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In college I was told that a 
researcher ought to know 
the difference between pri- 
mary and secondary sources. 
To this day I'm not certain 
which is which, but I was told 
that primary sources are docu- 
ments like diaries and letters, 
containing first-hand observa- 
tions, whereas secondary 
sources are books and maga- 
zine articles that do not contain 
eyewitness or first person ac- 
counts. I must admit I had not 
held someone else's diary in my 
hands and the personal letters 
I've used for research are few. 
Until now. 

You will get a better idea 
of primary source documents 
when you read Ann Childs' A 
Hoosier Goes West. It contains 
quotes from diaries and letters 
written by D. W. Springer to 
"dear ones" back home in Indi- 
ana. Childs sent us some of the 
diaries and letters for review. 
What a privilege to see an 1868 
letter written in sweeping, cal- 
ligraphic style! Or to leaf through an 1865 diary in which 
the writer describes the day he had nearly 130 years ago. 
After more than a century of storage Springer's letters dis- 
play fold creasemarks, ink spots and the oxide stains of age. 
The musty odor of grandma's midwestern attic emanates 
from torn leather and aged pages. 

Rolf Swensen, in his article about the Haynes Collec- 
tion at Montana State University, also must have felt nostal- 
gia handling his mother's antique Haynes Guide which, be- 
cause of its signatures, poetry and greetings from Yellow- 
stone Park co-workers and friends, is also a primary source. 
Swensen's Guide and the Springer diaries and letters are not 
only primary sources, they are artifacts. Students of history 
should be allowed to see, touch and enjoy these primary 

Another primary source document is the oral history 
interview. Among the State's collection of tapes is one con- 
taining an interview with Tom Tisdale, student of the John- 
son County War who passed away last December. Tom 







W J m 


L#94 1 ^ 53^ 



MarkJunge, Wyoming Sta 

Tom Tisdale (1922-1992) holding the shotgun his grand- 
father bought to protect himself against assassins. 

"Well, it's just a sawed-off, twelve gauge shotgun. I don't 
know if it's legal or not, but I know that if you get rushed by 
a crowd of people that a sawed-off shotgun is supposed to 
have been a lot more effective than a revolver or a rifle. " 

merit appraiser, but he was a 
cowboy at heart, having been 
raised in the ranch country of 
Johnson County. His grandfa- 
ther, John A. Tisdale, was mur- 
dered prior to the Johnson 
County invasion. On Decem- 
ber 1, 1891 rancher Tisdale was 
found seven miles south of Buf- 
falo, lying atop the Christmas 
toys he had purchased in town 
for his kids. He had been shot 
in the back, presumably by 
Frank Canton. 

I never met anyone as 
knowledgeable as Tom Tisdale 
in matters regarding the War, 
nor anyone who passionately 
devoted so much of his time to 
the subject. Six hours of taped 
interview was not enough. Tom 
complained that I needed to do 
more studying so that he could 
discuss the finer points with me. 
When he died of cancer in De- 
cember he was putting together 
the pieces in an historical puzzle 
that seemed to get larger. Tom 
was a strong man, once active 
as a bulldogger and calf roper, and later as a team roper. 
Even when his stamina left him, his handshake weakened 
and his deep booming voice faded to a scratchy whisper, he 
kept researching because he knew that work was an anti- 
dote for the pain in his chest. 

I'm not quite as close to it as my dad urns. I didn't go 
hungry, anyway. But 1 don't blame the big fellas or the little 
fellas. I just get tired of em trying to pass off that the big fellas 
-were all a bunch of angels and the little fellas were all a bunch of 
thieves and their zvwes were all prostitutes. And I've read books 
where fellas wrote ...that fella that was the head of the Stock Grow- 
ers here, Russell Thorp, he knew the big fellas were right because 
when he was a kid, why, his father let him play with the children 
of the rich fella's families and they had to be right (laughs). 

Tom Tisdale gave Wyoming his labor, ideas and re- 
search materials. And now his own oral history interview is 
a primary document sitting on the shelves of the Historical 
Research and Publications Unit of the Wyoming State Mu- 
seum, waiting for some historian who has more time than 

worked in the bureaucracy as a Wyoming Highway Depart- Tom had to work on the puzzle. 

Wyoming Annals 

Spring 1993 

Governor of Wyoming 
Mike Sullivan 

Department of Commerce Director 
Max Maxfield 

Parks & Cultural Resources Division Director 
David Kathka 

Parks and Cultural Resources Commission 
William Dubois, Cheyenne 
Frances Fisher, Saratoga 

Pam Rankin, Jackson 
Jeannie Hickey, Chey'enne 

David Peck, Rtverton 

Norval Waller, Sundance 

Jere Bogrett, Riverton 

Hale Kreycik, Douglas 

Edre Maier, Sheridan 

Wyoming State Historical Society 
Officers, i 992-1993 

Walter Edens, President, Laramie 

Sally Vanderpoel, 

First Vice-president, Torrington 

Ruth Lauritzen, 

Second Vice-president, Green River 

Sherry Taylor, Secretary', Casper 

Rick Ewig, Treasurer, Laramie 

David Kathka, Executive-Secretary, Cheyenne 

Judy West, State Coordinator, Cheyenne 


Mark Junge, Editor 

Jean Brainerd, Associate Editor 

Roger Joyce, Book Review Editor 

Michelle Tyler, Advertising Coordinator 

Assistants: Judy West, Paula Chavoya, 

Paul Jacques, Richard Collier, 

Jackie Powers, Ann Nelson, Brian Foster 

Kim Lee Dunlap, Graphic designer 

Editorial Advisory Board 
Michael Cassity 

Roy Jordan 

David Kathka 

William H. Moore 

Robert L. Munkres 

Philip J. Roberts 

Rick Ewig 

In 1895 Wyoming established a department to collect and 
preserve state history. Today those duties are performed 
by the Department of Commerce located in the Barrett 
State Office Building in Cheyenne. Within the department 
are the State Archives, State Museum, State Arts Council. 
State Parks and Cultural Sites Division and the State 
Historic Preservation Office. The Annals of Wyoming, 
established in 1923 to disseminate historical information 
about Wyoming and the West, is published by the Histori- 
cal Research and Publications staff of the Department of 
Commerce. The editors of Annals welcome manuscripts 
on every aspect of Wyoming and Western history. 

Authors should submit manuscripts on diskettes utilizing 
WordPerfect or Ascii text, and double-spaced, hard copy 
to: Editor, Annals of Wyoming; Wyoming Department of 
Commerce: Barrett Bldg.; Cheyenne, Wyoming, 82002. 
Manuscripts should conform to A Manual of Style (Univer- 
sity of Chicago Press). Articles are refereed by an 
advisory board; editor reserves the right to make deci- 
sions regarding the acceptability of manuscripts. 



Volume 65, No. 1 
Spring, 1993 

Editor Notes 

Focus zj. 

Hie Medicine Wheel... tourism, historic preservation and Native American rights 
By Fred Chapman 


A Hoosier Goes West 

The Diaries and Letters of David Wallace Springer 
by Ann Waybright Childs 

Sunday School: Evangelism, Religious Education 

and Social Value in Wyoming, 1868-1918 22 

by Carl Hallberg 

"All the Fantastic Forms Possible to Imagine" 

The Haynes Yellowstone Park Collection 

at Montana State University by Rolf Swensen 


Book Reviews 


ANNALS OF WYOMING is published quarterly by the Department of Commerce. It is received by 
members of the Wyoming State Historical Society and is the principal publication of the Society. 
Membership dues are: Single $9; Joint $12; Institutional $20. Current membership is 1889. Copies of past 
and current issues of ANNALS may be purchased from the editor. Correspondence should be addressed 
to the editor. ANNALS articles are abstracted in Historical Abstracts and America: History and Life. 

Copyright 1993 by the Wyoming Department of Commerce 

Wyoming Annals 

Spring 1993 


The Medicine Wheel 

...tourism, historic preservation and Native American rights 

By Frid Chapman 

PaI I I v Ql ES 

Located at an el- 
evation of 9642 feet 
near the crest of the 
Bighorn Mountains 
of north central 
Wyoming, the 
Medicine Wheel 
National Historic Landmark occupies 
a high, alpine plateau about 30 miles 
east of Lovell, Wyoming. The most 
conspicuous feature of the Landmark 
is a circular alignment of limestone 
boulders that measures about 80 feet 
in diameter and contains 28 rock 
spokes radiating from a prominent 
central cairn. Six smaller cairns are 
situated on the exterior of this circular 
alignment. Some of the cairns are 
horseshoe-shaped and resemble Crow 
Indian vision quest structures. Tipi 
rings, lithic scatters, buried archeologi- 
cal sites, and a system of relict travois 
trails are found nearby. The Medicine 
Wheel is currently surrounded by an 
"historic" artifact: a seven foot high 
barbed-wire fence designed to discour- 
age unauthorized entry and vandalism. 

Scientific research has provided 
many clues but no absolute proof 
concerning the origin of the Medicine 
Wheel. Researchers generally believe 
that the Medicine Wheel was con- 
structed between 1200 A.D. and 1700 
A.D., although these dates are prob- 
lematic. Wood samples recovered by 
the Sheridan Chapter of the Wyoming 
Archaeological Society from one of the 
cairns was tentatively dated, through 
the use of dendrochronology tech- 
niques, to 1760 A.D. Trade beads, 
probably dating to the early 1800s, 
have been found inside the Medicine 
Wheel. Hearth charcoal samples re- 
covered by archeologists within 400 
yards of the Wheel have produced 

dates ranging from 1600 A.D. to 4200 
B.C. A U.S. Forest Service archeolo- 
gist recently recovered a 9000 year old 
Paleoindian projectile point from the 
area. Although these diagnostic arti- 
facts and radiocarbon dates fail to de- 
cisively explain the construction arid 
use of the Medicine Wheel, evidence 
clearly indicates that the locale was 
used by prehistoric people for almost 
10,000 years. 

White Americans have consis- 
tently expressed fascination 
with the Medicine Wheel. Since the 
late 1800s when White Americans first 
visited the site, the enigmatic quali- 
ties and apparent antiquity of the 
Medicine Wheel have inspired a great 
deal of public interest, scholarly de- 
liberation, and hyperbolic specula- 
tion. The site is a favorite subject 
among students of archeoastronomy. 
Several authors have commented on 
possible relationships to the Aztec of 
central Mexico, noting the resem- 
blance of the Medicine Wheel to the 
Aztec calendar. The January 28, 1954 
edition of the Cody Enterprise featured 
an article describing the Medicine 
Wheel as "...a direct link between the 
prehistoric Chinese and the Mayans 
of Central America." 

Wyomingites have always as- 
sumed a proprietary interest in the 
welfare of the Medicine Wheel. In 
1956, for example, in response to a 
rumor that the federal government in- 
tended to relocate the Medicine 
Wheel, Wyoming Governor Milward 
L. Simpson requested assurances 
from the National Park Service and 
the U. S. Forest Service that the "In- 
dian Medicine Wheel" would not be 
moved. Federal authorities re- 
sponded in June, 1957 when the For- 
est Service formally withdrew the 
Medicine Wheel and surrounding 120 

acres "...from all forms of appropria- 
tion under the public land laws, includ- 
ing the mining and the mineral-leas- 
ing laws...." 

Efforts to memorialize the Medi- 
cine Wheel began in 1915 when the Na- 
tional Park Service recommended to 
the Secretary of Agriculture that the 
site be designated a national monu- 
ment. Due to the influence of several 
locally prominent officials, efforts to 
commemorate the Medicine Wheel 
were renewed in the 1950s and the re- 
quired supporting documentation was 
compiled in the 1960s. In recognition 
that the Medicine Wheel was "...the 
largest and most elaborate Indian 
structure of its type," the site was des- 
ignated a National Historic Landmark 
in September, 1970 by Secretary of the 
Interior Walter J. Hickel. 

To contemporary Native Ameri- 
cans, however, the Medicine 
Wheel is significant for very different 
reasons. Traditional Arapaho, Bannock, 
Blackfeet, Cheyenne, Crow, Kootenai- 
Salish, Plains Cree, Shoshone, and 
Sioux revere the Medicine Wheel as a 
uniquely important and powerful 
spiritual site that figures prominently 
in tribal oral and ceremonial traditions. 
Rock alignments and cairns that make 
up the Medicine Wheel represent reli- 
gious architecture rather than a mate- 
rial expression of past human behav- 
ior. Scientific research is irrelevant 
when compared to the intangible 
religious values that the site em- 
bodies. Not surprisingly, an accu- 
mulating body of ethnographic evi- 
dence demonstrates that the Medi- 
cine Wheel and the surrounding 
landscape is and has been a major 
ceremonial and traditional use area 
for many regional tribes. 

National Park Service records 
show that the Medicine Wheel received 

Vi i oming Annals 

Spring 1993 

2100 visitors in 1967. Three years ago 
the Forest Service recorded 15,000 visi- 
tors. Last year 70,000 people visited ' 
the Medicine Wheel during three sum- 
mer months when the site is accessible 
to normal traffic. It has become ap- 
parent that dramatically increasing 
visitation, and the failure of the Forest 
Service to regulate it, has not only re- 
sulted in physical damage to the lo- 
cale, but has also discouraged tradi- 
tional Native Americans from con- 
ducting religious ceremonies there. In 
the past year a rutted trail 10-12 inches 
deep has appeared outside the fence 
surrounding the Medicine Wheel, and 
the fragile alpine vegetation that oc- 
cupies the landscape is disappearing. 
Vandalism appears to be increasing. 
It is common knowledge that rocks 
and other artifacts have been removed 
from the Medicine Wheel to enrich 
private collections or provide an at- 
tractive border for someone's flower 
garden. In an apparent effort to emu- 
late the Native American religious 
custom of leaving prayer flags and 
other religious offerings on the fence 
surrounding the Medicine Wheel, non- 
Indian visitors have "decorated" the 
fence with condoms, tampons, used 
cigarette lighters, and other inappro- 
priate trash. Historic preservationists 
consider these kinds of impacts anath- 
ema. To traditional Native Americans 
the impacts of unregulated visitation 
at the Medicine Wheel constitute the 
worst kind of spiritual desecration. 

I: n the fall of 1988 the Bighorn Na- 
tional Forest introduced plans for 
an access road, parking lot, viewing 
tower, and visitor's center at the Medi- 
cine Wheel National Historic Land- 
mark in order to accommodate in- 
creased tourism. Native American tra- 
ditional leaders protested the planned 
facilities during a series of public meet- 
ings sponsored by the Forest Service 
in late 1988. They expressed the belief 
that construction at the Landmark 
would disturb, or possibly destroy, the 
spiritual integrity of the Medicine 
Wheel. Several Native American rep- 
resentatives later disclosed that a fed- 
eral official had taken them aside and 
threatened that the Forest Service 

could "bulldoze the Medicine Wheel" 
in the face of tribal objections as long 
as the agency followed certain regu- 
latory procedures. However, other 
governmental agencies and cultural 
resource advocacy organizations such 
as the Wyoming State Historic Pres- 
ervation Office, the Advisory Coun- 
cil on Historic Preservation, and the 
National Trust for Historic Preserva- 
tion also became concerned that 
planned construction activities would 
adversely effect the physical integrity 
of the Historic Landmark. 

During the intervening years 
since 1988 it has become clear 
that traditional Native Americans, 
historic preservationists and the local 
public share very similar preservation 
goals with respect to the Medicine 

parties have attempted to work coop- 
eratively with the Forest Service to find 
viable solutions for long-term protec- 
tion of the Medicine Wheel. As the 
responsible land management agency, 
the Forest Service needs to reconcile 
the contending factions and concede 
its failure to preserve the physical in- 
tegrity and sacred attributes of the 
Medicine Wheel. It's time for the For- 
est Service to exercise their numerous 
statutory obligations to act coopera- 
tively with all interested parties in 
order to protect the Medicine Wheel 
from additional disturbance and 
manage the site in a manner consis- 
tent with Native American religious 
needs. If something isn't done soon, 
accumulating impacts to the Medicine 
Wheel National Historic Landmark 
will become irreversible. ■ 

Wheel. White Americans should have 
the right to visit and appreciate the 
Medicine Wheel in its natural state 
without the distraction of barbed wire 
fences, excessive automobile traffic 
and parking lots. Native Americans 
should have the right to conduct reli- 
gious ceremonies without the intru- 
sion of the tourist's camera lens. Over 
the past five years these interested 

Big Horn Medicine Wlieel. View is southeast 
looking toward Medicine Mountain, 19S6. 

Fred Chapman, National Register Ar- 
cheologist and native american liai- 
son, is employed by the wyoming 
State Historic Preservation Office in 

Wyoming Annals 

Spring 1993 

A Hoosier 



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Wyoming Annals Spring i 


Goes West 

The Diaries and Letters of 
David Wallace Springer 

it-i Aw Waybright Chij ds 

amily and local his- 
tory have fascinated 
me, as a child in 
Pittsburgh and 
Boston and later in 
tracing the histories 
of my husband's, 
and my own family 
to the mid-1860s in 
Pennsylvania and New Jersey. The 
most memorable of the Pittsburgh days 
was being a part of a neighborhood 
children's fund-raising group called the 
General John J. Pershing Junior War 
Savings League, whose claim to fame 
was the raising of funds for an ambu- 
lance, hard-earned through back porch 
dramatic presentations that were in- 
spired and endured by long-suffering 
parents. This splendid show of patrio- 
tism was rewarded by a post-armistice 
visit by the beloved General, but by that 
time we had moved to Boston. It was 
there that I spent my growing up years 
with Midwest parents who ardently ex- 
posed my sister and me to all the won- 
derments of that area: history, theater, 

the great Boston Pops, Mrs. Jack 
Gardner's Museum, the Wayside Inn 
and Louisa May Alcott's home. What 
a feast! After graduating from occupa- 
tional therapy school I worked in Bos- 
ton and Indianapolis, married a medi- 
cal student and had fifty-one wonder- 
ful years, moving about for five war- 
time years with my flight surgeon hus- 
band and finally settling in the lovely 
Ohio River town of Madison, Indiana. 

When I discovered diaries and 
letters dated 1861-1885 written by my 
husband's maternal grandfather I tran- 
scribed them, feeling certain that my 
children would never find the time to 
read them in their original state. The 
box containing them, so carefully saved 
by his daughter (my mother-in-law) 
was stowed away in our garage, gath- 
ering dust while our lives were busy 
raising two daughters and traveling to 
far-flung places when escape from a 
busy practice warranted. It was not 
until much later, children grown and 
gone, widowed and in need of a con- 

Wvoming Annals 

Spring 1993 

suming project, that I discovered 
the box, unopened since it was 
packed away more than fifty 
years before. After a great deal 
of sorting dates and coordinating 
letters with diaries, the lives of 
these three people began to un- 
fold: the man, the sister, the child. 
It has been a delightful journey 
130 years into the past, this life 
in a dusty box . 

a"^t Wallace Springer was 
boim April 10, 1844 in 
LawMnce burg, Indiana. This 
en^prising young man man 
Id to fill his life with a 
plethora of adventures, serving three 
and a half years with the 20th Indiana 
Volunteers in the Civil War during 
which he suffered a shoulder wound 
and the loss of a finger while still in his 
late teens; adventuring to the burgeon- 
ing West; bringing his bride to a dis- 
mal post on the Union Pacific Railroad 
and losing her shortly after the birth of 
their child; riding out to buy cattle hun- 
dreds of miles from his home base; and 
venturing into businesses in Kansas and 
Illinois. Meanwhile he traveled exten- 
sively through the West and South, 
noting every detail in his diaries. His 
trip to the Philadelphia International 
Exposition of 1876 is recorded on page 
after page describing all he saw. Since 
he was in the vicinity, his trip included 
Washington D.C., New York City, the 
Hudson River and Niagara Falls, all 
recorded in minutiae. 

Left with a baby who was to be 
raised by his sister in Indianapolis, he 
never remarried, but kept close family 
ties. Although he started out humbly, 
in the end his estate was more than 
adequate to provide for his daughter 
May, and his sister Myra who raised 
her. At the time of his death at age 41 
there were sufficient funds for college, 
graduate school and a small dowry. 

Myra was guardian, and there 
are extant several of her meticulous ac- 
counts in court records. It's rather re- 
markable that after all of David Wal- 
lace Springer's meanderings in and out 
of businesses, all of the traveling he did, 

the expenses of Myra and May in In- 
dianapolis, and all the schooling, there 
was still a tidy sum (for those days) 
available in the end ...not bad! 

The papers of David Wallace 
Springer were difficult to read. Parts 
of the diaries written in pencil were il- 
legible and the elaborate script of the 
letters made slow reading. In transcrib- 
ing them I have tried to show them as 
they were written. Where there is no 
punctuation I have not added any, nor 
is the spelling and improper capitali- 
zation corrected. Sentences frequently 
appear to run together. Following is a 
partial record of David Wallace 
Springer's early years. 1 

David Wallace Springer kept a 
diary the last two and a half years of 
his army service, the last entry being 
the day he returned home September 
9, 1865. He was 20 years old. In less 
than two weeks he had made an im- 
portant decision, and a new chapter in 
his diary was begun. 

Tuesday, Sept 26, 1865. 

'This 'Evening finds Cp. [Corporal J 
'I 'anlaningham, formerly Capt oj the 148th 
Indiana 'I 'ol Inft. and myself, prepared, to 
start to -what is Iqiou'n [asj the far lAkst. 
our idea is to settle on and cultivate a piece 
of Land. zvc thinly of going to 'Kansas, our 
destination and destiny is very uncertain but 
with our strong hopes of prosperity and the 
■well wishes of all our 'friends we start on 
our journey, in good spirits and a strong 
'Heart. 'We leave Indianapolis at 10:25 TM. 
By the time Springer reached 
Omaha that October day in 1865, after 
fifteen days on the Missouri river boat 
Tacony, 2 he must have been very 
pleased with his decision to leave home 
and family in Indianapolis. Family was 

1. The Springer Collection, in the ownership of Ann W. 
Childs of Madison, Indiana consists of approxi- 
mately 80 letters and nine diaries. The first letter 
dates from February 27, 1862 when Springer was in 
the Civil War and the last is dated December 17, 1884 
written in Waukesha, Wisconsin where he had gone 
for his health. Materials provided by author Childs 
will be described as the Childs Collection. 

2. Frederick Way, Jr., compiler, Ways Packet Directory 
1848 - 1983 (U.S.A.: Sons and Daughters of Pioneer 
Rivermen, n.d.), p.443. The steamboat Tacony sank 
near Ft. Peck, Montana in 1870. 

a father and brother, both carpenters, 
and three sisters, only one of whom was 
married. After his army experience he 
could scarcely have been expected to 
settle into the less exciting life at home. 
The West would need men wanting 
work and there was land to be had. He 
wrote in his diary: 

Thursday , October 19, 1865 

Have zoalked all over Omaha and seen the 
toivn there is between 4000 and 5000 in- 
habitants and in fact a very neat little place 
I was very much surprised, at the place the 
north 'Branch of the 'Pacific 'Restarts from 
here tis already built out about 20 'Miles 
and graded to Columbus about 100 Miles, 
the Country is agreat deal more settled than 
I thought it was. I find we have got to go out 
a good long watts to find government land 

fter six months in the 
Omaha /Fremont area it be- 
came clear to Springer that 
le new railroad offered im- 
iate jobs and money. 
Certainly the latter was of primary im- 
portance, and with the fast disappear- 
ing army pay there was need for ac- 
tion. Action took the form of a telegra- 
phy course in March 1867, back home 
in Indianapolis at the Bryant, Stratton 
and Co.'s business college. The receipt 
for Springer's $40 tuition was for a. full 
course of instruction in the art of Telegra- 
phy. 3 With certificate in hand he went 
back to Nebraska and the Union Pa- 
cific which by that time was well on its 
way west. This time his traveling com- 
panion was a friend named Wood, 
probably a fellow student of telegraphy. 
The letters Springer wrote to 
"Dear Ones at Home" showed all the 
depression of one whose confidence had 
been shattered. He found that without 
experience there were no openings. 

Fremont Nebraska 
Aug Sunday iith 
'Dear Ones at 'Home 

^'ou zvill perhaps be surprised at the 

3. Childs Collection, Madison, Indiana. 

Wyoming Annals 8 Spring 1993 

date of this but so it is and you will no 
doubt ,ifnot surprised, be in sympathy with 
me when I tell you I am here on a fruitless 
errand, or in other words I have failed to 
get a situation as an operator on this Line 
and also failed to get one on the other 'Branch 
starting from "Kansas City, or rather 'Wyan- 
dotte. The chances are now that I will never 
be able to be an Operator. I thinly I have 
made every exertion in my power to secure 
the desired end but I have not been fortu- 
nate or may be unfortunate. I hope you will 
not blame me too severe for learning the 
Telegraphing business. I now regret that I 
ever learned it but so it is and now can not 
be helped had I been a good practicle 
Operator I could get a situation at Omaha 
on the line although with a few weeks of 
practice in a 'Rail 'Road Office I doubt not 
but I could run an Office very ivell but I 
lacked that necessary experience. 

...The arrangement with my friend 
'Woodzvere these, he was to stay in Omaha 
and go to zvorkjor the present and I was to 
come here for practice and secure an office 
as soon as possible and then he was to go in 
with me and practice until he was able to 
secure an office for himself I came here Fri- 
day "Evening next Morning engaged board- 
ing at the Union 'Mouse kept by a private 
family (Irish) they are nice folks, but the 
boarders "Oh My. " I have now concluded 
to go to work_at my trade ... I have already 
'Engaged to go to workTomorrow Morning . 
I have ivritten for "Wood to come here do 
not know zvhether he will come or not we 
zvilt have to go to zvork_and zve may as well 
lose no more time thinking about any thing 
else. ...I do not think.1 will like this Coun- 
try in the winter time it is so awful Cold 
and"Bleak_and Stormy. I have got the cheap- 
est boarding house in town but not the best. 
I am paying $5.50 per week,. I d° not knozv 
what wages I am to have until I zvorkawhile 
and see what I am worth. 

Of course "Dear Sister and all, my fail- 
ing in securing a situation has upturned my 
notions and ideas and has caused me to 
change my mind on somethings considerably 
I had not the least doubt but I zvould be 
able to get an office but when I failed and 
met with no encouragement but nothing but 
the reverse I of course felt a little disheart- 
ened. "Were I out of debt I zvould laugh it 
off but to think.threw father's kindness I 
went to school so long and was not only not 

making nothing but on epcpenses, and now 
all for naught if I had had my own money 
and owed no one I zvould feel all right, but 
do not think. I am going to sit down with 
my hands in my pockets and do nothing far 
from that I will yet live to be out of debt if 
I am never worth a Cent. 'Wood is very 
much disappointed but there is one consola- 
tion. 'We are not the only ones zvho have 
been disappointed in this world nor in Tele- 
graphing. ...'My principal object dear Sister 
in leaving telegraphing was as you are all 
aware to improve the mind by studying so 
I thought I would have more time to spare 
in that business than any other, it is need- 
less to say I will have but little time to spare 
now I knozv that you will all feel disap- 
pointed fjmdhovcs perhaps you had formed are 
dashed aside zvith relentless hands. 

'But pshazv I zvill not allozv myself 
to be discouraged, ... 

By January he had secured a situ- 
ation at Kearney Station and wrote 
home a description of it. 

can put threw him at Somebody s else 's 
expenses zve have about the Same thing 
every day. unless to relieve the monotony 
of life on the 'Flaincs. and for varietys 
Sake zve get up a little fight for private 
amusement which by the way generally 
ends in a general free fight by all the con- 
sumers of the XXX double anchor 'Jyotgut 
So much for 'Kearney as I am not a mem- 
ber of but belong entirely (except at meal 
'.Hours) to the Station 'Mouse. 

Although there was no previous 
mention of it, evidently Springer's father 
owed him five dollars. Springer men- 
tions it in the same January, 1868 letter. 

As to that five 'Dollars if father is 
very anxious to pay it why he may give it 
for me to the first one who he may find in 
actual need of it (white person) soldiers Wife 
or 'family prefered if cannot find anyone in 
need why give it to the "Young Mens C # or 
else keep it himself. 

'Jours indeed, 'D.'W.Springer 

Through the spring of 1868 he 


O ., 

(tow ai %wmh (foltci] 


9 ' 

Pa /f 



,/. ■ 

Hit Iwldn ij ttiii 

vftwk ivt u entiftd a tUl eotiue >•/ MS! 

,, . / . .....,,,,7, ..;■ //(-■ n/,n ftottfifation. 

J fltuct f,y S 


Above: D.W. Springers tuition certificate 
from the Bryant, Stratton & Co.'s tele- 
graphy school. Rigid: certificate envelope. 

Kearney Station Neb 
Jan i 8th /6S 

just imagine a broad piece of country all 'Prai- 
rie as far as the Sight of man can reach with 
no Sign of life Save a little Spot called the 
Station zvheron there are half dozen Mouses 
or at (east Something that bears a faint re- 
semblance of a place where Somebody s are 
Supposed to 'Eat and Sleep in we call em 
'Doby 's these I Say and the Cars which come 
andgo at Stated periods are the only Sign of 
life, and as the Citizens of this Sequestered 
Spot are neither noted for their energy in 
public or private interests (unless while play- 
ing a game of "Lucre or Sledge) when each 
fellow tries to win as much Mardware as he 

spent time in Fremont and Lincoln City 
and he wrote of going back to carpen- 
tering temporarily. He had the use of a 
railroad pass and was back working as 
a telegrapher by June. 

Granite Canon Dakota 
June 28th 

'Dear Ones at Mome 

"Your welcome letter of 18th Sister 
Myra was received last Lvening. & eagerly 

Wyoming Annals 

Spring 1993 

did I devour its contents ...your fetters 
are always welcome but more particularly 
was this one. if you want to appreciate 
a fetter Just be without any for awhile 
from the ones you want one most & See 
if it dosnt do you. good. In my case I 
think, it does, haven 't had before this 
one a fetter from home and in fact from 
Indianapolis for a long time. Am glad to 
know of you aff being in good health 
Qranite Canon is Situated nearfy 
on the Summit of the "Rocky Mountains or 
what is known as the "Blacfcjtfills. the Sum- 
mit, (or highest point on the Mountains 
where the 'Hail 'Road crosses) is the first Sta- 
tion west of here, distance of about 13 miles 
we arc here 535 miles from Omaha & 19 
west of Cheyenne at an elevation of over 
7000 ft. above the level of the sea about a 
mile nearer heaven than you are at India- 
napolis. 'This is a splendid locality 

Splendid weather cool as 'November 
(in the States) Oz'crcoats come in requisi- 
tion nearly every day. 'The air is as light as 
can possibly be... The Station is away 
upon the 'Mill while down in the canons all 
around runs pure living Spring water where 
game of all kind abound Such as Antelope 
'ElkDeer (haven 'tSeen any 'Bear yet though 
there arc some here). & besides wild fruit is 
plenty or will be Soon as they get ripe Such 
as St raio berries & Currants gooseberries etc 
& the nicest flowers oh my ! The place is 
named after the Rpck_that is So plenty here 
X]ranite. " 

'Have the nicest kind of a house to 
live in five rooms & only two of us to live 
in them, have a Splendid new cookjtove & 
plenty of grub & we do our own hash cook: 
ing but by the way if you come across Some 
good looking female Send her out here for 
we want a cookawful bad in fact that is all 
we do ivant Just now to make happiness 
complete.) Have, plenty of wifd meat Ante- 
fope etc. {If I am here untif cofd weather 
comes I wiff Surefy Send you an Antelope or 
Something equally as good. 

'Was down in Cheyenne the other day, 
& in fact have been there Several times Since 
I have been here Talkjabou t your fast places 
and hard holes and all this thing, but of all 
the fast towns or Cities Cheyenne caps them 
all. To get an idea you need only to pass the 
new idea (saloon) where every evening there 
is dancing. The front 'Doors thrown open & 
a general invitation given to all by the fair 


L^TL^-i£c — 2tV 

^ /Set" 



'Damsels to come in & dance, which is free 
but the drinks for pardner & yourself is one 
doffar. A. few doors further on u>e come to 
another Safoon where our attention is first 
attracted by the musical notes of a Piano 
accompanied by the sweet voice of a Charm- 
ing young Lady, our curiosity is excited & 
we zvafkiin on entering we behold the young 
fady on a platform eievated some four feet 
above the floor in one corner of the room & 
aff around her & on both Sides or the hall 
we find in a promiscous manner afl kinds of 
gambling Tables. "Jaro, Three Card Monte, 
and others I do not know the name of, to 
the number of Seventeen tables all told, each 
having a crowd around them and doing a 
lively business . in one corner is a Splendid 
"Bar & in the adjacent room a fine (Billiard 
room & strange to say everything passes off 
nicely (apparently) Seldom have any trouble 
of any 'Kind there. One has not Seen Chey- 
enne until he pays this Saloon a 1'isit (have 
forgotten its name, but there are others like 
it only on a Smaller scale, no lack^of Sa- 
loons there for in fact nearly every other 
'House in town is a Saloon or zvhere they 
keep Something to take 

Laramie City another Cheyenne about 
55 miles west is nou> the hardest place on 
the "Road, as the Rail Road advances west- 
ward new towns Spring up & Some of them 
away ahead of the Road, where all the 
"Pimps & Blacklegs in the Country congre- 
gate they & a few grocers "Boarding house 
men makes the town with the exception of 
the employees of the "Road which form no 
Small part. 

The road is now buU't Some 60 or 70 

mdes from Laramie or about 650 from Omaha 
and is being built at the rate of 3 miles per day. 

Scarcely a year earlier Cheyenne 
had only one permanent building, a log 
cabin at that, and now several theaters 
and many saloons thrived with more 
under construction. 3 The town must 
have throbbed visibly with energy, if 
not with brawlings. Springer would 
later lament the severe winters, includ- 
ing the wind and snow storms, for the 
temperature was known to go as low 
as 23 degrees below zero. Cheyenne 
was but the latest "hell on wheels" 
town. The Cheyenne Daily Leader ran a 
daily column, "Last Night's Shootings," 
and it was said a man was fined ten 
dollars for drawing his gun whether he 
hit or missed. 4 

Late in the summer Springer 
wrote to his sister about a mining claim, 
addressing it, Dear bully Sister Myra. 

Granite Canon Dakota 
August 4TH 
...As to my Silver mine we have Sent i 
Specimins to Denver Col and Chicago for 
the purpose of having them essayed but as 
yet have had no return from them There is 
quite a number eagerly and impatiently 
awaiting the results but for my own par- 
Above: certificate of ownership, D.W. 
Springer 1868 mining claim. 
Right: Union Pacific Railroad at Granite 
Canon, Wyoming about 1869. 

4. James McCague, Moguls and Iron Men (New York: 
Harper & Row, 1964), pp. 174, 237-238. 

Wyoming Annals io Spring 1993 

ticular part am of course interested but do 
not intend tearing my beautiful locks all out 
oj my manly 'Mead on account of them And 
Should thei\ prove to be worth thousands 
■why I'll cooly pocket em all and go to 

The claim, written on a torn half 
sheet of lined paper, reads as follows: 
'Preemption Claim of '.Springer. Re- 
ceived & filed for record at 2:00 pm July 
1 7th A D 1868 and recorded in 'Book, of 
'Preemptions on Tage 53 li'm 9*,tc enis '-Reg- 
ister of 'Deeds. 

On the reverse side: 
Territory of 'Dakota, County of Laramie 
'Known all men of these presents that 
D.1i'.Springer is the owner of preemption of 
Claim 9{p 3 on the west side of discovery of 
Stella lode and mining district made this 
15th day of July 1868. D.1\ } . Springer* 

Some interesting observations 
concerning the conduct of vigilantes in 
Laramie appear in a fall letter written 
by Springer. 

5. J.E. Stimson Collection, Wyoming State Museum 

Granite Canon, Wyoming 
October 3, 1868 
(Dear Sisters 

...'But I must tell you how the 1'igi- 
lance (1 ; ig 's as they are called here dispose 
of the fast gents at Laramie only few days 
ago they made a general cleaning out of the 
Cjamblers, 'Thieves, hanging four and Shoot- 
ing three others that are %nown and is 
thought several more were disposed of The 
'Modus Operandi is thus they go up to a fel- 
low and Say here we want you if he resists 
he is Shot on the Spot, if not he is taken to 
where they can arrange a pole or Something 
with but little trouble and after the rope is 
fastened around his neck_ he is accused of 
Such and Such crimes if he denies it he is 
gently told that he is a d — m Liar then he 
is zvaf ted gently up till his feet is from 4 to 
6 inches from the ground and literally 
choked to death he is generally (eft hanging 
from ten to twenty four hours. One thing 
however in favor of the '1'ig's they arc al- 
ways Sure of their man before they commence 
operations every one here except those inter- 

ested (the thieves) are in favor of Lynch 
Law as it is in fact the only one that 
will come any way near filling the neces- 
sities of this part of the country. 

The foregoing letter was writ- 
ten as a type of palimpsest, lines over 
lines but set at right angles to each 
other. It ends thus: 

Well, if you can 't read this send 
her to me and I will for you. 'But if you 
can write me soon. And with love to all. 
I am yours, Dli'. Springer. 

'.Have just read this and have half 
mind not to send it but will write no more 
for I can hardly read it myself. '.Hope you 
will have good time with it. Better take 
some afternoon when you ve nothing else to 
do, to read it. Dli'S- 
From a letter to his sisters: 

Granite Canon Wyoming 

Dec 23, 1868 

/ 'm glad you reed the Antelope allO%. you 

got it in good time as I sent it on the 10th 

five days in transit, not long considering. 

J.E. Stimson Collection, Wyoming State Museum 


Wyoming Annals II Spring 1993 

I'mgladyou like the meat. 'You askjne if I 
Shot it. I did have kitted Several Since 1 
have been here 'Tliey have been as close as 
couple hundred yards to our office here 50 & 
100 & more in a drove. 'Kitted a JackJRgbfrit 
today we tt have it for dinner tomorrozv I 
won 't be here 'H'c arc enjoying some very 
pleasant -weather lust now, quite a contrast 
to our recent Storm. 'lite '.Road is being 
pushed ahead yet just as though twere 

'Hie end of track nozo is about 60 mUes 
from Ogden Ogden is about 60 miles little 
West of'J\[orth from Salt Lake City working 
hard to get there this -winter 'J\pad will be 
completed to California about the first of July 
or August, then 'Ho for the 'West, eh? 

Springer's 1869 diary, begins 
January 1 . He describes his location as 
Granite Canon Wyoming. LI.P.R.R. 535 
miles west of Omaha. 6 His entries de- 
scribe the Wyoming winter. 

Friday 5 
'The 'J(pad zoest of us is blocked u'ith Snoio 
almost impossible for trains to run at all in fact 
most off trains (freight) are being abandoned 
every dai/ for want of cars as all of them are 
west and Snow prevents them running 

6. Ibid. Three of the Springer diaries -1865, 1869 and 
1874- were utilized as references for this article. 

February. Friday 12. 1869. 

'Bet-ween T2P9.1 & 2P.M. today commenced 
storming and now this evening it still con- 
tinues Snowing and 'Blowing terribly from 
all appearances it is only the beginning of a 
long continued Storm as the Storm Seems to 
he generally all along the 'KK 

February, Sunday 14. 1869. 

Sunday P3(. Storm continues Seems more 
furious the longer it lasts 'Have had no trains 
Since the 12th the Storm is Just as bad for 
2 & J hundred miles u'cst as it is here and if 
anything worse. So the wires Say. 

February, Thursday 18. 1869. 
'Passenger from east came today first 
for Some time 

February 19. 

Oh "how " I long for a letter from home It is 
So lonesome here without any trains Shut 
upfront the outside ivorld no letters, no 

Thursday 25. 

lA'cnt to Cheyenne had to remain overnight 
on account of trains Being abandoned 
caused by snow blocking up the road. 

Impossible for trains to run through 
•west of Sherman 

March, Saturday 6. 1869. 

Pleasant day but no trains. Seems useless 
to try to run trains nozv for no Sooner is one 
train through than the Snow fills all the 
Cuts up again making it lust as much trouble 
& zi>ork_to run the ne?ct train through as was 
the first one Snouing tonight but no zoind. 
From a letter to his sisters: 

Granite Canon - U.P.R.R. 
Mch 6th /69 Saturday Eve 

'Jour letter was hailed with no Small degree 
of pleasure I assure you. for you See we 
havent been getting any mail regular by any 
means on account of non arrival of trains 
'The snow having blockaded the %pad So 
completely that it became an utter impossi- 
bility for trains to run tho the Snow Plows 
1'iz {an ordinary 'Engine with large Iron 
plow attached in front) were used to best of 
their power The Co make use of all means 
and spare no expense to get trains through 
but no Sooner are the big deep cuts cleared 
of Snow and a train passes then they are 
again filled by this almost never ceasing 
wind, ivhich Sometimes blows fearfully. 

Some of the poor fellows 1\'est of us 
fared even worse than ive as no trains of 
any 'Kind except Snow Plozvs were seen for 
several zoeeks. Slnd quite a number at nearly 

Sixteenth Street, Cheyenne, ca. 1867 or 1868 

Wyoming Annals 12 Spring 1993 

end oj tracks Suffered for the common nec- 
essaries of [ife having failed to fay in a Sup- . 
pli/ of ■provisions before the Snow, they of 
course were ill prepared to Stand a very long 
Seige 'Tlie Company managed however by 
almost herculean strength and at great ex- 
pense to get a train of provisions to them 
this was on what is 'Known as the 'Bridger 
division up west of (jrecn 'River 
From Springer's 1869 diary: 

Saturday 13. 

'Trains running regular as far ivcst as 
Laramie hut westoj there the Snow has 
again blocked up the road So trains are all 
abandoned again 
From a letter to Springer's father: 

Granite Canon Wyoming 
Apr 28th I69 

'Weil perhaps a little gossip in re- 
gard to the great "overland, " route Viz. 
the 'Union "Pacific Railroad woufd be inter- 
esting to you 

It seems the nearer the -Road comes 
to completion the more reckless or careless 
becomes the managers, of what some call the 
great humbug (the Road) 'There is now only 
10 or 15 miles of track_to be (aid when the 
two "Road's meet. Some trouble is antici- 
pated from the employees on that event 

I heard a message only yesterday go- 
ing over the wiresfrom 'l\'. Snyder, the 
Qen't Sup't directing no more passenger 
trains to be run to end of tracts until the 
troops arrived quite a number oj Soldiers 
passed on their way west fast night The 
great trouble hoivever is in regard to non- 
payment of employees the company are now 
in arrears three months pay. for my part I 
feel confident that the company are perfectly 
Safe but there are great many who are now 
and oj course there is great deal oj dissatis- 
faction and I jear if we do not get paid 
before verij long there unit be no little trouble 
as it is now business oj all 'Xinds is very 
dull. The business oj the road with the ex- 
ception of the passenger ticket Sales is on 
the decline. I intended taking a trip to end 
of tracks before the Road was finished but 
guess I 'It have to wait awhile now and when 
I do go will extend my ride to Salt Lake city 

your good advice in letter is accepted 
xvith many thanks I hope I shall be able to 
profit by it. Speaking of this country I thinks 
it is one of the best schools I ever knew. 

\r,,> ,'<i y ^ / 

H rv,-x\ N _ 


W .w." ',. 



N > 

t hilds Collection 

One of the difficult letters in the Quids Collection, -written from Wyoming territory by 
D.W. Springer to his sister, October 30, 1868. The palimpsest probably ions done 
as a trick, although in many letters Springer used the margins to complete his message. 

'Mere we get to see man in his true shape If 
a man is a true man he will undoubtedly 
expose it here if he is a dog it takes but a 
stort time tojind him out the Jinny was a 
good place to learn one's character but the 
west is a better 
From the 1869 Granite Canon diary: 

May, Monday 3. 1869. 

for some time nearly all trains are 
abandoned daily. "Cause," no 'freight to 
transport, the 'Passenger trains run regu- 
larly and seem to be carrying great many 
passengers both east & west. 

9{ow that the road is completed, 
many of the employees are returning to the 
States, while many from the states are on 
their way to the mines and to California, 
the Road will be doing through business 
within a week,or two when business I thinks 
wilt be better than it is now. The success oj 
the Road depends on through freight but 
will have to compete with Ships going by 
ocean and unless freight can be carried this 
way as cheap as by Steamer I predict an 
utter failure of the great overland route Viz 
the 'Union (Pacific 'Railroad 'Time will de- 
velop many things & the 'Road may prove a 

Wyoming Annals 1 3 Spring 1993 

good investment but Just noio it Looks 
bad for success 

Monday io 

%ain %ain guess it will never get 
tired raining terrible rough ivcather 

The last LRgilon this road was laid 
today So I heard over the wires the road 
is now completed from Omaha 9{eb to 
Sacramen to Cal 

May, Tuesday ii. 1869. 
Another hail storm today 

'.Heard over the wires last night that 
the Tail car was coming down the %pad and 
paiiing as they come along 1 thinkjt about 
{time} jor the company oive us over three 
months pay now. 

Wednesday 12, Sunday 16. 

Since the road is completed business 
of all kind* Seems to be on the decline. 

'Passenger train 'Last is loaded heavy 
ivith men bound for the States 

'Many men are out of employment of 
all branches of service, the %%; Co are re- 
tracting as fast as possible 'The freight de- 
partment of the %gad are now doing almost 
nothing not paying running expenses all 
freight that is being shipped is dead head or 
at least most of it So. being company busi- 
ness, etc 

Thursday 20. 

The pay car came today paying us jor 
'February, will pay for 'March ne\t weefc_ 
From a letter to his sisters: 

Granite Canon Wyoming 
May 22ND /6<j. 

Well of course you have been apprised 
long before this of the completion of the 
Union 'Pacific '-Railroad. I don 't knozo what 
the popular feeling in the 'Last is in regard 
to this '-Road (Only through the columns of 
the 'Papers ivhich is not always authentic 
you knoiv) 'But the general opinion of '-Rail- 
road men in this Section Seems to be that as 
a financial undertaking it will prove to be a 

grand failure basing their arguments on the 
ground that through freights is the only thing 
that will %eep the road up And further 
that it will be impossible for the 'Railroad to 
complete with Steam 'Xgvigation. 'But I 
thinl^for my part that that is a question to 
be decided, much will depend hozoever on 
the proper management of the road, and 
Something will have to be done to 'Keep 
Snow off of the tracliin the winter So as to 
insure through communication all the year 
around for one month last winter {Febru- 
ary) the company paid $30,000.00 to %eep 
tracks clear of Snozi' between Laramie & 
%azolings a distance of only 135 miles So 
you See from this that the company will have 
many obstacles in their way and of course 
must be overcome before the %pad zinti be an 
entire Success financially A. couple of years 
will prove it all hou'ever If the country 
through which the road runs was any ac- 
count for agricultural purposes there zoould 
be no doubt of the prosperity of the '-Road 
but that's out of the question for farming 


ffljp* * 



Wyoming Annals 14 Spring 1993 

will never prove worth a cent out here. In 
some places however in Utah Territory there 
is spots of a few hundred acres zohere grain 
and vegatables are raised by the Mormons 
In Colorado however a few miles South of 
us they have Some Splendid farms and they 
grow the finest vegatables I ever Saw any 
place It is very common for them to have 
cabbage heads weighing from 40 to 50 lbs. 
they are so large it is impossible to put them 
in an ordinary sized flour barred ivhat do 
you thinliof that 'They have to irrigate 
their land although but is not great deal of 
From the Granite Canon diary: 

June, Saturday 26. 1869. 

the Travel over the Union Pacific 
% i % 1 is on the increase many excursion par- 
ties are going to the Mountains on pleasure 
trips Many are going to California & Or- 
egon many are going 'East from the Pacific 
states and the Qold mines 

July Friday 2. 1869 

The weather is simply miserable 
Lines work_so bad that it l< almost 

impossible to worl^them for nearly a week. 

