ; and,
after mature deliberation, to report to me your opin-
ions of the measures, which you conceive ought to
be adopted under such information and circumstances
particularly.

1. Whether immediate explanation should be
asked on this subject from the minister of the French
Republic in Philadelphia ; and in that case, (which I
am inclined to think is right,) to proceed, without
the delay of sending to me, to make the requisition
accordingly, unless, from the tenor of the answer to
the letter you had drafted before I left Philadelphia
respecting the capture of the Mount Vernon, it should
jn your judgment be unnecessary.

2. Whether there is power in the executive, and,
in that case, whether it would be expedient in the
recess of the Senate, to send an extra character to
Paris to explain the views of this government, and
to ascertain those of France ; and, in the affirmative
of these, to suggest for my consideration the names of
such persons as in your opinions are best qualified to
subserve these purposes.

I shall expect to hear fully from you on this inter-
esting subject, and shall only add, that if, in the in-

216 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

vestigation of it, my presence in Philadelphia is
deemed necessary, or if any other occurrence should
require my return before the time I had allotted for
it, I can and will set out for that place as soon as I
am advertised of the necessity. I am, &C.1

1 The Cabinet replied that a direct explanation should be demanded of the
French minister. " We are also of opinion that the Executive has not the
power, in the recess of the Senate, to originate the appointment of a minister
extraordinary to France ; and that the recall of Mr. Monroe, by creating a
vacancy, can alone authorize the sending of a new minister to that country.
On the expediency of this change we are agreed. We think the great interests
of the United States require that they have near the French Government some
faithful organ to explain their real views and to ascertain those of the French.
Our duty obliges us to be explicit. Although the present Minister plenipotentiary
of the United States at Paris has been amply furnished with documents to ex-
plain the views and conduct of the United States, yet his own letters authorize
us to say, that he has omitted to use them, and thereby exposed the United
States to all the mischiefs which could flow from jealousies and erroneous con-
ceptions of their views and conduct. Whether this dangerous omission arose
from such an attachment to the cause of France as rendered him too little mind-
ful of the interests of his own country, or from mistaken views of the latter,
or from any other cause, the evil is the same. We therefore conceive it to be
indispensably necessary that the present minister plenipotentiary of the U. S.
at Paris should be recalled, and another American citizen appointed in his stead.
Such being our opinion, we beg leave to name for your consideration Patrick
Henry and John Marshall of Virginia, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney and
William Smith of South Carolina, either of whom would, we believe, so ex-
plain the conduct and views of the U. States as to gratify the French Republic
and thereby remove the danger of a rupture or inconvenient controversy with
that nation ; or failing of this desirable effect, to satisfy the citizens of the
United States that the fault was not to be imputed to their own government.

" In confirmation of our opinion of the expediency of recalling Mr. Monroe,
we think the occasion requires that we communicate a private letter from him
which came to our hands since you left Philadelphia. This letter corresponds
with other intelligence of his political opinions and conduct. A minister who
has thus made the notorious enemies of the whole system of the government
his confidential correspondents in matters which affect that government, cannot
be relied on to do his duty to the latter. This private letter we received in
confidence. Among other circumstances that will occur to your recollection,
the anonymous letters from France to Thos. Blount and others are very notice-
able. We know that Montflorence was the writer, and that he was the Chan-

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 217

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

Mount Vernon, 26 June, 1796.

My Dear Sir :

Your letter without date came to my hands by
Wednesday's post, and by the first post afterwards I
communicated the purport of it (withholding the
names) to the Secretary of State, with directions to
bestow the closest attention to the subject, and, if
the application which had been made to the Minister
of France, consequent on the capture of the ship
Mount Vernon had not produced such an answer as

cellor of the consul Skipwith ; and from the connexion of Mr. Monroe with
those persons, we can entertain no doubt that the anonymous letters were
written with his privity.

*' These anonymous communications from officers of the United States in a
foreign country, on matters of public nature, and which deeply concern the
interests of the United States, in relation to that foreign country, are proofs of
sinister design, and shew that the public interests are no longer safe in the
hands of such men.

" The information contained in the confidential communication you were
pleased to make to us on the project of the French Government relative to the
commerce of the U. States, is confirmed by the open publication of the same
substantially and more minutely in the newspapers. Mr. Fenno's in which it
first appeared, we now enclose. The execution of the project even appears to
have been commenced. The following article is in Mr. Fenno's paper of the
28th ulto :

" ' New London, June 23d. Arrived by the Aurora, S. Wadsworth of Hart-
ford, in fourteen days from Port-au paix. Left there sloop Crisis, Cook of
Norwich, with mules ; sloop Scrub, Williams of Middletown ; and a brig from
Philadelphia ; all carried in by French privateers. It was not pretended to
make prizes of them, but their, cargoes were taken by the administration, at
their own price, and due-bills given therefor. Those who go there to trade
and those carried in, are all treated alike. Capt. Wadsworth received a due
bill for 11,000 livres.'

• •••». • . .

. " Timothy Pickering,
** Oliver Wolcott,

" James McHenry.
Phila., 2 July, 1796."

2l8

THE WRITINGS OF

[1796

to supersede the necessity, then to endeavor to ob-
tain such explanation of the views of the French
government relatively to our commerce with Great
Britain, as the nature of the case appeared to require.

That the fact is as has been represented to you, I
have very little if any doubt. Many, very many cir-
cumstances, are continually happening in confirmation
of it ; among which, it is evident, Bache's paper,
which receives and gives the tone, is endeavoring to
prepare the public mind for this event, by represent-
ing it as the predicted and natural consequence of
the ratification of the treaty with Great Britain.

Let me ask, therefore, Do you suppose that the
Executive, in the recess of the Senate, has power, in
such a case as the one before us, especially if the
measure should not be avowed by authority, to send
a special character to Paris as Envoy Extraordinary,
to give and receive explanations ? And if there be a
doubt, whether it is not probable, nay, more than
probable that the French Directory would, in the
present state of things, avail themselves of the uncon-
stitutionality of the measure to decline receiving him ?
The policy of delay, to avoid explanations, would
induce them to adopt any pretext to accomplish it.
Their reliance upon a party in this country for sup-
port would stimulate them to this conduct ; and we
may be assured they will not be deficient in the most
minute details of every occurrence and every opinion
worthy of communication. If, then, an envoy can-
not be sent to Paris without the agency of the Sen-
ate, will the information you have received, admitting

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 219

it should be realized, be sufficient ground for conven-
ing that body ?

These are serious things ; they may be productive
of serious consequences, and therefore require very
serious and cool deliberation. Admitting, however,
that the powers of the President during the recess
were adequate to such an appointment, where is the
character who would go, and unites the proper quali-
fications for such a mission, and would not be obnox-
ious to one party or the other ? and what should be
done with Mr. M [onroe] in that case ?

As the affairs of this country, in their administra-
tion, receive great embarrassment from the conduct
of characters among ourselves, and as every act of
the Executive is misrepresented and tortured with a
view to make it appear odious, the aid of the friends
to government is peculiarly necessary under such cir-
cumstances and at such a crisis as the present. It is
unnecessary, therefore, to add, that I should be glad,
upon the present and all other important occasions,
to receive yours ; and as I have great confidence in
the abilities and purity of Mr. Jay's views, as well as
in his experience, I should wish that his sentiments
on the purport of this letter, and other interesting
matters as they occur, may accompany yours ; for
having no other wish than to promote the true and
permanent interests of this country, I am anxious al-
ways to compare the opinions of those in whom I
confide with one another, and those again (without be-
ing bound by them) with my own, that I may extract
all the good I can.

22o THE WRITINGS OF [1796

Having from a variety of reasons (among which a
disinclination to be longer buffeted in the public
prints by a set of infamous scribblers) taken my ulti-
mate determination " to seek the post of honor in a
private station," I regret exceedingly that I did not
publish my valedictory address the day after the ad-
journment of Congress. This would have preceded
the canvassing for electors (which is commencing with
warmth in this State). It would have been announ-
cing publicly, what seems to be very well understood,
and is industriously propagated privately. It would
have removed doubts from the minds of all, and left
the field clear for all. It would, by having preceded
any unfavorable change in our foreign relations (if
any should happen), render my retreat less difficult
and embarrassing. And it might have prevented the
remarks which, more than probable, will follow a late
annunciatiation — namely, that I delayed it long
enough to see that the current was turned against
me, before I declared my intention to decline. This
is one of the reasons which makes me a little tena-
cious of the draught I furnished you with, to be modi-
fied and corrected.

Having passed, however, what now I conceive
would have been the precise moment to have ad-
dressed my constituents, let me ask your opinion (un-
der a full conviction that nothing will shake my
determination to withdraw) of the next best time,
considering the present, and what may, probably, be
the existing state of things at different periods pre-
vious to the election ; or rather the middle of Octo-

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 221

ber, beyond which the promulgation of my intentions
cannot be delayed. Let me hear from you as soon
as it "it convenient, and be assured always of the sin-
cere esteem and affectionate regard of. 1

1 "As to your resignation, sir, it is not to be regretted that the declara-
tion of your intention should be suspended as long as possible, and suffer
me to add that you should really hold the thing undecided to the last mo-
ment. I do not think it is in the power of party to throw any slur upon the
lateness of your declaration. And you have an obvious justification in the
state of things. If a storm gathers, how can you retreat? This is a most seri-
ous question. The proper period now for your declaration seems to be two
months before the time for the meeting of the electors. This will be sufficient.
The parties will in the meantime electioneer conditionally, that is to say, if you
decline ; for a serious opposition to you will, I think, hardly be risked. I
have completed the first draft of a certain paper, and shall shortly transcribe,
correct, and forward it. I will then also prepare and send forward without de-
lay, the original paper, corrected upon the general plan of it, so that you may
have both before you for a choice in full time, and for alteration if necessary."
— Hamilton to Washington, 5 July, 1796.

It was on July 30th that Hamilton fulfilled the promise contained in this let-
ter. " I have the pleasure to send you herewith a certain draft, which I have
endeavored to make as perfect as my time and engagements would permit. It
has been my object to render this act importantly and lastingly useful, and
avoiding all just cause of present exception, to embrace such reflections and
sentiments as will wear well, progress in approbation with time, and redound
to future reputation. How far I have succeeded, you will judge. I have be-
gun the second part of the task — the digesting of the supplementary remarks
to the first address, — which, in a fortnight, I hope also to send you ; yet I con-
fess the more I have considered the matter the less eligible this plan has
appeared to me. There seems to me to be a certain awkwardness in the thing,
and it seems to imply that there is a doubt whether the assurance without the
evidence would be believed. Besides that, I think that there are some ideas
which will not wear well in the former address, and I do not see how any part
can be omitted, if it is to be given as the thing formerly prepared. Neverthe-
less, when you have both before you, you can judge. If you should incline to
take the draft now sent, and after perusing and noting any thing that you wish
changed, will send it to me, I will, with pleasure, shape it as you desire. This
may also put it in my power to improve the expression, and perhaps, in some
instances condense." — Hamilton to Washington, 30 July, 1796.

u A cursory reading it has had, and the sentiments therein contained, are
extremely just, and such as ought to be inculcated. The doubt that occurs at
first view, is the length of it for a newspaper publication ; and how far the

222 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

to james Mchenry, secretary of war.

[Mount Vernon, i July, 1796.]

Sir,

Your letter of the 27th ulto. by Post, with its en-
closures, (the originals of which I return,) came to
my hands on Wednesday ; and your other letters of
the 27th and 28th, by Express, was received about five
o'clock yesterday afternoon.1

The accounts brought in the latter are very pleas-
ing indeed, inasmuch as they will serve to remove
the doubts of the credulous (with respect to the
Western Posts) ; and, when realized, be productive of
that tranquillity and peace with the Indians, which in
itself is so desirable, and has been so much wished
and sought for by every real friend to his country.

It is my desire, that the charges exhibited against
General Wayne by Brigadier Wilkinson, with the
letters of crimination on both sides, should be laid
before the heads of departments ; and your and their
opinions reported to me on the measures necessary

occasion would countenance its appearing in any other form, without dilating
more on the present state of matters, is questionable. All the columns, of a
large gazette would scarcely, I believe, contain the present draught." —
Washington to Hamilton, 10 August, 1796.

1 The Secretary's letter of the 28th gave an account of the reception which
Major Lewis met with from the governor of Canada when he arrived in Que-
bec, with despatches relative to the execution of that part of the treaty which
concerned the western posts. The Secretary writes : " Major Lewis says he
was treated with much civility by Lord Dorchester's family, and that the people
seemed everywhere pleased with the prospect of a friendly intercourse with
our citizens. Lord Dorchester was particular in his inquiries respecting your
health, and seemed pleased to learn that you were well and looked well. I
believe his Lordship is himself about seventy. Major Lewis could have dined
out for a month at Quebec. The first toast was, The King of Great Britain ;
the second invariably, The President"

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 223

to be pursued to do justice to the Public, the accused,
and the accuser ; as also when and by whom the in-
quiry is to be made, with the preliminary steps neces-
sary thereto.

There are no Officers, I conceive, of sufficient rank
to constitute a Court before whom the Commander-
in-chief can be brought. Is the matter then to come
before Congress? In what manner? My first im-
pression relative to this business, (though not ma-
turely or distinctly formed,) is, that General Wayne
ought immediately to be furnished with a copy of all
the charges exhibited against him by the Brigadier,
in order, as many of them are of old standing, that
he may have time allowed him to recollect circum-
stances ; and to see what counter evidence can
be produced, or what satisfactory explanations can be
given, that he may not be unprepared for trial when-
soever he is called upon.

It may be well, if it can be accomplished by civil
expressions, to stimulate the present governor of
Tennessee to an effectual repression of incroachments
on Indian Territory, (secured to them by Treaties) ;
but the honor of the government and the Peace of
the Union require, that, if he is not decisive, the
Laws relative thereto be not suspended or trifled
with, but, promptly and energetically (with temper
and prudence) enforced.

I will not speak upon the new model of the army
now, but will take more time to consider the scheme
for resolving the Legion into four Regiments, on the
plan you have suggested.

224

THE WRITINGS OF

[1796

In speaking of the Generals Wayne and Wilkin-
son, I omitted to add, as my opinion, that the latter,
(if leave has not been given already), ought to ob-
tain the furlough he has asked as soon as the former
joins the Army ; for no good will result from both
being with it in the irritable temper they are in
at the same time.

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Mount Vernon, 4 July, 1796.

Sir,

The Spanish minister, M. de Yrujo, spent two days
with me, and is just gone. I caused it to be inti-
mated to him, that, as I should be absent from the
seat of the government until the middle or latter end
of August, that I was ready to receive his letter of
credence at this place. He answered, as I understood
it, that his credentials were with his baggage on its
passage to Philadelphia, and that his reception at
that place, at the time mentioned, would be perfectly
convenient and agreeable to himself. He is a young
man, very free and easy in his manners, professes to
be well-disposed towards the United States, and, as
far as a judgment can be formed on so short an ac-
quaintance, appears to be well-informed.

Enclosed are two letters from the governor of
Pennsylvania, applying for the aid of the general
government to execute effectually the quarantine he
had proclaimed. I left Philadelphia under an im-
pression, that circular letters had been written by the

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 225

Secretary of the Treasury to the collectors of the
different ports, and by the Secretary of War to the
officers commanding the garrisons on the sea-board,
to pay proper attention to the act of Congress
relative to quarantine.

From the application of Governor Mifflin the pre-
sumption is, that there has been an omission some-
where. Let me desire that you and the other two
gentlemen would meet and see where it lies, that a
remedy may be immediately applied. And I request
that you will acknowledge the receipt of the Gov-
ernor's letters, and inform him of what is or will be
done.

I desire to be informed also, if any thing is or can
be done relatively to the appointment of an Indian
agent in place of Governor Blount, and others for
carrying on the trade authorized by Congress with
those people. I am, &c.

TO GUSTAVUS SCOTT.

Mount Vernon, 4 July, 1796.

Sir :

If the public despatches which I receive, and am
obliged to answer by every Post would permit, I
would go more into detail and explanation of the
subject of your last (seperate letter), than it is possi-
ble for me to do at present. I will not, however, let
it pass without some further expression of my ideas ;
and the understanding I always had of your entrance

into the office you now hold, in the Federal City.

15

226 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

That the Secretary of State's letter to you (which
I have not by me at this place to resort to) may have
been so worded as to leave the alternative of residing
in the City, or in George Town, is not necessary, if
it was justifiable, to deny ; because a change of cir-
cumstances would certainly authorize a change of
measures. But independent of this, it must not be
forgotten, that at the time the letter above alluded to
was written, such an alternative was indispensable,
for as much as there were no convenient accommoda-
tions for the Commissioners in the City, and because
houses could not be erected in a moment, under the
circumstances which then existed. In addition to
this, let it be remembered, also, that the first Com-
missioners, sensible of the propriety and advantages
which would result therefrom, had resolved to build a
house for their own accommodation at or near the spot
where the Hotel now stands ; and were diverted from
it (if my memory serves me) partly by two causes : —
first, from a doubt of the propriety of such an appli-
cation of public money; and 2ndly, from an opinion
that they could be accommodated in the Hotel, when
built, — which, it was expected, would have happened
long since.

I mention these things to show there has been no
inconsistency in my sentiments or conduct ; and that
to enable the Commissioners to comply with the views
of government, and to devote their time to its service,
the present compensation was resolved on.

Your other allegation is of a more serious nature ;
and if deception withdrew you from what you deemed

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 227

a permanent establishment at Baltimore, it cannot be
justified. But be assured, Sir, this is a new view of
the subject ; and that the proposal to you, to become
a Commissioner, originated in assurances, confidently
given to me, that you had resolved to remove to the
Federal City, or to George Town ; and because I
knew you had a considerable interest in the vicinity
of them. Was not the first application to you predi-
cated on this information ?

But I must be explicit in declaring, that not only
to obviate the suspicions and jealousies which proceed
from a residence of the Commissioners without the
City, or in a remote corner of it, not only that they
may be where the busy and important scenes are
transacting, that they may judge of the conduct of
others not from reports only, but from ocular proof,
as the surest guide to ceconomy and despatch ; — inde-
pendent, I say, of these considerations, which are
momentous of themselves, I should view the residence
of the Commissioners of the City and their officers of
different grades, in some central part of it as a nest
egg (pardon the expression) which will attract others,
and prove the surest means of accomplishing the
great object which all have in view — the removal of
Congress at the appointed time — without which, every
thing will become stagnant, and your sanguine hopes
blasted.

To be frank, I must give it to you as my opinion,
that in relation to the concerns of the City, the Com-
missioners stand precisely in the same light (if not in
a stronger one) that each does to any interesting

228 THE WRITINGS OF [I796

matter in a train of execution for himself. — Would
you, then, notwithstanding you may have an architect
to carry on your buildings on Rock Hill, and a man
to superintend your attending laborers, trust to their
proceeding without your minute inspection of their
conduct ? I think, and am sure, you will answer, no.
I do not mean by this question to exhibit a charge,
for I do as truly tell you, that I do not know, or ever
heard, how often you visit your own concerns there.
It is upon general principles I argue. A man of in-
dustry and exertion will not, on his own account, have
a work of that sort on hand without giving close at-
tention to it. And certain it is, the obligation (because
of the responsibility) is at least equally great when
entrusted by the Public.

After all, as the season is now far advanced, houses,
in the situation I have described as most eligable, may
not be to be rented. I am not unwilling that the re-
moval of the Commissioners, if they find much incon-
venience in doing it, may be suspended until the
commencement of the operations of next spring, when
it will certainly be expected, and if known, I have no
doubt but that houses will be prepared for their accom-
modation by that time.

You will, from the length of this letter, with
difficulty, give credit to my assertion in the beginning
of it ; but as a proof, not only of its verity, but of the
friendship and candor with which it is written, it shall
go to you in its present rough garb ; and with all its
imperfections, accompanied with assurances of the
esteem and regard, &c.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 229

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Mount Vernon, 6 July, 1796.

Dear Sir,

When I inform you, that your letter of the 19th
ultimo l went to Philadelphia and returned to this
place before it was received by me, it will be admitted,
I am persuaded, as an apology for my not having
acknowledged the receipt of it sooner.

If I had entertained any suspicions before, that the
queries, which have been published in Bache's paper,
proceeded from you, the assurances you have given
of the contrary would have removed them ; but the
truth is, I harbored none.2 I am at no loss to con-
jecture from what source they flowed, through what
channel they were conveyed, and for what purpose
they and similar publications appear. They were
known to be in the hands of Mr. Parker in the early
part of the last session of Congress. They were
shown about by Mr. Giles during the session, and
they made their public exhibition about the close
of it.

Perceiving and probably hearing, that no abuse in
the gazettes would induce me to take notice of anony-
mous publications against me, those, who were dis-
posed to do me such friendly offices, have embraced
without restraint every opportunity to weaken the
confidence of the people ; and, by having the whole
game in their hands, they have scrupled not to pub-
lish things that do not, as well as those which do

1 See this letter in Jefferson's Writings, vol. iii., p. 330.

9 One of Washington's cabinet memoranda had been printed by Bache in full.

23o THE WRITINGS OF [1796

exist, and to mutilate the latter, so as to make them
subserve the purposes which they have in view.

As you have mentioned the subject yourself, it
would not be frank, candid, or friendly to conceal,
that your conduct has been represented as derogating
from that opinion / had conceived you entertained of
me ; that, to your particular friends and connexions
you have described and they have denounced, me as
a person under a dangerous influence ; and that, if I
would listen more to some other opinions, all would
be well. My answer invariably has been, that I had
never discovered any thing in the conduct of Mr.
Jefferson to raise suspicions in my mind of his insin-
cerity ; that, if he would retrace my public conduct
while he was in the administration, abundant proofs
would occur to him, that truth and right decisions were
the sole objects of my pursuit ; that there were as
many instances within his own knowledge of my hav-
ing decided against as in favor of the opinions of the
person evidently alluded to ; and, moreover, that I
was no believer in the infallibility of the politics or
measures of any man living} In short, that I was no
party man myself, and the first wish of my heart was,
if parties did exist, to reconcile them.

To this I may add, and very truly, that, until
within the last year or two, I had no conception that
parties would or even could go the length I have been
witness to ; nor did I believe until lately, that it was
within the bounds of probability, hardly within those
of possibility, that, while I was using my utmost

1 See Jefferson's Anas, in his Writings (Ford's edition), i., 168.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 231

exertions to establish a national character of our own,
independent, as far as our obligations and justice
would permit, of every nation of the earth, and
wished, by steering a steady course, to preserve this
country from the horrors of a desolating war, I should
be accused of being the enemy of one nation, and
subject to the influence of another ; and, to prove it,
that every act of my administration would be tortured,
and the grossest and most insidious misrepresenta-
tions of them be made, by giving one side only of a
subject, and that too in such exaggerated and indecent
terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero, a no-
torious defaulter, or even to a common pickpocket.
But enough of this, I have already gone further in
the expression of my feelings than I intended.1

The particulars of the case you mention (relative
to the Little Sarah) is a good deal out of my recol-
lection at present, and I have no public papers here
to resort to. When I get back to Philadelphia (which,
unless I am called there by something new, will not
be 'till towards the last of August) I will examine my
files.

It must be pleasing to a cultivator to possess Land
which will yield Clover kindly, for it is certainly a
great desideratum in husbandry. My soil, without

1 No correspondence after this date between Washington and Jefferson ap-
pears in the letter-books, except a brief note the month following upon an
unimportant matter. It has been reported and believed, that letters or papers,
supposed to have passed between them, or to relate to their intercourse with
each other at subsequent dates, were secretly withdrawn from the archives of
Mount Vernon after the death of the former. Concerning this fact, no posi-
tive testimony remains, either for or against it, among Washington's papers as
they came into my hands. — Sparks.

232 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

very good dressings, does not produce it well, owing,
I believe, to its stiffness, hardness at bottom, and reten-
tion of water. A farmer, in my opinion, need never
despair of raising wheat to advantage, upon a Clover
lay, with a single ploughing agreeably to the Norfolk
and Suffolk practice. By a misconception of my man-
ager last year, a field at one of my farms, which I
intended should have been fallowed for wheat, went
untouched. Unwilling to have my crop of wheat at
that place so much reduced, as would have been
occasioned by this omission, I directed, as soon as I
returned from Philada. about the middle of Sep-
tember, another field not in the usual rotation, which
had lain out two years, and well covered with mixed
grasses, principally white clover, to be turned over
with a good bar share and the wheat to be sown and
harrowed in at the tail of the plough. It was done
so accordingly, and was, by odds, the best wheat I
made this year. It exhibits an unequivocal proof to
my mind of the great advantage of Clover lay for
wheat. Our crops of this article, hereabouts, are
more or less injured by what some call the rot, others
the scab — occasioned, I believe, by high winds and
beating rain when the grain is in blossom, and before
the farina has performed its duties.

Desirous of trying the field peas of England, and
the winter vetch, I sent last fall to Mr. Maury, of
Liverpool, for 8 bushels of each sort. Of the
peas he sent me two kinds, a white and dark ; but
not having the letter by me, I am unable to give the
names. They did not arrive until the latter end of

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 233

April ; when they ought to have been in the ground
the beginning of March. They were sown, however,
but will yield no seed ; of course the experiment I
intended to make is lost. The vetch is yet on hand
for autumn seeding. That the Albany peas will
grow well with us, I know from my own experience ;
but they are subject to the same bug which perforates
and injures the garden peas, and will do the same I
fear to the imported peas of any sort from England,
in this climate, from the heat of it.

I do not know what is meant by, or to what uses
the Caroline drill is applied. How does your Chico-
rium prosper ? Four years since I exterminated all
the plants raised from seed sent me by Mr. Young,
and to get into it again, the seed I purchased in
Philada. last winter and what has been sent me by
Mr. Maury this spring has cost me upwards of twelve
pounds sterling. This, it may be observed, is a left
handed way to make money ; but the first was occa-
sioned by the Manager I then had, who pretended to
know it well in England and pronounced it a noxious
weed. The restoration of it, is indebted to Mr.
Strickland, and others (besides Mr. Young) who
speak of it in exalted terms. I sowed mine broad
cast ; some with and some without grain. It has
come up well ; but there seems to be a serious strug-
gle between it and the grass and weeds ; the issue of
which (as I can afford no relief to the former) is
doubtful at present, and may be useful to know.

If you can bring a moveable threshing machine,
constructed upon simple principles to perfection, it

234 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

will be among the most valuable institutions in this
country, for nothing is more wanting and to be wished
for on our farms.

Mrs. Washington begs you to accept her best
wishes, and with very great esteem and regard, I am,
dear Sir, yours, &c.

TO CHARLES LEE, ATTORNEY-GENERAL.

Mount Vernon, 6 July, 1796.

Sir,

Having shown you the answer of the French min-
ister to the communication of the Secretary of State,
relatively to the capture of the ship Mount Vernon
by the french privateer Flying-Fish. Having read

you, also, the contents of a Letter from S , re

specting information from St. Domingo, of the
intended measures of the French government to
harass our commerce with Great Britain, and also my
letter to the Secretary of State on that subject, to
which I have by the last mail received the enclosed
acknowledgment ; let me now ask what you think of
the opinion therein given respecting the recall of our
minister at Paris ? Whether that act will authorize
the appointment of an envoy extraordinary, or minis-
ter plenipotentiary ? Whether it is, in that case, ex-
pedient to do it under present circumstances, as far
as they are known, or wait a further developement of
his conduct, and the views of the Directory of France ?
And, in case it is judged expedient to send a person
to Paris to explain the motives of the conduct of
this government, and to ascertain the views of that,

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 235

whether you think either of the characters mentioned
in the Secretary of State's letter would go ? and
whether there be any other occurring to you as eliga-
ble ? Would Dr. McClurg go ? And does he possess
fit abilities, if he would accept ?

Answer all these queries as soon as you conven-
iently can ; and let me have the draft you promised
(on Monday last,) for the purpose of supplying the
deficiency in the act for the relief of seamen.

Make frequent inquiries for a fit character to fill
the office of surveyor-general. I wish much to have
it ably executed. I am, &c.

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Mount Vernon, 8 July, 1796.

Sir,

My letters to the Secretary of the Treasury, of the
4th and 6th instant, with the present enclosure, con-
vey fully the sentiments of the Attorney-General with
respect to the best mode of executing the act "for
the relief and protection of American seamen." He
has, since his opinion was transmitted in the above
letter of the 6th, consulted two of our most eminent
lawyers in these parts, and finds an entire accordance
of opinion. I request, therefore, that the measure
recommended may be pursued.

Your letters of the 1st and 2d instant, with several
enclosures in the latter, came safe and duly to hand.
After that serious consideration, which the subject
deserves, I have determined to recall the American
minister at Paris, and am taking measures to supply his

236 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

place ; but, the more the latter is revolved, the greater
the difficulties appear to do it ably and unexception-
able By this I mean the selecting of one, who will
promote, not thwart, the neutral policy of the gov-
ernment, and at the same time will not be obnoxious
to the people among whom he is sent.

Proofs little short of positive are already in my pos-
session, that neither Mr. Henry nor Mr. Marshall
would accept of such an appointment. The chances
against General Pinckney's doing it are strong,
though not quite so great ; and, with respect to Mr.
Smith, although it would be a very agreeable choice
to me, I am sure it would not concenter those
opinions, which policy would require. Mr. Carroll of
Carrollton, though sensible and attached to federal
measures, would find himself on quite new ground,
and, besides, he has such large concerns of his own
to attend to, and is so tenacious of them, that it is
morally certain he would not be prevailed on to go.

Having taken this view of the subject, I am by this
day's post writing to General Pinckney. This letter
I shall enclose to Mr. Marshall (as he is in the line,
Mr. Henry being much out of it), to be forwarded,
or returned, as he shall decide with respect to him-
self. In the mean time, as the offer ends with General
Pinckney, other characters should be held in contem-
plation in case of his refusal.1

1 " I will not attempt to express those sensations, which your letter of the
8th instant has increased. Was it possible for me in the present crisis of my
affairs to leave the United States, such is my conviction of the importance of
that duty, which you would confide to me, and (pardon me if I add) of the
fidelity with which I should attempt to perform it, that I would certainly forego

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 237

The letter to the minister plenipotentiary of France
in Philadelphia appears to be well conceived, and is
accordingly approved. The transmitted copy of Mr.

Monroe's letter to must be erroneously dated

" Paris, June 24, 1796" I presume it is in the year,
and should be 1795. I am, &c.

TO CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY.

[private and CONFIDENTIAL ]

Mount Vernon, 8 July, 1796.

My dear Sir,

The situation of affairs, and the interests of this
country, as they relate to France, render it indispen-
sably necessary, that a faithful organ near that gov-
ernment, able and willing to explain its views and to
ascertain those of France, should immediately fill
the place of our present minister plenipotentiary at
Paris.

Policy requires that this character should be well
attached to the government of his own country, and
not obnoxious to the one to which he is sent to be
essentially serviceable. Where then can a man be

any consideration not decisive with respect to future fortunes, and would sur-
mount that just diffidence I have ever entertained of myself, to make an effort
to convey truly and faithfully to the government of France those sentiments,
which I have ever believed to be entertained by that of the United States.

" I have forwarded your letter to Mr. Pinckney. The recall of our minister
at Paris has been conjectured, while its probable necessity has been regretted
by those, who love more than all others our own country. I will certainly do
myself the honor of waiting on you at Mount Vernon. With every sentiment
of respect and attachment, I am, &c." — John Marshall to Washington, Rich-
mond, 11 July, 1796.

238 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

found that would answer this description better than
yourself ?

It is a fact too notorious to be denied, that the
greatest embarrassments, under which the adminis-
tration of this government labors, proceed from
the counteraction of people among ourselves, who
are more disposed to promote the views of another
nation, than to establish a national character of their
own ; and that, unless the virtuous and independent
men of this country will come forward, it is not
difficult to predict the consequences. Such is my
decided opinion.

After what has passed between us on former occa-
sions, (respecting your filling some of the important
offices in our government,) I must confess, that I
hesitated before I resolved on this address, lest you
might think I was too importunate, and that your
former answer ought to have superseded the desire
of making it.

Had not the case been important and urgent, I
might have hesitated longer; but, in finding a charac-
ter of the description I have mentioned, you will be
at no loss to perceive the difficulty which occurs. He
must be a man, whose abilities and celebrity of char-
acter are well known to the people of this country,
whose honor and integrity are unimpeached, and who
ought, as far as the nature of the case will admit, to
be acceptable to all parties. Doubtless many such
there are ; but those, who have been either in the
executive or legislative departments of the general
government, and are best known to me, have been so

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 239

decisive in their politics, and possibly so frank and
public in their declarations, as to render it very diffi-
cult to choose from among them one, in whom the
confidence of this country could be placed, and the
prejudices of the others not excited.

Thus, my good Sir, you have a candid exposition
of my sentiments and wishes. I have only to add to
them a request, that you would be so obliging as to
give me a prompt answer, and, if in the affirmative,
that you would repair to Philadelphia, prepared to
proceed on the mission with as little delay as can be.
Possibly you might have less objection to the excur-
sion, if it would occasion a few months' absence only,
than to a permanent residence ; but the power of the
executive, in the recess of the Senate, extends only
to the filling of vacancies ; and one will be occasioned
by the recall of the present incumbent, a measure
resolved on. It is unnecessary to add how much and
how sincerely I am, dear Sir, &C.1

I " Duplicates of your two favors of the 8th of July I received this morning.
The originals are not yet arrived. Though my affairs have not hitherto been
arranged as I could wish them, the manner in which you state our political
situation, and the interests of this country as they relate to France, oblige me
to accept your appointment without hesitation. I am only apprehensive, that
your friendship has been too partial to the little merit I may possess, and that
the matters intrusted to me may fail through my want of ability. You may
however depend, that what talent I have shall be diligently exercised in per-
forming the objects of my mission, and in promoting, as far as I can, the
honor and interest of our country.

II I will endeavor to arrange my affairs in a fortnight or three weeks, and
shall then proceed with Mrs. Pinckney by the first vessel for Philadelphia,
where I hope to return you thanks in person for all your kindness to me, and
to assure that I always am, with the sincerest regard and the highest venera-
tion, esteem, and attachment, &c." — Charles Cotes worth Pinckney to Washing-
ton, Charleston, 27 July, 1796.

24o THE WRITINGS OF [1796

to james Mchenry, secretary of war.
[private.]

Mount Vernon, 13 July, 1796.

Dear Sir,

The purport of your private letter of the 7th in-
stant, (that part of it I mean which relates to the
Frigate for the Regency of Algiers,) has surprised
me exceedingly.

That no step yet should have been taken to carry
this measure into vigorous execution, and that it
should be asked, nearly six weeks after it had been
resolved to comply with the Dey's request, and an
actual stipulation of our agent or agents there, by
what department it is to be carried into effect, is, on
account of the delay which has been occasioned (if
contrary to the ideas which have been communicated
to the Dey and Colo. Humphreys), extremely un-
pleasant.

Disagreeable as this requisition was found in its
reception, and more so in the compliance with it, yet,
as there appeared no other alternative but to comply,
or submit to the depredations of the Barbary Corsairs
on our Citizens and Commerce, the former was pre-
ferred ; and I had no doubt, (after pressing as often
and as earnestly as I did before I left Philadelphia,
that all matters requiring my opinions or acts might
be laid before me,) that every thing relative to this
Frigate was in a perfect train of execution, agreeably
to whatever assurances had been given by Captain
O'Brian.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 241

If the laws establishing the different Departments
(I have them not by me) does not expressly or by
analogy designate the one to which the care of such
business is intrusted, I must, no doubt, assign it ;
but, where these speak, it is best for me to be silent. 1

If the building of this Vessel could have been sus-
pended until the meeting of Congress, for the agency
of the Senate, the answer to the Dey might have
been suspended also. But to avert, if possible, the
disagreeable consequences of delay, a prompt decision
was come to, and Captn. O'Brian hurried off with
the result. This decision, and the letters which he
carried, ought to be resorted to, and the measures
accorded thereto strictly.

Whether it will be best to purchase a ship ready
built, if one fit for the purpose can be had (and such
a one on the stocks at Philadelphia was talked of) ;
whether to contract for the building and equipping
of one, (some of the materials being found,) if entire
confidence can be placed in the undertaker ; or
whether to furnish the materials, (in which case all

1 As yet there was no navy department, and the respective duties of the
secretaries in regard to naval affairs seem not to have been clearly defined.
The Secretary of the Treasury had written: "I do not wish to have new
duties assigned to me ; but, if matters relative to vessels of war belong to the
department of war (of which you will judge in looking over the laws insti-
tuting the several departments), it might possibly give rise to remarks, were it
to be assigned to a different one. Should you think, however, that it comes
more properly within the duties of the department of state, than that of war, I
shall be perfectly satisfied. I do not know that Mr. Pickering has formed any
opinion on this question, or that it has even occurred to him ; and I do not
wish it to pass beyond yourself, that I have suggested any doubt on the subject ;
because it would look (which is very remote from the truth) as if I was either
desirous to have the management of the building, or was jealous of encroach-
ments on the department." — Philadelphia, July 7th.
16

242 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

that can be spared from our own Frigates ought
unquestionably to be applied,) and pay for the build-
ing, depends upon inquiries not within my power at
this time and place to make, and must, therefore, be
a matter of investigation and consultation among
yourselves, especially with the Secretary of the
Treasury on the means.

Before I conclude, let me in a friendly way impress
the following maxims upon the Executive Officers.
In all important matters, to deliberate maturely, but
to execute promptly and vigorously ; and not to put
things off until the morrow, which can be done and
require to be done to-day. Without an adherence to
these rules, business never will be well done, or done
in an easy manner, but will always be in arrear, with
one thing treading upon the heels of another. With
very great esteem and regard, I am, &c. l

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

[private and confidential.]

Mount Vernon, 13 July, 1796.

Sir:

Yesterday I was informed by a gentleman from
Richmond that Mr. Dawson was gone on to Phila-
delphia in order to embark for France ; and about

1 " Your private letter of the 16th came to my hands at the same time that
your official one of the 18th did.

" From what is there said, and appears by the enclosures, I am satisfied no
unnecessary delay respecting the Algerine Frigate has taken place. From a
former one and perhaps from a solicitude to execute promptly whatever is
entrusted to me, I had conceived otherwise." — Washington to James McHenry,
22 July, 1796.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 243

an hour ago I received a letter from which the
enclosed is an extract, from a well informed acquaint-
ance and a staunch friend to his country.

What, or whether anything can with propriety be
done in consequence of this information must be left
to yourself and the two other Secretaries to decide,
from circumstances and appearances on the spot. It
may not be amiss to observe further that Mr. Dawson
is the son-in-law of Mr. Jones (one of the Circuit
Judges of this State) ' and as I am informed, un-
friendly to the General Government) — that Mr.
Monroe is the nephew of Mr. Jones, and has his son
with him in France.

As every day brings forth matter to view, vigilance,
with caution becomes more and more necessary.

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

[private.]
Dear Sir, mount Vernon, 18 July, 1796.

If there be any thing yet to do, which can be done
with propriety towards fulfilling the several treaties,
which the United States have entered into, (without
specially naming them,) it is my desire, that there
may be no delay in the execution ; and if, upon
examining of them carefully, any matter should be
found therein requiring the attention of either of the
other departments, that these sentiments may be
conveyed to the secretaries thereof, as proceeding
immediately from myself.

1 Joseph Jones.

244 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

The new requisition of the Dey of Algiers, which
has been yielded, will require to be laid before the
Senate for its ratification, together with such papers
as are necessary to explain and account for the
measure. It might be well, therefore, to revise and
prepare them accordingly in time.

The continual attacks, which have been made and
are still making on the administration, in Bache's and
other papers of that complexion, indecent as they are
void of truth and fairness, under different signatures,
and at present exhibited under that of Paulding,
charging it with not only unfriendly but even unjust
conduct towards France, and, to prove it, resort to
misrepresentation and mutilated authorities, and
oftentimes to unfounded and round assertions, or to
assertions founded on principles, which apply to all
the belligerent powers, but by them represented as
aimed at France alone — Under these circumstances
it were to be wished, that the enlightened public
could have a clear and comprehensive view of facts.
But how to give it lies the difficulty ; and I see no
method at present, however desirable the measure,
that is not liable to objections, unless the predicted
and threatened conduct of France towards this coun-
try, (under pretext of our treaty with Great Britain,)
or its demands that the guarantee of their West
India Islands, agreeably to the treaty of Paris, should
be fulfilled, presents the occasion.

Whether either of these will or will not happen, or
whether any other mode may occur, which, after ma-
ture consideration, shall appear expedient or not, I

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 245

wish that in your moments of leisure, if such you
have, you would go most carefully and critically over
the whole of the correspondence between the differ-
ent Secretaries of State and the French minister in
this country, and with our own minister at Paris,
from the period matters began to change from their
ancient habits, and to assume their new form in that
country. If circumstances should render explanations
of this sort expedient and necessary for Congress, a
previous examination of the papers with notes and
remarks will be essential. If they should not, the
measure nevertheless will be satisfactory and useful.
I would have the whole of the transactions, in all
their direct and collateral relations, examined with
as critical an eye as Mr. Bache or any of his numerous
correspondents or communicants would do ; that, if
there is any thing in them, (not recollected by me,)
that can be tortured into an unfriendly disposition
towards France, and not required by the neutral
policy adopted by the executive, approved by the
people, and sanctioned by the legislature, or which
the peace, honor, and safety of this country did not
require, that I may be apprized of it, as my convic-
tion of the contrary is strong.1

1 " I have not sagacity enough- to discover what end was to be answered by
reporting — first, that I was to be in Philadelphia on the 4th July, and secondly,
when that report was contradicted by my non appearance, then to account for
it by a fall from my Phaeton.

" If any scheme could have originated or been facilitated by these, or any
other reports, however unfounded, I should not have been surprised at the
propagation of them ; for evidence enough has been given that truth or false-
hood is equally used, and indifferent to that class of men if their object can be
obtained." — Washington to James McHenry, 18 July, 1796.

246 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

I request, also, that you will begin to note down
all the subjects as they may occur, which may be
proper to communicate to Congress at their next
meeting, either at the opening of the session, or by
separate messages in the course of it. Many things
are forgotten, when the recollection of them is post-
poned until the period at which they are wanted.
Minute details will not be amiss, because a selec-
tion will at all times be easier to make than a collec-
tion. * * * I am, &c.

to james Mchenry, secretary of war.

Sir Mount Vernon, 18 July, 1796.

Your letters of the 10th, 12th, and 13th instant,
with their enclosures, came all by the last mail to
Alexandria, and were received by me on Saturday
morning. The contents of such parts as require it
shall be noticed.

The greatest, and what appears to me to be an
insuperable difficulty in the way of running and
marking the boundary line between the United
States and the Cherokee tribe of Indians the ensuing
autumn, (which is certainly the most agreeable sea-
son for a work of this sort,) is, that no commission-
ers are or can be appointed to superintend the same
in the recess of the Senate, which, unless extra causes
should render it expedient, will not happen before
the first Monday in December. This circumstance,
in addition to the reasons assigned in your letters,
renders a postponement of this measure until next

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 247

year unavoidable. But, that it may not be delayed
beyond a convenient time in the spring, the Indians
may be requested to come instructed to arrange mat-
ters for carrying the measures into effect at that
period. Their interest, and the tranquillity of our fron-
tiers, requires that this line should not only be run,
(with as little loss of time as can possibly be avoided),
but be very distinctly marked also, that ignorance
may no longer be offered as a plea for transgressions
on either side ; and to ascertain in the interim whether
Genl. Pickens will serve as a Commissioner.

I hope and expect, that the proposed visit from the
Cherokee Chiefs will be managed, so as not to take
place before the month of November. I have already
been incommoded at this place by a visit of several
days from a party of a dozen Catawbas, and should
wish, while I am in this retreat, to avoid a repetition
of such guests. The reason why I name November
is, that, between the middle and latter end of August,
I shall repair to the seat of government, remain there
until between the middle and last of September, and
then return to this place again for my family.

The extract, which you enclosed in your letter of
the 10th from the Secretary of the Treasury, declar-
ing his inability to furnish money for carrying on
Commerce with the Indian Tribes, renders the ap-
pointment of agents for that purpose at present alto-
gether improper ; and, whether the act " To regulate
Trade and Intercourse with the Indian Tribes, and to
preserve Peace on the Frontiers," does or does not
go fully to the points, which are enumerated in your

248 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

letter of the 12th, there seems under existing circum-
stances no expedient so proper to execute the requi-
sites of the above Act, and the duties enjoined on the
late Superintendent of Indian affairs in the South-
western Territory, which have become stagnant by
the admission of it as a State into the Union, as by
applying the services, (under temporary regulations
and proper instructions,) of Colo. Henley or Mr. Dins-
more, or both, as the case shall, after duly considering
it, appear to require. But, if this expedient is resorted
to, Mr. Dinsmore ought to return immediately.

My ideas, with respect to the most eligable mode
of procuring the 36-Gun Frigate, have already (in a
former letter) been conveyed to you; and your in-
structions to Mr. Fox does, I perceive, accord there-
with ; but, lest I may not perfectly understand another
part of them, which relates to the Timber and Plank
which certainly come under the description of " Per-
ishable articles in the Act discontinuing three of the
Frigates, and directing such of the materials as are
perishable to be sold, I shall give it as my decisive
opinion that all wood not necessary for the retained
Frigates and the one wanted for Algiers, except the
large pieces which have been obtained with difficulty
and at a heavy expence, and which would not answer
for ordinary Vessels and would sell for little, ought
to be sold, agreeably to the directions of the afore-
said Act. If it is reserved, secured from the weather,
and persons employed to take care of it, the expence
and imposition will exceed all calculation, and be
wasted or embezzled notwithstanding. I am, &c.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 249

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

[private.]

Mount Vernon, 25 July, 1796.

Dear Sir,

Your private letters of the 19th and 20th instant
have been duly received.

The request of Mr. J. Jones, to forward his letter
to Colo. Monroe, is opposed to the speedy departure
of Mr. D[awson] for France, and yet the Gentleman
who gave me the information spoke of it as a matter
not doubtful ; but added indeed (a circumstance I
did not mention in my former letter) that it was on
Mr. Swan he leaned for money ; and possibly, if that
gentleman is at Boston, this may be the occasion of
Mr. Deas1 journey to that place, under the pretext of
contracting for arms.

Was Colonel Monroe requested to engage a can-
non-founder in behalf of the United States? If so,
on what terms ? To remove a person with his family
will be attended with considerable expense, and, un-
less with condition to secure his services, it will be
done under great uncertainty. With respect to the
engineers, policy requires a further developement of
the unfavorable disposition, with which we are threat-
ened, before any encouragement ought to be given to
the measure. But, even if that objection was fully
removed, there are no funds, within my recollection,
that would enable the executive to incur the expense.
Therefore, as a law must precede in this case any

1 A possible error for Dawson.

250 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

executive act, the answer to the query is quite easy
and plain.

I am continuing and extending my enquiries for a
fit character to fill the office of Surveyor-General,
without any great prospect of doing it to my satis-
faction. Mr. Ludlow, besides what is mentioned in
your letter (which requires attention) has not, ac-
cording to my ideas of him, celebrity of character ;
and is of too short standing in the community to fill
an office of so much importance from its trusts, and
the ability and integrity which is required, tho' de-
ficient in compensation ; unless by means which
ought to be prevented.