The trouble is caused by so much 'Electricity 

being in the atmosphere 

Saturday 3. 

The (People of Cheyenne celebrate the 
4th today by an excursion to Sherman (the 

The party is made up of about as 
many prostitutes, pimps, gamblers & loaf- 
ers as decent folks a splendid party I thinly 
for my own part I celebrate the 4 th by re- 
maining at home 

July, Sunday 4. 1869. 

Eight fears ago today I left home 
for the first time Since then my life has 
been one continual change. ' 

Although I have been home several 
times yet not to remain very long 

I hope before many years however to 
be able to go home and remain thus among 
true friends. 

Left: Although this snow blockade along the 
Union Pacific Railroad was near Medicine 
Bow, Wyoming in 1917, the feeling conveyed 
by the photograph is much the same as that 
experienced by Springer in 1868. 

July, Tuesday 6. 1869 

Qranite Canon is this day transferred 
to me 'Jeffries being transferred to 'Hazard 
Station. I am now Agent and Operator. 





>\ • ■ . 


Mary Elizabeth Wilson, probably in her early 
taken in Indianapolis before she marr 
Springer and went to live in Wyoming 

7 hje are a number of gaps in 

the recorded life of David 
Wallace Springer. Some 
years he kept no diary. Some 
^M^m* months there were no letters, 
at least none were saved. Such a lapse 
occurred in 1869 and 1870. In one let- 
ter he referred to "Mollie," and more 
than once complained to his sisters 
about not hearing from a "special some- 
one." There are, however, several let- 
ters from Mary Elizabeth Wilson, also 
known as Mollie but as time goes on 
she is spoken of only as May. Her first 
extant letter to Springer was written 
when she was 19 and starting to teach 
school in Indianapolis. 

In October, 1870 May Wilson 

married David Springer. From In- 
diana they immediately left for the 
bleak outpost at Granite Canon. It is 
hard to imagine the shock for the 
young bride, used to a fair- 
sized city, as she faced the 
lonely windswept spot 
which was to be their home. 
As in marriages 
even then, the task of letter 
writing fell to the wife and 
thus the letters of 1871 and 
1872 were written by May. 
She wrote mostly about be- 
coming settled in their living 
quarters, about the food and 
what they had to eat, often 
requesting items be sent that 
were not available such as tea 
or biscuits, or small decorative 
things for the house. 

In December, 1872 
David's older sister Myra trav- 
eled west to be on hand when 
the Springer baby came, due 
in January. As was custom- 
ary for a lady traveling 
alone, she carried the fol- 
lowing letter of introduc- 
tion on her trip through the 
wilds of Missouri and Ne- 

Ind, Indianapolis 
Dec 7 1872 
/ take great pleasure in commend- 
ing our most excellent sister -Miss 

P. Springer to the confidence and 

high Christian regard of all who 
love our Lord Jesus Christ. 

The 1st 'Baptist Church of this city of 
which she is a member, will follow her with 
its prayers and best wishes on her Western 
visit. And in Cfod's own time we'll gladly 
welcome her home again. 

'Henry Day, Pastor of the 1st (Bapt 
Church Indpls, Ind. 7 

After the arrival of Myra and for 
the next two years most of the letters in 
the collection are hers. Surely May 
wrote to her family back home, while 
Myra reported to hers. She wrote very 
engagingly about life in this remote 
station. She wrote of the sights and 
foods and, of course, the people. A let- 

7. Childs Collection, Madison, Indiana. 


♦■■■ 'f.-M^f 

Childs Colls 

20s. Photo 
led D.W. 

Wyoming Annals 1 5 Spring 1993 


1'. - 

<i — * m ifc 

Childs Colli n 

Myra Springer was two years older than 
her brother. 

ter in late December describes a Christ- 
mas visit with friends. 

Granite Canon Station 

Dec. 29TH 1872 
...'We tookj&nna with Mr. 'HU(s fam- 
ily by invitation. They had a niee dinner of 
Oysters, minee, cherry & apple pies, three 
kinds of cake, appfes, eherries, peaehes, fight 
biscuit, boiled ham, head eheese, etc. 'The 
people out here useporly, Wallie has tried to 
get some venison but though he has had the 
promise he has not been able to get any yet. 
They had some in Laramie yesterday -'Mrs 
Maygood and her mother and Mr Maygood 
and their tittle boy spent Christmas evening 
at the 'Mills. May don 't speaks to Mrs. 
'Maygood so I guess she would have enjoyed 
it better if Mrs. Maygood had not been there. 


May don 't tike her 
and wont have any 
thing to do with 
her as she don 't 
want her to come 
here. She is igno- 
rant but stylish 
and rather good 
looking. She thinks 
Mrs. Springer is 
not very social and 
don 't ktioiv zvhat 
•Mrs. Springer is 
mad at her for. 
She is one of the 
kind of ivomen 
that get too inti- 
mate if any one 
will allow it and 
that is what May 
don 't tike. They 
have a little boy 
twenty one months 
old and they have 
taught him to 
smoke a pipe he 
wilt puff au'ay at 
it and even light- 

"iWW^ t^O 



Childs Collection 

Envelope which contained letter of introduction for Myra Springer. 

ed and let the smoke come out oj his mouth, 
then get up to the spittoon and spit come 
backjo his seat and cross his legs like a man 
and smoke au'ay -They don 't always light 
the pipe for him. It ivould be too strong for 
me if there was no tobacco in the pipe- They so smart in him. the child will do 
any thing they tell him to do -Me is a quiet 
child too- 

Myra's next two letters bring tid- 
ings of joy and sadness. 

Granite Canon Staton 
Jan. 24TH 1873. 
(Dear Ones at Mome 

I have only time for a few lines be- 
fore the train comes and that unit be to tell 
you that May and Wall have a baby -It is 
a little girl born at half past 'Eight this morn- 
ing, She had a hard time but was much re- 
lieved toward the last by cloroform. 'Dr. 
Carey came from Cheyenne last evening little 
after five and will go on the train soon due. 
'May was in pain a good deal yesterday and 
kept her bed part of the time. Mrs. Mills 
was with us. 'Baby is small but real pretty, 
has I think.they are some 
disappointed that it was not a boy. I shall 
love it I know. 'We were fust about ready 
for it. ...May is very weak.and pale. She 
has not slept for two nights. I could not 
sleep last night and my eyes are so heavy- 
Moping you are all well -I hastily 
close- Myra. 

Granite Canon Station, W.T. 
Feb. 17TH 1873. 
'Dear Ones at Mome, 

I can only make your hearts ache by 
the sad news of this letter. Our dear Sister 
May has gone to 
■ « join her voice with 
Clarence 's the innu- 
merable hosts of 
happy spirits in the 
praises of'Mim who 
hath redeemed them 
and loved them, 
and my heart would 
spare you the new 
sorrow but I know 
how anxious you 
are and mine is the 
task, to tell you. 
Last Sunday was 
the last time she sat 
up. She was in so 
much pain and u'as so weak: We sent for 
the 'Dr. who came Tuesday and sent more 
medicine next morning. She was having pain 
the kidneys and could not pass urine. 
Wednesday evening u>e used hot applications 
which gave her some relief. When the lamp 
was lighted and the store door opened She 

Right : February 27 ', 1873 Letter from Myra 
to Springer family in Indianapolis, 
describing the death of Mary Springer. 



Wyoming Annals 16 Spring 1993 

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Wyoming Annals \-j Spring 1993 

said a fy do you sit in the dark? Turn 

■'--. ;,' Z -::. r_: :: :~. ::. :--'.: 
o and iter. H-; :.;•::.! .:-. 
otw lighted. Sifter a little ~ 

lite ;:: better . .:. on us all 

goir.: - ookbaby and '94 rs L t at -. 

lay with May l\'allie on the ffacr- 
kad been taking medicine and some mor- 

tailed agood deal but de 
I heard hi- talking but could not under- 
sizii'-u '--■ :'-. said. Thought ifu a as -a.- 
big to -Mrs. Leach. .-.-. three 

uddenli) worn _-•, ;■:-.■:-■. -::.... a.. 
through her bowels ..-.a-.—. a:::~ -.aa ::: 
in and mortification We could give her no 
relkf though wi made great efforts. WalUe 
telegraphed for the T)r. who came on first 
z~a:-. a~.a s~.a:a ::..;.'.;» ; ;:l" - : :.. .* .": 
::, znty-fu i minutes past one Thursday af- 
ternoon, just two months the very day I 
: a m . 1 1 e had hopes of her till Thursday 
morning and the Th. at first thought it was 
but a nervous attackfor her pulse was strong 
and her breasts were fuft till just before she 
died. She told l^aftie she was dying but 
became unconscious immediately and never 
talked with us more. She dud very easy- 
She had told 'Sirs. Hfills she would not get 
well and how she wanted to be laid out in 
the softest white muslin. She told Mrs. 
Leach she dreaded only to leave 11 'allie. She 
was so solicitous of aft our comfort all the 
while she was sick; She was very nervous 
and suffered a great deal. Toor dear May. 
her sufferings are over and I believe she is at 
rest . 1\'e buried her in Cheyenne in the new 
cemetery on Saturday. Jler funeral was 
preached in the Methodist church by the 
pastor Mr. Swift from the words, Tut thy 
house in order for thou shalt die and not 
live' 8th chapter Isaiah. It was very qood 
and did 11 'allie good. Hk is going to be a 
Christian now and meet May in heaven and 
I am so glad there is a bright side to this 
dark_ trouble. 

The Laramie Sentinel on February 
14, 1873 reported May Springer's death. 

1%'e have received the painful news 
of the death of Mrs. <D. It'. Springer, the 
interesting and accomplished young wife of 
the railroad agent at granite Canon. Mrs. 
Springer leaves a little babe and a heartbro- 
ken husband to mourn her loss. They have 
the heartfelt sympathy of a numerous circle 
of friends in this great affliction} 

And From Vie Cheyenne Daily 
Leader February 15, 1873: 

at Qranite Canon on Thursday 
13th instant Mary wife of'D.'H 1 . Springer, 
Es a . 7'-. ■: ~~vxral of the deceased will take. 
place at the Methodist Church of this city 
at two o clock, PM today. 1\'e hope all 
friends and acquaintances will attend as Mr. 
2X11 '. Springer is one of our oldest and most 
esteemed citizens? 

Myra's February 17th, 1873 let- 
ter announcing the death of May also 
described how May was dressed for the 
coffin, the immediate concern for the 
infant and the problems of feeding in a 
day when commercially prepared baby 
food was nonexistent. She wrote: 

/ shall stay with 'W allie and my 
baby . I cannot leave him and Tapa has 
Mother to care for him. The climate is bet- 
ter -for 'Birdie and we have plenty nice cream 
to feed her. Odave afresh cow today so I can 
soon feed her fresh milks ^'cdlie may leave 
here after he gets his debts paid, not decided 
where we will go. 

Through the spring Myra was 
faced with not only the nurturing of 
the baby but the uncertain ty of her dis- 
consolate brother, quite a dilemma for 
this city-bred girl to face alone. At the 
end of April the}' left Granite Canon 
for Julesburg, Colorado. David 
Springer wrote his father concerning 
'•' ra s care of the baby and the baby's 
fretful attitude as she cut her front teeth. 

Julesburg Colorado 
May 26 

(Dear father 

life have been at Julesburg three 
weeks yesterday I like the climate here much 
better than at Qranite as we miss those old 
piercing winds the summers here however 
may not be so pleasant as I think they are 
much too warm for comfort, but my idea in 
Coming to this particular place was to get 
where I would have more business to do 
something to keep my heart from aching so 
hard by keeping my hands and mind more 
active. I expect to have plenty of 
do soon as work is commenced again on our 
new road the "Colorado Central. " this is its 
eastern terminus forming a junction with 

8. Laramie Sentinel, February 15, 1873, p.3. 

-ne Daily Leader, February 15, 1873, p.5. 

the 1L T. here running south west to (freely 
and Titans Colorado then almost south to 
Qolden City & Central City making a line 
of nearly 200 miles giving Central and South- 
western Colorado almost an air [?] line to 
Omaha and Chicago. 

...11 'e are right in the midst of the 
'Buffalo Country here saw several droves 
yesterday and this morning but have not 
killed any yet their hides are not good taken 
this time of year as the hair comes out to 
easily in the fall and winter is the right 
time for them. 

Henry M. Stanley wrote of 
Julesburg when it was called "The 
Wickedest City in America," filled with 
all the seam}' riffraff that followed the 
laying of the rails, streets lined with 
saloons -some large canvas dancing 
saloons where luxurious foods could 
be had for "twelve bits." Myra's first 
letter home tells a different story. 

Julesburg Colorado 
May i ith 
Loved Ones, 

li'e have really moved and have 
nearly every thing in its place and begin to 
feel comfortable. 1\'e are in the Tlatte Val- 
ley which can be viewed from this place. 
This was once quite a populous place for a 
few months, several thousands of people liv- 
ing here but they are gone and there are now 
but two families beside us here -one keeping 
the section house where a dozen section men 
board, and the other keeps a saloon called 
the "Star Saloon " and "Tating Jlouse — 
Meals at all hours. " Qermans. 1 have only 
met the one woman Mrs. Tntrikan, the 
german who kindly gave me shelter the first 
night and both of us breakfast. Their house 
is just north of us and we can see all who 
enter it from our kitchen window. 

Our house fronts south and is the 
size of the one at Cjranite only differently 
arranged -Just across the tracks is a large 
warehouse with rooms in one and where some 
of the section men sleep. There is a large 
coal house up the track, where the engines 
take coal. Then there is one dobie house 
made of mud with a turf roof. It is occu- 
pied by section men. These are all the 
houses here now. There is a large stock,yard 

10. Henry M. Stanley, My Early Travels and Adventures 
in America and Asia (London: Sampson, Low, 
Marston & Company, 1895;, p. 165. 

• -.o Annals i8 Spring 1993 

and the ruins of a large, dobie and a good 
many excavations showing where mam/ 
homes have stood -'lit' took a walkover the 
place last evening - it is quite level. South 
of us a mile or two are the ruins of [Fort 
Sedgtwick- Some day will go there -Sand 
cliffs are in sight all around thai fence in 
the valley. It is the South •Tlatte Valley. 
...I thinkwe shall like it here. I have made 
up mij mind to be contented. It is not so 
windi/ here as at Cjranitc Canyon. 

Two months later Myra wrote to 
her father urging him to come for a visit. 

Ji lesblrg, Colorado 
July 14TH [87 1 

'Fa it 'would do i/ou good and give 
you a rest and 'Eddie could take care of the 
house and your interests there -while you are 
away.... 'you have -worked so hard I thinly 
you deserve to rest. I told Charlie the fare 
from Omaha here was fourteen dollars. I 
was mistaken it is $18.85. We will qive 
you both a cordial welcome you and Charlie. 
'Ms is a dull place to be sure, but you can 
(jet rest and little 'May will help to enter- 
tain you. ...'Mr. 'Merrct who lives near Cran- 
ite Canon has discovered a Silver mine abou t 
three miles from Qranite he things in ■paying 
quantities. 'Mr 'Mills cj the agent and 'Mr. 
Maygood all have taken claims. Don't know 
yet about us going to Cheyenne. 
In a postscript to her letter Myra wrote: 

'Jew days ago a big drove of 'Te,\as 
Cattle numbering thousands passed here ■ 
never sa~w so many at once. 'Tliey -were be- 
ing driven to Cheyenne to a ranch near there 

In December Mvra wrote home, 
a newsy letter. Among other items, she 

Julesburg, Colo. 
Dec. 2oth. iS- v 

...'Brother Has just come in from his 
ride, -now baby has awakened -fou play 
with her while I write Mattic: I must tell 
you something: 'U'e have a post office here 
now and 'D.'l\'.Springcr is Tost 'Master, 
ahem! aren't we enterprising! 'Me is to get 
the big salary of twenty four dollars a year. 

"Entrikens have a new kitchen built 
to their house. This is all of the improve- 
ments of Julesburg for this year. 

9dr. 'Effis of Sidney, the sheriff of the 
county who is 'Mrs. Weir's son in (aw zoos 
arrested on suspicion of murder this wee fi. 
Some weeks ago there was a man killed in a 


Top left: Baby May Springer, months. Probably the first photograph of the 
infant, taken in Inly, 1873 and sent to the family in Indiana. The photographer's 
trademark on the back of the photo <tate>: "Frank Boyd, Cheyenne. W.T. 
I Wyoming Territory). Top right: May Springer, age lire and a half. Photograph 
probably taken for P. IV. Springer after Myra took May to Indianapolis. 

saloon in Sidney shot through a window at 
night by some unknown party and instantly 
died. 'Me was a rough and once shot at 'Ellis. 
'Tfiere is a thousand dollars reward offered 
for the arrest and conviction of the mur- 
derer. Ellis is a drinking man. There are 
several saloons in Sidney. Ellis and 'Entriken 
have been intimate friends- 

T3- ...Last week buffalos came up 
near the station and I stood on the plat form 
and satv one killed, could have almost shot 
one from the station 

Early in 1874 Myra wrote of a trial 
in which David Springer was involved. 

1 1 1.1 sium; Colorado 
Jan jsth. 1M-4 
'Pear Tapa: 

WaUie went to Cheyenne last 'Mon- 
day morning and returned 'J riday night. Me 
went to attend that Soldier trial again. 'Flic 
last trial the soldier was given a verdict of 
$2200 and the company carried it to a higher 
court and this time the soldier is toget 1400. 
so the Co. did not make any thing and may 

take it to the Supreme court. They are "ui\ 
ing a test case of it. 

'The trial is also merit tone J in 
Springers IS74 diary. 

Jim Si \n\i PM 
Trial to come oil tomorrow morning 
I go to Qranite Canon today to make a dia- 
gram and '\otes of the Country where sol 
dier was put off of the train and had his 
feet and hands frozen for which he sued tor 

Arriving at Qranite Canon reed. 
message that the case had been compromised 
so I will be in no hum/ to return to 1 'heyenne 
In January Myra wrote: 

J\ 1 1 siu rg Color ido 

I \\. 2S, 1S-4 

There was a sick man died in the car 
'I riday night alter the train left Sidney and 
they telegraphed from here to :\orth Tlatte 
tor a coffin to be ready -when the train 
reached there. 'Me had consumption. 

On March 22, 1 874 David 

Wyominc; Annals 


Sl'RINi: lij'H 

Springer wrote to his "Dear Papa" 
about the weather and his daugh- 
ter, May. 


March 22ND [874, 
...'Wish 'Father you could see 
my fitifc Mail bird she is as pretty as 
half dozen Teaches better looking 
than all the other babies you -would (ove 
her because i/ou couldn 't help it if you 
u> anted to 

There is no hint of a decision to 
send Myra and the baby back to Indi- 
ana, and his 1874 diary has no entry 
until April 13 when he writes: 

Julesburg Weld County 
Colorado April 13TH 1874 
'Kesigned mi/ place as Agent & Op- 
erator today 

The next entry: April 23 

Sister 'Myra and my baby start for home 
this morning 

Thus ended a significant chap- 
ter in the life of David Wallace Springer. 
He spent three months of that year on 
a long cattle drive, and remained in the 
area till January, 1875 when he went 
east. For a while he was a partner in a 
very successful grocery and supply 
business in Parsons, Kansas. His last 
venture was a lumber business in 
Fairfield, Illinois. Although he was able 
to do considerable traveling in the east, 
his health failed and he died at his 
sister's home in Indianapolis on Octo- 
ber 20, 1885. 


The Springer baby, May, was 
raised by Myra and saw little of her 


David Wallace Springer 

1S44 Born April 10 in Lawrence- 
burg, Indiana to David and 
Sarah Brewington Springer 

1 86 1 Mustered into Indiana Vol- 
unteers at Lafayette, Indi- 
ana, age 17 

1862 Wounded at Battle of Mal- 
vern Hill, age 18 

1S64 Discharged at end of three 
year enlistment, age 20 

1865 Reenlists in Indianapolis for 
one year, age 2ij mustered 
out of service at age 2 i ; goes 
west via Missouri River boat 

1867 Takes telegraphy course in 

1 868 Goes to Kearney Station, Ne- 
braska Territory and Gran- 
ite Canon, Dakota Territory 

1869 Works for Union Pacific 
Railroad at Granite Canon, 
Wyoming Territory 

1 870 Marries Mary Elizabeth Wil- 

872 David's sister, Myra Springer, 
arrives to help with delivery 
of Springer baby 

873 Baby girl, May, born; Mary 
Springer dies 20 days later 

1874 Springer resigns telegraphy 
post; Myra and baby return 
to Indianapolis; Springer 
leaves for the South to buy 

1875 Purchases half interest in 
grocery business^ Richmond, 

1876 Travels to Philadelphia 
Exposition, Washington D.C., 
New York City; sells inter- 

1877 Sells his cattle in West; 
sightsees back to indiana; 
travels to parsons, kansas to 
purchase half-interest in 
grocery business 

1878 Visits family in Indianapolis 

1879 Returns to Parsons, Kansas 

1 88 1 Sells grocery business; fa- 
ther David, Sr., dies 

1882 Travels south in search of 

1 883 Buys lumber business in Fair- 
field, Illinois 

1S84 Travels seeking healthy cli- 

1885 Dies of consumption at sister 
Myra's home in Indianapolis 
on October 10, age 41. 

father except for an occasional visit. 
There exist some letters he wrote to 
her. She was twelve when he died. 

May graduated from high 
school in 1891, spent a year in teacher 
training classes and taught two years 
in Indianapolis public schools. She 
graduated in 1898 from Franklin Col- 
lege in Franklin, Indiana, then went 
to the Library School in Albany, New 
York for one year. She returned to 
Indianapolis where she worked at 
the State Library through the summer 
of 1900. She was Librarian at Alma 
College in Alma, Michigan for one year 
and in 1901 went to Youngstown, Ohio 
to catalog the city library. The next year 
she married Dr. A.G. W. Childs, whom 
she had known at Franklin College. In 
David Wallace Springer's last diary his 
sister, Myra, wrote: "May 14, 1902 May 
Springer was married to Dr. A.G.W. 
Childs of Madison, Indiana by Rev. T.A. 
Childs, father of the bridegroom. It was 
a quiet but sweet little wedding at 
home. The bride was very sweet and 
lovable. She went to Madison to live. 
She put her funds into a house which 
they built the same year. She had four 
thousand and fifty dollars in her own 
name when she married. Thirty-five 
hundred was from insurance on her 
father's life and the rest was saved from 

May Springer Childs had two 
children: a daughter Kathryn and a son 
Wallace, my husband. May died in 
June, 1949 at the time my husband 
passed his board examinations in radi- 
ology. Wallace died in 1986. ■ 

Ann Waybright 
Childs (1910-) 
lives in Madison, 
Indiana. She is a 
volunteer for 
the Madison/ 
County Public 
Library and the 
Jefferson County Historical Society. 
Madison is located on the Ohio River 
about halfway between cincinnati, 
Ohio and Louisville, Kentucky. 

Michael Heitz 

Wyoming Annals 20 Spring 1993 

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Wyoming Annals 2 1 Spring 1993 


Wyoming Pioneer Memoriai Museum, Dougu 

Evangelism, Religious Education and iSocial V alues in Wyoming, 1868-1918 

Sunday school has long been a 
familiar symbol of American 
Protestant education. From 1790 
to the Civil War, it had evolved 
from an informal, evangelical 
gathering to an administrative 
unit within Protestant denomi- 
nations. This institutional de- 
velopment coupled with its 
widespread distribution across 
the American landscape made 
Sunday school, in the words of 
Sunday school historian Anne 
Boylan, an American institution. 

Above: Baptist Sunday School Class, Converse 
County, early 1890s. 

By Carl Hallberg 

unday school has been easily 
overlooked and misunderstood 
in historical perspective. Popu- 
lar images depict it as a static 
symbol of Christian education. This 
vision is a very narrow one that rel- 
egates Sunday school to a small, cute, 
almost trite aspect of the church. A 
gallery of pictures becomes evidence of 
its existence and substance. Conse- 
quently, within the church as a whole, 
the role and value of Sunday school 
seems indeterminable, or insignificant 
when contrasted with more substantive 
themes, like church construction and 
the procession of resident ministers. 

Of course, such a viewpoint 
would not have been shared by con- 
temporary religious educators. To 
them, Sunday school was very impor- 
tant. Religious instruction encom- 
passed more than merely perpetuating 
simple Christian tenets. It meant in- 
culcating faith, church doctrines, spiri- 
tuality and morality within the young. 

How Sunday schools were to ac- 
complish this task effectively was seri- 
ously studied. By the latter part of the 
nineteenth century and early twentieth 
century, religious pedagogy was a 
major topic of discussion in religious 
periodicals, at denominational confer- 
ences and at interdenominational con- 
ventions of the Religious Education 
Association, the International Sunday 
School Association and the World Sun- 
day School Association. 

To consider Sunday school as an 
active religious and social force goes 
beyond traditional conceptions, but it 
is not a novel idea. For example, Paul 
Boyer and Anne Boylan have suggested 
that in pre-Civil War years Sunday 
schools were an instrument of moral 
reform in urbanized society, a medium 
for expression of Protestant evangelism, 
an instrument for evangelism among 
children and young adults and a means 
to advance changing ideas of woman- 
hood. 1 

Wyoming Annals 22 Spring 1993 

Each point has some validity. 
Altogether they paint a multi-faceted 
picture of Sunday school. While these 
attributes are primarily applicable to 
pre-Civil War Sunday schools, they are 
also applicable to post-Civil War, west- 
ern Sunday schools. From 1867 to the 
decline of the home missionary move- 
ment in 1918 Sunday school was used 
by Protestant and social groups in 
Wyoming to promote evangelism, reli- 
gious instruction and social values. 



Rev. D. R. Cowhick, a Methodist 
minister in Cheyenne, told delegates 
to the first meeting of the Wyoming 
Territorial Sunday School Association 
that Wyoming was but a wilderness in 
1867 but by 1881 was populated with 
Christian people. 2 To his attentive lis- 
teners, his message was quite clear: 
Protestant Christianity had taken the 
upper hand in defining Wyoming's 
culture. History would prove him 
wrong, but as a devout, religious man 
he could think no differently. His zeal- 
ous evangelical spirit affected both 
what he saw and what he desired. 
Religiosity always appeared to be quite 
obvious where churches were con- 
structed, Sunday schools were orga- 
nized or large crowds listened intently 
to itinerant preachers. In Cowhick's 
case, the pace of activity became the 
scale of activity. Such a perspective 
was not unique. Indeed, many Protes- 
tant missionaries and ministers shared 
Cowhick's grandiose assessment about 
the progress of Protestant evangelism. 

Other contemporaries of Cow- 
hick would have disagreed vehemently 
with him. They would have argued 
that such a religious transformation 
was far from accomplishment because 
the impact of Protestantism was tenu- 

1. Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 
1820-1920 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 
1978), pp. 34-37, 214; Anne M. Boylan, "Evangelical 
Womanhood in the Nineteenth Century: The Role of 
Women in Sunday Schools, "Feminist Studies 4 (Octo- 
ber 1978): 62-80; ibid., Sunday School: The Formation 
of an American Institution (New Haven: Yale Uni- 
versity Press, 1988). See also Robert W. Lynn and 
Elliott Wright, The Big Little School: Sunday Child of 
American Protestantism (New York: Harper and Row 
Publishers, 1971). 

2. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, July 16, 1881, p. 3. 

ous at best and negligible at worst. 
Instead of finding evidence of Protes- 
tantism triumphant, they were amazed 
to discover people living in a spiritual 
void. Reflecting on his early years of 
service, Rev. Ethelbert Talbot, Episco- 
pal Bishop for Wyoming, believed that 
people were not prone to irreligious 
behavior but simply had become care- 
less in attending to their spiritual du- 
ties. 3 Many Methodist, Congregation- 
alism Presbyterian and Baptist mission- 
aries and ministers were not so forgiv- 
ing in their outlook but believed they 
had found the Wild West incarnate. 
Wyoming was described as destitute, 
lawless, godless, wicked, irreligious, 
and one of the "waste places of our 
country." 4 Children in rural commu- 
nities and mining camps possessed 
little or no knowledge about the basics 
of Christianity. In addition, the ad- 
vancement of Mormonism into the 
western and north central areas of 
Wyoming presented Protestantism 
with a new and formidable religious 

These concerns influenced the 
course of Protestant evangelism in 
Wyoming. The underlying assumption 
was that Christian influences were 
deemed necessary and urgent if west- 
ern emigrants were to live as civilized, 
moral people. Thus, metaphorically 
speaking, any opportunity to harvest 
the field for Christ was not to be over- 

One of many evangelical tools 
which brought religion to what were 
termed frontier and destitute regions 
was Sunday school. In many ways Sun- 
day school was an ideal vehicle for Prot- 
estant evangelism. It did not require 
an ordained clergy, a formal liturgy or 
sacraments but rested upon the earnest 
desires of participants. 3 Meetings 
could take place wherever convenient 
such as a school house, a public hall, a 
private home or any available structure 

3. Ethelbert Talbot, My People of the Plains (New York: 
Brothers Publishers, 1906), p. 6. 

4. The Fifty-Ninth Annual Report of the American Sun- 
day-School Union (Philadelphia: American Sundav- 
School Union, 1883), p. 30. 

5. Ferenc Morton Szasz, The Protestant Clergy in the 
Great Plains and Mountain West, 1865-1915. (Albu- 
querque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988), pp. 

of whatever condition. Educational 
material was plentiful, was doctrinally 
and theologically simple and empha- 
sized basic Protestant principles of 
morality and spirituality. Moreover, 
Sunday school was not only for chil- 
dren but also for adults. Generally, 
though, Sunday school organizers fo- 
cused on children because through 
them the concerns and needs of adult 
family members and the community 
were indirectly met. Because of its 
simple organization, Sunday schools 
became the harbinger of Christianity in 
many western areas. 

The first use of Sunday schools as 
an instrument of evangelism was put 
forth by the American Sunday School 
Union. Organized in 1824 in Philadel- 
phia, the American Sunday-School 
Union sought to place a Sunday school 
in "every destitute neighborhood" in 
the trans-Appalachian frontier. 
Through the work of its determined 
supporters, the Union's efforts became 
quite successful. By 1860, Union Sun- 
day schools had followed the western 
flow of civilization across the Appala- 
chians to the Mississippi River. Look- 
ing further westward, the American 
Sunday-School Union saw in the Trans- 
Mississippi Frontier similar opportuni- 
ties for evangelism. In response to its 
own acclamations, the American Sun- 
day-School Union sent missionaries 
further westward to continue the pro- 
cess of organizing Sunday schools and 
bringing Christianity to the Frontier. 

The Union's use of the Sunday 
school was quickly adopted by main- 
line Protestant denominations. Baptist, 
Presbyterian, Congregationalist and 
Methodist Sunday school boards and 
committees developed appropriate 
mission statements and instructed field 
workers - colporteurs, itinerant minis- 
ters, general missionaries and Sunday 
school missionaries - to organize Sun- 
day schools whenever and wherever 
possible. In the process, these denomi- 
nations made Sunday school a tool of 
Protestant evangelism. 

A missionary's life was a busy 
one. Besides organizing Sunday 
schools, his tasks included preaching 
whenever and wherever possible, or- 
ganizing religious services, visiting lo- 
cal residents, distributing literature, fil- 

Wyoming Annals 

Spring 1993 

ing reports and corresponding with 
friends, ministers and churches. Sick- 
ness, inclement weather, difficult ter- 
rain, long hours of travel, personal pri- 
vation and unappreciated work tested 
his personal resolve. 

Evangelizing in Wyoming did 
not come with any guarantees. Suc- 
cessful endeavors were counterbal- 
anced by periods of trial and discour- 
agement. Sunday schools could wither 
away as quickly as they appeared due 
to public apathy and neglect. Mission- 
aries could spend most of their time just 
nourishing spiritual seeds within a 
community with little or no success. In 
spite of their efforts, a community could 
downplay the importance of religion 
and concentrate upon work or leisure 
activities. Given the numerous ob- 
stacles before them, it is not surprising 
that missionaries and ministers har- 
bored feelings of anxiety and doubt. 
Following the dissolution of a Sunday 
school in Dixon, Wyoming in his ab- 
sence, Frank Moore, a Presbyterian 
Sunday school missionary, sadly noted 
in his diary: "I feel sometimes that I 
have made a great mistake in under- 
taking this work."" 

Those individuals who prevailed, 
however, considered the formation of 
a Sunday school a significant accom- 
plishment. Individual efforts, like those 
of Rev. Newell Dwight Hillis, could be 
quite impressive. He began his evan- 
gelical career in 1875 at the age of sev- 
enteen with the American Sunday- 
School Union. He was organizing Sun- 
day schools in Nebraska when he was 
asked to go to Wyoming in April, 1881. 
During the following three months he 
traversed the southern part of the terri- 
tory, reporting back to the Union about 
the number of publications distributed, 
cities and towns visited, miles traveled 
and number of children attending his 
services. He claimed to have organized 
seven schools "in towns before wholly 
destitute of any religious service." 
Laramie's Rev. D. R. Watson praised 
Hillis' work, which, according to 
Watson, included "quickening others 
almost dead," starting churches, orga- 

6. Austin L. Moore, editor, Souls and Saddlebags: The 
Diaries and Correspondence of Frank L. Moore, West- 
em Missionary, 1888-1396 (Denver: Big Mountain 
Press), p. 33. 


L Society. Valley Forge. PA 

Baptist colporteur Rev. Arthur Tipton in 
Hulett, Wyoming about 1914. 

nizing a territorial Sunday school con- 
vention and "otherwise greatlv help- 
ing the general cause of Christ." Soon 
afterwards Hillis was promoted to an 
administrative post within the Union. 
His new duties did not permit him to 
have as much direct personal contact 
as he once had, but he was still able to 
monitor the work of the American Sun- 
day-School Union in Wyoming and 
occasionally was able to survey the field 
personally. His work for the Union 
coupled with his evangelical zeal aptly 
prepared him for future endeavors 
during the Social Gospel era as a 
preacher, lecturer and writer in New 
York. 7 

The work of Hillis and others did 
not go unnoticed. Church statistics 
about Sunday schools, teachers, stu- 
dents and libraries were touted as proof 

7. The Fifty-Eighth Annual Report of the American 

Sunday-School Union (Philadelphia: American Sun 
day-School Union, 1882), p. 39; The Sixty-Second 
Annual Report of the American Sunday-School Union 
( Philadelphia: American Sunday-School Union, 1 8S6), 
pp. 37-38; Mission Committee Minutes, Vol. 86, p. 
136, AmericanSunday-School Union Papers, Presby- 
terian Office of History; Board of Officers and Man- 
agers Minutes, Vol. 8, p. 91 , American Sunday-School 
Union Papers, Presbyterian Office of History; Dictio- 
nary of American Biography, Vol. IX (New York: 
Charles Schribner's Sons, 1932), p. 56; Laramie Weekly 
Sentinel, June 11, 1881, p. 3; Carbon County journal 
June 25, 1881, p. 4. 

that progress was being made in 
Christianizing Wyoming. Sunday 
school missionaries sometimes ap- 
plauded themselves, not so much 
for anv personal accomplishment 
but for advancing the cause of Prot- 
estant evangelism. Looking back on 
his own work in Wyoming for the 
American Sunday-School Union, 
Rev. W. L. DeGroff reported: 

1 hough only a 1pv\ briel weeks 
could be used, they witnessed 

glorious victories in various needy 
Lets, thus giving tike stain 

Ijod s approval in this hard lield. 

Frank Moore, kept a personal record of 
his work in Wyoming. An energetic 
and devout man, Moore worked dili- 
gently to fill what he perceived as spiri- 
tual vacuums in the social structure. 
His travels always seemed to present 
him with opportunities to establish, 
assist or review Sunday school pro- 
grams and in the process help spread 
the Gospel. 

In truth, statistics and personal 
statements could give a false impres- 

8. The Seventy-Seventh Annual Report of the American 
Sunday-School Union (Philadelphia: American Sun- 
day-School Union, 1901), p. 15. 

Wyoming Annals 24 Spring 1993 

sion. Missionaries and ministers in the 
field realized that the area encompassed 
by Sunday school work was small in 
comparison to the overall territory. 
Their common lament was that so many 
areas lay beyond their reach. 
Wyoming's sparse population was 
widely distributed across a vast area of 
more than 97,000 square miles. Because 
communication and transportation 
lines were limited, many people were 
isolated from centers of Christian 
thought and activity. Yet, from 1870 to 
1918 the number of missionaries as- 
signed to Wyoming by any denomina- 
tion averaged from one to three indi- 

Attempts to augment the num- 
ber of missionaries in Wyoming were 
not forthcoming. While evangelical 
Protestantism had the entire West as 
its objective, attaining its goal increas- 
ingly become a political decision. Lim- 
ited funds, materials, and most of all, 
missionaries, hindered long range 
plans. Desirous of starting its specific 
programs in the West, administrative 
departments competed against each 
other for available funds and materi- 
als. To effect appropriate use of re- 
sources in the West, church boards had 
to give programs and areas an order of 
importance. In the end, growing and 
larger populations in Colorado, Ne- 
braska, Kansas and the Dakotas re- 
ceived greater attention and assistance 
than that in Wyoming. 

Such tough decisions adversely 
affecting Wyoming missions aroused 
strong protests. Rev. E. E. Tarbill, su- 
perintendent of the Wyoming Mission 
of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
argued that field workers did not re- 
ceive enough credit or support. 



If the i»letho<dist lipiscopal 

churclh wishes to see Sonne <>1 her 

primitive heroism projected into 

uaodlera tunes we would be glad to 

ca.II her attention to some ol hei 

Wy< inning sons. 

Others claimed that, of the church's 
many undertakings western missions 
were just as important, if not more so, 
than others. Spiritual lives were at stake 
and, without an infusion of additional 
support, as some forecasted, the rami- 
fications could be dire. Rev. C. K. 
Powell, missionary for the Presbyterian 
Synod of Colorado, believed that so- 
cial degeneration was very possible 
unless the church stepped in quickly. 



1 he social conditions here are 
munch perturbed. L-Wistianitj 
alone ran lill the breach; living 
mist carry 1 lie 
age; lor the safety and welfare 
J cm rii ■ Col< irado and 

W ^omung must Lave trie gospel, 
lhrither th must roll into 

v alley s, or !. 

ntented p< 
will roll down a deluge ol lire 

and d 

eslrrirt ion. 


9. Minutes of the Tenth Session of the Wyoming Mission of 
the Methodist Episcopal Church . . . 1897 (Sheridan: 
Sheridan Enterprise, 1897), p. 39. 

Rev. T. C. Kirkwood, superintendent 
of home missions for the Colorado 
Synod of the Presbyterian Church, of- 
ten spoke of untouched areas or "waste 
places" for evangelical work and a de- 
sire to "open new work." Although 
regional and district superintendents of 
the Presbyterian Church had long been 
desirous of expanding the church's in- 
fluence, the national board could not 
commit to him the necessary men and 
money for the task. At the turn of the 
century when missions were being es- 
tablished in Alaska, Mexico and the 
Caribbean, missionaries in the Ameri- 
can West reiterated that their work was 
far from finished. In 1912, according to 
a Baptist observer, Wyoming was still 
"one of the most spiritually destitute 
states in the land." 11 

Further complicating the process 
of Western evangelism in general was 
inter-church competition for territory. 
In principle, all Protestant denomina- 

te). Fifty-Seventh Annual Report of the Board of Publica- 
tion and Sabbath-School Work of the Presbyterian 
Church in the United States of America (New York: 
Presbyterian Board of Publication and Sabbath- 
School Work, 1895), p. 15. 

11. Missions 3 Qune 1912): 490. 

tions acted together to promote Chris- 
tianity. But the political reality was 
something less than amiable accord 
because efforts by one church group 
were interpreted as a threat or challenge 
by another. It was what Bishop Talbot 
called a matter of Christian statesman- 
ship. 12 The American Baptist Home 
Mission Society considered territorial 
rivalry not as an obstacle but rather a 
challenge to its cause. 



I I i ' i ii 1 1 pro i l ) 1 i - 1 1 1 in plant the 
standard "I train a a ) w here, it is 
loyalt) to I tourist. . . , iNot to 
lor these [pei iplej 
■ in t he \\ est n ha I v 
at great c< Xl 

Moreover, the American Baptist Home 
Mission Society believed that interfer- 
ence among denominations was un- 
likely because the field was too large. 14 
Presbyterians, on the other hand, were 
not so confident. In 1891, the Presbyte- 
rian Board of Home Missions acknowl- 
edged requests for churches and min- 
isters throughout the West but declined 
to respond to them all, believing "it 
would be better to leave the field open 
to some other denomination." Nor 
would it offer to support new exten- 
sions when other areas required imme- 
diate attention. 1 " At the same time the 
General Conference of the Presbyterian 
Church empowered colporteurs and 
ministers to follow the lead of Sunday 
school missionaries and organize Sun- 
day schools wherever possible. 

12. Some Account of the History, Growth and Needs of 
the Wyoming and Idaho Mission [Episcopal Church] 
(Philadelphia: Avil Printing Company, n.d.). p. 17; 
Ethelbert Talbot, "Some Elements of the Missionary 
Spirit": A Sermon .... (Atchinson, Kansas: Haskell 
Printing Company, 1888), pp. 15-17. Both publica- 
tions in Francis Donaldson Collection, American Heri- 
tage Center, University of Wyoming. Hereafter Amer- 
ican Heritage Center will be referred to as, AHC. 

13. Fiftieth Annual Report of the American Baptist Home 
Mission Society .... (New York: American Baptist 
Home Mission Rooms, 1882), p. 51. 

14. Sixty-Sixth Annual Report of the American Baptist 
Home Mission Society .... (New York: American 
Baptist Home Mission Society, 1898), p. 65. 

15. Twenty-first Annual Report of the Board of Home 
Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the United 
States of America (New York: Presbyterian House, 
1891), p. 15. 

Wyoming Annals 25 Spring 1993 

Denominational preference put 
additional pressure upon missionaries 
who were already struggling to meet 
the needs of the territory given to them. 
Beginning in 1909 Episcopal Bishop N. 
S. Thomas worked hard to broaden the 
Episcopal influence in Wyoming by 
enlisting the assistance of lay people. 
He listened to their difficulties and con- 
structively encouraged them to expand 
their activities and services. At the 
same time he was not afraid to let his 
disappointments be known. For ex- 
ample, frustrated with Guy Kagey's 
struggles in Southern Carbon County, 
Thomas bluntly asked, "Why does it 
come that we have no Sunday School 
in a good church center like Dixon? 
Can't you manage it?" lh 



ply l\,i.:'i-\ tried 1 o justify lias 
a along pragn 

e cum emcal lines. 

- \\ me win 5 1 a ere is no 
Oundl . ' on, It is 

. i pppJl vL r- brethren I, 
listed a bunday School ken , I 
promised them that so long as they 

: ze. 1 lie ) dlo not have 
any oundaj ochooJ in Daggs or 
Oavfi-T as "we have organized tin re. 

In this locality 1 dlo not think it 
would be wise to nave two or more 
bunday Schools; one school at i 

ion I think is l. ... It 

mistic . , , 
. I lee] so long as all L hristians are 
i, m,", 1 or one a nd i lie same 
purpose 1 1 Aoesn l make no 
(lillerejn e to 'what organization 
they belo Jay School 

o t he r 


Surprisingly, Thomas agreed with 
Kagey's argument. However, Thomas 
stipulated that if the Campbellites at- 

16. Letter from N. S. Thomas to Guy E. Kagey, April 7, 
1915, General Correspondence, Episcopal Church 
Collection, AHC 

17. Letter from Guy Kagey to N. S. Thomas, April 15, 
1915, General Correspondence, Episcopal Church 
Collection, AHC. 

tempted to start a Sunday school in 
Savery or Baggs, then the Episcopalians 
should start a Sunday school in Dixon. ls 

As Kagey discovered, Sunday 
school organization was made more 
difficult in communities where several 
churches competed for religious loyal- 
ties. In some instances lay people took 
matters into their own hands. The re- 
sult was not a triumph of one denomi- 
nation over another, but a kind of com- 
promise solution in the form of non- 
denominational or "Union" Sunday 
schools. Union Sunday schools repre- 
sented an early, simple form of Protes- 
tant ecumenism. 1 " Like non-denomina- 
tional services at Easter, Thanksgiving 
and Christmas, Union Sunday school 
services were seen by lay people as a 
visible svmbol of Christian unity within 
their community. 

Clara McCarthy was among the 
list of advocates. In 1909 her family 
was among the newcomers establish- 
ing homesteads outside of Worland. 
With this influx of people, community 
life was growing and changing. On the 
subject of religion, she commented that 
there were three "little, weak Sunday 
Schools" in town. Upon reflection she 
thought it would be better if the 
churches would unite to form one 
church and "one livelv Sunday 
School.'"' 1 

To Clara and other lay people, 
denominational rivalries mattered very 
little in regard to Sunday schools. Such 
distinctions were not as important as 
long as basic Christian education was 
available to their children, even if the 
Sunday school was a Union Sunday- 
school. In fact, Union Sunday schools 
were considered by some lay people as 
ideal organizations for religious edu- 
cation. 21 According to an anonymous 
writer in the Carbon County Journal, a 
Sunday school did not need to link it- 

18. Letter from N. S. Thomas to Guy Kagey, April 28, 
1915, General Correspondence, Episcopal Church 
Collection, AHC. 

19. Szasz, The Protestant Clergy... p. 19. 

20. Letter from Clara McCarthy to Mrs. E. D. Taylor, n.d. 
(ca. 1909], Clara McCarthy Papers, Historical Re- 
search and Publications, Division of Parks and Cul- 
tural Resources, Wyoming Department of Commerce. 
Hereafter Historical Research and Publications will 
be noted as HR&P. 

21. Grand Encampment Herald, October 2, 1903, p. 2. 

self to a denomination, because it was 
"an institution by itself." 22 When a 
Union school was formed in Manville 
through the union of the Congrega- 
tional and Methodist Sunday schools 
an observer wrote, "There should never 
have been but one school." 23 

Mainline Protestant denomina- 
tions did not view Union Sunday 
schools in such pragmatic terms. They 
opposed the organization of Union 
Sunday schools and admonished their 
missionaries and ministers to organize 
Sunday schools under their respective 
denominations or under the supervi- 
sion of a neighboring church. If noth- 
ing else, Sunday schools should be 
equipped with the respective literature 
of that denomination. The Stinday 
School Union Committee of the Wyo- 
ming Mission of the Methodist Episco- 
pal Church concluded that "attempts 
at Union schools is [sic] not wise, when 
schools can be put under the fostering 
care of some denomination." 24 Taking 
a different, conciliatory stance was the 
Colorado Conference of the Congrega- 
tional Church. It found the concept of 
Union schools doctrinallv well suited 
to them and approved the organization 
of Union schools until such time as the 
local congregation determined other- 
wise. 2 ' 

Union or denominational, Sun- 
day schools were a viable means of fos- 
tering Protestant evangelism in Wyo- 
ming. On the national and regional 
levels denominational boards worked 
to promote and support the organiza- 
tion of Sunday schools through mis- 
sionaries, books, and periodicals. At 
the local level missionaries, ministers 
and Sunday school workers carried the 
process further by attempting to secure 
the Sunday school's hold within the 
community and expand its influence. 

The mere organization of Sunday 
school did not and could not ensure its 
own success. Like any social organiza- 

22. Carbon County journal. December 6, 1879, p. 4. 

23. Lusk Herald, March 14, 1895, p. 5. 

24. journal of the Second Sessio}! of the Wyoming Mission of 
the Methodist Episcopal Church . . . 1SS9 (Evanston: 
Uinta Chieftain Print, n.d.), pp. 36-37. 

25. Minutes of the Congregational Association of Colorado, 
1S77, and Statistics of the Churches (Colorado Springs: 
Franklin Printing House, 1878), pp. 7-8. 

Wyoming Annals 26 Spring 1993 

tion, Sunday schools were member 
dependent. Initially, a Sunday school's 
future seemed bright, but at times the 
public might have to be coaxed or at 
least reminded to attend Sunday school. 
Typical was the attitude expressed by 
an anonymous writer in the Crook 
Count}/ Monitor: "Come to Sunday 
school." 26 This direct phrase was both 
a personal affirmation as well as a pub- 
licity statement. Sunday school was ob- 
viously important to this individual to 
the extent that the community should 
support it, too. 

Without adequate support from 
the community or congregation, a Sun- 
day school ceased to function. To pre- 
vent this from happening, Sunday 
school workers used the local press as 
a public medium to promote Sunday 
school. They praised continued and 
growing attendance and complained 
about the decrease or noticeable lack of 
attendance and devotion. They knew 
that Sunday schools could start out with 
the best of intentions and could easily 
disappear for lack of attention. More 
than anything else they did not want 
to see their beloved institution fall to 
the wayside due to idleness, neglect or 
apathy. "The Pleasant Valley Sunday 
school is still a success," wrote an 
anonymous person in the Wheatland 
World. "Come, everyone and help it 
along." 27 

Ministers, missionaries, and Sun- 
day school workers used various de- 
scriptive words in newspaper articles 
to attract new members to Sunday 
school. Success, flourishing, prosper- 
ous, well attended or increasing sug- 
gested a large following or conveyed a 
sense of growth. A common adver- 
tising technique was to publish or 
infer attendance figures. Large num- 
bers were desirable, small ones frowned 
upon. Rev. R. F. Paxton of the Wheat- 
land Congregational Church was en- 
couraged by a past week's atten- 
dance at the Sunday school but in a 
public challenge to readers of the 
Wheatland World pondered, "I won- 
der if we can't beat it next Sun- 

26. Crook County Monitor, May 19, 1905, p. 1. 

27. Wheatland World, February 14, 1913, p. 2. 

28. Ibid., January 31, 1913, p. 1. 

day." 2s Constant attendance at the 
Banner Sunday School seemed to give 
its supporters some assurance that it 
would be around for a long time. 2 " A 
couple of years later a Banner corre- 
spondent proudly announced, "We 
have a regular Sunday school . . . ." 1n 
The Stewart Sunday School in Goshen 
County had to purchase more chairs "to 
accommodate a steadily increasing at- 
tendance." 11 The most confident state- 
ment was expressed privately by Rev. 
C. M. Sanders, Congregationalist home 
missionary to Cheyenne. He reported 
that his Sunday school classes were in 
no danger of withering away. "Our S. 
S. [Sunday Schools] are larger than the 
day schools. Show me the place which 
can beat that. Does it not speak well 
for [the] Home Miss. [Missionary] 
Ch. [Church]!" 32 Such a statement was 
the envy of every Sunday school 
worker, but it also was the result of 
much hard work. 

To encourage Sunday school at- 
tendance among children, churches 
organized attendance contests and Sun- 
day school rallies. Ribbons and prizes 
were awarded to children who brought 
new students into school or who had 
the longest Sunday school attendance 
record. These events enlivened Sun- 
day school as both a social and religious 
activity and were a welcome deviation 
to the children from the rote drilling 
that was the usual religious method of 
learning. From an outside perspective, 
a successful rally signaled that a Sun- 
day school was well established. Fol- 
lowing a rally by Goshen and Fort 
Laramie Sunday schools, a commenta- 
tor in the Goshen Count}/ Journal con- 
cluded that "Sabbath School work in 
Goshen County is rapidly coming to the 
front." 33 

Another technique was to high- 
light events that had an entertainment 
value. The Sundance Methodist 

29. Sheridan Post, October 23, 1890, p. 4. 

30. Ibid., September 15, 1892, p. 4. 

31. Goshen County journal, May 21, 1914, p. 1. 

32. Letter from C. M. Sanders to David B. Coe, April 22, 
1877, American Home Missionary Society Papers, 
Amistad Research Center, Tilton Hall, Tulane Uni- 
versity, New Orleans; see also Cheyenne Daily Sun, 
June 27, 1878, p. 4. 

33. Goshen County journal, December 5, 1915, p. 5. 

Church offered Sunday school children 
a free ticket to stereoscopic entertain- 
ment. 14 Musical programs also had a 
positive effect. The purchase of an or- 
gan for the Sunday school, often a no- 
table acquisition for a Sunday school, 
provided musical entertainment as well 
as instruction for the children. In an 
attempt to educate boys and young 
men in religious values and ethics a few 
religious organizations tried to make 
Sunday school seem more appealing to 
them through boys' and men's days. 

The success of all these efforts 
were contingent upon the receptiveness 
of Sunday school participants. Both 
community interest and personal com- 
mitment had to be present if the Sun- 
day school was to survive, especially if 
a community hoped to one day attract 
a resident minister. Among devout 
supporters there was no excusable rea- 
son to expect the worse. That the Sun- 
day school or a Sunday school activity 
should have a large attendance seemed 
self-evident because Sunday school was 
inherently beneficial for everyone. 
Anything less than this resulted in dis- 
concerting notes about poor attendance 
and accusations of laziness, apathy and 
disinterest. That Sunday school atten- 
dance should falter even a little was 

Attendance was often anything 
but balanced between the sexes. When 
May Beeso of Banner wrote, "We girls 
are having a real nice Sabbath 
school . . .," girls were obviously the 
only gender at Sunday school. 15 That 
females usually outnumbered males in 
Sunday schools was not unusual or 
surprising. According to Victorian 
standards, upholding religious obliga- 
tions was a responsibility that lay prin- 
cipally with women. Women more 
than men were the principle motiva- 
tors behind religious activities. Women 
more than men openly sought religious 
organization, and they gave mission- 
aries and ministers the greatest support 
for organizing a religious service, Sun- 
day school or church. To some observ- 
ers a woman's personality, conscience 
and sympathetic nature endeared her 

34. Crook County Monitor, June 7, 1912, p. 1. 

35. Sheridan Post, May 14, 1897, p. 4. 

Wyoming Annals 27 Spring 1993 

to Sunday school and to religion in 
general.'' 1 

Young men, on the other hand, 
seemed to have a tendency to avoid 
Sunday school. The reasons given for 
their inactivity were that they had poor 
Biblical instruction, did not realize the 
importance of religion in their personal 
lives, or identified Sunday school with 
childhood. 17 The presence of idle men 
and rambunctious boys on the streets 
rather than in Sunday school was a 
common, distressful sight to strict Sab- 
bath observers. By not availing them- 
selves of a proper religious education, 
these Sunday loafers were judged prone 
to mischief and a potential burden to 
their community. 18 

Despite the best intentions for 
organizing Sunday schools, their future 
was never assured. The conditions 
under which they existed were some- 
times less than ideal, particularly in 
rural areas. Distance, weather, and the 
necessity to work determined when 
and how many children or adults 
would attend Sunday school. Basin, 
Wyoming residents feared that the 
building they used would collapse. 1 " 
More harmful was personal indiffer- 
ence to Sunday schools. In fact, disin- 
terest was the cause of most Sunday 
school closures. Jonathan Clearwaters, 
Methodist Episcopal Sunday school 
missionary, found that in a survey of 
Methodist Episcopal Sunday schools "a 
few have fallen asleep, and a few into 
the hands of brand-blotters," [individu- 
als who apparently sought to discredit 

36. Laramie Daily Sentinel, September 27, 1870, p. 3; 
Martin E. Marty, Modern American Religion: Volume 1: 
The Irony of It All, 1893-1919 (Chicago: the University 
of Chicago Press, 198b), p. 265; "Second Annual Re- 
port General Missionary J. F. Blodgett, Worland, 
Wyoming" [1915] in Wyoming Baptist Bulletin (Lander 
1916), 9. 

37. Boylan, Sunday School, pp. 110-111; Frank Graves 
Cressey, The Church ami Young Men (Chicago: 
Fleming H. Revel] and Company, 1904), pp. 50-57. 

38. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, July 9, 1881, p. 3; Link 
Herald, February 14, 1895, p. 5; Crook County Moni- 
tor, December 8, 1897, P . 1; Too Big To Go To Sabbath- 
School: A Story For Boys (Philadelphia: Presbyterian 
Board of Publication and Sabbath-School Work, 1869); 
Boylan, Sunday Schools, p. Ill; Henry Y. Satterlee, 
"How the Church May retain Her Hold Upon Young 
Men After They Emerge From the Sunday School," 
The Church Review and Ecclesiastical Register, LV 
(October 1889): 187-194. 

39. Letter from N. S. Thomas to M. B. Nash, 15 June 1915, 
General Correspondence - Basin, Wyoming Episco- 
pal Church Collection, AHC. 

the good intention of Sunday schools]. 40 
Sometimes schools could be re- 
vived or "reorganized." In Upton, a 
Sunday school was organized at the 
Christian Church with "bright pros- 
pects for . . . the future good of our 
children." Yet, good intentions were 

The Methodist Collection, 
Drew University Library, Madison, N) 

Jonathan F. Clearwater, Methodist State 
Sunday School Superintendent for Wyo- 
ming, 190S-1914 (from the Board of Sun- 
day School and the Department of Sunday 
School Publications of Methodist Episco- 
pal Church Year Book: 1908, New York: 
Eaton and Mains, date unknown). 

not enough to sustain it, and the Sun- 
day school was soon dissolved. Three 
years later the Newcastle Nezos-Journal 
reported that a new Sunday school in 
Upton was "growing in interest." 41 The 
Parkman Sunday school was discontin- 
ued due to lack of interest. "We can't 
have a Bible-class of more than 2 or 3," 
the writer critically commented, "but if 
base ball is announced for Sunday af- 
ternoon we can have a whole town full 
of people." 42 Nearly a month later the 
Parkman Sunday school was reorga- 
nized with the hope that "all will take 
an interest in helping the work along," 41 
In Thermopolis a Methodist Sunday 
school was reorganized and had "new 
interests," though no mention was 
made as to what these new develop- 

40. Minutes of the Twenty-Seventh Session of the Wyoming 
Mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church .... 29I4(n.p., 
n.d.), n.p. 

41 . Newcastle News-Journal, February 20, 1904, p. 5; Nhiis- 
journal, December 27, 1907, p. 5. 

42. Sheridan Post, September 10, 1903, p.3. 

43. Ibid., October 15, 1903, p.3. 

ments were. 44 

Nature could endanger a Sunday 
school. The Spanish influenza epidemic 
of 1918 forced the first- time closure of 
many Sundav schools. They were es- 
pecially susceptible to changes in the 
seasons. Jonathan Clearwaters classi- 
fied Sunday schools into two types. 
One was "winter school" which died 
with the onset of summer due to vaca- 
tion or increased work in the fields but 
was reborn with the resumption of the 
school year. The other was "summer 
school" which floundered in winter due 
to adverse weather conditions. 45 

Summer proved to be the most 
difficult time for Sunday schools. As 
one individual put it, summer tested a 
Sunday school group's "loyalty to 
Christ." 4 ' 1 In rural areas a need for help 
in the fields resulted in a decrease in 
Sunday school attendance. In urban 
areas summertime relaxation flour- 
ished at the expense of Sunday school. 
Fishing or traveling in the mountains 
seemed more important than church 
itself. 47 In Glenrock Sunday schools 
were closed so that teachers and stu- 
dents could spend their leisure time 
"automobiling." 48 

Winter was not much better. 
Cold weather provided an excellent 
excuse for not going to Sunday school. 
Writing from Fort Bridger, Mrs. J. B. 
Anson informed Frank Moore that "our 
School progressed very nicely all Sum- 
mer and Fall but the winter is so severe 
and we live so far apart that it was 
very difficult for us to meet Every Sun- 
day." 4 " Rev. Thomas M. Coffey, a Bap- 
tist missionary minister in the Beaver 
Creek area, tried to change history. 
After organizing three Sunday schools 
in the area, he was determined not to 
let them lie idle or wither away. The 

44. Thermopolis Record, January 12, 1907, p. 1. 

45. Minutes of the Twenty-Sixth Session of the Wyoming 
Mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church .... 1913 
(n.p., n.d.), n.p. 

46. Crook County Monitor, August 16, 1913, p. 1. 

47. Letter from William H. Haupt to N. S. Thomas, July 
19, 1915 - August 2, 1915; General Correspondence, 
Episcopal Church Collection, AHC. 

48. Letter From Alpha W. Barlow to N. S. Thomas, May 
13, 1915, General Correspondence, Glenrock, 
Episcopal Church Collection, AHC. 

49. Moore, p. 112. 

Wyoming Annals 28 Spring 1993 

schools were well-supplied with litera- 
ture and had sufficient public support, 
and he reported that "we are continu- 
ing the schools through the winter 
months, contrary to the custom here." 50 
To Coffey and others the Sunday 
school was more than just a means of 
religious education. It was a focal point 
for religion itself. National Protestant 
and interdenominational boards ar- 
ranged programs and personnel to or- 
ganize and support Sunday schools in 
rural areas and small towns. At the 
local level missionaries, ministers and 
Sunday school workers continued the 
process further. Typical was Rev. H. 
A. Toland's request to Casper residents 
in the Natrona Tribune to support a 
newly formed Methodist Episcopal 
Sunday school: "All who are interested 
along this line of Christian work come 
and help us." 51 Through missionary 
zeal, individual interest and commu- 
nity support, the evangelical mission 
of Sunday schools would succeed. The 
ultimate objective was to make Sunday 
school an important part of a 
community's religious life. The task 
was not an easy one. Various personal 
and cultural factors within the commu- 
nity would determine whether or not 
Sunday schools would become a reli- 
gious force in an individual's life. 




By 1880 the Sunday school was 
a well-developed and well- equipped 
institution for religious instruction. Its 
values could not be stressed enough by 
Sunday school advocates. Church lead- 
ers saw the schools as the means to 
educate youth on church doctrine and 
bring them into the fold of the church. 
For others, Sunday school education 
taught Christian beliefs, morals and 
ethics essential for a good and godly 
life. As the Colorado Conference of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church deter- 
mined, "those children [who attend 
Sunday school] will make the most 
Godly, stable and useful Christians, 
who are most thoroughly grounded in 

50. The Baptist Home Missionary Monthly XXVII (Janu- 
ary 1905): 31. 

51. Natrona Tribune, September 6, 1894, p. 3. 

the truths of God's 
word." 52 

Sunday school 
literature was one 
way of educating chil- 
dren, youth and 
young adults. It 
brought religion di- 
rectly to the indi- 
vidual, and was a par- 
ticularly useful me- 
dium in areas which 
had no organized re- 
ligious services. 
There was no short- 
age of material on the 
market. Denomina- 
tional and non-de- 
nominational reli- 
gious printing houses 
published volumi- 
nous studies, periodi- 
cals, and books for 
children and adults. 
Within the West, the 
Rocky Mountain Sun- 
day School Times was 
recognized by the 
Wyoming Mission of 
the Methodist Episco- 
pal Church as "an 
able exposition of the 
Sunday school lesson 
and a first class Sun- 
day School newspa- 
per." 53 For their part, congregations 
created Sunday school libraries in or- 
der to make religious literature avail- 
able to local children. Public statistics 
and statements about volumes acquired 
were intended to reflect a 
congregation's religiosity as well as its 
strong commitment to the religious 
upbringing of its children. 

The traditional format for a 
child's religious education was orga- 
nized Sunday school classes. Sunday 
school pedagogy rested largely upon 
rote learning or, as it was commonly 
known, "drilling." It was not the most 
effective means of instruction, and de- 

52. Minutes of the Twelfth Session of the Colorado Annual 
Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church .... 
(Denver: Rocky Mountain News Steam Printing 
House, 1874), p. 22. 

53. Official Minutes of the Sixth Session of the Wyoming 
Mission . . . 1893 (Newcastle: Putnam & Nichols, 
1893), pp. 19-20. 


i waj 

-3*&ELD AT*s- 

Baptist Church, Laramie, June 2d, 3d and 4th, 1885. 



8:00— Devotional Exercises, Rev. J. T. KILLEN 
8:30— The S. S. Convention, Rev. S. H. HUBER 


9:00— Devotional Exercises, Rev. S. H. HUBER 
9:30 — Organization, Reports, Miscellaneous Business. 
10:30 — What is the best plan for opening and closing 
the School ? A. S. PEABODY 

11:00 — How to conduct the Quarterly Review, 

11:30— How to interest a class, C. P. ARNOLD 


2:00— Song Service, Conducted by A. S. PEABODY 
2:30 — How to prepare the lesson, 

Rev. W. H. BONNER 
3:00 — What system of Rewards should be adopted to 
increase the efficiency of the school ? 

Rev. A. L. T. EWERT 

3:30 — How shall we induce Sunday-school scholars to 

attend church ? Rev. W. E. HAMILTON 

4:00 — What plan should be adopted for extending the 

Sunday-school work in our Territory '.' 


on, Amiikk \n Heritage Ci nter, Univef 

Wyoming Territorial Sunday School Asso- 
ciation 1885 program. 

spite the intrinsic value of Sunday 
school education, drilling could tax the 
patience of both teacher and pupil. In 
a notice about an upcoming Sunday 
school concert, an anonymous Evan- 
ston Sunday school worker wrote: 
"Great pains have been taken in train- 
ing the children, and a pleasant enter- 
tainment is expected." 54 By the latter 
part of the nineteenth century, Sunday 
schools were looking at graded lesson 
plans and contemplating current peda- 
gogical techniques for Sunday school 

Because drilling was the principle 
instructional procedure, the effective- 
ness of Sunday school instruction was 
measured by the students' ability to 

54. Uinta Chieftain, December 24, 1881, p. 3. 

Wyoming Annals 2Q Spring 1993 

recite Biblical passages, lists or lines for 
Biblical plays. Through these perfor- 
mances the children demonstrated their 
religious knowledge before the congre- 
gation, and the congregation was in 
turn convinced that the children were 
indeed learning. At the Vaughn Union 
Sunday School in Goshen County stu- 
dents learned ". . .many verses of Scrip- 
ture. Some of the Seniors can name the 
books of the Bible in their order. "' 
J. H. Hayford, publisher of the Laramie 
Sentinel, approved of children's pro- 
grams because he felt they gave chil- 
dren a sense of worth, stressed the im- 
portance of Sunday school in the church 
and community and trained youth in 
morals."' 1 

Overseeing the Sunday school 
program was a small bureaucracy of 
church officials. At the top was the 
minister who supervised officers below 
him and dictated the use and kind of 
Sunday school material. As spiritual 
leader his responsibility was to make 
sure that Sunday schools were places 
of education, redemption and salvation. 
He was not totally aloof from the chil- 
dren. Through children services, 
children's sermons or youth programs, 
he spoke directly to the children about 
citizenship, temperance, and doctrinal 

Concern for Sunday school edu- 
cation was often combined with the 
desire for greater religiosity in the com- 
munity. Ministerial remarks tended to 
be brief and to the point, and like their 
fellow Sunday school advocates, they 
felt no need to explain the "why's" of 
attending Sunday school. The main 
point was to remind readers to be more 
conscientious in attending Sunday 
school. "Let all parents send their chil- 
dren to the Sunday school," wrote Rev. 
L. R. Bailey of Sundance." Following 
the organization and good attendance 
of a young people's Sunday school 
class, Rev. C. L. DeLaBarre told other 
young adult readers of the Wheatland 
World that their presence was wel- 
comed: "There is room for you and 
you are wanted," 58 Rev. J. M. Robinson 

55. Goshen County journal, May 7. 1914, p. 5. 

56. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, June 16, 1888, p. 3. 

57. Crook County Monitor, November 11, 1896, p. 1. 

of Thermopolis voiced a similar en- 
treaty and added that the Presbyterian 
"Sabbath-school has suitable depart- 
ments and classes for all old and 
young." 5 Rev. Watson of Grand 
Encampment's St. James Episcopal Mis- 
sion reminded parents that they had a 
responsibility to their children's spiri- 
tual development, because "children 
should not be brought up in ignorance 
of matters of such vital importance to 
them." hU 

Below the minister in the Sunday 
school organization were several sub- 
ordinate officers - superintendent, trea- 
surer, and librarian. Of these, that of 
superintendent was the top post for lay 
people and thus of some prestige in the 
church. Being superintendent of a Sun- 
day school did not require any formal 
educational training in Sunday school 
pedagogy. In many places superinten- 
dents were men of social standing in 
the community. Elsewhere, in many 

n Hi ritage Center, University of Wyoming 

A.S. Peabody, Laramie businessman and 
first president of the Wyoming Territorial 
Sunday School Association, date unknown. 

small urban and rural churches, women 
were Sunday school superintendents. 
Because of the standards of the time, 
their experience with children, their 
secular occupations as teachers and 
because of a mother-child bonding psy- 

58. Wlieatland World, May 22, 1903, p. 7. 

59. Thermopolis Record, August 7, 1909, p. 1. 

60. Grand Encampment Herald, March 10, 1905, p. 3. 

chology, women qualified women for 
this position. Their appointments may 
have been pragmatic as well as sincere 
in that they were probably more will- 
ing than men to assume the task. Nev- 
ertheless, being superintendents pro- 
vided women with the only real op- 
portunity they had to participate in 
church affairs." 1 Not surprisingly, 
women superintendents did not receive 
the same credit that the press and mug 
books conferred upon male superinten- 

At the base of the organizational 
pyramid were Sunday school teachers. 
Again Sunday school teachers were 
usually women and the choice seemed 
a natural one. Within the social milieu, 
women were often public schoolteach- 
ers and were the caretakers of domes- 
tic life. Subsequently, religious educa- 
tion naturally fell to them. Many 
women who were active in social re- 
forms also took an avid interest in Sun- 
day school because Sunday school in- 
struction complemented their civic 
duty of instructing young minds in 
morality, family life and community 

Sunday school teachers had the 
most important task because the suc- 
cess of any Sunday school program 
reflected directly upon their abilities as 
Sunday school teachers. Subsequently, 
churches and Sunday school workers 
placed great emphasis upon choosing 
teachers. Basically there were two se- 
lection criteria. One was an ability to 
teach. Once in a while churches ap- 
pointed Sunday school teachers who 
could not teach despite their sincere 
desires to do so. As the Sunday school 
committee of the Wyoming Methodists 
lamented "unintelligent church mem- 
bers are given classes of children to 
teach, simply because they are church 
members, regardless of their fitness to 
teach the young and active mind in 
things Divine."" 2 Rev. W. C. Merritt, a 
field worker for the International Sun- 
day School Association, took a more 
philosophical stance and told partici- 
pants at the Big Horn County Sunday 
School Convention to look for teachers 

61. Szasz., The Protestant Clergy... p. 78. 

62. Minutes of the Ninth Session of the Wyoming Mission of 
the Methodist Episcopal Church. . . 1896 (Evanston: 
Press Printing Company, 1896), p. 21. 

Wyoming Annals 30 Spring 1993 

"who could look forward and see in 
the boy the embryo man." 63 A second 
criteria was that teachers be Christian. 
This condition meant that an 
individual's character and personality 
exhibited qualities befitting a devout, 
religious instructor. 

Support for Sunday school teach- 
ers was deemed equally as important 
as selecting them. Occasionally out- 
standing teachers were publicly noted 
for their work. At the Methodist Epis- 
copal Church in Big Horn a certain Mrs. 
Dickenson was acclaimed as an excel- 
lent teacher of small children. "Let 
everybody send their small girls and 
boys to come under the management 
of that teacher.'" 14 Parents also had an 
obligation to see that teachers did their 
work. "For the sake of the young," 
wrote Rev. E. J. Robinson of Banner, 
"let us do our duty."" 5 

Because a student's religious in- 
struction was conditioned by a Sunday 
school teacher's ability, teacher train- 
ing quickly assumed importance within 
Sunday school circles. As early as 1881, 
N. D. Hi His reported to the American 
Sunday-School Union that at least five 
Sunday schools in Wyoming were 
known to have instructional seminars 
for Sunday school teachers. 66 At de- 
nominational conferences held during 
the latter part of the nineteenth century, 

63. Basin Republican, August 30, 1906, p. 1. 

64. Sheridan Post, March 19, 1903, supplement, n.p. 

65. Ibid., April 9, 1903, supplement, n.p. 

66. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, July 16, 1881, p. 3. 

Rock Springs First Congregational 
Sunday School Class, 1893-1894. 

teacher training was incorporated into 
the programs. In a related move, work- 
ers from different Sunday schools or- 
ganized county Sunday school conven- 
tions to discuss teacher training. 

Irregularly held, a county con- 
vention was somewhat akin to a teach- 
ers' institute since its purpose was to 
help Sunday school teachers become 
better teachers. Speakers did not at- 
tempt to stress one lesson plan over 
another but concentrated upon teach- 
ing methods. How Christian education 
was actually discussed beyond this is 
not clear. The only sources on these 
conventions are newspaper accounts 
which tend to be vague or generalized. 
Evidently by listing speech titles and 
participants, the newspapers intended 
to give such programs credibility. In 
addition, these gatherings seemed to 
paint a picture of Christian unity, superfi- 
cial and brief though that might be. 

A similar institutional framework 
existed at the state level under the title 
of the Wyoming Territorial (after July 
1890, State) Sunday School Association. 
The Association was organized in 1881 
through the efforts of American Sun- 
day-School Union missionary N. D. 
Hillis. As a parliamentary organiza- 
tion, it elected officers and held annual 
meetings. Unfortunately, the official 
proceedings are apparently lost, and all 
surviving references to it are from lo- 
cal newspapers. 

The Association had two objec- 

tives. First, it sought to establish new 
Sunday schools across the territory. 
This evangelical endeavor was idealis- 
tic because the Association did not have 
the financial and administrative re- 
sources to carry out this mission. All it 
could do was to become a visible sym- 
bol of Christian evangelism in Wyo- 
ming and encourage the organization 
of Sunday schools. 

Nonetheless the Association's 
members believed that through their 
participation and activism they could 
be in the forefront of evangelism. The 
very assemblage of Christian workers 
from various denominations at the an- 
nual meetings discussing and promot- 
ing Christian education was itself seen 
as a sign that Christianity was an ac- 
tive force in the state. They applauded 
the progress of Sunday school organi- 
zation while at the same time recog- 
nized that many areas yet remained 
untouched. They hoped that the reli- 
gious education of children and even- 
tual diffusion of Christian tenets would 
result in the Christianizing of Wyo- 
ming. The mission of Sunday school 
workers statewide was aptly stated in 
the title of a speech at the 1904 annual 
meeting: "Christ for Wyoming and 
Wyoming for Christ." 67 

The Association's primary pur- 
pose was to discuss methods of Sun- 
day school instruction. This educa- 
tional objective was outlined at the 1883 
annual meeting: 

I Im' . .! . n .• [ ..I - nr 1 1 a »a fclheri rig 

is In lu i i,i. i oge tner tike burn L y 

st luooJ workers .[roan all parts ol pie 

I ■ i i i i ' ' i ■) i 1 1 - 1 1 Jl j 1 1 1 ( I advise , to 

iiigp ideas and experiences upon 

ail mailers ol QmmdLay schools, to 

aid arid encourage each other, [ana] 

I awaken in w ml eires I in and 

devise new ways tor making their 

labors more effective in instilling 

moral and religious training ruin 

the hearts "I the i oung. 

Annual meetings of the Associa- 
tion, like those at the county level, were 

67. Wyoming Press, September 1, 1904, p. 4. 

68. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, June 2, 1883, p. 3. 

Wyoming Annals 




similar to teacher's conventions. Lec- 
turers discussed methods of Bible 
study, lesson preparation, discipline, 
attendance, use of the blackboard, the 
role of the Sunday school within the 
church and community, temperance 
and the religious conversion of chil- 
dren. In addition to attending lectures, 
participants were admonished to keep 
abreast of new methods and publica- 
tions on religious and secular peda- 
gogy. For its part the Association pro- 
moted the use of county conventions 
and tried to keep itself abreast of Sun- 
day school activities across Wyoming. 
The importance of Christian education 
and pedagogy was further expounded 
to convention participants by national 
Sunday school advocates such as Mary 
Lamereaux and Mary Lathrop of the 
periodical Sunday School Union, Marion 
Lawrance, Rev. W. C. Merritt and Wil- 
liam Reynolds of the International Sun- 
day School Association, American Sun- 
day School Union personnel and rep- 
resentatives of neighboring state Sun- 
day school associations. 

Scheduled between sessions 
were interfaith services, wherein par- 
ticipants prayed and sang together as 
gestures of their common Christian 
faith. If nothing else these intermittent 
activities served as a respite from the 
series of serious talks and discussions. 
Individual performances could be quite 
entertaining. At the 1908 convention a 
reporter noted that a singer known only 
as Miss Peabody "sang even better than 
usual."" 9 

The Association's annual conven- 
tions were important not only because 
of what was spoken but who attended 
them. Due to the concentration of the 
population along the Union Pacific 
Railroad, Southern Wyoming represen- 
tatives from Presbyterian, Congrega- 
tional and Methodist churches tended 
to dominate the Association's annual 
meetings. Inefficient communication 
lines and long distances across the ter- 
ritory restricted the ability of the Asso- 
ciation to achieve a truly statewide rep- 
resentation until 1890. By the turn of 
the century most denominations and 
counties within the state were repre- 
sented at the state conventions. 

69. Laramie Boomerang, April 3, 1908, p. 1. 

Ministers of reformed Protestant 
denominations dominated the early 
conventions as both speakers and or- 
ganizers. They stressed educational 
techniques and objectives and the role 
of Sunday schools in the evangelical 
crusade. From their standpoint proper 
teacher training was imperative if chil- 
dren were to grow up to become re- 
sponsible Christian adults. 

As the Association grew more 
and more ecumenical in its member- 
ship, it also became increasingly admin- 
istered by prominent civic laymen from 
all walks of Wyoming life. Among 
them were John Hoyt (governor), 
Bryant Brooks (governor), I.C. Whipple 
(businessman), A. S. Peabody (busi- 
nessman), M. C. Brown (judge), J. H. 
Hayford (editor), C. P. Arnold (attor- 
ney), D. W. France (businessman), L. 
L. Newton (businessman), J. W. Lacey 
(supreme court justice), H. A. Coffeen 
(businessman), Aven Nelson (univer- 
sity professor), and C. N. Potter (su- 
preme court justice). Their real inter- 
ests in the organization, however, could 
vary greatly. The roles of Governors 
Hoyt and Brooks, based upon their brief 
mention in the newspapers, appear 
merely superficial. Aven Nelson, on 
the other hand, not only was a member 
but became president of the Associa- 
tion and an active member of the Inter- 
national Sunday School Association. 

While prominent civic men and 
ministers dominated the ranks of offic- 
ers and speakers, the majority in atten- 
dance were women. The reason was 
simple. Mainly women were the Sim- 
day school teachers and, in some lo- 
calities, Sunday school superintendents. 
It was for their benefit that Sunday 
school conventions were held. In time 
women, too, became active within the 
Association as speakers, discussing the 
teacher's role, lesson planning, student 
preparation and the intertwined roles 
of family life and Sunday school edu- 

Within the administration itself 
women were generally relegated to the 
position of executive secretary, the pri- 
mary responsibilities of which seemed 
to be correspondence and record keep- 
ing. There were two exceptional mo- 
ments. In 1891 and 1895 respectively, 
Lydia Fitch and Cora McDonald were 

elected president of the Association. 
While nothing is known about 
McDonald she was probably very much 
like Fitch, a woman very active in so- 
cial and religious causes in Laramie. In 
any case, their election to the presidency 
was no small matter and reflective of 
their staunch interest in Sunday school 
work; otherwise they would not have 
appeared qualified to preside over the 

The Wyoming State Sunday 
School Association was a loose knit 
ecumenical organization that advo- 
cated the organization of Sunday 
schools across the state and improved 
teaching methods, but in reality it had 
no power or ability to effect any real 
cause. What the Association actually 
accomplished from an administrative 
perspective is difficult to determine. 
The Association's correspondence, dis- 
trict reports, speeches and other records 
have long since been lost. Without 
these records it is impossible to assess 
how the Association addressed the 
questions of Sunday schools as a force 
of evangelism and religious education. 
Nor have any of its members left sub- 
stantive accounts about the Association. 
Newspaper reports of the annual con- 
ventions are the only source of infor- 
mation about the Association, but 
newspaper coverage varied from city 
to city. In Laramie under the watchful 
eye of Hayford, a detailed account of 
the proceedings was published, while 
other city editors gave it less or no pub- 

The Wyoming State Sunday 
School Association was but one repre- 
sentative of many individuals and or- 
ganizations committed to religious edu- 
cation. Their common and seemingly 
self-evident premise was that Sunday 
school had a positive affect upon the 
future character of its students. Only 
through proper instructional methods 
were Christian ideas carried home and 
executed. Despite these seemingly high 
objectives there was no qualitative 
method for determining the long term 
effects of Sunday schools. How well 
Christian education was taught and 
followed would only be seen in the 
future actions of its recipients. As Wil- 
liam Schureman, a Presbyterian Sun- 
day school missionary in Northern 

Wyoming Annals 32 Spring 1993 

Colorado and Southeastern Wyoming, 

JtLternitT alone, will reveal 

tine lielpral influence ml lliat little 

ranch Oiiiimt school .1.11 skapii 

moulding Jsit'l tke characters ol 

tkese ckildrem, imamy ol wkorni 

recei rea I I m 1 r 1 1 ?& 1 pel [giouii 

impressions from tike lessons 

tljcrr 111 tans, lit,' 




In his tale "The Story of the Good 
Little Boy" Mark Twain points out the 
irony of Christian rhetoric in Sunday 
school literature compared to the real- 
ity of everyday life. 71 Nonetheless, to 
serious supporters of Sunday schools 
and other religious organizations for 
youth, religious literature and organi- 
zations were considered necessary in 
guiding the social and moral lives of 
children and youth. Tract societies and 
religious publishing houses distributed 
a variety of literature and educational 
material for adolescent and children 
programs. Among the social leagues 
and organizations for young people in 
reformed Protestant denominations 
were Christian Endeavor (Congrega- 
tional), Epworth League (Methodist 
Episcopal), Young People's Baptist So- 
ciety (Baptist) and Young People's So- 
ciety of Christian Endeavor (Presbyte- 
rian). The Boys' Brigade of the First 
Congregational Church of Cheyenne 
was a para-military organization in 
name only. Its objective was "the ad- 
vancement of Christ's Kingdom among 
boys" and the promotion of social val- 
ues for "true Christian manliness." 72 
Another Congregational youth group, 
The Boy's Club of the Knights of the 

70. W. H. Schureman, "Pioneer Sabbath School Missions 
in Colorado and Wyoming, 1898-1923," unpublished 
report, 1931, Western History Collection, Denver 
Public Library. 

71. Mark Twain, "The Story of the Good Little Boy," 
Charles Neider, ed., The Complete Short Stories of Mark 
Twain (New York: Bantam Books, 1990), pp. 66-70. 

72. First Cheyenne Company, First Battalion, Wyoming, 
Boys' Brigade Constitution, p. 6, First Congrega- 
tional Church of Cheyenne Records, HR&P. 

Round Table strove "to achieve Chris- 
tian Knightliness." 73 Although differ- 
ent in title, each sought in one way or 
another to shape the development of 
Christian character in young people by 
providing acceptable social outlets for 
young adults or by being a positive 
influence in their social environment. 
Newspaper editors tended to 
support these programs as they did 
other religious activities that appeared 
to contribute to the community's gen- 
eral welfare and social improvement. 
The Wyoming Republican in Sundance, 
Wyoming applauded the organization 
of a Christian Endeavor Society within 
the community: 


»\ 1 am glad to note the : 

that our y 1 >n 10 [o Ik.- 1 n l> run;' 

interested in a work In at v\ill 
:1m in I). a more 

useful to socio l 1 ' 

When the Epworth League was orga- 
nized in Casper February, 1894 the 
Natrona Tribune hoped that "all the 
young people of Casper will join it. 
There are no dues and good times are 
expected at the social and literary meet- 
ings." 71 The success of the Epworth 
League in Big Horn was due to "a most 
excellent class of young people in this 
place." 71 ' The organization of a Young 
People's Temperance League at the 
Manville Methodist Episcopal Church 
had as its objective "the promotion of 
moral and social purposes" and accord- 
ing to the newspaper notice, it "prom- 
ises to fill an acceptable place in the 
community." 7 The Young People's 
Union of Otto met with great success 
but there was the hope that if more 
could be enticed, "a great deal may be 

73. Boy's Club, Knight of the Round Table Constitution, 
p. 41, First Congregational Church of Chevenne 
Records, HR&P. 

74. Wyoming Republican, November 20, 1889, p. 6; see 
also husk Herald, December 29, 1892, p. 5; Sheridan 
Post, April 7, 1892, p. 4; Fremont Clipper, January 11, 
1895, p. 1. 

75. Natrona Tribune, February S, 1894, p. 3. 

76. Sheridan Post, March 12, 1903, supplement, n.p. 

77. Converse County Herald, October 31, 1901, p. 5. 

accomplished." 7 ' Church outings or 
picnics were considered acceptable for 
both a child's enjoyment and the im- 
provement of a child's social skills. 

Proponents of civic improve- 
ments, newspaper editors viewed Sun- 
day schools as positive contributions to 
society and personal development as 
well as extensions of church work. It 
thus seemed incumbent upon the com- 
munity to support such a worthy en- 
deavor. Natrona Tribune Editor J. Enos 
Wait saw a strong and apparently self- 
evident need for Sunday school: "Par- 
ents should see that their children at- 
tend, for the school is one of the best 
places for young people." 7 ' Echoing 
this feeling, the editor of the Sundance 
Gazette told his readers to "attend Sab- 
bath school and encourage an institu- 
tion worthy of your support. " s " In 1906 
the first Sunday school in Worland was 
organized in a school house, and the 
editor of the Worland Grit hoped that it 
would be well-supported: 



- -. j'oo t oil that all vs ho ran 
"ill al lend, as I lie clii Itlren here 
little 00 ! I: 

b ken opportunity 

lliat I lie or lii 1 1 1 j'i ■ 1 1 a I tend. 

Other Sunday school functions such as 
picnics, programs and outings received 
equitable endorsement because they 
were seen as providing an acceptable 
atmosphere for socialization among 
young adults and children. A Sunday 
school picnic for the Laramie and Chey- 
enne Sunday schools was viewed by J. 
H. Hayford, editor of the Laramie Weekly 
Sentinel, as helping to increase "inter- 
est among scholars and cultivate good 
feelings all around. " s2 

Hayford's statements with re- 

78. Big Horn County Rustler, May 1, 1908, p. 2. 

79. Natrona Tribune, July 22, 1891, p. 4. 

80. Sundance Gazette, October 31, 1885, p. 8. See also 
Sundance Gazette, June 6, 1885, p. 8; February 20, 
1886, p. 8; August 22, 1886, p. 8. 

81. Worland Grit, February 1, 1906, p. 1. 

82. Laramie Daily Sentinel, June 9, 1870, p. 3. 

Wyoming Annals 33 Spring 1993 

Carbon County Museum, Rawlin 

Episcopal Sunday School Class on the Platte River, date unknown. 

gard to Sunday schools were not merely 
sidelights to fill his paper. A devout 
and religious man as well as editor of 
the Sentinel during the 1870s and 1880s, 
Hayford championed social reform in 
Laramie, was a strong believer in the 
temperance movement and was an ac- 
tive member of the Laramie Chapter of 
the American Bible Society. Most of all 
he strongly supported religious devo- 
tion in Laramie. About Sunday schools, 
his opinion was no less than virulent 
because he saw Sunday schools instill- 
ing moral truths and the tenets of Chris- 
tianity in young minds. The resulting 
benefits contributed not only to per- 
sonal growth but to citizenship as well. 
Thus, Sunday schools were to him ben- 
eficial for Christians and non-Chris- 
tians."* 3 Under his direction the Senti- 
nel even became an advertisement for 
Sunday school instruction. At the re- 
quest of a Sunday school worker 
Hayford printed Sunday school lessons 
in his paper from February through 
April, 1881. 84 

As a conservative force for Prot- 
estant values, Sunday schools acquired 
a usefulness in other social circles. 

83. Laramie Weekly Sentinel. February 5, 1881, p. 3; 
August 20, 1881, p. 3. 

84. Sunday School lessons were also printed in the Chug- 
water News during the 1920s and the Big Piney Exam- 
iner from 1912 to 1913. It is not known how many 
Wyoming newspapers carried this feature. 

Their value depended upon the nature 
of the issue and the viewpoint of the 
proponent. For example, by 1910 
Casper school officials were asking stu- 
dents if they attended Sunday school. 
A student's response to this question 
coupled with other statements about 
activities, hobbies and interests became 
an indicator of his social skills. At the 
1901 Carbon County Sunday School 
Convention, Prof. F. H. Roberts of Raw- 
lins advocated the support of Sunday 
schools as a means of crime preven- 
tion. ffi The most obvious attempt in this 
regard occurred in 1880 when a Sun- 
day school was organized at the Terri- 
torial Penitentiary in Laramie. Sh What 
transpired there is a matter of conjec- 
ture, but no doubt there was an attempt 
to evoke a penitent spirit from an in- 
carcerated and legally incriminated au- 
dience. Nearly sixty years later, Bibli- 
cal teaching was still seen as a way to 
combat juvenile delinquency. 87 

Sunday schools were also seen as 
a means to champion the cause of tem- 
perance. Temperance was not merely 
a minor sidelight but an integral part 

85. Carbon County Journal, July 17, 1901, p. 1. 

86. Laramie Weekly Sentinel, July 17, 1880, p. 3. 

87. Child Evangelical Week, February 21 - February 28, 
1960, Proclamations, Secretary of State Records, Wyo- 
ming State Archives; Torrington News, October 7, 
1954, p. 6. 

of many Sunday school programs, one 
that complemented reform efforts by 
ministers and lay reformers in the com- 
munity. Illustrating the need for tem- 
perance reform was not too difficult. 
Teachers had but to look at the lively 
atmosphere of saloons and gambling 
dens around them for examples of li- 
centiousness, drunkenness and deprav- 
ity. Beginning in 1882 the Wyoming 
Territorial Sunday School Association 
made temperance instruction a regular 
topic of discussion at its annual meet- 
ings. Interestingly, temperance educa- 
tion was later required in Wyoming 
public schools in 1886. ss Whether or 
not Sunday schools, the Territorial Sun- 
day School Association or people asso- 
ciated with Sunday schools played a 
role in this legislation is not known. 
Late in its history the Wyoming 
Women's Christian Temperance Union 
made Sunday schools a vehicle for their 
cause. In 1912 the WCTU claimed that 
Sunday school was "in the front ranks 
of the temperance army." 89 

Outside the church, Sunday 
school became equated with various 
civic causes. The premise was that 
the seemingly inherent goodness 
that characterized Sunday schools 
in religious circles could be used for 
civic purposes in social circles. For 
youth and sometimes young adults 
Sunday school provided a socially 
acceptable atmosphere. On a 
broader scale Sunday school be- 
came a favorable symbol for some 
reform and civic movements. For 
whatever purpose, Sunday school 
served as an acceptable example 
and in some cases a means toward 
an end. There is some question as 
to whether the Sunday school truly 
served these purposes because spe- 
cific benefits are expressed vaguely 
and ambiguously. Whether or not 
Sunday schools truly contributed 
positively to individual social de- 
velopment or social programs could 
only be determined in a comprehen- 
sive sociological study. 

. "Teaching Temperance in the Public Schools," Ses- 
sion Laios of Wyoming Territory. . . 1SS6 (Cheyenne: 
Vaughn and Montgomery, 1886), pp. 75-76. 

Report of the Twenty-Ninth Annual Convention of the 
Women's Christian Temperance Union of Wyoming 
(Cheyenne: S. A. Bristol and Company, 1912), p. 38. 

Wyoming Annals 34 Spring 1993 

V^oiicluisn hi 

Sunday schools were a viable 
Protestant force in Wyoming. From 
1867 to 1918 missionaries, ministers, 
colporteurs, religious publishers and 
civic leaders organized and supported 
Sunday schools as a tool for Christian 
education, Protestant evangelism and 
social values. Depending upon the cul- 
tural climate, a Sunday school could 
serve one or all of these purposes. 