It is much to be regreted that you did not dis-
cover the broken seal of Mr. Monroe's letter to you,
before the departure of the bearer of it ; that an at-
tempt at least might have been made to trace the
channel through which it had passed ; and thereby,
if proofs could not have been obtained, to have found
ground for just suspicion. You confine the post-
mark of Alexandria to his letter of the 8th of April ;
had you included that also of the 2d of May, I would
have caused enquiry to have been made at that
office with respect to the appearance of the letters
when they went from thence.

I am glad to find, that more smoke than fire is
likely to result from the representation of French
discontents on account of our treaty with Great
Britain. Had the case been otherwise, there would
have been no difficulty in tracing the effect to the
cause ; and it is far from being impossible, that

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 251

the whole may have originated in a contrivance
of the opposers of the government, to see what
effect such threats would work ; and, finding none
that could answer their purpose, and no safe ground
to stand on, if they pushed matters to extremity, the
matter may terminate in gasconade. Be this as
it may, the executive has a plain road to pursue,
namely, to fulfil all the engagements, which his
duty requires ; be influenced beyond this by none
of the contending parties ; maintain a strict neutrality,
unless obliged by imperious circumstances to depart
from it ; do justice to all, and never forget that
we are Americans, the remembrance of which will
convince us that we ought not to be French
or English,1 With great esteem and regard, I
am, &c.

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Mount Vernon, 27 July, 1796.

Sir,

Your two letters, both bearing date the 21st instant,
with their enclosures, were received by the last mail
to Alexandria. It would have been unfortunate, and

1 " If the answer which you returned to the minister of the French Republic
to his inquiry relative to the prohibition of the sale of prizes brought by
French armed vessels into the ports of the United States, should, as it ought,
preclude any reply, it would be very agreeable ; but it has not been found, that,
where the interest or convenience of that nation is at stake, the minister
thereof can be satisfied with reasons, however cogent, which are opposed to
their views. But in this case, as in all others, the executive must be governed
by the constitution and laws, and, preserving good faith and an unbiassed con-
duct, leave the rest to the good sense of our own citizens, and the justice of the
nations with whom we have intercourse." — Washington to Timothy Pickering,

25 J^y, 1796-

252 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

much indeed to have been regretted, if the French gov-
ernment had had as great cause of complaint against
the conduct of the United States, as they have shown
a disposition to complain. It was natural to expect,
though it was not easy to conceive on what ground,
that the French discontents, which had been so often
announced, accompanied with such terrific threaten-
ings chiefly by anonymous writers, that the formal
exhibition of them under the authority of the Direc-
tory by their minister of foreign affairs, would have
had something serious, formidable, and embarrassing
in their appearance. Instead of which, most, if not
all the charges seem to have originated either in a
misinterpretation, or want of attention to treaties
and the laws of nations, or in the want of a just and
timely representation of facts, with accompanying
explanations, which our minister near the French
government had it in his power, and was directed to
make.

Presuming that Mr. Van Polanen is regularly cred-
ited by the proper authority of the existing govern-
ment of the United Netherlands, I see no cause,
(accordant with the principles which have actuated
the government of the United States,) why, when I
return to Philadelphia, he should not be received as
the minister resident of that country. And, if no
objection unknown to me should occur to you,
Mr. Van Polanen may be so informed. My arrival
there will be by the first of September. * * *

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 253

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

[private.]

Mount Vernon, 27 July, 1796.

Dear Sir,

Your private letter of the 21st instant has been
received.

Mr. Monroe in every letter he writes relative to
the discontents of the French government at the con-
duct of our own, always concludes without finishing
his story ; leaving great scope to the imagination to
divine what the ulterior measures of it will be.

There are some things in his correspondence and
your letters which I am unable to reconcile. In one
of your last to me, you acknowledge the receipt of
one from him of the 8th of April, which I have not
seen ; and in his letter of the 2d of May, he refers to
one of the 25th of March as the last he had written.
This letter of the 25th of March, if I recollect dates
rightly, was received before I left Philadelphia ; and
related his demand of an audience of the French Di-
rectory, and his having had it ; but that the confer-
ence which was promised him with the Minister of
foreign affairs, had not taken place, nor had he heard
anything from him, altho' the catalogue of complaints
exhibited by that Minister, is dated the 9th of March,
and his reply thereto the 15th of the same month.
If these recitals are founded in fact, they form an
enigma which requires explanation.

Has the letter said to be dispatched by Doctr.
Brokenbrough, got to your hands ? I hope it will, if
it has not done so already.

254 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

Mr. De la Croix alludes, I perceive, in the close of
his third and last head of complaints to our guar-
antee of their West India Islands ; but whether to
bring the subject to recollection only, or to touch
upon it more largely thereafter, is problematical.

I am, always, etc.

TO THE DUKE DE LIANCOURT.

Mount Vernon, 8 August, 1796.

Sir,

The letter, which you did me the honor of writing
to me the 25th of last month, came duly to hand,
and the enclosure for Mr. George W. Fayette was
immediately presented to him.

The name and character of the Duke de Liancourt
were not unknown to me before his arrival in this
country ; and the respect which I entertained for the
latter (although political considerations have deprived
me of the honor of a personal acquaintance with him)
was and is as great as he or his warmest friends could
desire.

M. de Liancourt must be too well acquainted with
the history of governments, with the insidious ways
of the world, and with the suspicions and jealousies
of its rulers, not to acknowledge, that men in respon-
sible situations cannot, like those in private life,
be governed solely by the dictates of their own
inclinations, or by such motives as can only affect
themselves.

To dilate upon this observation, or to attempt to
point at the distinction between the conduct of a man

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 255

in public office, who is accountable for the conse-
quences of his measures to others, and one in private
life, who has no other check than the rectitude of
his own actions, would be superfluous to a man of
information ; but, if exemplification of these facts
was necessary, it might be added with truth, that, in
spite of all the circumspection with which my con-
duct has been marked towards the gentlemen of your
nation, who have left France under circumstances,
which have rendered them obnoxious to the govern-
ing power of it, the countenance said to be given to
them is alleged as a cause of discontent in the Direc-
tory of France against the government of the U.
States. But it is not my intention to dwell on this
subject. How far the charge is merited, no one
better than yourself can judge ; and your candor and
penetration will, I am persuaded, appreciate my
motives for the reverse of the charge, however con-
trary the operation of them may have been to your
expectation or to my wishes.

With respect to M. Lafayette, I may, without
troubling you with the details, venture to affirm, that
whatever private friendship could require, or public
duty would allow, has been and will continue to be
essayed by me to effect his liberation ; the difficulty
in accomplishing of which has no doubt proceeded
in a great measure from the cause you have men-
tioned, and will probably exist while the war between
the belligerent powers continues to rage.

No man regrets this, and the present unhappy
situation of this amiable family more than I do ; but

256 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

it is an ascertained fact, that, altho' Fayette is an
adopted citizen of this country, the government of it,
nor the people themselves, notwithstanding their
attachment to his person and the recollection of his
services, have any right to demand him as their
citizen by the law of nations. Consequently, an
expression of their earnest wishes, that liberty may
be restored to him, is all they can do towards ac-
complishing it. To attempt more, would avail him
nothing, and might involve the U. States in difficulties
of great magnitude.

This letter, Sir, you will consider as a private one,
originating from yours to me, relatively to M. La-
fayette. In replying to the sentiments contained in
it, I could not, from respect to your character, and
the indulgence of my own feelings, miss the occasion
of giving you this explanation of matters, which
otherwise might have the appearance of mystery. It
affords an occasion also of assuring you, that, with
sentiments of the highest esteem and greatest respect,
I have the honor to be, &c.

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

[private.]

Mount Vernon, 10 August, 1796.

Sir,

The last post brought me the enclosed letter from
General Pinckney. It becomes necessary now to pre-
pare instructions for him without delay, to bring him
fully and perfectly acquainted with the conduct and

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 257

policy of this government towards France, &c. and
the motives which have induced the recall of Mr.
Monroe.

As the measure, when known, will excite much
speculation, and set all the envenomed pens to work,
it is worthy of consideration what part and how much
of the causes, which have produced this event, should
be spoken of unofficially by the officers of govern-
ment.

It will be candid, proper, and necessary to apprize
Mr. Monroe (as the measure and his successor are
decided on) of his recall, and, in proper terms, of the
motives which have impelled it.

In the course of next week, (probably about the
middle of it,) I expect to commence my journey for
Philadelphia ; but, as I shall be obliged to halt a day
at the Federal City, and from the heat of the season
and other circumstances must travel slow, it is not
likely I shall arrive there before the middle of the
following week. I am, &c.

TO JAMES ANDERSON.

City of Washington, 18 August, 1796.

Mr. Anderson,

In passing through Alexandria yesterday, on my
way to Philadelphia, I saw Colo. Fitzgerald, who
informed me of a letter he had received from you in
consequence of one which Doctr. Stuart had written

to his relation, Mr. Fitzhugh of Stafford. — It might

17

258 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

have promoted both our views, if you had come
immediately to my house upon the receipt of that
letter as more satisfaction would have resulted from
the conversation of an hour or two, than from all the
letters that can be written on this subject.

As this however was not the case and as I shall
not be at Mount Vernon again until the latter end
of next month, and consequently cannot see you
sooner ; I will be candid and explicit in what I am
going to say to you ; from whence, and your answer,
some opinion may be formed of the probability of
our mutual expectations being answered. —

Mr. Pearce who at present looks after my business,
is a person with whose management I am very well
pleased. — He is a man of property, of great integ-
rity ; very great industry ; and much experience in
the superintendence of a large concern, having been
the manager for a Gentn. on the E [astern Shore]
fifteen or 18 years, before he came to me.

In consideration of these qualifications and on
account of my being absent from home, when a con-
fidential character was peculiarly necessary for my
concerns, I agreed to give him, as an inducement to
remove from the Eastern shore and on account of
his established character as an experienced Manager
— One hundred Guineas a year — although a hundred
pounds (Virginia money currency) was the most I
had ever given before. He superintends all my
concerns which appertain to the Estate of Mount
Vernon ; consisting besides Tradesmen of four lay
Farms and the Mansion house farm, the last of

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 259

which (though not much is raised at it) is not the
least troublesome part of his duty in [ ].

At and over each of these seperate farms and
workmen there is as good an Overseer as has been
in the power of the superintendent to procure, to
reside constantly on their respective farms &c, and to
obey his orders.

This, in general is the outline of the business — to
detail the particular parts, would be tedious ; — and
to a man of experience would be unnecessary. I am
altogether in the farming and meadowing line ; — the
last of which I have much grounds proper for and
want to encrease them considerably.

I will now tell you frankly what kind of a person
I must engage to conduct my business well. — Besides
being sober and a man of integrity he must possess a
great deal of activity and firmness, to make the under
Overseers do their duty, strictly. — He must be a man
of foresight and arrangement ; to combine and carry
matters on to advantage, and he must not have these
things to learn after he comes to me. — He must be a
farmer bred, — and understand it in all its part. — I
would wish him too to understand grasing — and
particularly the care and management of Stock. —
How to Ditch — Hedge &ca — and how to conduct a
Dairy.

Now let me request you to declare truly, whether
from practice the matters here detailed are, or could
soon be made familiar to you — designating those
which you have a competent practical knowledge of,
from those which you may be less perfect in. — A

26o THE WRITINGS OF [1796

letter put into the Post Office at Fredericksburgh,
directed to me in Philadelphia will be certain of
arriving, safe, and may enable me to say something
more decisive to you in my next, by way of reply to
your answer to this letter.

I ought to have added, that the only cause of Mr.
Pearce's leaving my business, is an increasing Rheu-
matic affection, which he says will not allow him to
discharge his duty as he conceives he ought ; for
which reason and thinking it the part of an honest
man to retire. — He has, at one of my farms a good
dwelling house, pleasantly situated ; and every thing
comfortably about him. I am, &c.

TO JAMES MONROE.

Philadelphia, 25 August, 1796.

Dear Sir,

Your favor of the 24th of March, written in cipher,
never got to my hands until the 10th instant at
Mount Vernon ; nor were the contents of it known
to me until my arrival in this city on the 21st. For
the information contained in it, and your attention
thereto, I offer you my best thanks.

Having no clew by which to discover the fact, I
am very much at a loss to conjecture by what means
a private letter of mine, written to a friend and sent
by an American vessel, should have got into the hands
of the French Directory. I shall readily acknowl-
edge, however, that the one you allude to, directed
to Mr. Gouverneur Morris, was a long and confiden-

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 261

tial one1 ; but I deny that there is any thing contained
in it, that the French government could take excep-
tion to, unless the expression of an ardent wish, that
the United States might remain in peace with all the
world, taking no part in the disputes of any part of
it, should have produced this effect, giving it as my
further opinion, that the sentiments of the mass of
citizens in this country were in unison with mine.

Confidential as this letter was expected to be, I
have no objection to its being seen by anybody ; and
there is certainly some mistake in saying I had no
copy thereof, when there is a press one now before me,
in which I discover no expression, that in the eye of
liberality and candor would be deemed objectionable.

To understand the scope and design of my letter
properly, and to give it a fair interpretation, it is
necessary to observe, that it was written, (as will
appear by the contents of it,) in answer to very long
ones from the gentleman to whom it was addressed,
which contained much political information of the
state of things in different parts of Europe, and re-
lated among others the substance of a conversation,
in which he and Lord Grenville, as private gentlemen,
had just been engaged, and in which it was observed
by the latter, that, if they were to judge from the
publications in this country, the disposition of it was
unfriendly to Great Britain ; but in free countries he
could readily account for such publications ; however,
that there was one, which wore a more serious aspect,
as indicative of the sense of the government, and he

1 This letter is printed under the date of December 22d, 1795.

262 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

alluded to Colonel Innes's report of his proceedings
in Kentucky.

In my noticing this part of Mr. Morris's communi-
cation, I tell him, that, with respect to the publication
of that report, it was an unauthorized act, and de-
clared by that gentleman, as soon as he saw it in the
gazettes, to have been done incorrectly ; and that,
with relation to the temper of the people of the
United States, as it respected Great Britain, his
Lordship ought not to be surprised, if it appeared
disturbed and irritated, after the sense of the govern-
ment had been so often expressed in strong remon-
strances against the conduct of the Indian agents,
privateersmen, impressment of our seamen, insults
of their ships of war, &c, &c; adding that it afforded
us very little satisfaction, that they disclaimed these as
unauthorized acts (which the British administration
had done in some instances), while the actors were
suffered to go unpunished. I dwelt chiefly and fully
on this part of his letter, and reminded him of the
indifference with which the advances of the United
States to form a commercial treaty with Great Britain,
as well since as before the establishment of the present
government, had been received ; and concluded by
saying, that a liberal policy towards us (though I did
not suppose sentiments of that sort from me to a
member of the British administration would have
much weight) was the only road to a perfect recon-
ciliation ; and that, if he should again converse with
Lord Grenville on this subject, he was at liberty un-
officially to express these as my sentiments.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 263

Thus, Sir, you have the substance, candidly related,
of a letter, which, you say you have been told by a
person, "who has read it, has produced an ill
effect," when in my opinion the contrary (viewing it
in the light of an unreserved and confidential com-
munication) ought to have been produced. For, I
repeat it again, that unless my pacific disposition was
displeasing, nothing else could have given umbrage
by the most rigid construction of the letter, or that
will show in the remotest degree any disposition on
my part to favor the British interests in their dispute
with France.

My conduct in public and private life, as it relates
to the important struggle in which the latter nation
is engaged, has been uniform from the commence-
ment of it, and may be summed up in a few words ;
that I have always wished well to the French revolu-
tion ; that I have always given it as my decided
opinion, that no nation had a right to intermeddle in
the internal concerns of another ; that every one had
a right to form and adopt whatever government they
liked best to live under themselves ; and that, if this
country could, consistently with its engagements,
maintain a strict neutrality and thereby preserve
peace, it was bound to do so by motives of policy,
interest, and every other consideration, that ought to
actuate a people situated and circumstanced as we are,
already deeply in debt, and in a convalescent state
from the struggle we have been engaged in ourselves.

On these principles I have steadily and uniformly
proceeded, bidding defiance to calumnies calculated

264 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

to sow the seeds of distrust in the French nation, and
to excite their belief of an influence possessed by
Great Britain in the councils of this country, than
which nothing is more unfounded and injurious, the
object of its pacific conduct being truly delineated
above. I am, &c.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

[private.]

Philadelphia, 25 August, 1796.

My dear Sir :

I have given the paper1 herewith enclosed several
serious and attentive readings, and prefer it greatly to
the other draughts, being more copious on material
points, more dignified on the whole, and with less
egotism ; of course, less exposed to criticism, and
better calculated to meet the eye of discerning read-
ers (foreigners particularly, whose curiosity I have
little doubt will lead them to inspect it attentively,
and to pronounce their opinions on the performance).

When the first draught was made, besides having
an eye to the consideration above mentioned, I
thought the occasion was fair (as I had latterly been
the subject of considerable invective), to say what is
there contained of myself ; and as the address was

1 " About a fortnight ago I sent you a certain draft. I now send you an-
other on the plan of incorporation. Whichever you may prefer, if there be any
part you wish to transfer from one to another, any part to be changed, or if
there be any material idea in your own draft which has happened to be omitted,
and which you wish introduced, in short, if there be anything further in the
matter in which I can be of any [service], I will, with great pleasure, obey
your commands." — Hamilton to Washington, 10 August, 1796.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 265

designed in a more especial manner for the yeomanry
of this country, I conceived it was proper they should
be informed of the object of that abuse — the silence
with which it had been treated, and the consequences
which would naturally flow from such unceasing and
virulent attempts to destroy all confidence in the ex-
ecutive part of the government ; and that it was best
to do it in language that was plain and intelligible to
their understandings.

The draught now sent comprehends the most, if
not all these matters — is better expressed — and, I am
persuaded, goes as far as it ought with respect to any
personal mention of myself.

I should have seen no occasion myself for its under-
going a revision ; but as your letter of the 30th ult,
which accompanied it, intimates a wish to do this, and
knowing that it can be more correctly done after a
writing has been out of sight for some time, than while
it is in hand, I send it in conformity thereto, with a
request, however, that you would return it as soon as
you have carefully re-examined it ; for it is my intention
to hand it to the public before I leave this city, to
which I came for the purpose of meeting General
Pinckney, receiving the ministers from Spain and
Holland, and for the despatch of other business which
could not be so well executed by written communica-
tions between the heads of departments and myself,
as by oral conferences. So soon as these are accom-
plished, I shall return ; at any rate, I expect to do so
by, or before, the tenth of next month, for the purpose
of bringing up my family for the winter.

266 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

I shall expunge all that is marked in the paper as
unimportant, &c, &c. ; and as you perceive some
marginal notes, written with a pencil, I pray you to give
the sentiments so noticed mature consideration. After
which, and in every other part, if change or alteration
takes place in the draught, let them be so clearly in-
terlined, erased, or referred to in the margin, as that
no mistake may happen in copying it for the press.

To what editor in this city do you think it had best
be sent for publication ? Will it be proper to accom-
pany it with a note to him, expressing (as the principal
design of it is to remove doubts at the next election),
that it is hoped, or expected, that the State printers
will give it a place in their gazettes, or preferable to
let it be carried by my private secretary to that press
which is destined to usher it to the world, and suffer
it to work its way afterwards ? If you think the first
most eligible, let me ask you to sketch such a note
as you may judge applicable to the occasion.

With affectionate regard, I am always yours.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

[private.]

Philadelphia, i September, 1796.

My Dear Sir,

About the middle of last week I wrote to you ;
and that it might escape the eye of the inquisitive
(for some of my letters have lately been pried into),
I took the liberty of putting it under a cover to Mr.
Jay.

Since then, revolving on the paper that was in-

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 267

closed therein, on the various matters it contained,
and on the first expression of the advice or recom-
mendation which was given in it, I have regretted
that another subject (which in my estimation is of
interesting concern to the well-being of this country)
was not touched upon also ; — I mean education gen-
erally, as one of the surest means of enlightening
and giving just ways of thinking to our citizens, but
particularly the establishment of a university ; where
the youth from all parts of the United States
might receive the polish of erudition in the arts,
sciences, and belles-lettres ; and where those who
were disposed to run a political course might not
only be instructed in the theory and principles, but
(this seminary being at the seat of the general gov-
ernment) where the legislature would be in session
half the year, and the interests and politics of the
nation of course would be discussed, they would lay
the surest foundation for the practical part also.

But that which would render it of the highest
importance, in my opinion, is, that the juvenal period
of life, when friendships are formed, and habits estab-
lished, that will stick by one ; the youth or young
men from different parts of the United States would
be assembled together, and would by degrees dis-
cover that there was not that cause for those jealous-
ies and prejudices which one part of the Union had
imbibed against another part : — of course, sentiments
of more liberality in the general policy of the coun-
try would result from it. What but the mixing of
people from different parts of the United States dur-

268 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

ing the war rubbed off these impressions ? A cen-
tury, in the ordinary intercourse, would not have
accomplished what the seven years' association in
arms did ; but that ceasing, prejudices are beginning
to revive again, and never will be eradicated so effectu-
ally by any other means as the intimate intercourse
of characters in early life, — who, in all probability,
will be at the head of the counsels of this country in
a more advanced stage of it.

To show that this is no new idea of mine, I may
appeal to my early communications to Congress ;
and to prove how seriously I have reflected on it
since, and how well disposed I have been, and still
am, to contribute my aid towards carrying the meas-
ure into effect, I inclose you the extract of a letter
from me to the governor of Virginia on this subject,
and a copy of the resolves of the legislature of that
State in consequence thereof.

I have not the smallest doubt that this donation
(when the navigation is in complete operation, which
it certainly will be in less than two years), will amount
to ;£i200 to ^1500 sterling a year, and become a
rapidly increasing fund. The proprietors of the
federal city have talked of doing something hand-
some towards it likewise ; and if Congress would
appropriate some of the western lands to the same
uses, funds sufficient, and of the most permanent
and increasing sort, might be so established as to in-
vite the ablest professors in Europe to conduct it.

Let me pray you, therefore to introduce a section
in the address expressive of these sentiments, and

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 269

recommendatory of the measure, without any men-
tion, however, of my proposed personal contribution
to the plan.

Such a section would come in very properly after
the one which relates to our religious obligations, or
in a preceding part, as one of the recommendatory
measures to counteract the evils arising from geo-
graphical discriminations. With affectionate regard,
I am always.1

TO JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
DEAR SlR Philadelphia, 12 September, 1796.

To open a correspondence with you on so trifling
a subject, as that which gives birth to this letter,
would hardly be justified, were it not for the singu-

1 " I return the draft, corrected agreeably to your intimations. You will
observe a short paragraph added respecting education. As to the establish-
ment of a university, it is a point which, in connection with the military
schools, and some other things, I meant, agreeably to your desire, to suggest
to you as parts of your speech at the opening of the session. There will several
things come there much better than in a general address to the people, which
likewise would swell the address too much. Had I health enough, it was my
intention to have written it over, in which case I would both have improved
and abridged. But this is not the case. I seem now to have regularly a
period of ill health every summer. I think it will be advisable simply to send
the address by your secretary to Dunlap. It will, of course, find its way into
all the other papers. Some person on the spot ought to be charged with a
careful examination of the impression by the proof-sheet." — Hamilton to
Washington, 5 September, 1796.

" To be candid, I much question whether a recommendation of this meas-
ure to the legislature will have a better effect now than formerly. It may show,
indeed, my sense of its importance, and that is a sufficient inducement with me to
bring the matter before the public, in some shape or another, at the closing scenes
of my political exit. My object for proposing to insert it where I did (if not
improper), was to set the people ruminating on the importance of the measure,
as the most likely means of bringing it to pass." — Washington to Hamilton,
6 September, 1796.

27o THE WRITINGS OF [1796

larity of the case. This singularity will, I hope, apol-
ogize for the act.

Some time ago, perhaps two or three months, I
read in some gazette, but was so little impressed with
it at the time (conceiving it to be one of those things,
which get into newspapers nobody knows how or
why), that I cannot now recollect whether the gazette
was of American or foreign production, announcing,
that a celebrated artist had presented, or was about
to present, to the President of the United States a
sword of masterly workmanship, as an evidence of
his veneration, &c.

I thought no more of the matter afterwards, until
a gentleman with whom I have no acquaintance, com-
ing from and going to I know not where, at a tavern
I never could get information of, came across this
sword (for it is presumed to be the same), pawned
for thirty dollars, which he paid, left it in Alexandria,
nine miles from my house in Virginia, with a person
who refunded him the money, and sent the sword to
me.

This is all I have been able to learn of this curious
affair. The blade is highly wrought, and decorated
with many military emblems. It has my name en-
graved thereon, and the following inscription, trans-
lated from the Dutch, " Condemner of despotism, Pre-
server of Liberty, glorious Man, take from my Sons
hands this Sword, I beg you. A. Sollingen." The
hilt is either gold, or richly plated with that metal,
and the whole carries with it the form of an horse-
man's sword or long sabre.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 271

The matter, as far as it appears at present, is a
perfect enigma. How it should have come into this
country without a letter, or an accompanying mes-
sage, how afterwards it should have got into such
loose hands, and whither the person having it in pos-
session was steering his course, remain as yet to be
explained. Some of them, probably, can only be ex-
plained by the maker, and the maker is no otherwise
to be discovered than by the inscription and name,
" A. Sollingen," who, from the impression which
dwells on my mind, is of Amsterdam.

If, Sir, with this clew you can developethe history
of this sword, the value of it, the character of the
maker, and his probable object in sending it, it would
oblige me ; and, by relating these facts to him, might
obviate doubts, which otherwise might be entertained
by him of its fate or its reception. With great es-
teem and regard, I am, dear Sir, &C.1

1 When Mr. Adams received this letter he was at the Hague, as minister
from the United States in Holland. Meanwhile General Washington obtained
intelligence of the word from a letter written to him by the manufacturer, whose
name was Theophilus Alt, and who resided at Sollingen, near Dusseldorf.

It seems that, in the year 1795, a son of Mr. Alt had come to America ; and
his father sent by him a sword of curious workmanship, made at his own manu-
factory, and inscribed as above, directing him to present it to the President, as
M the only man, whom he knew of, that had acted in a disinterested manner for
the happiness of his country." The son arrived in Philadelphia ; and, not un-
derstanding the language, either through timidity, or for some other cause not
known, he did not call on the President with the sword, but sold it at a tavern,
and went away without giving notice of the place at which he might be found.
More than a year afterwards the father wrote a letter to Washington inquiring
about him. The sword is now in the possession of Miss Alice L. Riggs, of
Washington, D. C.

272 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

TO CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY.

[private.]

Philadelphia, 12 September, 1796.

My dear Sir,

After furnishing you with the following copies of
letters, it is scarcely necessary to add any thing by
way of explanation of my motives for doing it. How-
ever, I will briefly add, that, from the arrival of Mr.
Gouverneur Morris in Europe up to the date of his
last letter to me in June of the present year, I have
received much interesting and useful information from
him respecting the political state of things on the
other side of the Atlantic ; that, from the multiplicity
of business with which I have been overwhelmed
continually, I very rarely acknowledged the receipt of
his letters ; but upon receiving that of the 3d of July,
1 795, a copy of which follows, I was struck forcibly
with the idea, as well from the style and manner, as
from its being confined to a single subject, that it had
passed, or was intended to pass, under the eye of
Lord Grenville, although no intimation thereof was
given to me.

Under this impression, it was natural to suppose,
that my answer or the result of it would also be com-
municated to that minister. I resolved, therefore, to
frame it accordingly, that Lord Grenville might find
from that mode, as well as from the ordinary course
of official communications, in what light the people
of this country viewed the conduct of his towards it.

I little expected, indeed, that a private letter of
mine to a friend would have found a place in the bu-

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 273

reau of the French Directory. Less should I have
suspected, that any exception would or could be taken
at the sentiments expressed in the one that has got
there. But, as intimations of the contrary have been
given in Colonel Monroe's letter, I have thought it
expedient to furnish you with all the documents rela-
tive thereto, with this short history of the rise and
progress of it ; that you may be enabled, if more is
said on the subject, and occasion should require it, to
set the matter right by a plain and simple statement

of facts. With great esteem and regard, I am, &c.
18

FAREWELL ADDRESS.

FAREWELL ADDRESS1
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.

September 17TH, 1796.

Friends, and Fellow-Citizens,

The period for a new election of a Citizen, to
administer the Executive Government of the United
States, being not far distant, and the time actually
arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in
designating the person, who is to be clothed with

Hamilton's draft.

August, 1796.

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the
executive government of the United States being not very dis-
tant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be
employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with

1 The first form of a farewell address was printed in Vol. XII., 123, and the
later draft on page 194 of this volume. The various letters to Hamilton will
show the different stages the paper made towards completion. On receiving
the final revision from Hamilton, Washington made a fair copy of it, and the
address was submitted to the Cabinet (Pickering to yohn C. Hamilton). " A
few days before the appearance of this highly interesting Document in print, I

277

278 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

that important trust for another term, it appears to
me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more dis-
tinct expression of the public voice, that I should now
apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to de-
cline being considered among the number of those,
out of whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice
to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken,
without a strict regard to all the considerations
appertaining to the relation, which binds a dutiful

that important trust for another term, it appears to me proper,
and especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of
the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution
I have formed to decline being considered among the number of
those out of whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you, nevertheless, to be assured that the resolution which
I announce has not been taken without a strict regard to all
the considerations attached to the relation which, as a dutiful

received a Message from the President by his Private Secretary, Col. Lear, sig-
nifying his desire to see me. I waited on him at the appointed time, and found
him sitting alone in the Drawing Room. He received me very kindly, and after
paying my respects to him, desired me to take a seat near him ; then address-
ing himself to me, said, that he had for some time contemplated withdrawing
from Public Life, and had at length concluded to do so at the end of the [then]
present term ; that he had some Thoughts and Reflections on the occasion,
which he deemed proper to communicate to the People of the United States,
and which he wished to appear in the Daily Advertiser, of which I was Pro-
prietor and Editor. He paused, and I took occasion to thank him for having
selected that Paper as the channel of communication to the Public, especially
as I viewed this choice as an evidence of his approbation of the principles and
manner in which the work was conducted. He silently assented, and asked
me when I could make the publication. I answered that the time should be
made perfectly convenient to himself, and the following Monday was fixed on ;
— he then said that his Secretary would deliver me the Copy on the next morn-
ing [Friday] and I withdrew. — After the Proof sheet had been carefully com-
pared with the Copy and corrected by myself, I carried two different Revises

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 279

citizen to his country — and that, in withdrawing the
tender of service which silence in my situation might
imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal
for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful
respect for your past kindness ; but act under am
supported by a full conviction that the step is com-
patible with both.

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in,
the office to which your suffrages have twice called
me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to

citizen, I bear to my country, and that in withdrawing the tender
of my services, which silence in my situation might imply, I am
influenced by no diminution of zeal for its future interest, nor by
any deficiency of grateful respect for its past kindness, but by a
full conviction that such a step is compatible with both.

The acceptance of, and the continuance hitherto in the office
to which your suffrages have twice called me, has been a uniform
sacrifice of private inclination to the opinion of public duty

to be examined by the President, who made but few alterations from the Origi-
nal, except in the punctuation, in which he was very minute. The publication
of the address bearing the same date with the Paper, September 19th, 1796,
being completed, I waited on the President with the Original, and in presenting
it to him, expressed how much I should be gratified by being permitted to
retain it ; upon which in the most obliging manner, he handed it back to me,
saying, that if I wished for it, I might keep it ; — and I took my leave." — State-
ment of David C. Claypoole.

The address has been printed from the original MS. by James Lenox (1850),
and I have followed that imprint. It was from the newspaper that a secretary
transcribed it into the Presidents letter-book, and Sparks also followed the
newspaper version. The original MS. is in the Lenox Library, New York.
The Hamilton drafts are in the Department of State, Washington. Horace
Binney made a full "Inquiry into the Formation of Washington's Farewell
Address " (1859). No other political paper by an American has been reprinted
so many times, and the address has become a classic.

The final alterations in Hamilton's draft are shown in Hamilton's Works
(Lodge's edition), vii., 143.

28o THE WRITINGS OF [1796

the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what
appeared to be your desire. — I constantly hoped, that
it would have been much earlier in my power, con-
sistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to
disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I
had been reluctantly drawn. — The strength of my in-
clination to do this, previous to the last election, had
even led to the preparation of an address to declare
it to you ; but mature reflection on the then per-
plexed and critical posture of our affairs with
foreign Nations, and the unanimous advice of per-
sons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to aban-
don the idea. —

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external
as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of
inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty,
or propriety ; and that am persuaded, whatever par-
tiality -a4*y-^ei=tiefl-el-^tet^-i»dy^y^-^:ete44^mav be re-

coinciding with what appeared to be your wishes. I had con-
stantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power,
consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard,
to return to that retirement from which those motives had reluc-
tantly drawn me.

The strength of my desire to withdraw previous to the last
election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare
it to you, but deliberate reflection on the very critical and per-
plexed posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unani-
mous advice of men every way entitled to my confidence, obliged
me to abandon the idea.

I rejoice that the state of your national concerns, external as
well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of my inclination
incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety, and that
whatever partiality any portion of you may still retain for my

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 281

tained for my services, that -ovon they» in the present
circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove
my determination to retire.

The impressions, ■under- with which I first accepted
undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the
proper occasion. — In the discharge of this trust, I will
only say, that I have, with good intentions, con-
tributed -te- towards the organization and administra-
tion of the government, the best exertions of which
a very fallible judgment was capable. — Not uncon-
scious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my quali-
fications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps
still more in the eyes of others, has not looocncd
strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself ; and
every day the increasing weight of years admonishes
me more and more, that the shade of retirement is
as necessary to me as it will be welcome. — Satisfied,
that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value

services, they, under the existing circumstances of our country,
will not disapprove the resolution I have formed.

The impressions under which I first accepted the arduous
trust of Chief Magistrate of the United States were explained on
the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I can only
say that I have, with pure intentions, contributed towards the
organization and administration of the government the best exer-
tions of which a very fallible judgment was capable ; that con-
scious at the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, for the
station, experience in my own eyes, and perhaps still more in
those of others, has not diminished in me the diffidence of myself
— and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me
more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary as it
will be welcome to me. Satisfied that if any circumstances have
given a peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I

282 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

to my services, they were temporary, I have the con-
solation to believe, that, while choice and prudence
invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does
not forbid it.

■May I aloo have that of knowing in my. retreat,
that the involuntary orroro» I have probably com"
mitted, have been the sources of no serious or lasting
miochief to our country, — I — may then expect to
roaligQ; without alloy» the oweet enjoyment of pan
taking, in the midot of my fellow citigonot the benign
influence of good lawc under a free government ; the>
ever favorite object of my heart) and the happy reward)
I truot, of our mutual cares) dangers and labours^

In looking forward to the moment, which is in-
tended to terminate the career of my public life, my
feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep ac-
knowledgment demanded by of that debt of gratitude,

have the consolation to believe that while inclination and pru-
dence urge me to recede from the political scene, patriotism does
not forbid it. May I also have that of knowing in my retreat,
that the involuntary errors which I have probably committed
have been the causes of no serious or lasting mischief to my
country, and thus be spared the anguish of regrets which would
disturb the repose of my retreat and embitter the remnant of my
life ! I may then expect to realize, without alloy, the pure en-
joyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, of the
benign influence of good laws under a free government ; the ulti-
mate object of all my wishes, and to which I look as the happy
reward of our mutual labors and dangers.

In looking forward to the moment which is to terminate the

1 On the margin against this paragraph Washington wrote, "obliterated to
avoid the imputation of affected modesty."

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 283

which I owe to my beloved country, — for the many
honors it has conferred upon me ; still more for the
stedfast confidence with which it has supported me ;
and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of
manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services
faithful and persevering, though unequal in uoofulnooc
in usefulness unequal to my zeal. — If benefits have re-
sulted to our country from these services, let it always
be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive
example in our annals, that the conotancy of your
■support under circumstances in which the Passions
agitated in every direction were liable to wander
and fluctuate mislead, amidst appearances some-
times dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discour-
aging, in situations in which not unfrequently want
of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism,
the constancy of your support was the essential prop

career of my public life, my sensations do not permit me to sus-
pend the deep acknowledgments required by that debt of grati-
tude, which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it
has conferred upon me, still more for the distinguished and
steadfast confidence it has reposed in me, and for the opportuni-
ties it has thus afforded me of manifesting my inviolable attach-
ment, by services faithful and persevering — however the inade-
quateness of my faculties may have ill seconded my zeal. If
benefits have resulted to you, my fellow citizens, from these
services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an
instructive example in our annals, that the constancy of your
support amidst appearances dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often
discouraging, and in situations in which not unfrequently, want
of success has seconded the criticisms of malevolence, was the
essential prop of the efforts and the guaranty of the measures by
which they were achieved.

284 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

of the efforts, and -tfee a guarantee of the plans by
which they were effected. — Profoundly penetrated
with this idea, I shall carry it with me to the grave,
as a strong incitement to unceasing vows the only ro
turn I can henceforth make that Heaven may continue
to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence — that
your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual
— that the free constitution, which is the work of your
hands, may be sacredly maintained — that its adminis-
tration in every department may be stamped with wis-
dom and virtue — that, in fine, the happiness of the
people of these States, under the auspices of liberty,
may be made complete, by so careful a preservation
and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to
them the glory or oatiofaction of recommending it to
the applause, the affection, and adoption of every
nation, which is yet a stranger to it.

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. — But a solicitude

Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to
my retirement, and to my grave, as a lively incitement to unceas-
ing vows (the only returns I can henceforth make) that Heaven
may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence,
merited by national piety and morality ; that your union and
brotherly affection may be perpetual ; that the free Constitution,
which is the work of your own hands, may be sacredly main-
tained ; that its administration in every department may be
stamped with wisdom and virtue ; that, in fine, the happiness of
the people of these States under the auspices of liberty may be
made complete, by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a
use of this blessing, as will acquire them the glorious satisfaction
of recommending it to the affection, the praise, and the adoption
of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop, but a solicitude for your welfare,

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 285

for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life,
and the apprehension of danger, natural to that so-
licitude, encouraged by* the remembrance of your in
dulgcnt ■reception of my oontimonto on an oocaoion
not diooimilar to the prooont^ urge mo to offer urge
me on an occasion like the present, to offer to your
solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your
frequent review, some sentiments ; which are the re-
sult of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observa-
tion and experience); and which appear to me all
important to the permanency of your felicity as a
People. — These will be offered to you with the more
freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested
warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have
no personal motive to bias his counsels. — Nor can I
forget, as an encouragement to it your indulgent re-
ception of my sentiments on a former and not dis-
similar occasion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every
ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of

which cannot end but with my life, and the fear that there may
exist projects unfriendly to it, against which it may be necessary
you should be guarded, urge me in taking leave of you to offer
to your solemn consideration and frequent review, some senti-
ments, the result of mature reflection confirmed by observation
and experience, which appear to me essential to the permanency
of your felicity as a people. These will be offered with the more
freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested advice of
a parting friend, who can have no personal motive to tincture or
bias his counsel.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every fibre of your
hearts, no recommendation is necessary to fortify your attach-
ment to it. Next to this, that unity of government which con-

286 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attach-
ment.—

The Unity of Government which constitutes you
one people, is also now dear to you. — It is justly so ;
— for it is a main Pillar in the Edifice of your real
independence ; the support of your tranquillity at
home ; your peace abroad ; of your safety in ovary
relation ; of your prosperity in every shape ; of
that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. — But
as it is easy to foresee, that, from ■various differ-
ent causes, and from different quarters, much pains
will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in
your minds the conviction of this truth ; — as this is
the point in your political fortress against which the
batteries of internal and external enemies will be
most constantly and actively (though often covertly
and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment,
that you should properly estimate the immense value
of your national Union to your collective and indi-
vidual happiness ; — that you should cherish towardo it
a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment* that
you ohould accustom yourselves to reverence it ao the
Palladium of your political safety and prooperity, adapt*

stitutes you as one people, claims your vigilant care and guardian-
ship— as a main pillar of your real independence, of your peace,
safety, freedom, and happiness.

This being the point in your political fortress against which
the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most con-
stantly and actively, however covertly and insidiously levelled,
it is of the utmost importance that you should appreciate, in its
full force, the immense value of your political union to your
national and individual happiness, that you should cherish

i796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 287

ing conotantly your wordo and actiono to that momen-
touo idea ; that you ohould watch for ito prooorvation
with jealouo anxiety, discountenance whatever may
ouggect ■ a ouopicion — that it can in any ovont be
abandoned ; and frown upon the firot dawning of
any attempt to alienate any portion of our Country
from the root, or, to enfeeble the oaorod tieo which
now link together the ocvoral parto to it ; accustom-
ing yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Pal-
ladium of your political safety and prosperity ;
watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ;
discountenancing whatever may suggest even a
suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and
indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every
attempt to alienate any portion of our Country from
the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now
linlc together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy
and interest. — Citizens of a common country — by-
birth 01 ihuici^ by birth or choice of a common
country, that country has a right to concentrate your
affections. — The name of American, which belongs
to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt

towards it an affectionate and immovable attachment, and that
you should watch for its preservation with zealous solicitude.

For this, you have every motive of sympathy and interest.
Children for the most part of a common country, that country
claims and ought to concentrate your affections. The name of
American must always gratify and exalt the just pride of patriotism
more than any denomination which can be derived from local dis-
criminations. You have, with slight shades of difference, the same
religion, manners, habits and political institutions and principles ;

288 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appella-
tion to be derived from local discriminations. — With
slight shades of difference, you have the same Re-
ligion, Manners, Habits, and political Principles. —
You have in a common cause fought and triumphed
together. The Independence and Liberty you pos-
sess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts
— of common dangers, sufferings and successes. —

But these considerations, however powerfully they
address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly
outweighed by those, which apply more immediately
to your Interest. — Here every portion of our country
finds the most commanding motives for carefully
guarding and preserving the Union of the whole.

The North in an mifettcrcd unrestrained inter-
course with the South, protected by the equal Laws
of a common government, finds in the productions
of the latter many of the poculiar great additional
resources of maritime and commercial enterprise —

you have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together.
The independence and liberty you enjoy are the work of joint
councils, efforts, dangers, sufferings, and successes. By your
union you have achieved them, by your union you will most
effectually maintain them.

The considerations which address themselves to your sensi-
bility are greatly strengthened by those which apply to your
interest. Here, every portion of our country will find the most
urgent and commanding motives for guarding and preserving the
union of the whole.

The North, in intercourse with the South, under the equal
laws of one government, will, in the productions of the latter,
many of them peculiar, find vast additional resources of mari-
time and commercial enterprise. The South, in the same inter-

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 289

and precious materials of manufacturing industry.
— The South in the same intercourse, benefiting
by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture
grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly
into its own channels the seamen of the North,
it finds its particular navigation envigorated ; — and,
while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish
and increase the general mass of the national naviga-
tion, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime
strength to which itself is unequally adapted. — The
East, in a like intercourse with the West, already
finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior
communications, by land and water, will more and
more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which
it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. —
The West derives from the East supplies requisite to
its growth and comfort, — and what is perhaps of still
greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the
secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own

course, will share in the benefits of the agency of the North, will
find its agriculture promoted and its commerce extended by
turning into its own channels those means of navigation which
the North more abundantly affords ; and while it contributes to
extend the national navigation, will participate in the protection
of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted.
The East, in a like intercourse with the West, finds a valuable
vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manu-
factures at home. The West derives through this channel an
essential supply of its wants ; and what is far more important to
it, it must owe the secure and permanent enjoyment of the
indispensable outlets, for its own productions to the weight,
influence, and maritime resources of the Atlantic States. The

tenure by which it could hold this advantage, either from its
19

290 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

productions to the weight, influence, and the future
maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union,
directed by an indissoluble community of interest, as
one Nation. — '?:ke Any other tenure by which the West
can hold this essential advantage, oithos whether
derived from its own separate strength, or from an
apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign
Power, must be intrinsically precarious, liable ovory
moment to be dioturbod by tho fluctuating' combina
tions of the primary interests of Europe, which must
,bo expected to regulate the conduct of the Nations of
which it io composed.

And While then every part of our Country thus finds
feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all
the parts-e44fc combined cannot fail to find in the united
mass of means and efforts cannot fail to find greater
strength, greater resource, proportionably greater
security from external danger, a less frequent inter-
ruption of their Peace by foreign Nations ; and, which
■io an advantage what is of inestimable value ! they
must derive from Union an exemption from those

own separate strength, or by an apostate and unnatural connection
with any foreign nation, must be intrinsically and necessarily
precarious, at every moment liable to be disturbed by the combi-
nations of those primary interests which constantly regulate the
conduct of every portion of Europe, — and where every part finds
a particular interest in the Union. All the parts of our country
will find in their Union strength, proportional security from
external danger, less frequent interruption of their peace with
foreign nations ; and what is far more valuable, an exemption
from those broils and wars between the parts if disunited, which,
then, our rivalships, fomented by foreign intrigue or the opposite

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 291

broils and wars between themselves, which inovitably
so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied
together by the same government; which their own
rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce ; but
which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and
intrigues would stimulate and embitter. — Hence like-
wise they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown
Military establishments, which under any form of
government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which
there io reason to regard are to be regarded as par-
ticularly hostile to Republican Liberty : In this sense
it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a
main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the
one ought to endear to you the preservation of the
other.

These considerations speak a persuasive language to
■afty every reflecting and virtuous mind, — and thoy ex-
hibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object
of Patriotic desire. — Is there a doubt, whether a com-
mon government can embrace so large a sphere ? —
Let experience solve it. — To listen to mere speculation

alliances with foreign nations engendered by their mutual
jealousies, would inevitably produce.

These considerations speak a conclusive language to every
virtuous and considerate mind. They place the continuance of
our union among the first objects of patriotic desire. Is there a
doubt whether a common government can long embrace so
extensive a sphere ? Let time and experience decide the question.
Speculation in such a case ought not to be listened to. And 't is
rational to hope that the auxiliary governments of the sub-
divisions, with a proper organization of the whole, will secure a
favorable issue to the experiment. 'T is allowable to believe that

292 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

in such a case were criminal. — 'T io natural We are
authorized to hope that a proper organization of the
whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the
respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to
the experiment. 'Tis well worth a fair and full experi-
ment It may not impoooibly bo found, that tho
opirit of party, the machinationo of foreign poworo,
the corruption and ambition of individual citizens arc
more formidable adveroarieo to the Unity of our1
Empire than any inherent difficulties- in the scheme.
Againot thooo tho moundo of national opinion, national
oympathy and national jealouoy ought to be raised.
With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, -as-
affecting all parts .of our country -feever while experi-
ence shall not have demonstrated its impracticability,
there will always be reason cauoo in the fact itoelf to
distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter
may endeavor to weaken its bands.—

Besides the more serious causes already hinted as
threatening our Union> there is one less dangerous,-

the spirit of party, the intrigues of foreign nations, the corruption
and the ambition of individuals, are likely to prove more
formidable adversaries to the unity of our empire, than any
inherent difficulties in the scheme. *T is against these that the
guards of national opinion, national sympathy, national prudence
and virtue, are to be erected. With such obvious motives to
union, there will be always cause from the fact itself to distrust
the patriotism of those who may endeavor to weaken its bands.
And by all the love I bear you, my fellow-citizens, I conjure you,
as often as it appears, to frown upon the attempt.