The underlining premise behind 
Sunday schools was that the schools 
were intrinsically beneficial for the in- 
dividual and society. Because it was a 
religious organization, a Sunday school 
could receive more emphasis than a 
secular organization. In fact, Sunday 
school was an ideal social organization 
because it entailed conservative Prot- 
estant precepts that were easily inter- 
changeable with other, complementary, 
social and civic values. Sunday school 
supporters sought not only the religious 
education of their children, they hoped 

to mold and shape the future of soci- 
ety. The end result would be a moral 
individual and an orderly society.' 10 

There is no way of knowing if 
Sunday schools achieved all or some of 
these objectives. Statistics provide evi- 
dence about the organization of Sun- 
day schools but do not provide answers 
to more substantial questions about the 
schools themselves or the participants. 
There are no qualitative or quantitative 
means for measuring Sunday schools, 
religious conversions or morality. The 
social benefits were based upon obser- 
vation or experience. Sunday school 
advocates believed some values to be 
self-evident and universally shared so 
that there was no real reason to explain 
the "whys" or in some cases the 
"hows." By themselves, such assump- 
tions provide an interesting insight into 
how individuals perceived the impor- 
tance and role of religion. Upon closer 
examination historians will find it dif- 
ficult to determine if Sunday schools 

90. Boylan, Sunday Sclmols.pp. 169-170. 

successfully fulfilled all the religious 
and social aspirations held for them. ■ 

The author gratefully acknowledges 

the assistance of the Wyoming State 

Historical Society. 

Carl Hallberg 
(1958-) is SENIOR 
historian at the 
Wyoming State 
Archives. Raised 
in Illinois, He 
has resided in 
Cheyenne since 1985. Hallberg earned 
a b.a. in history from augustana col- 
LEGE in Rock Island, Illinois and a M. A. 
in history with a concentration in 
archival management from colorado 
State University in Fort Collins. His 


Annals, Rocky Mountain Jewish Historical Notes, 
Swedish-American Historical Quarterly and the 
Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society. 
Currently he is researching F.W. Ott 
(1857-1909), a Laramie publisher. 

tV* university of So ^ ^^ Pr ess 

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Wyoming Annals 35 Spring 1993 

"All thE 

Fantastic F@rmS 

The Ha ynes Yellowstone Park Collection at Montana State University 

Possible to Imagine 

by Rolf Swensen 

(rFs simply wonderfull 
[sic] to see them spout 
', up 300 feet with a col- 
I umn of hot water for 5 
or ten minutes, I have 
seen no one who can 
<plain the process." 
?ith these words, 
photographer F. Jay Haynes (1853- 
1921) described Excelsior and Old 
Faithful Geysers in a letter to his wife 
Lily on his first trip to Yellowstone 
National Park in 1881. ] This item is 
only one of thousands of letters, books, 
guides, pamphlets, post cards, and 
other historical materials in the Haynes 
Collection, which is the centerpiece of 
Montana State University's Yellow- 
stone National Park Collection. Focus- 
ing on Yellowstone but also covering 
other parts of the American West, the 
Haynes Collection documents the 
activities of the Haynes family, noted 
photographers who also rank among 
the most remarkable concession- 
aires m a national park. The thousands 
of photographs in the Haynes Foun- 
dation Collection at the Montana His- 
torical Society in Helena have received 
considerable attention, but the closely- 
related books and archival materials 
in the extensive Haynes Collection in 
Special Collections at Montana State 
University (MSU) Libraries in Boze- 

1. F. J. Haynes to Lily Haynes, September 16, 1881, 
Haynes Yellowstone National Park Collection, MSU 

Wyoming Annals 36 Spring 1993 

man have enjoyed only superficial 
published coverage, despite their uti- 
lization by scholars. 

F. Jay Haynes, the founder of 
the "House of Haynes," 2 was a tal- 
ented and prolific photographer who 
possessed an aggressively ambitious 
nature. 3 After opening a successful 
photographic studio in Moorhead, 
Minnesota, in 1876, he quickly devel- 

See Isabel Haynes, "The House of Haynes," printed 
open letter March, 1968, announcing the sale of the 
Haynes enterprises. This name is also used in 
"Dedication of the Haynes Room, Montana State 
University Library in Grateful Appreciation and 
Acknowledgment of the Gift of the Yellowstone 
National Park Manuscript Collection Accumulated 
by Jack Ellis Haynes and Isabel Haynes of Haynes, 
Inc., on this Special Occasion Honoring Mrs. 
Haynes, June 1, 1978." Printed program. 

oped a relationship with the Northern 
, Pacific Railroad (NPRR), then trying 
to finance construction of its line to 
the Pacific. 4 Almost immediately he 
received a commission to supply pub- 
licity photographs for the railroad, 

3. Edward W. Nolan, Northern Pacific Views: The 
Railroad Photography ofF. Jay Haynes, 1876-1905 
(Helena: Montana Historical Society Press, 1983), p. 
199. See also Nolan and John C. Smart, "A Portfolio 
of F. Jay Haynes Railroad Photographs," Montana: 
The Magazine of Western History 33 (Summer 1983): 

4. On the NPRR, see Robin W. Winks, Frederick Bill- 
ings: A Life (New York: Oxford University Press, 
1991); Louis T. Renz, The History of the Northern 
Pacific Railroad (Fairfield, WA: Galleon Press, 1980); 
James Blaine Hedges, Henry Villard and the Rad- 
wai/s of the Northwest (New Haven, CT: Yale Uni- 
versity Press, 1930); Dietrich G. Buss, Henry Villard: 
A Study of Transatlantic Investments and Interests, 
1870-1895 (New York: Arno Press, 1978). 

Wyoming Stati: Mushlim 

which led to his service as its official 
photographer for more than twenty 

In 1885 he reconditioned a Pull- 
man car, christened it the F. Jay Haynes 
Palace Studio, attached it to available 
NPRR trains, and spent portions of each 
year for the next two decades traveling 
from Chicago to Puget Sound, in Wash- 
ington state. Historian Edward Nolan 
writes "Haynes was everywhere, pho- 
tographing every aspect of Northern 
Pacific Country - in cities, towns, and 
villages; in mountains, valleys, and on 
the prairies - aiming his camera at what- 
ever might sell." 5 Freeman Tilden 
dubbed him the "great news photogra- 
pher of the frontier."' 1 

In 1883 Haynes accompanied 
President Chester A. Arthur on his tour 
of Yellowstone National Park, an ex- 
cursion no doubt prompted by the re- 
cent completion of the NPRR's trans- 
continental line, which passed just to 
the north of the park. 7 Subsequently, 
Haynes wore the mantle of official pho- 
tographer of the park from 1884-1916; 
operated a studio and outlets to dis- 
pense his expert photographs, stereo- 
scopic views and lantern slides; success- 
fully concluded a perilous expedition 
to Yellowstone in the winter of 1887;* 
and published the first annual Haynes 
Guide to the park in 1890. Yellowstone 

Left: Jupiter Terrace, Mammoth Hot Springs, 
YelloivstoneNational Park, ]ack Ellis Haynes 
photo, date unknown. 

5. Nolan, Northern Pacific Views, 85. For a discussion 
of how railroads promoted national parks in the late 
19th and early 20th centuries, see Alfred Runte, 
"Burlington Northern and the Legacy of Mount St. 
Helens," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 74 (July, 1983^ 
116-23. RuntespecificallyaddressestheNPRRandits 
Wonderland series of illustrated pamphlets or guide 
books on pp. 117-19. 

6. Freeman Tilden, Following the Frontier with F. Jay 
Haynes: Pioneer Photographer of the Old West (New 
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1964),* p. 79. 

7. See Jack Ellis Haynes, "The Expedition of President 
Chester A. Arthur to Yellowstone National Park in 
1883," Annals of Wyoming 14 (January 1942): 31-38. 
For an account of a presidential visit to the park in the 
1920s, see Horace M. Albright and Marian Albright 
Shenck, "The Coolidges in Wonderland," American 
West 23 (July/August 1986): 20-27. 

8. See William L. Lang, '"At the Greatest Personal Peril 
to the Photographer': The Schwatka-Haynes Winter 
Expedition in Yellowstone, 1887," Montana: The 
Magazine of Western History 33 (Winter 1963): 14-29; 
Jack Ellis Haynes, "The First Winter Trip through 
Yellowstone National Park," Annals of Wyoming 14 
(April 1942): 89-97. 

Wyoming Annals 37 Spring 1993 

photographs became almost synony- 
mous with F. Jay Haynes. "Haynes' 
pictures were so good," notes one ob- 
server, "that they were widely pirated, 
reproduced cheaply in mass quantities, 
and sold, even inside the park, in com- 
petition with his own merchandise.'" 1 
Ever the astute businessman, Haynes 
helped organize the Yellowstone Park 
Stage Company in 1888 and was pro- 
prietor of the Monida and Yellowstone 
and Western Stage Company (later 
called the Yellowstone and Western 
Stage Company) from 1900-1917. Amy 
E. Stark, former Haynes Picture Collec- 
tion Cataloger at the Montana Histori- 
cal Society, characterized his photo- 
graphs as a "combination of a commit- 
ment to documentation and a lyrical 
interpretation of the natural land- 
scape." 1 " h\F. Jay Haynes. Photographer, 
the Montana Historical Society credits 
him with demonstrating a "remarkable 
affinity for combining technical skills 
and marketing sense."" 

Jack Ellis Haynes (1884-1962) 
followed his father as offi- 
cial photographer of Yel- 
lowstone Park in 1916, con- 
tinued and expanded the 
photography business, and 
eventually operated thirteen 
Haynes Picture Shops at 
such places as Tower Fall, 
Fishing Bridge and Mammoth. Dur- 
ing his tenure he and his assistants pro- 
duced many thousands of photo- 
graphic images which Stark has char- 
acterized as more commercial and re- 
petitive than the work of his father. 12 
Historian Aubrey L. Haines, a longtime 
employee of Yellowstone National Park 
and close friend of Jack Ellis, described 
him as possessing a "mastery of pho- 
tography and merchandising." 13 
Horace M. Albright (1890-1987), Super- 
s'. Robert ShankJand, Steve Mather of the National Parks 
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1954), p. 93. 

10. Amy E. Stark, "F. Jay Haynes: A Neglected Photogra- 
pher of the American West," Journal of the Visual 
Resources Association 12 (Spring 1985): 5. 

11. F. Jay Haynes, Photographer ([Helena]:Montana His- 
torical Society Press, 1981), 16-17. 

12. Amy E. Stark, "Photographs at the Montana Histori- 
cal Society : How One Collection was Processed,: Pic- 
turescope: The Quarterly Bulletin of the Picture Divi- 
sion, Spec ml I Hmtries Association 29 (Winter 1981): 4. 

intendent of Yellowstone Park 
from 1919 to 1929 and Director 
of the National Park Service from 
1929 to 1933, wrote in 1985 that 
his copy of an exceptionally 
popular Haynes photograph, the 
"Madonna of the Wilds" bear 
photo, had hung in his office or 
personal quarters for more than 
fifty years." 14 


13. Aubrey Haines, "Jack Ellis Haynes, 
Yellowstone's Official Photographer," Hoof- 
prints of the Yellowstone Corral of the Western- 
ers 8 (Winter 1978): 9. 

14. Horace M. Albright, introduction to Gwen 
Peterson, Yellowstone Pioueers:The Story of the 
Hamilton Stores ami Yellowstone National Park 
(Yellowstone National Park: Hamilton 
Stores, 1985), p. 12. Strangely, Albright does 
not mention that this was a Haynes Studios 
photograph. E. W. Hunter, a Haynes em- 
ployee, actually took the celebrated bear 
photograph. See Tilden, Following the Fron 
tier, p. 388. 

Haynes foundation Collection. Montana Historical Society, Helena 

Wyoming Annals 38 Spring 1993 


Wyoming State Museum 

Left: Tower Fall and Tower Creek, from 1924 edition ofHaynes Guide. 
Above: Haynes color postcard. 

Below: Artists colorizing Haynes photographic prints at studio in 
St. Paul, Minnesota, 1893. 

Although commercially success- 
ful, Jack Ellis' sense of public service 
made the strongest impression on his 
contemporaries. Aubrey Haines ob- 
served to me that Jack Ellis was a "re- 
markable old-style gentleman" who 
served the public well, and those quali- 
ties formed the basis of his lack of fric- 
tion with the federal bureaucracy." 15 In 
this respect, Haynes stood in contrast 
to his friend Charles A. "Ham" 
Hamilton (1884-1957) of the Hamilton 
general stores, whom Gwen Peterson 
paints as engaging in "swash-buckling 
high-handed treatment of Washington 
officials."" 1 Known as "Mr. Yellow- 
stone," Jack Ellis served as the unoffi- 
cial director of the Park's educational 
program for many years. 17 An admir- 
ing Horace Albright said of Haynes 
immediately after his death, "No man 
in business in a National Park has ever 
been more cooperative, more generous, 
more unselfish." According to 
Albright, Haynes was a born artist, his- 
torian, explorer, author and business- 
man, and a talented musician who also 
possessed skill as a photographer. 18 

hejmulti-faceted Haynes 
was perhaps most ab- 
sorbed in the history of 
Yellowstone Park. Aubrey 
Haines has written, "Jack's 
•interest in an accurate re- 
creation of the Yellowstone of yester- 
day, progressed from furnishing his- 
torical comments, which were always 
a feature of his Yellowstone Park guide 
book, to writing those scholarly ac- 
counts that provide a charming cover- 
age of such outstanding events as Presi- 
dent Arthur's visit in 1883, the Haynes 
Winter Expedition of 1887 and the five 

15. Telephone interview with Aubrey L. Haines of Phoe- 
nix, Arizona, Mav 22, 1991. 

16. Peterson, Yellowstone Pioneers, p. 96. 

17. Aubrey L. Haines, The Yellowstone Stoiy: A History 
of Our First National Park, 2 vols. (Yellowstone Park: 
Yellowstone Library and Museum Association, 1977), 
pp. 2: 414, n.43. 

18. Horace M. Albright, "Jack Ellis Haynes - A tribute," 
Annals of Wyoming 35 (1962): 85. Aubrey Haines 
agrees with Albright's characterization of Jack Ellis 
Haynes. Albright frequently refers to Haynes in his 
published works, including The Birth of the National 
Park Service: The Founding Years, 3913-33 (Salt Lake 
City: Howe Bros., 1985) which he wrote jointly with 
Robert Calm. 

Wyoming Annals 39 Spring 1993 

stagecoach holdups." 11 ' Though they 
could not be described as scholarly, 
these Haynes publications do represent 
a genuine contribution to the folklore 
and history of Yellowstone. A colorful 
and accomplished raconteur whose wit 
enlivened parties of all kinds, Haynes 
gave many entertaining talks on vari- 
ous aspects of the park and was the 
inspiration for the definitive and read- 
able history of Yellowstone by Aubrey 
Haines. 20 Haines recalls in a magazine 
article that his friend Jack Ellis gave the 
appearance of eccentricity, in part be- 
cause he liked to smoke his cigars up- 
right in a pipe, but he states that closer 
acquaintance revealed that he was ". . 
.prone to value ultimate truth as highly 
as any man I have ever known." 21 
Despite his importance, historians and 
others have virtually ignored Jack Ellis 
in favor of his more famous father. 
Perhaps some budding scholar should 
prowl through the Haynes Collection 
to test the glowing opinions Aubrey 
Haines advances about his friend Jack 
Ellis Haynes! 

Isabel May Haynes (1899- ) be- 
gan to work in the park in 1920, 
becoming a lodge manager, 
marrying Jack Ellis in 1930 and 
participating in the successful 
operation of the picture shops. 
According to Aubrey Haines she was a 
foreman with the help and handled the 
routine of business." 22 Lida Lisle 
Haynes (1930-1952), the daughter and 
only child of Isabel and Jack Ellis, was 
being groomed to assume the reins of 
the family business, but was killed 
when the car in which she was riding 
skidded off the highway and over- 
turned in the Yellowstone River. Faced 
with various challenges, Isabel Haynes 
repeatedly demonstrated her mettle. 

19. Haines, Yellowstone Story l:xiii. See Haynes, "The 
Expedition of President Chester A. Arthur to Yellow- 
stone National Park in 1883." "The First Winter Trip 
through Yellowstone National Park; Yellowstone 
Holdiifis (Bozeman, Mont.: Haynes Studios, 1959). 

20. Albright, "Jack Ellis Haynes," p. 86; Haines, Yellow- 
stoneStory 1: xiii-xiv. 

21. Haines, "Jack Ellis Haynes." Haines also quoted this 
passage in a letter to me May 23, 1991. See the entire 
Winter 1978 issue of the Yellowstone Corral for fur- 
ther articles about Haynes. 

22. Haines interview, op.cit. 

Wyoming Annals _j.o Spring 1993 

Left: F. Jay Haynes on "Rock," "Rye" in 
background 1893. 

Above: Horace M. Albright delivering 
address on ocassion of 'Yellowstone National 
Park 50th aniverssary, 1922. 

Below: riffle fishing, Gardiner River 
Yellowstone National Park, jack Ellis Haynes 
photo, date unknown. 

Described as a woman of indomi- 
table spirit and resiliency, she ran the 
picture shops for six years after her 
husband's death in 1962. 23 Her sale 
of the business in 1968 to the 
Hamilton Stores brought to a close 
more than eight decades of the House 
of Haynes. 

In 1974, as President of the 
Haynes Foundation, Mrs. Haynes of- 
fered to give the archival and biblio- 
graphic portion of the Haynes Col- 
lection to Montana State University, 
and the thousands of photographs 
and art materials to the Montana 
Historical Society in Helena. Mrs. 
Haynes continued to donate addi- 
tional items to MSU as she cleared 
out the former Haynes warehouse in 

23. Peterson, Yellowstone Pioneers, p. 108. 

Wyoming State Museum 

Bozeman, Montana, where Haynes, Inc. 
was headquartered from 1942-1968. 
During two lengthy visits to the nearly- 
empty warehouse to meet Mrs. Haynes 
and to collect several boxes of books 
and other materials for MSU in 1986 
and 1987, I was impressed with Mrs. 
Haynes' generosity and feistiness, as 
well as with the scope of activities that 
had once transpired there. In the past 
few years Mrs. Haynes' health has 
failed and she is now in a nursing home. 
According to the brochure pre- 
pared for its official opening at MSU in 
1978, the Haynes Collection is "one of 
three great private collections built dur- 
ing the years of the [Yellowstone] Park's 
development and the only one not to 
be disbursed [sic]." :4 The Montana His- 
torical Society noted that Jack Ellis as- 
sembled the collection from the family's 
business and personal records, as well 
as from supplemental sources. 2. The 
Haynes Collection, which may be used 
by appointment only, consists of 3,000 
books and more than 110 linear feet of 
letters, pamphlets, research files, maga- 
zines and other historical items, housed 
in a special Haynes Room at the Mon- 
tana State University Libraries. Minnie 
Paugh, Special Collections Librarian at 
MSU Libraries from 1964-1984 who 
deserves recognition for her tireless 
efforts, handled many aspects of the 
donation as well as most of the arrange- 
ment and description of the collection. 
Previous writers have commented 
on the wealth of materials in the Haynes 

24. Telephone interview with Minnie Paugh of Boze- 
man, Montana, March 17, 1991. Minnie Paugh, Spe- 
cialCollectionsLibrarianatMSU Libraries from 1964- 
1984 and author of the brochure, "Dedication of the 
Haynes Room," feels that one of the other disbursed 
archival collections belonged to Horace M. Albright, 
but can't recall the owner of the third collection. 
Aubrey Haines is certain that the reference to the 
Haynes Collection should apply to the Haynes pho- 
tographs at the Montana Historical Society. Accord- 
ing to Haines, one of the two scattered photographic 
collections would certainly have been that belonging 
to William Henry Jackson (1843-1942), noted pioneer 
photographer of the American West. For informa- 
tion about Jackson's role as a member of the 1871 
Ferdinand Hayden expedition to the Yellowstone 
Country, see Lewis W. Selmer, "First Camera on the 
Yellowstone a Century Age," Montana: The Maga- 
zine of Western History 22 (Summer 1972): 42-53. 
Haines hazards an educated guess that Laton Alton 
Huffman (1843-1931) amassed the third now dis- 
bursed photograph collection. Haines interview, 
op.cit. F. J. Haynes gave Huffman his photographic 
knowledge. Tilden, On the Frontier, p. 388. 

25. F. ]. Haynes, Photographer, p. 190. 

Wyoming Annals 4 1 Spring 1993 

Collection, though not in any system- 
atic manner, nor about the entire ten- 
ure of the Haynes family. In the 1960s 
Freeman Tilden praised the Haynes' 
efforts to preserve the photographic, 
printed and written record of their en- 
terprises, although his study was 
flawed by lack of access to all Haynes 
materials. Referring to the "treasures 
of that glorious collection of Northwest 
materials," Tilden took note of the mag- 
nificent library of books and rare mis- 
cellany and the collection of artifacts. 
"It is a masterpiece, a labor of love, of 
what our trained museum friends call 
'housekeeping."^ Historian Nolan, 
who lauds Jack Ellis Haynes for his 
sense of history and devotion to his 
father's work, skillfully utilizes and 
notes what he terms the "F. Jay Haynes 
Papers" at MSU, characterizing them 
as essential to an understanding of 
Haynes' personal and business relation- 
ships. 27 The book, F. /. Haynes, Photog- 
rapher, offers a thumbnail sketch of the 
collection: "These manuscript and 
printed materials document the life of 
F. Jay Haynes, the members of his im- 
mediate family, and the 'House of 
Haynes,' which operated in Yellow- 
stone National Park for more than 
eighty-five years." 28 In her otherwise 
excellent piece about F. Jay Haynes, 
Haynes picture cataloger Amy Stark 
mistakenly describes the photo- 
grapher's library, his diaries, and many 
letters to and from his wife Lily as if 
they reside with the photographs in 
Helena. In fact, these items form an 
integral part of the Haynes Collection 
at MSU. Aubrey Haines feels that, al- 
though Jack Ellis assembled a fine li- 
brary the archival portion of the Haynes 
Collection is not out of the ordinary, 
but is a useful record of a photography 
business. Like archivist Stark, Haines 
mistakenly places Jack Ellis Haynes' 
"collection of mementos" in the care of 
the Montana Historical Society. 2 " An 
accurate assessment of the true worth 
of the Haynes Collection falls some- 

26. Tilden, Following the Frontier with F. Jay Haynes, [vii]. 

27. Nolan, Northern Pacific Views, 203. 

28. F. Jay Haynes, Photographer, p. 190. 

29. Haines, "Jack Ellis Haynes," p. 11. 

where between Tilden's euphoric de- 
scription and Aubrey Haines' more 
restrained characterization. 

centerpiece of the collec- 
•v; tion is the complete run 
k in multiple copies of the 
^Hai/nes Guide to Yellow- 
stone National Park, 
which was issued al- 
most annually from 1890-1968. Cov- 
ering geography, geology, history, 
travel tips, rules of the park, wild- 
life, wildflowers, accommodations; 
and suggestions for the amateur pho- 
tographer the guides were profusely 
illustrated with Haynes photographs. 
From 1890 to 1909 A.B. (Albert 
Brewer) Guptill (1854 to 1931), an as- 
sociate of F. Jay Haynes at the North- 
ern Pacific Railroad, wrote the text, 
but beginning with the 1910 edition 

Jack Ellis assumed this function. Pur- 
chasers of the 1910 guide read that 
Emerald Pool in Norris Basin was a 
"sulphur-lined basin with coral walls, 
most beautifully shaped [which] can be 
seen to an appalling depth." 30 The 
water in Excelsior Geyser, which F. Jay 
Haynes first admired in 1881, was "of 
a deep blue tint, and is intensely agi- 
tated all the time, dense clouds of steam 
constantly ascending from it." (p. 45). 
Lower Yellowstone Falls, perhaps the 
premier attraction of the park, was for 
Haynes a "sheer, unbroken compact, 
shining mass of silver foam, below 
which is an overmastering canyon into 
which the river leaps, and through 
which it flows, dwindling to but a 
foamy ribbon there in its appalling 
depths." (p. 89). Since the first system- 

30. Jack E. Haynes, Haynes Official Guide to Yellozostone 
National Park (St. Paul: F. Jay Haynes, 1910), p. 27. 

Wyoming Annals 

Spring 1993 

Above: Hamilton Store at Old Faithful, 
Yellowstone National Park, 1991. 
Below: crater of Oblong Geyser, Y.N.P., Jack 
Ellis Haynes photo, date unknown. 

atic expeditions to Yellowstone 
Country in the 1870s, writers had 
been fond of employing the word 
"appalling" to depict the great falls 
and other attractions in the park, a 
habit which Jack Ellis used to great 

After the introduction of auto- 
mobiles into the park in 1915 each 
Haynes Guide included a complete 
road log of the park, containing ex- 
act mileage between various points 
of interest. Among the important 
"Don'ts" for the tourist in the 1924 
guide were the admonitions "DON'T 
drive on the wrong side of the road" 
and "DON'T run by STOP signs." 11 
Always the businessman, though 
more tactful than one might expect, 

31. Jack Ellis Haynes, Haynes Nezo Guide and Motor- 
ists' Complete Log of Yellowstone National Park (St. Paul; 
J. E. Haynes, 1924), 17. 

Wyoming State Museum 

Jack Ellis tooted his horn for the Haynes 
outlet store at Tower Fall in the 1924 
guide: "The Haynes Picture Shop and 
General Store situated here affords 
tourists opportunities to restock their 
larders, replenish their fishing equip- 
ment and have the confidence that 
some pertinent habitation is near at 
hand." (p. 108). Perhaps Haynes had a 
special right to feel proud of his store 
at Tower Fall, at least according to 
Horace Albright. "When other 
concessioners failed to respond to a 
plan for tourist facilities at Tower Falls 
[sic]," wrote Albright, "the risks were 
assumed by Haynes as a public service 
without much hope at the time that they 
might ultimately be profitable." 32 

1HS1924 guide also in- 
cluded a lengthy but col- 
orful poem titled "Yellow- 
stone Park and How it was 
Named," written at Can- 
yon in 1894 by William 
Tod Helmuth. Three of the twelve stan- 
zas of this magnum opus give something 
of its flavor. 

Then the Devil with mortals kept 
plying the fire, 

Extracting the water around from 
the mire, 

And boring great holes with a ter- 
rible dust, 
'Till soon quite a number appeared 
near the crust, 

Then he turned on the steam - and 
lo! upward did fly, 

Through rents in the surface, the 
rocks to the sky, 

But Yankees can sometimes, with 
out doing evil, 

O'ermatch in sagacity even the 

For not long ago Uncle Sam came 
that way 

And said to himself, "Here's the 
devil to pay. 

Successful I've been in all previ- 
ous wars; 
Now Satan shall bow to the Stripes 
and the Stars. 

32. Albright, "Jack Ellis Haynes," 86. 

Wyoming Annals 43 Spring 1993 

This property's Mine, and I hold it 

in fee; 
And all of this earth shall its maj- 
esty see. 
The deer and the elk unmolested 

shall roam, 
The bear and the buffalo each have 

a home; 
The eagle shall spring from her ey- 
rie and soar, 
O'er crags in the canyons where 

cataracts roar; 
The wild fowls shall circle the 

pools in their flight, 
The geysers shall flash in the 

moonbeams at night, 
Now I christen the country - let all 

nations hark! 
I name it the Yellowstone National 
Park, (pp.178-80) 

One can imagine campers reciting these 
stirring verses while sitting around 
their evening fires, perhaps keeping one 
ear open for mysterious noises from the 

aynes' commitment 
to the culture and de- 
velopment of the 
park is strikingly evi- 
dent in the thirty- 
ight page historical 
section of the 1924 Haynes Guide. 
Among the numerous entries were: a 
sketch of the explorer James Bridger by 
Olin D. Wheeler; the text of the 1872 
federal act establishing Yellowstone 
Park; Jack Ellis Haynes' account of 
some of his father's exploits; a listing 
of every superintendent of the park 
since its founding; and the Helmuth 
epic, which concludes the historical 
section and the guide itself. Continu- 
ing the tradition of historical vignettes, 
the 1947 guide contained valuable data 
about the National Hotel which existed 
at Mammoth from 1883 to 1936. M With 
colorful covers, photos, maps, skillful 
text, historical tidbits, poems and sta- 
tistics copies of the Haynes Guide remain 

a pleasant and handy source, as they 
were for untold numbers of en- 
thralled tourists winding their way 
through Yellowstone Park. 

A well-thumbed copy of the 
1924 Guide belonging to my mother, 
documents the summer of 1925 that 
she spent as an employee of the 
Hamilton Store at Lake, which re- 
mains adjacent to the large Lake Ho- 
tel and fronts Yellowstone Lake. Visi- 
tors to the store, who usually signed 
the Haynes Guide in question, in- 
cluded a nephew of Secretary of the 
Navy Josephus Daniels (1913-21) who 
helped store employees eat candied 
peanuts from a barrel; Franklin D. 
Roosevelt's son James, who arrived 

33. See Jack Ellis Haynes, Haynes Guide (Yellowstone 
National Park and Bozeman, Mont.: Haynes, Inc., 
1947), pp. 156, 161, 166, cited in "In Yellowstone Park, 
1886-1889: George Tutherly's Reminiscences," ed. 
Lee H. Whittlesey, Montana: The Magazine of West- 
em History 33 (Winter 1983): 11, n. 44. 


in the company of other Easterners 
staying at a posh summer camp some- 
where near the park; and a bear who 
wandered in through the front door 
and subsequently frightened the cook 
in the brmkhouse behind the store. The 
bear didn't sign the Haynes Guide, but 
Roosevelt and dozens of other tourists 
did! Co-worker Edna O'Connor, a 
school teacher from St. Paul, Minne- 
sota wrote, "When I look over and see 
you so comfortably seated on the bear 
rug I have to get lazy and sign my 
name." Blair Wood of Waterloo, Iowa 
inscribed the following doggerel: 

Below. Upper Falls, Yelloiostone River, 
Y.N.P.,F. jay Haynes photo, date unknown. 


Wyoming Annals 44 Spring 1993 

"Think of me when your 

[sic] far off/ 

Where the woodchucks die of the 

whooping cough." 

As long as I can recall, my mother's 
Haynes Guide was a treasured me- 
mento. It reminded her of the most 
enjoyable time of her life, as it must 
have been for countless others. 34 When 
I mentioned that my mother had been 
employed by "Ham" Hamilton, in 
some ways a competitor of the Haynes 
interests, the usually steely Mrs. 
Haynes smiled and magnanimously 
remarked, "That's all right! "' 

34. Interview with Clare Helmer Svvensen, Darien, CT, 
December 11, 1992. 

The Haynes Guide was by no 
, means the only souvenir sold at the 
Haynes Picture Shops, as evidenced 
by items on display in an exhibit case 
at MSU Libraries. Included are hand- 
colored black and white photographs, 
hand-colored post cards, etchings, 
lithographs, souvenir albums, statio- 
nery, playing cards and greeting 
cards. The contents of the case is a 
montage made from the wide array 
of materials that tourists would have 
found in the Picture Shops mainly 
during the 1920s and 1930s. Mrs. 
Haynes observed that twenty to 
twenty-three artists worked each win- 

35. Interview with Isabel Havnes, Bozeman, Montana, 
April 10, 1987. 

ter in St. Paul, Minnesota, winter head- 
quarters for the Haynes interests from 
1889 to 1942 hand-painting photo- 
graphs and other illustrations for sale 
each summer in Yellowstone. 1 ' 1 There 
is a separate file containing multiple 
copies of many of the linen post cards 
offered for sale during the interwar 
period and even into the 1950s. 

esearchers can use an ex- 
ceptionally complete li- 
brary of 3,000 books 
about Yellowstone and 
Jhe West, some of them 
jlished by the House 
of Haynes itself, as well as the per- 
sonal libraries of both F. Jay and Jack 
Ellis Haynes, comprising various liter- 
ary and historical works. This portion 
of the article is partly an annotated bib- 
liography, containing citations for some 
of the rare and interesting volumes in 
the collection. Materials concerning the 
Lewis and Clark Expedition of 1804- 
1806, which passed north of the Yel- 
lowstone Country, abound in the 
Haynes Collection, as do accounts of 
other explorations and travels in the 
West during the nineteenth century. 
Typical of the many volumes about the 
West is John C. Van Tramp, Prairie and 
Rocky Mountain Adventures or Life in the 
West (Columbus, Ohio: H. Miller, 1862). 
Of paramount importance to an under- 
standing of the exploration of the Yel- 
lowstone Country and its creation as 
the world's first national park are the 
complete accounts of the official expe- 
ditions of 1871 and 1872 led by 
Ferdinand V. Hayden. See Hayden, 
Preliminary Report of the United States 
Geological Survey of Montana and Portions 
of Adjacent Territories, Being a Fifth An- 
nual Report of Progress (Washington, DC: 
Government Printing Office, 1872); and 
Hayden, Sixth Annual Report of the 
United States Geological Survey of the Ter- 
ritories, Embracing Portions of Montana, 
Idaho, Wyoming, and Utah; Being a Report 
of Progress of the Explorations for the Year 
1872 (Washington, DC: Government 

Wyoming State Museum 

36. Ibid.: The Montana Historical Society volume on 
Haynes indicates that in the late 1890s, the seasonal 
photographic staff exceeded twenty. F. /. Haynes, 
Photographer, pp. 10-11. 

Wyoming Annals jc Spring 1993 

Printing Office, 1872). Elegantly-bound 
copies of these reports and others pub- 
lished by the U.S. Geological Survey 
reside in the Haynes Collection. 

Other contemporary accounts of 
early trips to the park are entertaining 
and useful, although space permits only 
a few examples of the many dozens of 
such volumes in the collection. James 
Richardson, ed., Wonders of the Yellow- 
stone (New York: Scribner, Armstrong, 
1873) eloquently depicts the glories of 
the new national preserve. His descrip- 
tion of Mammoth Hot Springs is par- 
ticularly pertinent because this was the 
first significant wonder that early tour- 
ists would see in the park: 
Small streams flow down the sides 

of the Snowy Mountain 

in channels lined with oxide of iron 

of the most delicate tints of red. 

Others show exquisite shades of 

yellow, from a deep, bright sulphur, 

to a dainty cream-color. Still others 

are stained with shades of green, 

all these colors as brilliant as the 

brightest aniline dyes. (p. 30). 

W.E. Strong, in A Trip to the Yellowstone 
National Park in July, August, and Sep- 
tember 1875 (Washington, DC, n.p., 
1876), penned dramatic thoughts about 
the marvels of the new preserve but 
was particularly moved as he stood on 
the summit of Mount Washburne, tall- 
est peak in the park: "Grand, glorious, 
and magnificent was the scene as we 
looked upon it from Washburn's [sic] 
summit. No pen can write it- no lan- 
guage describe it." (p. 46). Harry J. 
Norton, in Wonderland Illustrated; or, 
Horseback Rides Through the Yellowstone 
National Park (Virginia City, Montana 
Territory: Harry J. Norton, 1873) offers 
insights into how pioneer Montanans 
viewed the new park established to the 

One of the most rare volumes in 
the Haynes Collection is journey through 
the Yelloivstone National Park and North- 
western Wyoming: Photographs of Party 
and Scenery along the Route Travelled and 
Copies of the Associated Press Dispatches 
Sent whilst en Route (Washington, D.C.: 
Government Printing Office, 1883). 
This account of President Arthur's trip 

to the park in 1883 is enhanced by the 
superb and timely F. J. Haynes photo- 
graphs carefully tipped into the vol- 
ume. 37 These photographs and his 
proximity to the president and other 
important officials led directly to 
Haynes being named official photog- 
rapher of Yellowstone Park the follow- 
ing year. This was probably the first 
concession granted in the park and a 
signal honor for a person barely thirty 
years of age. 

While not rare, complete annual 
reports of the U.S. Bureau of Ethnol- 
ogy from 1880-81 through 1902-03 
complement two dozen volumes by 
James Willard Shultz who wrote con- 
vincingly about his experiences with, 

37. According to Jack Ellis Haynes, only twelve cop- 
ies of the book were produced. See Haynes, 
"Expedition of President Chester A. Arthur," p. 33. 

and customs of, the Blackfeet Indians. 
Other publications include the Won- 
derland series of Northern Pacific Rail- 
way brochures, 1884-1894, graced by 
Haynes photographs; and the west- 
ern and adventure writings of 
Theodore Roosevelt, perhaps the most 
prolific writer among U.S. presidents, 
whose rather racist-sounding prose 
has a timeless elegance and historio- 
graphic value. 38 Printed diaries in- 
clude those of explorer James H. Cook 
who led an expedition to Yellowstone 
in 1871; General Philip Sheridan who 
commanded the Army of the West; 
and Elizalieth B. Custer, widow of 
Gen. George Armstrong Custer. 3 " Re- 
cent titles in the collection include 

38. For a discussion of the Wonderland series and other 
NPRR promotional efforts see Runte, "Burlington 
Northern," pp. 117-19. 

Wyoming Annals 46 Spring 1993 

Above: Auto stages near Gardiner Arch at north entrance to Y.N.P. in 1917, when Park 
transportation ums motorized. Below: President Arthur and group at Upper Geyser Basin, 
in August, 1883. Standing, I to r: Michael V. Sheridan, Lieutenant General, U.S. Army; 
Anson Stager, Brigadier General, U.S. Volunteers; W.P. Clark, Captain, Second 
Cavalry, U.S. Army; Dan G. Rollins, Surrogate of New York; James F. Gregory, Lieutenant 
Colonel and Aide-de-camp. Seated, 1 to r: John S. Crosby, Governor of Montana Territory; 
Philip H. Sheridan, Lieutenant General, U.S. Army; President Chester A. Arthur; 
Robert T. Lincoln, Secretary of War; George G. Vest, U.S. Senator from Missouri. 

Haynes Foundation Collection, Montana Historical Society, Helena, MT. 

Lewis R. Freeman, Down the Yellowstone 
(New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1922), 
an historical /geographic treatment of 
the great river flowing northeast out of 
the park; and Merrill D. Beal, The Story 
of Man in Yellowstone (Caldwell, Idaho: 
Caxton, 1949), which chronicles the his- 
tory of the park. Horace M. Albright 
and Frank J. Taylor, Oh, Ranger! (Palo 
Alto, Cal.: Stanford University Press, 
1928) is a series of entertaining anec- 
dotes of the national parks, includ- 
ing a great deal of information 
about Yellowstone. 

the Haynes family 
were serious publishers of 
historical books and other 
works about Yellowstone 
is evident from several rel- 
evant titles in the collec- 
tion. F. Jay Haynes was the first to pub- 
lish Nathaniel P. Langford's, Diary of 
the Washburn Expedition to the Yellow- 
stone and Firehole Rivers in the Year 1870 
(St. Paul: F.J. Haynes, 1905). Langford 
was the first superintendent of the park, 
serving from 1872 to 1877. There are 
various editions of Hiram Chittenden's, 
The Yellowstone National Park (Cincin- 
nati: Robert Clarke, 1895), including 
two published by Jack Ellis Haynes (St. 
Paul: 1924 and 1927). Among sixteen 
works by Western novelist and histo- 
rian Emerson Hough (1857-1923) is 
Maw's Vacation: The Story of a Human 
Being in the Yellowstone (St. Paul: J.E. 
Haynes, 1921), a humorous account of 
early automobile campers in the park. 
It is appropriate that Jack Ellis Haynes 
published Maw's Vacation, since Hough 
was with F. Jay Haynes in Yellowstone 
during the winter of 1894 when cel- 
ebrated poacher Ed Howell was appre- 
hended. Hough's indignation and sub- 
sequent efforts helped pass a federal 
law protecting buffalo in the park. 40 

39. From 1886 to 1918 the U. S. Army kept order, elimi- 
nated poachers and discouraged souvenir hunters 


the Park. See H. Duane Hampton, How the U. S. 
Cavalry Saved Our National Parks (Bloomington, Ind., 
Indiana University Press, 1971). 

40. During the 1880s there were only about 200 surviv- 
ing bison out of the millions that had roamed the 
plains. See Mary Meagher, The Bison of Yellowstone 
Park (National Park Service, Scientific Monograph 
Series #1, Washington, DC: Government Printing 
Office, 1973), cited in Whittlesey, "In Yellowstone 
Park," 10, n. 37. 

Wyoming Annals 47 Spring 1993 

Equally rich, though with 
some idiosyncracies and 
gaps, are the 110 linear 
feet of historical records 
dating from 1867 to 1968, 
among which are the 
Haynes Picture Shop files, personal 
correspondence, extensive business 
records, research files and vertical 
files. According to Aubrey Haines, 
Jack Ellis Haynes always kept busi- 
ness and personal records by sub- 
ject, presumably to facilitate his 
many historical projects. Therefore, 
the Picture Shop files containing the 
bulk of correspondence on all as- 
pects and phases of the Haynes' 
careers were organized and main- 
tained in one chronological unit, 
with each year in alphabetical or- 
der by subject. In his eagerness to 
conduct historical research Jack 
Ellis Haynes not only altered the 
order of his own business and per- 
sonal files, he incorporated his 
father's records into this subject file 
structure. According to the archi- 
val principle of provenance, the 
records should have been left rea- 
sonably intact and in their original 
order to reflect the historical orga- 
nization and practices of the busi- 
ness. However, since the "maker," 
or in this case the maker/manager, 
of the records may arrange the files 
in any convenient order, a devia- 
tion from the rule of provenance is 
technically within the bounds of ac- 
cepted archival theory. 41 Detailed 
inventories greatly assist a re- 
searcher to utilize the collection. 

Right: entrance to Norn's Geyser Basin in 
Yellowstone National Park, January, 1887. 
Photo by F. Jay Haynes. 

41. For a discussion of provenance and other archival 
principles, see T.R. Schellenherg, The Management 
of Archives (New York: Columbia University Press, 
1965); Schellenberg, Modern Archives: Principles 
and Techniques (Chicago: University of Chicago 
Press, 1956); Kenneth W. Duckett, Modem Manu- 
scripts: A Practical Manual for Their Management, 
Care and Use (Nashville: American Association for 
State and Local History, 1975); David B. Gracy II, 
Archives & Manuscripts: Arrangement & Descrip- 
tion (Chicago: Society of American Archivists, 1977); 
Frederic M. Miller, Arranging and Describing Ar- 
chives and Manuscripts (Chicago: Society of Ameri- 
can Archivists, 1990). 

Minnie Paugh feels that some 
materials were destroyed prior to the 
donation of the collection to MSU, in- 
cluding some that might reflect unfa- 
vorably about the Haynes' enterprises. 
Paugh points out that there were sev- 
eral boxes of materials "we were not 
supposed to process," which presum- 
ably contain additional records of Jack 
Ellis Haynes' business and personal 
activities. These boxes will remain 
unprocessed until after Mrs. Haynes' 
passing. According to Paugh, the 
weeding and restricting of some 
records were due to "fights that Jack 
would have had with the Park Service 
in order to keep his concession," as 
well as "sort of a marital mixup." 
Paugh professes a vast amount of sym- 
pathy for Jack Ellis Haynes, who 

wanted the same dignity his father en- 
joyed. 42 Aubrey Haines knows noth- 
ing about any fights or marital prob- 
lems but hazards a guess that the 
closed materials simply relate to 
Haynes' will. 43 Perhaps the excitement 
generated by the unsealing of these 
records will not reach the fever pitch 
attained when the Titanic safe was re- 
cently unlocked, but scholarship will 
be advanced when this event occurs. 

42. Haynes had a first marriage which was childless. 
Since Haynes felt he had to have an heir, this mar- 
riage ended in divorce, a comparatively rare phe- 
nomenon in the 1920s. Telephone interview with 
Minnie Paugh of Bozeman, Montana, April 15, 

43. Haines commented to me that he didn't know 
anything at all about the Jack Ellis Havnes' marital 
problems. He said Isabel Haynes was always 
close mouthed about family matters. Haines 
interview, op tit. 


• :.;' : s " 


Wyoming Annals _jS Spring 1993 

Haynes Picture Shop 
files cover the years 1870- 
1968 and contain letters 
and other manuscript- 
type materials illustrating 
, various aspects of the pro- 
fessional careers of the Haynes fam- 
ily. Examples include notes, sketches, 
letters, and diaries of F. Jay Haynes 
from the 1870s and 1880s; leases; 
contractor's bills for the construction 
of a log cabin studio at Old Faithful in 
1896; tickets for the Monida and Yel- 
lowstone Stage Company; diagrams 
of geysers; and a typed 1914 article by 
F. Jay Haynes arguing against the in- 
troduction of automobiles in the park. 
Later items include letters detailing 
Jack Ellis Haynes' 1924 trip around the 
shoreline of Yellowstone Lake, the 

preparation of various 1929 souve- 
nir albums, a 1941 letter about a 
bear-proof garbage can, the 75th 
anniversary of the park in 1947, a 
1951 interview for radio, and the 
1956 ground-breaking for Canyon 
Village. Other subjects repre- 
sented include the completion of 
the Northern Pacific Railroad in 
1883, Horace M. Albright, park 
naturalist Clyde Max Bauer, the 
Hamilton Stores, and Emerson 

That there was no wholesale 
weeding of the Picture Shop files prior 
to their donation is illustrated by a se- 
ries of communications written in 
1929 about mismanagement and al- 
leged profiteering by concession- 
aires in Yellowstone and other na- 

Wyoming State Museum 

tional parks. In a letter to United States 
Senator David I. Walsh, Ralph S. Bauer, 
mayor of Lynn, Massachusetts charged 
that Yellowstone Park was not operated 
for the citizens of the United States. Not 
only were roads narrow and dusty, but 
a chain of general stores, the Hamilton 
Stores, operated near any extensive 
camping site in order to "shake down 
the campers." After making other 
charges, Bauer remarked, "A fellow by 
the name of Haines [sic], supposed to 
come from St. Paul, has the picture 
taking concession for the Park, and 
no one is allowed to sell any pic- 
tures of anything in the Park, except 
Haines." Bauer admitted that Yellow- 
stone and Yosemite were the only na- 
tional parks that were in the black, but 
he was angry that the profits from these 
two parks were redistributed to other 
parks showing a deficit. Jack Ellis 
Haynes' cordial relations with the fed- 
eral bureaucracy might be viewed with 
a jaundiced eye by some outside ob- 
servers, but to Haynes' credit he did 
not remove such criticism from his vo- 
luminous historical collections. A wide 
variety of politicians, business people 
and public-spirited citizens have peri- 
odically raised similar indictments 
against the National Park Service and 
its concessions policy. 44 

44. Photostat copy of Bauer to Walsh, August 26, 1929, 
See also photostat copy of Walsh to the Commis- 
sioner of the National Park Service, August 31, 1929; 
carbon copy of telegram from W. L. Daley to Yellow- 
stone Transportation Company, September 14, 1929. 
G. A. Moskey, Acting Director of the National Park 
Service, sent the two photostats to Jack Ellis Haynes 
under a cover letter September 4, 1929. This barrage 
may have been aimed at Horace Albright, who had 
just vacated the superintendent's post at Yellow- 
stone to become Director of the National Park Service 
in January 1929. For an illuminating discussion ot 
politics and the national parks see Albright, Birth of 
the Ntttiotwl Park Service, especially chapter 14, "The 
Man Who Tried to Steal Grand Canyon." For a 
thoughtful treatment of the first ten years of conces- 
sions in Yellowstone Park see Richard A. Bartlett, 
"The Concessionaires of Yellowstone National Park: 
Genesis of a Policy, 1882-1892," Pacific Northwest 
Quarterly 74 (January 1983): 2-10. Don Hummel, 
Stealing the National Parks: The Destruction of Conces- 
sions and Park Access (Bellevue, WA: Free Enterprise 
Press, 1987), offers a provocative discussion from 
the point of view of the park concessionaire. See also 
U. S., Congress, House, Committee on Government 
Operations, Environment, Energy, and Natural Re 
sources Subcommittee, Review of Management of Rec- 
reational Concessioners on Federal Lands (Washington, 
DC: Government Printing Office, 1991); "Reform 
Ahead for Park Concessions," National Parks 65 
(March/April 1991) 8-9; "To Reform Concessions, 
New Law is needed," National Parks 66 (May/June 
1992): 11-12 

Wyoming Annals 49 Spring 1993 

While the Picture Shop files and 
the bulk of the rest of the Haynes Col- 
lection were donated to MSU in 1978, 
other personal letters, business corre- 
spondence and other business records 
of F. Jay Haynes dating from 1876 to 
1916 arrived in 1983. According to 
Minnie Paugh, these constitute some of 
the most valuable records that had been 
kept apart from the Picture Shop files. 
Moreover, this accession of F. Jay 
Haynes papers was the only thing in 
the Haynes Collection that had not been 
altered. There had been no effort to 
put it in order, even to open it up. 4 " 
Therefore, since these particular busi- 
ness and personal records of F. Jay 
Haynes were never incorporated into 
the Picture Shop files, they have been 
kept virtually in original order. It is 
this segment of the Haynes Collection 
that Nolan labels the "F. Jay Haynes 
Papers." 4 '' 

These separately-filed papers of 
F. Jay Haynes include a running record 
of his activities with the Northern Pa- 
cific Railroad, periodic photographic 
expeditions to the Pacific Northwest 
and Canada, work in Yellowstone Park, 
and personal matters as illustrated in 
personal and business correspondence. 
Of particular interest is the run of let- 
ters to his wife Lily, 1876-1904 and 1915. 
"Last night," he reported to Lily in 
September 1881 during his initial visit 
to Yellowstone, "we scraped the snow 
off the Ground [sic] for our Camp 
[sic]." 47 Other letters include descrip- 
tions of the building of the Northern 
Pacific Railroad in the 1870s and 1880s, 
an 1877 trek to the Black Hills of South 
Dakota, the Grand Canyon of the Yel- 
lowstone, photographing President 
Arthur and party in 1883, the capture 
of the infamous poacher Ed Howell 
during the winter of 1894, and a 1915 
convention in San Francisco. Three 
boxes of correspondence from 1886- 
1887 are, according to the inventory, 
valuable for the preparation for, and 
photography resulting from, the win- 
ter expedition into Yellowstone Na- 

45. Paugh interview, March 17, 1991. 

46. Nolan, Northern Pacific Views, p. 203. 

47. F. Jay Haynes to Lily Haynes, September 28, 1881. 

Wyoming Annals 

Spring 1993 

Opposite: Gibbon Falls - Gibbon River, drawing from Yellowstone National 

Park, souvenir views photographed and published by F. jay Haynes, Fargo, 

North Dakota, date unkonm. 

Above: F. Jay Haynes, photographer on Missouri River, date unknown. 

Below: Lake auto camp tourist park, 1923. 

tional Park in 1886-1887. 48 

Other business records from 1876 
to 1927, some portions donated in 1978 
and others received five years later, 
further illustrate how concessionaires 
operated in the park, and offers a pic- 
ture of how photography evolved tech- 
nically and as a business enterprise. 
Among the wide array of business 
records are cash books, quotations 
about lantern slides and other photo- 
graphic products, American Express 
shipments, and lists of customers of the 
Haynes Picture Shops and the Haynes 
Palace Car Studio. "We can scarcely 
imagine the excitement of Bostonians 
or New Yorkers," Nolan exclaims, "as 
they unwrapped their packages of 
'Haynes' Northern Pacific Views' to 
behold the wonders of the West - In- 
dian War dances, the geysers of Yel- 
lowstone, Dakota 'bonanza' farms, new 
towns, or the record of a railroad slowly 
building through the western em- 
pire." 4 " The papers of F. Jay Haynes' 
stagecoach lines cover the years 1898 
to 1921 and include registers of horses, 
lists of passengers disembarking from 
the railroads, and route books. 

^onal records of Jack Ellis 
,Ties, donated in 1983, ex- 
under several different 
"names and are all arranged 
in the same manner as the 
Picture Shop files. Aubrey 
Haines depicts Haynes as a "super 
string saver," whose papers are more 
in the way of bits and pieces in a mis- 
cellaneous file, some items in multitu- 
dinous form. According to Haines, 
these were merely hobby files. While 
Haines intended these observations to 
apply to the entire archival portion of 
the collection, his evaluation pertains 
more to Jack Ellis Haynes' personal 
records. Horace Albright may have un- 
wittingly agreed with Haines' charac- 
terization when he wrote, "No item was 
too small or too insignificant for Jack's 
attention if it had historical, archeologi- 
cal or anthropological value." 50 

Haynes Foundation Collection 

48. "Haynes, Inc., Inventory of Small Sets Deposited in 
the Haynes Room, Montana State University, 1983," 
p. 9. typescript. 

49. Nolan, Northern Pacific Views, pp. 1-2. 

Wyoming Annals 

Spring 1993 

The voluminous jack Ellis Haynes 
Chronological Research File contains 
reports, interviews, notes, clipping files 
and catalogued manuscripts including 
diaries, maps and letters. For example, 
there is a diary and articles written by 
Mrs. Alice Richards McCreery, daugh- 
ter of Wyoming Governor William A. 
Richards pertaining to her 1898 Yellow- 
stone trip. The Jack Ellis Haynes' "Pub- 
lic File," 1950-1962, contains price lists 
and materials regarding various talks 
and articles by Haynes, including a 
purported 1902 auto trip to the park. 
Other active files at the time of Haynes' 
death in 1962 contain correspondence 
about pictures, guide books, park hold- 
ups, stories about the Haynes enter- 
prises, and Vinton Stallo, who wanted 
to write a biography of jack Ellis 
Haynes in the 1940s. Haynes intended 
to utilize his carefully collected and 
maintained files to collaborate with his 
friend Aubrey Haines on The Yellow- 
stone Story, a partnership cut short by 
Haynes' death. 

The extensive Isabel Haynes Ver- 
tical File of clippings, articles, maps, 
interviews, pamphlets, fliers and other 
materials, donated in 1978, adds to the 
breadth and research potential of the 
entire Haynes Collection. Among the 
several hundred files are ones relating 
to Horace Albright, more than thirty 
artists having an interest in the park, 
the Hamilton Stores, other park con- 
cessionaires, Old Faithful Lodge, hu- 
mor in the park, stagecoaches and their 
drivers. The remaining portions of the 
Haynes Collection include many pam- 
phlets and pertinent journals, lengthy 
runs of late nineteenth century and 
early twentieth century magazines, the 
Isabel Haynes Fine Art and Indian Art 
Collection, the Lida Haynes Children's 
Book Collection, and travel books of 
Isabel Haynes. Most of the twenty or 
so boxes of materials received from 
Mrs. Haynes after 1983 have proven 
largely superfluous. 

Right: Giantess Geyser, Upper Geyser Basin, 
Yellowstone National Park, January, 1887. 
Photo by F. Jay Haynes. 

50. Albright, "Jack Ellis Haynes," p. 86. 

^ralTaynes Collection rep- 
resents the heart of MSU's 
Yellowstone holdings, but 
the libraries possess other 
materials that form part of 
^^S^^its greater Yellowstone 
National Park Collection. The William 
W. Wylie Collection contains corre- 
spondence about the "Wylie Way," a 
series of privately-run tent camps that 
existed in Yellowstone Park for sev- 
eral years before and after the turn of 
the century. As he conducted tours 
for his campers Wylie, a "renegade 
pedagogue," lectured along the route 
about instructive and humorous top- 
ics. 51 The James G. Hamilton Collec- 
tion, assembled by a former president 
of MSU, features his early history of 
the park. The Yellowstone National 
Park Museum Collection at MSU in- 
cludes twenty-one linear feet of pho- 
tocopies and carbons from the park 
research library at Mammoth plus dia- 
ries, photographs, maps, and letters. 
The Alexander Leggett Collection of 
2,300 rare and scarce books offers sev- 
eral early published editions of the 
journals of Lewis and Clark and a copy 
of Ferdinand F.V. Hayden, In the Yel- 
lowstone National Park, and the Moun- 
tain Regions of Portions of Idaho, Nevada, 

51. Shankland, Steve Mather, 120. 

Colorado and Utah, illustrated by 
Chromolithographic Reproductions of Wa- 
ter-Color Sketches by Thomas Moran 
(Boston: Prang and Co., 1876). Armed 
with a recent $100,000 grant from the 
U. S. Department of Education, 
Nathan Bender, the Head of Special 
Collections /Archives at MSU Librar- 
ies, is embarking on a long-range cam- 
paign to expand the Yellowstone Na- 
tional Park Collection. 52 

Interested researchers should 
also consult the 23,500 photographs, 
photographic notebooks, studio por- 
trait registers, merchandise order 
books, and Haynes Palace Studio Car 
ledgers (1885-1906) in the Haynes 
Foundation Collection at the Montana 
Historical Society in Helena. When 
Mrs. Haynes donated her family's col- 
lection in the late 1970s it was deter- 
mined that the Montana Historical So- 
ciety was in a more advantageous po- 
sition to care for the photographs than 
was Special Collections at MSU. 
Hence the bifurcated collection, each 
part of which should be used in tan- 
dem with the other. The Yellowstone 
National Park Research Library at the 
park headquarters in Mammoth con- 
tains a wealth of material including 

52. Nathan Bender to me December 17, 1991; "Grants 
and Acquisitions," College & Research Libraries Nra'S 
53 (September 1992): 539. 

Wyi ■ming Annals 

Spring 1993 

9,000 volumes, 120,000 negatives, 800 
cubic feet of locally-generated park 
records from the 1920s to the present, 
an extensive Vertical File Collection of 
papers and reports and some Manu- 
script Collections. 53 Yellowstone Park 
and the American West are repre- 
sented in the Carl Parcher Russell Pa- 
pers at Washington State University 
Libraries in Pullman. The Federal 
Records Center in Denver and the Na- 
tional Archives in Washington, DC. 
also have extensive records concern- 
ing the park, including materials 
about the Haynes enterprises. This 
list is not meant to be exhaustive, but 
is intended to aid anyone researching 
the House of Haynes or Yellowstone 
National Park. Arrangements must be 
made in advance to use any of these 
collections, including those at MSU Li- 

historical records 
deling with that "bril- 
liaBy varied wilder- 

named Yellowstone 
Tonal Park may be 
Tore voluminous, but 
none contain the personal insights and 

53. Interview with Timothy Manns, Yellowstone Na- 
tional Park Historian, Mammoth, Yellowstone Na- 
tional Park, June 26, 1987. 

54. Haynes, Yellowstone Holdups, p. 5. 

Wyoming State Museum 

idiosyncracies of the Haynes Collec- 
tion which is a melding of nature, his- 
tory, and business. The collection 
may be styled as one family's experi- 
ences with, in the words of F. Jay him- 
self describing his 1887 winter expe- 
dition, "all the fantastic forms possible 
to imagine." 55 If father and son had 
been present at the massive fires that 
swept through Yellowstone during 
the summer of 1988, as I was, I sus- 
pect they would have grasped at the 
opportunity to capture some new fan- 
tastic forms, with Jack Ellis Haynes 
adding historical yarns and mono- 
graphs to the photographic output. 
How could the Haynes' entrepreneur- 
ial instinct have failed to record the 
greatest natural event to hit Yellow- 
stone in 300 years, even as they fought 
to save their business and those of 
their fellow concessionaires!* Even 
without material about the fires, the 
Haynes Collection beckons to schol- 
ars. Research potential in the collec- 
tion is as varied as the park and pos- 
sible topics might include a literary 
or historical analysis of different de- 
pictions of the wonders of the world's 
first national park, the evolution of 
photography in a western setting, the 
development of concessions in Yel- 
lowstone , the role of women in na- 
tional park management, articles 
about Lily and Isabel Haynes and full- 
length biographies of F. Jay and Jack 
Ellis Haynes. Despite, or even because 
of, Jack Ellis Haynes' archival pecadil- 
loes, historians, outdoor enthusiasts, 
photographers, librarians, archivists 
and others will find it rewarding to 
investigate the Haynes Collection at 
MSU. As the libraries accumulate ad- 
ditions to the Yellowstone Park Col- 
lection, MSU will receive greater 
recognition as a premier resource on 
the world's first national park. ■ 

55. Haynes, Haynes New Guide, 160. The original text 
is from "Chicago Tribune, March 5, 1887, newspa- 
per clipping in Lily Haynes' scrapbook. Haynes 
Coll." as cited by William L. Lang, '"At the Great- 
est Personal Peril to the Photographer,'" p. 22, n. 26. 

56. See William C. Symonds and Vicky Cahan, "Did 
the Park Service Fiddle While Yellowstone 
Burned?" Business Week, 26 September 1988, 48; 
"After the Fire," Economist, 29 July 1989, 26-27; 
Brian Storer and Peter Ling, "Smoke Gets in Your 
Eyes," History Today 40 (December 1990): 6-8 

* I would like to thank Isabel 
Haynes, wife of jack Ellis Haynes, and 
Noreen Alldredge, Dean of Libraries at 
Montana State University, for grant- 
ing permission to write this article. 
Special thanks should go to Minnie 
Paugh, former Special Collections Li- 
brarian at MSU Libraries; Aubrey 
Haines, noted historian of Yellowstone 
Park; the Montana Historical Society; 
Nathan Bender, present Head of Spe- 
cial Collections/Archives at MSU Li- 
braries; and Suzi Katz and the Inter- 
Library Loan staff at Rosenthal Li- 
brary, Queens College. Thanks also to 
two colleagues who read and critiqued 
the manuscript: Dr. Jackson Cohen, 
Reference Librarian/ Sciences Bibliog- 
rapher, Queens College; and Dr. Gene 
M. Gressley, Director Emeritus of the 
American Heritage Center, University 
of Wyoming. I appreciate the efforts of 
Matthew }. Simon, former Chief Librar- 
ian at Queens College and currently 
Dean of Libraries at the University of 
Nevada, Las Vegas, who encouraged me 
and offered guidance. 

Matt Dinzev, CIMS, Queens Coll. 

Rolf Swensen 
(1944-) is Refer- 
ence Librarian/ 
Social Sciences 
at Queens Col- 
lege, City Uni- 
versity of New 
York, where he 
also teaches a course about library 
research. A Ph.D. in American History 
from the University of Oregon, he was 
formerly head of special collections/ 
Archives at Montana State University 
and has worked in Oregon, Alaska and 
Papua, New Guinea. His article "Ernst 
Hofer's 'Age of Mush and Cowardice': 
An Iowa Journalist at Work, 1855- 
1890" will appear in the fall, 1992 is- 
SUE OF Annals of Iowa. In addition to a 
continuing fascination with Yellow- 
stone National Park and Ernst Hofer, 
Swensen has a research interest in the 
social history of the early Christian 
Science movement. 

Wyoming Annals 53 Spring 1993 


The Magnificent 
Mountain Women: 

Adventures in the 
Colorado Rockies 

by Janet Robertson 
review by Lois Hansen 

P^ w 

Hidatsa Social 

and Ceremonial 


by Alfred W. Bowers 
review by Robert D. Gant 

Bonanza Rich: 

Lifestyles of the Western 
Mining Entrepreneurs 

by Richard H. Peterson 
review by David A. Walker 


An American 
Nuclear Tragedy 

1 i 

- a 

by Philip L. Fradkin 
review by Michael A. Amundson 

j schoolwomen of the 
Prairies and Plains: 

Personal Narratives from 

Iowa, Kansas, and Nebraska, 

i86osto 1920s 

by Mary H. Cordier 
review by Terry Ball 

I 1 J I I 








Fort Meade and the 
Black Hills 

by Robert Lee 
review by Richard F. Kehrberg 


Who are little girls' heroes? 
Mine were Gene Autry and Wonder 
Woman. I didn't know about women 
like Julia Archibald Holmes, Isabella 
Bird, Dr. Susan Anderson, Harriet 
Vallie or Dorothy Collier. In Tlie Mag- 
nificent Mountain Women, Janet 
Robertson tells the stories of these and 
more than thirty other women whose 
love for the Rocky Mountains led 
them to climb them, homestead in 
them, farm, ski, and die in them. They 
were ridiculed, reviled, admired and 
loved. Now they are made heroes 
through Robertson's chronicle of their 
adventures and contributions. 

Robertson arranges their tales 
chronologically and by subject. Six 
chapters deal with mountain climb- 
ers, sportswomen, park promoters, 
homesteaders, botanists and modern 
recreationists. Drawing from newspa- 
per articles, interviews, journals, let- 
ters and books written by the women, 
she profiles some of the gutsiest la- 
dies alive (excluding Native Ameri- 
can women) between the years 1858 
and 1988. 

The first woman to climb Pike's 
Peak, Julia Archibald Holmes, trav- 
eled with her husband by wagon train 
in 1858 to look for gold near Pike's 
Peak. Her traveling costume, for 
which she was criticized by a fellow 
female traveler, included bloomers 
under a below-the-knee length dress. 
That summer she climbed Pike's Peak 
with her husband and two other men. 
She wrote to her mother, "Nearly 
every one tried to dicourage me ... In 
all probability I am the first woman 
who ever stood upon'the summit of 
this mountain and gazed upon this 
wondrous scene ..." (p. 6). Her com- 
ment should be amended to read "the 
first non-Native American woman." 
We know that Native Americans 
climbed Long's Peak to trap eagles (p. 
46). Women may have accompanied 
them there and also up Pike's Peak. 

In 1873 Isabella Bird climbed 
Long's Peak with mountain man Jim 
Nugent. She wore an outfit she de- 

scribes in her book, A Lady's Life in the 
Rocki/ Mountains, (New York/London: 
G.P. Putnam's Sons/ The Knicker- 
bocker Press, 1888; Reprint, Norman: 
University of Oklahoma Press, 1960, 
1962), as a Hawaiian traveling dress. 
It included bloomers and its facsimile 
was later displayed at a National 
Health exhibition in England. In 1892 
she was made a fellow of the 
Royal Geographical Society. 
Long's Peak was only the be- 
ginning of Bird's adventures. 
She traveled in and wrote 
about China, Hong Kong, 
Saigon, Singapore, the Malay 
peninsula, Japan and Korea. 
She was the first European 
woman to meet an Emperor of 
Morocco. She built medical 
missions (several specifically 
for women and children) in 
Islamabad and China and an 
orphanage in Japan. This was 
one terrific lady! 

Due to sexual prejudice, medi- 
cal doctor Susan Anderson, was pre- 
vented from practicing in Denver. 
Consequently, she settled in Fraser, 
Colorado in 1907. She serviced moun- 
tain-dwelling patients day or night in 
any kind of weather. She walked, 
skied, snowshoed or rode horses to 
reach them. She did not retire until 
1950 at the age of eighty. 

Around 1912 Harriett Vaille 
brought Arapaho men from the Wind 
River Reservation to give names to 
their former tramping grounds in the 
proposed Rocky Mountain National 
Park. Congress was more likely to 
fund creation of the park if its features 
were named, so Vaille took on the 
research. Having little luck she sought 
help of the old Arapahos. Not only 
did this provide names for the park's 
features, it also produced the "only 
oral history of the area from the Indi- 
ans' viewpoint." (p. 46). 

In 1971 Katherine Bell and her 
assistant, Emily Dixon Fose, spent sev- 
eral harsh winter months living in 
primitive conditions on Trail Ridge 

The Magnificent 

Mountain Women: 

Adventures in the 
Colorado Rockies 


by Janet Robertson 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska 

Press, 1990. 

Illustrations, maps, references, 

index. xxiii and 220 pp. 

Paper $9. 95. 

Wyoming Annals 55 Spring 1993 


Hidatsa Social 

and Ceremonial 


bi Alfred W. Bowers 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 

1992. Illustrations, maps, 

bibliography, index. v and 528 pp. 

Paper Si 5. 95. 

Road. In freezing temperatures and 
high winds they conduxted botanical 
research. They suffered frostbite and 
psychological stress. Bell's work 
earned her a doctorate in botany. Her 
professor stated that she was the first 
person to live and work in a severe 
alpine environment in winter in or- 
der to learn what the plants were 
doing, (p. 141). 

The list goes on. Virginia 
Donaghe McClurg and Lucy Peabody 
worked tirelessly to make Mesa Verde 
a national park. Due to their efforts it 
has been called the "Women's Park." 
Gudrun Gaskill, "Supermom" of the 
470-mile Colorado Trail, pushed the 
hikers' path to completion during a 
fourteen-year period. 

Homesteaders Katherine 
Garetson and Esther Burnell, moun- 
tain guide Elizabeth Burnell, moun- 

tain climbers Dorothy Collier and 
Agnes Vallie, skiers Marianne 
Stevenson Magnusson and Betsy 
Cowles, mountain climber and climb- 
ing teacher Coral Bowman are only a 
few of the other magnificent moun- 
tain women profiled in this concise 
and well-written book. An additional 
treat is an excellent photographic 
spread which makes almost all these 
women visible heroes. 

Research breeds research, and 
Robertson's extensive source list en- 
tices the reader to delve into other 
books written about and by her sub- 
jects. Women heroes for little girls 
exist. Robertson's book is an exciting 
compilation of some of their stories. 

Lois Hansen 

freelance writer and artist living in 

Cheyenne, Wyoming. 

This classic volume first ap- 
peared as Bulletin 194, Bureau of 
American Ethnology in 1965, as noted 
by Douglas R. Parks in an Introduc- 
tion added to the original text. The 
reprinted classic stands in rec- 
ognition of thirty years of me- 
ticulous study by Dr. Bowers. 
It has long been considered 
the finest work to appear re- 
garding the three groups 
known as the Hidatsa tribe 
(Hidatsa proper, Awaxawi 
and Awatixa). It is indeed for- 
tunate for us that Bowers was 
sent to the field in the early 
1930s when it was still pos- 
sible to secure from individu- 
als who had participated in 
events as bundle ceremonies 
and buffalo hunts. All of his 
informants were born approximately 
in the decade 1850-60 and were 
adults at the time of the Battle of the 
Little Big Horn. Bowers knowledge 
of the Hidatsa language likewise pro- 
vided him with insights and a rap- 
port not available to most students. 
Thus the study has more the ring of a 
tribesman explaining his own culture 

than an outsider commenting upon an 
alien and unfamiliar way of life. 

The study begins with a short 
account of how fieldwork was con- 
ducted and research data handled. 
Next is a short chapter on the histori- 
cal and cultural background of the 
Hidatsa groups. This is followed by a 
lengthy section about ceremonial or- 
ganization. Finally, in what will prob- 
ably be the chapter of greatest inter- 
est to those involved in the relation- 
ships between ethnology and the huge 
corpus of archaeological work from 
the Missouri River Valley, there is a 
chapter on the Hidatsa cultural posi- 
tion among Northern Plains tribes. 

Bowers has done a tremendous 
job, equalling his excellent work about 
the Mandan titled, Mandan Social and 
Ceremonial Organization , (Chicago: 
University of Chicago Press, 1950). A 
similarly thorough study of the 
Arikara, the third affiliated tribe on 
the Fort Berthold Reservation, remains 

Only minor criticisms of an eth- 
nographic nature was noted in this 
fine work. The characteristic lumping 
of the Sioux would have more mean- 

Wvoming Annals 56 Spring 1993 


ing if cultural divisions were identi- 
fied such as Santee, Middle, or Te- 
ton. Also, I would have welcomed, 
perhaps, in the Introduction, an up- 
date of the archaeological data which 
was dated at the time of the study's 
first printing in 1962. These are mi- 

nor criticisms, indeed, for a book now 
listed among American anthropologi- 
cal classics. 

Robert D. Gant 

Collections Curator at the Wyoming 

State Museum in Cheyenne 

Western mining areas continue 
to attract the interest of historians and 
the general public. Former mining 
camps have been reborn as centers for 
legalized gambling and tourist attrac- 
tions. The Mining History Associa- 
tion brings together academics and 
buffs in a cordial spirit of inquiry. 
Historians have moved beyond Sierra 
gold and the Comstock Lode to study 
mining safety, women and Irish resi- 
dents of Montana, and Chinese labor- 
ers in Wyoming's coal fields. 

Fifteen years ago Richard H. 
Peterson analyzed the social origins 
and business behavior of fifty lead- 
ing western mining entrepreneurs. He 
concluded that the typical "bonanza 
king" was self-made, native born of 
British ancestry and one who had a 
limited education and was from a 
lower or middle class background. 
Few had training or education in min- 
ing but they did possess business ex- 
perience in banking, freighting or 
merchandising. These western entre- 
preneurs had more in common with 
eastern business elites than they did 
with other frontier residents. Data 
from this non-quantitative and non- 
theoretical analysis seemed to cor- 
roborate Frederick Jackson Turner's 
claim that the frontier promoted ver- 
tical social mobility. 

In the current volume Peterson 
subjected the sample of fifty western 
mining leaders to an analysis of their 
ideologies, political activities, recre- 
ational and cultural interests, family 
relations, and philanthropies. The au- 
thor concluded that the "bonanza 
kings" accepted the social Darwinian 
ideology of success through hard 
work, self-denial, rugged individual- 

ism and natural selection. In addi- 
tion, they embodied virtues familiar 
to the readers of the Horatio Alger 
stories: ambition, industry, frugality, 
honesty and luck. 

Following the pattern set by 
their eastern counterparts, 
these mining leaders sanc- 
tioned the theory of laissez faire 
but insisted that government 
protect property and maintain 
law and order. They urged re- 
straint in taxing mineral lands 
but insisted on regulating rail- 
roads. Most supported free 
and unlimited coinage of sil- 
ver and William Jennings 
Bryan in his 1896 presidential 

Peterson does not cat- 
egorize business leaders as ei- 
ther robber barons or industrial states- 
men, but refutes the notion that all 
elites were socially irresponsible and 
primarily interested in conspicuous 
consumption. Western mining lead- 
ers contributed substantial sums to 
churches, orphanages, relief organiza- 
tions and most consistently to vari- 
ous educational institutions. In addi- 
tion they assumed positions on boards 
of trustees, often displacing clerics on 
these governing bodies. This leader- 
ship was motivated in part by a de- 
sire to reform the traditional curricu- 
lum toward a more scientific, techni- 
cal and business-oriented education. 

Leading mining entrepreneurs 
attempted to convince a skeptical east- 
ern elite that the western wealthy was 
"respectable," not only because of 
their philanthropic activities but also 
through lavish spending. Many con- 
structed opulent mansions oh San 

Bonanza Rich: 

Lifestyles of the 
Western Mining 

by Richard H. Peterson. 

Moscow: University of Idaho Press, 
i 99 i. Appendix, notes, bibliography, 
index, xiv and 184 pp. 
Cloth $2 1 .95 . 

Wyoming Annals 57 Spring 1993 


Fallout: An 

American Nuclear 


by Philip L. Fradkin 

Tucson: University of Arizona 

Press, 1989. Maps, notes, 

index. x and }00 pp. 

Paper $16.95. 

Francisco's Nob Hill and in the Capi- 
tol Hill section of Denver, as well as 
in Helena and Butte. Often the site 
for ceremonial and costly entertain- 
ment, the mansion also served to ex- 
hibit one's art collection and exten- 
sive library. Although these homes fre- 
quently were constructed for their so- 
cial value, they included technological 
innovations in lighting, heating, and 
electrical or mechanical conveniences. 

In similarly social ways, east- 
ern and western aristocrats luxuri- 
ously entertained guests, raced thor- 
oughbred horses and purchased pri- 
vate railroad cars. Making the grand 
tour of Europe was not only impor- 
tant socially, it provided an opportu- 
nity to collect books, works of art and 
expensive furnishings. Ten of 
Peterson's sample gained a seat in the 
U. S. Senate, perhaps the ultimate 
political goal of elites. 

In his earlier study Peterson 
portrayed western mining leaders as 
fitting into the Turnerian pattern of 
vertical social mobility. As one dis- 
covers in his sequel, however, the 
lifestyles of these individuals do not 
fit this historical model. The ideology 
of social Darwinism and success 
through ambitious opportu- 
nity, frugality and honesty 

were not unique to the frontier. Their 
generous support for education chal- 
lenges Frederick Jackson Turner's idea 
of the frontier as anti-intellectual and 
culturally limited. Once they achieved 
success, mining elites did not create a 
unique western lifestyle, but followed 
the example of eastern contemporar- 
ies. Peterson concludes, "Far from be- 
ing true pioneers in the Turnerian con- 
text, the mining elite perhaps sought to 
overcome a sense of provincial cultural 
inferiority by conforming to national 
standards of business elitism." (p. 156). 
This is an engaging sequel that 
adds to our understanding of success- 
ful western mining entrepreneurs in 
the late nineteenth century. The author 
provides us with more flesh and blood 
personalities than he did in his previ- 
ous study. Letters and diaries enhance 
a work that relies on standard second- 
ary sources. Although Peterson needs 
to compare mining elites with other 
frontier entrepreneurs, he has pro- 
duced a notable contribution to the 
growing and diverse literature about 
the mining West. 

David A. Walker 
Professor of History & Graduate 
Dean at the University of Northern 
Iowa, Cedar Falls. 

On May 19, 1953 the 
Atomic Energy Commission 
(AEC) detonated "Shot 
Harry" at the Nevada Test Site 
northwest of Las Vegas. Esti- 
mated to be three times stron- 
ger than the bomb dropped on 
Hiroshima, "Shot Harry" va- 
porized its 300 foot aluminum 
support tower as well as the 
loose soil and rocks at its base 
before rising into a spectacu- 
lar fireball. As these gases condensed, 
a strong updraft was created that 
pulled more debris from the ground 
and mixed it with radioactive mate- 
rials that had escaped fission. This 
mixture, containing particles from 

one thousandth of a millimeter to al- 
most half an inch in size, created the 
familiar mushroom shape that rose 
over 42,000 feet above Yucca Flats. 
Within an hour radioactive particles 
known as fallout began to land on 
sheep grazing nearby while winds 
pushed the lighter materials toward St. 
George, Utah. Two hours later the AEC 
reported that if fallout occurred in 
town, it would not exceed dangerous 
levels. In Fallout: An American Nuclear 
Tragedy, Philip Fradkin traces not only 
the radioactive fallout that rained 
down on the people of southern Utah 
following "Shot Harry" but also the 
legal fallout brought about when 
downwind victims filed suit against 

Wyoming Annals 58 Spring 1993 


the federal government. Despite the 
government's continued assurances 
of safety, the downwind population 
developed high rates of cancer in the 
years following atmospheric testing. 
Indeed, the tragedy that Fradkin re- 
fers to was not nuclear testing but 
rather the government's malfeasance 
in first denying, and then covering- 
up, any wrongdoing. 

Engagingly written, Fradkin's 
tale interweaves personal stories, gov- 
ernment reports, scientific findings 
and legal proceedings into a very 
readable narrative. Loosely organized 
around the Irene Allen v. the United 
States of America case, Fradkin tracks 
the radioactive and legal conse- 
quences of "Shot Harry" much like a 
lawyer presenting a case. Providing 
a brief background covering the his- 
tory of nuclear tests, Fradkin first pre- 
sents the facts concerning the 
government's alleged crime in not ad- 
equately forewarning or protecting 
downwind populations. Repeatedly 
told by government officials that they 
had nothing to worry about, the 
downwinders-mostly rural, Mormon, 
patriotic and Anglo-Saxon-later 
showed unusually high frequency 
rates of leukemia and other cancers. 

Schoolxvomen of the Prairies 
and Plains, by Mary Hurlburt Cordier, 
is a well-researched account of the 
lives of five women teachers of the 
plains states of Iowa, Kansas and 
Nebraska covering the years 1860- 
1920. In drawing upon the diaries, 
journals, and personal records of 
these women, Cordier has tried to 
show that the stereotype of the strict, 
unbending, spinster teacher of the 
one-room schoolhouse is false. 

In Part One of her book Cordier 
provides the reader with an educa- 
tional and historical setting, taking us 
from the raw beginnings of schools 
held in settlers' homes, dugouts, and 
sod houses to the time when enough 
taxpayers lived in a district to pay for 

The author then builds his case by ex- 
amining how congressional investiga- 
tions were stymied by conflicting sci- 
entific studies regarding the correla- 
tion between fallout and cancer. When 
legislative measures failed, the victims 
took their cases to the courts. After the 
final 489-page opinion was given in 
1984, only ten of the twenty-four plain- 
tiffs were given modest monetary 
settlements. After the decision was 
overturned, the tragedy concluded 
when the United States Supreme Court 
refused to hear the victim's appeals. 

Extensively researched, Fallout 
serves as an excellent case study in the 
abuse of federal power. The book 
should be mandatory reading for any- 
one interested in modern American 
history, the West, the history of tech- 
nology, environmental history or bu- 
reaucratic history. Finally, as commu- 
nities across Wyoming and the nation 
study the possibilities of locating tem- 
porary nuclear waste facilities, Fallout 
provides an invaluable lesson in local/ 
federal government relations. 

Michael A. Amundson 

Ph.D. candidate in history at the 

University of Nebraska, Lincoln. 

schoolhouses. Early school- 
teachers were usually female, 
White and the wives and moth- 
ers of lower middle-class fami- 
lies. Cordier brings us through 
the transition from school be- 
ing held for just a few months 
to seven or eight months, a fac- 
tor in the feminization of teach- 
ing since men were thought to 
be needed to pursue other ca- 
reers and to farm the land. 

The trend toward formal 
teacher education is traced through 
the establishment of normal schools 
(normal meaning standard), written 
examinations, institutes and self-in- 
struction to university training. 
Cordier describes the working arid liv- 


of the Prairies 

and Plains: 

Personal Narratives 
from Iowa, Kansas, 
and Nebraska, 1860s 

to 1920s 

by Mary H. Cordier 

Albuquerque: University' of New 
Mexico Press, 1992. Notes, bibliog- 
raphy, index, ix and 365 PP. 
Cloth $32.50. 

Wyoming Annals 


Spring 1993 


Fort Meade and 
the Black Hills 


and the 


Robert Lee 

by Robert Lee 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska 

Press, 1991. Illustrations, maps, 

bibliography, notes. vi and 32 i pp. 

Cloth S40.00. 

ing conditions of teachers and the type 
of teaching methods which prevailed. 
She notes that while teachers seemed 
to be verv progressive in their approach 
to grouping students and meeting in- 
dividual needs, it was more a matter 
of expedience due to limited space 
and lack of books, and led to innova- 
tive, alternative methods of teaching. 
In Part Two of her book Cordier 
introduces the reader-by way of per- 
sonal journals, diaries, records, and 
photographs-to five women teachers 
of the period, chosen mainly because 
they left sufficient documentation. 
Their careers ranged from a few to 
more than fifty years. Through the use 
of these personal documents we are 
shown what it was like to be a young 
female teacher away from home for 
the first time and faced with an array 
of students of diverse ages and abili- 
ties. Her sometimes deplorable living 
and working conditions are person- 
ally described, as is her compassion 
for her students. Her strong desire to 
do her best with available materials 
is apparent, as well as her struggle to 
gain more status and education in her 
chosen career. We also get to know 

the students, their susceptibility to 
contagious diseases and their normal 
school days, complete with recitations 
and helping with chores. 

In her epilogue Cordier con- 
cludes that these five, representative 
women were strong and resourceful, 
and were motivated throughout this 
entire, transitional period of Ameri- 
can education to provide students 
with a challenging and enjoyable edu- 
cation. They chose to overlook the 
poor pay and bad working conditions 
and tried to guide their students to- 
ward reaching their full potential. 
They took pride in being teachers and 
were ambitious for themselves and 
their students. 

Cordier provides us with a use- 
ful account of the lives of women 
teachers and students of the period, 
1860-1920. She does it in a personal 
and lively way which leads the reader 
to want to know more about these 
strong and fascinating women and the 
time in which they lived. 

Terry Ball 

Fourth grade teacher at Anderson 

Elementary in Cheyenne, Wyoming. 

In 1857 First Lieutenant 
Gouverneur K. Warren, U.S. 
Corps of Topographical Engi- 
neers, topped Bear Butte on 
the northeastern edge of the 
Black Hills and surveyed the 
surrounding countryside. In 
his report Warren concluded 
that a war between the Sioux 
and the United States was in- 
evitable and that a military 
post should be established in 
the region. It was not until 
twenty-one years later, how- 
ever, that such a fort came into 
existence. Robert Lee's Fort 
Meade and the Black Hills recounts the 
sometimes torturous processes by 
which Warren's recommendation be- 
came reality and the subsequent his- 
tory of the Black Hills fort. 

The Civil War and the Sioux up- 
rising in Minnesota postponed action 
on Warren's original recommenda- 
tion. After the war, rumors of gold 
caused an army of White miners to 
invade the region and once again the 
call went up to erect a fort in the Black 
Hills. In 1878 Congress finally autho- 
rized a permanent military post. 
Named Fort Meade after General 
George G. Meade, the victor of the 
Battle of Gettysburg, the new post 
gradually took shape during the next 
few years. Ironically, the war Warren 
predicted with the Sioux had come 
and gone when the new fort came into 

With the Sioux on their reser- 
vations, Fort Meade's soldiers settled 
into a dull routine of post building 
and garrison life. Only twice would 

Wyoming Annals 60 Spring 1993 


the garrison take to the field against In- 
dians: in 1890-1891 during the Ghost 
Dance troubles and in 1905 to corral the 
"absentee Utes." Although it never 
played a role in the major Indian cam- 
paigns of the Northern Plains, Fort 
Meade was in a strategic position near 
the major Sioux reservations, allowing 
it to survive when other frontier posts 
closed in the 1890s. Even this attribute 
gradually faded in the twentieth cen- 
tury, however. When talk of abandon- 
ing the post emerged the South Dakota 
congressional delegation and the 
region's business leaders launched de- 
termined campaigns to gain funding 
and troops for the fort. While this coali- 
tion succeeded handily after the 
Spanish- American War, it took a much 
more strenuous effort to get the War 
Department to move the Fourth Cav- 
alry to Fort Meade following the first 
World War. 

Fort Meade's utility as a military 
base slipped dramatically during 
World War II. After the Fourth Cav- 
alry left the post in January, 1943 the 
fort briefly served as the home of the 
88th Glider Infantry Regiment. But that 

regiment also left South Dakota be- 
fore the end of the year. Despite an 
aggressive campaign by the Sturgis 
Chamber of Commerce to secure 
more troops for the post, the War 
Department seemed content to let the 
fort lapse into genteel decay. Fort 
Meade was simply too small for the 
type of large-scale training the Army 
was undertaking. Instead, the Army 
suggested that the post be turned 
over to the Veterans Administration 
(VA) as a neuropsychiatric hospi- 
tal. The region's congressman, Francis 
Case, took up the cause of a hospital 
at the fort and guided the measure 
through the VA and Congress. In 
1945, after a year of reconstruction, 
Fort Meade began its new role as a 
veteran's hospital. 

Robert Lee, a veteran journalist 
and past-president of the South Da- 
kota Historical Society, has produced 
a valuable study about the life of a 
frontier Army post. Fort Meade wit- 
nessed a colorful parade of charac- 
ters and events: the court martial of 
Major Reno (of Battle of the Little Big 
Horn fame), a troop of Sioux cavalry, 

and German prisoners of war al- 
though in relating these stories the 
author occasionally strays from his 
principal subject. While military mat- 
ters predominate, the author does not 
ignore the fact that Fort Meade had 
an important social and economic 
effect on the surrounding commu- 
nity. The fort's economic effect on the 
city of Sturgis seems to have declined 
through time, although more detailed 
economic analysis of the fort-town re- 
lationship would have been helpful. 
One of Lee's important contributions 
is to explore the efforts of business 
leaders, newspapermen, and con- 
gressmen to get and keep a military 
post in the region. This is particularly 
timely as the government enters a 
new era of base closings. Beyond the 
normal scope of fort histories, Fort 
Meade and the Black Hills is an impor- 
tant study both in military history 
and the history of the Black Hills re- 

Richard F. Kehrberg Ph. D. candidate 

CONSIN, Madison 

-Annals of Wyoming is pleased 

to announce the addition of 
advertising to our journal. VVe 
will accept art display advertise- 
ments as well as classified ads 
relating to historical books, art 
products and event announcements 

appropriate to our readers 
interest in Western and especially 

Wyoming riistory. 

vJnly thirty-live cents per word, 

minimum ten words. 

-Tor more information telephone 

-Michelle Tyler at Annals of 
Wyoming [(207) 777-7076] . 

World Warn 
Enthusiasts ! 

We still have 1993 Wyoming his- 
torical calendars memorializing 
the state's participation in World 
War II. Daily entries taken from Wyoming newspapers during the years 
1941-1945, combined with large black and white and duotone photo- 
graphs will take you back to an event that changed us forever. As some 
of you know, the Wyoming Historical Society and State Museum have 
been publishing the calendar since 1981, so be sure to add this one to 
your collection. To obtain your copy send $6.25 plus $1.50 postage for 
one or two calendars, $2.50 for 3 to 12 calendars. 

To order thirteen or more calendars please contact Ann Nelson, [(307) 777-7016]; 
Barrett Bid., Cheyenne, WY 82002 for information about additional postage. 

Wyoming Annals 6 1 Spring 1993 

University Press of 


Publishers of History and Natural 
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New and Forthcoming Titles 

Long Vistas 

Women and Families on Colorado Homesteads 
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The Natural History of a Rocky 

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April, $13.95 

Rocky Mountain Mining Camps 
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A History in Photographs 

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Mining Camp to Metropolis 

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Wyoming Annals 62 Spring 1993 

A History Book Club Selection 

By Shirley A. Leckie 

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Volume 6 in The Oklahoma Western Biographies 
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The Little Big Horn Reexamined 
By Richard Allan Fox, Jr. 

Foreword by W. Raymond Wood 

"Fox masterfully applies the principles of battlefield behavioral 
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stripping away the romanticism and bias that has surrounded 
this event . . . Fox's conclusions about the performance of the 
Seventh Cavalry are both revealing and startling." — Douglas 
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A Collection of Stories 
By Diane Glancy 

Volume 5 in the American Indian Literature and 
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addition to Native American writings, 

and especially to the emerging voices 

of the mixedblood in America . . . 

splendidly imaginative . . . wonderfully 

original and powerful." — Louis 

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and Other Destinies. 


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Volume 207 in The Civilization of the American Indian Series 
"Phillips presents a completely new understanding of pre-Gold 
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By Donald Jackson 

New Foreword by James P. Ronda 

Jackson lucidly recounts Jefferson's fundamental role in advocating and shaping the 

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Wyoming Annals 63 Spring 1993 

4 .)(i i 

f v 


ECTION, Che\ enne 

Old Faithful Geyser, 150 feet. 

Colorgravure deluxe print from the Frank J. Havnes 

Picture Shop in St. Paul, Minnesota. 



Volume 65, Nos. 2/3 





I wanted motivation to write 
this column. Since this is 
the year we celebrate the Ses- 
quicentennial (150 years) of the 
Oregon Trail I decided to read 
Irene Paden's Wake of the Prairie 
Schooner. I followed along as 
Paden, her husband and her son 
traced the Oregon Trail and its 
cutoffs in the 1930s. When I fi- 
nally reached the end of the 477- 
page book I was mentally foot- 
sore but probably a better per- 
son for that. Certainly I had 
been entertained during recu- 
peration from heart surgery. 

Another opportunity for 
inspiration came later in the 
summer. My wife and I were 
planning to visit our son in San 
Francisco, so it seemed a good 
opportunity to read a few diaries 
at the Bancroft Library across 
the Bay on the University of 
California, Berkeley, campus. It 
would be a treat, after plodding 
the trail with Paden, to actually 
feel a real emigrant diary in my 
hands. At the university we followed campus sidewalks to the 
redoubtable, white stone Bancroft, worked our way through 
tedious library preliminaries including credential checks and 
then probed the card catalog. I asked for a diary which at last 
came to me in a grey archival box. 

It was a booklet written by Amos Batchelder who had 
recopied his original diary of an 1850 trip to the California 
goldfields. The first 2000 miles was a journey from Boston, by 
train and steamer, to a trailhead on the Missouri River. From 
there part of the overland route west was along the Humboldt 
River in Nevada, a tough stretch where emigrants cleaned out 
their wagons of all but the most essential items. After exhausted 
draft animals laid down to add their bodies to windrows of 
carcasses, the diarist and other survivors constructed makeshift 
backpacks and continued their stolid march to the goldfields. 

Having traveled part of Batchelder's route we, too, had 
seen discarded items. But it was the flotsam and jetsam from 
Interstate 80 travelers whizzing down the highway in air 
conditioned cars and vans. Bored or needing a break, today's 
emigrants pull over to the side of this blistered road and create 
smiling faces, hearts and spiritual messages out of black rocks, 
or pop bottles stuck headfirst into the sand of the desert floor. 
I wondered if they knew that the Oregon/California Trail was 


j|§ti&' '*" 

f 1 

PU* ^ 

tt j 



1 I 

] \ 

Well, the wife and I we decided that we 'd like for this library 
to be on the Oregon Trail, in a town on the Oregon. It 
belongs there. They offered to move us. I'd have to buy my 
own house, sell out and move. But come and get the library 
and tliey 'd move us free and everything and come to Laramie 
and live. Well, it 's too goddamn cold. I don 't want to do that. 
I'm gettin too old, you know. (Paul Henderson, 1975) 

a few feet away or if they 
envisioned the death marches 
of earlier travelers. 

I digress. My purpose is 
not to write about a summer 
vacation. Nor is it to produce a 
hagiography about hardy trail 
pioneers and those who came 
this way to win and hold the 
West. Highway markers reflect 
those patriotic thoughts. But it 
does seem appropriate to say 
something about trail histori- 
ans. Three of the most knowl- 
edgeable and well-known Or- 
egon Trail scholars -Merrill 
Mattes, Bob Munkres and Greg 
Franzwa- have written articles 
for this issue of Annals. Some 
others who deserve to be re- 
membered during the Sesqui- 
centennial are gone, including 
Paul Henderson (1895-1979), a 
Burlington Railroad employee 
who made trails his life's avo- 
cation. It was also his vocation 

because for eight and a half years, beginning in 1966, Paul 
worked for the Wyoming State Parks Commission, a predeces- 
sor to the Wyoming Department of Commerce. 