Besides the more serious causes which have been hinted at as
endangering our Union, there is another less dangerous, but
against which it is necessary to be on our guard ; I mean the

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 293

but oufficiontly dangorouo to make it prudent to bo
upon our guard againot it. — I allude to the pctulcncc
of party difforonceo of opinion. — It io not uncommon
to hoar tho irritationo which thooo excite vent thorn-
oolvoo in doclarationo that tho different parta of the
United Statoo are ill affected to each other, in men-
aces that the Unisn will bo diooolvcd by thio or. that
measure: — Intimations like thooo are ao indiocroot ao

they aro intemperate. Though — frequently mado

with levity and without any really evil intentiorir, they
have a tendency to produce the consequence which
they indicate. — They teach tho mindo of men to
consider the Union as precarious; — ao an object to
which they ought not to attach their hopco and for
tunoo; — and thus chill tho oontimont in ito favor.
By alarming tho pride of thooe to 'whom they are>
addrooood, they oot ingenuity at work to depreciate
tho value of tho thing, and to diocovor roaoono of»
indifference towardo it. — Thio io not wioo. ■ It will be*
muerLwioor to habituate ouroelveo to- reverence the

petulance of party differences of opinion. It is not uncommon
to hear the irritations which these excite, vent themselves in
declarations that the different parts of the Union are ill assorted
and cannot remain together, — in menaces from the inhabitants of
one part to those of another, that it will be dissolved by this or
that measure. Intimations of the kind are as indiscreet as they
are intemperate. Though frequently made with levity and with-
out being in earnest, they have a tendency to produce the con-
sequence which they indicate. They teach the minds of men
to consider the Union as precarious, as an object to which they
are not to attach their hopes and fortunes, and thus weaken the
sentiment in its favor. By rousing the resentment and alarming
the pride of those to whom they are addressed, they set ingenuity

294 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

Union ao the palladium of our national happiness;
to accommodate constantly our words and actions to
that idoa, and to discountenance — whatever — may-
suggest a suspicion that — it can — in any event be.
abandoned. '

In contemplating the causes which may dis-
turb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious con-
cern, that our parties for some time past have been
too much characterized by any ground should have
been furnished for characterizing parties by Geo-
graphical discriminations — Northern and Southern
— Atlantic and Western; whence designing men
may endeavor to excite a belief, that there is ,&
real difference of local interests and views. These-
discriminations^ the mere contrivance of the spirit
of Party, (always dogtorous to soiao every handle
by which the passions can — be — wielded, — and too
skilful not to turn to account the sympathy of neigh

to work to deprecate the value of the object, and to discover
motives of indifference to it. This is not wise. Prudence
demands that we should habituate ourselves in all our words and
actions to reverence the Union as a sacred and inviolable palla-
dium of our happiness, and should discountenance whatever can
lead to a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned.

'T is matter of serious concern that parties in this country for
some time past have been too much characterized by geographical
discriminations, — northern and southern States, Atlantic and
western country. These discriminations, which are the mere
artifice of the spirit of party (always dexterous to avail itself of
every source of sympathy, of every handle by which the passions
can be taken hold of, and which has been careful to turn to

1 In the margin against this paragraph is written " Not important enough."

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 295

borhood), have furniohod an argument against the
Uni.on ao evidence of a real difference of local inter-
ooto and viowo ; and oorvo to haeard it by organizing
larger diotricto of country, under the loaders of con
tending factiono ; whooe rivabhipG, prcjudicco and
ochomoo of ambition, rather than the true interooto of
the Country, will direct the uoo of their influence;
If it bo poooiblc. to correct thio poison in the habit of
our body politic, it io worthy the endeavoro of the,
moderate and the good to effect it. One of the
expedients of Party to acquire influence, within
particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions
and aims of other districts. — You cannot shield your-
selves too much against the jealousies and heart
burnings which spring from these misrepresentations ;
— They tend to render alien to each other those who
ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. —
The inhabitants of our Western country have lately

account the circumstance of territorial vicinity), have furnished
an argument against the Union as evidence of a real difference
of local interests and views, and serve to hazard it by organizing
large districts of country under the direction of different factions
whose passions and prejudices, rather than the true interests of
the country, will be too apt to regulate the use of their influence.
If it be possible to correct this poison in the affairs of our
country, it is worthy the best endeavors of moderate and virtuous
men to effect it.

One of the expedients which the partizans of faction employ
towards strengthening their influence by local discriminations, is
to misrepresent the opinions and views of rival districts. The
people at large cannot be too much on their guard against the
jealousies which grow out of these misrepresentations. They
tend to render aliens to each other those who ought to be tied

296 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

had a useful lesson on this oubjoct head. — They have
seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the
unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty
with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that
event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof
how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among
them of a policy in the General Government and in
the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in
regard to the Mississippi. — They have been witnesses
to the formation of two Treaties, that with G. Britain,
and that with Spain, which secure to them every
thing they could desire, in respect to our Foreign
Relations, towards confirming their prosperity. — Will
it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of
these advantages on the Union by which they were
procured ? — Will they not henceforth be deaf to those
advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from
their Brethren, and connect them with Aliens ? —

together by fraternal affection. The people of the western
country have lately had a useful lesson on this subject. They have
seen in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous
ratification of the treaty with Spain by the Senate, and in the
universal satisfaction at that event in all parts of the country,
a decisive proof how unfounded have been the suspicions
instilled in them of a policy in the Atlantic States, and in the
different departments of the general government, hostile to their
interests in relation to the Mississippi. They have seen two
treaties formed which secure to them every thing that they could
desire to confirm their prosperity. Will they not henceforth
rely for the preservation of these advantages on that Union by
which they were procured ? Will they not reject those counsel-
lors who would render them alien to their brethren and connect
them with aliens ?

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 297

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a
Government for the whole is indispensable. — No
alliances however strict between the parts can be an
adequate substitute. — They must inevitably experi-
ence the infractions and interruptions which all
alliances in all times have experienced. — Sensible of
this momentous truth, you have improved upon your
first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of
Government, better calculated than your former for
an intimate Union, and for the efficacious manage-
ment of your common concerns. — This government,
the offspring of our own choice uninfluenced and
unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature
deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the
distribution of its powers, uniting security with
energy, and containing within itself a provision for
its own amendment, has a just claim to your confi-
dence and your support. — Respect for its authority,

To the duration and efficacy of your Union, a government ex-
tending over the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however
strict between the parts, could be an adequate substitute. These
could not fail to be liable to the infractions and interruptions
which all alliances in all times have suffered. Sensible of this
important truth, you have lately established a Constitution of
general government, better calculated than the former for an
intimate union, and more adequate to the duration of your com-
mon concerns. This government, the offspring of your own
choice, uninfluenced and unawed, completely free in its principles,
in the distribution of its powers, uniting energy with safety, and
containing in itself a provision for its own amendment, is well
entitled to your confidence and support. Respect for its
authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures,
are duties dictated by the fundamental maxims of true liberty.

298 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

compliance with its Laws, acquiescence in its meas-
ures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims
of true Liberty. — The basis of our political systems
is the right of the people to make and to alter their
Constitutions of Government. — But the Constitution
which at any time exists, 'till changed by an explicit
and authentic act of the whole People, is sacredly
obligatory upon all. — The very idea of the power
and the right of the People to establish Government,
presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the
established Government.

All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all
combinations and associations, under whatever plausi-
ble character, with the real design to direct, controul,
counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action
of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this
fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. — They
serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and
extraordinary force — to put in the place of the dele-

The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to
make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the
Constitution for the time, and until changed by an explicit and
authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly binding upon all.
The very idea of the right and power of the people to establish
government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey
the established government.

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, — all combinations
and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the
real design to counteract, control, or awe the regular action of
the constituted authorities, are contrary to this fundamental
principle, and of the most fatal tendency. They serve to organ-
ize faction, and to put in the stead of the delegated will of the
whole nation the will of a party, often a small minority of the

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 299

gated will of the Nation, the will of a party ; — often a
small but artful and enterprizing minority of the
community ; — and, according to the alternate triumphs
of different parties, to make the public administration
the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous pro-
jects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent
and wholesome plans digested by common councils,
and modified by mutual interests. — However combi-
nations or associations of the above description may
now and then answer popular ends, and purpoooo they
are likely, in the course of time and things, to become
potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and un-
principled men will be enabled to subvert the Power
of the People and to usurp for themselves the reins
of Government ; destroying afterwards the very
engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion. —
Towards the preservation of your Government and
the permanency of your present happy state, it is
requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance

whole community ; and according to the alternate triumph of
different parties to make the public administration reflect the
schemes and projects of faction rather than the wholesome plans
of common councils and deliberations. However combinations or
associations of this description may occasionally promote popular
ends and purposes, they are likely to produce, in the course of time
and things, the most effectual engines by which artful, ambitious,
.and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of
the people and usurp the reins of government.

Towards the preservation of your government and the perma-
nency of your present happy state, it is not only requisite that you
steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its authority, but
that you should be upon your guard against the spirit of innova-
tion upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One

300 THE WRITINGS OF % [1796

irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority,
but also that you resist with care* the spirit of innova-
tion upon its principles, however specious the pretexts.
— One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms
of the Constitution, alterations which will impair
the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what
cannot be directly overthrown. — In all the changes to
which you may be invited, remember that time and
habit are at least as necessary to fix the true charac-
ter of Governments, as of other human institutions —
that experience is the surest standard, by which to
test the real tendency of the existing Constitution of
a Country — that facility in changes upon the credit
of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual
change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and
opinion : — and remember, especially, that, for the effi-
cient management of your common interests, in a
country so extensive as ours, a Government of as
much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security
of Liberty is indispensable. — Liberty itself will find in

method of assault may be to effect alterations in the forms of the
Constitution tending to impair the energy of the system, and so
to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the
changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and
habit are as necessary to fix the true character of governments
as of any other human institutions; that experience is the surest
standard by which the real tendency of existing constitutions of
government can be tried ; that changes upon the credit of mere
hypothesis and opinion expose you to perpetual change from the
successive and endless variety of hypothesis and opinion. And
remember also, that for the efficacious management of your com-
mon interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of
as much force and strength as is consistent with the perfect

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 301

such a Government, with powers properly distributed
and adjusted, its surest Guardian. — It is, indeed, little
else than a name, where the Government is too feeble
to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each
member of the society within the limits prescribed
by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and
tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and prop-
erty. Owing to you ao I do a frank and froo dio
cloouro of my hearts I ohnll not oonooal from you tho
belief I entertain, that your Government ao at prooont
constituted 10 far more likely to prove too feeble than
too powerful

I have already intimated to you the danger of
Parties in the State, with particular reference to the
founding of them on Geographical discriminations. —
Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and
warn you in the most solemn manner against the
baneful effects of the Spirit of Party, generally.

This Spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from
human our nature, having its root in the strongest

security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in
such a government, with powers properly distributed and ar-
ranged, its surest guardian and protector. In my opinion, the
real danger in our system is, that the general government, organ-
ized as at present, will prove too weak rather than too powerful.
I have already observed the danger to be apprehended from
founding our parties on geographical discriminations. Let me
now enlarge the view of this point, and caution you in the most
solemn manner against the baneful effects of party spirit in
general. This spirit unfortunately is inseparable from human
nature, and has its root in the strongest passions of the human
heart. It exists under different shapes in all governments, but
in those of the popular form it is always seen in its utmost

3o2 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

passions of the human mind. — It exists under differ-
ent shapes in all Governments, more or less stifled,
controuled, or repressed ; but, in those of the popu-
lar form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is
truly their worst enemy. —

In RopublicG of narrow extent) it 10 not difficult for
thooo who at any time hold tho reino of Power, and
command tho ordinary public favor, to overturn the
catabliohcd [ynfrpj conotitution in favor of their ag*
grandioumonti Tho Game thing may likowioo bo too
often aooompliohod in ouch Republics, by partial com
binationo of men, who though not in office, from birth,
riohoo or othor oourceo of diGtinctiont have extraordi
nary influence and numorouo [retainers] adherents ■*
By debauching the Military forco> by Gurprioing oome
commanding eita4,Ql» or by oomo other sudden and un
forcoccn movement the fate of the Republic io decided.
■ But in Rcpublieo of largo extent) uourpation can-
ooarcoly make ito way through these avenuoG. — l^he
poworo and opportunitioo of rooiotanco of a wide

vigor and rankness, and is their worst enemy. In republics of
narrow extent, it is not difficult for those who at any time pos-
sess the reins of administration, or even for partial combinations
of men, who from birth, riches, and other sources of distinction
have an extraordinary influence, by possessing or acquiring the
direction of the military force, or by sudden efforts of partisans
and followers, to overturn the established order of things, and
effect a usurpation. But in republics of large extent, the one or
the other is scarcely possible. The powers and opportunities of
resistance of a numerous and wide-extended nation defy the
successful efforts of the ordinary military force, or of any col-
lections which wealth and patronage may call to their ?id, espe-
cially if there be no city of overbearing force, resources, and

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON, 3©3

oxtended and numefouc nation^ dofy tho ouecoooful
cfforto of the ordinary Military foroo, or of any collcc
tionG which wealth and patronage may oall to their aid.
— In ouoh Republic^ it io oafo to aooorti that tho con-
flicto of popular factiono are tho ohiof» if not the only
inlcto, of uourpation and Tyranny*

The alternate domination of one faction over an-
other, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to
party dissension, which in different ages and countries
has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself
a frightful despotism. — But this leads at length to a
more formal and permanent despotism. — The disor-
ders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the
minds of men to seek security and repose in the ab-
solute power of an Individual : and sooner or later
the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or
more fortunate than his competitors, turns this dispo-
sition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins
of Public Liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this

influence. In such republics it is perhaps safe to assert that
the conflicts of popular faction offer the only avenues to tyranny
and usurpation. The domination of one faction over another,
stimulated by that spirit of revenge which is apt to be gradually
engendered, and which in different ages and countries has pro-
duced the greatest enormities, is itself a frightful despotism.
But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent des-
potism. The disorders and miseries which result predispose the
minds of men to seek repose and security in the absolute power
of a single man. And the leader of a prevailing faction, more
able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition
to the purpose of an ambitious and criminal self-aggrandizement.
Without looking forward to such an extremity (which, however,

3o4 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely
out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of
the spirit of Party are sufficient to make it the in-
terest and duty of a wise People to discourage and
restrain it. —

It serves always to distract the Public Councils,
and enfeeble the Public administration. — It agitates
the community with ill founded jealousies and false
alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against an-
other, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. — It
opens the doors to foreign influence and corruption,
which find a facilitated access to the Government it-
self through the channels of party passions, through
iho ohannolo of party paooiono. It frequently oubjooto
the policy of our own oountry to the policy of oomo
foreign country, and ovon onolaveo the will of our
Government to the will of oomo foreign Government.
Thus the policy and the will of one country, are sub-
jected to the policy and will of another.

ought not to be out of sight), the ordinary and continual mischiefs
of the spirit of party make it the interest and the duty of a wise
people, to discountenance and repress it.

It serves always to distract the councils and enfeeble the
administration of the government. It agitates the community
with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms. It opens inlets for
foreign corruption and influence, which find an easy access
through the channels of party passions, and causes the true policy
and interest of our own country to be made subservient to the
policy and interest of one and another foreign nation, sometimes
enslaving our own government to the will of a foreign government.

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are salutary
checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to
invigorate the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 305

There is an opinion that parties in free countries
are useful checks upon the Administration of the
Government, and serve to keep alive the Spirit of
Liberty. — This within certain limits is probably true
— and in Governments of a Monarchical cast, Patriot-
ism may look with indulgence, if not with favour, upon
the spirit of party. — But in those of the popular char-
acter, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit
not to be encouraged. — From their natural tendency,
it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit
for every salutary purpose, — and there being constant
danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of
public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. — A fire
not to be quenched ; it demands a uniform vigilance
to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, it ohould not
only warm) but instead of warming, it should consume.

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking
in a free country should inspire caution in those en-
trusted with its administration, to confine themselves

true ; and in governments of a monarchical character or bias,
patriotism may look with some favor on the spirit of party. But
in those of the popular kind, in those purely elective, it is a spirit
not to be fostered or encouraged. From the natural tendency of
such governments, it is certain there will always be enough of it
for every salutary purpose, and there being constant danger of
excess, the effort ought to be, by the force of public opinion, to
mitigate and correct it. 'T is a fire which cannot be quenched,
but demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a
flame — lest it should not only warm but consume.

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking of the
people should tend to produce caution in their public agents in the
several departments of government, to retain each within its
proper sphere, and not to permit one to encroach upon another ;

306 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

within their respective constitutional spheres ; avoid-
ing in the exercise of the powers of one department
to encroach upon another. — The spirit of encroach-
ment tends to consolidate the powers of all the depart-
ments in one, and thus to create, undor whatever the
form of government, a real f ormo, a despotism. — A just
estimate of that love of power, and -feke proneness to
abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is suf-
ficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. — The
necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of politi-
cal power, by dividing and distributing it into different
depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of
the Public Weal from against invasions by the others,
has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern ;
some of them in our country and under our own eyes.
— To preserve them must be as necessary as to in-
stitute them. If in the opinion of the People, the
distribution or modification of the Constitutional
powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected

that every attempt of the kind, from whatever quarter, should
meet with the discountenance of the community, and that, in every
case in which a precedent of encroachment shall have been given,
a corrective be sought in [revocation be effected by] a careful
attention to the next choice of public agents. The spirit of
encroachment tends to absorb the powers of the several branches
and departments into one, and thus to establish, under whatever
form, a despotism. A just knowledge of the human heart, of
that love of power which predominates in it, is alone sufficient
to establish this truth. Experiments, ancient and modern,
some in our own country, and under our own eyes, serve to
confirm it. If, in the public opinion, the distribution of the
constitutional powers be in any instance wrong, or inexpedient,
let it be corrected by the authority of the people in a legitimate

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 307

by an amendment in the way which the Constitution
designates. — But let there be no change by usurpa-
tion ; for though this, in one instance, may be the
instrument of good, it is the uoual and natural cus-
tomary weapon by which free governments are de-
stroyed.— The precedent of its uoo must always greatly
overbalance in permanent evil any partial or tempo-
rary transient benefit which the use itoclf can at any
time yield. —

Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to
political prosperity, Religion and morality are indis-
pensable supports. — In vain would that man claim
the tribute of Patriotism, who should labour to sub-
vert these great Pillars of human happiness, these
firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. —
The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought
to respect and to cherish them. — A volume could not
trace all their connexions with private and public
felicity. — Let it simply be asked where is the security

constitutional course. Let there be no change by usurpation, for
though this may be the instrument of good in one instance, it is
the ordinary instrument of the destruction of free government —
and the influence of the precedent is always infinitely more per-
nicious than any thing which it may achieve can be beneficial.

In all those dispositions which promote political happiness,
religion and morality are essential props. In vain does he claim
the praise of patriotism, who labors to subvert or undermine these
great pillars of human happiness, these firmest foundations of the
duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the
pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could
not trace all their connections with private and public happiness.

Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for
reputation, for life, if the sense of moral and religious obligation

308 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of
religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the
instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice ?
And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that
morality can be maintained without religion. — What-
ever may be conceded to the influence of refined
education on minds of peculiar structure — reason
and experience both forbid us to expect, that national
morality can prevail in exclusion of religious prin-
ciple.—

'T is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a
necessary spring of popular government. — The rule
indeed extends with more or less force to every
species of Free Government. — Who that is a sincere
friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts
to shake the foundation of the fabric ? —

Cultivate induotry and frugality; 00 auxiliaries to
good moralG and oourcoo of private cmd-public prop
perityi — Io there not room to regret that our pro

deserts the oaths which are administered in courts of justice ?
Nor ought we to natter ourselves that morality can be separated
from religion. Concede as much as may be asked to the effect
of fine education in minds of peculiar structure, can we believe,
can we in prudence suppose, that national morality can be main-
tained in exclusion of religious principles ? Does it not require
the aid of a generally received and divinely authoritative religion ?
'T is essentially true that virtue or morality is a main and
necessary spring of popular or republican governments. The rule,
indeed, extends with more or less force to all free governments.
Who that is a prudent and sincere friend to them, can look with
indifference on the ravages which are making in the foundation of
the fabric — religion ? The uncommon means which of late have
been directed to this fatal end, seem to make it in a particular

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3°9

ponoity — to oxpenoo oxooodo our moano for it ? — \%
thoro not more luxury among 110 and more diffusively,
than ouito tho actual otago of our national progreoo ?
Whatever may bo tho apology for luxury in a country,
mature in tho Arto which are ito minintoro, and tho
cauoo of national opulence can it promote tho ad-
vantage of a young country, almost wholly agrioul
tural, in the infancy of tho arto, and certainly not -in
the maturity of wealth ?

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance,
institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge.
In proportion as the structure of a government gives
force to public opinion, it is essential that public
opinion should be enlightened. —

As a very important source of strength and
security, cherish public credit. — One method of pre-
serving it is, to use it as tetie sparingly as possible : — -
avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace,
but remembering also that timely disbursements to

manner the duty of a retiring chief of a nation to warn his
country against tasting of the poisonous draught.

Cultivate, also, industry and frugality. They are auxiliaries of
good morals, and great sources of private and national prosperity.
Is there not room for regret, that our propensity to expense
exceeds the maturity of our country for expense ? Is there not
more luxury among us, in various classes, than suits the actual
period of our national progress ? Whatever may be the apology
for luxury in a country mature in all the arts which are its minis-
ters and the means of national opulence — can it promote the
advantage of a young agricultural country, little advanced in
manufactures, and not much advanced in wealth ?

Cherish public credit as a means of strength and security. As
one method of preserving it, use it as little as possible. Avoid

310 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater
disbursements to repel it — avoiding likewise the ac-
cumulation of debt, not only by avoiding shunning oc-
casions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time
of Peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable
wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throw-
ing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves
ought to bear. The execution of these maxims be-
longs to your Representatives, but it is necessary
that public opinion should coincide cooperate. — To
facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is
essential that you should practically bear in mind, that
towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue
— that to have Revenue there must be taxes — that no
taxes can be devised which are not more or less in-
convenient and unpleasant — that the intrinsic em-
barrassment inseparable from the selection of the
proper objects (which is always a choice of diffi-
culties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid

occasions of expense by cultivating peace — remembering always
that the preparation against danger, by timely and provident
disbursements, is often a means of avoiding greater disburse-
ments to repel it. Avoid the accumulation of debt by avoiding
occasions of expense, and by vigorous exertions in time of peace to
discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned,
not transferring to posterity the burthen which we ought to bear
ourselves. Recollect, that towards the payment of debts there
must be revenue, that to have revenue there must be taxes, that
it is impossible to devise taxes which are not more or less incon-
venient and unpleasant — that they are always a choice of difficul-
ties, that the intrinsic embarrassment which never fails to attend
a selection of objects ought to be a motive for a candid construc-
tion of the conduct of the government in making it, and that a

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 311

construction of the conduct of the Government in
making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the
measures for obtaining Revenue which the public
exigencies may at any time dictate. —

Observe good faith and justice towards all Na-
tions, and cultivate poaoo and harmony with all,
for in public ao well as in private tranoactionci I am
persuaded that honesty will alwayo bo found to bo tho
boot policy. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. —
Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct ; and can it
be that good policy does not equally enjoin it ? — It
will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no dis-
tant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the
magnanimous and too novel example of a People
always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.
— Who can doubt that in the course of time and
things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay
any temporary advantages, which might be lost by a
steady adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence

spirit of acquiescence in those measures for obtaining revenue
which the public exigencies dictate, is, in an especial manner,
the duty and interest of the citizens of every state.

Cherish good faith and justice towards, and peace and harmony
with, all nations. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct, and
it cannot be but that true policy equally demands it. It will be
worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great
nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel
example of a people invariably governed by those exalted views.
Who can doubt that in a long course of time and events the fruits
of such a conduct would richly repay any temporary advantages
which might be lost by a steady adherence to the plan ? Can it
be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a
nation with its virtue ? The experiment is recommended by

3i2 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation
with its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recom-
mended by every sentiment which ennobles human
nature. — Alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?
In the execution of such a plan nothing is more
essential than that -rooted permanent, inveterate an-
tipathies against particular nations and passionate
attachments for others should be excluded ; and that
in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all
should be cultivated. — The Nation, which indulges
towards another-* an habitual hatred or -a- an habitual
fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to
its animosity or to its affection, either of which is
sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its inter-
est.— Antipathy in one nation against another bcgcto
of course a similar contimont in that othcr^ disposes
each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay
hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty
and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions

every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas ! is it ren-
dered impossible by its vices ?

Towards the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essen-
tial than that antipathies against particular nations and passionate
attachments for others should be avoided, and that instead of
them we should cultivate just and amicable feelings towards all.
That nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred
or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave
to its animosity, or to its affection — either of which is sufficient
to lead it astray from its duty and interest. Antipathy against
one nation, which never fails to beget a similar sentiment in the
other, disposes each more readily to offer injury and insult to the
other, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty
and untractable when accidental or trifling differences arise.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 313

of dispute occur. — Hence frequent collisions, obsti-
nate, envenomed and bloody contests. — The Nation
prompted by ill-will and resentment sometimes impels
to War the Government, contrary to ita own the best
calculations of policy. — The Government sometimes
participates in the national propensity, and adopts
through passion what reason would reject ; — at other
times, it makes the animosity of the Nation sub-
servient to projects of hostility instigated by pride,
ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. —
The peace often, sometimes perhaps the Liberty, of
Nations has been the victim. —

So likewise a passionate attachment of one Nation
for another produces a variety of evils. — Sympathy
for the favourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an
imaginary common interest in cases where no real
common interest exists, and infusing into one another-
the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a
participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter,

Hence frequent quarrels and bitter and obstinate contests. The
nation urged by resentment and rage, sometimes compels the
government to war, contrary to its own calculations of policy.
The government sometimes participates in this propensity, and
does through passion what reason would forbid at other times ; it
makes the animosity of the nations subservient to hostile projects
which originate in ambition and other sinister motives. The
peace, often, and sometimes the liberty of nations, has been the
victim of this cause.

In like manner a passionate attachment of one nation to another
produces multiplied ills. Sympathy for the favorite nation, pro-
moting the illusion of a supposed common interest, in cases
where it does not exist, the enmities of the one betray the other
into a participation in its quarrels and wars, without adequate

3i4 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

without adequate inducement or justification : It
leads also to concessions to the favourite Nation of
privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to
injure the Nation making the concessions ; iotly by
unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been
retained, adly and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and
a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom
equal privileges are withheld ; and it gives to ambi-
tious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote
themselves to the favourite Nation) facility to be-
tray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country,
without odium, sometimes even with popularity : —
gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense
of obligation, a commendable deference for public
opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base
or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or
infatuation. —

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable
ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to
the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. — How

inducements or justifications. It leads to the concession of privi-
leges to one nation, and to the denial of them to others, which
is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concession by an
unnecessary yielding of what ought to have been retained, and by
exciting jealousy, ill-will, and retaliation in the party from whom an
equal privilege is withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted
citizens, who devote themselves to the views of the favorite foreign
power, facility in betraying or sacrificing the interests of their own
country, even with popularity, gilding with [the appearance of a
virtuous impulse, the base yieldings of ambition or conation.]

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such
attachments are peculiarly alarming to the enlightened indepen-
dent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to intrigue

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3^

many opportunities do they afford to tamper with
domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction,
to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the
public councils ! Such an attachment of a small or
weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms
the former to be the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, I
conjure you to believe me, my fricndo, fellow-citizens,
the jealousy of a free people ought to be incoooantly
constantly awake, since history and experience prove
that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes
of republican Government. — But that jealousy, to be
useful, must be impartial ; else it becomes the instru-
ment of the very influence to be avoided, instead of
a defence against it. — Excessive partiality for one
foreign nation and excessive dislike of another, cause
those whom they actuate to see danger only on one
side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of
influence on the other. — Real Patriots, who may
resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to

with domestic factions, to practise with success the arts of seduc-
tion, to mislead the public opinion — to influence or awe the
public councils ? Such an attachment of a small or weak towards
a great and powerful nation, destines the former to revolve round
the latter as its satellite.

Against the mischiefs of foreign influence all the jealousy of a
free people ought to be constantly exerted ; but the jealousy of
it to be useful must be impartial, else it becomes an instrument
of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it.

Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dis-
like of another leads to see danger only on one side, and serves to
veil the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who resist
the intrigues of the favorite, become suspected and odious. Its

316 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

become suspected and odious ; while its tools and
dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the
people, to surrender their interests. —

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to
foreign Nations, is, in extending our commercial
relations, to have with them as little Political con-
nection as possible. — So far as we have already-
formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with -ek-
oumspection indood, but with perfect good faith. —
Here let us stop. —

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us
have none, or a very remote relation. — Hence she
must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes
of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. —
Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to implicate
ourselves, by •&»- artificial connection ties in the or-
dinary vicissitudes of her politics, oris- the ordinary
combinations and collisions of her friendships, or
enmities.

tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people
to betray their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations
ought to be to have as little political connection with them as
possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let
them be fulfilled with circumspection, indeed, but with perfect
good faith ; here let it stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which have none or a very
remote relation to us. Hence she must be involved in frequent
contests, the causes of which will be essentially foreign to us.
Hence, therefore, it must necessarily be unwise on our part to
implicate ourselves by an artificial connection in the ordinary
vicissitudes of European politics — in the combination and colli-
sions of her friendships or enmities.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 317

Our detached and distant situation invites and
enables us to pursue a different course. — If we remain
one People, under an efficient government, the period
is not far off, when we may defy material injury from
external annoyance ; when we may take such an atti-
tude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time
resolve upon to obocrvo to be scrupulously respected.
When neither of two belligerent nations, under the
impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not
lightly hazard the giving us provocation to throw our
weight into tho oppocite ncale ; when we may choose
peace or war, as our interest guided by our justice
shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situa-
tion ? — Why quit our own to stand upon foreign
ground? — Why, by interweaving our destiny with
that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and
prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rival-
ship, interest, humour, or caprice ? —

Our detached and distant situation invites us to a different
course and enables us to pursue it. If we remain a united people,
under an efficient government, the period is not distant when we
may defy material injury from external annoyances — when we
may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we shall at
any time resolve to observe, to be violated with caution — when
it will be the interest of belligerent nations, under the impossi-
bility of making acquisitions upon us, to be very careful how
either forced us to throw our weight into the opposite scale —
when we may choose peace or war, as our interests, guided by
justice, shall dictate.

Why should we forego the advantages of so felicitous a situa-
tion ? Why quit our own ground and stand upon foreign ground ?
Why, by interweaving our destiny with any part of Europe, should

3i 8 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

'T is our true policy to steer clear of intimate.
connoctiono permanent alliances, with any portion of
the foreign world ; — so far, I mean, as we are now at
liberty to do it — for let me not be understood as
capable of patronizing infidelity to pre existing ex-
isting engagements, (I hold the maxim no less ap-
plicable to public than to private affairs, for I hold it
to be as true in public, as in private transactions, that
honesty is always the best policy). — I repeat it there-
fore let those engagements those must be observed
in their genuine sense. — But in my opinion it is un-
necessary and would be unwise to extend them. —

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable
establishments, on a respectably defensive posture,
we may safely trust to occaoional- temporary alliances
for extraordinary emergencies. —

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are
recommended by policy, humanity, and interest.
But even our commercial policy should hold an equal
and impartial hand : — neither seeking nor granting
exclusive favours or preferences ; — consulting the

we entangle our prosperity and peace in the nets of European
ambition, rivalship, interest, or caprice ?

Permanent alliance, intimate connection with any part of the
foreign world is to be avoided ; so far, I mean as we are now at
liberty to do it ; for let me never be understood as patronizing
infidelity to pre-existing engagements. These must be observed
in their true and genuine sense.

Harmony, liberal intercourse, and commerce with all nations
are recommended by justice, humanity, and interest. But even
our commercial policy should hold an equal hand, neither seek-
ing nor granting exclusive favors or preferences — consulting the

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 319

natural course of things ; — diffusing and diversifying
by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing
nothing ; — establishing with Powers so disposed — in
order to give trade a stable course, to define the
rights of our Merchants, and to enable the Govern-
ment to support them — conventional rules of inter-
course, the best that present circumstances and mutual
opinion will permit ; but temporary, and liable to be
from time to time abandoned or varied, as experi-
ence and circumstances shall dictate ; constantly
keeping in view that 't is folly in one nation to look for
disinterested favors -at from another, — that it must
pay with a portion of its independence for whatever
it may accept under that character — that by such
acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of
having given equivalents for nominal favours and
yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giv-
ing more. — There can be no greater error than to
expect, or calculate upon real favours from Nation to
Nation. — 'T is an illusion which experience must cure,
which a just pride ought to discard.

natural course of things — diffusing and diversifying by gentle
means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing — establishing
with powers so disposed temporary rules of intercourse, the
best that present circumstances and mutual opinion of interest
will permit, but temporary, and liable to be abandoned or varied,
as time, experience, and future circumstances may dictate —
remembering that it is folly in one nation to expect disinterested
favor in another, that to accept is to part with a portion of its
independence, and that it may find itself in the condition of hav-
ing given equivalents for nominal favors, and of being reproached
with ingratitude in the bargain. There can be no greater error

32o THE WRITINGS OF [1796

In offering to you, my Countrymen, these counsels
of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they
will make the strong and lasting impression, I could
wish, — that they will controul the usual current of the
passions, or prevent our Nation from running the
course which has hitherto marked the destiny of Na-
tions.— But if I may even flatter myself, that they
maybe productive of some partial benefit ; some occa-
sional good ; that they may now and then recur to
moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the
mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the
impostures of pretended patriotism, this hope will be
a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare,
by which they have been dictated. —

How far in the discharge of my official duties, I
have been guided by the principles which have been
delineated, the public Records and other evidences of
my conduct must witness to You, and to the world. —
To myself the assurance of my own conscience is, that
I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

in national policy that to desire, expect, or calculate upon real
favors. 'T is an allusion that experience must cure, that a just
pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old
and affectionate friend — counsels suggested by laborious reflec-
tion, and matured by a various experience, I dare not hope that
they will make the strong and lasting impressions I wish — that
they will control the current of the passions, or prevent our nation
from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of
all nations.

But if they may even produce partial benefit, some occasional
good * * * that they sometimes recur to moderate the violence
of party spirit, to warn against the evils of foreign intrigue, to

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 321

In relation to the still subsisting War in Europe,
my Proclamation of the 22a! of April 1793 is the
index to my plan. — Sanctioned by your approving
voice and by that of Your Representatives in both
Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has
continually governed me : — uninfluenced by any at-
tempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination with the aid of the
best lights I could obtain, (and from mem dioagrooing
in their improooiono-of the origin, progreoQ) and na-
ture* of that wan) I was well satisfied that our coun-
try, under all the circumstances of the case, had a
right to take, and was bound in duty and interest, to
take a Neutral position. — Having taken it, I deter-
mined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain
it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. —

Tho conGiderationo which roopoct tho right to hold
thio conduct; Gome of them of a delicate nature) would
be improperly the Gubjoct of explanation on thio oc-
casioni — I will barely oboerve that according to my

guard against the impositions of pretended patriotism, the having
offered them must always afford me a precious consolation.

How far in the execution of my present office I have been
guided by the principles which have been recommended, the
public records and the external evidences of my conduct must
witness. My conscience assures me that I have at least believed
myself to be guided by them.

In reference to the present war of Europe, my proclamation of
the 22d April, 1793, is the key to my plan, sanctioned by your
approving voice, and that of your Representatives in Congress —
the spirit of that measure has continually governed me — un-
influenced and unawed by the attempts of any of the warring
powers, their agents, or partisans, to deter or divert from it.

322 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

underGtanding of the matter, that right co far from
being denied by any belligerent Power, has boon
virtually admitted by all. —

The considerationo which reopect the right to hold
thio conduct) would be improperly the oubjoct of par
ticular diocuooion on this occaoion. — I will barely ob
oervo that to mo they appear to be warranted by well ■
ootabliohed principles of the Laws of — Nations ac
applicable to the nature of our alliance with France
in connection with the circumctanceo of the caooj and
the relative oituation of the contending Partiooi1

The considerations which respect the right to hold
this conduct, oome of them of a delicate nature, would
be improperly the oubjoct of explanation, it is not
necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only ob-
serve, that, according to my understanding of the
matter, that right, so far from being denied by any
of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted
by all—

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be in-
ferred, without anything more, from the obligation
which justice and humanity impose on every Nation,

After deliberate consideration, and the best lights I could obtain
(and from men who did not agree in their views of the origin,
progress, and nature of that war), I was satisfied that our country,
under all the circumstances of the case, had a right and was bound
in propriety and interest to take a neutral position. And having
taken it, I determined as should depend on me to maintain it
steadily and firmly.

1 On the margin of the paragraph as printed, was written by Washington :
"This is the first draft, and it is questionable which of the two is to be pre-
ferred."

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 323

in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain invio-
late the relations of Peace and Amity towards other
Nations. —

The inducements of interest for observing that
conduct will best be referred to your own reflections
and experience. — With me, a predominant motive has
been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle
and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress
without interruption to that degree of strength and
consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly
speaking, the command of its own fortune.

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my Admin-
istration, I am unconscious of intentional error — I am
nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think
it probable that I may have committed many errors. —
Whatever they may be, I deprecate the cvifa to which-
■they may tend, and- 1 fervently beseech the Almighty
to avert or mitigate them the evils to which they may
tend. — I shall also carry with me the hope that my
country will never cease to view them with indulgence ;
and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to
its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incom-

Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration I am
unconscious of intentional error, I am yet too sensible of my own
deficiencies, not to think it possible that I have committed many
errors ; I deprecate the evils to which they may tend, and fer-
vently implore the Almighty to avert or mitigate them. I shall
carry with me, nevertheless, the hope that my motives will con-
tinue to be viewed by my country with indulgence, and that after
forty-five years of my life, devoted with an upright zeal to the
public service, the faults of inadequate abilities will be consigned
to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

324 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

petent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself
must soon be to the mansions of rest.

May I without the charge of ostentation add that
neither ambition nor interest hac been the impelling-
cauoo of my actions that I have never designedly-
miouood any power confided to me nor hooitatod to-
iioo onoi whore I thought it could redound to your-
benefit ? — May I without the appearance of affccta-
tation oay, that the fortune with which I came into
office io not bettered otherwise than by the improve-
ment in the value of property which the quick prog
rooo and uncommon prosperity of our country have
produced ? — May I still further add without broach of-
delicacy, that I ohall retire without cauoo for a bluah,
1*4*4* — no Gentiments alien — to the force of thooo
vows for the happiness of his country so natural to a
citiaon who oo'og in it the native soil of hio progoni
toro and himoolf for four gonorationo ?■'

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things,
and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which
is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil
of himself and his progenitors for four several genera-

Neither ambition nor interest has been the impelling cause of
my actions. I never designedly misused any power confided in
me. The fortune with which I came into office, is not bettered
otherwise than by that improvement in the value of property
which the natural progress and peculiar prosperity of our country
have produced. I retire with a pure heart, with undefiled hands,
and with ardent vows for the happiness of a country, the native
soil of myself and progenitors for four generations.

1 On the margin of this paragraph Washington wrote : " This paragraph
may have the appearance of self-distrust and mere vanity."

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 325

tions ; — I anticipate with pleasing expectation that re-
treat, in which I promise myself to realize, without^
alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst
of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good
Laws under a free Government, — the ever favourite
object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust,
of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers.1

United States, September igth, i/pd.

1 On a copy of Claypooles American Daily Advertiser, for September
19, 1796, are endorsed the following words in Washington's handwriting,
which were designed as an instruction to the copyist, who recorded the Address
in the letter-book :

" The letter contained in this gazette, addressed ' To the People of the
United States,' is to be recorded, and in the order of its date. Let it have a
blank page before and after it, so as to stand distinct. Let it be written with a
letter larger and fuller than the common recording hand. And where words
are printed with capital letters, it is to be done so in recording. And those
other words, that are printed in italics, must be scored underneath and straight
by a ruler."

326 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

[private]

Philadelphia, 2 November, 1796.

My dear Sir,

On Monday afternoon, I arrived in this City, and
among the first things which presented themselves to
my view was Mr. Adet's letter to the Secretary of
State, published by his order, in the moment it was
presented.1

The object in doing this is not difficult of solution ;
but whether the publication in the manner it appears
is by order of the Directory, or an act of his own, is
yet to be learnt. If the first, he has executed a duty
only ; if the latter, he exceeded it, and is himself
responsible for the indignity offered to this Govern-
ment by such publication, without allowing it time
to reply — or to take its own mode of announcing the
intentions of his country towards the commerce of
these United States.

In either case, should there be in your opinion any
difference in my reception and treatment of that Min-
ister, in his visits at the public Rooms, (I have not
seen him yet, nor do not expect to do it before Tues-
day next) — and what difference should be made if
any?2

He complains in his letter, that he had received no
answers to the remonstrances in former communica-

1 This letter is printed in the State Papers, Foreign Relations, i., 576.

2 " The true rule on this point would be to receive the Minister at your levees
with a dignified reserve, holding an exact medium between an offensive coldness
and cordiality. The point is a nice one to be hit, but no one will know better
how to do it than the President. " — Hamilton to Washington, 4 November, 1796.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 327

tions (the dates of which are given). The fact is
that one at least of those remonstrances, were ac-
companied by as indecent charges, and as offensive
expressions as the letters of Genet were ever marked
with, and besides, the same things on former occa-
sions, had been replied to (as the Secretary of State
informs me) over and over again.

That the letter which he has now given to the
public will be answered, and (to a candid mind) I
hope satisfactorily, is certain ; but ought it to be
published immediately or not ? This question has
two sides to it ; both of which are important. If the
answer does not accompany the letter, the antidote
will not keep pace with the poison, — and it may, and
undoubtedly would be said, it was because the charges
are just, and the consequences had been predicted.
On the other hand — may not the dignity of the Gov-
ernment be committed by a Newspaper dispute with
the Minister of a foreign Nation, and an apparent
appeal to the People ? and would it not be said also
that we can bear every thing from one of the Bel-
ligerent Powers, but nothing from another of them ?
I could enlarge on this subject, but add nothing, I
am certain, that your own reflections thereon will not
furnish. Whether the answer is published now, or
not, would it be proper, do you conceive, at the en-
suing Session, which will close the political scene with
me, to bring the French Affairs, since the contro-
versy with Genet, fully before Congress? In doing
this it is to be noticed, there is such a connexion be-
tween them and our transactions with Great Britain

328 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

as to render either imperfect without the other ; and so
much of the latter as relates to the Treaty with that
country has already been refused to that body ; not be-
cause there was any thing contained therein that all the
world might not have seen, but because it was claimed
as a matter of right, and the compliance therewith
would have established a dangerous precedent.

Since I wrote to you from Mount Vernon, on the
eve of my departure from that place, and on my way
hither, I received a letter from Sir John Sinclair an
extract of which I enclose you — on the subject of an
agricultural establishment. — Though not such an
enthusiast as he is, I am nevertheless deeply im-
pressed with the benefits which would result from
such an institution, and if you see no impropriety in
the measure, I would leave it as a recommendatory
one in the Speech at the opening of the Session ;
which, probably, will be the last I shall ever address
to that, or any other public body.

It must be obvious to every man, who considers
the agriculture of this country, (even in the best im-
proved parts of it) and compares the produce of our
lands with those of other countries, no ways superior
to them in natural fertility, how miserably defective
we are in the management of them ; and that if we
do not fall on a better mode of treating them, how
ruinous it will prove to the landed interest. Ages
will not produce a systematic change without public
attention and encouragement ; but a few years more
of increased sterility will drive the Inhabitants of the
Atlantic States westwardly for support ; whereas if

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 329

they were taught how to improve the old, instead of
going in pursuit of new and productive soils, they
would make those acres which now scarcely yield
them any thing, turn out beneficial to themselves —
to the Mechanics, by supplying them with the staff
of life on much cheaper terms — to the Merchants, by
encreasing their Commerce and exportation — and to
the Community generally, by the influx of Wealth
resulting therefrom.

In a word, it is in my estimation, a great national
object, and if stated as fully as the occasion and cir-
cumstances will admit, I think it must appear so —
But whatever may be the reception, or fate of the
recommendation, I shall have discharged my duty in
submitting it to the consideration of the Legislature.

As I have a very high opinion of Mr. Jay's judg-
ment, candor, honor and discretion (tho' I am not in
the habit of writing so freely to him as to you) it
would be very pleasing to me if you would shew him
this letter (although it is a hurried one, my time hav-
ing been much occupied since my arrival by the
heads of the Departments, and with the Papers
which have been laid before me) and let me have,
for consideration, your joint opinion on the several
matters therein stated.

You will recollect that the conduct to be observed
towards Mr. Adet must be decided on before Tues-
day next ; that is, if he comes to the public room,
whether he is to be received with the same cordiality
as usual, or with coolness ; and you will do me the
justice to believe that in this instance, and every

330 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

other, I wish it to be such as will promote the
true policy and interest of the country, at the same
time that a proper respect for its dignity is pre-
served. My own feelings I put out of the question.

There is in the conduct of the French government,
relative to this business, an inconsistency, a duplicity,
a delay, or a something else, which is unaccountable
upon honorable ground. It appears that the order
under which Mr. Adet has acted is dated in July
(early) and yet Mr. Monroe has been led to believe
(though much dissatisfaction he says has appeared) —
that no such order had or would be, issued unless
Great Britain set the example ; — and in a letter of
August the 28th he writes Mr. King to that effect ; —
as the latter officially informs the Secretary of
State ; — But I am fatigued with this and other mat-
ters which crowd upon me, and shall only add that I
am very affectionately yours.

P. S. I find I have not time before the hour for
closing the mail arrives, to take the promised extract
from Sir John Sinclair's letter, I therefore send the
original, with a request that it may soon be returned
as I have given it no acknowledgment yet. — the arti-
cles which he requests my acceptance of are not yet
come to hand.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

My DEAR SlR Philadelphia, 3d November, 1796.

After my letter of yesterday was despatched to
you, the draught of the answer to Mr. Adet was pre-
sented for my approbation, with the opinions of the

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 331

Gentlemen about me that it would be expedient to
publish it, and without delay.

It appeared also, by information from the Secre-
tary of State, that as far as public opinion had been
expressed on the occasion, that this measure was
looked to and expected. These considerations and
a conviction, if the publication was to take place
otherwise than through the medium of Congress, the
sooner it happened the more likely it would be to
obviate the bad impressions it was calculated to make
on the public mind, induced an acquiescence on my
part. — I do not, nevertheless, think it free from those
objections which I mentioned in my last ; as it is not
probable that the correspondence will end with the
Secretary's letter.