Randy Wagner, Wyoming's coordinator for the 
celebration of the Sesquicentennial, told me how much of his 
trail knowledge was absorbed from Paul. 

I just loved the guy. What an amazing man he was. Paul 
'was so full of Oregon Trail information. It urns really all he was 
interested in. He was just absolutely stuffed with it. He urns like ■ 
a great big sponge and when you squeezed him a little of this stuff 
just oozed out of him and got all over you, and I never could wash 
it off. It was just infectious. Boy, his enthusiasm for that ...I don't 
know what kind of a person could be around Paid very long and 
not become an Oregon Trail buff. It just had to happen. 

Wagner explained how Paul developed an interest in 

He was never a drinker or a boozer or a party guy. He didn f 
go out with the other railroad crews dozen to the bars in Guernsey. I 
When they did that he'd just wander out on the trail and start 
kickin' stones, lookin' around. He said he got hooked on trailsu 
outside of Bridgeport [Nebraska] and it 'wasn't even the Oregon I 

continued on page 39... 

Wyoming Annals 



Governor of Wyoming 
Mike Sullivan 

Director, Department of Commerce 
Max Maxfield 

Director, Parks & Cultural Resources Division 
David Kathka, Ph.D. 

Parks and Cultural Resources Commission 

William Dubois, Cheyenne 

Frances Fisher, Saratoga 

Pam Rankin, Jackson 
Jeanne Hickey, Cheyenne 

David Peck, Lovell 

Norval Waller, Sundance 

Jere Bogrett, Riverton 

Hale Kreyclk, Douglas 

Edre Maier, Sheridan 

Wyoming State Historical Society 

Officers, 1993- 1994 

Sally Vanderpoel, President, Torrington 

Ruth Lauritzen, 

First Vice president, Green River 

Maggi Layton, 

Second Vice president, Riverton 

Sherry Taylor, Secretary, Casper 

Rick Ewig, Treasurer, Laramie 

Walter Edens, Past President, Green River 

David Kathka, Executive Secretary, Cheyenne 

Judy West, State Coordinator, Cheyenne 


Mark Junge, Editor 

Carl Hallberg, Book Review Editor 

Melinda Brazzale, designer 

Michelle Tyler, Advertising Coordinator 

Assistants: Jean Brainerd, Larry Brown, 

Paula Chavoya, Richard Collier, Brian Foster, 

Cathy Lujan, Char Olsen, Craig Pindell, 

Jackie Powers 

Editorial Advisory Board 

Michael Cassity 

Rjck Ewig 

Roy Jordan 

David Kathka, Ph.D. 

William H. Moore 

Robert L. Munkres 

Philip J. Roberts 

In 1895 Wyoming established a department to collect 
and preserve state history. Today those responsibilities 
belong to the Department of Commerce located in the 
Barrett State Office Building in Cheyenne. Within the 
department are the State Archives, State Museum, State 
Arts Council, State Parks and Historic Sites and the State 
Historic Preservation Office. The Annals of Wyoming, 
established in 1923 to disseminate historical information 
about Wyoming and the West, is published by staff within 
the Wyoming Department of Commerce. The editor of 
Annals welcomes manuscripts on every aspect of Wyoming 
and Western history. 

Authors should submit manuscripts on diskettes utiliz- 
ing WordPerfect or ASCII text, and double-spaced, hard 
copy to: Editor, Annals ofWyomtng: Wyoming Department 
of Commerce; Barrett Bldg.; Cheyenne, Wyoming, 82002. 
Manuscripts should conform to A Manual of Style (Univer- 
sity of Chicago Press). Manuscripts are reviewed by 
members of an editorial advisory board and the editor 
makes decisions regarding acceptability of manuscripts. 

Summer/Fall, 1993 
Volume 65, Nos. 2/3 









Cover: Oregon Trail. Guernsey, Wyoming. Stimson Photo Collection, 
Wyoming State Museum. 

Back: Inscription Rock, Guernsey, Wyoming. June 4. 1932. Stimson Photo 
Collection, Wyoming State Museum. 

Hand coloring, toning and color transparencies by Craig Pindell. 

Editor Notes , 


The Lincoln Highway in Wyoming 
By Gregory M. Franzwa 


Potholes in the Great Platte River Road 

Misconceptions in Need of Repair 

by Merrill J. Mattes 


Wagon Train Animals . 

bv Robert L. Munkres 


Book Reviews 


Book Notes ^.O 

ANNALS OF WYOMING is published by the Department of Commerce. It is received by members of the 
Wyoming State Historical Society and is the Society's principal publication. Current membership is 1,9 16. 
Membership dues are: Single $9, Joint $12, Institution $20. Copies of ANNALS may be purchased from 
the editor. ANNALS articles are abstracted in Historical Abstracts and America: History ami Life. 

Copyright l ot) 3 by the Wvoming Department of Commerce 

Wyoming Annals 

Summer/Fall 1993 


The Lincoln Highway 
in Wyoming 

Betty Burnett 


Gregory M. 

Preservation is 
good business. 
We said that in 
1982 when the 
Oregon-California Trails Association 
was founded and, indeed, it has 
proved to be good business. Because 
Wyoming people have saved the 
vestiges of the pioneer road to the 
Pacific Northwest, tourists by the tens 
of thousands are pouring into 
Wyoming this year, the 150th 
anniversary of the Great Migration of 

Instead of zipping through in a 
day, they will stop to see Fort 
Laramie and the dozens of romantic 
historic sites leading up to it. They will 
marvel at the sandstone ruts south of 
Guernsey and search for the Unthank 
names on Register Cliff. They will stop 
to see the Ayers Natural Bridge, and 
mourn at the grave of Joel Hembree, 
the lad who became the first fatality 
on that memorable trek. 

And all this time they will be 
spending money. On gasoline, on 
lodging, on food, on admissions, on 
countless other things. And leaving 
Wyoming no children to educate, no 
sewers to build, no added layers of 
government. It's called tourism by 
some, a license to steal by others. But 
by any name it is good business. And 
it is only because the citizens of Wyo- 
ming have saved their historic trea- 
sures that this is happening. 

The Oregon Trail is Wyoming's 
most famous road, but there is another 
road traversing the state that ought to 
be more famous. The Lincoln High- 
way carried a hundred times as much 

Conceived in 1912 and routed in 

1913, it became America's first coast- 
to-coast highway. It extended 
through the national midsection from 
Times Square, New York City to the 
Pacific Ocean at San Francisco. 

In that second decade of the 
twentieth century, people looked 
upon the airplane as we look upon 
the space shuttle today. The toy of 
the hour was the horseless carriage. 
But it was no more than a toy in those 
early years, for without some place 
to go it was used chiefly to putter 
around town, scaring horses. 

But in 1913 the new Lincoln 
Highway opened America's door. It 
was not looked upon so much as an 
efficient way to get from here to 
there, but as an adventure in itself. 
People thirsting for the thrill of the 
open road took that highway for the 
sake of driving on it, to stare in awe 
as the American West unfolded be- 
fore their very eyes. 

Like 1-80, the Lincoln entered 
Wyoming at Pine Bluffs, coursed 
through Cheyenne and on to 
Laramie. There it made a loop to the 
north, away from treacherous Elk 
Mountain and up through Rock River 
and Medicine Bow. Then it looped 
back to the southwest, joining the 
route of the present superhighway 
east of Fort Steele. From there 
through the rest of Wyoming it par- 
alleled 1-80 within a mile or two. In 
many places the interstate was not 
poured over the Lincoln highway. 

Therefore, through benign ne- 
glect, much of it is still with us to- 
day. At first it was gravel, much of it 
not hard-surfaced until the 1930s. 
Some miles which were asphalted are 
once again in gravel. Leonard Hay 
of Rock Springs took me to a stretch 
on his winter range near Bitter Creek, 
where the asphalt had been pulled 
up, moved to a batch plant, mixed 
with fresh oil and spread on the new 

1-80 a mile or so to the south. In other 
places the highway is broken, with 
grass growing between the cracks. 

Do Wyoming people, and other 
Americans for that matter, know about 
all this? Maybe one in a thousand. Do 
they give a hoot? Not yet they don't, 
but we hope through the efforts of the 
Lincoln Highway Association they 
will, and soon. 

The second LHA is unlike the 
first, which was formed by business- 
men allied with the automobile indus- 
try. They were heavily capitalized by 
titans of the industry. Within thirty 
minutes of the announcement of its 
founding Goodyear gave $300, 000. 

The reincarnation is a not-for- 
profit group declared a 501(c)(3) op- 
eration by the Internal Revenue Ser- 
vice, and donations are deductible 
from personal and corporate income 
taxes. It was founded by preservation- 
ists, not industry titans. On May 1, 

1992 when the new group was six 
months old, membership stood at 205 
and there was a little less than $1,000 
in the bank. But it's a going outfit and 
membership will top 1,000 within two 
years. It could be 20,000 in ten. 

Randy Wagner, whom the State 
of Wyoming commissioned to lead its 

1993 observance, the sesquicentennial 
of the 1843 migration over the Oregon 
Trail, also represents the state on the 
LHA board of directors. Despite his 
heavy involvement in that project he 
has spoken across the state, building 
interest in the revitalization of the his- 
toric highway, and has offered Chey- 
enne as the headquarters for the 1995 
LHA convention. 

If the highway has survived all 
these years without the LHA, what is 
the need for the outfit now? We have 
only to turn to Greene County, Iowa 
to discern that need. 

Greene County, in the western 
third of the state, was the first county 

Wyoming Annals 

Summer/Fall 1993 

in Iowa to pave the Lincoln from bor- 
der to border. It was a source of great 
pride in the county in 1924. Most of 
the original paving is still there and 
the sixty six-foot right of way is now 
marked by towering trees, farm build- 
ings and, of course, those endless 

A few years ago the Greene 
County Commissioners enacted a 
master plan which would extend the 
right of way to 100 feet, and widen 
and top the original concrete with as- 
phalt. Fences would be moved back, 
trees would be destroyed. 

Bob and Joyce Ausberger, who 
farm near Jefferson, the county seat, 
have tried to stop the destruction. 
They mortgaged their farm for 
$165,000 to provide a cash bond dur- 
ing the lengthy appeal process. They 
hoped that during that time the com- 
missioners would come to their senses 
and realize that, since modern U. S. 
30 was less than a mile to the north, 
the pioneer highway could be saved. 

The Commissioners nevertheless 
signed the contract for destruction. A 
few weeks later the electorate threw 
the three incumbents out of office. 
Again there was hope. But the new 
board, although sympathetic with the 
Ausbergers, refused to rescind the 
contract. Demolition of a 2.75-mile 
stretch of the 1924 paving was sched- 
uled to take place on May 3. 

Bob Ausberger, Iowa's represen- 
tative on the LHA board, had planned 
to start a local chapter which would 
post Burma Shave signs and the fa- 
miliar red, white and blue utility pole 
markings on the old highway (the 
markings were a substitute for road 
maps in 1913). 

The battle was lost but it has been 
good for the LHA. Membership in 
Greene County is now more than the 
rest of Iowa combined, and member- 
ship in Iowa is greater than the rest of 
the states combined. But it's better to 
win than to lose. Greene County will 
have a tough time attracting the flood 
of tourists expected to rediscover the 
Lincoln in the next few years. Instead 
of cash flowing into motels, restau- 
rants and service stations, they will 
have exhaust fumes from speeding cars. 

The Lincoln 

Highway east of 

Rock Springs, 


What can Wyoming do to pre- 
vent this situation from hap- 
pening? Wagner is now on the brink 
of organizing the state chapter, and 
that in turn will lead to local chap- 
ters. That's where the real education 
will occur. Local chapters can cause 
minimal improvements to be made 
on the old, broken road to make it 
drivable again. They can once again 
mark the way with red, white and 
blue utility pole signs. They can spon- 
sor historic automobile runs. They 
can publish self-guiding, tour route 

It is almost unthinkable that any 
local or state agency would deliber- 
ately destroy any portion of the Or- 
egon Trail in Wyoming. Last summer 
the Wyoming Department of Trans- 
portation unwittingly dropped an 
enormous pile of paving aggregate 

Gregory M. Franzwa 

right on the Oregon Trail west of 
South Pass, and people gave them 
such a lecture that they removed it and 
will never do that again. 

That is because the people of 
Wyoming (and now, presumably, the 
Wyoming Department of Transporta- 
tion) have been educated to the need 
for preserving the Oregon Trail as an 
economic as well as historic asset. The 
Lincoln Highway wouldn't have a 
chance today, but maybe after a few 
years of educational activity by Wag- 
ner and his legion of friends in Wyo- 
ming the dreams will become reality. 

Gregory M. Franzwa, a Tucson 
author and publisher, is the founder 
of the Oregon-California Trails As- 
sociation. He founded the Lincoln 
Highway Association in 1992 and cur- 

Wyoming Annals 

Summer/Fall 1993 





Misconceptions in 
Need of 


Merrill J. Mattes 

ne of the most important chap- 
ters in western frontier history 
is that of the central overland migra- 
tions, 1841-1866. Although there were 
various jumping-off places along the 
two hundred mile stretch of the Mis- 
souri River from the Kansas City area 
to Council Bluffs, Iowa, all trails con- 
verged in the vicinity of Fort Kearny, 
Nebraska and - with the exception of 
the swing southwestward along the 
South Platte to Colorado beginning in 
1858 - all trails combined to follow the 
Platte and North Platte rivers to the 
headwaters of Sweetwater River at 
South Pass in western Wyoming. On the 
Pacific slope emigrant trails fanned out 
in different directions according to 
planned destinations, with successive 
waves of emigrants heading for Oregon, 
Utah, California, Montana, and other 
territories of the Far West. Regardless 
of ultimate destination it was the Platte 
River corridor that enabled emigrants 
to get anywhere to begin with. 

The Platte route, discovered by re- 
turning Astorians in 1812-1813 and later 

Wyoming Annals 6 Summer/Fall 1993 

used by fur company caravans, became 
the trunk line for all later overland 
migrations because it was the one that 
led to South Pass, the only place along 
the entire length of the Rocky Moun- 
tain cordillera affording relatively easy 
passage for wheeled vehicles. Consider 
the known historic alternatives! Lewis 
and Clark used Indian packhorses to 
cross the Continental Divide between 
the headwaters of the Missouri and 
Columbia Rivers, but this was rugged 
wilderness and no covered wagon emi- 
grants bound for the Pacific slope fol- 
lowed in their footsteps. The South 
Platte route of the Colorado gold rush 
came to a dead end at the foot of the 
central Rocky Mountain barrier. The 
much romanticized Santa Fe Trail was 
a regional route of commerce; less than 
five per cent of those heading for the 
Far West via Santa Fe and the Gila River 
used this semi-desert route to make an 
end run around the Rockies and the 
Sierra Nevadas to reach Southern Cali- 
fornia. Thus the Platte route alone be- 
came Western America's great highway 
of empire. To quote the late John D. 
Unruh in Plains Across, the Platte was 
"fhe most important route west in 
American history." 1 

Much of the covered wagon mys- 
tique - company organization and dis- 
integration, encounters with Indians, 
disease, accident, death, roadside buri- 
als - relates to the Platte and North 
Platte Valleys. The most famous and 
most often described landmarks like 
Chimney Rock, Scott's Bluff, and 
Laramie Peak, were scenic wonders of 
the Platte which uplifted the spirits of 
the emigrants. Also, here on the Platte 
and North Platte were famous Forts 
Kearny and Laramie, the only Army 
posts between the Missouri River and 
California during the climactic years of 
its gold rush. 

However, the purpose of this pa- 
per is not to rehash the covered wagon 
theme. The purpose is to expose and 
hopefully terminate, or at least dis- 
credit, a few myths about the central 
overland migrations which have be- 
come engraved in overland literature, 
matters of so-called "common knowl- 

1. John D. Unruh, Jr., The Plains Across: The Plains Across: 
Vie Overland Emigrants ami the Trans-Mississippi West, 
1840-1860 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1979), 
p. 20. 

edge" which are inaccurate or mislead- 
ing. These errors were revealed to me 
through in-depth research in the only 
reliable firsthand evidence available: 
the diaries, letters and recollections of 
over 2,000 emigrants and observers. 
Only one third of this number are in- 
cluded in the data of my book Great 
Platte River Road but all of them are 
identified and described in my recently 
published Platte River Road Narratives. 7 
Analysis of a far greater number of 
sources than those previously used by 
historians provides data pointing to 
conclusions that demand revision of 
certain long-cherished, but now obso- 
lete, concepts about the migrations. 


The way west was 

most commonly known as the 

Oregon Trail during the historic 

migration period as 

well as now. 

That's what the south side of the 
main Platte route has been called by 
latter-day authors of textbooks, guide- 
books, maps and highway signs. There 
are doubtless several reasons for this. 
The first and most sentimental of all 
migrations was that to Oregon. Classic 
accounts of the Platte route by John C. 
Fremont and Francis Parkman relate to 
the Oregon migrations. 1 The name Or- 
egon Trail has a poetic ring to it, and 
the term Platte Route sounds rather dull, 
doesn't it? Thus, professional writers as 
well as the general public seem to have 
been hooked on the term Oregon Trail 
even though subsequent migrations up 
the Platte Valley to California, Colo- 
rado, Nevada, Idaho and Montana 
heavily outnumbered those to Oregon 
by a ratio of ten to one! 4 

2. Merrill J. Mattes, Great Platte River Road (Lincoln: 
Nebraska State Historical Society, 1969); Platte River 
Road Narratives: A Descriptive Bibliography of Travel 
Over the Great Central Route to Oregon, California, Utah, 
Colorado, Montana, and Other Territories, 1S41-1866 
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988). 

3. Captain John C. Fremont, Report on the Exploring 
Expedition to the Rocky Mountains in the Year 1S42, and 
to Oregon and Northern California in the Years 1S43-44 
(Washington, D.C., 1845); Francis Parkman, The jour- 
nals of Francis Parkman, ed. Mason Wade (New York: 
Harper & Brothers, 1947), 2 vols.; The Oregon Trail 
(Garden City, New York: Harper and Brothers, 1946). 

The truth is that the south side of 
the Platte was exclusively the Oregon 
Trail only through 1848. While many 
heading for Oregon continued to use it 
during the California gold rush, begin- 
ning in 1849 the heavy majority of emi- 
grants following the south side of the 
Platte, having jumped off at Indepen- 
dence, Westport, or St. Joseph called it 
the California Trail or the California Road 
for the simple reason that California, 
not Oregon, was their destination/ 
Nevertheless, in this latter day the 
magic name Oregon Trail still domi- 
nates trail terminology. If you doubt 
the potency in modern times of that 
name versus California Trail consider 
that Philip Ashton Rollins entitled his 
classic edition of Robert Stuart's jour- 
nal of the returning Astorians as The 
Discovery of the Oregon Trail." Consider 
also that in 1980 Congress passed a bill 
officially designating the Oregon Na- 
tional Historic Trail. During the lengthy 
studies that led to this new category of 
federal program, no one seemed to give 
thought to recognizing the far more 
heavily used California Trail. Early in 
these studies, while stationed with the 
National Park Service in San Francisco, 
I wrote to the NPS director protesting 
the lack of awareness of the most im- 
portant of all western historic trails, 
the one that led to California beginning 
in 1849. My protest was ignored. 

The Mormon Trail managed to 
retain its separate identity because it 
began along the north side of the Platte, 
opposite the Oregon Trail on the south 
side. Also, both dedicated Mormon his- 
torians and sentimental, non-Mormon 
historians became vocal champions of 
the Mormon Trail as an all-American 
heritage, coequal in fame to the mystic 
Oregon Trail. Thus, it, too, gained early 
recognition as a National Historic Trail. 
Meanwhile, though everyone has heard 
about the great California gold rush, 

4. Unruh's census of migration to Oregon, 1840-1860, is 
53,000, approximately one tenth of my tentative total 
of 525,000. However, extending this period to 1866 in 
Platte River Road Narratives , I identify more than 300 
Oregon entries out of a total of nearly 2,100. 

5. It is somewhat disconcerting to find from the exami- 
nation of several hundred California gold rush dia- 
ries that the term California Road was actually the most 
commonly used term. 

6. Discovery of the Oregon Trail: Robert Stuart's Narratives 
of his Overland Trip Eastward from Astoria, 1812-13,, 
ed. Philip Ashton Rollins (New York: Edward 
Eberstadt and Sons, 1935). 

Wyoming Annals 

Summer/Fall 1993 

Wyoming Annals 8 Summer/Fall 1993 


Ft. Phil Kearny 


I a mini t^ 


scons Bluffs C , MORMON PIONEER^ 

(RobidouxS, [WW toaII) X 

Mitchell Passes) v__ l . * . ' 



Court House & 
Chimney Rocks 


Ash Hollow Fo(ks°f 
'the Platte 

Lodgepole Cr. -^^j - ^"^~ 

k l_. . „ ... ,^^ulesburg ^"S*l£' 1 

\JFor! Collins Q «^ - . 

• „i-.. ft. 

Fort A^ 
Kearny *y 

De T/\ ^e£^V TRA/L^^^f 






r . ., Bent's 
■Z' 1 "' Fort 

V«rt Mkinson e ( omaha> 


! st. Joseph 
• Atchison 

,0< ^^^y^* \Vestp or * 

-/fhawnee ^ a nsas City) 

function of 

Santa Fe & 

Oregon Trails 



anta Fe 



James A. Bier, from Platte River Road Narratives by Merrill J. Mattes (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988) 

Wyoming Annals 9 Summer/Fall 1993 

the proper identity of the gold rush 
trunkline route up the Platte has been 
blurred, and federal recognition of the 
historic California Trail, route of the 
most famous of all western migrations, 
has been too long postponed.' 

Early in my career I was im- 
pressed by the need to find one label 
for all this travel along both sides of 
the Platte and North Platte corridor to 
South Pass. One quite logical term 
would be Central Overland Route but 
that sounds vague and colorless. The 
term I came up with is Great Platte River 
Road which clearly defines the corri- 
dor in question and its dominant role. 
That is the name of my first book on 
the subject and I am gratified that with 
the passage of time the term has caught 
on in some recent publications. 8 Though 
it was for the emigrants only a rough 
road or trail, it was indeed a primitive 
superhighway not only because of 
heavy traffic which reached a crescendo 
in the California gold rush but also be- 
cause the westward flow was along 
both sides of the Platte. 

A fresh alternative to the above 
suggestions, if one is referring prima- 
rily to the two earliest and most famous 
of all migration episodes that took place 
during the period 1841-59, would be Or- 
egon-California Trail. It is not an unrea- 
sonable term because Oregon migra- 
tions did continue into the 1850s, along 
with the gold rush, and the two trails 
did largely coincide along the Platte and 
North Platte rivers. Accordingly, this is 
the rationale for the name of the Or- 

7. A notable exception to the general ambiguity about 
California Trail geography and nomenclature is George 
Stewart's The California Trail: An Epic with Mam/ Heroes 
(New York: McGraw-Hill 1962). Stewart devotes little 
space to the Platte trunkline itself, being mainly con- 
cerned with examining the evolution of alternate routes 
to California west of the Continental Divide. 

8. See Ray A. Billington's foreword to The California Gold 
Rush of Bi/ron N. McKinstry, 1850-1852 (Glendale, 
California: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1975), pp. 14-15. Also, 
Gregory M. Franzwa, Maps of the Oregon Trail (Gerald, 
Missouri: Patrice Press, 1982), and Unruh, op. cit. 

9. TheOregon-California Trails Association (OCTA), with 
headquarters at the National Frontier Trails Center in 
Independence, Missouri is composed of both profes- 
sional and amateur trail enthusiasts who help to iden- 
tify, preserve and interpret trail remains, sites and 
landmarks in cooperation with local, state and federal 
agencies. It publishes the quarterly Overland Journal, 
and has its annual conventions each August some- 
where along either of these two great trails. The 1991 
OCTA convention was in Sacramento, the historic end 
of the California Trail, the 1992 convention was held 
in Rock Springs, Wyoming and the 1993 convention 
was held in Baker City, Oregon. 

egon-California Trails Association 
founded by myself and others in 1982." 


About 350,000 men, women 

and children followed the Platte 


This is the grand total that writ- 
ers on the subject traditionally use, sim- 
ply copying from each other. Its com- 
ponents include 25,000 for 1849 and 
about 50,000 each for 1850 and 1852, the 
three peak California migration years. 
Adding the orthodox numbers for Utah, 
Montana, Oregon and elsewhere 
through 1866 you get something like 
350,000 total. That, indeed, is the figure 
I used in Great Platte River Road pub- 
lished twenty five years ago when I had 
access to only approximately 700 dia- 

10. My calculation of total numbers is based on estimat- 
ing an average of 250 emigrants for every identified 
emigrant recordkeeper during the twenty five year 
period, 1841-1866. The total of 525,000 is derived by 
multiplying 250 times approximately 2,100 identified 
record keepers. The ratio varies from year to year. For 
example, in 1850 there are 336 recorders for a conser- 
vatively estimated 65,000 emigrants, which would be 
a ratio of 1:200. On the other hand the ratio in 1860 is 

ries. However, in Platte River Road Nar- 
ratives, based on nearly 2,100 emigrant 
testimonials, I found it necessary to up- 
grade the numbers for all migration 
years beginning in 1849 because of the 
mass movement via the South Platte to 
Colorado beginning in 1858 and to 
Montana and other territories thereaf- 
ter. Putting it all together, in the intro- 
duction to Narratives I calculate a new 
total of over 500,000 which tentatively 
I would firm up to 525,000 emigrants 
through 1866, the last significant year 
of transcontinental wagon traffic. 10 

How do I account for the larger 
number? Primarily from statements or 
inferences from emigrants themselves, 
some of whom venture surprisingly 
high estimates. For example, no less 
than four emigrants of 1850 estimate 
65,000 to 75,000 for that year versus 
the traditional figure of 50,000." Also, 

11. Dr. Horace Belknap, letter of February 2, 1851 in 
Annuls of Iowa , 36 (1926): 462-65; Lucena Parsons, "An 
Overland Honeymoon," Kenneth L. Holmes, ed. and 
comp.. Covered Wagon Women (Glendale: Arthur H. 
Clark Co., 1983), [I, pp. 237-94; A. M. Williams, letter 
in the Missouri Courier, reported inCalifornia Emigrant 
Letters (New York: Bookman Associates, 1942) pp. 
118-24; "Messrs. Robidoux," interview in (Kanesville) 
Frontier Guardian, 2b June 1850. 

am H. Jackson. Merrill Mattes Collection, Denver 

Trail historians atop Scotts' Bluff in Nebraska during the summer of 1938. From left to right: 
Arthur Proctor, Secretary, Oregon Trail Memorial Association; Paul Henderson, Trail 
Historian; Harold Dollinger, member, Scottsbluff Chamber of Commerce; Merrill Mattes, 
Custodian, Scotts Bluff National Monument; Howard Driggs, President, OTMA. 

Wyoming Annals io Slimmer/Fall 1993 

Union Pa< ifk Railroad Museum 
Chimney Rock, a landmark along the Great Platte River Road in western Nebraska. The romanticized view is by artist Alfred Lamboiime. 

historians have paid little attention to 
the sizeable, less publicized wagon mi- 
grations to Colorado, Nevada, Mon- 
tana, and Idaho Territories that con- 
tinued to follow the Platte through 
1866. Another factor is that traditional 
numbers have been predicated prima- 
rily on testimony of emigrants concern- 
ing the census data in registers kept at 
south side Forts Kearny and Laramie 
at the height of the California gold 
rush. 12 Meanwhile, however, some- 
thing else has been left out of the equa- 
tions altogether. Ignored are large 
numbers who followed the north side 
of the Platte out of Council Bluffs, and 
later Omaha, a parallel column of emi- 
grants who, beginning in 1850, rarely 
crossed over to the south side forts and 

12. The famous Fort Laramie register was reported 
missing in the 1880s according to testimony of a 
retired Army officer in H. H. Bancroft's History of 
Wyoming (San Francisco: The History Company, 
1890). Such priceless records were probably dis- 
missed as unimportant by some unimaginative clerk. 
Our knowledge of the census-taking is based on 
testimony of more than fifty emigrants. See the 
statistical table of 1850 in Unruh, op.cit., p. 122. 

therefore were not included in the of- 
ficial emigrant head count. 11 

Most covered wagon emigrants, 

having jumped off at 

Independence, Ft. Leavenworth, 

or St. Joseph followed the south 

side of the Platte. Except for 

Mormons, migration along 

the north bank was either 

comparatively light 

or negligible. 

You will find this misconception 
stated or implied in current textbooks 
and maps by recognized authorities. 
Three examples will suffice. In West- 
ern America Dr. LeRoy R. Hafen identi- 
fies only Mormons on the Mormon 
Trail, and the reader is left to infer that 
all others followed the south side or 
Oregon Trail. Dr. Thomas D. Clark in 
Frontier America wrote separate chap- 

ters on the Oregon Trail, the Mormon 
Hegira and various gold rushes with 
no hint of any travel westward from 
Council Bluffs other than by Mormons. 
Dr. James C. Olson in History of Ne- 
braska refers vaguely to the Platte Val- 
ley-South Pass Trail. While he does men- 
tion Council Bluffs as a jumping-off 
point he writes, "gold seekers gener- 
ally followed the Oregon Trail across 
the Plains," and his map identifies omy 

13. Before 1850 emigrants understood that continuing 
west from Fort Laramie along the north side of the 
North Platte was impractical, if not impossible, be- 
cause of difficult terrain and hostile Indians. This was 
possibly a self-serving mvth fostered by denizens of 
the fort. For this reason, through 1849 northside emi- 
grants departing Council Bluffs felt obliged to cross 
the North Platte. But there was no compulsion for 
them to register because the crossing was still a mile 
from the fort, and many kept right on westward. In 
1850 some daring emigrants discovered that the north 
side route, west of the fort, was no more difficult or 
dangerous than the one on the south side, so from that 
year forward most northsiders stayed on the north 
side all the way to the Upper Platte Crossing, where 
both trails finally joined. See McKinstry, op. at. 

Wyoming Annals 

1 1 

Summer/Fall 1993 

the stereotyped Oregon, California and 
Mormon Trails. 14 

The customary narrow focus on 
the Mormon experience, coupled with 
the failure of non-Mormon historians 
third of all migrations jumping off from 
the Missouri River - the whole two 
hundred-mile stretch between Kansas 
City and Council Bluffs - during the 
twenty five-year migration period, 
1841-1866. In other words one third of 
525,000, or about 185,000 emigrants, fol- 
lowed the north side of the Platte. Con- 
trast this with Professor Frederick L. 
Paxson's statement in 1913 that few 
goldseekers followed the north side 
and "even fewer have left journals of 
the route. " 15 Furthermore, American 
history textbooks written in recent 
years by persons whose accessibility 
to data was apparently no greater than 
Paxson's seventy five years ago almost 
uniformly ignore the existence, or 
minimize the importance of, the large 
army of non-Mormon emigrants who 
jumped off from Council Bluffs-Omaha. 

To put this in more concrete 
terms, tabulation of all Missouri River 
jumping-off places shows that over 
700, or one third, of 2,100 recording 
emigrants followed the north side of 
the Platte. This includes both Mormons 
and non-Mormons. While 2,100 emi- 
grant narratives, or one recorder per 
250 emigrants, may seem a weak sam- 
pling, we are unable to commune with 
the spirits of those emigrants who 
failed to keep a record. However, one 
out of 250 is a far more accurate gauge 
of comparative numbers than the tiny 
percentage used by Nielson to rate tele- 
vision viewing habits of fifty million 
American families. 

Concerning the ratio between 
Mormons and non-Mormons, my esti- 
mate is that not more than one fifth of 
those along the north side were Mor- 
mons. In Plains Across Unruh tabulates 
42,000 Mormons out of a total of 
296,000 emigrants during the period 

14. LeRoy R. Hafen, Eugene Hollon and Carl Coke 
Rister, Western Arneriea (Englewood Cliffs, New 
Jersey: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1970); Thomas D. Clark, 
Frontier America (New York: Charles Scribner's 
Sons, 1969); James C. Olson, History of Nebraska 
(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1966). 

15. Frederick L. Paxson, ed., "Thomas Turnbull's Trav- 
els from the United States over the Plains to Califor- 
nia," in Proceedings of the State Historical Society of 
Wisconsin, 1913 (Madison: 1914), pp. 151-220. 

1849-1860. This yields a figure of four- 
teen per cent Mormons, or one out of 
seven emigrants along both sides of the 
Platte. In my Narratives are 202 Mormon 
entries or roughly ten per cent of the 
grand total of about 2,100. It is a little 
recognized fact that after 1848 large 
numbers of Mormons, for a variety of 
reasons, elected not to follow the north 
side route, forsaking it for the south or 
Oregon Trail side of the Platte. Mor- 
mon jumping-off places of record be- 
low the mouth of the Platte included 
Plattsmouth, Nebraska City, a settle- 
ment near there called Wyoming and 
Atchison, Kansas. 16 

Aside from comparative statis- 
tics, emigrant descriptions of the north 
side or northern route offer a wealth of 
trail literature rivaling that of the 
southsiders. George Jewett and 
Catherine Haun in 1849, James Dutton 
and Franklin Langworthy in 1850, and 
Ezra Meeker and Lucy Cooke in 1852 
are six non-Mormon journal-keepers 
who describe the northern route includ- 
ing the three Missouri River crossings, 
the hazardous passages of the Elkhorn 
and Loup rivers in flood, the begging 
Pawnees, the vast buffalo herds, 
glimpses of endless wagon trains along 
both sides of the Platte, the Ancient 
Bluff Ruins in western Nebraska, and 
looming south side landmarks.' 7 

The Mormon pioneers of 1847 
and 1848 and the Argonauts of 1849 
crossed over to Fort Laramie under the 
impression that further travel along the 
north side was dangerous, but begin- 
ning in 1850 northsiders discovered 
that the dangers were overrated and 
most elected to continue along the 
north side of the North Platte to the 
so-called Upper Platte at present 

16. Mattes, op. cit. I identify a number of Mormons who 
followed the south side of the Platte, including 
some who, having reached Council Bluffs from the 
East, still elected to drop south before crossing over. 
In other instances steamboats carrying Mormon 
converts had to stop short of Council Bluffs/Omaha 
because of low water. In the 1860s the Mormons 
actually established disembarkation points in the 
vicinity of Nebraska City, Nebraska and Atchison, 

17. George E. Jewett, Ms. at Bancroft Library; Catherine 
Haun, "A Woman's Trip Across the Plains in 1849," 
in Lillian Schlissel's Women's Diaries of the Westward 
journey (New York: Schocken Books, 1982); Jerome 
Dutton, "Across the Plains in 1850," Annals of Iowa 
(1911) 447-89; Franklin Langworthy, Scenery of the 
Plains, Mountains, and Mines (Princeton: 1932); Ezra 
Meeker, Covered Wagon And Ox-Team Days, Centen- 
nial ( Yonkers-on-Hudson, New York: World Book 
Company, 1931), pp. 29-91. 

Wyoming Historical Society 

Book Award Winners 

from High Plains Press 

1992 WSHS BookAward 

Architecture in 
the Cowboy State 

by Eileen Starr 
False fronts, Old Faithful Inn, dugouts, log 
construction, Wyoming architects, railroad 
architecture, oil company towns — Starr has 
written '.he much needed book detailing 
Wyoming's historic architecture. David 
Kathka, Wyoming State Historic Preservation 
Officer, writes, "Starr strips away the 
myths... an important book. " 
ISBN: 0-931271-07-X, 136 photos, Index, bib, 
10 x 8 inches, trade paper, 200 pp, $14.95 

1992 WSHS BookAward 

Stories of Peggy Simson Curry 

collected & intro by M. A. Gunderson 
19 short stories, most set in Colorado and 
Wyoming, by Wyoming poet laureate. Critic 
R.J. Barnes writes "comparable to the work of 
Willa Cather and Hamlin Garland. 
ISBN-0-931271-17-7 trade paper, 320 pp, $12.95 

1991 WSHS BookAward 

Wyoming's Last Frontier: 

Sublette County, Wyoming 

by Robert Rosenberg 
Traces the settlement of this rich historic 
area — explorers, trappers, pioneers, ranchers, 
sheepmen, tie hacks, school maims, dudes and 
roustabouts. Many historic photographs. 
ISBN-0-931271-12-6, trade paper, index, bib. 
57 photos, 286 pp, $11.95 

1989 WSHS BookAward 

Devils Tower 

Stories in Stone 

by Mary Alice Gunderson 
Devils Tower has a magnetic power which 
draws fascinating people to its shadow. Sitting 
Bull, Custer, Jackson & Moran, climbers, 
adventurers, eccentrics — they're all here. 
Includes never-before-published versions of 
the Indian accounts of the tower's origin. 
ISBN-0-931271-09-6, trade paper, Index, bib 
42 photos, 142 pp, $9.95 

At bookstores or direct from the publisher. 

Mail orders add $2 per book shipping. 

Wyoming residents add 4% tax. 

High Plains Press 

Box 123, Glendo Wyoming 82213 

Ph. (307) 735-4370 

Wyoming Annals 1 2 Summer/Fall 1993 

Casper, Wyoming. Here southsiders 
were compelled by geography to cross 
over to the north side, thus merging 
with the northern migration out of 
Council Bluffs, all emigrants combin- 
ing for the grand advance up 
Sweetwater River to Independence 
Rock and South Pass. 18 


The north side route 

was always called the 

Mormon Trail. 

This concept is in the 
same category as that of the 
name, Oregon Trail, so often 
mistakenly used as an um- 
brella term for all south side 
travel westward. Both of 
these old reliables have a 
certain magic based on ro- 
mantic or emotional asso- 
ciations: the brave Orego- 
nians seeking homes in a far 
distant wilderness or the 
persecuted Mormons flee- 
ing to a stronghold beyond 
the Rocky Mountains. Like 
the Oregon Trail on the 
south side, the Mormon 
Trail has been welded into 
history books as being vir- 
tually synonymous with the 
north side route. Even if 
there is occasional grudg- 
ing admission that the route 
was taken later by some 
non-Mormons, historians 
refer to it only as the Mor- 

mon Trail}" The distinguished Mormon 
historian, Dr. Stanley Kimball, takes it 
one step further when he says, "The 
Mormons found only a trail, which they 
made into a road and thereby earned 
the right to have their route bear their 
name." 2 " But this is simply an assertion 
that the route should be called the Mor- 
mon Trail on the sole grounds of chro- 
nological priority. What we are talking 
about is not what any historical trail 

ten the Northern 
Bluffs Road. 

Route or the Council 


Merrill Mattes. Merrill Mattes Collectio? 

Merrill Mattes, then Custodian at Scotts Bluff National Monument, 
took this photo in August, 1938 during an annual trek of the Oregon 
Trail Memorial Association. Photographer William H. Jackson pounds 
a stake zoest of Mitchell Pass at the site of an encampment he used when 
bullwhacking along the Trail in 1866. At right is Dan Greenburgofthe 
Wyoming Historical Landsmark Commission. 

oing beyond the early 1850s to 
the succeeding gold and silver 
rushes up the Platte to Colorado, east- 
ern Oregon, Nevada, Idaho and Mon- 
tana, one finds only rare reference to 
an earlier Mormon Trail among emi- 
grants other than Mormons themselves. 
To the majority it was the 
Council Bluffs Road because 
that's the name of the place 
thev jumped off from. 
Even after Nebraska Terri- 
tory was created in 1854 
and Omaha became its 
temporary capital, Council 
Bluffs still dominated the 
migration scene for a few 
more years because most 
of the later emigrants con- 
tinued to reach this Mis- 
souri River jumping-off 
point by land, having trav- 
eled westward across 
Iowa, even though some 
emigrants were beginning 
to reach Omaha directly by 
steamboat. In the 1860s 
other variations appear, 
such as Fort Kearny Road 
adopted by those Colo- 
rado-bound, or Fort Lara- 
mie Road or Military Road 
in recognition of Omaha's 
becoming headquarters for 
the U. S. Army's Depart- 
ment of the Platte. 

18. In 1847 Brigham Young and his pioneers crossed 
over to Fort Laramie trading post to contact people 
there for provisions and advice about the trail fur- 
ther west. Finding themselves in the vanguard of 
non-Mormons bound for Oregon they set up a ferry 
service on the Upper Platte for those who followed. 
This crossing was imperative because the headwa- 
ters of the North Platte, like those of the South 
Platte, were in Colorado, thus requiring that the 
North Platte be abandoned in favor of its tributary, 
Sweetwater River, enroute to South Pass. 

19. In 1988 the Council Bluffs Chamber of Commerce 
joined Iowa congressmen to push for a federally 
recognized "National Historic Trail Center" at Coun- 
cil Bluffs. To help their cause they identified a 
second north side trail, the non-Mormon Council 
Bluffs Road. Their cause was strengthened by dem- 
onstrating that three great trails intersected Council 
Bluffs, Iowa (the third trail being that of Lewis and 
Clark). They enlisted my aid in putting together a 
documented proposal which Congress has accepted 
in principle for National Park Service review. 

should be called today based on 
someone's sentimental preference, but 
what a given trail was actually called 
at different periods during the mid- 
nineteenth century based on document- 
able facts. Copious evidence provided 
by over 600 non-Mormon north side 
emigrants demonstrates that during 
their travels, especially during the gold 
rush of 1849 through the early 1850s, 
emigrants hell-bent for California, not 
Utah, did not refer to their route as the 
Mormon Trail. To them it was most of- 

20. Kimball's statement appears in his Historic Sites and 
Markers of the Mormon and other Great Western Trails 
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), p. 57. 


aming a trail for its place of origin 
was not unique with the Council Bluifs 
Road. Many emigrants jumping off 
from Independence or St. Joseph re- 
ferred to the first leg of their journey, 
prior to reaching Fort Kearny, as the 
Independence Road or St. Joe Road. There- 
after, of course, it became the full-blown 
Oregon or California Trail, according to 
destination. But the route up the north 
side of the Platte led to a variety of des- 
tinations, shifting according to the gold 
rush of the moment. Accordingly, the 
terms Council Bluffs Road or Northern 
Route gave some stability to non-Mor- 
mon, north side nomenclature though 

Wyoming Annals 1 3 Summer/Fall ro93 

the term Mormon Trail probably lin- 
gered for the faithful heading for Salt 
Lake City. 21 

Rediscovery of the almost forgot- 
ten non-Mormon north side route was 
first reported in Great Platte River Road 
with several pages of text and two maps 
describing and identifying this route. 
In 1984 my article entitled "The Coun- 
cil Bluffs Road: Northern Branch of the 
Great Platte River Road," was pub- 
lished in Nebraska History magazine. In 
my Narratives the subject is well-docu- 
mented in the introductions as well as 
the summaries of emigrant diaries, and 
maps in both books label the north side 
route as Mormon Trail - Council Bluffs 
Road. Unfortunately, textbook writers 
seem reluctant to recognize research 
that leads to revision of outmoded con- 
cepts. Perhaps just as the durable Or- 
egon Trail has become a catchall term 
for all south side trails, the term Mor- 
mon Trail, - misperceived by some as 
the only valid historical term for the 
north side route - has become so en- 
meshed in folklore, academic bias or in- 
difference that the name Council Bluffs 
Road may remain a while longer as the 
lost Orphan Annie of historic western 
trails. However, there are three good 
reasons why she may yet be rescued. 

21. Yet another name tor the northside route appears as 
The Great Sail Lake Trail (New York: MacMillan Co., 
1898) by Colonel Henry Inman and Colonel William 
Cody However, I have not vet found this name in 
anv overland account. 

1 The Oregon and California trails 
coincide most of the way from Fort 
Kearny to South Pass, yet nobody has 
had the temerity to suggest that we for- 
get about the California Trail just be- 
cause the Oregon migration came first. 
By the same token the Mormons, who 
were certainly first but heavily out- 
numbered by later non-Mormons, have 
neither historical nor legal grounds to 
exclusive trail commemoration rights 
along the north side of the Platte. 

2 While Brigham Young's Mor- 
mon Trail of 1847 - the basis for the 
federally-designated Mormon Pioneer 
National Historic Trail - did coincide 
with the later non-Mormon route most 
of the way across Nebraska, these two 
trails were separate and distinct geo- 
graphically at three different places to- 
taling about three hundred miles. One 
difference is their respective, principal, 
Missouri River jumping-off places. A 
second is widely different crossings of 

22. See also Merrill J. Mattes, "The Northern Route of the 
Non-Mormons: Rediscovery of Nebraska's Forgot- 
ten Historic Trail," Overland Journal VIII (1990) 2, 2- 

23. The Oregon National Historie Trail and the Mormon 
Pioneer National Historie Trail have been officially 
recognizedformany years. Unfortunately, efforts by 
the Oregon-California Trails Association and others 
to urge equal recognition of, and status for, a Califor- 
nia National Historie Trail have been frustrated until 
quite recently with passage of a bill to recognize, 
finally, both the California National Historie Trail and 
the partly coincident Pony Express National Historie 
Trail. The act will be implemented by the National 
Park Service. It is encouraging to note that the Cali- 
fornia gold rush is recognized in this legislation as 
flowing along both sides of the Platte and North 
Platte rivers beginning in 1849. 

Loup Fork, with different routes to re- 
gain the Platte. A third is the stretch 
between Fort Laramie and the Upper 
Platte Crossing at Fort Caspar in which 
they were on opposite sites of the North 
Platte. Thus the northern route from 
Council Bluffs is not only different 
from the Mormon Trail thematically it 
is different, in part, geographically! 

3 The non-Mormon, Council Bluffs 
Road is an integral part of the Califor- 
nia Trail complex, as reported by the 
National Park Service to the Secretary 
of the Interior and now defined in a bill 
before Congress designating the com- 
plex as a National Historic Trail. This 
trail is not just the main California route 
along the south side of the Platte, but 
also all documented extensions and al- 
ternate routes including the Council 
Bluffs Road as the northern half of the 
California Trail trunkline from the Mis- 
souri River to the Upper Platte. The 
latter is not the Mormon Pioneer Trail 
of 1847. It is the north side Platte River 
migration route of the California Forty- 
Niners and successive waves of 1850s 
and 1860s emigrants to California, Mon- 
tana, Idaho and other territories. Fed- 
eral recognition of the great California 
Trail complex should end academic in- 
difference or obtuseness on this subject 
and lead to proper designation of the 
long-buried, Council Bluffs Road, 
northern migration route of the Cali- 
fornia gold rush, America's almost for- 
gotten Way West. 23 ■ 

John Mattes 

(19IO-) WAS 

born in Con- 
gress Park, 
Illinois and 
raised in 
Kansas City, 
Missouri. He 
obtained a 

MarkJixck B.A. IN HIS- 
TORY from the University - of Missouri 
in 193 1 and in 1933 received his ma 
in English Literature from Kansas 
University. In 1935 Mattes became 
a National Park Service ranger in 
Yellowstone, and after one sum- 
mer was named Custodian of Scott's 
Bluff National Monument in 

Gering, Nebraska. He thus became 
the first government historian 
STATIONED west of the Mississippi 
River, spending his entire career 
in the West. His interest in the 
Oregon-California Trail prompted 
Mattes to author two major works 
on westward migration: Great Platte 
River Road AND Platte River Road Narra- 
tives. He ended his 40-year National 
Park Service career in 1975 as Chief 
of Historic Preservation at the Den- 
ver Service Center. In 1982 he be- 

California Trails Association 
(OCTA) and his research collection 
was donated to the Merrill J. 
Mattes Research Library at the 
National Frontier Trails Center in 

Independence, Missouri. Mattes is a 
charter member of the Western His- 
tory Association, a lifelong member 
of the Nebraska State Historical So- 
ciety and a member of the Wyoming 
Historical Society. The most recent 


"The Crusade to Save Fort Lara- 
mie, "(Vol. 50, #1, Spring, 1978) an arti- 
cle in which Mattes documents 
intermittent campaigns by the Na- 
tional Park Service and private citi- 
TIONAL Historic Site. He and his wife 
Clare have been married 51 years 
and live in Littleton, Colorado. 

Wyoming Annals 1 4 Summer/Fall 1993 


by Robert L. Munkres 

During the middle third of the nineteenth century about 
half a million people emigrated from the eastern part 
of the United States to the Pacific Coast or regions west of the 
Rocky Mountains. As different as these individuals and fami- 
lies were from each other, they all shared at least one thing in 
common: they employed some type of vehicle, conveyance or 
beast of burden to transport supplies (as well as the emigrants 
themselves!) necessary for survival during the arduous trek. 
Some of those who went "westering," particularly dur- 
ing the height of the gold rush to California, opted to travel by 
use of slow-moving wagons. Those who used wagons required 
draft animals. How many? No one knows, nor is any current 
or future historian likely to come upon an animal census. A 

Stimson Collection 
Wyoming State Museum 


Ezra Meeker and Governor B.B.Brooks 
in front of the Capitol Building, Cheyenne, 
Wyoming, June, 1910 standing by wagon 
being pulled by an oxen team. 

Ezra Meeker, with quirt in hand, 
traveled the Oregon Trail from Indianapolis 
to Portland in 1851. He retraced his steps 
through Wyoming in 1910. His prairie 
schooner was smaller and lighter than the 
big-wheeled, boat-shaped Conestoga 
wagon used by freighters. 

Wyoming Annals 


Summer/Fall 1993 

ballpark figure can, however, be ar- 
rived at in the following manner. His- 
torian Ray Allen Billington suggested 
that, in the great 1843 migration ini- 
tially led by Peter Burnett, a total of 
about 1,000 men, women, and children, 
of all ages were involved. 1 He notes 
that this large group was divided into 
two columns, each of which had sixty 
wagons. 2 About 1,000 emigrants trav- 
eling in 120 wagons means that there 
were on the average about eight per- 
sons per wagon. If eight occupants per 
wagon is one ballpark figure, still an- 
other is needed. How many wagons 
were used in the course of the multi- 
year migration? Making a very gener- 
ous assumption that twenty per cent 
of those who traveled the road west 
did so on horseback or on foot, we are 
left with an estimate of 400,000 wagon 
train emigrants. Assuming eight 
people per wagon, we thus arrive at 
an estimate of 50,000 wagons. It may 
be assumed, however, that such an es- 
timate is low because diary evidence 
clearly indicates that some parties uti- 
lized more than one vehicle. 3 Be that 
as it may, since two draft animals per 
wagon was the absolute minimum and 
quite a few parties possessed a greater 
number of wagons, it seems that at 
least 100,000 to 200,000 draft animals 
participated in travel on the Oregon- 
California-Utah Trail. 

One point concerning draft ani- 
mals mav be noted in the form of a 
question: what kind of draft animal 
was most favored by wagon train emi- 
grants? John Unruh, Jr. and Merrill 
Mattes, the two premier scholars of 
westward migration, are in general 
agreement that oxen were much pre- 
ferred, with horses and mules consid- 
erably less favored. Unruh is content 
to make the general observation that 
more than half of all overlanders' wag- 
ons were pulled by oxen, while Mattes 

1 . Ray Allen Billington, Westward Expansion: A History of 
the American Frontier (New York: Macmillan, 1949), p. 

2. Ibid. One column, the so-called "light column," had 
few or no loose cattle while the second, called the "cow 
column, "was comprised of those with herds. The cow 
column was captained by Jesse Applegate. 

3. Trading caravans used many more draft animals than 
did wagon train families. It is quite fair to assume that 
considerably larger numbers of draft animals were 
used in connection with the Santa Fe trade than were 
used on the northern trails. 

Wyoming State Museum 

Hitching up the Steers. Copy of a painting by William H. Jackson. "Your yokes 
should be of the lightest material. The bond must not be too tight," said one 
immigrant. "If they are your steer will be found to swell upas tight as a drum head." 

cites diary excerpts that suggest a figure 
closer to two-thirds or three-quarters. 4 

The required presence of such a 
great number of draft animals ex- 
plodes a myth of the western migra- 
tion that is sometimes still given cre- 
dence: the notion that most emigrants 
were "down-and-outers" whose eco- 
nomic and social failures motivated 
their decisions to relocate. The cost of 
a yoke of oxen during the last half of 
the 1840s varied from a low of $25 to a 
high of $65. 5 Assuming the ballpark 
accuracy of the draft animal figures 
noted above, during the period of mi- 
gration a collective investment of sev- 
eral millions of dollars in draft animals 
was made by those proposing to travel 
west. It seems quite unlikely that even 
several generations of relative failures 
would have had that kind of capital 

In addition to draft animals, 
many trains were accompanied by 
cattle herds of a size that varied from 

4. John Unruh, Jr., The Plains Across: The Overland Emi- 
grants and the Trans-Mississippi West. 1840-1860 
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1979), p. 108. 
Merrill J. Mattes, Die Great Platte River Road: The Cov- 
ered Wagon Mainline Via Fort Kearny to Fort Laramie 
(Lincoln: Nebraska State Historical Society, 1969), XXV, 
p. 39. Mr. Mattes cites Isaac Foster's 1949 statement 
that ninety four of ninety six teams near Fort Kearnv 
were oxen and G.W. Thissel's statement of the follow- 
ing year that eighty per cent of the wagons of the 1850 
migration were drawn by oxen. 

5. John Unruh, Jr., The Plains Across:, p. 114. 

one milk cow to herds numbering in 
the hundreds and even thousands. 
Jesse Applegate's 1843 "Cow Column," 
for instance, consisted of more than 
5,000 oxen and cattle." Eleven years 
later in June, 1854 Sarah Sutton noted: 
"fhere is about a 1000 head of cattle 
herded near us to night..." 7 

Given the indispensability of 
draft animals, the only question con- 
cerning their acquisition involved the 
point in the journey at which the ac- 
quisition took place. For virtually the 
entire migration population, there 
were only two possible answers. Ei- 
ther the animals were acquired prior 
to departure from home wherever that 
might be, or they were purchased at 
the point of departure from the Mis- 
souri River. If cattle were to be herded 
west, however, it was a certainty they 
were acquired at least in the general 
vicinity of the Missouri River crossing 
because of the difficulties involved in 
herding hundreds of head of cattle 
through heavily populated areas. 

Cattle, of course, represented an 
investment in one's economic future on 
the Pacific Coast, but they also pos- 
sessed a more immediate utility. They 

6. Ray Allen Billington, Westward Expansion:, p. 524. 

7. Sarah Sutton, "A Travel Diary in 1854," in Covered 
Wagon Women: Diaries & Letters from the Western 
Trails 1840-1890, ed. Kenneth L. Holmes (Glendale, 
California: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1988), VII, p. 49, 
entry for Tuesday, June 13, 1854. Hereafter referred 
to as Sarah Sutton. 

Wyoming Annals l6 Summer/Fall 1993 

Wyoming Stath Museum 

The Upper California Crossing of the South Platte River. Copy of a painting by William H. Jackson. Called the 
Julesburg Crossing after 1859, this was one of three places where emigrants forded the South Platte. 

could serve as emergency replacements 
for oxen and could be butchered and 
eaten if meat supplies ran low. The 
unique value of dairy cattle was suc- 
cinctly summarized by Mrs. Inez 
Eugenia Adams Parker in reminis- 
cences of her 1847 trip: Our cow, 'Old 
Rose' then 11 years old, gave us a continu- 
ous, and generous supply of milk, she 
wrote, so we fared better than those who 
had no coiv. 8 

Indispensable as they were, draft 
animals were not maintained without 
cost. They were dependent on their 
owners for food, water and such care 
as they received. The most desirable 
camp sites were those which resembled 
one described by Lucretia Lawson 
Epperson in late June, 1864. Camped 

8. "Early Recollections of Oregon Pioneer Life by Inez 
Eugenia Adams Parker," Transactions of the Oregon 
Pioneer Association, Oregon State Historical Society 
microfilm reel #7, p. 18. Copy in the Henderson Col- 
lection. Mrs. Parker notes that the cow gave five 
gallons of milk a day. Hereafter referred to as Inez 
Eugenia Adams Parker. 

near a stream of clear water, plenty of wood 
and feed. Mrs. Coleman washing, men 
shoeing horses. 9 Again and again emi- 
grant diarists matter-of-factly recorded, 
as did Orange Gaylord in 1850, the es- 
sential activity of halting to feed and 
water the teams... 1 " Where such feed was 
not readily available, special exertion 
was necessary to remedy the deficiency 
lest the party encounter the problem 
noted by Harriet A. Loughary in 1864 

9. Lucretia Lawson Epperson, "A Journal of Our Trip, 
1864," in Covered Wagon Women: Diaries & Letters from 
the Western Trails 1840-1890, ed. Kenneth L. Holmes 
(Glendale, California: Arthur H. ClarkCo.,1989), VIII, 
p. 181, entry for June 25, 1864. Shoeing the hooves of 
livestock was a task that had to be accomplished with 
some regularity during the western trek. The penaltv 
for failing to do so was lame animals whose useful- 
ness was thereby temporarily diminished or extin- 
guished. In many instances such stock was simply 
abandoned. Hereafter referred to as Lucretia Lawson 

10. "Diary of Orange Gaylord's second trip westward," 
Transactions of the Oregon Pioneer Association, Or- 
egon State Historical Society microfilm reel #6, p. 415, 
entry for July 31 , 1 850. Hereafter referred to as Orange 

when she wrote that the combination 
of heavy roads with but little grass are 
plainly telling on our stock. 11 

One precaution was to make hay 
while it was available; that is, to cut 
and bag grass for use later when 
camped at sites less well provided. On 
July 7, 1864 the male members of 
Epperson's party were busy cutting 
grass with their knives and putting it into 
sacks. Again the next day they were 
reported as still cutting grass. 12 Particu- 
larly later in the travel season it was 
common for trains to have to stop at 
sites in whose vicinity grass simply was 
not available. On such occasions draft 
animals and cattle had to be herded 
whatever distance was required to find 

11. Harriet A. Loughary, "Travels and Incidents, 1864," 
in Covered Wagon Women: Diaries & Letters from the 
Western Trails 1840-1890, ed. Kenneth L. Holmes (Glen- 
dale, California: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1989), VIII, p. 
137, entry for June 16, 1864. 

12. Lucretia Lawson Epperson, p. 214, entries for July 7 & 
8, 1864. 

Wyoming Annals 

Summer/Fall 1993 

sufficient vegetation. In early July, 
1853 camping on the north side of the 
North Platte River a half day beyond 
Fort Laramie, Mrs. Velina A. Williams 
noted: we had to go some eight miles be- 
fore we could find grass for the cattle." In 
like manner, the year before, James 
Akin complained that there was not 
much grass near on July 7 and the next 
day he had to drive cattle two and one- 
half miles to grass in the morning... 14 

Even when sufficient feed and 
water was available, the lot of draft 
animals was not a particularly pleas- 
ant one. After all, they did most of the 
work in getting wagon trains west. As 
miles of travel piled up so did the pos- 
sibility of physical deterioration of ani- 
mals. The need to diminish the burden 
on draft animals to ensure their con- 
tinued effectiveness, indeed their sur- 
vival, more than occasionally resulted 
in humans having to accept greater 
burdens. Thus, a day before reaching 
the Umpqua River in November 1846 
Virgil K. Pringle reported that it rained 
all day and that Phernc and the girls 
obliged to walk the oxen so weak.'" Almost 
twenty years later in late June, 1864 
Loughary's party was in present-day 
Idaho when the departure of a hired 
hand to the gold fields imposed addi- 
tional and heavy responsibilities upon 
her entire family. She now had to pre- 
pare food and beds for eight in the fam- 
ily as well as having to: 

harness and drive a four horse 
team while my husband and our thir- 
teen year old son looked after feed and 
water and loose stock. ..(and) My hus- 
band yoked and drove the ox team and 
with the aid of the small children got 
the wood, water and all manner of camp 

Nonetheless, even with these 
nearly crushing burdens to bear, ev- 

13. Mrs. Velina A. Williams, "Diary of a Trip Across the 
Plains in 1853," Transactions of the Oregon Pioneer 
Association, Oregon State Historical Society microfilm 
reel #6, pp. 201-202, entry for July 1, 1853. Hereafter 
referred to as Mrs. Velina A. Williams. 

14. "Diary of James Aiken, Jr.," Transactions of the Oregon 
Pioneer Association, Oregon State Historical Society 
microfilm reel #5, p. 298, entry for Thursday, July 8, 
1852. Hereafter referred to as James Aiken. 

15. "Diary of Virgil K. Pringle, 1846," Transactions of the 
Oregon Pioneer Association, Oregon State Historical 
Society microfilm reel #6, p. 298, entry for Thursday, 
November 5, 1846. Hereafter referred to as Virgil K. 

lb. Harriet J. Loughary, p. 141, entry for June 24, 1864. 

ery day at noon, she wrote, 

Every horse was unharnessed, 
and every ox unyoked. give jaded 
animals rest, as well as food. This or- 
der must be implicitly obeyed, since to 
lose one animal affected the whole train 
as no one could be left behind.' 7 

Another difficulty experienced 
by virtually all travelers, ani- 
mal and human alike, was described 
by Edwin Bryant in July, 1846. The at- 
mosphere is filled with swarms of 
moscjititos, he wrote, then added the 
warning that they bite until a fierceness 
far greater than their civilized brethren of 
the 'settlements.' 18 The 1850 experience 
of Margaret A. Frink's animals was 
even more frightful. Camping close to 
Fort Hall at about the same time of 

year, she reported: Mosquitoes were 
as thick as flakes in a snowstorm. The 
poor horses whinnied all night, from 
their bites, and in the morning the 
blood was streaming down their sides. 1 " 

Fourteen years later, in 1864, Epperson 
matter-of-factly observed that Mosqui- 
toes nearly ate us up. 20 Mosquitoes were 
not the only form of insect life to pose 
a threat to the well-being of draft ani- 
mals. Camping in 1850 in a small valley 
with a fine stream of water running 
through ;'t between Soda Springs and 
Fort Hall, Gaylord noted: Here we found 
large crickets, or grasshoppers so numer- 
ous that they frightened our oxen. 11 

Mr. Gaylord's reference to fright- 
ened animals brings to mind what was 
certainly one of the dreaded possibili- 
ties associated with trail travel, that of 
stampeding animals. Domesticated 

17. Ibid. 

18. Edwin Brvant, What I Saw In California: Being The 
Journal of a Tour, By The Emigrant Route and Soutli Pass 
of the Rocky Mountains, Across the Continent of North 
America, The Great Desert Basin, and Through California, 
In The Years 1S46, 1S47 (Minneapolis: Ross & Haines, 
Inc., 1967), p. 128, entry for July 10, 1846. Hereafter 
referred to as Edwin Bryant. 

19. Margaret A. Frink, "Adventures of a Party of Gold- 
Seekers," in Covered Wagon Women: Diaries & Letters 
from the Western TraillSiO- 1 890, ed. Kenneth L. Holmes 
(Glendale, California: Arthur H. Clark Co.,1983), II, 
p. 117, entry for Thursday, July 11, 1850. Hereafter 
referred to as Margaret A. Frink. 

20. Lucretia Lawson Epperson, p. 181, entry for June 25, 

21. Orange Gaylord, p. 412, entry for July 3, 1850. 

though they were - given their size and 
physical strength - animals crazed with 
fear, thirst, hunger or simply spooked 
by unexpected happenings such as 
lightning, thunder, blowing tum- 
bleweeds, swarms of grasshoppers and 
so forth posed a distinct threat to emi- 
grant life and limb. 

During the middle third of the 
westward trek buffalo and a lack of 
water could be the culprits. Jane 
Kellogg in 1852 remembered how her 
party had passed over a long desert, 
and even before she and her compan- 
ions could see the river they knew they 
were coming to water because ...the 
cattle would throw up their heads and sniff 
the air — they knew. 22 The Kellogg party 
was fortunate that such was the only 
reaction of their animals. In similar 
instances teams simply bolted in the 
direction of the water they smelled. 
The buffalo problem was admirably 
described by Jean Rio Baker a year ear- 
lier. The train was, she reported, 

Much bothered with Buffalo, which are 
very numerous (and) stragglers are apt 
to run in among our cattle, terrifying 
them very much, and it has been all the 
housemen (sic) to do, to prevent their 
doing mischief. 23 

Mrs. Matthew P. Deady remem- 
bered from her childhood an- 
other cause of stampedes. A child of 
eleven when they crossed the plains 
in 1846, she had vivid memories of 

how filled with terror I ~was when we 
experienced the violent thunder storms 
with the torrential rains that occurred 
in the Platte country. Our oxen ivould 
try to stampede, our tents would be 
blown down, and everybody and ev- 
erything ivould be soaked with the driv- 
ing rains. 1 * 

22. "Memories of Jane D. Kellogg, 1852," Transactions of 
the Oregon Pioneer Association, Oregon State Historical 

Society microfilm reel #6, p. 90. Hereafter referred to 
as Jane D. Kellogg. 

23. Jean Rio Baker, "By Windjammer and Prairie Schoo- 
ner, London to Salt Lake City," in Covered Wagon 
Women: Diaries cV Letters from the Western Trails 1S40- 
1890, ed. Kenneth L. Holmes (Glendale, California: 
Arthur H. Clark Co.,1984), III, pp. 262-263, entry for 
July 30, 1851. Hereafter referred to as Jean Rio Baker. 

24. Mrs. Matthew P. Deady, "Crossing the Plains to Or- 
egon in 1846," Transactions of the Oregon Pioneer Asso- 
ciation, Oregon State Historical Society microfilm reel 
#7, p. 57. Hereafter referred to as Mrs. Matthew P. 

Wyoming Annals 

Summer/Fall 1993 

Many times, of course, no cause 
for such animal behavior was appar- 
ent other than fright or just pure chss- 
edness. Early in the 1851 travel season 
Henry Allyn reported that horse teams 
of a company six miles behind them 
took fright in the morning, before harness- 
ing up, and started on the road.-'' Al- 
though no real harm was done, things 
along the road were considerably liv- 
ened up because the stampeding horses 
passed some companies with ox teams 
which also took fright and ran some dis- 
tance before their drivers could succeed in 
stopping them}" Allyn further noted his 
own apprehension that our mules would 
take the panic, but they did not, even 
though the horses went about 12 miles 
before running out of steam. 27 Later 
that same month Velina Williams re- 
ported a similar incident, but this one 
resulted in some injury. 

Soon after starting, she wrote on June 
26, the team attached to Myron 's baggage 
wagon took fright and ran some distance. 

One yoke of oxen were considerably 
hurt, but no other injury was done. 1 " 

Not all stampedes covered great 
distances, as demonstrated by 
the experience of Lucretia Epperson. 
Soon after retiring for the night, she 
wrote in her diary, Mr. Coleman's 
horses became alarmed, and started all 
of ours. I began to fear another stam- 
pede; they only ran about one mile 
when they were stopped and brought 
back. They were tied for the night, and 
all was quiet after. 2 " 
The results of stampeding were not al- 
ways so easily remedied, however. The 
party with which Mrs. Cornelia A. 
Sharp traveled crossed the Big Blue River 
and camped. She wrote: Our cattle in 
the course of the night stampeded, and ice 
'were detained in consequence of the cattle 
being scattered. 30 The cost in time was 
not small, for the next day Mrs. Sharp 
ruefully noted: Spent all day (looking) 
for the lost cattle without success. 3 * 

Lost time could be deadly if it 
meant that snow would be falling by 
the time the trains reached the moun- 
tains. But for the emigrant deadly po- 
tential existed at the moment. Inez 
Parker in her recollections of 1847 re- 
called: one day our oxen, startled at some- 
thing, 'stampeded' and ran a long way, 
at top speed, toward a dangerous preci- 

25. "Journal of Henry Allyn," Transactions of the Oregon 
Pioneer Association, Oregon State Historical Society 
microfilm reel #6, pp. 394-394, entry for Wednesday, 
June 1, 1853. Hereafter referred to as Henry Allyn. 

26. Ibid. 

27. Ibid. 

28. Mrs. Velina A. Williams, p. 201, entry for June 26, 


29. Lucretia La wson Epperson, p. 181, entry for June 25, 

30. "Diary of Mrs. Cornelia A. Sharp," Transactions of 
the Oregon Pioneer Association, Oregon State Histori- 
cal Society microfilm reel #5, p. 172, entry for Fri- 
day, May 21, 1852. Hereafter referred to as Mrs. 
Cornelia A. Sharp. 

31. Ibid. 

Wyoming State Museum 

Independence Rock... and Trail of 1866. Copy of a painting by W.H. Jackson. The elliptical mass of granite is located 
in central Wyoming. Plans were made by emigrants to celebrate the Fourth of July at this point, midway on their 
journey from the Missouri River and the West Coast. 

Wyoming Annals 


Summer/Fall 1993 

pice. 31 Unfortunately, at the time the 
animals bolted the parents were walk- 
ing beside the wagon while, she wrote, 
Mi/ baby sister, Helen, and I were in the 
wagon. 33 The father had no option but 
to run along 

beside the maddened beasts, beating 
them over their heads with his goad, 
and shouting 'Whoa!' with no appar- 
ent effect, until finally they stopped 
short at the precipice's very brink. 3i 

Later, after things had calmed down 
the father admitted that he had con- 
fronted a truly deadly dilemma as he 
ran to keep up with the team. 
...he was, during the whole wild race, 
trying to decide which child to save, as he 
could snatch out only one, but could not, 
so it resulted in his choosing neither. 35 
Not all stampedes were caused 
by natural elements. On occasion, In- 

32. Inez Eugenia Adams Parker, p. 18. 

33. Ibid. 

34. Ibid. 

35. Ibid. 

36. Jean Rio Baker, p. 263, entry for July 30, 1851. 

dians had a hand in the event. Jean 
Baker, for example, reported in 1851 
that a party camping near her own have 
had their cattle stampeded by Indians, and 
lost 18 head of them, Sister Kingeby who 
-was among them urns run over and 
killed... 36 Unlike the incident just re- 
counted, the experience of Velina Wil- 
liams two years later was not second- 
hand. At the end of August, she wrote, 
about two o'clock in the morning one 
of the men standing watch over the 
train's cattle discovered Indians lurking 
around the camp and fired at one. 37 The 
result was predictable, a stampede 
caused either by the discharge of the 
firearm or the subsequent commotion 
caused by the Indians. In any event the 
cattle burst from the makeshift corral 
and took off, with both Indians and 
Whites - some equipped, some not, 
some mounted, others on foot - in 
pursuit! Five head were caught and 
brought back by daylight. Williams 

Between 8 and 9, 65 more were re- 
turned. Two companies volunteered to 
assist in the search. About 10 another 
company returned with 18 more and 

about 11 the remaining 50 (to our joy) 
were driven into camp. Two of the foot- 
men were fired upon by the Indians, 
but were unharmed. 313 

A similar, but much less time-consum- 
ing incident was reported by Lucretia 
Epperson in 1864. Having seen Indi- 
ans all day, Mrs. Epperson's party 
camped and settled in for the night. 

...two shots were fired, and the cry of a 
stampede zvas heard on all sides; our 
horses, jennets, and cattle, that were 
near, were all gone entirely out of sight 
in much less time than I can write it. 39 

All but two or three of the men, she 
said, started after our stock, but They 
all returned by midnight, and the sound 
of the horses' feet had entirely ceased. i0 As 
things turned out, the Indians who had 
been sighted the previous day were not 
part of the problem, they were the solu- 

37. Mrs. Velina A. Williams, pp. 218-219, entry for 
August 31, 1852. 

38. Ibid. 

39. Lucretia Lawson Epperson, p. 172, entrv for May 
25, 1S64. 

40. /till 


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Fort Phil Kearny and along the Bozeman Trail. 

The Fort Phil Kearny, Fetterman and Wagon Box battlesites are designated a 
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Wyoming Annals 20 Summer/Fall 1993 


tt.JiicJaoi ■ 

Wyoming State Mi si l m 

Types of Transportation in Covered Wagon Days. Copy of a painting by W.H. Jackson. The view is west, looking 
toward the trail landmark, Split Rock, in central Wyoming. 

tion. The jennets came to camp about eight 
o'clock, "poor things' looking much fright- 
ened. Then at almost three o'clock in 
the afternoon, Mr. Henry Reed came to 
camp with all our stock, which filled our 
hearts with gratitude to Him who is ever 
caring for the distressed. 41 It seems that 
the Indians had gathered the stock and 
herded them in a little valley over the 
summit of the mountain. 42 Thus, the in- 
cident was concluded when Mr. Reed 
paid one dollar per head for our stock and 
they (Indians) were satisfied. The stock 
were only a little the worse for the 

41. Lucretia Lawson Epperson, pp. 172-173, entry for 
May 26, 1864. 

42. Ibid. Indians were more than capable of causing diffi- 
culties when it suited their purposes to do so. Early in 
the travel year on May 20, 1853 Henry Allvn reported 
encountering a man who "...had three of his oxen 
killed by the Pawnee Indians, and he was obliged to 
turn back. He was at the ferry today, trying to sell off 
his outfit." Henry Allyn, p. 389, entry for Friday, 
May 20, 1853. 

wear, ...the horses looked as though they 
had little to eat or drink.* 3 

The possibilities of stampede 
were ever present, but equally vexing 
if not equally dangerous was another 
problem which appears to have been 
omnipresent since it was so closely re- 
lated to the continuing need to herd 
animals. A lack of careful attention by 
members of the train doing herd duty 
frequently resulted in animals simply 
not being present at the time of depar- 
ture. At one of the fords of the South 
Platte River, for example, Pringle in 
1846 found ...a company of thirty-three 
wagons from St. Joseph on the other bank, 
having been there a week hunting cattle, a 
hundred head strayed from them last 
Thursday. 44 The inevitable result of scat- 
tered cattle was a delay in starting the 
wagons west once again. The length of 

the delay was subject to considerable 
variation, ranging from a few hours to 
a day and perhaps several days. Sev- 
eral of the cattle had strayed, observed 
Jean Baker in early September 1851 
which delayed us an hour after our usual 
starting time... 4 '" The absence of ten oxen 
caused Jesse Harritt's 1845 party to lose 
the better part of a day. 

We sought diligently for them until 
about 12 o'clock, he wrote, when they 
were discerned by a company of emi- 
grants about sixteen miles back when 
myself and three other men met them, 
which enabled us to get them and get 
started at 3 o'clock P.M. 46 

43. Ibid. 

44. Virgil K. Pringle, p. 287, entry for Thursday, June 


45. Jean Rio Baker, p. 268, entry for September 9, 1851. 

Wyoming Annals 

Summer/Fall 1993 

About two months later on the Snake 
River, Harritt's company of forty 
wagons took up the line of march. 
Since two of his oxen were missing, 
he reported, we were compelled to re- 
main; six families and thirteen wagons 
stopped with us.... 47 Many diarists, 
complaining of this phenomenon, fol- 
lowed Mary Ringo's example. In 1864 
she simply noted: This morning the 
cuttle are scattered very much and we 
get a late start. 4 * 

What causes cattle to stray? Probably 
nothing more than searching for bet- 
ter grass which, as the saying goes, is 
always greener somewhere else. M.P. 
Deady provides another explanation 
that relates to a westward trek made 
in early 1846. Many of the emigrants 
lost most of their oxen, she wrote, add- 

46. "Diary of Jesse Harritt, 1845," Transactions of the 
Oregon Pioneer Association, Oregon State Historical 
Society microfilm reel #5, p. 509, entry for lune 4, 

47. Ibid., p. 519, entry for August 13, 1845. 

48. Mary Ringo, "The 1864 Journal," in Covered Wagon 
Women: Diaries & Letters from the Western Trails 
1840-1890, ed. Kenneth L. Holmes (Glendale, Cali- 
fornia: Arthur H. Clark Co.,1989), VIII, p. 209, entry 
for Thursday, June 23, 1864. Hereafter referred to as 
Mary Ringo. 

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ing that she did not know whether the 
Pawnee or Dakota Indians stole them or 
whether they got homesick for Missouri 
and started on the back track... 4 "' 

It should be remembered that in 
many, perhaps most, instances 
strayed cattle were recovered. Simi- 
larly, lost cattle were also frequently 
recovered but not always by the origi- 
nal owner. Cornelia Sharp's 1852 
party was fortunate. Yoked up our bro- 
ken teams and started. Met the lost cattle, 
which had been overtaken, and returned. 
This caused no small relief to the com- 
pany. 50 The next year the train with 
which Velina Williams traveled had 
a somewhat different experience. 
While one of the men was laying in 
wood, he found a yoke of oxen prob- 
ably strayed from some emigrant. 51 

Cattle were hardly unique as far as 
their propensity to wander was con- 
cerned. No matter how well trained to the 
harness or the saddle, horses were also 
very much inclined to wander in search 
of food, water or whatever else struck 
their fancy. Lucretia Epperson provides 
us with a series of examples that oc- 
curred during the late spring and sum- 
mer of 1864. She wrote that on June 24 
at Fort Bridger, 

Our horses, not being 
satisfied with their 
feed, plunged into 
the water and swam 
to the other side, 
thinking, probably, 
the grass on that 
side looked more in- 
viting. Mr. Epper- 
son and one of our 
men had to go down 
the creek two miles, 
where it could be 
forded without dan- 
ger, and drove our 
horses back to camp. 51 

one month later, 
Mrs. Epperson re- 
ported four more 
incidents within a 
week's time. 

July 22. The 
men came into camp 
with three horses; 
said the others had 
wandered off, and 

they could not find them. They soon 
found them and brought them to 
camp. Mr. Epperson gave them pow- 
der and caps for their trouble. 53 

July 24. When the men were 
bringing the horses to camp this 
morning, one of our mares started 
back on the road we traveled yester- 
day. She was caught by some men at 
a stage stand, eighteen miles from our 
present stopping place. Mr. Epperson 
started after her, and did not return 
until nearly night. It was a lonely day 
for me. 54 

July 28. Started early for our 
new camping ground, arrived safely 
there about noon... We turned the 
horses loose, thinking they 'would not 
stray off, but before dark the men went 
to drive them close to camp, and three 
were missing; and were not found to- 
night. 55 

Juh/ 29. Bright and early our 
men started to find the missing 
horses. Soon after the men were gone 
the horses were driven into camp by 
a 'wood chopper, who camped near us. 
He was looking for some horses he had 
lost when he came upon ours. 5 " 

If evidence is needed that straying 
animals were not somehow unique 
to the Epperson party, Cornelia Sharp, 
Harriet Loughary, and Mary Ringo 
provide it. Their accounts amply dem- 
onstrate the pervasiveness of the prob- 
lem. Near the Big Blue River in 1852, 
two of the men left the train to which 

49. Mrs Matthew P. Deady, p. 58. Mrs Deady pointed 
out that as a result of the loss of their draft animals, 
"...many of the emigrants had to abandon in large 
part their loads and get along with one yoke of oxen 
in place of two or three." In the case of her own 
family, however, she wrote: "We had six heifers, 
which father yoked up in place of our own lost . 
oxen, and they brought us through to Oregon." 

50. Mrs. Cornelia Sharp, p. 172, entry for Sunday, May 

23, 1852. 

51. Mrs Velina A. Williams, p. 188, entry for May 10, 
1853. It is possible that the oxen in question did not 
stray but were abandoned bv their owner because 
of a lameness that had cleared up by the time the 
Williams' wagon came on the scene. 

52. Lucretia Lawson Epperson, pp. 180-181, entry for * 
June 24, 1864. 

53. Ibid., p. 189, entry for July 22, 1864. 

54. Ibid., entry for July 24, 1864. 

55. Ibni.,p. 191, entry for July 28, 1864. 

Wyoming Annals 22 Summer/Fall 1993 

Cornelia Sharp belonged for the purpose 
of hunting. According to Sharp they Re- 
turned in the evening without any game, 
but with the loss of a very fine horse. 57 Two 
men sent to search for the horse the next 
day had no luck. In the meantime the 
train traveled about sixteen miles. The 
second day after the loss of the animal, 
she wrote, we struck the Platte, or Nebraska 
river, where we stopped to noon.... Our men 
came up with the horse. 5S 

In late June, 1864 Harriet 
Loughary reported: During the night a 
number of our mules strayed off, which 
detained us until a 
late hour. 5 '' With 
similar brevity 
Mary Ringo gave an 
account of a some- 
what more serious 
problem which pre- 
sented itself in the 
vicinity of Chimnev 
Rock during the 
same year. 

Last night Mr. 
Tipton's horse and 
our Kate mule run 
off and Mr. Ringo 
was out all day 
hunting them and 
found them some 
eight miles down the 
road, going back the 
picket pin had stuck 
in her leg and she is 
quite lame. 60 

As the latter 
incident suggests, 
horses and oxen were almost as sus- 
ceptible to accidents as humans. Ap- 
proaching the Platte River in the spring 
of 1852, E.W. Conyers' party was just 
about to start moving when 

...two horses broke loose about 100 
yards below us and came directly to- 
ward us with all the vim there was in 
them. The foremost horse jumped over 
a yoke of cattle and caught his forefoot 
in a chain that coupled his head un- 
der, which caused him to fall flat on 
the ground and came very near killing 
him. He was hurt so badly that his 
owner gave him away." 

A year later emigrant Allyn watched 
as a friend attempted to drive his team 

and wagon across a creek that was 
deep with miry banks. " 2 Mr. Allyn de- 
scribed what happened. 

...the surge of the wagon as it de- 
scended drove the hinder span against 
the forward and the near hind mule got 
his foot over the whipple-tree of the for- 
ward, and the hook of the whipple-tree 
caught its leg and perforated it, which 
has injured him very much, besides the 
value of his labor. 63 

Animals belonging to the trains 
with which Rachel Taylor in 1853 and 

f .n«»»».. 

Wyoming State Museum 
Cattle, N. Platte at Orinn (sic). Sooner or later emigrants had to cross the North 
Platte River. This particular ford, southeast of Douglas, Wyoming, was 
photographed by W.H. Jackson. 


Ibid., entry for July 29, 1864. Crossing the Carson 
Desert, the Epperson horses once again strayed off 
into potentially deadly country. Near Salt Wells Mrs. 
Epperson counted sixty-fiye head of dead horses and 
cattle within twenty-two miles. Noting that this re- 
gion produced "...tons of salt which is shipped in 
great quantities to Austin and Virginia City," she also 
obseryed several camels carrying packs of salt. Ibid., 
p. 195, entry for August 23, 1864. 

Mrs Cornelia A 
May 29, 1852. 

Sharp, p. 173, entry for Saturday, 


Ibid., entries for Sunday, May 30 and Monday, May 
31, 1852. 

59. Harriet A. Loughary, p. 139, entry for June 20, 1864. 

60. Mary Ringo, p. 213, entry for Thursday, July 14, 1864. 

61 . "Diary of E.W. Conyers, A Pioneer of 1852," Transac- 
tions of the Oregon Pioneer Association, Oregon State 
Historical Society Microfilm reel #5, p. 437, entry for 
May 27, 1852. Hereafter referred to as E.W. Conyers. 
At the other end of the trail, nearing the Little 
Deschutes Riyer, Conyers described another animal 
accident. While descending a very sjeep grade with 

Sarah Sutton in 1854 were traveling suf- 
fered accidents, and in these instances 
the accidents proved fatal. In Miss 
Taylor's case, a favorite horse had got- 
ten tangled up in rope during the night 
and suffered a broken leg, an injury 
which necessitated that it be de- 
stroyed.' 14 One of Missouri Cook's horses 
was dead this morn, wrote Sarah Sutton 
in June 1854 ...kill' A (sic) itself with tin- 
rope that was around its neck." 5 Margaret 
Frink provides our final example of 
equine accident. While crossing the Si- 
erra Nevadas in 1850 one of the party's 
horses sustained 
an injury falling 
while ascending a 
steep grade. Some 
time later this 
white horse, a fa- 
vorite of Mrs. 
Frink, gave out. 

...we gave 
fifty cents a pound 
for flour to mix in 
water for him to 
drink, thinking it 
would strengthen 
him; but we only 
managed to get him 
as far as Tragedy 
Springs, where we 
had to leave him 
for the night.... 
The next morn- 
ing, when Mr. 
Frink sent Russell 
back for him, he 
found the faithful 
animal dead."" 

wagon wheels locked and chained, a wagon in front 
of Conyers' inexplicably halted, causing a telescoping 
pile-up. "In the mixup," he wrote, "one of our wheel 
oxen had his neck so wrenched that a stream of blood 
about the size of a lead pencil spurted fror. his 
nose. ..The blood soon stopped running from his nos- 
tril and he seemed none the worse for the mixup." 
E.W. Conyers, p. 504, entry for Saturday, September 
18, 1852. 

62. Henry Allyn, p. 410, entry for Thursday, July 7, 1853. 

63. Ibid. 

64. Rachel Taylor, "Overland Trip Across the Plains," in 
Covered Wagon Women: Diaries & Letters from the West- 
ern Trails 1840-1890, ed. Kenneth L. Holmes (Glen- 
dale: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1986), VI, p. 164, entry for 
June 23, 1853. Hereafter referred to as Rachel Taylor. 
The fifteen year-old girl also reported that the inci- 
dent "...threw a damper upon our feelings to think of 
our favorite thus coming to an untimely end and some 
tears were shed as we left him on the plains." Rachel 
Taylor, pp. 164-165. 

65. Sarah Sutton, p. 53, entry for June 24, 1854. 

Wyoming Annals 

2 3 

Summer/Fall 1993 

River crossings were unavoid- 
able parts of the trip west. And with 
river crossings came the danger of 
drowning which presented itself to hu- 
mans and animals alike. Even before 
he arrived at one of the ferries in 1853, 
for example, Allyn had already been 
informed: Five yoke of oxen were drowned 
this morning... 67 A common practice was 
to ferry wagons, carriages and so forth 
across a stream while the stock were 
required to swim. In the case of a party 
whose activities were observed by E.W. 
Conyers, Indians were hired to perform 
the task of driving the animals while 
provisions and women were floated 
across in a wagon. Unfortunately, he 

In the middle of the stream the cattle 
became frightened of the Indians and 
turned their course right down the 
stream. At this critical moment the In- 
dians left the cattle to their fate and 
turned their attention to the wagon and 
the ladies, and with great effort suc- 
ceeded in landing the wagon just be- 
fore the falls 'were reached. The cattle 
made for the shore and succeeded in 
getting out on the same side from 'which 
they started, just above the falls. , bS 

Accidents, illness, straying 

and stampeding, are important phe- 
nomena to be assessed when figuring 
the role of draft animals in the west- 
ward movement. But they are over- 
shadowed by the function draft ani- 
mals performed which was indispens- 
able to every wagon train. What is that 
one function? Simply the willingness 
and ability of such animals to work and 
perform the tasks assigned to them, 
even under conditions that verged on 
the unimaginable. Hot or cold, wet or 
dry, thirsty or hungry, the application 
of mammalian muscle to wheeled ve- 
hicles was the activity that gave mean- 
ing to all others associated with trail 

Morning clear and quite warm, 
wrote E.W. Conyers in 1852 while tra- 

66. Margaret A. Frink, pp. 153-154, entry for Saturday, 
August 31, 1850. Mrs. Frink also reported: "These 
springs were named from a tragical affair occurring in 
1849, in which two men, intoxicated, got into a fight 
with each other, in which one of them was killed." 

67. Henry Allyn, p. 389, entry for Friday, May 20, 1853. 

68. E.W. Conyers, p. 482, entry for Tuesday, August 10, 

versing the Platte River Valley. The sun 
came out very warm and it went hard with 
our cattle. Their tongues are hanging from 
their mouths. 69 For Pringle's 1846 party, 
...running parallel 'with the Kansas it be- 
came very hot. ...Several oxen overcome 
-with the heat. 70 In like manner in 1864 
Mary Ringo reported traveling ...some 
miles and camp near the river, some of the 
cattle give out almost and fall down. 71 

Some felt some compassion for 
the laboring beasts. Allyn was one who 
expressed such feeling. In early August 
1853, riding ahead of the ox teams, he 
in hopes the ox teams will come on, as 
there is no water between us and them.... 
The ox teams did not come up, so we 
had to camp alone and we felt a little 
solicitude for the safety of our beasts. 72 
Even though some felt such so- 
licitude, on numerous occasion own- 
ers deemed physical coercion of ani- 
mals necessary to accomplish the harsh 
work load. Harriet Loughary in 1864, 
for example, noted that because of the 
absence of water and grass the poor tired 
animals wee (sic) goaded and whiped (sic) 
on until night and then only a few green 
weeds and no wood. 73 In her reminis- 
cences, Jane Kellogg recalled dealing 
with a cow that 
refused to work, she 'would lie down 
and would not get up; the only way to 
move her was to fiddle her tail with 
two sticks. This caudle (sic) appendage 
dried up and dropped off; she remained 
one of our best workers until the end of 
our journey. , 74 

O.A. Stearns, traveling west with his 
aunt Velina Williams in 1853, saw some 
men tie a cow to a tree, ...making her 

69. Ibid., p. 434, entry for Monday, May 24, 1852. 

70. Virgil K. Pringle, p. 284, entry for Sunday, May 17, 

71. Mary Ringo, p. 208, entry for Saturday, June 18, 1864. 

72. Henry Allvn, pp. 423-424, entry for Tuesday, August 

2, 1853. 

73. Harriet A. Loughary, p. 136, entry for June 11, 1864. 
Not all animals had to be goaded. Jane Kellogg in 1 852 
remembered, "one yoke of black oxen who were yerv 
ambitious, neyer lagged; they pulled until they 
dropped dead . but not at the same time. " Jane Kellogg, 
p. 89. Similarly, at Willow Springs in 1854 Sarah 
Sutton simply noted: "one of our largest and best oxen 
died to day. ..making 3 that haye died in two days." 
Sarah Sutton, p. 65, entry for Monday, July 24, 1854. 

74. Jane Kellogg, p. 88. 

hind legs fast to another tree, and proceeded 
to give her a terrible flogging with some 
large saplings. 75 The men's explanation 
for such behavior was that the cow pe- 
riodically had to be flogged, otherwise 
she would kick and fight until they 
could not get near to milk her. 76 

It was an unfortunate fact that 
some owners purely and simply mal- 
treated their animals. In 1862 Louisa 
Cook witnessed an incident in 
Nebraska's Platte River Valley in the 
vicinity of Fort Kearny. Camping on 
the Platte on June 21, she stated: 
A train of 6 wagons came in just after 
we did with 5 yoke of oxen attached to 
each zvagon. 77 

They started from near Omaha 
City about 150 miles back and had large 
fat oxen but their drivers, like nearly 
all the drivers I have seen on the road, 
are a cruel and brutal set of men lash- 
ing their beasts who covered with welts 
would shrink from their approach & 
manifest the greatest fear but there was 
no mercy for them. Although there is 
plenty of grass & water for teams on 
the road we have passed by the dead 
carcasses of an ox on an average of once 
a mile from Leavenworth to this camp 
just literally drove to death. But enougli 
of this unpleasant subject.™ 

Circumstances of life on the trail 
for animals were perhaps al- 
most as different from those at home 
as for humans. It is therefore not sur- 
prising the animals, like humans, got 
sick. Entries similar to one in Sarah 
Sutton's 1854 diary appeared in virtu- 
ally every account kept of the trek west. 

...yoked up our teams this morn- 
ing to start, and discovered one of our 
cozvs was sick turned her out, put in 
another and started. We had not got 
far until we saw one of Mr. Cooks' oxen 
was sick and coidd not work. Turned 
him out, and gave them both a dose of 

75. Mrs. Velina A. Williams, p. 186, entry for April 30, 


76. Ibid. 

77. Louisa Cook, "Letters From the Oregon Trail, 1862- 
1863" in Covered Wagon Women: Diaries & Letters from 
the Western Trails 1840-1890, ed. Kenneth L. Holmes 
(Glendale, California: Arthur H. ClarkCo.,1989), VIII, 
p. 38, entry for June 21, 1862. Hereafter referred to as 
Louisa Cook. 

78. Ibid. 

Wyoming Annals 24 Summer/Fall 1993 


PI : 3 ; 




Uirftk . 


jt . > i *\*u0****iJ&m 

We are continually driving round the dead cattle, and shame on 
the man ivho has no pity for the dumb brutes that have to travel, 
and toil month after month, on this desolate road, an emigrant 
sadly recalled. The photo was taken along the Bozeman Trail, 
but the scene probably was common along the Oregon Trail. 

lard and pepper, and they both died in two 
hours after... 7 " 

Writing in late November, 1846 
Pringle noted simply: one steer dies at 
this camp. 80 Six days later he was able 
to assign the cause of the loss of two 
steers to the cold. 81 One type of sickness 
was described in July 1864 by a man 
named Dr. Davis. Preparing to start, 
the Ringo family discovered: 

our ox was sick and bleeding at 
the nose, we turned him out and he was 
dead in about an hour after we unyoked 
him. Dr. Davis cut him open to find 
out what disease was killing off so many 
cattle and pronounced it bloody murrin 
[murrain], all the entrails were full of 
blood and no one can tell of anything 
that will cure them. 81 

79. Sarah Sutton, pp. 76-68, entry for Saturday, July 29, 
1854. Two days later Sutton reported: "best wheel 
oxen died before we started this morning; the animal 
had worked all day yesterday, we did not know that 
he was sick until this morn...." Ibid., p. 68, entry for 
Monday, July 3, 1854. 

80. Virgil K. Pringle, p. 299, entry for Friday, November 
20, 1846. 

It is clear that one of the prime 
causes of animal illness, particularly 
during the first half of the journey, was 
the presence of alkali in the water. The 
places mentioned in the following di- 
ary excerpts illustrate how pervasive 
was this danger throughout the high 
plains, and even beyond. 