I give you the trouble of this note to account for
the Publication which you will find in the Gazette of
this morning ; and to rescue my conduct from the
imputation of inconsistency.

There are other parts of my letter not involved in
this determination, which await the opinions I have
asked, and on which I would be glad to hear from
you, (and in the manner which has been required in
preceding letters) as soon as it is convenient. I am,
your affectionate friend.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
My DEAR SlR Philadelphia, 12 November, 1796.

In due time, and in good order, I received your
letters dated the 4th, 5th, and 10th instt., and shall
be mindful of their contents.

332 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

What construction do you put upon the informa-
tion received through the assistant of D[octo]r B[ailey]
and what notice, if any, should it meet with now or
hereafter, if application should be made for leave, or
the event take place without ? 1

Having sometime since, called upon the different
Secretaries for such matters (within their respective
departments) as required to be communicated to Con-
gress at the opening of the Session, the enclosed
papers are from two of them ; — one has given a shape
to the ideas. From the Treasury department I have
received nothing yet ; and presume nothing will come
from the Secretary of it except such matters as are of
the fiscal kind, founded upon facts and statements.

The Secretary of War has closed his notes, or
draught, with a communication, a declaration, and an
invocation, which I had no intention of introducing,
if such sentiments could be avoided with that decent
respect which is due to such members of both houses
as have been uniform and steady in their support of
those measures of government which I have thought
the interest and welfare of this country required and
accordingly recommended.

The reasons which have operated a reluctance in
my mind to touch on this subject at the opening of
the Session, are two :

First, that it might not be supposed it was intro-
duced for the purpose of a complimentary notice of
the event, by those who might feel a disposition to

1 The Doctor had said the French Consul at New York had desired to make
arrangements for the sick of a French fleet expected shortly to arrive.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 333

offer it ; and secondly, that it might not embarrass
others who had rather be silent ; — much less put it in
the power of a third set to oppose (if it should be
attempted) sentiments of this sort, in the answer to
the Speech.

These being my reasons, — judge of their force. —
If they out weigh what may be considered as indiffer-
ence, slight, or disrespectful in me towards the body
to whom the Address is made, let them prevail. If
not, adopt in whole or in part, or new model alto-
gether to your liking, the sentiments or expressions
of Mr. McHenry.

Among the things noted in my Memorandums, and
not to be found in the enclosures, is an intimation to
this effect, — viz — that from the best information I have
been able to obtain, and from the best view I have of
the general system of European Politics, and of the
state of matters in the Mediterranean in particular, our
Commerce in that quarter will always be upon a pre-
carious establishment unless a protecting force is
given to it. — If Congress in their investigation of the
subject should coincide in this opinion, it will rest
with their wisdom to decide whether that trade, in
particular, is of sufficient importance to countervail
the expence of its protection. How much beyond
this to extend the view towards a Navy, in the pres-
ent uncertain state of our fiscal concerns, merits con-
sideration. My own sentiments lead strongly to the
means of commencement.

This last article in addition to the several matters
contained in the enclosures, and what will naturally

334 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

flow from the texts mentioned in your letter, to-
gether with a general reference to the proper officers
for estimates — Papers &c. — alluded to in the Speech,
will comprehend everything that has occurred to me,
as necessary to be mentioned at the opening of the
Session ; and I would thank you much for letting me
have the whole as early in next week as your con-
venience will permit — at any rate on Saturday ; with
your opinion on the propriety of giving Congress a
full statement relatively to the situation of our affairs
with France, as suggested in my letter of the [2nd]
instant. With affectionate regard I am always &c.

P. S. I was in the very act of closing this letter
Avhen yours of yesterdays date came to hand — Due
consideration shall be given to the contents of it.

TO CHARLES LEE, ATTORNEY-GENERAL.

[private.]

Philadelphia, 14 November, 1796.

Dear Sir,

This letter is for your eye only. It is written for
the purpose of expressing my regret for your con-
tinued absences from the Seat of the Government. —
Rely upon it, it is productive of unpleasant remarks,
in which I must be involved. It will, indeed is, con-
sidered as making a sinecure of the office. To sup-
pose there is no particular occasion for the Law-
officer of the Government at the seat of it, during the
recess of Congress, is incorrect. — Many cases have
presented themselves since the adjournment, requir-

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 335

ing the opinion and advice of the Attorney-General
{besides other duties marked out by the Laws) some
points have called for your aid since I have been
here, and will occur, without an hour's previous
notice, in time like the present. Let me entreat you,
therefore, to come on without delay — and to be
assured of the esteem &c.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON PARKE CUSTIS.1

Philadelphia, 15 November, 1796.

Dear Washington :

Yesterday's mail brought me your letter of the
1 2th instant, and under cover of this letter you will
receive a ten-dollar bill, to purchase a gown, &c., if
proper. But as the classes may be distinguished by
a different insignia, I advise you not to provide these
without first obtaining the approbation of your
tutors ; otherwise you may be distinguished more by
folly, than by the dress.

It affords me pleasure to hear that you are agree-
ably fixed ; and I receive still more from the assur-
ance you give of attending closely to your studies.
It is you yourself who is to derive immediate benefit
from these. Your country may do it hereafter. The
more knowledge you acquire, the greater will be the
probability of your succeeding in both, and the
greater will be your thirst for more.

I rejoice to hear you went through your exami-
nation with propriety, and have no doubt but that

1 At this time a student at Princeton.

336 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

the president has placed you in the class which he
conceived best adapted to the present state of your
improvement. The more there are above you, the
greater your exertions should be to ascend ; but let
your promotion result from your own application,
and from intrinsic merit, not from the labors of
others. The last would prove fallacious, and expose
you to the reproach of the daw in borrowed feathers.
This would be inexcusable in you, because there is
no occasion for it ; forasmuch, as you need nothing
but the exertion of the talents you possess, with
proper directions, to acquire all that is necessary ;
and the hours allotted for study, if properly improved,
will enable you to do this. Although the confinement
may feel irksome at first, the advantages resulting
from it, to a reflecting mind, will soon overcome it.

Endeavor to conciliate the good will of all your
fellow-students, rendering them every act of kind-
ness in your power. Be particularly obliging and
attentive to your chamber-mate, Mr. Forsyth ; who,
from the account I have of him, is an admirable
young man, and strongly impressed with the im-
portance of a liberal and finished education. But
above all, be obedient to your tutors, and in a par-
ticular manner respect the president of the seminary
who is both learned and good.1

For any particular advantage you may derive from
the attention and aid of Mr. Forsyth, I shall have a
disposition to reward. One thing more and I will
close this letter. Never let an indigent person ask,
without receiving something, if you have the means ;

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 337

always recollecting in what light the widow's mite
was viewed.

Your grandmother, sister, and all here are well,
and feeling a strong interest in your welfare, join
most cordially with me in every good wish for it.
Affectionately, I am your sincere friend.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

Philadelphia, 21 November, 1796.

My dear Sir,

Having written to you on Saturday the nth in-
stant (accompanying it with enclosures) without
hearing any thing from you in the course of last
week, or by the Mail of this day, I begin to have
uneasy sensations for the fate of my letter.

To this cause, and to my solicitude to have the
Papers returned, you must ascribe the trouble of
receiving this letter.

If my last got safe to your hands, and indisposi-
tion, business, or any other cause should have pre-
vented your looking into the Papers ; I wish, even
under these circumstances, that they may be returned
to me immediately ; for I have no copies, and have
but little time to digest, and to put the several mat-
ters therein contained into form, that the whole may
be revised again and again, before it is presented. —
Among these Papers do not forget to place Sir John
Sinclair's letter to me, as I am desirous of giving it
an acknowledgment.

1 Samuel Stanhope Smith.

338 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

You will perceive by the publication of Mr. Adet's
letter to Colo. Pickering (in Claypool's Gazette of
this date) that the French government are disposed
to play a high game. — If other proofs were wanting,
the time and indelicate mode and stile, of the present
attack on the Executive, exhibited in this labored
performance — which is as unjust as it is voluminous
— would leave no doubt as to the primary object it
had in view ; — but what consequences it may ulti-
mately produce, is not so accessible to human fore-
sight as it may depend upon various contingencies and
events. — I have not seen the writer since my return to
the City, — nor is it presumable I shall do it under
present circumstances, unless courted on my part.

The letter of Mr. Adet having been committed to
the keeping of Mr. Bache by him. — Extracts having
already been given to the public, — and other parts
promised to be eked out, (as would it is presumed,
subserve the purposes in view) induced an opinion that
it was best to give the entire letter to the Public from
authority, and without delay, that the well informed
part of the community might judge for themselves.

The necessity of bringing the matter fully before
Congress is now rendered indispensible, — and through
that medium it is presumed it will make its way to
the Public with proper explanations. — I am, as you
know me to be, always and sincerely

Your affectionate.

P. S. Since writing the above, your letter of the
19th with its enclosures have been sent to me, Accept
my thanks for them. On account of the other matter

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 339

contained in this letter I forward it — being written —
Your sentiments in this interesting crisis will always
be thankfully received.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON PARKE CUSTIS.
t-^ ,TT Philadelphia, 28th November, 1706.

Dear Washington :

In a few hasty lines, covering your sister's letter
and a comb, on Saturday last, I promised to write
more fully to you by the post of this day. I am now
in the act of performing that promise.

The assurances you give me of applying diligently
to your studies, and fulfilling those obligations which
are enjoined by your Creator and due to his creatures,
are highly pleasing and satisfactory to me. I rejoice
in it on two accounts ; first, as it is the sure means
of laying the foundation of your own happiness, and
rendering you, if it should please God to spare your
life, a useful member of society hereafter ; and sec-
ondly, that I may, if I live to enjoy the pleasure,
reflect that I have been, in some degree, instrumental
in effecting these purposes.

You are now extending into that stage of life when
good or bad habits are formed. When the mind will
be turned to things useful and praiseworthy, or to
dissipation and vice. . Fix on whichever it may, it
will stick by you ; for you know it has been said, and
truly, M that as the twig is bent so it will grow."
This, in a strong point of view, shows the propriety
of letting your inexperience be directed by maturer
advice, and in placing guard upon the avenues which

34© THE WRITINGS OF [1796

lead to idleness and vice. The latter will approach
like a thief, working upon your passions ; encouraged,
perhaps, by bad examples ; the propensity to which
will increase in proportion to the practice of it and
your yielding. This admonition proceeds from the
purest affection for you ; but I do not mean by it,
that you are to become a stoic, or to deprive yourself
in the intervals of study of any recreations or manly
exercise which reason approves.

'T is well to be on good terms with all your fellow-
students, and I am pleased to hear you are so, but
while a courteous behavior is due to all, select the
most deserving only for your friendships, and before
this becomes intimate, weigh their dispositions and
character well. True friendship is a plant of slow
growth ; to be sincere, there must be a congeniality
of temper and pursuits. Virtue and vice can not be
allied ; nor can idleness and industry ; of course, if
you resolve to adhere to the two former of these
extremes, an intimacy with those who incline to the
latter of them, would be extremely embarrassing to
you ; it would be a stumbling block in your way ; and
act like a millstone hung to your neck, for it is the
nature of idleness and vice to obtain as many votaries
as they can.

I would guard you, too, against imbibing hasty and
unfavorable impressions of any one. Let your judg-
ment always balance well before you decide ; and
even then, where there is no occasion for expressing
an opinion, it is best to be silent, for there is nothing
more certain than that it is at all times more easy to

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 341

make enemies than friends. And besides, to speak
evil of any one, unless there is unequivocal proofs of
their deserving it, is an injury for which there is no
adequate reparation. For, as Shakespeare says " He
that robs me of my good name enriches not himself,
but renders me poor indeed," or words to that effect.
Keep in mind that scarcely any change would be
agreeable to you at first from the sudden transition,
and from never having been accustomed to shift or
rough it. And, moreover, that if you meet with
collegiate fare, it will be unmanly to complain. My
paper reminds me it is time to conclude. Affection-
ately, &c.

P. S. I presume you received my letter covering
a ten-dollar bill to pay for your gown, although it is
not mentioned. To acknowledge the receipt of
letters is always proper, to remove doubts of their
miscarriage.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE CITY OF WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, i December, 1796.

Gentlemen,

Your Letter of the 25th ulto. came to hand on
Tuesday last ; but it was not in my power to give it
an earlier acknowledgment : — and now I must do it
without resorting to papers (to be perfectly correct.)
— The pressure of my business with the different
Departments, previous to the meeting of Congress —
and my own preparation for that event, leaves me
but little time to attend to other matters.

342 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

The discontents with which you are assailed by
one or other of the proprietors in the Federal City,
must, unquestionably, be very disagreeable and
troublesome to you, for they are extremely irksome
to me.

In the case however before us, I conceive Mr.
Corachichi might have received a definitive answer,
without referring the matter to the Executive. On
what part of the Contract with Greenleaf he has
founded an opinion that a site was designated for a
University, and has built his complaints — or how it
came to pass, that any allusion to such a measure
should have found its way into that contract, I have
no more recollection than I have a conception, of
what could have induced it ; — for your clerk has
omitted sending the Extract.

It is a well known fact, or to say the least, it has
been always understood by me, that the establish-
ment of a University in the Federal City depended
upon several contingencies ; — one of which, and a
material one too — was donations for the purpose.
Until lately, this business could scarcely be said to
have advanced beyond the wishes of its advocates,,
although these wishes were accompanied generally
with expressions of what might be expected ; and
whenever the names of Mr. Blodget and the pro-
prietors of that vicinity ; were mentioned in relation
to this business the idea (expressed or implied)
always was — that they meant to give the ground.

Is this the intention of Mr. Corachichi relative to
the object he is now contending for ? if it is, and a

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 343

sufficient space of ground, on these terms, can be
obtained there for this purpose, without interfering
with the property of Orphans, my opinion is, that the
University ought to be placed there. — But, if this is
not the design, can that Gentleman, or any other
expect that the public will buy (for an exchange is a
purchase, and may be of the most troublesome kind)
when it has unappropriated ground nearly as con-
venient ? — and why do this ? — because a site has been
loosely talked of, because a proprietor to enhance the
sale of his property has colored the advantages of it
as highly as he could, — and because the purchaser,
omitting to investigate matters beforehand, wants the
public to encounter an expence — it is unable to bear
— by way of redress for his own incaution/ — For what
would have been the answer of the Commissioners,
if he had previously applied to them, to know if a
University would be placed where he is now con-
tending for ? — Certainly, that he ought not to calcu-
late upon it. — If that would have been the answer
then (and unless there are facts which have escaped
my recollection) I can conceive no other could have
been given, it is not inapplicable at present.

A University was not even contemplated by Major
L'Enfant in the plan of the city which was laid before
Congress ; taking its origin from another source. —
This plan you shall receive by the first safe hand who
may be going to the Federal City. — By it you may
discover (tho' almost obliterated) the directions given
to the Engraver by Mr. Jefferson, with a pencil, what
parts to omit. — The principle on which it was done

344 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

I have communicated to you on more occasions than
one. With esteem &c.

P. S. Since writing the foregoing, I have received
the extract, omitted to be enclosed in your letter of
the 25 th ulto.

I do not recollect ever to have seen or heard of it
before. — Nor do I see any cause to change my opinion
since I have done so, unless upon the condition which
is mentioned in the body of this letter — that is,
receiving the ground for the purposed site, as a
donation.

SPEECH TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS, DECEMBER 7TH,

I796.

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate
and House of Representatives,

In recurring to the internal situation of our country, since I
had last the pleasure to address you, I find ample reason for a
renewed expression of that gratitude to the Ruler of the Uni-
verse, which a continued series of prosperity has so often and so
justly called forth.

The acts of the last session, which required special arrange-
ments, have been, as far as circumstances would admit, carried
into operation.

Measures calculated to insure a continuance of the friendship
of the Indians, and to preserve peace along the extent of our
interior frontier, have been digested and adopted. In the fram-
ing of these, care has been taken to guard, on the one hand, our
advanced settlements from the predatory incursions of those
unruly individuals, who cannot be restrained by their tribes ;
and, on the other hand, to protect the rights secured to the
Indians by treaty ; to draw them nearer to the civilized state ;

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 345

and inspire them with correct conceptions of the power, as well
as justice, of the government.

The meeting of the deputies from the Creek nation at Cole-
rain, in the State of Georgia, which had for a principal object
the purchase of a parcel of their land by that State, broke up
without its being accomplished ; the nation having, previous to
their departure, instructed them against making any sale. The
occasion, however, has been improved, to confirm, by a new
treaty with the Creeks, their preexisting engagements with the
United States, and to obtain their consent to the establishment
of trading-houses and military posts within their boundary ; by
means of which their friendship, and the general peace, may be
more effectually secured.

The period, during the late session, at which the appropriation
was passed for carrying into effect the treaty of amity, commerce,
and navigation between the United States and his Britannic
Majesty, necessarily procrastinated the reception of the posts
stipulated to be delivered, beyond the date assigned for that
event. As soon, however, as the governor-general of Canada
could be addressed with propriety on the subject, arrangements
were cordially and promptly concluded for their evacuation, and
the United States took possession of the principal of them, com-
prehending Oswego, Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, and Fort
Miami, where such repairs and additions have been ordered to
be made, as appeared indispensable.

The commissioners, appointed on the part of the United
States and of Great Britain, to determine which is the river St.
Croix mentioned in the treaty of peace of 1783, agreed in the
choice of Egbert Benson, Esquire, of New York, for the third
commissioner. The whole met at St. Andrews, in Passama-
quoddy Bay, in the beginning of October, and directed surveys
to be made of the rivers in dispute ; but, deeming it impractica-
ble to have these surveys completed before the next year, they
adjourned, to meet at Boston in August, 1797, for the final deci-
sion of the question.

Other commissioners, appointed on the part of the United
States, agreeably to the seventh article of the treaty with Great
Britain, relative to captures and condemnations of vessels and

346 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

other property, met the commissioners of his Britannic Majesty
in London, in August last, when John Trumbull, Esquire, was
chosen by lot for the fifth commissioner. In October following,
the board were to proceed to business. As yet, there has been
no communication of commissioners on the part of Great Britain,
to unite with those who have been appointed on the part of the
United States, for carrying into effect the sixth article of the
treaty.

The treaty with Spain required, that the commissioners for
running the boundary line between the territory of the United
States and his Catholic Majesty's provinces of East and West
Florida should meet at the Natchez, before the expiration of six
months after the exchange of the ratifications, which was effected
at Aranjuez on the 25th day of April ; and the troops of his
Catholic Majesty, occupying any posts within the limits of the
United States, were, within the same period, to be withdrawn.
The commissioner of the United States, therefore, commenced
his journey for the Natchez in September, and troops were
ordered to occupy the posts from which the Spanish garrisons
should be withdrawn. Information has been recently received
of the appointment of a commissioner on the part of his Cath-
olic Majesty for running the boundary line ; but none of any
appointment for the adjustment of the claims of our citizens,
whose vessels were captured by the armed vessels of Spain.

In pursuance of the act of Congress, passed in the last ses-
sion, for the protection and relief of American seamen, agents
were appointed, one to reside in Great Britain, and the other in
the West Indies. The effects of the agency in the West Indies
are not yet fully ascertained ; but those, which have been com-
municated, afford grounds to believe the measure will be benefi-
cial. The agent destined to reside in Great Britain declining to
accept the appointment, the business has consequently devolved
on the minister of the United States in London, and will com-
mand his attention until a new agent shall be appointed.

After many delays and disappointments, arising out of the
European war, the final arrangements for fulfilling the engage-
ments made to the Dey and Regency of Algiers will, in all
present appearance, be crowned with success ; but under great,

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 347

though inevitable disadvantages in the pecuniary transactions,
occasioned by that war, which will render a further provision
necessary. The actual liberation of all our citizens, who were
prisoners in Algiers, while it gratifies every feeling heart, is itself
an earnest of a satisfactory termination of the whole negotiation.
Measures are in operation for effecting treaties with the Regen-
cies of Tunis and Tripoli.

To an active external commerce, the protection of a naval
force is indispensable. This is manifest with regard to wars, in
which a state itself is a party. But, besides this, it is in our
own experience, that the most sincere neutrality is not a sufficient
guard against the depredations of nations at war. To secure
respect to a neutral flag, requires a naval force, organized and
ready to vindicate it from insult or aggression. This may even
prevent the necessity of going to war, by discouraging belligerent
powers from committing such violations of the rights of the
neutral party, as may, first or last, leave no other option. From
the best information I have been able to obtain, it would seem as
if our trade to the Mediterranean, without a protecting force,,
will always be insecure, and our citizens exposed to the calamity
from which numbers of them have but just been relieved.

These considerations invite the United States to look to the
means, and to set about the gradual creation of a navy. The
increasing progress of their navigation promises them, at no dis-
tant period, the requisite supply of seamen ; and their means, in
other respects, favor the undertaking. It is an encouragement,,
likewise, that their particular situation will give weight and influ-
ence to a moderate naval force in their hands. Will it not then
be advisable to begin, without delay, to provide and lay up the
materials for the building and equipping of ships of war ; and
to proceed in the work by degrees, in proportion as our resources
shall render it practicable without inconvenience ; so that a
future war of Europe may not find our commerce in the same
unprotected state in which it was found by the present.

Congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed
their attention to the encouragement of manufactures. The
object is of too much consequence not to insure a continuance
of their efforts in every way which shall appear eligible. As a

348 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

general rule, manufactures on public accounts are inexpedient.
But, where the state of things in a country leaves little hope, that
certain branches of manufacture will, for a great length of
time, obtain ; when these are of a nature essential to the furnish-
ing and equipping of the public force in time of war ; are not
establishments for procuring them on public account, to the
extent of the ordinary demand for the public service, recom-
mended by strong considerations of national policy, as an excep-
tion to the general rule ? Ought our country to remain in such
cases dependent on foreign supply, precarious, because liable to
be interrupted ? If the necessary articles should, in this mode,
cost more in time of peace, will not the security and indepen-
dence, thence arising, form an ample compensation ? Establish-
ments of this sort, commensurate only with the calls of the
public service in time of peace, will, in time of war, easily be
extended in proportion to the exigencies of the government ;
and may even, perhaps, be made to yield a surplus for the sup-
ply of our citizens at large, so as to mitigate the privations from
the interruption of their trade. If adopted, the plan ought to
exclude all those branches which are already, or likely soon to
be, established in the country, in order that there may be no
danger of interference with pursuits of individual industry.

It will not be doubted, that, with reference either to individual
•or national welfare, agriculture is of primary importance. In
proportion as nations advance in population and other circum-
stances of maturity, this truth becomes more apparent, and
renders the cultivation of the soil more and more an object of
public patronage. Institutions for promoting it grow up, sup-
ported by the public purse ; and to what object can it be dedi-
cated with greater propriety ? Among the means, which have
been employed to this end, none have been attended with greater
success than the establishment of boards, composed of proper
characters, charged with collecting and diffusing information, and
enabled by premiums, and small pecuniary aids, to encourage and
assist a spirit of discovery and improvement. This species of
establishment contributes doubly to the increase of improvement,
by stimulating to enterprise and experiment, and by drawing to a
•common centre the results everywhere of individual skill and

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 349

observation, and spreading them thence over the whole nation.
Experience accordingly has shown, that they are very cheap
instruments of immense national benefits.

I have heretofore proposed to the consideration of Congress,
the expediency of establishing a national university, and also a
military academy. The desirableness of both these institutions
has so constantly increased with every new view I have taken
of the subject, that I cannot omit the opportunity of once for all
recalling your attention to them.

The assembly to which I address myself, is too enlightened not
to be fully sensible how much a flourishing state of the arts and
sciences contributes to national prosperity and reputation. True
it is, that our country, much to its honor, contains many semina-
ries of learning highly respectable and useful ; but the funds
upon which they rest are too narrow to command the ablest
professors, in the different departments of liberal knowledge, for
the institution contemplated, though they would be excellent
auxiliaries.

Amongst the motives to such an institution, the assimilation of
the principles, opinions, and manners of our countrymen, by the
common education of a portion of our youth from every quarter,
well deserves attention. The more homogeneous our citizens
can be made in these particulars, the greater will be our prospect
of permanent union ; and a primary object of such a national
institution should be, the education of our youth in the science
of government. In a republic, what species of knowledge can
be equally important, and what duty more pressing on its legis-
lature, than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those, who
are to be the future guardians of the liberties of the country ?

The institution of a military academy is also recommended by
cogent reasons. However pacific the general policy of a nation
may be, it ought never to be without an adequate stock of mili-
tary knowledge for emergencies. The first would impair the
energy of its character, and both would hazard its safety, or
expose it to greater evils when war could not be avoided. Be-
sides that war might often not depend upon its own choice. In
proportion as the observance of pacific maxims might exempt a
nation from the necessity of practising the rules of the military

350 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

art, ought to be its care in preserving and transmitting, by proper
establishments, the knowledge of that art. Whatever argument
may be drawn from particular examples, superficially viewed, a
thorough examination of the subject will evince, that the art of
war is at once comprehensive and complicated ; that it demands
much previous study ; and that the possession of it, in its most
improved and perfect state, is always of great moment to the
security of a nation. This, therefore, ought to be a serious care
of every government ; and for this purpose, an academy, where
a regular course of instruction is given, is an obvious expedient,
which different nations have successfully employed.

The compensations to the officers of the United States, in vari-
ous instances, and in none more than in respect to the most
important stations, appear to call for legislative revision. The
consequences of a defective provision are of serious import to
the government. If private wealth is to supply the defect of
public retribution, it will greatly contract the sphere within which
the selection of characters for office is to be made, and will pro-
portionally diminish the probability of a choice of men able as
well as upright. Besides that it would be repugnant to the vital
principles of our government virtually to exclude, from public
trusts, talents and virtue, unless accompanied by wealth.

While, in our external relations, some serious inconveniences
and embarrassments have been overcome, and others lessened, it
is with much pain and deep regret I mention, that circumstances
of a very unwelcome nature have lately occurred. Our trade has
suffered, and is suffering, extensive injuries in the West Indies
from the cruisers and agents of the French Republic ; and
communications have been received from its minister here,
which indicate the danger of a further disturbance of our
commerce by its authority ; and which are, in other respects,
far from agreeable.

It has been my constant, sincere, and earnest wish, in con-
formity with that of our nation, to maintain cordial harmony, and
a perfectly friendly understanding with that Republic. This
wish remains unabated ; and I shall persevere in the endeavor to
fulfil it, to the utmost extent of what shall be consistent with a
just and indispensable regard to the rights and honor of our

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 351

country ; nor will I easily cease to cherish the expectation, that
a spirit of justice, candor, and friendship, on the part of the Re-
public, will eventually insure success.

In pursuing this course, however, I cannot forget what is due
to the character of our government and nation ; or to a full and
entire confidence in the good sense, patriotism, self-respect, and
fortitude of my countrymen.

I reserve for a special message a more particular communi-
cation on this interesting subject.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,

I have directed an estimate of the appropriations necessary for
the service of the ensuing year to be submitted from the proper
department, with a view of the public receipts and expenditures
to the latest period to which an account can be prepared.

It is with satisfaction I am able to inform you, that the revenues
of the United States continue in a state of progressive improve-
ment.

A reinforcement of the existing provisions for discharging
our public debt was mentioned in my address at the opening
of the last session. Some preliminary steps were taken towards
it, the maturing of which will, no doubt, engage your zealous at-
tention during the present. I will only add, that it will afford
me heart-felt satisfaction to concur in such further measures as
will ascertain to our country the prospect of a speedy extinguish-
ment of the debt. Posterity may have cause to regret, if, from
any motive, intervals of tranquillity are left unimproved for
accelerating this valuable end.

Gentlemen of the Senate

and House of Representatives,

My solicitude to see the militia of the United States placed on
an efficient establishment has been so often and so ardently ex-
pressed, that I shall but barely recall the subject to your view on
the present occasion ; at the same time, that I shall submit to
your inquiry, whether our harbors are yet sufficiently secured.

The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, in the
midst of the representatives of the people of the United States,
naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present

352 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

form of government commenced ; and I cannot omit the occasion
to congratulate you and my country, on the success of the ex-
periment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the Supreme
Ruler of the Universe and Sovereign Arbiter of Nations, that
his providential care may still be extended to the United States *
that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved ;
and that the government, which they have instituted for the pro-
tection of their liberties, may be perpetuated.

reply to the answer of the senate.

Gentlemen,

It affords me great satisfaction to find in your address a con-
currence in sentiment with me on the various topics, which I
presented for your information and deliberation ; and that the
latter will receive from you an attention proportioned to their
respective importance.

For the notice you take of my public services, civil and
military, and your kind wishes for my personal happiness, I beg
you to accept my cordial thanks. Those services, and greater,
had I possessed ability to render them, were due to the unani-
mous calls of my country, and its approbation is my abundant
reward.

When contemplating the period of my retirement, I saw vir-
tuous and enlightened men, among whom I relied on the discern-
ment and patriotism of my fellow-citizens to make the proper
choice of a successor ; men who would require no influential example
to insure to the United States "an able, upright, and energetic
administration." To such men I shall cheerfully yield the palm
of genius and talents to serve our common country ; but, at the
same time, I hope I may be indulged in expressing the consoling
reflection (which consciousness suggests), and to bear it with me
to my grave, that none can serve it with purer intentions than I
have done, or with a more disinterested zeal.

reply to the answer of the house of representatives.

Gentlemen,

To a citizen, whose views were unambitious, who preferred the
shade and tranquillity of private life to the splendor and solici-

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 353

tude of elevated stations, and whom the voice of duty and his
country could alone have drawn from his chosen retreat, no re-
ward for his public services can be so grateful as public ap-
probation, accompanied by a consciousness, that to render those
services useful to that country has been his single aim ; and, when
this approbation is expressed by the representatives of a free
and enlightened nation, the reward will admit of no addition.
Receive, Gentlemen, my sincere and affectionate thanks for this
signal testimony, that my services have been acceptable and
useful to my country. The strong confidence of my fellow-
citizens, while it animated all my actions, insured their zealous
cooperation, which rendered those services successful. The
virtue and wisdom of my successors, joined with the patriotism
and intelligence of the citizens, who compose the other branches
of government, I firmly trust will lead them to the adoption of
measures, which, by the beneficence of Providence, will give
stability to our system of government, add to its success, and
secure to ourselves and to posterity that liberty, which is to all of
us so dear.

While I acknowledge, with pleasure, the sincere and uniform
disposition of the House of Representatives to preserve our
neutral relations inviolate, and with them deeply regret any
degree of interruption of our good understanding with the
French Republic, I beg you, Gentlemen, to rest assured, that my
endeavors will be earnest and unceasing, by all honorable means,
to preserve peace, and to restore that harmony and affection,
which have heretofore so happily subsisted between our two
nations ; and with you I cherish the pleasing hope, that a mutual
spirit of justice and moderation will crown those endeavors with
success.

I shall cheerfully concur in the beneficial measures, which
your deliberations shall mature on the various subjects demand-
ing your attention. And while, directing your labors to advance
the real interests of our country, you receive its blessings ; with
perfect sincerity, my individual wishes will be offered for your
present and future felicity.

354 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON PARKE CUSTIS.
DEAR WASHINGTON : Philadelphia, 19 December, 1796.

I am not certain whether I have written you since
the receipt of your letter of the first instant, for, as
my private letters are generally despatched in a hurry,
and copies not often taken, I have nothing to resort
to, to refresh my memory ; be this, however, as it
may, we are always glad to hear from you, though
we do not wish that letter-writing should interfere
with your more useful and profitable occupation.
The pleasure of hearing you were well, in good
spirits, and progressing as we could wish in your
studies, was communicated by your letter of the four-
teenth instant, to your grandmamma ; but what gave
me particular satisfaction, was to find that you. were
going to commence a course of reading with Doctor
Smith, of such books as he had chosen for the pur-
pose. The first is very desirable, and the other in-
dispensable ; for, besides the duty enjoined upon you
by the instructions of your preceptors, whilst your
own judgment is locked up in immaturity ; you now
have a peculiar advantage in the attentions of Doctor
Smith to you, who, being a man of learning and
taste himself, will select such authors and subjects, as
will lay the foundation of useful knowledge ; let me
impress it upon you, therefore, again and again, not
only to yield implicit obedience to his choice and in-
structions in this respect, but to the course of studies
also, and that you would pursue both with zeal and
steadiness. Light reading (by this, I mean books of
little importance) may amuse for the moment, but
leaves nothing solid behind.

1796] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 355

The same consequences would follow from incon-
stancy and want of steadiness — for 't is to close appli-
cation and constant perseverance, men of letters and
science are indebted for their knowledge and useful-
ness ; and you are now at that period of life (as I
have observed to you in a former letter) when these
are to be acquired, or lost forever. But as you are
well acquainted with my sentiments on this subject,
and know how anxious all your friends are to see you
enter upon the grand theatre of life, with the advan-
tages of a finished education, a highly cultivated
mind, and a proper sense of your duties to God and
man, I shall only add one sentiment more before I
close this letter (which, as I have others to write, will
hardly be in time for the mail), and that is, to pay
due respect and obedience to your tutors, and affec-
tionate reverence for the president of the college,
whose character merits your highest regards. Let
no bad example, for such is to be met in all semina-
ries, have an improper influence upon your conduct.
Let this be such, and let it be your pride, to demean
yourself in such a manner to obtain the goodwill of
your superiors, and the love of your fellow-students.

Adieu — I sincerely wish you well, being your at-
tached and affectionate friend.

TO JOHN H. STONE, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND.
T)FAR SlR Philadelphia, 23 December, 1796.

Yesterday I received your letter of the 16th in-
stant, covering the resolutions of the Senate and
House of Delegates of the State of Maryland, passed

356 THE WRITINGS OF [1796

on the 1 3th and 14th. The very obliging and friendly
terms, in which you have made this communication,
merit my sincere thanks.1

The manner, in which the two branches of the legis-
lature of Maryland have expressed their sense of my
services, is too honorable and too affectionate ever
to be forgotten. Without assigning to my exertions
the extensive influence they are pleased to ascribe to
them, I may with great truth say, that the exercise
of every faculty I possessed was joined to the efforts
of the virtue, talents, and valor of my fellow-citizens
to effect our independence ; and I concur with the
legislature in repeating with pride and joy, what will
be an everlasting honor to our country, that our
revolution was so distinguished for moderation, virtue,
and humanity, as to merit the eulogium they have
pronounced, of being unsullied with a crime.

With the same entire devotion to my country,
every act of my civil administration has been aimed
to secure to it the advantages, which result from a
stable and free government ; and, with gratitude to
Heaven, I unite to the legislature of Maryland in
the pleasing reflection, that our country has con-
tinued to feel the blessings of peace, liberty, and
prosperity, whilst Europe and the Indies have been
convulsed with the horrors of a dreadful and desolat-

1 Resolutions had been unanimously adopted by the legislature of Maryland,
approving in the highest terms the public services of the President, and par-
ticularly the 'sentiments advanced by him in the Farewell Address. It was
"resolved, that, to perpetuate this valuable present in the most striking view
to posterity, it be printed and published with the laws of this session, as an
evidence of our approbation of its political axioms, and a small testimony of
the affection we bear to the precepts of him, to whom, under Divine Provi-
dence, we are principally indebted for our greatest political blessings."

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 357

ing war. My ardent prayers are offered, that those
afflicted regions may now speedily see their calamities
terminated, and also feel the blessings of returning
peace.

I cannot omit my acknowledgements to the Senate
and House of Delegates for the manner in which
they have noticed my late Address to my fellow-citi-
zens. This notice, with similar acts in other States,
leads me to hope that the advice, which therein I
took the liberty to offer as the result of much experi-
ence and reflection, may produce some good.

Their kind wishes for my domestic happiness, in
my contemplated retirement, are entitled to my cor-
dial thanks.

If it shall please God to prolong a life already far
advanced into the vale of years, no attending felicity
can equal that, which I shall feel in seeing the ad-
ministration of our government operating to preserve
the independence, prosperity, and welfare of the
American people. With great respect and considera-
tion, I am, dear Sir, &c.

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

[private.]
DEAR SlR, • Philadelphia, 4 January, 1797.

As it is very desirable, that the papers respecting
the discontents of France should be got into Con-
gress, and sent also to Mr. Pinckney, as soon as pos-
sible, if you mean to give the other gentlemen a
perusal of the statement for the latter, it would save
time, if this were done as you are proceeding towards

358 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

the close of that statement. It is questionable,
whether the present and pressing avocations of the
other two secretaries will allow them to go carefully
over it ; but this, I conceive, does not apply to the
Attorney-General.

I have no doubt, that you have taken care and will
continue to be assured of your facts ; for, as this
business will certainly come before the public, not
only the facts, but the candor also, the expression
and force of every word, will be examined with the
most scrutinizing eye, and compared with every thing,
that will admit of a different construction, and, if there
is the least ground for it, we shall be charged with
unfairness and an intention to impose on and to mis-
lead the public judgment.

Hence, and from a desire that the statement may
be full, fair, calm, and argumentative, without asperity
or any thing more irritating in the comments, than
the narration of facts, which expose unfounded charges
and assertions, do themselves produce, I have wished
that the letter to Mr. Pinckney may be revised over
and over again. Much depends upon it, as it relates
to ourselves and in the eyes of the world, whatever
may be the effect, as it respects the governing
powers of France. I am, &c.

TO DAVID STUART.
DEAR SlR, Philadelphia, 8 January, 1797.

Your letter of the 18th ultimo, with its enclosures,
came to hand in the usual course of the post ; but
the pressure of public business has prevented my giv-
ing it an acknowledgment until now.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 359

The first thing I shall do, after I am settled at
Mount Vernon, will be to adjust all my accounts of
a private nature ; the doing of which, as they ought,
has been prevented by public avocations.

What effect M. Adet's conduct has had or will
have on the public mind, you can form a better opin-
ion than me. One of the objects, which he had in
view, (in timing the publication,) 1 is too apparent to
require explanation. Some of his own zealots do not
scruple to confess, that he has been too precipitate,
and thereby injured the cause he meant to espouse ;
which is to establish such an influence in this country,
as to sway the government and control its measures.
Evidences of this design are abundant, and new
proofs are exhibiting themselves every day to illus-
trate the fact ; and yet, lamentable thought ! a large
party, under real or pretended fears of British influ-
ence, are moving Heaven and earth to aid him in
these designs. It is a fact well known, for history
proves it, that, from the restless temper of the French
and the policy of that nation, they attempt openly or
covertly, by threats or soothing professions, to influ-
ence the conduct of most governments. That they
have attempted it with us, a little time will show.
But, finding a neutral conduct had been adopted,
and would not be relinquished by those who admin-
istered the governments, the next step was to try the
people ; and, to work upon them, several presses and

1 Probably the pamphlet, which has just been issued in Philadelphia, en-
titled "Notes addressees par le Citoyen Adet, Ministre Plenipotentiare de la
Republique Francaise pres les Etats-Unis d'Amerique, au Secretaire d'Etat
des Etats-Unis." This pamphlet was printed in French, with a translation
facing each page, the whole extending to ninety-five pages.

360 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

many scribblers have been employed, to emblazon
the improper acts of the British government and its
officers, and to place them in all the most exagger-
ated and odious points of view they were susceptible ;
to complain, that there was not only a deficiency of
friendship, but a want of justice also, in the execu-
tive towards France, the cause of which, say they, is
to be found in a predilection for Great Britain. This
not working as well as was expected, from a supposi-
tion that there was too much confidence, and perhaps
personal regard for, the present chief magistrate and
his politics, the batteries latterly have been levelled at
him particularly and personally. Although he is soon
to become a private citizen, his opinions are to be
knocked down, and his character reduced as low as
they are capable of sinking it, even by resorting to
absolute falsehoods. As an evidence whereof, and of
the plan they are pursuing, I send you a letter from
Mr. Paine to me, printed in this city, and disseminated
with great industry.1 Others of a similar nature are
also in circulation.

To what lengths the French Directory will ulti-

1 This letter from Thomas Paine was one of the many unnecessary follies of
which he was guilty. When in England he received the title of "citizen"
from France, along with Washington, Hamilton, Madison, and a number of
others. He accepted the title of citoyen effusively, and was elected a member
of the National Convention. He was a member of that nondescript body
through all its many changes, was on the constitutional committee, received
pay as a delegate, signed himself concitoyen, and voted even on the question of
the king's execution. Becoming obnoxious to Robespierre, he was thrown into
prison on the charge of being an Englishman, and plotting against France,
and he was fortunate in escaping the fate of his colleagues — the Girondists.
He conceived that Washington should interfere in his behalf ; but such a con-
ception of the functions of the President was as novel as it was remarkable.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 361

mately go, is difficult to say ; but, that they have
been led to the present point by our own people, I
have no doubt. Whether some, who have done this,
would choose to accompany them any farther or not,
I shall not undertake to decide. But I shall be mis-
taken, if the candid part of my countrymen, (although
they may be under a French influence,) do not see
and acknowledge, that they have imbibed erroneous
impressions of the conduct of this government towards
France, when the communication, which I promised at
the opening of the session, and which will be ready
in a few days, comes before the public. It will be
seen, if I mistake not, also, that that country has not
such a claim upon our gratitude, as has been gener-
ally supposed, and that this country has violated no
engagement with it, been guilty of no act of injustice
towards it, nor been wanting in friendship, where it
could be rendered without departing from that neutral
station we had taken and resolved to maintain.

Enclosed also you will receive a production of Peter
Porcupine, alias William Cobbett. Making allowances
for the asperity of an Englishman, for some of his
strong and coarse expressions, and a want of official
information of many facts, it is not a bad thing.

Morris was unable to secure his release, and it was not until the death of
Robespierre that he was freed, and went to live with Monroe. Under the roof
of that minister he wrote his famous letter to Washington, of which one
sentence read: "As to you, sir, treacherous in private friendship (for so
you have been to me, and that in the day of danger) and a hypocrite in public
life, the world will be puzzled to decide, whether you are an apostate or
an impostor ; whether you have abandoned good principles, or whether you
ever had any."

362 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

I rejoice to hear of Mrs. Stuart's restoration to
health, and congratulate you and her on it, and on
the birth of a daughter. My best wishes attend her
and the family. I am, &c.

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

[private.]

Monday, 9 January, 1797.

Dear Sir,

Not having seen the conclusion of your statement
for General Pinckney, (if completed,) and not know-
ing in what manner you propose to sum it up, it has
occurred to me, that closing with some such senti-
ments as the following might not be improper.

That the conduct of the United States towards
France has been, as will appear by the aforegoing
statement, regulated by the strictest principles of
neutrality.

That there has been no attempt in the government
to violate our treaty with that country, to weaken our
engagements therewith, or to withhold any friendship
we could render, consistent with the neutrality we
had adopted.

That peace has been our primary object ; but, so
far has it been from inducing us to acquiesce in
silence to the capturing of our vessels, impressing
our seamen, or to the misconduct of the naval or
other officers of the British government, no instance
can be produced of authenticated facts having passed

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 363

unnoticed, and, where occasion required it, without
strong remonstrances.

That this government, seeing no propriety in the
measure, nor conceiving itself to be under any obliga-
tion to communicate to the ministers of the French
Republic all the unpleasant details of what had passed
between it and the British minister herey or with the
minister of foreign affairs at the court of London, on
these accounts, conscious of its fair dealing towards
all the belligerent powers, and wrapped up in its own
integrity, it little expected, (under the circumstances
which have been enumerated,) the upbraidings it has
met with ; notwithstanding, it now is, as it always
has been the earnest wish of the government (and
you cannot too strongly enforce it) to be on the best
and most friendly footing with the Republic of France ;
and we have no doubt, after giving this candid ex-
position of facts, that the Directory will revoke
the orders, under which our trade is suffering, and
will pay the damages it has sustained thereby. I
am, Sir, yours sincerely.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON PARKE CUSTIS.

Philadelphia, ii January, 1797.

Dear Washington : *

I hasten to acknowledge the receipt of your letter,,
dated the 7th instant, but which did not get to my hands
until yesterday, and to express to you the sincere
pleasure I feel in finding that I had interpreted some

364 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

parts of your letter erroneously. As you have the
best and most unequivocal evidence the case is sus-
ceptible of, that I have no other object in view by
extending my cares and advice to you than what will
redound to your own respectability, honor, and future
happiness in life, so be assured, that while you give
me reasons to expect a ready submission to my coun-
sels, and while I hear that you are diligent in pursu-
ing the means which are to acquire these advantages,
it will afford me infinite gratification. Your last letter
is replete with assurances of this nature — I place en-
tire confidence in them. They have removed all the
doubts which were expressed in my last letter to you,
and let me repeat it again, have conveyed very pleas-
ing sensations to my mind.

It was not my wish to check your correspondences
— very far from it ; for with proper characters (and
none can be more desirable than with your papa and
Mr. Lear) and on proper subjects, it will give you a
habit of expressing your ideas upon all occasions
with facility and correctness. I meant no more, by
telling you we should be content with hearing from
you once a week, than that these correspondences
were not to be considered as an injunction or an
imposition, thereby interfering with your studies or
concerns of a more important nature. So far am I
from discountenancing writing of any kind (except
upon the principle above mentioned) that I should be
pleased to hear, and you yourself might derive advan-
tages from a short diary (recorded in a book) of the
occurances which happen to you within your sphere.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 365

Trifling as this may appear at first view, it may be-
come an introduction to more interesting matters.
At any rate, by carefully preserving these, it would
afford you more satisfaction in a retrospective view,,
that what you may conceive at present.

Another thing I would recommend to you — not
because I want to know how you spend your money
— and that is, to keep an account book, and enter
therein every farthing of your receipts and expendi-
tures. The doing of which would initiate you into a
habit, from which considerable advantages would re-
sult. Where no account of this sort is kept, there
can be no investigation ; no corrections of errors ; no
discovery from a recurrence thereto, wherein too
much, or too little, had been appropriated to partic-
ular uses. From an early attention to these matters,
important and lasting benefits may follow.

We are well, and all unite in best wishes for you ;
and with sincere affection, I am always yours.

TO BENJAMIN WALKER.

Philadelphia, 12 January, 1797.

Dear Walker,

Permit me once more to give you the trouble of
forwarding the enclosed letters to their respective ad-
dresses. If you read the Aurora of this city, or those
gazettes, which are under the same influence, you
cannot but have perceived with what malignant indus-
try and persevering falsehoods I am assailed, in order
to weaken if not destroy the confidence of the public.

366 THE WRITINGS OF [i797

Amongst other attempts to effect this purpose, spu-
rious letters, known at the time of their first publica-
tion (I believe in the year 1777) to be forgeries, to
answer a similar purpose in the revolution, are, or ex-
tracts from them, brought forward with the highest
emblazoning of which they are susceptible, with a view
to attach principles to me, which every action of my
life have given the lie to. But that is no stumbling-
block with the editors of these papers and their sup-
porters. And now, perceiving a disinclination on my
part, perhaps knowing that I had determined not to
take notice of such attacks, they are pressing this
matter upon the public mind with more avidity than
usual, urging that my silence is a proof of their gen-
uineness.

Although I never wrote, or ever saw one of these
letters until they issued from New York in print, yet
the author of them must have been tolerably well
acquainted in, or with some person of, my family, to
have given the names and some circumstances, which
are grouped in the mass of erroneous details. But, of
all the mistakes which have been committed in this
business, none is more palpable, or susceptible of
detection, than the manner in which it is said they
were obtained, by the capture of my mulatto Billy,
with a portmanteau. All the army under my imme-
diate command could contradict this, and I believe
most of them know, that no attendant of mine, or a
particle of my baggage, ever fell into the hands of
the enemy during the whole course of the war.

It would be a singular satisfaction to me to learn,

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 367

who was the author of these letters, and from what
source they originated. No person in this country
can, I conceive, give this information but Mr. Riv-
ington. If, therefore, you are upon terms of famil-
iarity with that gentleman, and see no impropriety in
hinting this desire to him, you would oblige me.
He may comply to what extent his own judgment
shall dictate ; and I pledge my honor, that nothing
to his disadvantage, or the disadvantage of any of
the actors of that time, shall result from it.1

1 A new edition of the spurious letters had lately made its appearance with
the following title. "Epistles Domestic, Confidential, and Official, from
General Washington ; written about the Commencement of the American Con-
test, when he entered on the Command of the Army of the United States. New
York, printed by G. Robinson and J. Bull. London, reprinted by F. H. Riv-
ington, No. 62, St. Raufs Churchyard, 1796." To swell the volume into a
respectable size, and to give the whole an air of genuineness, several important
public despatches were added, which actually passed between General Washing-
ton and British commanders in America, and also a selection from addresses, or-
ders and instructions. In this guise the work had an insidious aim, being intended
to injure the reputation of Washington and weaken the influence of his char-
acter. This edition was sent out shortly after the two volumes of Washington's
Official Letters to Congress, which had been copied by permission in the office
of the Secretary of State, carried to London by Mr. John Carey, and published
there under his direction in the year 1795. This circumstance was made use
of as an additional cover to the deception of the forged epistles, as will be
seen by the following extract from the preface to the volume in which they
were now introduced anew to the public.

" Since the publication of the two volumes of General Washington's Origi-
nal Letters to the Congress, the editor has been repeatedly applied to for the
General's Domestic and Confidential Epistles, first published soon after the
beginning of the American war. These epistles are here offered to the public,
together with a copious appendix, containing a number of Official Letters and
Papers, not to be found in the General's Original Letters lately published. The
world is, without doubt, greatly indebted to the industrious compiler of the two
volumes of Original Letters above noticed ; but the collection must certainly
be looked upon as in a mutilated state, so long as it remains unaccompanied
with the Epistles, &c, which are now respectfully submitted to the patronage
of the public, and which form a supplement absolutely necessary to render the

368 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

I offer the compliments of the season and you will
do me the justice to believe, they are warmer than the
weather, to Mrs. Walker and yourself, of whose
health and happiness we shall always be glad to hear.
I am your affectionate, &c.

MESSAGE TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS ; ON THE IN-
JURY SUSTAINED BY AMERICAN COMMERCE
FROM FRENCH CRUISERS.

January 19th, 1797.

At the opening of the present session of Congress, I mentioned
that some circumstances of an unwelcome nature had lately oc-
curred in relation to France ; that our trade had suffered and
was suffering extensive injuries in the West Indies from the
cruisers and agents of the French Republic ; and that communi-
cations had been received from its minister here, which indicated
danger of a further disturbance of our commerce by its authority,
and that were in other respects far from agreeable ; but that I
reserved for a special message a more particular communication
on this interesting subject. This communication I now make.

The complaints of the French minister embraced most of
the transactions of our government in relation to France from an
early period of the present war ; which, therefore, it was neces-
sary carefully to review. A collection has been formed, of letters
and papers relating to those transactions, which I now lay before

work complete. That this collection of Domestic and Confidential Epistles
will be regarded as a valuable acquisition, by a very great majority of the citi-
zens of the United States, is presumable from the prevailing taste of all well-
informed people. Men not precluded by ignorance from every degree of
literary curiosity, will always feel a solicitude to become acquainted with what-
ever may serve to throw light on the characters of illustrious personages.
History represents them acting on the stage of the world, courting the applause
of mankind. To see them in their real character, we must follow them be-
hind the scenes, among their private connexions and domestic concerns." See
Ford, The Spurious Letters Attributed to Washington , 1889.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 369

you, with a letter to Mr. Pinckney, our minister at Paris, contain-
ing an examination of the notes of the French minister, and such
information as I thought might be useful to Mr. Pinckney in any
further representations he might find necessary to be made to the
French government. The immediate object of his mission was
to make to that government such explanations of the principles
and conduct of our own, as, by manifesting our good faith, might
remove all jealousy and discontent, and maintain that harmony
and good understanding with the French Republic, which it has
been my constant solicitude to preserve. A government, which
required only a knowledge of the truth to justify its measures,
could not but be anxious to have this fully and frankly displayed.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

Philadelphia, 22 January, 1797.

My dear Sir,

Your letter of the 19th inst, was received yester-
day. From the general impression made on my
mind, relative to the claim of M. de Neufville l on
the justice of this country, a delay or a refusal to ad-
minister it would be hard ; but I must add, that I am
too little acquainted with the particulars to form a
correct opinion, and, were it otherwise, I do not see
how I could with propriety appear directly or indi-
rectly in the business, as I do not recollect having
had any agency therein. The numberless applica-

1 M. de Neufville, of Holland, had rendered important political services to
the United States, in promoting loans in that country, and in various pecuniary
transactions. By reason of these services his affairs became embarrassed, and
he died leaving his family in distressed circumstances. His widow came to
the United States, with the view of petitioning Congress for relief, and Mr.
Hamilton wrote to the President on the subject of her claim. "I do not
know," said he, "what the case admits of ; but, from some papers which she
showed me, it would seem that she has pretensions to the kindness of this
country."

37o THE WRITINGS OF [1797

tions of this sort, which are made to me, (often in the
dernier resort,) without the means of relief, are very
distressing to my feelings.

The conduct of France towards this country is, ac-
cording to my ideas of it, outrageous beyond con-
ception ; not to be warranted by her treaty with us,
by the Law of Nations, by any principle of justice,
or even by a regard to decent appearances. From
such considerations something might have been
expected ; but, on her professions of friendship and
loving-kindness toward us I built no hope ; but
rather supposed they would last as long and no
longer, than it accorded with their interest to bestow
them, or found it would not divert us from the
observance of that strict neutrality, which we had
adopted and was persevering in.

In a few days there will be published a statement
of facts, in a letter with references, to General Pinck-
ney, containing full answers to all the charges exhib-
ited in M. Adet's Notes against the conduct of this
government. After reading them with attention, I
would thank you for your sentiments thereon fully
and frankly communicated ; and what you think
ought further to be attempted to preserve this coun-
try in Peace, consistently with the respect which is
due to ourselves.1

1 " Our merchants here are becoming very uneasy on the subject of the
French captures and seizures. They are certainly very perplexing and alarm-
ing, and present an evil of a magnitude to be intolerable, if not shortly reme-
died. My anxiety to preserve peace with France is known to you ; and it
must be the wish of every prudent man, that no honorable expedient for avoid-
ing a rupture be omitted. Yet there are bounds to all things. This country

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 371

In some of the gazettes, and in conversation also,
it is suggested, that an envoy extraordinary ought to
be sent to France ; but is not General Pinckneygone
there already for the express purpose of explaining
matters and removing inquietudes? With what
more could another be charged ? What would that
Gentleman think of having a person treading on his
heels, by the time he had arrived in Paris, when the
arguments used to induce him to go there are all that
could be urged to influence that other ? And where
is the character to be had, admitting the necessity,
in all respects, acceptable and qualified for such a
trust ? The sooner you can give me your senti-
ments on these queries the more pleasing will they
be to, dear Sir, your sincere friend, &c.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE CITY OF WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, 15th February, 1797.

Gentlemen,

Several of your letters have been received within
this few days ; and notwithstanding the accumulation
of business — consequent of the near epoch for my
quitting the chair of government, the receipt of them

cannot see its trade an absolute prey to France, without resistance. We seem
to be where we were with Great Britain, when Mr. Jay was sent there ; and I
cannot discern but that the spirit of the policy, then pursued with regard to
England, will be the proper one now in respect to France, namely, a solemn
and final appeal to the justice and interest of France, and, if this will not do,
measures of self-defence. Any thing is better than absolute humiliation. France
has already gone much further than Great Britain ever did. I give vent to my
impressions on this subject, though I am persuaded the train of your own reflec-
tions cannot materially vary." — Hamilton to Washington, 19 January, 1797.

372 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

should not have remained so long unacknowledged
had I not placed such as related to the power of
Attorney and to some disputed points, into the hands
of the Law officer of the United States for his official
opinion ; without having received his report — owing,
I believe to his having been hurried, almost as much
as myself.

Thus circumstanced, I shall confine the subject of
this letter wholly to the expression of my sentiments
relatively to the public buildings ; conceiving it
necessary that you should be informed of them
without delay. —

When in the course of the Autumn you suggested
the propriety of designating the sites for the Execu-
tive offices, and for providing materials for their
erection, I yielded a ready assent ; and still think
that if we had the means at command, and no doubt
was entertained of the adequacy of them, that these
buildings ought to commence.

But, when the difficulty in obtaining Loans — and
the disadvantageous terms on which the money is
borrowed, has since become so apparent ; — when I
see those whose interest it is to appreciate the credit
of the city, and to aid the Commissioners in all their
laudable exertions, brooding over their jealousies,
and spreading the seeds of distrust ; — and when I
perceive (as I clearly do) that the public mind is in a
state of doubt, if not in despair of having the prin-
cipal building in readiness for Congress, by the time
contemplated ; — for these reasons I say, and for
others which might be enumerated, I am now de-

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 373

cidedly of opinion that the edifices for the Executive
offices ought to be suspended ; — that the work on
the house for the President should advance no faster
(at the expense or retardment of the Capitol) than is
necessary to keep pace therewith ; — and to preserve
it from injury ; — and, that all the means (not essential
for other purposes) and all the force, ought to be
employed on the Capitol.

It may be relied on, that it is the progress of that
building, that is to inspire, or depress public con-
fidence. Under any circumstances this more or less
would be the case ; but when it is reported by many,
and believed by some (without foundation I am per-
suaded) that there is a bias elsewhere ; it is essential
on the score of policy, and for the gratification of the
public wishes, that this work should be vigorously
prosecuted in the manner I have suggested — and I
require it accordingly. — Considered in a simple point
of view, the matter stands thus. — Are the funds suffi-
cient to accomplish all the objects which are contem-
plated ? — If doubts arise, then, which of those objects
are to be preferrd ? — on this ground there would be
but one opinion ; — every body would cry out, the
Capitol. Again, admit that the resources will ulti-
mately be adequate, but cannot be drawn forth in the
ratio of your general wants, will not the same answer
as it respects time apply with equal force to the
building just mentioned ? — This then, seems to be
safe ground to proceed on. It would gratify the pub-
lic wishes and expectation ; — might, possibly appease
clamor ; — and, if all the buildings cannot be com-

374 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

pleted in time no material evil would result from the
postponement of the subordinate offices, until the
Capitol is in such a state of forwardness as to remove
all doubts of its being ready for the reception of Con-
gress by the time appointed. — Another good (men-
tioned in a former letter) would flow therefrom ;
which is, that in proportion as that building ad-
vanced, and doubts subsided, private buildings would
be erected where they would be most wanted for the
accommodation of the members — The public offices
might shift (as they have done) a while longer : I
write in much haste (for this morning's Post) that the
letter may get to you in the course of the week. If
I have expressed myself in such a manner as to be
clearly understood, it is enough ; you must excuse
the scrawl, and believe me to be, with esteem, &c

TO HENRY KNOX.

Philadelphia, 2 March, 1797.

My dear Sir,

Amongst the last acts of my political life, and be-
fore I go hence into retirement, profound will be the
acknowledgment of your kind and affectionate letter
from Boston, dated the 15th of January.

From the friendship I have always borne you, and
from the interest I have ever taken in whatever relates
to your prosperity and happiness, I participated in the
sorrows, which I know you must have felt for your
late heavy losses. But it is not for man to scan the
wisdom of Providence. The best we can do, is to

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 375

submit to its decrees. Reason, religion, and philoso-
phy teach us to do this ; but tis time alone, that
can ameliorate the pangs of humanity and soften its
woes.

To the wearied traveller, who sees a resting-place,
and is bending his body to lean thereon, I now com-
pare myself ; but to be suffered to do this in peace,
is too much to be endured by some. To misrepresent
my motives, to reprobate my politics, and to weaken
the confidence which has been reposed in my admin-
istration, are objects, which cannot be relinquished
by those who will be satisfied with nothing short of
a change in our political system. The consolation,
however, which results from conscious rectitude, and
the approving voice of my country, unequivocally
expressed by its representatives, deprives their sting
of its poison, and places in the same point of view
both the weakness and malignity of their efforts.

Although the prospect of retirement is most grate-
ful to my soul, and I have not a wish to mix again in
the great world, or to partake in its politics, yet I am
not without my regrets at parting with (perhaps never
more to meet) the few intimates, whom I love, and
among these, be assured, you are one.

The account, given by Mr. Bingham and others, of
your agreeable situation and prospects at St. George's,
gave me infinite pleasure ; and no one wishes more
sincerely than I do, that they may increase with your
years. The remainder of my life, (which in the
course of nature cannot be long,) will be occupied in
rural amusements ; and, though I shall seclude myself

376 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

as much as possible from the noisy and bustling
crowd, none more than myself would be regaled by
the company of those I esteem, at Mount Vernon ;
more than twenty miles from which, after I arrive
there, it is not likely I ever shall be.

As early in next week as I can make arrangements
for it, I shall commence my journey for Mount
Vernon. To-morrow at dinner I shall, as a servant
of the public, take my leave of the President elect, of
the foreign characters, heads of departments, &c.,
and the day following, with pleasure, I shall witness
the inauguration of my successor to the chair of gov-
ernment.

On the subject of politics I shall say nothing. You
will have an opportunity of seeing and conversing
with many of the legislators, from whom, so far as
it relates to the proceedings of their own body, they
can give you the details. The gazettes will furnish
the rest.

Mrs. Washington unites with me in every good
wish for you, Mrs. Knox, and family ; and, with un-
feigned truth, I am yours always and affectionately.

TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL.
My DEAR SlR, Philadelphia, 3 March, 1797.

Before the curtain drops on my political life, which
it will do this evening I expect for ever, I shall ac-
knowledge, although it be in a few hasty lines only,
the receipt of your kind and affectionate letter of the
23d of January last.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 377

When I add, that according to custom all the acts
of the session, excepting two or three very unimport-
ant bills, have been presented to me within the last
four days, you will not be surprised at the pressure
under which I write at present. But it must astonish
others, who know that the Constitution allows the
President ten days to deliberate on each bill, which
is brought before him, that he should be allowed by
the legislature less than half of that time to consider
all the business of the session ; and, in some in-
stances, scarcely an hour to revolve the most import-
ant. But as the scene is closing with me, it is of
little avail now to let it be with murmurs.

I should be very unhappy, if I thought, that my
relinquishing the reins of government wrould produce
any of the consequences, which your fears forebode.
In all free governments, contentions in elections will
take place, and, whilst it is confined to our own citi-
zens, it is not to be regretted ; but severely indeed
ought it to be reprobated, when occasioned by for-
eign machinations. I trust, however, that the good
sense of our countrymen will guard the public weal
against this and every other innovation, and that,
although we may be a little wrong now and then, we
shall return to the right path with more avidity. I
can never believe, that Providence, which has guided
us so long and through such a labyrinth, will with-
draw its protection at this crisis.

Although I shall resign the chair of government
without a single regret, or any desire to intermeddle
in politics again, yet there are many of my com-

378 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

patriots, among whom be asssured I place you, from
whom I shall part sorrowing ; because, unless I meet
with them at Mount Vernon, it is not likely that I
shall ever see them more, as I do not expect that I
shall ever be twenty miles from it, after I am tranquilly
settled there. To tell you how glad I should be to
see you at that place is unnecessary. To this I will
add, that it would not only give me pleasure, but
pleasure also to Mrs. Washington, and others of the
family with whom you are acquainted, and who all
unite, in every good wish for you and yours, with, dear
Sir, &c.

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Philadelphia, 3 March, 1797.

Dear Sir,

At the conclusion of my public employments, I
have thought it expedient to notice the publication
of certain forged letters, which first appeared in the
year 1 yyy, and were obtruded upon the public as mine.
They are said by the editor to have been found in a
small portmanteau, that I had left in the care of my
mulatto servant, named Billy, who, it is pretended,
was taken prisoner at Fort Lee, in 1 776. The period,
when these letters were first printed, will be recollected,
and what were the impressions they were intended
to produce on the public mind. It was then sup-
posed to be of some consequence to strike at the
integrity of the motives of the American commander-
in-chief, and to paint his inclinations as at variance

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 379

with his professions and his duty. Another crisis in?
the affairs of America having occurred, the same
weapon has been resorted to, to wound my character
and deceive the people.

The letters in question have the dates, addressesr
and signatures here following : —

"New York, June 12th, 1776. To Mr. Lund Washington, at
Mount Vernon, Fairfax County, Virginia.

"G. W."

" To John Parke Custis, Esq., at the Hon. Benedict Calvert's
Esq., Mount Airy, Maryland, June 18th, 1776.

" Geo. Washington."

"New York, July 8th, 1776. To Mr. Lund Washington, at
Mount Vernon, Fairfax County, Virginia.

"G. W."

"New York, July 15th, 1776. To Mr. Lund Washington.

"G. W."

" New York, July 16th, 1776. To Mr. Lund Washington.

"G. W."

" New York, July 22d, 1776. To Mr. Lund Washington.

"G. W."

"June 24th, 1776. To Mrs. Washington.

"G. W."

At the time, when these letters first appeared, it
was notorious to the army immediately under my
command, and particularly to the gentlemen attached
to my person, that my mulatto man Billy had never
been one moment in the power of the enemy. It is-
also a fact, that no part of my baggage, nor any of
my attendants, were captured during the whole
course of the war. These well-known facts made it
unnecessary, during the war, to call the public atten-

380 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

tion to the forgery, by any express declaration of
mine ; and a firm reliance on my fellow-citizens, and
the abundant proofs, which they gave of their con-
fidence in me, rendered it alike unnecessary to take
any formal notice of the revival of the imposition
during my civil administration. But, as I cannot
know how soon a more serious event may succeed to
that, which will this day take place, I have thought
it a duty, that I owed to myself, to my country, and
to truth, now to detail the circumstances above re-
cited ; and to add my solemn declaration, that the
letters herein described are a base forgery, and that
I never saw or heard of them until they appeared in
print.

The present letter I commit to your care, and de-
sire that it may be deposited in the office of the de-
partment of State, as a testimony of the truth to the
present generation and to posterity. Accept, I pray
you, the sincere esteem and affectionate regard of,
dear Sir, &c. 1

1 The time had now arrived, when Washington was to resign his public
station, and retire to private life. In February the votes had been counted in
Congress for his successor, and it was found that John Adams was elected
President, and Thomas Jefferson Vice-President.

" On the 4th of March, the members of the Senate, conducted by
the Vice-President, together with the officers of the general and State
governments, and an immense concourse of citizens, convened in the
hall of the House of Representatives, in which the oaths were administered
to the President. The sensibility, which was manifested when General
Washington entered, did not surpass the cheerfulness which overspread
his own countenance, nor the heartfelt pleasure with which he saw another
invested with the powers and authorities that had so long been exercised
by himself.

" In the speech delivered by the President on taking the oaths of office,
after some judicious observations on the constitution of his country, and on

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 381

to james Mchenry, secretary of war.
[private.]

Mount Vernon, 3 April, 1797.

Dear Sir,

Your letter of the 24th ult. has been duly received,,
and I thank you for the information given in it. Let
me pray you to have the goodness to communicate

the dangers to which it was exposed, that able statesman thus spoke of his pre-
decessor.

" ' Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are
some of the abuses to which it may be exposed), which the people of America
have exhibited, to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all
nations for eight years, under the administration of a citizen, who, by a long
course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and forti-
tude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues, and animated with
the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty, to independence and peace, to
increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his
fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured
immortal glory with posterity.

" ' In that retirement which is his voluntary choice, may he long live to enjoy
the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy
fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that
splendid prospect of the future fortunes of his country, which is opening
from year to year. His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge
that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's
peace.'

" To testify their love for the person, who had for eight years administered
the government of the United States, the merchants of Philadelphia had pre-
pared a splendid banquet for the day, to which the General, several officers of
rank in the late army, the heads of departments, foreign ministers, and other
persons of distinction were invited. In the rotunda, in which it was given, an
elegant compliment was prepared for the principal guest, which is thus
described in the papers of the day :

"' Upon entering the area, the General was conducted to his seat. On a
signal given, music played Washington's March, and a scene, which represented
simple objects in the rear of the principal seat, was drawn up and discovered
emblematical paintings. The principal was a female figure as large as life,
representing America, seated on an elevation composed of sixteen marble steps.
At her left side stood the federal shield and eagle, and at her feet lay the

382 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

to me occasionally, such matters as are interesting,
and not contrary to the rules of your official duty to
disclose. We get so many details in the Gazettes,
and of such different complexions, that it is impos-
sible to know what credence to give to any of them.

The conduct of the French government is so much
beyond calculation, and so unaccountable upon any
principle of justice, or even of that sort of policy,
which is familiar to plain understandings, that I shall
not now puzzle my brains in attempting to develop
the motives of it.1

We got home without accident, and found the
Roads drier, and better than I ever travelled them at
that season of the year. The attentions we met with
on our journey were very flattering, and to some,
whose minds are differently formed from mine would
have been highly relished ; but I avoided in every
instance, where I had any previous knowledge of the

cornucopia ; in her right hand she held the Indian calumet of peace supporting
.the cap of liberty ; in the perspective appeared the temple of Fame ; and, on
her left hand, an altar dedicated to public gratitude, upon which incense was
burning. In her left hand she held a scroll inscribed Valedictory ; and at the
foot of the altar lay a plumed helmet and sword, from which a figure of
General Washington, large as life, appeared retiring down the steps, pointing
with his right hand to the emblems of power which he had resigned, and with
his left to a beautiful landscape representing Mount Vernon, in front of which
oxen were seen harnessed to the plough. Over the General appeared a genius
placing a wreath of laurels on his head.'" — Marshall's Life of Washington,
vol. v., p. 730 ; Appendix, pp. 34, 35.

1 The refusal of the Directory to receive Pinckney as minister. He reached
Paris on December 5th and on the 12th presented his credentials. Formal
notification was received a few days later that no minister could be received
from the United States, and this act was attributed to a belief that Mon-
roe had been superseded for his kindly feeling to France. On December
30th a public audience of leave was given to Monroe, at which the general
feeling was strongly shown, and by February Pinckney had been told to leave

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 383

intention, and could by earnest entreaties prevail, all
parade or escorts. Mrs. Washington took a violent
cold in Philadelphia, which hangs upon her still ; but
it is not as bad as it has been.1

I find myself in the situation nearly of a young
beginner ; for, although I have not houses to build
(except one, which I must erect for the accommoda-
tion and security of my Military, Civil, and private
Papers, which are voluminous and may be interesting),
yet I have not one, or scarcely anything else about me
that does not require considerable repairs. I n a word, I
am already surrounded by Joiners, Masons, Painters,
&c, &c. ; and such is my anxiety to get out of their
hands, that I have scarcely a room to put a friend
into, or to sit in myself, without the music of ham-
mers, or the odoriferous smell of paint. * * *

Mrs. Washington and Miss Custis are thankful for
your kind rememberance of them, and join me in best
regards for Mrs. Mc Henry and yourself, with, Dear
Sir, Your sincere friend,

the country. This refusal, with the attending " circumstances of indignity,"
was known in America late in March, and induced the President to issue a
proclamation, 25 March, 1797, convening Congress in May.

1 The following extract is from a Baltimore paper, dated March 13th. —
" Last evening arrived in this city, on his way to Mount Vernon, the illustrious
object of veneration and gratitude, George Washington. His Excellency
was accompanied by 'his lady and Miss Custis, [and by the son of the unfor-
tunate Lafayette and his perceptor. At a distance from the city, he was met
by a crowd of citizens, on horse and foot, who thronged the road to greet him,
and by a detachment from Captain Hollingsworth's troop, who escorted him
in through as great a concourse of people as Baltimore ever witnessed. On
alighting at the Fountain Inn, the General was saluted with reiterated and
thundering huzzas from the spectators. His Excellency, with the companions
of his journey, leaves town we understand this morning."

384 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

Mount Vernon, 15 May, 1797.

Dear Sir,

I thank you for the information contained in your
letter of the 19th ultimo, and infer from it with
pleasure, that you must be better if not quite
recovered of the indisposition of which you com-
plained, by your being enabled to write. To know
this, however, would give me satisfaction, as I enter-
tain an affectionate regard for you.

Various conjectures have been formed relative to
the causes, which have induced the President to con-
vene the Congress at this season of the year ; among
others, the laying an embargo is supposed by some
to be in contemplation, whether with or without
foundation, you, who are acting on the great theatre,
have the best means of judging. For myself, having
turned aside from the broad walks of political, into
the narrow paths of private life, I shall leave it with
those, whose duty it is to consider subjects of this
sort, and, (as every good citizen ought to do,) con-
form to whatsoever the ruling powers shall decide.
To make and sell a little flour annually, to repair
houses (going fast to ruin), to build one for the
security of my papers of a public nature, and to
amuse myself in agricultural and rural pursuits,
will constitute employment for the few years I
have to remain on this terrestrial globe. If, to
these, I could now and then meet the friends I
esteem, it would fill the measure and add zest to
my enjoyments ; but, if ever this happens, it must

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 385

be under my own vine and fig-tree, as I do not
think it probable that I shall go beyond twenty
miles from them.

To detail matters of private concern would be as
improper as it would be uninteresting ; and therefore,
upon the principle I have adopted, it will never be in
my power to make adequate returns for your kind
communications, which I wish may be continued,
when you are at leisure and at liberty ; for there is so
little dependence on newspaper publications, which
take whatever complexion the editors please to give
them, that persons at a distance, who have no other
means of information, are oftentimes at a loss to form
an opinion on the most important occurrences. Mrs.
Washington and Nelly Custis unite with me in
cordial remembrance of Mrs Wolcott and yourself,
and with much sincerity I remain affectionately yours.

TO WILLIAM HEATH.

Mount Vernon, 20 May, 1797.

Dear Sir,

Your kind and friendly letter of the 1 7th ultimo
has been duly received, and I beg you to accept my
sincere thanks for the affectionate sentiments you
have been pleased to express for me in it.

I can assure you, Sir, I never ascribed a motive

to the letter you wrote to me on my election to

the chair of government, so unworthy of you as

to suppose it was written with a view of "pressing
25

386 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

yourself into notice, or seeking for a place." On
the contrary I was led to believe, that domestic
enjoyments in rural pursuits had more charms for
you, and were more congenial to your inclination,
than any appointment that would draw you from
home.

I hope, as you do, that, notwithstanding our politi-
cal horizon is much overcast, the wisdom, temper,
and firmness of the government, supported by the
great mass of the people, will dispel the threatening
clouds, and that all will end without any shedding of
blood. To me this is so demonstrable, that not a
particle of doubt would dwell on my mind relative
thereto, if our citizens would advocate their own
cause, instead of that of any other nation under the
sun ; that is, if, instead of being Frenchmen or Eng-
lishmen in politics, they would be Americans, indig-
nant at every attempt of either, or any other power,
to establish an influence in our councils, or presume
to sow the seeds of discord or disunion among us.
No policy, in my opinion, can be more clearly dem-
onstrated, than that we should do justice to all, and
have no political connexion with any of the European
powers beyond those, which result from and serve
to regulate our commerce with them. Our own ex-
perience, if it has not already had this effect, will
soon convince us, that the idea of disinterested favors
or friendship from any nation whatever is too novel
to be calculated on, and there will always be found a
wide difference between the words and actions of any
of them.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 387

It gives me great pleasure to hear from yourself,
that you are writing Memoirs of those transactions,
which passed under your notice during the revolu-
tionary war.1 Having always understood, that you
were exact and copious in noting occurrences at the
time they happened, a work of this kind will, from
the candor and ability with which I am persuaded
your notes were taken, be uncommonly correct and
interesting. Whether you mean to publish them at
your own expense, or by subscription, is not inti-
mated in your letter. If the latter, I pray you to
consider me as a subscriber, and in any event as a
purchaser of your production. That you may enjoy
health to complete the work to your entire satisfac-
tion, I devoutly pray, and that you may live after-
wards to hear it applauded, as I doubt not it will
be, I as sincerely wish. If I should live to see
it published, I shall read it with great avidity.
Retired from noise myself, and the responsibility
attached to public employment, my hours will
glide smoothly on. My best wishes, however, for
the prosperity of our country will always have the
first place in my thoughts ; while to repair build-
ings, and to cultivate my farms, which require close
attention, will occupy the few years, perhaps days,
I may be a sojourner here, as I am now in the
sixty-sixth year of my peregrination through life.
With assurances of great esteem, I remain, dear
Sir, &c.

1 Memoirs of Major-General Heath , containing Anecdotes, Details of Skir-
mishes, Battles, and other Military Events During the American War.

388 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

TO REV. SAMUEL STANHOPE SMITH.

Mount Vernon, 24 May, 1797.

Reverend and Dear Sir,

Your favor of the 18th instant was received by the
last post, the contents of which, relative to Mr.
Custis, filled my mind (as you naturally supposed it
would) with extreme disquietude. From his infancy
I have discovered an almost unconquerable disposi-
tion to indolence in everything that did not tend to
his amusements ; and have exhorted him in the most
parental and friendly manner often, to devote his
time to more useful pursuits. His pride has been
stimulated, and his family expectations and wishes
have been urged as inducements thereto. In short,
I could say nothing to him now by way of admoni-
tion, encouragement, or advice, that has not been
repeated over and over again.

It is my earnest desire to keep him to his studies
as long as I am able, as well on account of the bene-
fits he will derive from them, as for the purpose
of excluding him from the company of idle and
dissipated young men until his judgment is more
matured.

I am to thank you, sir, for your exertions to remove
the error of his present thoughts, and I shall hope for
your further endeavor to effect it. If you find, how-
ever, that the attempt will be in vain, I shall rely on
your judgment to employ his time in such studies as
you conceive will be most advantageous to him during
his continuance with you, and I know of none more

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 389

likely to prove so than those you have suggested, if
his term at college will close with the next vacation.
With very great esteem and regard, I am, reverend
Sir, &c.

TO THOMAS PINCKNEY.

Mount Vernon, 28 May, 1797.

My Dear Sir,

* * * Let me congratulate you on your safe return
to your native country and friends, after the important
services you have rendered to the former, and thank
you, as I most cordially do, for the favorable senti-
ments which you have been pleased to express for
me, and of my public conduct. The approbation you
have given of the latter, be assured, is highly pleasing
to me. To receive testimonies of this kind from the
good and virtuous, more especially from those who
are competent to judge, and have had the means of
judging from the best sources of information, stamps
a value which renders them peculiarly grateful to
one's sensibility.

It remains to be seen whether our country will
stand upon independent ground, or be directed in its
political concerns by any other nation. A little time
will show who are its true friends, or, what is synony-
mous, who are true Americans ; those who are stimu-
lating a foreign nation to unfriendly acts, repugnant
to our rights and dignity, and advocating all its
measures, or those whose only aim has been to
maintain a strict neutrality, to keep the United

39© THE WRITINGS OF [1797

States out of the vortex of European politics, and
to preserve them in peace.

The President's speech will, I conceive, draw forth
mediately or immediately an expression of the public
mind ; and, as it is the right of the people, that this
should be carried into effect, their sentiments ought
to be unequivocally known, that the principles on
which the government has acted, and which, from
the President's speech, are likely to be continued,
may either be changed, or the opposition, that is
endeavoring to embarrass every measure of the
executive, may meet effectual discountenance.
Things cannot, ought not to remain any longer
in their present disagreeable state. Nor should
the idea, that the government and the people have
different views, be suffered any longer to prevail
home or abroad ; for it is not only injurious to us, but
disgraceful also, that a government constituted as ours
is should be administered contrary to their interest, if
the fact be so.1

But, as I did not begin this letter with an intention
of running into any political disquisition, I will stop
where I am, and only add, that with sincere and
affectionate regard I am, dear Sir, &c.

1 President Adams had summoned a special meeting of Congress, chiefly on
account of the state of affairs between the United States and France. On the
31st of May he nominated to the Senate Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Francis
Dana, and John Marshall, to be jointly and severally envoys extraordinary and
ministers plenipotentiary to the French Republic. The object of the mission,
as stated by the President, was, to " dissipate umbrages, remove prejudices,
rectify errors, and adjust all differences, by a treaty between the two powers."
Mr. Dana declined the appointment, and Elbridge Gerry was appointed in
his place.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 391

TO JAMES McHENRY, SECRETARY OF WAR.

Mount Vernon, 29 May, 1797.

Dear Sir,

I am indebted to you for several unacknowledged
letters ; but never mind that ; go on as if you had
them. You are at the source of information, and
can find many things to relate ; while I have nothing
to say, that could either inform or amuse a Secretary
at War in Philadelphia.

I might tell him, that I begin my diurnal course
with the sun ; that, if my hirelings are not in their
places at that time I send them messages expressive
of my sorrow for their indisposition ; that, having put
these wheels in motion, I examine the state of things
further ; and the more they are probed, the deeper I
find the wounds are which my buildings have sus-
tained by an absence and neglect of eight years ; by
the time I have accomplished these matters, break-
fast (a little after seven o'clock, about the time I
presume you are taking leave of Mrs. McHenry),
is ready ; that, this being over, I mount my horse
and ride round my farms, which employs me until
it is time to dress for dinner, at which I rarely miss
seeing strange faces, come as they say out of respect
for me. Pray, would not the word curiosity answer
as well ? And how different this from having a
few social friends at a cheerful board ! The usual
time of sitting at table, a walk, and tea, brings me
within the dawn of candlelight ; previous to which, if
not prevented by company, I resolve, that, as soon as
the glimmering taper supplies the place of the great

392 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

luminary, I will retire to my writing-table and ac-
knowledge the letters I have received ; but when
the lights are brought, I feel tired and disinclined to
engage in this work, conceiving that the next night
will do as well. The next comes, and with it the
same causes for postponement, and effect, and so on.
This will account for your letter remaining so long
unacknowledged ; and, having given you the history
of a day, it will serve for a year, and I am persuaded
you will not require a second edition of it. But it
may strike you, that in this detail no mention is made
of any portion of time allotted for reading. The
remark would be just, for I have not looked into
a book since I came home ; nor shall I be able to do
it until I have discharged my workmen, probably not
before the nights grow longer, when possibly I may
be looking in Doomsday-Book. On the score of the
plated ware in your possession I will say something
in a future letter. At present I shall only add, that
I am always and affectionately yours.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

Mount Vernon, 29 May, 1797.

Dear Sir,

I have received your letter of the 18th instant with
its enclosures, and I thank you for both. The Presi-
dent has in my opinion placed matters upon their
true ground in his speech to Congress. The crisis
calls for an unequivocal expression of the public

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 393

mind, and the speech will mediately or immediately
bring this about. Things ought not, indeed cannot,
remain long in their present state ; and it is time the
people should be thoroughly acquainted with the
political situation of this country, and the causes
which have produced it, that they may either give
active and effectual support to those, to whom they
have intrusted the administration of the government,
if they approve the principles on which they have
acted, or sanction the conduct of their opponents,
who have endeavored to bring about a change by
embarrassing all its measures, (not even short of
foreign means).

We are waiting with no small degree of solicitude,
for the answer of the house of Representatives, that
an opinion may be formed from its complexion of
the temper of that body since its renovation.1

Thus much for our own affairs, which, maugre the
desolating scenes of Europe, might continue in the

1 " I had some hopes that the late conduct of our great and magnanimous
allies would have produced but one sentiment in the Representatives of the
people. I could not be otherwise than disappointed therefore (in a degree, for
there are some, I fear, who under all circumstances are resolved to support their
measures) at the opposition by so great a minority to the reported address.
But so it has been ; and, so it will be — whilst men are actuated by different
motives and views. It is to be hoped, notwithstanding, that even those who
are so tenacious of the honor, dignity, and interest of our good friends, will
not be averse from guarding against their enmity by the adoption of such means
as will enable the Executive to defend the country, against a continuation of
the outrages it has sustained on our commerce. — This being the most effective
if not the only means to obtain their friendship, or forbearance. — If justice is
lacking we ought to render it, — on the other hand let our rights be claimed,
and maintain'd with a dignified firmness. — No just offence can be taken at this,
by France whilst it must be approved by all the rest of the world." — Wash-
ington to Pickering, 12th June, 1797.

394 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

most happy, flourishing, and prosperous train, if the
harmony of the Union were not endangered by the
internal disturbers of its peace. With respect to the
nations of Europe, their situation appears so awful,
that nothing short of Omnipotence can predict the
issue ; although every human mind must feel for the
miseries it endures. Our course is plain ; they who
run may read it. Their's is so bewildered and dark,
so entangled and embarrassed, and so obviously
under the influence of intrigue, that one would sup-
pose, if any thing could open the eyes of our misled
citizens, the deplorable situation of those people
could not fail to accomplish it. * * * With sin-
cere and affectionate regard, I am always yours.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON PARKE CUSTIS.

Mount Vernon, 4 June, 1797.

Your letter of the 29th ultimo, came to hand by
the post of Friday, and eased my mind of many un-
pleasant sensations and reflections on your account.
It has, indeed, done more, it has filled it with pleasure
more easy to be conceived than expressed ; and if your
sorrow and repentance for the disquietude occasioned
by the preceding letter, your resolution to abandon
the ideas which were therein express, are sincere, I
shall not only heartily forgive, but will forget also,
and bury in oblivion all that has passed.

As a testimony of my disposition to do this — of

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 395

the hope I had conceived that reflection would over-
come an indolent habit or bad advice — not a hint re-
specting this matter has been given to any of your
friends in this quarter, although Doctor Stuart and
your mother (with their children) left this on Thurs-
day last, after a stay of a week, and both Mr. Law
and Mr. Peter have been here since the receipt of it.
In a word, your grandmamma, sister, and myself, are
all who were acquainted therewith.

You must not suffer this resolution you have re-
cently entered into, to operate as the mere result of
a momentary impulse, occasioned by the letters you
have received from hence. This resolution should
be founded on sober reflection, and a thorough con-
viction of your error, otherwise it will be as waverings
as the wind, and become the sport of conflicting pas-
sions, which will occasion such a lassitude in your
exertions as to render your studies of little avail. To
insure permanency, think seriously of the advantages
which are to be derived, on the one hand, from the
steady pursuit of a course of study to be marked out
by your preceptor, whose judgment, experience, and
acknowledged abilities, enables him to direct them ;
and, on the other hand, revolve as seriously on the
consequences which would inevitably result from
an indisposition to this measure, or from an idle
habit of hankering after unprofitable amusements
at your time of life, before you have acquired that
knowledge which would be found beneficial in
every situation ; I say before, because it is not my
wish that, having gone through the essentials, you

396 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

should be deprived of any rational amusement after-
ward ; or, lastly, from dissipation in such company
as you would most likely meet under such circum-
stances, who but too often, mistake ribaldry for wit,
and rioting, swearing, intoxication, and gambling for
manliness.

These things are not without momentary charms
to young minds susceptible of any impression, before
the judgment in some measure is formed, and reason
begins to preponderate. It is on this ground, as
well as on account of the intrinsic advantages that
you yourself would experience hereafter from it,
that I am desirous of keeping you to your studies.
And if such characters as I have described should
be found instrumental, either by their advice or
example, in giving your mind a wrong bias, shun
them as you would a pestilence ; for, be assured,
it is not with such qualities as these you ought to be
allied, or with those who possess them to have any
friendship.

These sentiments are dictated by the purest regard
for your welfare, and from an earnest desire to pro-
mote your true happiness, in which all your friends
feel an interest, and would be much gratified to
see accomplished, while it would contribute in an
eminent degree to your respectability in the eyes
of others.

Your endeavors to fulfill these reasonable wishes
of ours can not fail of restoring all the attentions,
protection, and affection of one who has ever been,
and will continue to be, your sincere friend.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 397

TO DAVID HUMPHREYS.

Mount Vernon, 26 June, 1797.

My Dear Humphreys :

Since I did myself the pleasure of writing to you
by Capt. O'Brian, I have been favored with your let-
ters of the 1 st of January and 18th of February. —
The last in date was the first received ; but neither
came to hand until long after I had left the chair of
Government, and was seated in the shade of my own
Vine and Fig tree.

The testimony of your politeness and friendship
to Mrs. Washington and myself, which accompanied
the latter, are accepted with the same cordiality and
chearfulness with which I am sure they were pre-
sented. Presents however, to me, are of all things
the most painful ; but when I am so well satisfied of
the motives which dictated yours my scruples are
removed ; and I receive the buckles (which are in-
deed very elegant) as a token of your regard and
attachment ; and will keep and wear them occasion-
ally for your sake.

As the Gazettes of this country are transmitted
from the department of State, to all our diplomatic
characters abroad, you will of course have perceived
that the measure advised by you relative to the dis-
avowal of the forged letter (attempted to be imposed
on the public, as written by me in 1776) had been
previously adopted ; without any of the accompani-
ments contained in your draught which was received
long after the publication of it.

I am clearly in sentiment with you that every man

398 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

who is in the vigor of life, ought to serve his coun-
try, in what ever line it requires and he is fit for ; It
was not my intention therefore to persuade you to
withdraw your services whilst inclination and the
calls of your Country demanded your service, but
the desire of a companion in my latter days, in whom
I could confide, might have induced me to express
myself too strongly on the occasion. The change
however which I presume has ere this taken place in
your domestic concerns would of itself have annihi-
lated every hope of having you as an inmate if the
circumstance had been known at the time.

On this event, which I persuade myself will be
fortunate and happy for you, I offer my congratula-
tions, with all the sincerity and warmth you can de-
sire ; — and if ever you should bring Mrs. Humphreys1
to the U. States no roof will afford her and you a
more welcome reception than this, while we are the
inhabitants of it.

To the Department of State and the Gazettes
which will be transmitted from thence, I shall refer
you for the political state of our affairs ; but in one
word I might have added, that nothing short of a
general peace in Europe, will produce tranquility in
this Country ; for reasons which are obvious to every
well informed observant man among us. I have con-
fidence however in that providence, which has
shielded the U. States from the evils which have
threatened them hitherto. — And, as I believe the
major part of the people of this country, are well

1 Miss Bulkly.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 399

affected to the Constitution and Government of it, I
rest satisfied that if ever a crisis should arise to call
forth the sense of the Community it will be strong
in support of the Honor and dignity of the nation.
Therefore however much I regret the opposition,
which has for its object the embarrassment of the
administration, I shall view things in the " calm light
of mild philosophy " and endeavor to finish my
course in retirement and ease.

An absence from home of eight years (except short
occasional visits to it which allowed no time to in-
vestigate or look into the real state of my private
concerns) has very much deranged them, and occa-
sioned such depredations upon buildings and all
things around them, as to make the expence of re-
pairs almost as great and the employment of attend-
ing to work men almost as much, as if I had com-
menced an entire new establishment.

The public buildings in the Federal City go on
well : — one wing of the Capitol (with which Congress
might make a very good shift), and the President's
House will be covered in this Autumn, or to speak
more correctly perhaps the latter is now receiving its
cover, and the former will be ready for it by that
epoch. An elegant bridge is thrown over the Poto-
mack at the little falls, and the navigation of the
river above will be completed nearly, this season,
through which an immensity of Produce, must flow
to the shipping Ports thereon.

Alexandria you would scarcely know ; so much has
it encreased, since you was there. Two entire streets

400 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

where Shallops, then laded and unladed, are extended
into the River, and some of the best buildings in the
Town erected on them. — What were the Commons,
are now all enclosed, and many good houses placed
on them.

As my circle is now small my information will be
of course contracted, as Alexandria and the Federal
City will probably be the extent of my perambula-
tions. If you have entered the Matrimonial list — I
pray you to present me in respectful terms to your
lady and at all times and under all circumstances
that you would believe me to be, as I really am, my
dear Sir, &c.

TO JAMES McHENRV, SECRETARY OF WAR.

Mount Vernon, 7th July, 1797.

Dear Sir,

By the last Post I was favored with your letter of
the 3d instant and thank you for its enclosure, al-
though, on the same day, I had, myself, transmitted
a copy thereof to the Secretary of State.

I had doubted awhile, whether to forward it to your
office or that of State, but finally resolved to send it
to the latter, as it seemed more properly I thought, to
belong to that Department.

If the letter (intercepted by Mr. Byers) is a gen-
uine one, and the Gentleman's handwriting is not
easily mistaken, or counterfeited, what excuse can a
late Governor and present Senator of the U S, or his
friends for him, offer for such Nefarious conduct ?
The defence must be curious, and will, I have no

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 401

doubt, be conducted with as much effrontery as art.
I hope, notwithstanding if the fact is proved, that the
author will receive all the Punishment which the
Constitution and Laws of this Country can inflict ;
and thereafter be held in detestation by all good
men. To seek private emolument at the expence of
Public Peace — perhaps at the expence of many inno-
cent lives : and to aim a stroke at the reputation of
a virtuous character, hazarding his health — probably
life, to promote tranquility between the Indians and
our frontier Inhabitants; and by destroying his in-
fluence and well-earned good name among the former,
to render him incapable of serving his Country, and
this forsooth because he may be a stumbling block in
the way of a plan which he has in contemplation, is
a crime of so deep a dye as no Epithet can convey an
adequate idea of to my mind. A poor wretch steal-
ing the worth of a shilling, possibly to buy bread,"
would be hung, or confined to hard labor, and here, a
plan (at which I can only guess) is on foot to defraud
the public of its rights ; deprive Citizens perhaps (in
its consequences) of their lives ; to stigmatise char-
acter ; and ultimately to produce war, with all its
concomitants, wch. will, more than probable, meet
with advocates.

But as you inform me that the matter would be
laid before Congress, on Monday last, I shall wait
(with some degree of impatience I confess) to learn
the result.1

Always, I remain &c.

1 A letter from William Blount, a Senator from Tennessee, to James Carey.
26

402 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

TO SAMUEL WASHINGTON.

Mount Vernon, 12 July, 1797.

Dear Sir,

I perceive by your letter of the 7th Instant that
you are under the same mistake that many others
are, — in supposing that I have money always at
command.

The case is so much the reverse of it, that I found
it expedient, before I retired from public life, to sell
all my Lands (near 5000 acres) in Pennsylvania in
the Counties of Washington and Fayette, and my
lands in the Great Dismal Swamp in Virginia, in
order to enable me to defray the expences of my
station, and to raise money for other purposes.

That these lands might not go at too low a rate
(for they sold much below their value) I was induced
after receiving prompt payment for part, to allow
credit for the remainder of the purchase money, in
obtaining payment of which from two of the pur-
chasers, I find much difficulty ; but a third having
within these few days paid me an installment of three
thousand Dollars, I will, rather than you should be
compelled to sell your land, lend you a third of them,
altho' it will be inconvenient for me to do so ; and
may be the means of retarding my purchase of wheat

the government interpreter of the Creeks and Cherokees, had been disclosed in
July, 1797, and was interpreted as a plan for exciting Indian hostilities upon
an extensive scale. It was made the basis of proceedings against Blount by
Congress, the charge in substance being that he " did conspire to set on foot a
military hostile expedition against the Floridas and Louisiana," for the purpose
of conquering them from Spain and for Great Britain. He was expelled from
the Senate, but an impeachment failed.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 403

for my mill ; — which for want of it, has been very un-
productive to me for several years ; — I might indeed
say an expence to me. —

It is because you have assured me that misfortunes
have brought on your present difficulties (tho' by the
by let me observe if you had inspected as you ought,
the staking of your wheat more closely, the spoiling
thereof might have been avoided) and because I have
heard that you are industrious and sober that I put
myself to the inconvenience of parting with the above
sum ; for I would not lend it for the purpose to enable
you to indulge in any thing that is not strictly ceco-
nomical and proper ; and I shall add further, that it
will be my expectation that the money be imme-
diately applied to the uses for which you have
required it — for you may be assured that there is no
practice more dangerous than that of borrowing
money (instance as proof the case of your father and
uncles). For when money can be had in this way,
repayment is seldom thought of in time ; — the Inter-
est becomes a moth ; — exertions to raise it by dint of
Industry ceases — it comes easy and is spent freely;
and many things indulged in that would never be
thought of, if to be purchased by the sweat of the
brow. — in the mean time the debt is accumulating
like a snow ball in rolling.

I mention these things to you, because your inex-
perience may not have presented them to your mind
— but you may rely on it that they are indubitable
facts, and have proved the ruin of thousands before
suspected. — Great speculations and sometimes trade

4o4 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

may be benefitted of obtaining money on Interest,
but no landed Estate will bear it. —

I do not make these observations on account of the
money I have purposed to lend you, because all that
I shall require is, that you will return the nett sum
when in your power, without Interest. — It may & at
any rate as it was * * * '

TO WILLIAM STRICKLAND.

Mount Vernon, 15 July, 1797.

Sir,

I have been honored with yours of the 30th of
May and 5th of Sept. — of last year.

As the first was in part an answer to a letter I took
the liberty of writing to you, and the latter arrived in
the middle of an important Session of Congress, which
became more interesting as it drew more nearer to
its close, in as much as it was limitted by the Constitu-
tion to the 3d of March, and on that day was to give
political dissolution to the house of representatives,
a third part of the Senate, and the Chief Magistrate
of the United States, I postponed from the pressure of
business occasioned thereby the acknowledgment of
all private letters, which did not require immediate
answers until I should be seated under my own vine
and fig Tree where I supposed I should have abundant
leisure to discharge all my Epistolary obligations. —
In this however I have hitherto found myself mis-
taken, for at no period have I been more closely

1 The letter is incomplete.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 405

employed in repairing the ravages of an eight years
absence (except short occasional visits which allowed
no time for that investigation, which, since my estab-
lishment here, I have found my Buildings, Gardens,
and every thing appertaining to them, so much re-
quired). Engaging Workmen of different sorts, pro-
viding for and looking after them, together with the
necessary attention to my farms, have occupied all
my time since I have been at home.

Unimportant as these details must be to you, an
apology in my estimation seemed necessary for suf-
fering so interesting a letter as yours of the 5th of
September to remain so long unacknowledged. —
and I could offer none better than the facts which
occasioned it. I was far from entertaining sanguine
hopes of success in my attempt to procure tenants
from Great Britain, — but being desirous of rendering
the evening of my life as tranquil and free from care
as the nature of things would admit I was willing to
make the experiment.

Your observation with respect to occupiers and
proprietors of land has great weight, and being conge-
nial with my own Ideas on the subject was one reason,
though I did not believe it would be so considered,
why I offered my Farms to be let : — Instances have
occured and do occur daily to prove that capitalists
from Europe have injured themselves by precipitate
purchases, of free hold Estates immediately upon their
arrival in this Country, while others have lessened
their means in exploring states and places in search
of locations ; whereas if, on advantageous terms, they

4o6 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

could have been first seated as tenants ; they wou'd
have had time and opportunities for the propensity
to become holders of Land themselves, for making
advantageous purchases. But it is so natural for
man to wish to be the absolute Lord and Master of
what he holds in occupancy, that his true interest is
often made to yield to a false ambition. Among
these the Emigrant from the New England States
may be classed and will account in part for their
migration to the Westward. Conviction of these
things having left little hope of obtaining such Tenants
as would answer my purposes, I have had it in con-
templation ever since I returned home to turn my
farms to grazing principally, as fast as I can cover the
fields sufficiently with grass. Labor and of course
expence will be considerably diminished by this
change, the nett profit as great and my attention less
divided, whilst the fields will be improving.

Your strictures on the Agriculture of this country
are but too just — it is indeed wretched — but a lead-
ing, if not the primary, cause of its being so is that,
instead of improving a little ground well, we attempt
much and do it ill. — A half a third or even a fourth of
what we mangle, well wrought and properly dressed,
wou'd produce more than the whole under our
system (if it deserves that epithet) of management.
Yet, such is the force of habit, that we cannot depart
from it. The consequence of which is that we ruin
the lands that are already cleared and either cut down
more wood if we have it, or emigrate into the West-
ern Country. — I have endeavored both in a public

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 407

•

and private character to encourage the establishment
of Boards of Agriculture in this Country, but hitherto
in vain ; and what is still more extraordinary and
scarcely to be believed I have endeavored ineffec-
tually to discard the pernicious practice just men-
tioned from my own estate ; but in my absence,
pretexts of one kind or another have always been
paramount to orders. Since the first Establishment
of the National Board of Agriculture in Great Britain,
I have considered it as one of the most valuable In-
stitutions of modern times, and conducted with so
much ability and zeal as it appears to be under the
auspices of Sir John Sinclair, must be productive of
great advantages to the Nation and to Mankind in
General. —

My system of Agriculture is what you have de-
scribed, and I am persuaded, was I to farm it on a
large scale, would be improved by the alteration you
have proposed ; — at the same time I must observe
that I have not found Oats so great an exhauster as
they are represented to be — but in my system they
follow wheat too closely to be proper, and the rota-
tion will undergo a change in this, and perhaps in
some other respects.

The Vetch of Europe has not succeeded with me ;
our frosts in Winter and droughts in Summer, are
too severe for them. — how far the Mountain or Wild
Pea would answer as a substitute by cultivation, is
difficult to decide, because I believe no trial has been
made of them and because their spontaneous growth
is in Rich lands only : — that they are nutricious in

408 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

a great Degree in their wild state admits of no
doubt. —

Spring Barley such as we grow in this Country has
thriven no better with me than Vetches. — The result
of an Experiment made with a little of the True Sort
might be interesting. — Of the field Peas of England
(different kinds) I have more than once tried, but
not with encouragement to proceed ; for among other
discouragements they are perforated by a bug which
eats out the kernal. From the cultivation of the
common black eye peas, I have more hope and am
trying them this year both as a Crop and for plowing
in as a manure but the severe drought under which
we labor at present may render the Experiment
inconclusive. — It has in a manner destroyed my oats ;
and bids fair to do so by my Indian Corn.

The practice of plowing in Buck wheat twice in
the season, as a fertilizer is not new to me. It is
what I have practiced — or, I ought to have said
rather, — attempted to practice, the last two or three
years, but like most things else in my absence, it has
been so badly executed — that is the turning in of the
plants has been so illy timed, as to give no result. I
am not discouraged however by these failures, for if
pulverizing the soil, by fallowing and turning in
vegetable substances for manure are proper prepara-
tives for the Crop that is to follow ; there can be no
question, that a double portion of the latter, without
an increase of the plowing must be highly beneficial.
— I am in the act of making another experiment of
this sort, and shall myself attend to the operation

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 409

which however may again prove abortive from the
cause I have mentioned — viz — the drought.

The lightness of our oats is attributed more than
it ought to be to the unfitness of the climate of the
Middle states. That this may be the case in part
and nearer the sea board in a greater degree, I will
not controvert ; but it is a well known fact that no
country produces better oats than those that grow on
the Allegany Mountains immediately Westward of
us — I have heard it affirmed that they weigh upwards
of 50 lbs the Winchester bushel. — This may be
occasioned by the fertility of the soil, and the attrac-
tion of moisture by the mountains — but another
reason and a powerful one too, may be assigned for
the inferiority of ours, namely that we are not
choice in our seeds and do not change them as we
ought.

The seeds you were so obliging as to give me,
shared the same fate that Colo. Wadsworth's did ;
and as I believe seeds from England generally will
do, if they are put into the hold of the vessels. For
this reason, I always made it a point, whilst I was in
the habit of importing seeds, to request my merchants
and the masters of vessels by which they were sent
to keep them from the heat thereof.

You make a distinction, and no doubt a just one,
between what in England is called Barley, and Big
or Beer. — If there be none of the true Barley in this
country it is not for us without Experience to pro-
nounce upon the growth of it ; and therefore, as
noticed in a former part of this letter it might be

410 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

interesting to ascertain whether our climate and soil
would produce it to advantage. No doubt, as your
observations while you were in the United States
appear to have been extensive and accurate, it did
not escape you, that both Winter and Spring Barley
are cultivated among us ; the latter is considered as
an uncertain crop — South of New York, and I have
found it so on my farms : — of the latter I have not
made sufficient trial to hazard an opinion of success.
About Philadelphia it succeeds well. —

The cassia charmcecrista, or Eastern shore Bean,
as it is denominated here, has obtained a higher
reputation than it deserves ; and like most things
unnaturally puffed sinks into disrepute. Ten or
more years ago, led away by exaggerated accounts of
its fertilizing quality, I was induced to give a very
high price for some of the seed, and attending to the
growth in all its stages, I found that my own fields
which had been uncultivated for two or three years,
abounded with the same plants ; without perceiving
any of those advantages which had been attributed
to them.

I am not surprized that our mode of fencing should
be disgusting to an European eye ; happy wou'd it
have been for us if it had appeared so in our own
eyes ; for no sort of fencing is more expensive or
wasteful of timber. I have been endeavoring for
years to substitute live fences in place of them, but
my long absences from home has in this as in every
thing else, frustrated all my plans that required time
and particular attention to effect it. I shall now

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 411

(although it is too late in the day for me to see the
result) begin in good earnest to Ditch and hedge ;
the latter I am attempting with various things but
believe none will be found better than cedar, al-
though I have several kinds of white thorn growing
spontaneously on my own grounds. —

Rollers I have been in the constant use of many
years — in the way you mention, and find considerable
benefit in passing them over my winter grain in the
Spring as soon as the ground will admit a hoof on it.
I use them also on Spring grain and grass seeds,
after sowing and sometimes before, to reduce the
clods when the ground is rough. My clover gener-
ally is sown with Spring grain, but where the ground
is not too stiff and binding it succeeds very well on
wheat, sown on a light snow in February, or begin-
ning of March ; it sinks with the snow and takes
good root — and orchard grass of all others is in my
opinion the best mixture with clover : — it blooms
precisely at the same time, rises quick again after
cutting — stands thick — yields well — and both horses
and cattle are fond of it — green or in hay. Alone,
unless it is sown very thick it is apt to form tussacks ;
if of this or any other seeds I can procure, you shou'd
be in want, I shall have great pleasure in furnishing
them. * * *

For the detailed account of your observations on
the Husbandry of these United States, and your
reflection thereon, I feel myself much obliged ; and
shall at all times be thankful for any suggestions on
agricultural subjects, you may find leizure and inclina-

4i2 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

tion to favor me with, as the remainder of my life
(which in the common course of things Now in my
66th year, cannot be of long continuance) will be
devoted wholy to rural and agricultural pursuits.

Mrs. Washington feels the obligation of your
polite remembrance of her — and Mr. and Mrs. Law,
who went from hence yesterday, have added a daugh-
ter to their stock, and are all in good health. For
the trouble you took in going to Hull, to see if any
of the Emigrants who were on the point of sailing
from thence to America, would answer my purposes
as tenants and for your very kind and friendly offer
of rendering me services, I pray you to accept my
sincere thanks, and an assurance of the Esteem &c.

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Mount Vernon, 4 August, 1797.

Dear Sir,

In a late letter from the Attorney General (Lee)
he has requested a copy of the opinion he gave rela-
tive to the recall of Mr. Monroe. —

Among the packages most likely (as I conceived)
to produce it, I have searched for the original in
vain ; — nor among these do I find the opinions of the
Heads of Departments on various other subjects. —
How to account for this I am unable, unless the
bundle containing them, which I once put into your
hands, for a particular purpose was never returned,
or left by Mr. Lear and Mr Dandridge (who were

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 413

employed in separating and packing up my Papers)
put them by mistake among the files which were
intended for my successor in office.

I have not yet opened all my packages of papers,
nor can I do it until I have provided some place, in
which they can be depositted with safety — but I pray
you to let me know whether the bundle I have
alluded to, was returned or not by you. — Your answer
may save a further search and some anxiety. —
With &c.

TO JAMES McHENRY, SECRETARY OF WAR.

Mount Vernon, 14 August, 1797.

Dear Sir,

It is a little out of time, to acknowledge the receipt
of your letter of the 9th ulto. but u better late than
never" — and one object in doing it, is to pray you to
thank Mr. Bordley in my name, for the work he had
the goodness to send me, through the channel of
your conveyance.

I presume the. affair of Mr. Blount will lye dor-
mant untill the Committee of Congress make Report
at the ensuing Session. It will be to be regretted
much, if this business is not probed to the bottom.
That Government may not sleep or be forgotten in
the meantime, I perceive Mr Monroe has opened a
Battery against it ; but if his subsequent fire does no
more injury than the first, his Artillery will recoil
upon himself.

It had escaped me until reminded by a reperusal

4i4 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

of some of your first letters, that my Table ornaments
and Coolers were in your possession. Not for the
value of the thing, but as a token of my friendship
and as a remembrancer of it, I ask you, Colonel Pick-
ering, and Mr Wolcott to accept, each one of the two
bottle Coolers.

The other articles I pray you to have carefully
packed (the Porcelain in fine Saw dust) and sent to
Colo. Biddle, who will be directed what to do with
them and will pay the cost of packing.

What is the character of Porcupine's Gazette ? I
had thought when I left Philadelphia, of ordering it
to be sent to me ; then again, I thought it best not
to do it ; and altho I should like to see both his and
Bache's, the latter may, under all circumstances, be
the best decision, I mean not subscribing to either of
them.

Mrs. Washington and Miss Custis thanks you for
your kind remembrance of them ; and unite with me
in best regards for Mrs McHenry, yourself and family.
With much truth I am your sincere friend and affec-
tionate servant &c.

P.S. I shall rely on you to present the Coolers in
my name to the Gentlemen above mentd. Since
writing the letter which encloses this scrap I have
determined to let the Table ornaments and large
coolers go into the hands of Colo. Clement Biddle
unpacked, to see if he can dispose of them ; — and I
pray you to cause them to be delivered in that manner
accordingly.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 415

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Mount Vernon, 29 August, 1797.

Dear Sir,

Your favors of the 9th 10th and 19th inst. have
been duly received ; — for your care of my European
letters and attention to the Copying press, Laws of
the United States, and journals of Congress, I feel
myself obliged. — If the vessel has not already left
Philadelphia the Tryal, Capt. Hand, is up for Alex-
andria, and will afford a good conveyance for the
above articles, as it has other small matters on Board
for me : —

Colo. Monroe passed through Alexandria last week
but did not Honor me by a call. If what he has
promised the public does him no more credit, than
what he has given to it in his last exhibition, his
friends must be apprehensive of a recoil.

From a variety of accounts as well as from Extracts
you had the kindness to send me, I have no doubt in
the change in the sentiments of the people of France
favorable to the Interest of this Country. — But I can
scarsely believe that it will be so great or so sudden
as some imagine. — Candor is not a more conspicuous
trait in the character of Governments than it is of
individuals. It is hardly to be expected then that
the Directory of France will acknowledge its errors ;
and tread back its steps immediately. This would
announce at once that there has been precipitancy
and injustice in the measures they have pursued, — or
that it was incapable of Judging and had been de-
ceived by false misrepresentations. — Pride would be

416 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

opposed to all these, and I can scarsely think the
Directory will relinquish the hold it has upon those
who, more than probable, have suggested and pro-
moted the measures, they have been pursuing. — I
rather suppose that it will lower its tone by degrees
and (as is usual) place the change to the credit of
French Magnanimity — The report, as coining from
Capt. Towers, that General Pinckney had been in-
vited to Paris by the Minister of Foreign Affairs,
attached itself in its passage to Philadelphia, or pass-
ing through different hands. For Genl. Lee (who
hearing various reports of what the Capt. had related
of his conversation with the General) went on board
the Saratoga and got the details without any mention
of that fact, which wou'd have been of too much
importance for omission.

That the statement of facts in the printed letter to
General Pinckney will work conviction and produce
a change of conduct in those who are desirous of in-
formation and not obstinately bent upon wrong
measures ; I have no doubt, — and I can say with
truth that my mind has never been alarmed by any
fears of a war with France. — I always knew that this
Government, had no desire to go to war, with that
or any other Country, and I as firmly believed that
no power without a semblance of Justice would declare
war against it. — That France has stept far beyond
the line of rectitude cannot be denied ; that it has
been encouraged to do so by a party among our-
selves, is to my mind equally certain ; and when it is
considered moreover, that enriching themselves and

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 417

injuring Great Britain were the expected consequences
of their spoilations, I could account (tho' not on
honorable principles in them) for their going to a
certain point, — but I never did believe that they
would declare an open war against us — or compel us,
if they foresaw that would be the result, to declare it
against them. —

Enclosed you will receive, if this letter gets safe,
$35 in bank notes of the United States, and it would
add to my convenience if Mr Taylor would be so
obliging as to have the press fixed for copying : for
as the use of one was not practiced by me, I may be
at a loss in doing it. — I do not mean that it should
be accompanied by a Table, but board only between
the Rollers, as the screws which I have to a small
press, will I presume answer for the other, I wou'd
pray him also (if the press is still with him) to use it,
and that if there be any imperfection, that it may be
corrected before it comes hither, as I should be
unable to do it afterwards. With very great esteem
and regard I am &c.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON PARKE CUSTIS.

Mount Vernon, 29 August, 1797.

Dear Washington :

Your letter of the 21st instant, came to hand by

the last post, and as usual, gave us pleasure to hear

that you enjoyed good health, were progressing well

in your studies, and that you were in the road to

promotion.
27

418 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

The senior class having left, or being on the point
of leaving college, some of them with great eclat,
ought to provoke strong stimulus to those who re-
main, to acquire equal reputation, which is not other-
wise to be done than by perseverance and close
application ; in neither of which I hope you will be
found deficient.

Not knowing the precise time that the vacation
commences, I have put under cover with this letter
to Doctor Smith, forty dollars to defray the expenses
of your journey ; and both your grandmamma and
myself desire that you will not think of doing it by
water, as the passage may not only be very tedious,
but subject to a variety of accidents, to which a
journey by land is exempt ; and as the yellow fever
is announced from authority to be in Philadelphia
we enjoin it on you strictly to pursue the route, and
the direction which you may receive from the presi-
dent of the college, to avoid the inconveniences and
consequences which a different conduct might involve
you and others in.

Although I persuade myself that there is no occa-
sion for the admonition, yet I exhort you to come
with a mind steadfastly resolved to return precisely
at the time alloted, that it may be guarded against
those ideas and allurements which unbend it from
study, and cause reluctance to return to it again.
Better remain where you are than suffer impressions
of this sort to be imbibed from a visit, however
desirous that visit may be to you, and pleasing to
your friends, who will prefer infinitely your perma-

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 419

nent good, to temporary gratifications ; but I shall
make all fears of this sort yield to a firm persuasion,
that every day convinces you more and more of the
propriety and necessity of devoting your youthful
days in the requirement of that knowledge which
will be advantageous, grateful, and pleasing to you in
maturer years, and may be the foundation of your
usefulness here, and happiness hereafter.

Your grandmamma (who is prevented writing to
you by General Spotswood and family's being here)
has been a good indisposed by swelling on one side
of her face, but it is now much better. The rest of
the family within doors are all well, and all unite in
best regards for you, with your sincere friend, and
affectionate

TO GENERAL LAFAYETTE.

Mount Vernon, 8 October, 1797.

My Dear Sir,

This letter I hope and expect will be presented to
you by your son, who is highly deserving of such
parents as you and your amiable lady.

He can relate, much better than I can describe, my
participation in your sufferings, my solicitude for
your relief, the measures I adopted, (though ineffec-
tual,) to facilitate your liberation from an unjust and
cruel imprisonment, and the joy I experienced at the
news of its accomplishment. I shall hasten, there-
fore, to congratulate you, and be assured that no one
can do it with more cordiality, with more sincerity, or

42o THE WRITINGS OF [1797

with greater affection, on the restoration of that lib-
erty, which every act of your life entitles you to the
enjoyment of ; and I hope I may add, to the uninter-
rupted possession of your estates, and the confidence
of your country. The repossession of these things,
though they cannot compensate for the hardships you
have endured, may nevertheless soften the painful re-
membrance of them.

From the delicate and responsible situation in
which I stood as a public officer, but more especially
from a misconception of the manner in which your
son had left France, (till explained in a personal
interview with himself,) he did not come immediately
into my family on his arrival in America, though he
was assured in the first moments of it of my protec-
tion and support. His conduct, since he first set his
feet on American ground, has been exemplary in
every point of view, such as has gained him the
esteem, affection, and confidence of all who have had
the pleasure of his acquaintance. His filial affection
and duty, and his ardent desire to embrace his parents
and sisters in the first moments of their releasement,
would not allow him to wait the authentic account
of this much desired event ; but, at the same time that
I suggested the propriety of this, I could not with-
hold my assent to the gratification of his wishes to fly
to the arms of those whom he holds most dear, per-
suaded as he is from the information he has received,
that he shall find you all in Paris.

M. Frestel has been a true Mentor to George. No
parents could have been more attentive to a favorite

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 4"

son ; and he richly merits all that can be said of his
virtues, of his good sense, and of his prudence. Both
your son and him carry with them the vows and re-
grets of his family, and of all who know them. And
you may be assured, that you yourself never stood
higher in the affections of the people of this country,
than at the present moment.1

With what concerns myself personally, I shall
not take up your time further than to add, that I have
once more retreated to the shades of my own vine,
and fig Tree where I shall remain with best vows for
the prosperity of that country for whose happiness I
have toiled many years, to establish its Independence,
Constitution and Law, — and for the good of mankind
in general, until the days of my sojournment, which
cannot be many, are accomplished.

Having bid a final adieu to the walks of public life,
and meaning to withdraw myself from the politics
thereof, I shall refer you to M. Frestel and George,
who, (at the same time that they have from pruden-
tial considerations avoided all interference in the
politics of the country,) cannot have been inattentive
observers of what was passing among us, to give you
a general view of our situation, and of the party,
which in my opinion has disturbed the peace and
tranquillity of it. And with sentiments of the highest
regard for you, your lady, and daughters, and with
assurances, that, if inclination or event should induce
you or any of them to visit America, no person in it

1 George W. Lafayette, and M. Frestel sailed from New York for France
on the 26th of October.

422 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

would receive you with more cordiality and affection,
than Mrs. Washington and myself would do, both of
us being most sincerely and affectionately attached to
you and admirers of them, yours, ever, &c.

TO BUSHROD WASHINGTON.

Mount Vernon, 9 October, 1797.

Dear Sir,

Mr. Thomas Pearson, heir in tail to Simon Pear-
son, his brother, has brought suit in the Court of
this County, for the lands which the latter sold to
Win. Triplett, George Johnson and myself, five and
thirty years ago. —

I understand from Colo. Simms, who is Pearson's
Lawyer, that his complaint is founded upon some ir-
regularity in the proceedings of the Jury, who met on
the land to value the same, pursuant to a writ of
ad quod damnum — and the examination of the evi-
dence to prove these irregularities went (for I at-
tended) to the establishment of two Points — 1st. that
there was no survey of the premises in presence of
the Jury, at the time of their enquiry into the value
of the land ; and 2ly. that the said Jury did not ex-
plore it sufficiently to ascertain with exactness what
the real value of the land was.

This is the amount of Grafton Kirk's evidence,
who was one of the Jurors, and who from your prac-
tice in Fairfax County, you may have learnt, is a rare
hand at all obsolete claims that depend much on a
good memory.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 423

As I shall be ultimately affected in this business if
Pearson's claim obtains (having sold my part of the
tract (178 acres) to Mr. Lund Washington), it be-
hooves me to look into the matter timously — let me
then ask your opinion on the following points ? —

1 st. Does the Law providing for the Docking of
Entails, by a writ of ad quod damnum, make a survey
in presence of the Jury an essential Part of the pro-
ceedings ? —

The Writ itself (of which I retained a copy) direct-
ing the Sheriff to summon respectable men of his
County for the purpose of ascertaining the value of
the land &c, requires no such thing.

2d. Who is to Judge of the mode by which a Jury
on oath is to report their opinion of the value of the
land if they are not to do it themselves ? —

Mr. Kirk swears he did not, on the day, traverse a
foot of the land. — Why ? because, says he, living
adjoining thereto, I could not be made better ac-
quainted with it than I was ; neither did J no. Askins
(another of the Jurymen) stir from the house at which
they met ; on the Land. — Why again? because Jno.
Askins knew it as well as he did. — The rest of the
Jurors he acknowledged rode, but were not gone long
enough to go over quarter part of the land. — These
if not the words are the literal meaning of them, and
the sum of Grafton Kirk's evidence. — No tampering
with the Jury to under value the land is even hinted
at. — and the transfers devises and descent to Simon
Pearson are admitted to be good in order to prove
that the said Simon held the land in fee tail and dying

424 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

(as they say) without legitimate children, that Thos.
Pearson his brother is heir in tail.

3d. Whether as Simon was lawfully married and
never legally divorced the children of that woman
though begotten (no matter by whom) in the state
of separation from him is not a bar to the claim of
Thomas ?

4th. What operation will the Act of Assembly of
Virginia for Docking all Entails, (passed many years
after the land in dispute was Docked by a writ of ad
quod damnum, and sold in 1762) and many years too
before the death of Simon Pearson which only hap-
pened last Spring have in this Case ? — It being
understood that the said Simon conveyed the 178
acres to me with a general Warrantee.

5th. I would ask how far my conveyance of
the said land to Mr. L. Washington with a general
Warrantee also, make me liable for the buildings as
well as the land which has been placed thereon ? —
and

6th. Whether I had better interest my self in de-
fending the suit already commenced in the County
Court, or await the decision there and take it up
in the dernier resort, if it shd be adverse. I wish
also as the case in my judgment turns upon simple
points which do not require much study or research,
to be informed (confidentially) whether in your opin-
ion Mr. Swan's demand for defending the suit is not
unreasonable ? — viz. : $100 in hand and the like sum
at the close of the business ? —

You may think me an unprofitable applicant in

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 425

asking opinions and requiring services of you without
dousing my money, but pay day may come. If the
cause should go to the higher Courts I shall expect
you will appear for me, and Mr. Marshall also (if you
should not have quit the practice). If the latter
should not be returned in time, say who else had I
best employ ? I beg you will send me and as soon
as you can certified copies from the Records of
Richmond, of the papers mentioned in the enclosed.
— With sincere friendship &c.

P. S. Whether Colo. Simms has any thing in petto
I am unable to say, I am told however that he is
sanguine and some add that he is to go snacks —

TO WILLIAM GORDON.

Mount Vernon, 15th October, 1797.

Revd. Sir ;

Your favor of the 20th Feby. has been received,
and I am indebted to you for many other unacknowl-
edged letters. The truth is, I soon found after en-
tering upon the duties of my late public station that
private correspondences did not accord with official
duties ; and being determined to perform the latter
to the best of my abilities ; I early relinquish'd the
former, when business was not the subject of them.

It might be asked why suffer the letter of the 20th
of Feby. (which is of the latter description) to re-
main unacknowledged, after I had months past bid
adieu to my public walks ? — the answer is easy. — An
eight years absence from home (excepting short oc-

426 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

casional visits) had so deranged my private affairs ; —
had so despoiled my buildings ; — and in a word had
thrown my domestic concerns into such disorder, — as
at no period of my life have I been more engaged
than in the last six months to recover and put them
into some tolerable train again.

Workmen in most Countries I believe are neces-
sary plagues ; — in this where entreaties as well as
money must be used to obtain their work and keep
them to their duty they baffle all calculation in the
accomplishment of any plan or repairs they are en-
gaged in ; — and require more attention to and look-
ing after than can be well conceived. Numbers of
these of all descriptions having been employed by me
ever since I came home (to render my situation com-
fortable the ensuing Winter) has allowed me little
leisure for other occupations.

Rural employments while I am spared (which in
the natural course of things cannot be long) will now
take place of toil, — responsibility — and the solicitudes
attending the walks of public life ; and with vows for
the Peace, happiness and prosperity of a Country in
whose service the prime of my life hath been spent,
— and with best wishes for the tranquility of all na-
tions, and all men, the scene will close, — grateful to
that providence which has directed my steps and
shielded me in the various changes and chances,
through which I have passed from my youth to the
present moment. —

I scarcely know what you alluded to in your letter
of the 20th of Feby. when you say " I observed in

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 427

the Philadelphia papers, mention made of a publica-
tion of a volume of your Epistles, domestic confi-
dential and official." — unless it be the spurious letters
which issued from a certain press in New York dur-
ing the war, with a view to destroy the confidence
which the army and community might have had in
my political principles ; — and which have lately been
republished with greater avidity and perseverance
than ever, by Mr. Bache to answer the same nefari-
ous purpose with the latter. —

I suffered every attack that was made upon my
Executive Conduct (the one just mentioned among
the rest) to pass unnoticed while I remained in pub-
lic office, well knowing that if the general tenor of
it wou'd not stand the test of investigation, a news-
paper vindication would be of little avail. — but as
immense pains has been taken by this said Mr. Bache
who is no more than the agent or tool of those who
are endeavoring to destroy the confidence of the
people, in the officers of Government (chosen by
themselves) to disseminate these counterfeit letters,
I conceived it a justice due to my own character,
and to posterity to disavow them in explicit Terms,
and this I did in a letter directed to the Secretary of
State, to be filed in his office the day on which I
closed my Administration. — This letter has since
been published in the Gazettes by the head of that
Department.

With respect to your own request I can say
nothing. So many things are continually given to the
public of which I have no previous knowledge nor

428 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

time indeed to inspect them if I had been therewith
informed — that I may mistake the meaning of it. —
the late Secretary of State (now Vice President)
permitted a Mr. Carey1 my consent being first ob-
tained to take copies under his inspection of the
letters I had written to Congress, which letters have
since been published and are I presume genuine and
must be those which you refer to — But as they are
the work of another who is now in England on this
business, I cannot suppose that you had it in contem-
plation to derive a benefit from his labors — I shall
only add therefore that discretion in matters of this
sort must be your guide without a yea or nay from
me. —

For Politics I shall refer you to the Gazettes of this
Country with which I presume you are acquainted,
and with respect to other matters I have nothing
which would be entertaining or worth narrating.

Mrs. Washington unites with me in best wishes
for the health and happiness of yourself and Mrs.
Gordon — and I am with esteem and respect — Revd.
Sir, &c.

TO JOHN LANGHORNE.

Mount Vernon, 15 October, 1797.

Sir,

Your favor of the 25th ultimo has been received,
but not so soon as might have been expected from
the date of it. For the favorable sentiments you

'John Carey. See Ford, Spurious Letters Attributed to Washington, 16.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 429

have been pleased to express, relative to my conduct
in public life, I thank you. For the divisions which
have taken place among us, with respect to our
political concerns, for the attacks which have been
made upon those, to whom the administration of the
government has been intrusted by the people, and
for the calumnies which are levelled at all those, who
are disposed to support the measures thereof, I feel,
on public account, as much as any man can do, be-
cause in my opinion much evil and no good can
result to this country from such conduct.

So far as these attacks are aimed at me personally,
it is, I can assure you, Sir, a misconception, if it be
supposed I feel the venom of the darts. Within me
I have a consolation, which proves an antidote against
their utmost malignity, rendering my mind in the re-
tirement I have long panted after perfectly tranquil.
I am, &C.1

1 The name placed at the head of this letter was fictitious. A person, sign-
ing himself "John Langhorne," had written to General Washington, with
the insidious design of drawing from him remarks and opinions on political
subjects, which might be turned to his injury, and promote the aims of a party.
The fraud was detected by Mr. John Nicholas, who ascertained accidentally that
a letter from General Washington was in the post-office at Charlottesville, in
Albemarle County, directed to John Langhorne (a name unknown in that
neighborhood), and that it was sent for by a person whose political connexions
and sentiments were in harmony with the party which had opposed the meas-
ures of Washington.

" I know not how to thank you sufficiently, for the kind intention of your
obliging favor of the 18th instant. If the object of Mr. Langhorne, who to
me in personal character is an entire stranger, was such as you suspect, it will
appear from my "nswer to his letter, that he fell far short of his mark. But as
the writer of it seems to be better known to you, and that you may be the bet-
ter enabled to form a more correct opinion of the design, I take the liberty of
transmitting a copy of it along with the answer. If they should be a 'means of
detecting any nefarious plan of those, who are assailing the government in

43© THE WRITINGS OF [1797

TO BUSHROD WASHINGTON.

Mount Vernon, 3 November, 1797.

My dear Sir :

Your letter of the 30th ult. was received by the last
Post.

Your aunt's distresses for want of a good house-
keeper are such as to render the wages demanded
by Mrs. Forbes (though unusually high) of no con-
sideration ; and we must, though very reluctantly,
yield to the time she requires to prepare for her
fixture here. We wish however that it might be
shortened.

If you are in habits of free communication with Mr.
Brooke or with others who had opportunities of
judging completely of the qualifications and conduct
of Mrs. Forbes as a housekeeper, I would thank you
for ascertaining and giving it to me in as precise a
manner as you can obtain it. Among other things it
would be satisfactory to know —

What countrywoman she is?

Whether Widow or Wife ? if the latter

Where her husband is ?

What family she has ?

What her age is ?

Of what temper ?

every shape that can be devised, I shall feel happy in having had it in my
power to furnish them. If the case be otherwise, the papers may be committed
to the flames, and the transaction buried in oblivion. To confess the truth,
I considered Mr. Langhorne in my " mind's eye " a pedant, who was desirous
of displaying the flowers of his pen. In either case, I would thank you for the
result of the investigation." — Washington to John Nicholas, 30 November,
1797.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 431

Whether active and spirited in the execution of
her business ?

Whether sober and honest ?

Whether much knowledge in Cookery, and under-
stands ordering and setting out a table ?

What her appearance is ?

With other matters which may occur to you to
ask, — and necessary for me to know.

Mrs. Forbes will have a warm, decent and com-
fortable room to herself, to lodge in, and will eat of
the victuals of our Table, but not set at it, at any
time with us, be her appearance what it may ; for if
this was once admitted, no line satisfactory to either
party, perhaps, could be drawn thereafter. — It might
be well for me to know however whether this was
admitted at Govr. Brooke's or not.

Is it practicable do you think to get a good and
well-disposed negro cook on hire, or purchase P1 Men-
tion this want of ours to Mrs Forbes. She from the
interest she would have therein might make enquiry.
— Yours always and affectionate.

P. S. Since writing the foregoing Mrs. L. Wash-
ington informs me that Mr. Swan is anxious to learn
from the Returns, or Records in the General Court, —
or from the best information you can obtain, whether
it has been the invariable practice to survey the Land
docked by a writ of Ad quod damnum — whether it has

1 " The running off of my cook has been a most inconvenient thing to this
family, and what rendered it more disagreeable, in that I had resolved never
to become the Master of another slave by purchase, but this resolution I fear I
must break. I have endeavored to hire, black or white, but am not yet
supplied." — Washington to George Lewis, 13 November, 1797.

432 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

frequently been dispensed with — and what has been
the consequence. — Let me thank you for making this
enquiry and furnishing me with the result of it.

TO JOHN MARSHALL.

Mount Vernon, 4 December, 1797.

Dear Sir,

Your very interesting and obliging favor of the
15th of September from the Hague came duly to
hand, and I thank you sincerely for the important
details, with which it is fraught, and pray for the con-
tinuation of them.

I congratulate you too on your safe arrival from
shipboard, and, as the newspapers tell us, at Paris ; !
and I wish in a little while hence I may have it in my
power to do the same on the favorable conclusion
of your embassy, and happy return to your family
and friends in this country. To predict the contrary
might be as unjust, as it would be impolitic, and
therefore mum — on that topic. Be the issue, however,
what it may, three things I shall be perfectly satisfied
of; and these are, that nothing which justice, sound
reasoning, and fair representation would require, will
be wanting to render it just and honorable ; and, if
it is not so, that the eyes of all in this country, who
are not wilfully blind and resolved to remain so (some
from one motive and some from another), will be

1 As one of the envoys from the United States, in conjunction with Charles
Cotesworth Pinckney and Elbridge Gerry.

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 433

fully opened ; and, lastly, that if the French Directory
proceed on the supposition, that the parties in these
United States are nearly equal, and that one of them
would advocate their measures in the dernier resort,
they will greatly deceive themselves. For the mass
of our citizens require no more than to understand a
question to decide it properly, and an adverse conclu-
sion of the negotiation will effect this. Indeed, I
believe it may be said with truth, that a very great
change in the public mind has taken place already.
The leaders, it is true, attempt to keep up the ball,
which is evidently declining ; but as both Houses of
Congress have formed quorums, and received the
President's speech, the response of the representative
branch will be some criterion by which this opinion of
mine may be tried, though not a conclusive one.

The situation of things in Holland is a good lesson
or us, if we are disposed to profit by it ; but unfor-
tunately the nature of man is such, that the expe-
rience of others is not attended to as it ought to
be. We must feel, ourselves, before we can think or
perceive the danger that threatens. But, as this
letter, (after it quits the office of the Secretary of
State, to whose care I shall send it,) may pass
through many hands, I shall dwell very little on
European politics. It is laughable enough, however,
to behold those men amongst us, who were reprobat-
ing in the severest terms, and sounding the tocsin
upon every occasion, that a wild imagination could
torture into a stretch of power or unconstitutionality
in the executive of the United States, all of a sudden

434 THE WRITINGS OF [1797

become the warm advocates of those high-handed
measures of the French Directory, which succeeded the
arrestations on the 4th of September ; and this, too,
without denying that the barriers of the constitution,
under which they acted, have been overleaped, but
that they have done it on the ground of tender mercy
and an unwillingness to shed blood. But so it
always has been, and I presume ever will be with
men, who are governed more by passion and party
views, than by the dictates of justice, temperance,
and sound policy.1 If there were good grounds to
suspect, that the proscribed and banished characters
were engaged in a conspiracy against the constitution
of the people's choice, to seize them even in an
irregular manner might be justified upon the ground
of expediency and of self-preservation ; but, after they
were secured and amenable to the laws, to condemn
them without a hearing, and consign them to punish-
ment more rigorous perhaps than death, is the summit
of despotism.2

1 " I hope the calm with which this session of Congress has commenced will
not be succeeded by a storm. I shall confess, however, that my expectations
fall far short of my hopes on this occasion. Tranquillity will not continue to
the end of it, nor can harmony be looked for while the same men who were
sounding the tocsin at every thing that a wild imagination could construe into
even a tendency to stretch the power of government here, are advocating the
most outrageous violations of it elsewhere. But no conduct is too absurd or
inconsistent for some men to give in to." — Washington to Timothy Pickering,
II December, 1797.

• "What their reception [Marshall, Pinckney, and Gerry] has been, and
what may be the issue of the negotiation with which they are charged is not
for me to pronounce. The late revolution, however, at that place, will not
introduce them under the most favorable auspices in my opinion ; but this
event, like all other acts of the French government, is extolled by men

1797] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 435

A very severe winter has commenced since the
first of November, we have hardly experienced a
moderate day ; heavy rains following severe frosts
have done more damage to the winter grain now
growing than I recollect ever to have seen — at this
moment and for several days past all the Creeks and
small Waters are hard bound with ice — and if the
navigation of the River is not entirely stoped is yet
very much impeded by it. The crops of Indian
Corn in the lower parts of the State, have been un-
commonly great : midway of it tolerably good ; but
under the mountains and above them, extremely bad
— with partial exceptions — The Wheat in Crop and
in quantity turned out better than was expected ;
in quality remarkable fine : the white and early wheat
weighing from 60 to 641b. pr. bushel.

Young Lafayette, too fondly led by his eagerness
to embrace his parents and sisters, in the first mo-
ments of their releasement from prison, and uninten-
tionally deceived by premature accounts from his
friends at Hamburg, that this event had actually
taken place, embarked for this purpose on the 26th
of October at New York for Havre de Grace. Since
which, official accounts have been received of the
terms on which his liberation was granted by the
Emperor, the meeting in Europe is become problem-
atical ; a circumstance, should it happen, which will

amongst us as a master piece of vigilance, wisdom and patriotism. The means
used to effect this are not overlooked, but applauded. Of course the Constitu-
tion, like Treaties, are not obligatory when they become inconvenient." —
Washington to William Vans Murray, 3 December, 1797.

436 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

be sorely regretted on both sides. I said all I could
to induce him to wait here until he should receive
direct advice from his father ; but his impatience, on
the one hand, and his confidence in the information he
had received, that his parents were on their way to
Paris, on the other, his apprehensions from a win-
ter's passage, and belief that he should not be illy
received in France, even if they were not there,
turned the scale against my opinion and advice, that
he should postpone his departure until he heard from
him or one of the family.

With very great esteem and regard, I remain, dear
Sir, &c.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON PARKE CUSTIS.

7 January, 1798.

System in all things should be aimed at ; for in
execution it renders every thing more easy.

If now and then, of a morning before breakfast,
you are inclined by way of change, to go out with a
gun, I shall not object to it ; provided you return by
the hour we usually set down to that meal.

From breakfast, until about an hour before dinner
(allowed for dressing and preparing for it, that you
may appear decent) I shall expect you will confine
yourself to your studies, and diligently attend to
them ; endeavoring to make yourself master of what-
ever is recommended to, or required of you.

While the afternoons are short, and but little
interval between rising from dinner and assembling

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 437

for tea, you may employ that time in walking, or
any other recreation.

After tea, if the studies you are engaged in require
it, you will no doubt perceive the propriety and
advantage of returning to them, until the hour of
rest.

Rise early, that by habit it may become familiar,
agreeable, healthy, and profitable. It may, forta
while, be irksome to do this, but that will wear off;
and the practice will produce a rich harvest forever
thereafter ; whether in public, or private walks of
life.

Make it an invariable rule to be in place (unless
extraordinary circumstances prevent it) at the usual
breakfasting, dining and tea hours. It is not only
disagreeable, but it is also very inconvenient for
servants to be running here and there, and they
know not where, to summon you to them, when their
duties, and attendance, on the company who are
seated, render it improper.

Saturday may be appropriated to riding ; to your
gun, and other proper amusements.

Time disposed of in this manner, makes ample
provision for exercise, and every useful or necessary
recreation ; at the same time that the hours allotted
for study, if really applied to it instead of running
up and down stairs, and wasted in conversation with
any one who will talk with you, will enable you to
make considerable progress in whatever line is
marked out for you, and that you may do (?) it, is
my sincere wish.

438 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

TO JAMES McHENRY.

[private.]

•p. q Mount Vernon, 28 January, 1798.

J_yEAR oIR,

Knowing that the War Office has an Agency in
the Western Lands, I take the liberty of putting the
enclosed letters to General Putnam and Colo. Sar-
gent under cover to you, open. By doing so it
supercedes the necessity of a repetition of what is
therein mentioned. Another reason for giving you
this trouble, is that if Mr. Massey is a Surveyor in the
Northwestern Territory, it is highly probable that his
business in Philadelphia is with your Office. In which
case, let me pray you to obtain what information he
can give respecting the claim upon my land and trans-
mit the same to me ; and to request, after sealing my
letters to the Gentlemen above mentioned, that you
would be so kind as to put them into the safest chan-
nel of conveyance, that is afforded Philadelphia.

What means this calm, and apparent harmony in
the Representative body ? Is it because no collisive
subject has come on ? or does it proceed from a
change of sentiment in the opposition members ?
Are there no accounts yet from our Envoys ? If
not, to what is their silence attributed, when the
News Papers are filled with accounts of them, as late
as the middle of November, from Paris ; where they
must have been at least six weeks ? 1

1 "It is time now to hear what the reception of our envoys at Paris has
been, and what their prospects are. It surely cannot be that Fauchet and
Adet are appointed by the Directory to negotiate with them ! If the fact

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 439

What, as far as it can be guessed at, is the
public sentiment relative to Monroe's voluminous
work ? which I have not yet seen but have sent for
it. And what of Fauchet's P1 Another elaborate work
I presume, will appear soon, from the late Commis-
sioner of the Revenue ; the cause of whose dismis-
sion has never (that I have seen) been hinted at in
the Gazettes.

What has been, or is it supposed will be done by
the house of Representatives in consequence of the
extraordinary application which was made to them
on that occasion, by the Ex-Commissioners.

I have exhibited a long string of questions, but if
you have not leisure or if any of them are embarras-
sing, I require no answer to them. Mrs. Washing-
ton and Nelly Custis unite with me in every good
wish for Mrs. Mc Henry, yourself and family, and I
am always, and

Affectionately Yours.

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE.

Mount Vernon, 6 February, 1798.

Dear Sir,

Your letters of the 20th and 27th ult. have been
duly received and the Pamphlets with Colo. Monroe's
view came safe. * • • •

however be otherwise, it requires not the spirit of divination to predict the
issue." — Washington to Oliver Wolcott, 17 December, 1797.

1 " Allow me also to ask the favor of you to send me Col. Monroe's and
Mr. Fauchet's Pamphlets, and if you have leisure (not else) to let me know
what the public sentiments respecting them is. In one of these, or in some

44© THE WRITINGS OF [1798

I have not had leisure yet to look into Monroe's
views, nor to read more than the first numbers of
Scipio, although I have them to the 15th Inclusive.
— Postponing the latter until I had obtained the
former.

Notwithstanding there existed no doubt in my
mind that the charge exhibited against you in the
Aurora was a malignant falsehood — yet satisfied as
I am of the motive and the end intended to be an-
swered by the publication I have read with much
gratification your explicit disavowal of its applica-
tion.1 But the more the views of those who are
opposed to the measures of our Government are
developed, the less surprised I am at the attempt,
and the means, cowardly illiberal and assasin like,
which are used to subvert it : — and to destroy all
confidence in those who are intrusted with the ad-
ministration thereof. Among these to be classed
an assertion in the Pamphlet written by Mr. Fauchet
in these words, " It is the general opinion that Mr.
Talon came to Philadelphia on a confidential mis-
sion from the Pretender to Genl. Washington. He
was admitted to a very particular audience with

other way, I find by a writer in a Richmond paper, a private letter of mine to
Mr. Gour. Morris is given to the public. If given fairly with the cause that
produced it, I have no doubt of its operating against the measure it was in-
tended to promote." — Washington to Pickering, 12 January, 1798.

" I will add, however, while the pen is in my hand, that with you, I think
it is vain to expect any change in the sentiments or political conduct of those
who are, in every form it can be tried, opposing the measures of the govern-
ment, and endeavoring to sap the foundation of the Constitution. A little time
must decide what their ulterior movements will be, as they have brought
matters to a crisis." — Washington to James Ross, 12 February, 1798.

1 Upham : Life of Timothy Pickering, iii., 309.

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 441

the President before the arrival of Mr. Genet at
Philada." — What the General opinion of the French
party might have been is not for me to say, but I
pronounce the latter part of the quotation to be an
impudent, a wicked and groundless assertion — and
accordingly authorise any and every person, who
chooses to be at the trouble of doing it to contra-
dict it in the most unqualified terms. — With Mr.
Talon I had no acquaintance, — if he ever was in my
company it must have been in the drawing room (or
at what was called the levies) on company days.
Whether I ever exchanged a word with him during
the time of his stay in this country, is more than my
memory at this time is able to decide. — If his arrival
in it was posterior to the proscription or cloud which
hovered, of such characters, the probability is, that
he never did ; — be this however as it may — I will
pledge myself that I never directly or indirectly ever
exchanged a word with him out of the public Rooms
— on public days. — and on common place subjects. —
And if it could be adjudged expedient by you and
those with whom I usually conversed on subjects of
this sort, I wou'd announce as much in the Gazettes,
when it might not be amiss perhaps to let my whole
letter to Gouverneur Morris, and his to me, to which
it was an answer, appear also in order to do away the
effect of another charge which extracts drawn from
the former, was intended to impress on the public
mind — namely, a dereliction to France and the con-
trary to Great Britain. — To produce a justification of
one's conduct in matters of this sort wou'd be un-

442 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

pleasant, if it was unconnected with public concerns,
I shou'd treat the assaults with the contempt they
deserve.

TO WILLIAM AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON.

M0 Mount Vernon, 27 February, 1708.

Y DEAR Sir,

Mr. Rice called here on his way to Alexandria and
delivered me your letter of the 15th Instant.

Of the recent afflicting event which was related
therein, we had received previous accounts ; and on
that as on former occasions of a similar nature sim-
pathised sincerely in your sorrows — But these are
the decrees of an all wise Providence against whose
dictates the skill, or foresight of man can be of no
avail ; — it is incumbent upon him therefore to submit
with as little repining as the sensibility of his nature
will admit. This will have its course but may be
greatly ameliorated, by Philosophical reflection and
resignation. — As you have three children left I trust
they will be spared to you, and sincerely hope that in
them you will find consolation and comfort.1

Had your intimation of Mr. AshtonV wishes been
announced to me about a fortnight ago, I would
gladly have employed him in the character you have
mentioned, provided his expectation of compensation
had came within my means ; which in truth are hard-

1 I think the loss referred to is the death of Mary, daughter of Richard
Henry Lee, and second wife of William Augustine Washington.

2 Ann, a niece of the President, and sister of William Augustine Washing-
ton, married Burdet Ashton. It was probably some connection who wished
the position.

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 443

ly able to support the heavy expences I am in a man-
ner unavoidably run into, — Finding it impracticable
to use the exercise on horse back which my health
business and inclination requires, and at the same
time to keep my accounts and perform all the writing
which my late Public occupations have been the
means of involving me in, — I resolved to employ a
clerk (if to be had on moderate wages) and accord-
ingly about twelve or fourteen days ago engaged one
who writes a very good hand and said to understand
accounts and Book Keeping at $150 a year. — What
would have been Mr. Ashton's expectations I know
not beyond this sum or $200 at most I could not
have gone ; and if he would have been contented
therewith, and the application had been made in time,
I should have received him with pleasure in prefer-
ence to the person who is to come and who I expect
here about the middle of next month if he fulfils his
promise.

The reason which you assign for giving the rudi-
ments of education to your sons at home is a weighty
and conclusive one ; — but much will depend upon the
qualifications and fitness of the preceptor you em-
ploy, to render it more or less beneficial. To a cer-
tain point tuition under the eye of Parents or Guardian
of youth, is much to be preferred, because the pre-
sumption is : that the properties and passions will be
watched with more solicitude and attention by them,
than by their Tutors : — but when the direction of
these are unfolded and can be counteracted by the dis-
cipline of Public schools and the precepts of the pro-

444 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

fessors. Especially too when the judgment is begin-
ning to form ; when pride becomes a stimulus ; and
the knowledge of men, as well as of Books are to
be learnt, I should give the preference to a public
Seminary.

I make use of no barley in my Distillery (the
operations of which are just commenced). Rye chief-
ly and Indian corn in a certain proportion compose
the materials from which the whiskey is made. — The
former I buy @ 4/6 for the latter I have not given
more than 1 7/6, and latterly 1 7/- Delivered at the
Distillery. — It has sold in Alexandria (in small quan-
tities from the waggons) at 16/. and 16/6. — ^ Barrel
but at what it goes now I am unable to inform you. —
So large a quantity as you have for sale may com-
mand a good price.

Is there any person in your neighborhood in the
practice of selling staves proper for flour barrels ? If
so be so good as to inform me, and at what price they
could be delivered at my landing (at the mill). Any
letters for me put into a Post Office, meets a ready a
safe passage but how to insure mine to you you can
best tell, — and I wish to be informed.

Did you ever receive a letter from me transmitting
the request of Sir Isaac Heard of the Heraldry Office
in England respecting Genealogy of our family? and
my own desire to be furnished with the Inscriptions

on the Tombs of our Ancestors at Bridge

Creek ? Among your father's papers, I thought it
likely, you might obtain some information on this
head. From the coming over of John and Lawrence

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 445

Washington in the year 1657 — I have [been] able to
trace the descendants of the former, being the one
from whom our family came, those of Lawrence from
whom the Chotankers proceeded I have not been
able to give any correct account : and that is the
Branch to which Sir Isaac Heard's enquiry's particu-
larly point : being tolerably well informed of the de-
scendants from John. The enquiry is in my opinion
of very little moment, but as Sir Isaac has interested
himself in the matter and seems desirous of tracing
the family from whom we are descended — back — I
wish to give him as correct information of it — as I am
able to procure.1

I am very glad to hear that you enjoy tolerable
good health at present and that your Children are per-
fectly well. It is unnecesary I hope to assure you
that at all times, when you can make it convenient
and the situation of your health will permit, that we
shall be very happy to see you at this place. — Where
is Mrs. Washington of Bushfield ? — I hope She is
well. I acknowledged the receipt of her letter to me

1 In Vol. XIV. I will give what is known of the Washington family.

" I thank you for the old documents you sent me respecting the family of our
ancestors, but I am possessed of papers which prove beyond a doubt, that of
the two brothers who emigrated to this country in the year 1657, during the
troubles of that day, that John Washington from whom we are descended was
the eldest. The pedigree from him I have, and I believe very correct : but
the descendants of Lawrence in a regular course, I have not been able to trace.
All those of our name in and about Chotank are from the latter. John was
the grandfather of my father, and uncle and great grandfather to Warren
[Warner] and me. He left two sons, Lawrence and John, the former who was
the eldest, was the father of my father, uncle and aunt Willis. Mrs. Hayward
must have been a daughter of the first Laurence, and thence becomes the

446 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

by post, but whether it ever got to her hands or not
I am unable to say. — Probably not, as you lye out of
the post Road and they may not be in the habit of
sending to the Post Offices. Poor lady ! I fear she
will soon have another afflictive trial of her resigna-
tion to the Divine Will, in the death of Mrs. Corbin
Washington,1 who from the last accounts we have
had of her cannot remain long among us. This
family unite in best wishes for you and yours.
And I am &c.

TO ALEXANDER WHITE.

Mount Vernon, i March, 1798.

Dear Sir,

Your favor of the 20th ulto. was received yester-
day.— For the information it has given I thank you ;
although it is not of the most pleasing sort — some
parts of it indeed has surprised me not a little, but
neither the surprise or the cause of it, shall be com-
municated to any other.

My sentiments relatively to the memorial you are
already possessed of, and therefore I shall add noth-
ing more on that subject, than the expression of a
fear, that the disgraceful topic which has so long
occupied the time and oratory of the House of Rep-
resentatives will contribute nothing to the favorable
reception and issue of it.

If time should hang a little heavy on your hands,

cousin of the second Lawrence and John." — Washington to William Augus-
tine Washington, 3 October, 1798.

1 She was Hannah, a daughter of Richard Henry Lee.

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 447

while the memorial is pending in Congress the appro-
priation of an hour or two of it now and then, not
only to inform me of the progress of that business
but as a calm observer (and in confidence if you
choose it) to give me your opinion of matters as they
pass before you in review ; for misrepresentation and
party feuds have arisen to such a height, as to distort
truth and to become portentous of the most serious
consequences. — Where or when they will terminate,
or whether they can end at any point short of confu-
sion and anarchy is now in my opinion more problem-
atical than ever.

I had until lately entertained a hope, that the con-
tinued depredations which are committed on our
Commerce, — the Pacific measures, which have inva-
riably been pursued to obtain redress, and to convince
the French of our earnest wish to remain in Peace
with them, and all the World — and the indignant
treatment those efforts have met with, would have
united all parties, and all descriptions of men (except
those who wish to see the waters troubled) in a firm
and temperate demand of Justice ; or, in preparations
for the worst : — but the reverse seems more appar-
ently than ever to be the case ; — and every thing that
can be by the most unnatural construction is exhibited
as a justification of the conduct of France towards
this country, and in condemnation of the measures of
the latter. —

What seems to be the prevalent opinion of Colo.
Monroe's " View of the Conduct of the Executive of
the United States ?" I do not mean the opinion of

448 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

either party — but (if such are to be found) of the
dispassionate, — or at least of the moderate part of
both. — I will make no remarks on it myself inclining
rather to hear the observation of others, which I
would wish to hear with the most unreserved frank-
ness. But I will not enlarge on this or any other
subject at present but conclude with assuring you
that with sentiments of very great esteem & regard
I am &c.

TO BUSHROD WASHINGTON.

Mount Vernon, 8 March, 1798.

My dear Bushrod,

Mr. Nicholas (who is a conspicuous performer in
this business) is a gentleman with whom I have no
recollected acquaintance, and the political conduct of
all those of the name whom I do know, adds noth-
ing to my esteem of them. He seems very desirous
of drawing me into a correspondence on Party
subjects, which of all others is not the most pleasant ;
and even civil answers upon this topic to one of
whose character I know nothing might be imprudent.

Enquiring upon the receipt of the first letter from
Mr. Nicholas who he was, I was answered — I think
by Doctr. Stuart — that he was clerk of Albemarle
Court ; — was a Respectable man — well disposed to
the Government, and the reputed Author of a num-
ber of pieces under the signature of Americanus.
Since that, he has doubted whether it was the per-

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 449

son he had in view or not. — This circumstance — and
Mr. Nicholas in his last letter speaking of you as
his intimate friend — has induced me to give you the
reading of all the letters — and to rest it with you
from a view of the subject, and the knowledge you
possess of the character of Mr. Nicholas, to forward,
or return to me the letter herewith enclosed to its
address. — It is left open for your perusal. If it goes
on — Seal and put it under another cover, or not — as
you please. The other Inclosures will be returned
to me of course.

Our love to Mrs. Washington and with sincere
friendship I remain &c.

TO JOHN NICHOLAS.

Mount Vernon, 8 March, 1798.

Sir,

The letter, which you did me the favor of writing
to me under date of the 2 2d ultimo, came safe to
hand. Nothing short of the evidence you have
adduced, corroborative of intimations which I had
received long before through another channel, could
have shaken my belief in the sincerity of a friend-
ship, which I had conceived was possessed for me
by the person * to whom you allude. But attempts
to injure those, who are supposed to stand well in
the estimation of the people, and are stumbling blocks
in the way, by misrepresenting their political tenets,
thereby to destroy all confidence in them, are among

1 Mr. Jefferson.

29

45© THE WRITINGS OF [1798

the means by which the government is to be assailed,
and the constitution destroyed. The conduct of this
party is systematized ; and every thing that is op-
posed to its execution will be sacrificed without
hesitation or remorse, if the end can be answered
by it.

If the person whom you suspect was really the
author of the letter under the signature of John
Langhorne, it is not at all surprising to me, that the
correspondence should have ended where it did ; for
the penetration of that man would have perceived by
the first glance at the answer, that nothing was to be
drawn from that mode of attack. In what form the
next insidious attempts may appear, remains to be
discovered. But as the attempts to explain away
the constitution, and weaken the government, are
now become so open, and the desire of placing the
affairs of this country under the influence and con-
trol of a foreign nation is so apparent and strong,
it is hardly to be expected that a resort to covert
means to effect these objects will be longer regarded.

With respect to Mr. Monroe's " View of the Con-
duct of the Executive of the United States" I shall
say but little, because as he has called it a " View "
thereof, I shall leave it to the tribunal to which he
himself has appealed to decide, first, how far a corre-
spondence with one of its agents is entitled to the
unqualified term he has employed ; secondly, how, if
it is not, it is to exhibit a view thereof ; thirdly, how
far his instructions and the letters he has received
from that executive, through the constitutional organ,

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 451

and to which he refers, can be made to subserve the
great points, which he and his party are evidently
aiming at, namely, to impress upon the public mind,
that favoritism towards Great Britain has produced a
dereliction, in the administration, of good will
towards France.

As to the propriety of exposing to public view his
private instructions and correspondence with his own
government, nothing needs be said ; for I should sup-
pose, that the measure must be reprobated by the
well-informed and intelligent of all nations, and not
less by his abettors in this country, if they were not
blinded by party views, and determined at all hazards
to catch at any thing, that in their opinion will pro-
mote them. The mischievous and dangerous tend-
ency of such a practice is too glaring to require a
•comment.

If the executive, in the opinion of the gentleman
you have alluded to, is chargeable with " premedi-
tating the destruction of Mr. Monroe in his appoint-
ment, because he was the centre around which the
republican party rallied in the Senate " ' (a circum-
stance quite new to me), it is to be hoped he will
give it credit for its lenity towards that gentleman, in
having designated several others, not of the Senate,
as victims to this office before the sacrifice of Mr.
Monroe was ever had in contemplation. As this
must be some consolation to him and his friends, I
hope they will embrace it.

1 Mr. Nicholas said in his letter that this declaration was made in his hear-
ing by Mr. Jefferson.

452 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

But as you have given me assurances of a visit at
this place, with Governor Wood, in the spring, which
is now commencing, I shall only add, that, with
esteem and regard, I am, &c.

REMARKS ON MONROE'S " VIEW OF THE CONDUCT OF THE
EXECUTIVE OF THE UNITED STATES."1

"In the month of May, 1794, I was invited by the President of the United
States, through the Secretary of State, to accept the office of minister pleni-
potentiary to the French Republic." — Page iii.

After several attempts had failed to obtain a more eligable
character.

" It had been too my fortune, in the course of my service, to differ from the
administration upon many of our most important public measures." — p. iii.

Is this adduced as conclusive evidence, that the administration
was in an error ?

" I was persuaded from Mr. Morris's known political character and princi-
ples, that his appointment, and especially at a period when the French nation
was in a course of revolution from an arbitrary to a free government, would
tend to discountenance the republican cause there and at home, and otherwise
weaken, and greatly to our prejudice, the connexion subsisting between the
two countries." — p. iv.

Mr. Morris was known to be a man of first rate abilities ; and
his integrity and honor had never been impeached. Besides,

1 In the library at Mount Vernon was a copy of Monroe's View of the Con-
duct of the Executive in the Foreign Affairs of the United States, containing
marginal notes in the handwriting of General Washington. These are here
brought together, with such extracts from the View as are necessary to afford
a proper explanation of them. The extracts are printed in brevier ; the
remarks follow each extract. The volume containing the autograph was pre-
sented by Judge Bushrod Washington to Judge Story, who left it to Harvard
College. The President of Harvard, Edward Everett, placed it under seal,
and it was only recently discovered by Mr. Justin Winsor, who courteously
allowed me to copy all the annotations of Washington.

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 453

Mr. Morris was sent whilst the kingly government was in exist-
ence, ye end of 91 or beginning of 92.

" Mr. Jay was nominated to Great Britain ; which nomination too I opposed,
because, under all the well-known circumstances of the moment, I was of
opinion we could not adopt such a measure, consistently either with propriety,
or any reasonable prospect of adequate success. I also thought, from a variety
of considerations, it would be difficult to find, within the limits of the United
States, a person who was more likely to improve, to the greatest possible
extent, the mischief to which the measure naturally exposed us. This last
example took place only a few weeks before my own appointment, which was
on the 28th of May, 1794." — p. iv.

Did the then situation of our affairs admit of any other alter-
native than negotiation or war ? Was there an abler man, (or
one more esteemed,) to be found to conduct the former ?

11 When I considered these circumstances, I was surprised that this proposal
should be made to me by the administration, and intimated the same to the
Secretary of State ; who replied that my political principles, which were known
to favor the French revolution and to cherish a friendly connexion with France,
were a strong motive with the President for offering me the mission, since he
wished to satisfy the French government what his own sentiments were upon
those points." — p. iv.

And who had better opportunities of knowing what these
were, than the confidential officers about his person for the time
being ?

' ' Our affairs with France had fallen into great derangement, and required
an immediate and decisive effort to retrieve them." — p. iv.

Did not this derangement proceed from the injurious conduct
of the French, in their violations of the 23d and 24th articles of
the treaty with the United States, and the application of the lat-
ter for redress ?

" My instructions enjoined it on me to use my utmost endeavours to inspire
the French government with perfect confidence in the solicitude, which the
President felt for the success of the French revolution, of his own preference
for France to all other nations as the friend and ally of the United States ; of
the grateful sense which we still retained for the important services that were
rendered us by France in the course of our revolution; and to declare in
explicit terms, that, although neutrality was the lot we preferred, yet, in case

454 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

we embarked in the war, it would be on her side and against her enemies, be
they who they might." — pp. iv.-v.

And is there to be found in any letter from the government to
him a single sentiment repugnant thereto ? — On the contrary, are
not the same exhortations repeated over and over again ? But
could it be inferred from hence, that, in order to please France,
we were to relinquish our rights, and sacrifice our commerce ?

" Upon this point [Mr. Jay's mission to England] my instructions were as
follows ; * It is not improbable you will be obliged to encounter on this head
suspicions of various kinds. But you may declare the motives of that mission
to be, to obtain immediate compensation for our plundered property , and restitu-
tion of the posts' " — p. v.

And these were the immediate motives ; but for which an extra
envoy would not have been sent. — But did it follow, when this
expence was about to be incurred, that the government would not
embrace the opportunity to settle and place other concerns upon
the best footing it could ?

" Who [France and the United States] were now unhappily diverging from
each other, and in danger of being thrown wholly apart ; and, as I presumed,
equally against the interest and inclination of both." — p. vii.

Why ? — Because one nation was seeking redress for violations
and injuries committed by the other.

" Upon my arrival in Paris, which was on the 2d of August, 1794, I found
that the work of alienation and disunion had been carried further than I had
before even suspected." — p. vii.

For the reasons above mentioned. If we had submitted to
them without remonstrating, we should still have been their dear
friends and allies.

" I presented my credentials to the commissary of foreign affairs, soon after
my arrival ; but more than a week had elapsed, and I had obtained no answer,
when or whether I should be received. A delay beyond a few days surprised
me, because I could discern no adequate or rational motive for it." — p. vii.

How does this accord with his communications to the Secretary
of State? See letter of the nth and 25th August. Has he not
assigned very satisfactory reasons for the delay ? Does the

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 455

answer of the President of the Convention indicate any coolness
or discontent on the part of the French government ? — What then
was it he had to contend against at his outset ? —

" It was intimated to me that the Committee, or several at least of its mem-
bers, had imbibed an opinion, that Mr. Jay was sent to England with views
unfriendly to France, and that my mission to France was adopted for the
purpose of covering and supporting his to England ; that the one was a
measure of substantial import, contemplating on our part a close union with
England ; and that the other was an act of policy, intended to amuse and
deceive." — p. vii.

Strange conception and want of information this, when it was
notorious, that a war with Great Britain seemed to be almost
unavoidable.

" I thought I perceived distinctly, that not only the temper which had been
shown by the committee, but the general derangement of our affairs with
France, proceeded in a great measure, if not altogether, from the same cause,
a suspicion that we were unfriendly to them." — p. ix.

Or, more properly, perceiving, that we were not to be drawn
into the vortex, if we could possibly avoid it.

14 My first note to the Committee of Public Safety on this subject bears date
on the 3d of September, 1794 ; in which I discussed and combated copiously,
and as ably as I could, the conduct of France in thus harassing our commerce
against the stipulations of certain articles in our treaty with her ; and urged
earnestly the immediate repeal of the decrees, which authorized that proceed-
ing."— p. ix.

But finally told it, contrary to express instructions, that, if it
was not convenient to comply with those articles, the government
and people of the United States would give them up with pleasure,
although it was the pivot on which our claim was fixed. See
letter 3d Sep. pa. 35.

" I do not wish to be understood as having been guided by political motives
only in expressing the sentiments contained in that clause ; on the contrary, I
admit they were strictly my own ; affirming at the same time that they would
never have been thus expressed, had I not been satisfied they were such, as it
was honorable for the United States to express, and were likely also to pro-
mote their interest." — p. x.

456 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

Here is a measure adopted and avowed, which was beyond the
powers of the executive, — and for which, if he had exercised
them, he might have been impeached ; — because it was not only
dispensing with important articles of the treaty, but was surren-
dering the only grounds on which our claims of compensation
could be established.

"From the Committee itself I could obtain no answer; and, from my in-
formal applications to some of its members, I found that the difficulty of
allowing our vessels to protect the property of English subjects, whilst they
gave none to that of French citizens against the English cruisers, with that of
distinguishing in our favor from the case of Denmark and Sweden, in which
we were now involved, were objections of great weight with the Committee."
— p. xi.

Such was our treaty. If Denmark and Sweden were not en-
titled to the same by treaty, wherein lay the difficulty of discrimi-
nation ? And what are the advantages of treaties, if they are to
be observed no longer than they are convenient ?

" I thought I perceived, still remaining in the councils of that body, a strong
portion of that suspicion of our views, in regard to our mission to England, so
impressive upon my arrival, but which I had hoped was eradicated ; and, the
more earnestly I pressed an accommodation with my demands, the more
obviously did this motive present itself to my view." — p. xi.

This has been the game, which the French have uniformly
played to parry justice.

4 ' Nor did France invite us to the war, or manifest a wish that we should
engage in it ; whilst she was disposed to assist us in securing our claims upon
those powers, against whom we complained of injuries." — p. xvii.

France never invited us, it is true, to go to war ; — nor in ex-
plicit terms expressed a wish, that we should do so ; but can any
thing be more apparent, than that she was endeavoring with all
her arts to lead or force us into it ?

" In promising to communicate to the Committee the contents of this treaty
as soon as I knew them, I did so in the expectation of fulfilling my promise,
when I received a copy of the treaty from the department of state, and not
before ; for I expected no further information upon that subject from Mr. Jay."
—p. xviii.

1793] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 457

This declaration cannot be reconciled with the various attempts,
which he made to obtain it, both from Mr. Jay and Mr. Pinckney,
for the information of the French government before it was known
to his own.

" As he [Mr. Jay] had refused to send me a copy of the treaty, according to
my request, by Mr. Purviance, and omitted, not to say refused (though indeed
I understood his omission in the light of a refusal) otherwise to inform me of
its contents by that very safe opportunity, I did not see how the correspond-
ence could be continued on that subject, on his part." — p. xx.

No one else will think it extraordinary, that he should refuse
a copy for the declared purpose of laying it before the French
government, and yet be disposed to inform him in confidence
with the contents thereof — thereby to enable him to remove
unfavorable impressions. — Nor is it extraordinary, that Mr. Jay
should authorize his own secretary, who had been privy to all the
proceedings, to make this communication, whilst he refused to
commit himself to Mr. Purviance, let his character have been
what it would.

**. These considerations will, I presume, likewise sufficiently explain why I
would make no representation to the French government of the contents of
that treaty, for which I became personally responsible, upon the mere authority
of Mr. Jay, or other wise than upon a copy of the instrument itself." — p. xxi.

Most extraordinary reason this in such a case ! and under the
circumstances Mr. Jay was.

" Such was my conduct upon the above occasion, and such the motives of it.'»
— p. xxii.

And extraordinary indeed it was !

" In this he [the Secretary of State] notices my address to the Convention ;
as also my letter to the Committee of Public Safety of the 3d of September
following ; both of which acts he censures in the most unreserved and harsh
manner. In the first he charges me with having expressed a solicitude for the
welfare of the French Republic in a style too warm and affectionate, much
more so than my instructions warranted ; which too he deemed the more
reprehensible, from the consideration, that it was presented to the Convention
in public and before the world, and not to a committee in a private chamber ;
since thereby, he adds, we were likely to give offence to other countries, par-

458 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

ticularly England, with whom we were in treaty ; and since, also, the dictates
of sincerity do not require that we should publish to the world all our feelings in
favor of France" — p. xxiii.

And would it not have been more consistent with our declara-
tion of neutrality ?

" For the future, he instructs me to cultivate the French Republic with
zeal, but without any unnecessary e'clat ; and by my letter to the Committee,
demanding an indemnity for spoliations, and a repeal of the decrees suspend-
ing the execution of certain articles of our treaty of commerce with France, he
objects that I had yielded an interest it was my duty to secure." — p. xxiii.

No reasoning can justify the measure ; — nor no circumstances
warrant his relinquishment of our rights.

" Upon this occasion I thought proper, in reply to his first charge, to lay
open, more fully than I had before done, some truths, at which, indeed, I had
before only glanced ; particularly the light in which our administration was
viewed by the Committee upon my arrival." — p. xxiii.

If the fact was so, the relating thereof ought to have accompa-
nied the discovery, that the effect might have been counteracted.
— These after and time-serving relations do not tell well.

" It would be painful to go into details on this subject ; but the circum-
stances here hinted will make it easy to conceive the unfavorable inferences,
that must have been drawn respecting the temper and views of our administra-
tion.— note on p. xxiv.

It has been noted already, that Mr. Morris was appointed min-
ister during the reign of Louis the Sixteenth, years before his
confinement. How then can this charge apply ? — Afterwards,
under the fluctuating counsels and changes which succeeded,
even the acuteness and wisdom of a Monroe might have erred.
— But the principal cause of their objection to Mr. Morris was,
that he claimed the fulfilment of the treaty, and restitution for
the damages we had sustained by the violation of it, with firmness
and perseverance ; to do which by deeds as well as words was not
their intention.

u To express sentiments in private, which it was wished should not become
public, appeared to me a strange doctrine to be avowed by the administration

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 459

of a free people ; especially as it was known that the sentiments, thus ex-
pressed, were in harmony with those of the people, and with those publicly
and formally expressed by the representatives of the people." — p. xxv.

The great and primary object of the administration was to
preserve the U. S. in peace, by pursuing a conduct strictly
neutral. — It was not essential, then, knowing beforehand with
what eclat the reception was to be, to make a parade of senti-
ments, however strongly they might be felt, and however pleasing
to one nation, which might create unpleasant feelings in other
nations, with whom we were also in peace, and wished to re-
main so.

** Well satisfied I am, that France declined taking them [the Floridas] in
her treaty with Spain, which soon followed, from a fear it might weaken her
connexion with the United States." — p. xxvii.

Guess work this, and not at all probable from that motive.

"Had that treaty, then, never passed, and had we also otherwise preserved
the ground upon which we stood with that nation in the commencement of its
revolution, what might we not have expected from its friendship ? " — p. xxvii.

Nothing ; if she did not perceive some advantage to herself in
granting it.

" The prospect therefore of success in that important concern was now as
fair as it could be." — p. xxvii.

This would all have been ascribed to France, if that govern-
ment had had the least agency in the negotiation.

" Mr. Pinckney was aware of the benefit which would be derived from such
aid ; but yet did not consider himself at liberty to obtain it by showing a copy
of Mr. Jay's treaty, which I intimated might be necessary completely to remove
the doubts, that were entertained in that respect, and therefore deemed it
most suitable to say nothing to the Committee upon the subject of his mission."
— p. xxviii.

Here again is another attempt to possess the French govern-
ment of the treaty before the ratification, — and after repeated
declaration of the impropriety of the measure.

460 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

" It would at least have greatly embarrassed the administration to explain
the cause of such a phenomenon to its credit ; notwithstanding the advantage
thereby gained to the public." — p. xxviii.

Indeed ! When his instructions required him to ask it !

'*. By these letters it appeared, that Mr. Jay had concluded a treaty upon
other principles, than those to which his powers were restricted, as inferred
from my instructions, and, of course, that the nature and object of his mission
to England had been misrepresented, through me, to the French government."
— p. xxix.

The instructions warranted no such conclusion, nor could the
government be responsible for his want of discernment, and con-
sequent misrepresentations.

" That the administration had injured me, was a point upon which I had no
doubt ; that it had likewise compromised its own credit, and with it that of the
United States, was also a truth equally obvious to my mind." — p. xxx.

But not so in either case to an impartial and discriminating
mind. [Lower on the page^\ Curious and laughable to hear a
man under his circumstances talking seriously in this stile, when
his recall was a second death to him.

11 I assured him, however, that I should continue to endeavor to inspire the
French government with a confidence, either that the treaty contained nothing
improper, or would not be ratified in case it did. " — p. xxxi.

Solicitous always to get hold of the treaty prematurely for the
use of the French government, he omits no opportunity of ex-
pressing his chagrin for his disappointment ; and would have
wished to see the Executive of the United States as indiscreetly
forward as himself in promulgating it, before it had been sub-
mitted to the Senate. How can he reconcile this conduct to the
practice of the French government ? Can he produce an instance
of its making a treaty public before it was ratified ? If not, why
has he pressed it on his own ? Could secrecy, in matters of this
sort, be proper in that government, and improper in ours ?

" At the moment, however, when Mr. Barlow was upon the point of em-
barking with our presents, &c, intelligence was received that a Mr. Donald-
son, whom Colonel Humphreys had left at Alicant with a conditional power,

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 461

but in the expectation that he would not proceed in the business till he heard
further from him, had passed over to Algiers and concluded a treaty with that
regency, and of course without the aid of France ; and thus ended our applica-
tion to the French government for its aid in support of our negotiations with
those powers, and nearly in the same manner as that did, which I made for its
aid in support of our negotiation with Spain." — p. xxxii.

Mr. Donaldson was by Colonel Humphreys instructed to pro-
ceed to Alicant, and act according to circumstances. A favor-
able moment occurred, and he was advised, by persons well
acquainted with the state of matters at Algiers and the then
policy of the Dey, to embrace it. He did so, and happily suc-
ceeded. But not in the way most agreeable to Mr. Monroe, as it
was effected without the agency of the French ; notwithstanding
that agency, according to the advices Donaldson received, would
at that moment have been injurious.

1 ' From this period I had but one object to attend to, the preservation of our
actual footing with France, which was, as already shown, as favorable as we
could wish it to be." — p. xxxiii.

Except suspicions, doubts, and the bugbear treaty, which were
always at hand, and brought forward when our claims were
pressed, although the contents of that treaty were unknown, and
assurances were given that their rights were saved.

11 By me it was never introduced ; for, as I had no new communication to-
make to the Committee upon it, whereby to remove the suspicions that were
entertained of its contents, and any allusion to it in that state could of course
only serve to revive unpleasant sensations to our disadvantage, I thought it
most eligible to keep it out of view." — p. xxxiii.

That is one of the material charges against him ; for, altho
he had himself given information of the suspicions, doubts, and
discontentment, as above mentioned, and was possessed of the
sentiments of his government relative thereto, with the intention
to remove them, he keeps these out of view until he is informed
that the Directory have made up their mind upon the subject.

" It was soon obvious that this aggression of Great Britain upon the rights
of neutral nations, being made with the intent to increase the distress of famine
which was then raging at Paris, and thereby promote the disorders which were

462 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

in part attributable to that cause, excited a ferment in the French councils,
which was not pointed against Great Britain alone." — pp. xxxiii., xxxiv.

The conduct of Great Britain in this instance was extremely
reprehensible, and was one of the motives for sending an envoy
to that country ; but it was no justification of the wrong we re-
ceived from France, with whom we had a treaty that was infracted
by the measure.

"About the middle of August, 1795, American gazettes were received at
Paris, containing copies of the English treaty, whereby its contents were made
known to the committee of public safety without my aid. From this period,
therefore, all mystery upon that subject was at an end. The possession of the
treaty enabled the French government to judge for itself upon all the points
which it involved. Nor was the effect which it produced an equivocal one ; for
there did not appear to me to be a description of persons, not in the interest of
the coalesced powers, who did not openly and severely censure it." — p. xxxiv.

They were predetermined to do so, and took the tone from
their partisans on this side of the water.

" But as yet it was not known that the treaty was ratified, nor certain that it
would be, for the spontaneous and almost universal disapprobation that was
bestowed upon it throughout the United States, as soon as it was seen, was
sufficient at least to inspire a doubt on that point." — p. xxxv.

He should have said, before it was seen, for it is a well-known
fact, that the opposition from the French party in the United
States began, and writing commenced against it, as soon as it
was known that the treaty had been concluded, and before one
article therein was known to those writers. No more evident
proof, therefore, can be given, that it was not the contents of
the treaty, but that a treaty should be formed, which, putting
an end to the disputes between the United States and Great
Britain, put an end also to the hopes and expectations of our
embarking in the war on the part of France. — This, and this
only, was the source of all the discontents, which have appeared
on this occasion.

M The appearance of the treaty excited the general disgust of France against
the American government, which was now diminished by the opposition which
the American people made to the treaty." — pp. xxxv., xxxvi.

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 463

Who were the contrivers of this disgust, and for what purposes
was it excited ? Let the French party in the United States, and
the British debtors therein, answer the question.

" Under existing circumstances it would not only be necessary for the admin-
istration to avail itself of some well pronounced character in regard to the
great question which now agitates the world, to whose care the negotiation
should be committed, but that in other respects extraordinary circumspection
should be used in the prosecution of the negotiation itself." — p. xxxvii.

The reader will be at no loss to discover who is here pointed
at, nor for what purpose it is done.

"The letter of June 1st contained a justification of the conduct of the
administration in forming a commercial treaty with Great Britain at that
period ; and likewise a vindication of the administration against the charge of
a want of candor (which seemed to be apprehended) in the explanations that
were given by it of the motives of that mission ; in which the idea of a com-
mercial power was always withheld." — p. xxxvii.

This never would nor could have been apprehended, had it not
been seen, that the enemies of the government were determined
to have it so considered. How withheld 1 Is it usual, or was it
necessary, to publish to the world all the points on which the
negotiation was to turn ? His own conduct evinces how in-
discreet it would have been to have intrusted him with them.

" The letter of July 2d contained advice, that the treaty was not ratified,
and that the President was undecided upon the point of ratification." — p.
xxxvii.

Upon no other ground, than that of the subsequent conduct of
Great Britain relative to the Provision Order, so called.

" It was inferred from these letters, that, when that of June 1st was written,
the executive had resolved to ratify the treaty in case the Senate approved it,
and that the hesitation which afterwards took place proceeded more from the
shock, which the general disapprobation of the treaty by the people gave the
administration, than from any disinclination on its own part to the ratifica-
tion."— p. xxxviii.

A mistake, in toto. The hesitation, as mentioned on the other
side, proceeded from the Provision Order, for it was obvious to
the least discerning, that an opposition by the French party had

464 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

been resolved on at all events, and had actually commenced
before a single article of the treaty was known ; and the blaze,
which he describes, broke out before it was possible to consider
it, or a hundredth part of its opposers had ever read it.

M It was likewise inferred, that that letter was written with a view to lay the
foundation for such an event, in the expectation the ratification would probably
embroil us with France." — p. xxxviii.

It was well conceived, that there was nothing in the treaty
which ought to embroil this country with France.

" In one particular the contents of this letter affected me personally, by
affirming that my instructions had not warranted the construction I had given
them, in explaining, as I had done, the motives of Mr. Jay's mission to Lon-
don."— p. xxxviii.

And affirmed it, too, upon solid ground.

"Of the symptoms of discontent, which I witnessed, I had before given
frequent intimations." — p. xl.

True ; but without availing himself effectually as he ought of
the means, with which he was furnished, to remove it.

" My wish was to conciliate the French government towards the treaty
which was now ratified, and most anxiously had I looked to the administration
for the means of doing it." — p. xliii.

What means is it he wanted ? Did he expect to be authorized
to declare that the government was in an error, in having made
a treaty without first obtaining the consent of France ; and to
ask pardon for not having submitted Mr. Jay's instructions and
the terms of it to the rulers of that country before it was
ratified ?

" Acts of candor when performed, if acknowledged by the party to whom
they are said to be rendered, ought not to be boasted of by those who perform
them." — p. xliii.

Why not, if the fact was admitted, allow the American govern-
ment to adopt some of the ^//-perfect maxims of the French ?
It will not be denied, that, to boast of what they do, and even of
what they do not do, is one of them.

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 465

11 Indeed it professes to notice, and in fact notices, only one article, the
1 8th, and in so doing, admits in effect all the objections that were urged
against it." — p. xliii.

This is denied ; we could not yield a thing of which we were
never possessed, and which it was not in our power to obtain ;
nor was there any permission given, that the British did not
claim and exercise before under the law of nations.

" Would the administration, in a demand of payment for those seizures,
which took place after the treaty was concluded, distinguish the cases, and
confine that demand to such vessels as were taken in their route to a blockaded
port, saying, ' For these only will we be paid, but for the others, comprehend-
ing perhaps ninety-nine out of a hundred, we will not ; ' and thus revive the
controversy, which it was said was thus amicably closed ? This, it is pre-
sumed, would not be done." — p. xliv.

Did the treaty with Great Britain surrender any right, of which
the United States had been in possession ? Did it make any
change or alteration in the law of nations, under which Great
Britain had acted in defiance of all the powers of Europe ? Or
did it give her any authority to seize provision vessels contrary
to that law ? If none of these, why all this farrago, but to sow
the seeds of discontent by imposing upon the uninformed ?

"With respect to the declaration, that we were an independent people, and
had a right to decide for ourselves, &c, so often repeated, I did not perceive
how it applied at the time ; there had been no question on that point that I
knew of." — p. xlv.

None are more dull, than those who will not perceive. If
there was no question of this sort, whence proceeded the discon-
tents before the treaty was promulgated, and after repeated
assurances had been given, that nothing contained in it infracted
our engagements with that country ?

" France had attempted to impose on us no conditions ; had asked of us no
favors ; on the contrary had shown a disposition to render us many ; under
which circumstances we had made a treaty with Britain." — p. xlv.

There the shoe pinches. This treaty defeated all hope of
embarking this country in the war on the part of France, and
became a death-warrant to its hopes. She was liberal in promises,
30

466 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

but what has she done ? Promising and performing are two
distinct things.

" To reconcile France to that treaty, I expected to have been authorized to
explain to her government how long the commercial part was to remain in
force ; to state it formally, that we were ready to enter into a new commercial
treaty with her, and upon what principles, to be commenced either in Paris or
Philadelphia. In which expectation, and with a view to the event of a ratifica-
tion, I had told the administration, when I advised it of the ill effect the treaty,
whose contents were then known, had produced, that I should await its orders
without any the slightest compromitment either of it or myself." — p. xlv.

What obligation was there on us, if independent, to account to
a foreign nation for the proceedings of our own government ; and
why press upon France a wish to enter into a new commercial
treaty, when our readiness to do so (as he knew from official
correspondence) had been declared at different times and in
various ways ? Was this the way to obtain one on good terms ?

"But it was my duty to answer this letter, which I did without a comment ;
for it was improper for me to censure, and useless to advise." — p. xlvi.

When a rational answer and good reason cannot be given, it
is not unusual to be silent.

" I showed, it is true, no mark of undue condescension to that government."
— p. xlvi.

Few will be of this opinion, who read this book.

" Those considerations appeared to me to be so strong and pressing, that I
concluded, as soon as they were brought to the view of the administration, he
[Mr. Parish] would be removed, and of course that the measure was already
taken. In which expectation I answered the minister politely, intimating tha^
I should communicate to our government the request of his in that respect, not
doubting that it would be readily complied with." — p. xlvii.

Upon the first intimation of misconduct in Mr. Parish, an
inquiry into it was instituted ; but Mr. Monroe, as it was the
wish of the French government, would have had him discharged
without a hearing. But when another consul of the United
States was as highly charged with acts equally repugnant to
neutrality, (in favor of France,) he could find nothing amiss in
his conduct.

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 467

"The subsequent management of the affair upon the application of the
French government showed, that the incident became rather a cause of irrita-
tion, than of conciliation with that government ; notwithstanding the evident
impolicy of such a procedure at the time, on account of the crisis to which we
were brought. For, although the administration (not being able to resist the
objections to his continuance) did remove him, yet it was done in a manner so
as to show the French government it was not done in compliance with its
request." — p. xlvii.

A candid explanation of a motive is here deemed a cause for
irritation, notwithstanding the request is complied with.

" Much, too, was said in that address of the advantage of our accommodation
with Britain, as likewise of the favorable disposition of that power towards
us, without the slightest attention being shown to the French Republic." — p.
xlviii.

To state facts for the information of Congress, and not to
write eulogiums on the French nation and conduct, was the
object of the then President. If Mr. Monroe should ever fill
the chair of government, he may (and it is presumed he would
be well enough disposed) let the French minister frame his
speeches.

1 ' Unless indeed it was referred to in the picture of distress above noticed,
as was inferred by the French government, as I understood from good authority
at the time." — p. xlviii.

If the cap did not fit, why put it on ?

" In the course of the year 1795, the French government had repealed, as
already shown, all the decrees which were passed during the mission of Mr.
Morris, under which our trade had been harassed." — p. xlviii.

But has our suffering commerce received any compensation ?
And why was not this urged with firmness, agreeably to his
instructions ?

41 Yet none of these acts, or of the disposition which produced them, were
even glanced at in the President's address to Congress ; although it was to be
inferred, such notice would have produced a good effect, and although it was
then as just as it was politic to notice them." — p. xlviii.

What ! Declare to the world in a public speech, that we were
going to treat with this and that nation, and that France was to
assist us ! Insanity in the extreme !

468 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

" This conduct in the administration was the more extraordinary, from the
consideration that those decrees, by whose authority our trade was harassed,
with the harassment itself, had been announced in former communications to
the Congress, when the British depredations were announced." — p. xlviii.

Could this refusal be announced before it was known ?

" Under such circumstances, it was impossible for me to succeed in concili-
ating the French government towards the British treaty, since my efforts were
not only not seconded in that respect by our administration, but absolutely
counteracted by it." — p. xlviii.

In what respect counteracted 7

"Nevertheless I continued to pursue the same line of conduct, that I had
done before, being resolved not to relax in my efforts, however unsuccessful I
might be."— p. xlviii.

That is not doubted ; but for what purpose were they exerted ?

41 The sequel of my mission exhibits an interesting but painful spectacle, the
distinguishing characteristics whereof are ; the avowed decision of the French
government to take some measure towards us in consequence of our treaty with
England, as illustrated by many examples ; with my efforts to prevent any
such measure taking effect ; and the attack made on me by our administration,
upon pretexts equally unjust, frivolous, and absurd." — p. xlix.

An impartial public will be enabled, from his own shewing, to
decide, more correctly than he has done, how far these senti-
ments are just.

" On the 15th of February, 1796, I called on the minister of foreign affairs
to state to him the distress of many of our citizens, merchants at Paris, on
account of their claims upon the French government, with a view to engage
his aid for their relief ; but was immediately diverted from that object by
information which he gave me, that the Directory had at length made up its
mind how to act in regard to our treaty with England ; which it considered as
having annulled our treaty of alliance with France, from the period of its
ratification ; and had appointed or intended to appoint an envoy extraordinary,
to repair to Philadelphia to remonstrate against it ; adding that he was ordered
to send me an official note upon the subject, which he should accordingly do."
— p. xlix.

It not suiting the French government to pay, (and knowing
the trim of our minister) the British treaty or something else,
was always played off to silence his applications.

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 469

" I attended him again on the day following, and remonstrated most earn-
estly against the measure, urging every argument that I could avail myself of
to divert the government from it ; offering to enter with him, whenever he
thought fit, into a discussion of his objections to our treaty, or any other act of
our government ; assuring him, that I should not only be always ready to
enter with him into such explanations, but in the present instance should do it
with pleasure, since, by being possessed of our view of the subject, they would
be better able to decide whether the complaint was well or ill founded, and of
course how far it merited to be considered in that light." — p. xlix.

Had he applied the means in time, with which he was furnished,
matters might not have come to this.

" Upon this occasion, as upon the preceding one, the minister declined
stating any specific objections to the treaty, or any other act of our government,
and therefore I could make no specific defence." — p. xlix.

Declined for the best reason in the world, because he had
none that would bear the test of examination.

" A summary of those complaints was presented me by the minister of foreign
affairs." — p. 1.

And is there a candid and well-informed man to be met with,
who will carefully compare this summary of complaints with our
treaties with France and Great Britain, and these again with the
laws of nations, and not pronounce them the most futile that can
be conceived to come from a nation, who would be thought to
act from principles of independence and justice ?

" From the period of my audience by the Directory, and more especially
after my communication with the minister of foreign affairs was handed in, I
had frequent conferences with several of the members of the Directory, in
which I labored to promote the same object, and at one time, as I thought,
with complete success : being informed by a member, upon one of those occa-
sions, that the Directory had done nothing towards us in regard to its com-
plaints, and he presumed would not." — p. li.

The conduct of the French government has been nothing but
a diversified scene of political manoeuvres ; of cajoling and
threatening our minister by turns. At one time it promises, and
he is weak and vain enough to conceive, that he can obtain any
thing from it ; in short, that he can turn it round as easy as a top.
At another time, when in the most humiliating stile he asks re-

47© THE WRITINGS OF [1798

dress of our injuries, and the fulfilment of the treaty, then some
phantom is raised, which renders him a mute, as it respects that
government, and he charges the failure of his exertions to mis-
conduct of his own, although he can produce nothing in support
of it, but its strict observance of the neutral conduct it had
adopted, and a fixed determination not to be drawn into the war,
which has been his, and the aim of France.

11 Near seven months had now elapsed since the minister of foreign affairs
communicated to me the discontent of the Directory on account of our treaty
with England, and its decision to make the same known to our government by
an envoy extraordinary, to be despatched to the United States ; in the course
of which time I had not received a single line from the department of state
(a letter of the 7th of January excepted, which applied to another subject),
although I had regularly informed it of every incident that occurred, and
although the crisis was a very important one, requiring the profound attention
of the administration." — p. lii.

Admit no letter had got to hand in the time mentioned, or
even that none had been written, what, more than had been,
could be said to refute the groundless objections, which the
French government had exhibited against our treaty with Great
Britain ? Was he not possessed, (by reiterated communications,)
of the sentiments of his own government on all the points of
controversy ? Was it necessary to repeat these again and again ?
Or did he expect, that the executive would declare the treaty
null and void ?

" In the beginning of November, 1796, I received a letter from the Secretary
of State of the 22d of August, announcing my recall by the President of the
United States. In this letter, the Secretary refers me for the motives of that
measure to his former letter of the 13th of June. He adds, however, in this
that the President was further confirmed in the propriety of that measure by
other concurring circumstances, but of which he gave no detail." — p. liii.

His own reflections might have furnished him with these. No
one, who will read the documents, which he refers to, attentively,
can be at a loss for them ; much less those who have the evidence
the executive had, that he was promoting the views of a party in
his own country, that were obstructing every measure of the ad-
ministration, and, by their attachment to France, were hurrying

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 471

it (if not with design, at least in its consequences,) into a war
with Great Britain in order to favor France.

" In her [America's] foreign relations nothing is to be seen but the waste
and pillage of her commerce, sometimes by several powers, always by some
one power ; and little less than anarchy at home ; for the seeds of discontent,
jealousy and disunion have been scattered throughout these States, in the
course of few years past, with a wasteful hand. By what means then was this
state of things produced, and why was it produced ? " — pp. Hi., liv.

That is a bold assertion ! and no compliment to the other
departments of the government.

" It is well known, that the executive administration has heretofore guided
all our measures ; pursuing, in many instances, a course of policy equally con-
trary to the public feeling, and the public judgment." — p. liv.

The instances ought to have been enumerated.

"But, by this attack on me, a new topic has been raised for discussion,
which has drawn the public attention from the conduct of the administration
itself ; for, in consequence, the only question now before the public seems to
be, whether I have merited the censure thus pronounced upon me by the
administration, or have been dealt hardly by. But this was a mere political
manoeuvre, intended doubtless to produce that effect." — p. liv.

Self-importance appears here.

"Whether I have performed my duty to my country, as I ought to have
done, in the various, contradictory, and embarrassing situations, in which I
was placed by the administration, is a point upon which my country will deter-
mine, by the facts and documents submitted to it. Upon this point I fear not
the result." — p. liv.

Nor does the administration, for the same reason. The matter
therefore is fairly at issue.

" Nor should I, in respect to myself, add a word to the light which those
documents contain, being willing so far as the propriety of my own conduct is
involved, to submit the point to the judgment of my countrymen, upon the
documents alone." — p. liv.

Of all the mistakes he has made, and bold assertions, none
stands more prominent than this.

472 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

" The Secretary adds, it is true, in his letter of the 22d of August following,
that there were other concurring circumstances, which confirmed the President
in the propriety of the measure he had taken towards me ; but these he did not
then communicate, nor has he since, though called on to do it ; nor has he
communicated other testimony to support the charge already raised." — p. lv.

Neither the constitution, nor laws, nor usage, renders it neces-
sary for the executive to assign his reasons. It is his duty to
see the laws (and treaties are paramount to all others) executed,
and the interests of the United States promoted. If, then, an
agent of his appointment is found incompetent, remiss in his
duty, or pursuing wrong courses, it becomes his indispensable
duty to remove him from office ; otherwise he would be responsi-
ble for the consequences. Such was Mr. Monroe in the estima-
tion of the President upon trial of him.

"These were the only letters, which I received from the department of
state on that subject, after the treaty was submitted to the Senate ; or indeed
before, except such as showed the fluctuating state of the executive mind
respecting the ratification." — p. lvi.

The executive mind never fluctuated for a moment on any
other ground, than that of the Provision Order of Great Britain,
after the treaty had been concluded on.

" The first of these facts, it is true, was not then known to the Secretary ;
for as the object, at that time contemplated by the Committee, was not
pursued, on account I presume of the change of government which took place
immediately afterwards in France, and might possibly never be revived, I de-
clined mentioning it to our administration from motives of delicacy to both
governments ; wishing, if to be avoided, that no such evidence of the discon-
tent of France should appear in my correspondence." — p. lvi.

If it was not known, on what ground was the administration to
have formed a judgment ? Is not this keeping his own govern-
ment uninformed, and in ignorance of facts ; and of course a
neglect of duty ?

" I believe no instance can be adduced by the administration of any counsel
being asked or attention shown on its part to the counsels of the French nation,
from the commencement of the administration to the present day, nor to the
counsels of a minister of that nation ; one instance only excepted, in which his
counsel was asked, but immediately rejected." — p. lvii.

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 473

To have asked counsel would have been improper. The
refusal alluded to requires explanation ; none is recollected.

" In short he seems to have concluded, from the moment those letters were
forwarded to me, that he had put that nation under my care, and, if I did not
keep it in order, that I merited censure." — p. lvii.

It was undoubtedly supposed, that every nation would be gov-
erned by its own contracts and principles of justice. When,
then, they departed from them, and a representation thereof was
made, the expectation surely was not unreasonable, that they
would do what was incumbent on both.

" I shall only observe upon it, that, had I been called on for a proof of my
activity and zeal to preserve tranquillity between the two countries, I should
have urged the delay of the French government to complain, discontented as it
was, as a most satisfactory one. Indeed I do not know, before the govern-
ment did complain, how I could produce any other." — p. lviii.

How does this accord with his frequent communications of
their complaints, on which the letters he alludes to were predi-
cated ?

" My efforts produced an effect for a certain term only." — p. lviii.

What effect ? Have our citizens received compensation for
the injurious spoliations they have sustained ? Was it deemed
a boon to obtain by weak, feeble, and suppliant addresses, a
repeal of arrets, the passing of which was a violation of their
treaty with us ?

H A sufficient one, however, to have permitted the administration to inter-
pose and assist me." — p. lviii.

And what interposition was expected from the administration ?
Did he expect that it was to have annulled the treaty, ask par-
don for having made it, and inquire of France what more she
required ?

" The course which I pursued was a plain one." — p. lix.

So it is believed, for the object he had in view, but not for
the object of his mission, or for the honor and dignity of his
country.

474 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

"Yet it was known, that the French government was jealous of the object
of the mission, which produced that treaty, from the period of its nomination ;
that it suspected the treaty was founded upon principles injurious to France
before its contents were seen ; and that those suspicions were confirmed when
they were seen." — p. lix.

Could it be expected by France, that this country would neg-
lect its own interests ; would suffer all the evils arising (nearly)
from a state of warfare, without any effort to obtain justice ?
And this too, because, as she might suspect, we were doing some-
thing wrong, after assurance had been given in the commence-
ment, that her rights should be saved ? Why has France expected
so much from us ? Has she made us privy to any of her acts
and doings ? Has she before, or after, communicated what she
meant to do, or had done, in treaties ? Tho' not so powerful, we
are as independent as France.

" Whether I contributed in any degree to divert the French government
from opposing the ratification of that treaty, or taking its measures after the
treaty was ratified, I will not pretend to say." — p. lix.

It is believed the truth here would not bear to be told, or else
the boast would not be wanting.

" To determine this latter point, some attention is due to the conduct of the
administration through every stage of this European controversy ; for the
whole of its conduct forms a system, which ought to be taken together, to
judge correctly of its motives in any particular case." — p. lx.

Is this to be decided by assertion or official documents ? If
the latter, why call this book, " A View of the Conduct of the
Executive of the United States" when it relates only to the cor-
respondence with him ? If to the former, is it to be judged of
by his ignorant, partial, and party representations ?

" The first is the appointment of a person as minister plenipotentiary to
France, in the commencement of the French Revolution, who was known to be
an enemy to that revolution, and a partisan of royalty ; whereby the name and
weight of America (no inconsiderable thing at that time in that respect) was
thrown into the scale of kings, against that of the people and of liberty. " — p. lx.

Was not France (as has been observed before) at the time, and
long after Mr. Morris's appointment, a monarchy ? Whatever

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 475

may have been his political sentiments, he pursued steadily the
honor and interest of his country with zest and ability, and with
respectful firmness asserted its rights. Had Mr. Monroe done
the same, we should not have been in the situation we now
are. Observe how irreconcilable this is with the declaration of
the committee of safety at the time of his reception. See page

n-

" Fourth, my appointment to the French republic." — p. Ix.

And an unfortunate one it was.

" It being known that, with other members of the Senate, I had opposed in
many instances the measures of the administration, particularly in that of the
mission of Mr. Morris to France, and of Mr. Jay to London ; from the
apprehension those missions would produce, in our foreign relations, precisely
the ill effect they did produce." — pp. Ix., lxi.

Unpardonable to appoint these men to office, although of
acknowledged first-rate abilities, when they were of different
political sentiments from Mr. Monroe, whose judgment, one
would presume, must be infallible.

" The instructions that were given me, to explain to the French government
the motives of Mr. Jay's mission to London, not as an act of condescension on
our part, at the demand of the French government, but of policy, to produce
tranquillity and give satisfaction, whilst the negotiation was depending ; by
which instructions, if the existence of a power to form a commercial treaty was
not positively denied, yet zVwas withheld, and the contrary evidently implied."
— p. lxi.

None but a person incompetent to judge, or blinded by party
views, could have misconstrued as he did. But had France a
right to be made acquainted with the private instructions of our
ministers ?

" The strong documents, that were put in my possession at that period, by
the administration, of its attachment to France and the French Revolution ; so
different from any thing before expressed." — p. lxi.

From which he has exhibited nothing but unfounded assertions
to prove a departure, but the contrary, from his references.

1 These references are to Monroe's volume.

476 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

•' The resentment shown by the administration on account of the publication
of those documents ; it having been intended they should produce their effect,
at the same time, and yet be kept secret." — p. lxi.

Because it was as unnecessary, as it was impolitic, to make a
parade of them.

" The approbation bestowed on me by the administration when I made
vehement pressures on the French government for a repeal of its decrees, under
which our commerce was harassed, exhibiting a picture of its spoliations, &c. ;
and the profound silence and inattention of the administration, when those
decrees were repealed, and a disposition shown by that government to assist us
in other cases." — p. lxi.

No vehement expressions were ever used. But, supposing it,
is it singular to commend a person for doing his duty ? Did the
complying with a demand of justice require it, when our rights
had been outrageously violated by a departure from it ? The
offer of aid to promote our views with Spain and Algiers was
friendly, and, if any benefit had been derived from it, thanks
would have followed.

"The power given to Mr. Jay to form a commercial treaty with England,
in the midst of a war, by a special mission, at a time when no such advance
was made to treat on that subject with France, and her advances at best coolly
received." — p. lxi.

The first we had a right to do, and the second is denied ; for
advances had been made repeatedly.

** The witholding from me the contents of that treaty until after the meet-
ing of the Senate ; notwithstanding the embarrassment to which I was in the
interim personally exposed, in consequence of the explanations I had before
given to the French government, by order of the administration, of the motives
of the mission which produced it ; which deportment proves clearly, that the
administration did not deal fairly with me from the commencement." — p. lxi.

None but a party man, lost to all sense of propriety, would
have asked such a thing, and no other would have brought him-
self into such a predicament.

" The submission of the treaty to M. Adet after the advice of the Senate,
before the ratification of the President ; at a time when, as it appears by satis-
factory documents, it was resolved to ratify it ; which submission therefore

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 477

was probably not made to obtain M. Adet's counsel, in which light it would
have been improper, especially as it had been withheld from his government ;
but to repel an objection to the candor of the administration, in its conduct in
preceding stages." — pp. lxi., lxii.

And what motive could be more candid or laudable, or be a
stronger argument of the executive belief of its fairness towards
France ? To ask M. Adet's advice would have been strange
indeed.

11 The character of the treaty itself, by which (according to the administra-
tion) we have departed from the modern rule of contraband, with respect to
many articles made free by modern treaties." — p. lxii.

The treaty in this respect leaves things precisely upon the
footing they were before, with an explanation favorable to the
United States, and not injurious to France.

M The conduct of the administration after the ratification of the treaty, being
in all cases irritable towards France." — p. lxii.

In what instances irritable ? Upon a just interpretation it
could not offend France. But it was known at the same time,
that there were the most unjustifiable means used to make it
have this effect.

"I should not notice my recall, being in itself a circumstance too trivial to
merit attention, if it were not for the state in which our affairs were in my
hands, when my recall was decided ; being at a period, when it appeared I had
succeeded in quieting the French government for the time, and was likely to
doit effectually." — p. lxii.

For this there is no better proof, than his own opinion ; whilst
there is abundant evidence of his being a mere tool in the hands
of the French government, cajoled and led away always by un-
meaning assurances of friends.

" To be left there to that precise time, and then withdrawn and censured,
seems to authorize a presumption, that I was left there in the first instance in
the expectation I would not defend that treaty, and in consequence whereof a
rupture would ensue, and recalled afterwards, when it was known I had done
my duty, and was likely to prevent a rupture." — p. lxii.

The contrary of all this appears from his own words, I mean
the official part of it.

478 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

" Whether the nature of this crisis contributed in any degree to influence our
measures, by repelling us from France and attracting us towards England, is
submitted for others to determine." — p. lxiii.

As he has such a happy knack at determining, he ought not to
have let this opportunity escape him.

"Be this, however, as it may, it is nevertheless obvious, that the policy
itself was at best short-sighted and bad." — p. lxiii.

Posterity will judge of this. Mr. Monroe's opinion is not the
standard by which it will judge.

" To stand well with France, through the whole of this European war, was
the true interest of America ; since great advantage was to be derived from it
in many views, and no injury in any." — p. lxiii.

But to stand well with France was, in other words, to quit
neutral ground, and disregard every other consideration, relying
wholly on that nation ; and this was what Monroe was aiming at.

" What would have been the condition of these States had France been
conquered, and the coalesced powers triumphed, it is easy to perceive." —
p. lxiii.

In turn, what will be the consequences of France overturning
so many governments ? and making partition of so many coun-
tries ? One, it is supposed, is right — the other, wrong ; from the
actors in the Drama.

" For, if she was conquered, it did not seem likely, that we should accom-
plish any of our objects with those powers ; nor could we profit by her success
otherwise than by preserving a good understanding with her." — p. lxiv.

Every reasonable and just measure, consistent with the neutral
policy of this government, approved by the people, has been
adopted to preserve a good understanding with France ; but
nothing short of hostility with Great Britain can accomplish this.

" The beneficial effects, too, of this stipulation, which was respected by
France at the time that treaty passed, was most sensibly felt upon our naviga-
tion and commerce ; for, in consequence of it, we were then become the princi-
pal carriers of the enemies of France." — p. lxiv.

Was this observed by France any longer than it suited her

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 479

convenience ? Has she not herself declared the contrary in ex-
plicit language ?

" It was highly for the interest of America to improve our footing in that
commerce ; and easy was it to have done so, had due attention been paid to
the necessary means of improving it." — p. lxiv.

These, it is presumed, were what he had suggested, viz.,
measures which must inevitably have led to war with Great
Britain.

" Nor was it difficult to stand well with France through the whole of this
crisis, and profit by her fortunes, without the smallest possible loss or even
hazard. The demonstration of this position is complete ; for we know, that,
although our ground was once lost by the administration in the course of the
present war, it was nevertheless afterwards recovered ; although it is much
easier to preserve a friendship, whilst at the height, than to recover it after it
is gone." — p. lxiv.

Here is a pretty smart compliment paid to himself at the
expense of the administration ; but the truth of the case is, that,
while France cajoled him by unmeaning compliments and prom-
ises, which cost them nothing, he conceived his influence to be
such as to command any thing ; when, on the other hand, urged
by the orders he received to press for the restitution of our cap-
tured property, they alarmed him with their discontents and his
efforts stood suspended, these discontents were charged to the
administration.

" And how was it recovered ? Not by any address on my part, for I pretend
to none." — p. lxv.

Strange indeed ! When by his adroit management he has
parried the evils, which the weakness or wickedness of the
executive was likely to involve this country in during the whole
of his ministry. — But is it uncharitable to ask Mr. Monroe for
the instances, by which the documents to which he alludes have
been counteracted by the administration ? For it would puzzle
him, or any one else, to find a sentiment in the whole of the
Secretary of State's letters to him repugnant thereto. Surely
the reclamation of property unlawfully captured, and not abro-
gating, as he was disposed to do, important articles of the treaty,

480 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

cannot stand in the catalogue of misdeeds. It is conceived, that
he has by mistake laid his hands upon the letters of Mr. Bache,
Dr. Logan, or some other of that class of correspondents, and,
attending more to the contents and his wishes, than to the signa-
ture, has realized their surmises.

"Nor did we hazard any thing in any view by standing well with France,
whilst much was to be gained. The administration admits she did not wish us
to embark in the war. Perhaps this was admitted to preclude the claim of
merit for not wishing it." — p. lxv.

France might not have wished us to embark in the war by an
absolute declaration of it ; but she and Mr. Mfonroe] also did
every thing in their power to induce us to pursue measures^
which must inevitably have produced it.

" Such was the situation of America in the commencement of this war !
Such our standing with the French nation, so advantageous in itself, so easy to
preserve ! And yet all these advantages have been thrown away ; and, instead
of that secure and tranquil state, which we might have enjoyed throughout, we
have been likewise plunged, so far as the administration could plunge us, into
a war with our ancient ally, and on the side of the kings of Europe contending
against her for the subversion of liberty !

" Had France been conquered, to what objects that administration would
have aspired, has fortunately by her victories been left a subject for conjecture
only." — p. lxv.

An insinuation as impudent as it is unfounded.

" We might have stood well with France, avoiding all the losses we have
sustained from her ; enjoying the benefit of the principles of free trade, and
even appeared as an advocate for those principles, and without going to any
extremity." — p. lxvi.

Not by pursuing the means he suggested.

"And instead of a situation so advantageous, so honorable, so satisfactory to
our country, what is that unto which our government has conducted us ? " —
p. lxvi.

The French party, he should have said, had he spoken properly.

' ' Long will it be before we shall be able to forget what we are, nor will
centuries suffice to raise us to the high ground from which we have fallen." —
p. lxvi.

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 481

And to accomplish which Mr. Monroe has been a principal
actor. '

" They would most probably have pressed . . . after the example was
given." — p. 89.

Were they entitled to this by Treaty ? — If not, upon what
ground could they have pressed it ?

" For a while, as it was circulated only in private, ... to those who
mentioned it to me." — pp. 89, 90.

He could make extraordinary efforts here to counteract dis-
advantageous opinions before they were announced to him at all
— but as it respected the growing discontents proceeding from
the Treaty with G. B — he conceived it necessary to wait until he
should receive them officially.

" He [Jay] was sent to England upon an especial business only ; to demand
reparation for injuries, and to which his authority was strictly limited."

His instructions authorized no such declaration with respect
to the limitation.

" To day, however, I was favored with yours of 28th of the same month, by
which I find you consider yourself at liberty to communicate to me the con-
tents of the treaty."— pp. 113, 114.

The heads only of the principal articles — and that in confi-
dence.

" Mr. Purviance is from Maryland, a gentleman of integrity and merit, and
to whom you may commit whatever you may think proper to confide with per-
fect safety." — p. 1 14.

A modest request this ! but not extraordinary, as it was to be
laid before the French government — nothing short of which
being able to satisfy it.

" Our former minister was not only without the confidence of the govern-
ment, but an object of particular jealousy and distrust." — p. 1 19.

1 For some reason Mr. Sparks omitted all the comments beyond this point.
I have added them, merely transcribing from Monroe's book the beginning and
ending of the sentences to which they refer.
31

482 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

Principally because he asserted our rights and claimed redress.

" In addition to which it was suspected, that we were about to abandon
them for a connection with England, and for which purpose principally, it was
believed that Mr. Jay had been sent there." — p. 119.

On what ground the suspicion ? When it was a notorious fact
that [we] were upon the worst terms short of open war with
G. B.

"My first reception was marked with circumstances which fully demon-
strated these facts .... I was viewed with a jealous eye, and kept at
the most awful distance." — p. iig, 120.

His communications with the French Government contradict
this — and account satisfactorily for the delay of the reception, as
may be seen by reference thereto.

" Into what consequences this policy, which was hostile to us, might lead
. . . Thus circumstanced, what course did policy dictate that I should
pursue?" — p. 120.

As nothing but justice and the fulfilment of a contract Was
asked, it dictated firmness, conducted with temperance in the
pursuit of it.

*' The doors of the committee, as already mentioned, were closed against
me." — p. 120.

This appears nowhere, but in his own conjectures, and after
assertions confirm his own account. At the time the delay of his
reception was satisfactorily explained and had been the cause of
another waiting 6 weeks. See his letter of the 25 Aug. page 16
— In which he also says : " I have reason to believe it was the
general desire that I should be received as soon as possible and
with every demonstration of respect for the country represented."

" Or was it to be presumed, that the declarations of friendship which they
contained, would produce in the councils of that body any change of senti-
ment, advised as it had been, and armed as it was, with a series of contrary
evidence, and in which it would place a greater confidence." — p. 120.

By whom were they advised ? — And what evidences are alluded
to?

798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 483

" If then our good understanding with France was broken, or the necessary
concert between us incomplete, Britain would only have to amuse us till the
crisis had passed, and then defy us." — pp. 121, 122.

Was a good understanding to be interrupted because we were
endeavoring to live in Peace with all the world ? — and were only
asking of France what we were entitled to by Treaty ?

11 1 trusted . . . that no concession would be made to my discredit, in
favor of that [English] administration." — p. 122.

It is not understood what is here meant by concession. None
was asked, or any thought of being made.

" Had the fortunes of France been unprosperous upon my arrival here, the
motive for greater caution would have been stronger. But the case was in
every respect otherwise. Her fortunes were at the height of prosperity, and
those of her enemies decisively on the decline." — p. 122.

It will not be denied, it is presumed, that there had been, and
might again be grand vicissitudes in their affairs — both externally
and internally. Prudence and policy therefore required that the
government of the United States should move with great circum-
spection.

" Upon the third point but little need be said. I have some time since
transmitted to you a decree which carried the treaty into effect, and yielded
the point in question." — p. 123.

A very singular mode truly to obtain it — but look to letter of
November 7th, 1794, pages 58 and 59, and judge whether it
would not have been accomplished sooner if he had desired it.
And what can he mean by not conceding when in explicit terms
he has declared that the point, if upon consideration they de-
sired it, would have been given up with pleasure !

"And I now declare, that I am of opinion, if we stood firmly upon that
ground, there is no service within the power of this republic to render, that it
would not render us, and upon the slightest intimation." — p. 123.

That is to say, if we would not press them to do us justice, but
have yielded to their violations, they would have aided us in
every measure which would have cost them — nothing.

484 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

" For at that time I had reason to believe that it contemplated to take under
its care, and to provide for, our protection against Algiers ; for the expulsion
of the British from the western posts." — p. 124.

By what means were the British to be expelled from the west-
ern Posts by the French, without first conquering Canada, or
passing through the Territory of the United States ? And would
not the latter by the Law of Nations been a cause of war ? The
truth is, Mr. Monroe was cajoled, flattered, and made to believe
strange things. In return he did, or was disposed to do whatever
was pleasing to that nation — reluctantly urging the rights of his
own.

" How then does his [Jay's] conduct correspond with his own doctrine ;
having in his three several letters communicated a particular article, and
promised in the second the whole [treaty]." — p. 140.

This is a mistake, no such promises to be found in the 2nd
letter. See page 105, Nov'r 25th.

" In short, had I been in a private station, is it probable he would have
written or communicated any thing to me on the subject ? " — p. 140.

The intention was to enable him on the veracity and authority
of the negotiator of the Treaty to assert that there was nothing
contained in it repugnant to our engagement with France, and
that was all that they or he had a right to expect.

" But in reviewing now his several letters, it is difficult to ascertain what he
intended to do, or what his real object was in writing them : For he says in
these, that he is not at liberty to disclose the purport of his treaty, and yet
promises it : That he will give me the contents or principal heads, to enable
me to satisfy this government ; but yet will give them only in confidence, and
of course under an injunction, that will put it out of my power to give the
satisfaction intended." — p. 141.

Because nothing short of a complete copy, and that for the
avowed purpose of laying it, before ratification, before the French
Government, would be accepted.

" I am likewise persuaded, that if I had been authorised to declare, gener-
ally, from my own knowledge (being the minister on the ground, and responsi-
ble for the truth of the declaration) that the treaty did not interfere with our
engagements with this republic, &c, it ought not to be published, — it would

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 485

have been satisfactory. And had the communication been sent to me even in
this last stage, such would have been my conduct, and most certainly such the
effect." — p. T42.

This from the tenor of his conduct was not to be expected.

"I had then gained such an insight into their councils, as to satisfy me,
that all our great national objects, so far as they were connected with this
Republic, were more easily to be secured by a frank and liberal deportment,
than a cool and reserved one." — p. 142.

It was the policy of the French to make him believe this, that
they might with more ease draw from him such information as
they wanted.

On p. 144 Washington has noted, without special reference to
any sentence :

Nothing short of this would subserve Mr. Monroe's views.
The request therefore was with great propriety refused.

"In consequence I waited on the diplomatic section of the committee, and
made the representation as above, repeating Mr. Jay's motive for withholding
the communication, as urged by himself : ' That it belonged to the sovereign
power alone to make it, &c.' " — p. 147.

And this ought to have satisfied the French Government. It
was as much as that Government would have done for us, or any
other nation.

"I thought it best to send the paper in by my secretary, Mr. Gauvain."—
p. 148.

Here is a striking instance of his folly ! This Secretary of his
was a foreigner — it is believed a Frenchman. — Introduced no
doubt to his confidence and Papers for the sole purpose of com-
municating to the Directory the secrets of his office.

41 Transactions of old standing, I have not lately formally pressed, because
I knew that the government ' was embarrassed on the score of finance, and
because I thought it would be better to wait the issue of the business depend-
ing with you in June next." — p. 160.

The sufferings of our Citizens is always a secondary considera-
tion when put in competition with the embarrassments of the
French.

486 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

" The claim of 15,000 dollars I mentioned long since would be admitted
without a word, and that it ought to be so understood at the treasury. I
omitted it in my more early applications to this government, because I wished
to progress with the greater objects first, and more latterly, for the reasons
above suggested." — p. 161.

Here is a disregard shewn to repeated orders of his govern-
ment, to press this matter.

"As I have had no communication with this government upon the subject
of this treaty since its contents were known, it is of course impossible for me
to say what the impression it has made is." — p. 207.

What inference is to be drawn from this declaration ? — What
light is it in Philadelphia that is to discover the sense of the
French Government in Paris, before it was divulged there ?
except the conduct of the French Party by whom the wheels
were to be moved ?

" For this purpose, then, the person to whom we commit the trust, should
possess the confidence of this government." — pp. 209, 210.

Had an eye to himself it is presumed. If he does not mean
himself here, it is not difficult to guess who the other character
is marked out by this description.

11 But can we accomplish what we wish by the fortunes of France, by any
negotiation we can set on foot, without any effort of our own ; and if any such
effort is to be made, of what kind must it be?" — p. 210.

War was the suggestion, and is here repeated. This has no
horrors when waged in favor of France, but dreadful even in
thoughts when it is against her.

M As Mr. Fenwick has always proved himself to be an useful, indeed a
valuable, officer in the station he holds, and as the error imputed to him might
be the effect of judgment only, and which I think it was, — I have thought I
could not better forward your views or the interest of my country, than by con-
tinuing him in the discharge of the duties of his office, till the President shall
finally decide in his case." — p. 297.

Mr. Fenwick was accused of covering by the American Flag
French money under false Invoices — but Mr. M. could readily
excuse this breach of faith in his office.

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 487

"I observed, further, that France had gained credit by her late conduct
towards us : For whilst England had seized our vessels, and harassed our
trade, she had pursued an opposite, and more magnanimous policy ; and
which had produced, and would continue to produce, a correspondent effect,
by encreasing our resentment against England, and attachment to France.
But as soon as the latter should assume an hostile or menacing deportment
towards us, would this motive diminish, and the argument it furnished lose its
force." — p. 313.

England, before the late treaty with the U. States, and France,
were different in their Commercial Relations with America.

"I asked him, what were his objection* to the treaty; and to which he
replied, as before, in general rather than in precise terms." — p. 314.

For the best reason imaginable ; because none could be urged
that had any weight in them.

" The courts of justice in the United States have taken, and continue daily
to take, cognizance of prizes, which our privateers conduct into their ports,
notwithstanding the express clause of the treaty which prohibits it." — p. 321.

Only in cases where the captors have contraversed the Treaty
— acted contrary to the Law of Nations — or our own municipal
Laws.

" The admission of English vessels of war into the ports of the United
States, against the express stipulation of the 17th article of the treaty; that is
to say, when they have made prizes upon the republic, or its citizens." — p. 322.

A single instance only of a Prize being bro't in is recollected,
— & against it strong remonstrance was made. — Without prizes
Ships of war are not restrained by the Treaty.

"The consular convention, which makes a part of our treaties, is equally
unexecuted in two of its most important clauses : The first, which grants to
our consuls the right of judging exclusively all controversies which take place
between French citizens, has become illusory, from a defect in the law which
gives to our consuls the means' of executing their judgments." — p. 322.

No interruption has been given to this. To carry their own
judgment into effect has constituted the difficulty, and in its
nature is nearly impossible to do it.

" The judges charged, by the law, to deliver mandats of arrest, have lately

488 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

required the presentation of the original register of the equipage, in despite of
the 5th article of the treaty, which admits in the tribunals of the two powers
copies certified by the consuls." — p. 322.

This is the French construction of the art. — The Judiciary of
the U. S. interprets it otherwise — over whom the Executive have
no controul.

" The arrestation in the port of Philadelphia, in the month pf August, 1795,
of the Captain of the Corvette Cassius, for an act committed by him on the
high seas . . . violates moreover the right of nations, the most common ;
which puts the officers of public vessels under the safeguard of their flag."
— p. 322-

This arrestation was for an offence committed against the Law
of Nations and those of the United States, and has been ex-
plained over and over again. — See the Secretary of State's letter,
13th of June, p. 364.

" The arrestation, in the waters of the United States, of the packet boat in
which the minister sailed : The search made in his trunks, with the avowed
object of seizing his person and his papers, merited an example." — p. 323.

What more could the U. S. do than was done ? See the Sec-
retary of State's letter of Sept. 14, 1795, P- 292-

" Third complaint. The treaty concluded in November, 1794, between the
United States and Great Britain. It would be easy to prove, that the United
States, in that treaty, have sacrificed, knowingly and evidently, their connec-
tion with the republic ; and the rights, the most essential and least contested,
of neutrality." — p. 323.

These are strange assertions upon false premises. Strange
indeed would it be if the U. States could not make a treaty with-
out the consent of the French government, where that treaty
infracted no prior engagement, but expressly recognizes and con-
firms them.

" To sacrifice, exclusively to this power, the objects which are necessary for
the equipment and construction of vessels — is not this to depart evidently from
the principles of neutrality ?" — p. 323.

They have given nothing, but left those principles precisely
upon the ground they stood before the Treaty, with some ex-

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 489

planations favorable to the U. States, and not injurious to France.
— They have made nothing contraband that was not contraband
before. Nor was it in their power to obtain from G. B. a change,
which the armed neutrality (as it was called) could not when
combined accomplish.

On page 345, on the first paragraph of Monroe's letter of 12
June, 1796, Washington noted :

How strangely inconsistant are his accounts !

" After this. Citizen Minister, the executive directory thinks itself founded,
in regarding the stipulations of the treaty of 1778, which concern the neutrality
of the flag, as altered and suspended in their most essential parts, by this act,
and that it would fail in its duty, if it did not modify a state of things which
would never have been consented to, but upon the condition of the most strict
reciprocity." — p. 356.

From hence it follows that if A makes a contract with B, and
C will not make a similar one with him, B will not be bound by
his contract, although the cases are unconnected with each
other.

u You will observe, that in my reply to your complaints, I have heretofore
confined myself strictly to the subject of those complaints ; never going beyond
them, to expose in return the injuries we have received from this Republic, in
the course of the present war." — pp. 358, 359.

All this he ought to have done, and was instructed to do in
the beginning — and had it been urged with firmness and temper-
ance, might have prevented the evils which have taken place
since.

"Because I was disposed to yield every possible accommodation to your
present exigencies that my duty would permit." — p. 359.

And a great deal more than his duty permitted.

" I do not wish to be understood as assuming to myself the merit of this
delay." — p. 371.

By implication he has done this in a variety of instances.

"I well know, that I have done every thing in my power, and from the
moment of my arrival to the present time, to promote harmony between the
two republics, and to prevent this from taking any step which might possibly
disturb it." — p. 371.

49° THE WRITINGS OF [1798

That is by not pressing the execution of the Treaty ; and for
compensation to our suffering citizens. This, no doubt, was
accommodating and pleasing one party at the Expence of the
other.

" One of the members however observed, that the abandonment of the
principle that free ships made free goods, in favor of England, was an injury of
a very serious kind to France ; and which could not be passed by unnoticed."
—P. 374-

Did France expect that the U. States could compel G. Britain
to relinquish this right under the Law of Nations while the
other maritime Powers of Europe (as has been observed before)
when combined for the purpose were unable to effect [it] ? Why
then call it an abandonment ?

" He told me explicitly, they had no object with respect to Canada for
themselves, but wished it separated from England : That they were not anxious
about Louisiana, and if they took it, it would be only in case of a war between
Spain and England . . . That, with respect to our interior, we had no
cause to be uneasy ; for there did not exist, in the breast of a member of the
government, an intention to wish to disturb it." — p. 377.

This is all external, and a flimsy covering of their designs.
Why else send their emissaries through that country to inculcate
different principles among the Inhabitants — a fact that could be
substantiated.

"But, Citizen Minister, you know too well from what side the first blow was
given to that friendship, which our two nations had sworn to." — p. 390.

Yes, Citizen, and every one else, who can read, are acquainted
with facts and your violations of our Rights under the Treaty
knows it also !

" It shall not be the fault of the executive directory, Citizen Minister, if the
political relations between the two nations are not speedily reestablished on
the footing they ought to be, and if the clouds, which cast a gloom on our
alliance, be not dispelled, by frank and loyal explanations ; to which it will
be anxious to listen above all, Citizen Minister, when they shall be made
through you." — p. 391.

The treatment of our Minister, General Pinckney, is a pretty
evidence of this. The tho't of parting with Mr. Monroe was
insupportable by them !

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 491

TO ALEXANDER WHITE.

Mount Vernon, 25 March, 1798.

Dear Sir,

Your favors of the 10th and 14th Inst, have been
duly received, and for the information contained
therein I feel grateful. — Rarely going from home I
have nothing in the way of news to offer you in
return. —

It has always been my opinion, and so I have
expressed it, that the proprietors of the City of
Washington (with some exceptions) are by their
jealousies and the modes they pursue to promote
their local Interests, amongst its worst enemies. —
But if your present exertion to obtain a loan from
Congress should succeed, of which the prospect
seems good, all doubts respecting the intentions of
that body towards the permanent establishment
of the Government, at that place will be removed ; —
confidence will take place in every mind ; and the
Public buildings will be accompanied by private
ones for the accommodation of its members. — My
wishes and my labors have always tended to the
accomplishment of these points ; the first is all I
have left to offer, and these shall be fervent. — The
principle which operated for fixing the site for
the two principal buildings, were understood and
found necessary at the time to obtain the primary
object, i.e., the ground and means for either purpose.
— But it is always easy from an ignorant or partial
view of a measure, to distort and place it in an
unfavorable attitude. Nothing short of insanity can

492 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

remove Congress from the building intended for its
sittings to any other part of the city in the present
progress of the work. — Where or how the houses
for the President and other public officers may be
fixed is to me as an individual a matter of moon-
shine ; but the reverse of the President's reason for
placing the latter near the Capitol was my motive
for fixing them by the former. The daily intercourse
which the Secretaries of the Departments must have
with the President, would render a distant situation
extremely inconvenient to them ; and not much less
so would one be close to the Capitol ; for it was the
universal complaint of them all, that while the Legis-
lature was in Session, they cou'd do little or no
business ; — so much were they interrupted by the
individual visits of members (in office hours) and by
calls for papers. — Many of them have declared to
me that they have been obliged often to go home
and deny themselves in order to transact the current
business. —

No person will congratulate you more sincerely
than I shall on the final success of your mission if it
answers your expectations ; nor is there any one who
reprobates more than I do improper interferences of
all sorts. As your perseverance however is likely to
be accepted, and as this will open a view which
promises a pleasing prospect, I hope you will suffer
no difficulties or differences, to divert you from your
course, and that you will not give out the business
until you see the Legislature seated in the Capitol of
the United States.

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 493.

The last message from the President to the Houses
of Congress has brought the matter to an issue. —

to james Mchenry, secretary of war.

DEAR SlR Mount Vernon, 27 March, 1798.

Your favor of came safe and in due time ; for

the information contained in it I thank you ; your
request was immediately complied with, as every one
of a similar nature shall be.

A report is circulated in Alexandria and its vicin-
ity, transmitted, (it is said,) in private letters from
Philadelphia, that a correspondence has been dis-
covered, or more properly letters have been inter-
cepted, from some m r of Cgss to the Dcty of F,

of a treasonable nature, Containing, among other
matters, advice not to receive our Envoys ; on the con-
trary, to menace us with hostile appearances, and they
might rely upon bringing the U States to her terms.
The name of the person has been mentioned to me.

Cruel must these reports be if unfounded, and, if
well founded, what punishment can be too great for
the Actors in so diabolical a Drama ? The period is
big with events, but what it will produce is beyond
the reach of human ken. On this, as upon all other
occasions, I hope the best. It has always been my
belief, that Providence has not led us so far in the
path of Independence of one Nation, to throw us
into the arms of another ; and that the machinations
of those, who are attempting it, will sooner or later
recoil upon their own heads. Heaven grant it may

494 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

soon happen upon all those, whose conduct de-
serve it.1

With truth I am always yours.

TO FERDINAND FEROT.
3ir Mount Vernon, 15 April, 1798.

The papers which you were pleased to transmit to me
from Baltimore are agreeably to your request returned.

Not perceiving what has been your object in
addressing such sentiments as your letter of the 4th
inst. contained, and not being conscious of having
merited the reprehension you have judged it ex-
pedient to inflict on me, I shall not give you the
trouble of reading an answer in detail.

I cannot forbear observing however that as
it is not usual with me, to treat any gentleman
with incivility or even with indifference (especially
under my own roof) I am unable to recollect any
part of my behavior which could give rise to such
misconception of my motives.

As to the deceptions which may have been occa-
sioned by the quotation in your letter, I shall only
remark that I had no agency in the fabrication of it, or
of anything similar thereto, — that it is to be regretted
that we should have land jobbers and other speculators
among us who, to promote their Interested views,
will publish such accounts and that foreigners should
be imposed upon by them. I am &c.

1 President Adams, on March 19th, announced to Congress the failure of the
negotiations in France.

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 495

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING.

Mount Vernon, April 16, 1798.

Dear Sir,

Your obliging favor of the nth Inst, enclos-
ing copies of the instructions to, and dispatches
from the Envoys of the United States at Paris
was received with thankfulness by the last
Post-
One would think that the measure of infamy was
filled, and the profligacy of, and corruption in the
system pursued by the French Directory required no
further disclosure of the principles by which it is
actuated, than what is contained in the above dis-
patches ; to open the eyes of the blindest ; and yet,
I am persuaded that those communications will
produce no change in the leaders of the opposition,
unless there shou'd appear a manifest desertion of
the followers. There is a sufficient evidence already
in the Aurora of the turn they intend to give the
business, and of the ground they mean to occupy —
but I do not believe they v/ill be able to maintain
that — or any other much longer. 1

With very great esteem.

1 V The Demo's seem to be lifting up their heads again — according to Mr.
Bache. — They are a little crestfallen — or one might say, thunder-stricken — on
the publication of the dispatches from our envoys ; but the contents of these
dispatches are now resolved by them into harmless chit chat — mere trifles —
less than was, or ought to have been expected from the misconduct of the
Administration of this country, and that it is better to submit to such chastise-
ment than to hazard greater evils by shewing futile resentment. So much
for a little consultation among themselves." — Washington to James Mc Henry,

May, 1798.

496 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON PARKE CUSTIS. *

Mount Vernon, 10 May, 1798.

Dear Washington :

Your letter by Colonel Fitzgerald has been received,
and I shall confine my reply at present, to the query
in the postscript, viz. " to whom I am to apply for
money in case of need."

This has the appearance of a very early application,
when it is considered that you were provided very
plentifully, it was conceived, with necessaries of all
sorts when you left this (two months ago only) ; had
£\. 6. given to you by me, and £$. o. o. by Doctor
Stuart, as charged in his account against me (equal
to between 9 and 10 lbs. Maryland currency) ; had a
trunk purchased for you, a quarter's board paid in
advance, &c. Except for your washing, and books
when necessary, I am at a loss to discover what has
given rise to so early a question. Surely you have
not conceived that indulgence in dress or other ex-
travagances are matters that were ever contemplated
by me as objects of expense ; and I hope they are
not so by you. As then the distance between this
and Annapolis is short, and the communication (by
post) easy, regular and safe, transmit the accounts of
such expenses as are necessary, to me, in your letters,
and a mode shall be devised for prompt and punctual
payment of them. And let me exhort you, in solemn
terms, to keep steadily in mind the purposes and the
end for which you were sent to the seminary you are

1 Now at the college at Annapolis.

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 497

now placed at, and not disappoint the hopes which
have been entertained from your going thither, by
doing which you will ensure the friendship, &c. of.

TO MRS. SARAH FAIRFAX. 1

Mount Vernon, 16 May, 1798.

My dear Madam,

Five and twenty years have nearly passed away,
since I have considered myself as the permanent
resident at this place, or have been in a situation to
indulge myself in a familiar intercourse with my
friends by letter or otherwise.

During this period, so many important events have
occurred, and such changes in men and things have
taken place, as the compass of a letter would give
you but an inadequate idea of. None of which
events, however, nor all of them together, have been
able to eradicate from my mind the recollection of
those happy moments, the happiest in my life, which
I have enjoyed in your company.

Worn out in a manner by the toils of my past
labor, I am again seated under my vine and fig-tree,
and wish I could add, that there were none to make
us afraid ; but those, whom we have been accustomed
to call our good friends and allies, are endeavoring,
if not to make us afraid, yet to despoil us of our
property, and are provoking us to acts of self-defence,
which may lead to war. What will be the result of

1 Widow of George William Fairfax, now living in England.
32

498 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

such measures, time, that faithful expositor of all
things, must disclose. My wish is to spend the
remainder of my days, which cannot be many, in
rural amusements, free from the cares from which
public responsibility is never exempt.

Before the war, and even while it existed, although
I was eight years from home at one stretch, (except
the en passant visits made to it on my marches to
and from the siege of Yorktown,) I made consider-
able additions to my dwelling-houses, and alterations
in my offices and gardens ; but the dilapidation oc-
casioned by time, and those neglects, which are coex-
tensive with the absence of proprietors, have occupied
as much of my time within the last twelve months in
repairing them, as at any former period in the same
space ; and it is matter of sore regret, when I cast
my eyes towards Belvoir, which I often do, to reflect,
the former inhabitants of it, with whom we lived in
such harmony and friendship, no longer reside there,
and that the ruins can only be viewed as the memento
of former pleasures. Permit me to add, that I have
wondered often, your nearest relations being in this
country, that you should not prefer spending the
evening of your life among them, rather than close
the sublunary scene in a foreign country, numerous
as your acquaintances may be, and sincere as the
friendships you may have formed.

A century hence, if this country keeps united (and
it is surely its policy and interest to do it), will pro-
duce a city, though not as large as London, yet of a
magnitude inferior to few others in Europe, on the

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 499

banks of the Potomac, where one is now establishing
for the permanent seat of the government of the
United States, (between Alexandria and Georgetown,
on the Maryland side of the river ; ) a situation not
excelled, for commanding prospect, good water,
salubrious air, and safe harbour, by any in the world ;
and where elegant buildings are erecting and in for-
wardness for the reception of Congress in the
year 1800.

Alexandria, within the last seven years, since the
establishment of the general government, has in-
creased in buildings, in population, in the improve-
ment of its streets by well-executed pavements, and
in the extension of its wharves, in a manner of which
you can have very little idea. This show of prosperity,
you will readily conceive, is owing to its commerce.
The extension of that trade is occasioned, in a great
degree, by opening of the inland navigation of the
Potomac River, now cleared to Fort Cumberland,
upwards of two hundred miles, and by a similar
attempt to accomplish the like up the Shenandoah,
one hundred and eighty miles more. In a word, if
this country can steer clear of European politics,
stand firm on its bottom, and be wise and temperate
in its government, it bids fair to be one of the greatest
and happiest nations in the world.

Knowing that Mrs. Washington is about to give
an account of the changes, which have happened in
the neighborhood and in our own family, I shall not
trouble you with a repetition of them.

I am, &c.

500 THE WRITINGS OF [1798

MRS. WASHINGTON TO MRS. SARAH FAIRFAX.

Mount Vernon, 17 May, 1798.

Whether you are indebted to me, or I to you a letter, I shall
not (because it would not comport with that friendship I have
always professed, and still feel for you to enquire ; ) but I shall
proceed having so good an opportunity as is afforded by Mr.
Fairfax's voyage to England, to assure you that although many
years have elapsed since I have either received or written one to
you, that my affectionate regard for you has undergone no dimi-
nution, and that it is among my greatest regrets, now I am again
fixed (I hope for life) at this place, at not having you as a neigh-
bor and companion. This loss was not sensibly felt by me while
I was a kind of perambulator, during eight or nine years of the
war, and during other eight years which I resided at the seat of
the general government, occupied in scenes more busy, tho' not
more happy, than in the tranquil employment of rural life with
which my days will close.

The changes which have taken place in this country, since you
left it (and it is pretty much the case in all other parts of this
State) are, in one word, total. In Alexandria, I do not believe
there lives at this day a single family with whom you had the
smallest acquaintance. In our neighborhood Colo. Mason, Colo.
McCarty and wife, Mr. Chichestor, Mr. Lund Washington and all
the Wageners, have left the stage of human life ; and our visitors
on the Maryland side are gone and going likewise. These, it is
true are succeeded by another Generation among whom your
niece, Mrs. Herbert, has a numerous offspring ; and as she, Mrs.
Washington of Fairfield, and your nephews, Thomas and Ferdi-
nand Fairfax are (as I am informed) among your correspondents,
it would perhaps be but an imperfect repetition of what you
would receive more correctly in detail from them, to relate mat-
ters which more immediately concern themselves : I shall briefly
add, however, that Mrs. Washington has just lost another daughter,
who lately married Mr. Thomas Fairfax and is the second wife
he has lost, both very fine women.

With respect to my own family, it will not I presume, be new

1798] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 501

to you to hear that my son died in the fall of 1781. He left four
fine children, three daughters and a son ; the two eldest of the
former are married, and have three children between them, all
girls. The eldest of the two, Elizabeth, married Mr. Law (a man
of fortune from the East Indies, brother to the Bishop of [blank] ;
the other, Martha, married Mr. Thomas Peter, son of Robt. Peter
of Georgetown, who is also very wealthy. Both live in the
federal city. The youngest daughter, Eleanor, is yet single, and
lives with me, having done so from an infant ; as has my grand-
son George Washington, now turned of seventeen, except when
at college ; to three of which he has been — viz — Philadelphia,
New Jersey and Annapolis, at the last of which he now is.1

1 The draft of this letter is in Washington's writing.

END OF VOL. XIII.

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