Left Pawnee Springs this 
morning... Cattle seem to like alkali wa- 
ter which if taken in large draughts kills 
them. 13 

We hitch up and travel some 18 
miles crossing the Scotts Bluff. .There 
is an alkali slough here and some of the 
cattle drank of it and it killed them. 84 

In the vicinity of Willow Springs 
there ivere many dead cattle and horses, 
which I suppose had drank too freely of 
the alkali lakes along the road. 85 

traveled 15 miles crossed another 
branch of Bear River. We then crossed 

82. Mary Ringo, p. 216, entry for Monday, July 25, 1864. 

83. Harriet A. Loughary, pp. 128-129, entry for May 27, 

a very high mountain and came to the 
river again. Here we left one of our lead 
oxen in consequence of being poisoned 
with alkali. We passed several dead oxen 
during this day's travel. 86 

While most emigrants were con- 
vinced that there was no cure for al- 
kali poisoning, E.W. Conyers dis- 
agreed. At Devil's Gate in 1852 he 
learned the ingredients of a remedy 
from the trader there, a Frenchman by 
the name of Schambau. 87 

According to Conyers, the rem- 
edy consisted of: 

one-half pint each of lard and syrup; 
warm just sufficient to mix good, and if 
the animal is bloated, add to this one- 
half pint of good vinegar and drench 
them immediately. 88 This recipe, he 
added, proved a sovereign remedy, and 
we lost no more cattle. " 9 

One problem was probably un- 
avoidable. No matter how well-pre- 
pared one might be, it was likely that 
one's animals would at some point be- 
come footsore or lame. We lay at camp 
today to rest man and beast, Allyn re- 
corded in his diary in July 1853. The 
crippled mule does not appear to be hurt so 
bad as we expected. It walks about and 
feeds and limps but little." More than ten 
years later in 1864 Mary Ringo made a 
similar notation, observing: Our mule 
is too lame to work today and we will have 
to ride tied to the other wagon. qt 

Efforts were made to minimize 
the impact of this problem. Techniques 
used were similar to that employed by 
E.W. Conyers in 1852. After noting that 

85. Henry Allyn, p. 405, entry for Saturday, June 25, 1853. 

86. Orange Gaylord, p. 410, entry for June 30, 1850. 

87. E.W. Conyers, p. 455, entry for Friday, July 2, 1852. 

88. Ibid. 

89. Ibid. There were other mishaps which could befall 
animals for which no treatment was possible. Harriet 
Talcott Buckingham recorded such an incident in 
1851: "This morning after herding in the cattle found 
one which was much crippled in the hind quarters. 
Boys drove it some ways & were obliged to shoot it. 
The flesh was yellow & green, had been bitten by a 
snake...." Harriet Talcott Buckingham, "Crossing The 
Plains in 1851," in Covered Wagon Women: Diaries & 
Letters from the Western Trails 1840-1890, ed. Kenneth 
L. Holmes (Glendale, California: Arthur H. Clark Co., 
1984), III, p. 32, entry for Sunday, June 22, 1851. 

90. Henry Allyn, pp. 410-411, entry for Friday, July 8, 

81. Ibid., p. 300, entry for Thursday, November 26, 1846. 84. Mary Ringo, p. 214, entries for July 16 and 17, 1864. 91. Mary Ringo, p. 213, entry for Friday, July 15, 1864. 

Wyoming Annals 


Summer/Fall 1993 

quite a few of their cattle were lame 
because of the hot, sandy and stony 
roads, Mr. Conyers described the home 
remedy which was applied. M2 

'e cut a piece of hide from a dead 
ox by the roadside; making 
small holes in the border of this piece of 
hide; through these holes we run a 
string or a narrow strip of hide for a 
drawstring; we then put this piece of 
hide on the lame oxen's feet, flesh side 
out, drawing the string tight enough 
to hold it on the foot, and then tie it 
fast. This completes the job. Two days' 
wear is sufficient for a cure. 93 

Sometimes, however, it proved 
too difficult or impossible to treat lame- 
ness in draft animals. In such instances 
it was not at all unusual for animals 
too lame to travel simply to be aban- 
doned, left behind to forage for them- 
selves as best they could. Near Salmon 
Falls in 1852, Cornelia Sharp left our 
"Rose" cow to die, 94 and Sarah Sutton's 
1854 party had to leave another of our oxen 
to die this morning.... 95 

Although exact figures are impos- 
sible to ascertain, certainly in many in- 
stances abandoned animals were sub- 
sequently acquired by members of 
trains traveling through the area later 
in the season. Nearing South Pass, Jane 
Kellogg recalled: Some cattle were foot 
sore, and left by the roadside. She sup- 
posed they were picked up by some 
one when they were able to travel. 1 " 1 
O.A. Stern in 1853 even suggested that 
on occasion traders located along the 
trail would pick up lame animals, at 
no cost of course, care for them until a 
cure was effected, then sell them to 
other emigrants. He also suspected 
traders were sometimes stealing from 
emigrant herds for the same purpose." 7 
E.W. Conyers provides our final ex- 
ample of animal abandonment. On 
August 25, 1852 he wrote: we left poor 
old "Bill" , one of our oxen that had given 
out, so lame he could hold out no longer. 9 * 
Six days later Conyers' party found 
an ox that had been driven into 
this ravine for grass, but, being too weak 
to climb the steep hill, the owner had 
left him behind. We took the ox along 
with us, calling his name "Lazarus". He 
took the place of "Old Bill", the ox that 
we left by the road several days back. 99 

Some abandoned animals were in 
such shape as to make their continued 
survival doubtful. In such instances 
owners usually resorted to the remedy 
described by George Himes in 1853. 
Nearing the end of their journey to Or- 
egon, within sight of Mt. Rainier, Mr. 
Himes recalled: 

teams suffered dreadfully... for want of 
food, and not a day passed but that some 
of the animals droped (sic) in their 
tracks and were left to die alongside the 
rugged trail. Pathetic, indeed, were 
these experiences, in being compelled 
to leave faithful beasts in the wilder- 
ness to starve. But there was not help 
for it, grievous as it might seem, and 
the animals were shot to end their mis- 

The sorrow and compassion for 
suffering animals implicit in Mr. 
Himes' account marked the attitudes 
of many, perhaps most, emigrants. That 
oxen were frequently assigned per- 
sonal names by their owners bespeaks 

92. E.W. Conyers, p. 453, entry for Wednesday, June 20, 

93. Ibid., pp. 453-454. 

94. Mrs Cornelia A. Sharp, p. 181, entry for Friday, 
August 6, 1852. 

95. Sarah Sutton, p. 66, entry for Thursday, July 27, 

96. Jane D. Kellogg, p. 89. Mrs Kellogg also noted: "We 
shod ours (cattle) with leather." 

97. Mrs. Velina A. Williams, p. 109, note by O.A. Stearn 
following entry for July 16, 1853. Mr. Stearn, Mrs. 
Williams nephew, added e\ post facto annotations 
to his aunt's diary. 

98. E.W. Conyers, p. 491, entry for Wednesday, August 
25, 1852. 

99. Ibid., p. 495, entry for Tuesday, August 31, 1852. 

100. "Annual Address — An Account of Crossing the 
Plains in 1853 by George Himes," Transactions of the 
Oregon Pioneer Association, Oregon State Historical 
Society microfilm reel #5, p. 147. Mr. Himes also 
noted one clear-cut exception to the rule that suffer- 
ing animals were shot to spare them further suffer- 
ing. He recalled: "The C.B. Baker family had a 
blooded Kentucky mare, which became so exhausted 
as to be unable to get up one morning, and it was 
decided that she would have to be left behind." 
Mrs. Baker, however, did not concur because she 
was very fond of the animal. Consequently, she 
stayed behind the train to care for it. Her efforts 
were successful. Mrs. Baker and her horse rejoined 
the train by midday. One more time during the 
journey Mrs. Baker performed the same service for 
the same horse. Her reward was to see the mare 
subsequently "...become the dam of some of the 
best running horses known in the early days of 
Oregon and Washington." Ibid. 

101. Mrs. Inez Adams Parker, p. 18. 

the emergence of a relationship that 
went beyond stark utilitarianism. There 
is a real sense of loss in Inez Parker's 
remembrance of 

...Brindle our third ox, mired and 
died, leaving us but one ox, "Old 
Bright, " and our cow. The scene is clear 
before me now of poor old Brindle lying 
beside the mud hole from which he had 
been extracted, his big dark eyes rolled 
back, and his chest painfully heaving 
-with his last feeble breaths. 101 

One may perhaps assume that 
Mrs. Amelia Knight's attitude was rep- 
resentative of most emigrants. She 
wrote that her wagon crossed Burnt 
River in 1853. Continuing west, 

...lost one of our oxen, we were 
traveling slowly along when he dropt 
(sic) dead in the yoke, unyoked and 
turned out the odd ox, and drove round 
the dead one, and so it is all along this 
road. 1 " 1 We are, continually driving 
round the dead cattle, and shame on the 
man who has no pity for the poor dumb 
brutes that have to travel, and toil month 
after month, on this desolate road. 1 " 3 I 
could hardly help shedding tears, -when 
we drove round this poor ox who had 
helped us along thus far, and had even 
given us his very last step. 104 

Monuments commemorating 
the westward movement fre- 
quently have as a central icon a covered 
wagon with an emigrant family whose 
members are variously placed about or 
in it. Perhaps on occasion, at least, such 
a memorial ought to reflect more di- 
rectly what Edgar Allen Poe once referred 
to as the unselfish and self-sacrificing love 
of the animals that served them. 105 M 

102. Amelia Knight, "Iowa to the Columbia River" in 
Covered Wagon Women: Diaries & Letters from the 
Western Trails 1S40-1890, ed. Kenneth L. Holmes 
(Glendale, California: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1986), 
VI, pp. 64-65, entry for August 12, 1852. 



105.Edgar Allen Poe, "The Black Cat" in The Shorter 
Bartlett's Familiar Quotations, (New York: Pocket 
Books, Inc., 1964), p. 297. 

Wyoming Annals 26 Summer/Fall 1993 

Mark Junge 

Dr. Robert 


(1930-) IS 
of Political 

Science at 
College, a 

Presbyterian school in New Con- 
cord, Ohio. This is his tenth ar- 
ticle for Annals since 1968. Born 
in Omaha, Nebraska and raised 

about 5 o miles east of scottsbluff 
at Broadwater, Munkres did not 
become interested in the Oregon 
Trail until graduate school. Be- 
ginning IN 1956 HE WORKED THREE 

summers as a National Park Ser- 

his interest in the west and trail 
history blossomed. hls first sab- 
batical (1967-68) was spent in 
Bridgeport, Nebraska working in 
Paul Henderson's Oregon Trail 
collection. munkres' lengthy 
vita contains about two hundred 
journal and newspaper articles 

about western history, particu- 
larly the subjects of the oregon 
Trail and Indian-White relations 
on the Northern Plains. He is 

AUTHOR OF THE BOOK, Saleratus and 
Sagebrush: the Oregon Trail Through Wyo- 
ming (Cheyenne: Wyoming State 
Archives, Museums and Histori- 
cal Department, 1974). He SERVES 
as Associate Editor of the Chi- 
cago Westerners Brand Book, and 
is on the editorial boards of four 
western journals. Bob and his 
wife, Jeannette, made New Con- 
cord their home in 1962. 

Advertise in WYOMING ANNALS 

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relating to historical books, art and announcements 
appropriate to our readers' interest in Western 
and Wyoming history. 

Available sizes include full pages, vertical 

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For information on rates write to: Ms. Michelle 
Tyler, Advertising Coordinator, Wyoming Annals, 
Barrett Building, Cheyenne, WY 82002, or leave 
a message on voice mail at (307) 777-7076. 

A Vast Amount of Trouble 

A History of the Spring Creek Raid 

John W. Davis 

This comprehensive account of Wyoming's last great conflict between sheepmen and 
cattlemen will interest all readers of Wyoming history. 
cloth, $2230 (December) 

The Northern Cheyenne Indian 
Reservation, 1877-1900 

Orlan J. Svingen 

"Based on impressive research in official records and private papers, this book is an 
excellent administrative history enlivened by the human dimension. It is the fascinating 
story not only of institutions but of people. Orlan Svingen has made a rich contribution 
to the history of the Cheyennes and the northern plains." - Robert M. Utley 

cloth, $22.50 

Available from your bookseller or directly from 

University Press of Colorado 

P.O. Box 849, Niwot, CO 80544 • (303) 530-5337 

Wyoming Annals 27 Summer/Fall 1993 

Carnegie Library, Cheyenne, Wyo. 

Stimson Collection, Wyoming State Museum 

Tales Never Told 
Around the 

CAMPFIRE: True Stories 
of Frontier America 

by Mark Dugan 
Review by Phil Roberts 


by Edward Buscombe 
review by Dr. Gerald Thompson 

The Great Sioux 


by- Paul L. Hedren 
review by Michael Massie 

Lakota Society 

by James R. Walker 

Edited by Raymond J. DeMallie 
Review by Donald W. Housh 

The Sternberg Fossil 

A Dinosaur Dynasty 

by Katherine Rogers 
review by Carl V. Hallberg 

Turning on Water 
With a Shovel: 

The Career of Elwood Mead 

by James R. Kluger 
review by' Jim Donahue 

Architecture in 

the Cowboy State, 

1 849- 1 940 

by Eileen F. Starr 

review by Catherine Maillho 

Mr. Smith Goes to 

TOKYO: Japanese Cinema 
Under the American 
Occupation 1945- 195 2 

by Kyoko Hirano 
review by William K. Hosokawa 

America Then 
and Now 

Edited b\' David Cohen 

Text by Susan Wels 
review by Mark Junge 

Wyoming Annals 28 Summer/Fall 1993 


Mark Dugan has provided a. 
rare treat for the aficionado of out- 
law stories as well as for the scholar 
interested in how the law operated 
in the "Old West." The book is an 
entertaining and carefully researched 
collection of biographies of notori- 
ous outlaws in states ranging from 
North Carolina to Washington. 

The author is right in his open- 
ing assertion: "Probably no topic of 
America's past has been so sorely 
neglected by academic historians as 
the criminal history of the Old West." 
And he correctly adds that several 
recent scholarly attempts have re- 
moved drama and color from what 
should be fascinating stories. Hap- 
pily for Dugan's readers, Tales Never 
Told Around the Campfire manages to 
capture excitement and titillating 
details while offering up only those 
assertions which can be completely 
documented. Dugan's book demon- 
strates that the truth is indeed far 
more fascinating than many legends 
which have grown up around noto- 
rious Western outlaws and which 
have trapped unwary writers 
throughout the years. The book 
proves the adage that truth is 
stranger, and more interesting, than 

Although some stories are well 
known, Dugan has managed to un- 
cover significant evidence to cast 
doubt on their accuracy. Take, for 
instance, the story of Wild Bill 
Hickok's first "gun battle" with 
David McCanles, supposedly for the 
hand of Sarah Shull. Dugan's re- 
search reveals that the dispute began 
with McCanles's attempt to collect 
money he claimed was owed him. 
Shull may have been a witness to the 
shooting but her presence was not 
the cause. Following McCanles's 
death she stayed in the vicinity for 
more than a month. As Dugan rea- 
sons, if Hickok had any amorous feel- 
ings about her why didn't he make 
approaches during that time? 

Dugan's research provides 

more than mere debunking of out- 
law myths. Authors have written 
about many of the incidents described 
in this book, but until now postscripts 
to stories have not been included. 
Dugan gives the reader a thorough 
background for each of the principal 
characters and follows their lives af- 
ter the incidents. For example, in the 
Sarah Shull story he provides 
documentation for "The Lost 
Years," or where Shull went 
after the McCanles-Hickok in- 
cident. Further, the book 
briefly documents outlaws 
who gained local notoriety but 
whose reputations are un- 
known to present-day readers. 

Wyoming readers, in 
particular, will be interested in 
chapter ten which focuses on 
Tom Horn. Dugan wisely 
does not repeat details about 
the death of Willie Nickell. In- 
stead, he carefully examines 
the evidence in the earlier slayings of 
Fred Powell and William Lewis 
which many credit to Tom Horn even 
though his involvement with them 
was never proven. 

The narrative is supplemented 
by numerous rare photographs, re- 
productions of significant documents 
and contemporary photographs of 
outlaws haunts. Particularly valuable 
are facsimiles of legal documents 
which provide graphic evidence of 
Dugan's careful research. 

The book should be valuable for 
the scholar interested in how the jus- 
tice system functioned in the West, 
and entertainment for the casual 
reader who enjoys exciting stories 
about Western outlaws. It is a trib- 
ute to Dugan's writing skills that both 
should be delighted by true, exciting 
Tales Never Told Around the Campfire. 

Phil Roberts 

Assistant Professor of History at the Univer- 
sity of Wyoming, Laramie. 

Tales Never Told 
Around the 
Campfire: True 
Stories of Frontier 

by Mark Dugan 

Athens: University of Ohio 
Press, 1992. Illustrations, Maps, 
Notes, Bibliography, Index, xvii 
and 257 PP. 
Cloth $34.95. 
Paper S17.95. 

Wyoming Annals 


Summer/Fall 1993 




by Edward Buscomre 

Bloomington: Indiana University 

Press, 1992. Illustrations, Notes, 

Bibliography. 92 pp. 

Paper $9.95. 

In the public mind the 1939 
movie Stagecoach, directed by John 
Ford and starring John Wayne, is the 
classic western film. Yet film schol- 
ars in recent years have often 
downplayed the film's significance as 
a work of art and viewed it primarily 
as a breakthrough for both Wayne and 
Ford who in later years would go on 
to make such major westerns as The 
Searchers (1956) and The Man Who Shot 
Liberty Valance (1962). The great 
strength of this slim volume by Ed- 
ward Buscombe is to discover why 
critics so applauded Stagecoacli in its 
initial release as well as to understand 
why audiences around the world 
flocked to see it. After reading this 
book even the most skeptical will be 
convinced that Stagecoacli is one of the 
twentieth century's major films. 

For such a distinguished movie, 
Stagecoach's plot is deceptively simple. 
A group of diverse passengers ride a 
stage across the Southwest and come 
under attack from Indians. Geronimo 
is on the warpath. An escaped pris- 
oner, the Ringo Kid (Wayne) flags 
down the stage and plays a 
key role in battling the 
Apaches. Before the fighting, 
Ringo manages to fall in love 
with Dallas (Claire Trevor), a 
soiled dove with a "heart of 
gold." By journey's end the 
couple plan to marry, but 
Ringo must first "do what a 
man's got to do," and face the 
Plummer brothers who have 
murdered his family. The 
outcome, even in 1939, was 
already predictable. Ringo 
vanquishes the foe and the 
lovers ride off into the sunset. 
Stagecoach offered Ford the op- 
portunity to show that a western 
could be a serious film rather than the 
second half or "B" film on a double 
feature, but first screenwriter Dudley 
Nichols would have to rewrite Ernest 
Haycox's short story, The Stage to 
Lordsbttrg, which Ford had earlier pur- 
chased. Ford and Nichols had been 

collaborating for several years on 
movies that were based on literary 
classics, and Ford was known as a 
director of serious films like 
Arrowsmith, The Informer and The 
Plough and the Stars. In the mid-twen- 
ties he had made the classic silent 
western, The Iron Horse, but had been 
away from the genre since 1926. 

Both Ford and Nichols were 
struck with the similarity of Haycox's 
story to Guy de Maupassant's Bottle 
de Sttif (1880), a tale of a stage ride 
through enemy lines during the 
Franco-Prussian War. In the French 
story, a prostitute is the only passen- 
ger who can save her countrymen 
from the Germans and she proceeds 
to sleep with enemy officers to pro- 
tect her fellow travelers. De Maupas- 
sant makes a biting commentary about 
the nature of the rigid European class 
system: once the freedom of the French 
aristocratic and bourgeoisie passen- 
gers was secured, poor Boule de Suif 
was again treated with contempt and 
disdain. Screenwriter Nichols in Stage- 
coach would exaggerate class distinc- 
tions among the Americans in order 
to draw similar conclusions. 

To make a profitable, feature 
western Ford had to appeal to female 
audiences who had indicated a lack 
of interest in typical "B" westerns 
which seldom involved women. Thus, 
the love story of Ringo and Dallas is 
brought center stage, and Lucy 
Mallory (Louise Piatt), an army 
officer's wife, gives birth to a child at 
an isolated stage stop. Advertising for 
the film emphasized this aspect of the 
story. Casting is always a key to a 
film's commercial and artistic success, 
and Ford selected outstanding char- 
acter actors for his passengers, inten- 
tionally creating stereotypical indi- 
viduals. Especially memorable are 
John Carradine -a dissolute southern 
aristocrat, Andy Devine - a Falstaffian 
stage driver and Thomas Mitchell - an 
alcoholic physician and intellectual. 

Ford experimented with photog- 
raphy in Stagecoach in such a way as 

Wyoming Annals 30 Summer/Fall 1993 


to make the film truly pathbreaking. 
Light and shadow are always impor- 
tant elements in Ford's black and 
white films and in Stagecoach he used 
new techniques such as sets with ceil- 
ings and night scenes illuminated 
solely with backlighting. This style 
would later be called film noir and 
dated to the 1940s, but few authors 
other than Buscombe have noted its 
origin in Stagecoach. 

This study is a publication of the 
British Film Institute which has 

compiled a list of 360 key films for 
the history of cinema. Other works 
in the series will be hard pressed to 
equal Buscombe's masterful effort. 
His book will prove enjoyable read- 
ing for anyone who owns a VCR as 
well as for scholars interested in the 
American West and cinema history. 

Dr. Gerald Thompson 

Professor of History at 

the University of Toledo, Ohio 

During the past few decades, the 
Montana Magazine of Western History 
has published several articles pertain- 
ing to Indian-White conflicts on the 
Northern Plains during the 1870s. 
Paul Hedren has compiled a selection 
of these works in a book, The Great 
Sioux War, to further the discussion 
of this transitional period in the 
region's history. The collection of ar- 
ticles demonstrates that the signifi- 
cance of this era was not confined to 
Custer's defeat on the Little Bighorn 
River but was defined by numerous 
events and forces. 

As in most edited works, the ar- 
ticles in The Great Sioux War vary in 
scope and quality. Some focus on spe- 
cific events while others explore the 
larger historical and cultural forces 
that shaped encounters between the 
army and the Lakota, Cheyenne and 
Arapaho. Robert G. Athearn's "The 
Firewagon Road" examines the 
railroad's key role in the extinction of 
the buffalo and the Whites' increas- 
ing technological advantage, forcing 
tribes to move onto reservations. Paul 
Hutton's portrait of Phil Sheridan 
analyzes the personal and cultural 
factors motivating the general in his 
execution of American Indian policy. 
Thomas Buecker provides an edited 
version of Dr. Holmes O. Paulding's 
first person account of the immediate 
aftermath of the Little Bighorn battle. 
Just a few days after this famous con- 
flict the surgeon tried to piece to- 

gether the perplexing facts surround- 
ing the battle, unknowingly engaging 
in an exercise that continues today. 
In "The Southern Response to Custer's 
Last Stand," Brian Dippie provides an 
interesting investigation of how the 
South, tired of Republican Reconstruc- 
tion, used this military defeat to dis- 
credit the Republican administration 
during the 1876 presidential 

There is much to like 
about Tlie Great Sioux War. It is 
enjoyable reading and the ar- 
ticles are generally well-writ- 
ten and researched, tributes to 
the book's and magazine's edi- 
tors. Using an extended intro- 
duction and occasional sum- 
maries, Hedren overcomes the 
disparate nature of the articles 
to present a fairly cohesive in- 
vestigation of this complex 
topic while including some 
recent scholarship in the field. The 
book is useful in conveying the col- 
lection of articles to an audience out- 
side Montana Magazine's long-time 

However, the format presents 
some problems. Confining the selec- 
tion of articles to those that have ap- 
peared in Montana Magazine limits the 
book's interpretive breadth. For in- 
stance, none of the articles provide an 
Indian perspective of events sur- 
rounding the conflicts on the North- 
ern Plains. Referring to this series of 

The Great Sioux War 


by Paul L. Hedren 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska 
Press, 1991. Illustrations, Index. IV 
and 293 PP. 
Cloth $27.50. 
Paper $11.95. 

Wyoming Annals 


Summer/Fall 1993 


Lakota Society 

military engagements as the Great 
Sioux War, as military historians 
have done for years, is ethnocen- 
tric and discounts the involvement 
of the Cheyenne, Arapaho, Sho- 
shone and Crow. Finally, a few of 
the articles deal only marginally 
with the book's topic. 

Despite these problems 
Hedren's edited work is worth 
reading, for it furthers our under- 
standing of the diverse events and 
cultural forces that shaped this im- 
portant period in Northern Plains 
history. Researchers may want to 
read this book in conjunction with 
other, recent, scholarly works in the 

field such as Sherry Smith's Sage- 
brush Soldier: Private William Earl 
Smith's View of the Sioux War of 1876 
(Norman: University of Oklahoma 
Press, 1989), Neil Mangum's Battle 
of the Rosebud: Prelude to the Little Big- 
horn (El Segundo, California: Upton 
and Sons, 1987), and Joe Marshall, et 
al, Soldiers Falling Into Camp: The 
Battles at the Rosebud and the Little Big 
Horn (Encampment, Wyoming: 
AWN, 1992). 

Michael Massie 

Assistant Director of the Wyoming Council 
for the Humanities, Laramie 


lames R.Walker 

by James R. Walker 
Edited by Raymond J. DeMallie 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska 

Press, 1982. Illustrated, index, 

notes, bibliography. vii and 207 pp. 

Paper $10.95. 

Though small in size, 239 pages, 
this second volume in a series of three 
about Lakota society is packed with 
detail. The general topic, as the title 
suggests, is a consideration of the so- 
ciety of the Oglala Lakota (Sioux) 
during the late 1800s. The author, 
James R. Walker, was the agency doc- 
tor at Pine Ridge Reservation, South 
Dakota during the turn of the cen- 
tury, 1896 to 1914. This is not a re- 
counting of his experiences; 
rather it is a compilation of in- 
formational accounts which Dr. 
Walker gathered from several 

It is not a book for the be- 
ginner since some knowledge 
of Oglala societal structure, 
customs, winter counts and so 
forth is helpful to appreciate 
the material offered. A better 
book on the subject for the nov- 
ice might be Royal B. 
Hassrick's, The Sioux: Life and 
Customs of a Warrior Society. 
Even for the knowledgeable 
reader the detailed kinship terminol- 
ogy is a bit staggering. 

The introduction and preface by 
the editor are clear and give the 
reader a good background and per- 
spective for the ensuing material. 
There are three sections: I - The Struc- 
ture of Society, II - Hunting, War, 

Ceremony and Art, and III - Time and 
History. The section about hunting, 
war, ceremony and art is the shortest 
and therefore less comprehensive than 
the other two. Doubtless, the first sec- 
tion regarding the structure of soci- 
ety is the primary one in importance 
and detail. Nevertheless, I was par- 
ticularly intrigued by the third section, 
time and history, which consists of 
various winter counts, the method by 
which the Oglala recorded tribal his- 
tory. These chronological events are 
reconciled to modern dates and pro- 
vide historical context. 

One minor problem is that an 
1827 entry in the winter count section 
has a picture of an antelope but the 
text says deer (the editor notes this 
also). The point is that inconsistencies 
often occur in the translation process. 
Another problem relates to a probable 
nineteenth century bias, also in the 
winter counts, by which one Indian is 
classified as a hermaphrodite or trans- 
vestite (winkte). Current sociological 
research refers to this social adapta- 
tion as the Berdache tradition and indi- 
cates there is more to it than cross- 
dressing or physical /sexual configu- 
ration. These minor points do not al- 
ter the value of the book. 

The book contains a good index, 
a short phonetic key that is useful if one 
is already acquainted with the Lakota 

Wyoming Annals 

3 2 




dialect, a list of resource persons and 
a good, extensive bibliography. 

All in all, this is a worthwhile 
addition to the literature about 
Oglala Lakota culture. The material 
concerning relationships and kinship 
is detailed and revealing, and the 

wintercounts are entertaining as 
well as informative. 

Donald W. Housh 

Volunteer in the Photographic Unit of the 

Wyoming State Museum, Cheyenne 

This book chronicles the lives 
of three generations of the Charles 
Sternberg family who were indepen- 
dent, professional fossil hunters from 
1876 to 1982. According to Rogers, 
the Sternbergs bridged the period be- 
tween freelance diggers of the nine- 
teenth century and paleontologists of 

Rogers' major objective is to 
convey to the reader the idea that the 
Sternbergs were avid dinosaur hunt- 
ers. They traveled across the Ameri- 
can West, Alberta, Canada and 
Patagonia serving pre-eminent men 
and institutions of the day such as 
Edward Cope of Como Bluffs fame, 
the Smithsonian and the National 
Museum of Canada. Drawing upon 
personal notes and published articles, 
Rogers weaves together accounts of 
how the Sternbergs found, unearthed 
and marketed fossils. 

Rogers observes that the 
Sternbergs' love for dinosaur hunt- 
ing had a significant affect upon their 
domestic life. Patriarchal influence is 
well-documented in that three gen- 
erations of men took up the profes- 
sion, the second and third genera- 
tions evidently influenced by the first. 
The effect it had upon husbands and 
wives is less balanced. Early in the 
book the author emphasizes that the 
constant travels of Charles Sternberg 
tested the strength of his marriage. 
But the divorce of Mabel from 
Charles's son, George, in 1926 is 
stated as an afterthought rather than 
described as an integral part of 
George's family life (pp. 110, 130). 
The hardening of the elder Charles 

Sternberg's heart (pp. 25, 49-50) seems 
an attempt to add social drama and 
to give the reader a preview of things 
to come rather than a description of 
domestic life. Succeeding generations 
just fell in love, got married and that 
was that. 

But my major criticism of the 
book relates to its scientific perspec- 
tive. Despite what the Sternbergs did, 
Rogers does not clearly convey to the 
reader that they realized themselves 
how significant their discoveries were, 
aside from merely finding dinosaur 
bones. Family members contributed 
to a scientific body of knowledge, but 
the reader is not given a critique of 
their writings. A survey of dinosaurs 
studies and papers of the time would 
help put their work and the 
state of paleontology into his- 
torical context. Rogers sug- 
gests that as a result of their 
work in the field, and their 
accumulated knowledge of 
biology and geology, the 
Sternbergs formulated theo- 
ries about dinosaurs, but she 
does not explain what these 
ideas were. Reference to 
modern dinosaur discoveries 
(p. 170) does not support or 
refute the Sternbergs' scien- 
tific prescience or abilities but 
merely appears to be an interesting, 
albeit misplaced, sidelight. Finally, 
dinosaur names would be better un- 
derstood by the non-paleontologist if 
the book had an illustrated appendix. 

The significance of this book 
lies in its initial conception. Early di- 
nosaur discoveries were made by 

The Sternberg 

Fossil Hunters: 

A Dinosaur Dynasty 

mosaur Dynasty 

by Katherine Rogers 

Missoula, Montana: Mountain 

Press Publishing Company, 1991. 

Maps, notes, index, xii and 288 pp. 

Paper $10.00. 

Wyoming Annals 


Summer/Fall 1993 


Turning on Water 

with a Shovel: 

the Career of 

Elwood Mead 

Timiina on 

diggers independent of any institu- 
tional support. The methods em- 
ployed by the Sternbergs' in their 
vocation would be judged by mod- 
ern scientists and archaeologists as 
ethically offensive but at the time 
were common in paleontology. De- 

spite its faults, Rogers' book provides 
insight into one family's role in the his- 
tory of paleontology. 

Carl V. Hallberg 

Senior Historian at the Wyoming State 
Archives. Cheyenne 


ThtCanrr of Elwood Mtai 
I A M 1 s It K 1 V G E R 

by James R. Kli ger 

Albuquerque: University of New 
Mexico Press, 1992. Illustra- 

Cloth $29.95. 

Elwood Mead, Wyoming's only 
territorial engineer and first state en- 
gineer, has long been deserving of a 
comprehensive biography. Mead was 
a man of vision and his genius is re- 
flected in the landscape of the west- 
ern United States even today. His 
career as a reclamation engineer and 
his efforts as a social planner encom- 
passed three continents and more 
than five decades. As Commissioner 
of Reclamation, his crowning achieve- 
ment was the construction of Hoover 
Dam on the Colorado River. The res- 
ervoir formed by the dam was named 
Lake Mead in his honor, ten days af- 
ter his death on January 26, 1936. 

James Kluger's biography of 
Mead was twenty years in the mak- 
ing and included detailed research 
spanning the globe. The data were 
gathered from such diverse 
archives and libraries as the 
Bancroft Library, the 
Herbert Hoover Presidential 
Library, the Wyoming State 
Archives, the U.S National 
Archives, the Israel Ar- 
chives and the Australian 
Archives. Every aspect of 
Mead's career is explored. 
In addition to being exten- 
sively researched, Professor 
Kluger's biography is well 
written and easy to read. 

The early years of 
Mead's career, beginning in 
1882 with his appointment as profes- 
sor of physics and mathematics at 
what is now Colorado State Univer- 
sity in Fort Collins, are of special in- 
terest to Wyoming readers. It was 
during those early years, despite 
breaks at Iowa State University and 

Purdue University to earn his ad- 
vanced degrees and reading law in 
Indiana under the tutelage of his fa- 
ther-in-law, that Mead developed his 
lifelong passion for irrigation and rec- 
lamation. This passion had its begin- 
ning in the summer of 1885 when Mead 
was employed by the Colorado State 
Engineer as an assistant engineer over- 
seeing irrigation in the South Platte 
River Valley. Not only did the sum- 
mer irrigation and engineering work 
spur his interest in irrigation and rec- 
lamation, it gave him practical experi- 
ence and led directly to his appoint- 
ment as Wyoming's only Territorial 

During the next ten years, work- 
ing in Wyoming, Mead developed the 
concepts and ideas which he would try 
to implement throughout his long ca- 
reer. In Colorado Mead quickly recog- 
nized the deficiencies, and looked for 
solutions to the problems water laws 
created. In Wyoming he encountered 
the same legal deficiencies. The move 
for Wyoming statehood led to a con- 
stitutional convention in 1889 shortly 
after his arrival in the state. Mead 
found the time ripe to resolve the legal 
problems that existed in state water 

The result was that two of Mead's 
ideas unique to water management 
were incorporated into the Wyoming 
State Constitution. The first provision 
was that all surface water (the courts 
later interpreted the term to include 
ground water) was the property of the 
state. The second provision established 
an administrative board of control to 
adjudicate water rights. These rights 
were based upon priority of appropria- 
tion and attachment of the adjudicated 

Wyoming Annals 


Summer/Fall 1993 


water right to the land. During the 
next eight years Mead worked to 
implement the provisions of the con- 
stitution and bring water to the arid 
lands of Wyoming. From his efforts 
and laws passed by the state legis- 
lature would come what is known 
as the Wyoming System, which in 
time would be adopted in whole or 
in part by other states and other 
countries for water management. 

For Mead, personally, his 
nearly ten years in Wyoming gave 
him a national and international 
reputation as a leader in reclama- 
tion and engineering, and a power- 
ful political sponsor. Mead served 
directly under Francis E. Warren 
during Warren's second term as 
Wyoming Territorial Governor and 
his short tenure as the first state gov- 
ernor. During his more than thirty 
years in the Senate, Warren intro- 
duced many bills incorporating 
Mead's ideas for reclamation of the 
West. Warren also supported and 
sponsored Mead's career. In 1897, 
when Mead was anticipating a ca- 
reer change after the death of his first 
wife, Warren prevailed upon Secre- 
tary of Agriculture James A. Wilson 
to establish a Division of Irrigation 
in the department and appoint Mead 
its director. Mead served in this po- 
sition from 1899 to 1907. 

Throughout his biography of 
Mead, Professor Kluger stresses 
Mead's idealism and his belief that 
reclamation of the arid West could 
be a tool for resolving many of the 
nation's social problems. Mead be- 
lieved in the family farm (he had 
been raised on one) and envisioned 
the settlement of the West through 
creation of family farms as a way to 
relieve overpopulation in eastern cit- 
ies and the boom and bust economic 
problems of the late nineteenth and 
early twentieth centuries. Wherever 
Mead worked -in Wyoming, Califor- 
nia, Australia, or Israel- when he 
held policy-making positions with 
the United States government his 



Father De Smet and the Indians 
of the Rocky Mountain West: 
Exhibition Catalog 
Jacqueline Peterson, Editor, and 
Laura Peers, Associate Editor 
In full color, with 200 illustrations, this catalog of the inter- 
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similarities and differences between European Christianity 
and Native American beliefs, and the processes by which 
Indian people have sustained their traditional values and 
spirituality into the present era. 

$49.95 Cloth; $24.95 Paper (October) 


Holy Man of the Oglala 
By Michael F. Steltenkamp 

Based on extensive interviews with Lucy Looks Twice, the 
holy man's last surviving child, and others who knew him 
personally, Steltenkamp sheds new light on the life of one 
of the world's best-known religious figures. 
$19.95 (September) 


The Mesquakie Challenge to New France 
By R. David Edmunds and Joseph L. Peyser 

Volume 211 in The Civilization of the American Indians Series 
"By incorporating Fox oral traditions and uncovering new 
manuscript sources, Edmunds and Peyser have given us 
new insights into the history of the Foxes. This book 
touches on such vital themes as intertribal warfare, the 
impact of the fur trade on Indians, and the democratic 
nature of Indian societies and how that militated against 
strong tribal government." — William T. Hagan, author 
of The Sac and Fox Indians. 

$24.95 (October) 


A Legacy of Fact and Fiction 

By Frank Richard Prassel 

Often we romanticize outlaws to the point of being unable 
to separate fact from fiction. Prassel brings this home in 
an enjoyable examination of the concept of outlawry from 
Robin Hood, Dick Turpin, and Blackbeard through Jean 
Lafitte, Pancho Villa, and Billy the Kid to more modern 
personalities. A separate chapter on molls traces women's 
involvement in outlaw activities. 

$29.95 (September) 

From your bookseller, or ^^j^ 

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Wyoming Annals 


Summer/Fall 1993 


Architecture in 

the Cowboy State, 

i 849- i 940 

by Eileen F. Starr 

Glendo, Wyoming: High Plains 

Press, 1992. Illustrations, 

appendices, bibliography, index. vi 

AND 199 PP. 

Paper $14.95. 

efforts were always directed toward 
providing opportunities for families 
to thrive in agricultural communities. 
Reclamation suffered criticism 
toward the end of the twentieth cen- 
tury. However, Professor Kluger's bi- 
ography of Elwood Mead is impor- 
tant reading for those wanting to un- 

derstand how the West became 
what it is today. 

Jim Donahue 

Administrator of Archives, Records Manage- 
ment and Micrographic Services at the Depart- 
ment of Commerce, Cheyenne 

In Architecture in the Cowboy State, 
1849-1940 Eileen Starr sets out to write 
a survey of Wyoming architecture from 
a preservationist's point of view and 
succeeds in this goal. The book is di- 
vided into two sections: the first an 
overview of architectural styles and the 
second an outline for doing an archi- 
tectural survey of historic structures. 
Starr begins her survey with a dis- 
cussion of the difference between the 
stereotypical idea of Western architec- 
ture presented by Hollywood and 
popular literature and reality. She de- 
scribes the typical development of the 
Western town and illustrates how in 
some areas of Wyoming this develop- 
ment has been disrupted because of the 
desire to conform to a marketable, 
popular myth. She also describes the 
influence that landscape and cul- 
ture had on the development of 
a distinct style of architecture. 

Demonstrating how to in- 
terpret historic architecture, 
Starr lists classifications used to 
identify structures and gives ex- 
amples of Wyoming structures 
which illustrate architect- de- 
signed, manufactured and folk 
architecture. Her discussion of 
prominent Wyoming architects 
and their well known buildings further 
illustrates the variety of styles found 
in the state. 

This book is written from an his- 
toric preservationist's perspective, con- 
firmation of which can be seen in the 
choice of historic themes to describe 
the types of structures commonly 
found in Wyoming. The themes se- 
lected correspond to "historic contexts" 
used by preservationists when nomi- 
nating a building to the National Reg- 

ister. Information in this section is 
particularly helpful to someone com- 
pleting a National Register nomina- 
tion because it covers many themes 
that should be considered in the pro- 
cess. True to preservationist think- 
ing is her consideration of the site 
and cultural landscape, their influ- 
ences on particular types of struc- 
tures and how they characterize the 
history of an area. Examples in each 
historic theme are given. When the 
information in this chapter is used 
in conjunction with architectural de- 
scriptions in the second part of the 
book, the reader is well on the way 
to knowing what is necessary to 
complete an architectural history 
and survey. 

All in all, Starr presents a 
highly readable history of Wyo- 
ming's architecture and more impor- 
tantly provides a starting point for 
further research. The bibliography is 
annotated. The book is fully illus- 
trated with numerous photographs 
and line drawings which comple- 
ment, and are placed appropriate to, 
the text. Each is properly captioned 
with the name and location of the 
structure and a brief comment. Ap- 
pendices contain line drawings 
which illustrate architectural fea- 
tures commonly found in Wyoming 
structures, and a glossary contains 
architectural terms. 

Anyone interested in historic 
preservation or simply the richness 
of Wyoming's architectural heritage 
would do well to make this book a 
starting point in their inquiry. 

Catherine Maillho Gaupp 

Volunteer at F.E. Warren Museum, 

Wyoming Annals 


Summer/Fall 1993 


Having pounded the hated en- 
emy into submission, United States 
forces which occupied Japan in Sep- 
tember, 1945 quickly began the for- 
midable task of reshaping that de- 
feated nation in the democratic im- 
age. Within a week of the signing of 
the surrender a Civil Information and 
Education section was set up in Gen- 
eral MacArthur's headquarters to ex- 
pedite the establishment of freedom 
of religious worship, freedom of 
opinion, speech, press and assembly 
by the dissemination of democratic 
ideals and principles through all 
media of public information. 

Ironically, to promote such free- 
doms the occupation forces found it 
necessary to impose censorship. This 
volume is a meticulously docu- 
mented study of the way the Japa- 
nese motion picture industry was 
censored on two levels, civilian and 
military, with confusion and 
bumbling at both. 

The goal was to help the Japa- 
nese people develop individual lib- 
erties and human rights. Movies, fea- 
ture films, documentaries, and news- 
reels were seen as an important part 
of the re-education process. Desirable 
subjects included free discussion of 
political issues, demonstrations of in- 
dividual initiative and cooperation in 
national reconstruction and building 
a peaceful nation. Prohibited were 
themes infused with militarism and 
nationalism, portrayal of feudal loy- 
alty or contempt of life as honorable, 
depiction of revenge as an acceptable 
motive, and anything at variance with 
directives of the occupation forces. 

The prohibitions quickly ran into 
problems. Kabuki plays, a national art 
form, were replete with themes of re- 
venge, loyalty to feudal lords and vio- 
lence. While native arts were encour- 
aged as morale-builders, what should 
be done when they violated United 
States decrees? Ultimately the censors 
decided that Kabuki plays could be 
performed on the stage but Kabuki- 
type movies were verboten. 

There were other dilemmas. Wit- 
ness: When swordplay scenes were 
prohibited, Japanese filmmakers pro- 
tested that there was no difference be- 
tween swordplay and gunfighting in 
American westerns. But the American 
censors claimed that Japanese swords- 
men used their weapons as instru- 
ments of personal revenge and de- 
fended the lords to whom they were 
loyal, and thus were motivated by feu- 
dalists values, whereas the gunmen 
and sheriffs of the Wild West resorted 
to their weapons only to defend justice 
and to restore safety to the communi- 
ties. Let me know if you can unravel 
that tortured logic. 

But there were even knottier mat- 
ters. United States film censorship was 
caught up in leftist vs. rightist ideo- 
logical conflicts among the Japanese 
and similar rivalries among American 
officials. Mixed signals from Washing- 
ton didn't help. 

Author Hirano probes the role of 
censorship in promoting the imperial 
image after it became United States 
policy to use the emperor 
rather than prosecute him 
as a war criminal, and in 
promoting progress and 
tranquility. However, in- 
consistency was about the 
only thing consistent in the 
program which muddled 
through in spite of language 
problems and huge gaps in 
cultural understanding. 

Footnotes (759 of 
them) and 19 pages of bib- 
liography belie the conten- 
tion that the role of censor- 
ship was largely a hidden 
chapter in the story of the 
American occupation of Japan. Be that 
as it may, Kyoko Hirano, director of 
the Japan Film Center of the Japan So- 
ciety of New York, has done a remark- 
able job of focusing the spotlight on an 
important chapter of history. 

William K. Hosokawa 

Retired, editor and author, Denver, Colorado 

Mr. Smith Goes to 
Tokyo: Japanese 
Cinema Under the 



by Kyoko Hirano 
Washington: Smithsonian 
Institution Press, 1992. Notes, 
bibliography, index, vii and 365 PP. 
Cloth $34.95. 

Wyoming Annals 37 Summer/Fall 1993 



edited by david cohen 
text by Susan Wels 

San Francisco: Harper Collins, 

1992. Illustrations, map, 

bibliography, appendices, 223 pp. 

Cloth $40.00, paper $20.00. 

If you are going to do a pictorial, 
"then and now" book this is the way 
to do it. At 10.5" x 12", America Then 
and Now is a big enough book to con- 
tain large photos, and enlargements are 
particularly useful when reading his- 
toric photographs. The printing is ex- 
cellent. Duotones of historic photos and 
color separations of contemporary pho- 
tos were done by Toppan, a Tokyo com- 
pany with a reputation for quality 
work. Finally, the book is heavy with 
good paper and cover stock. In short, 
this book is a delight to see and feel. 

You need money for fine quality 
printing and binding, for research at 
photo archives around the country, and 
for re-photographing scenes across 
America. To get the job done Editor 
David Cohen, co-editor of Day in the 
Life of... books on various countries, 
obtained a generous grant from K-Mart 
in celebration of the company's thirti- 
eth anniversary. 

Cohen's purpose in doing Ameri- 
can Then and Now, in addition to cel- 
ebrating K-Mart's birthday, was to "re- 
discover America." As Cohen and his 
staff looked at historic photos, two 
questions became insistent. "If 
we went back to the same places, 
tried to recapture the same 
scenes, what would they all look 
like now? And if these scenes 
were juxtaposed with the old, 
what would we learn about the 
ebb and flow of American life 
?" (p. 12). The answers are left 
to the reader who is treated to 
more than 200 pages of historic 
photos next to, opposite, or fol- 
lowed by, contemporary photos. 
The format of American 
Then and Now is simple, the 
scenes entertaining and the cap- 
tions short and informative. Every page 
or set of pages, patterned after radio 
or TV bytes, informs and entertains. 
The 103 historic photos are not famil- 
iar to most readers and all of the con- 
temporary views, of course, are new. 
Probably the historic photo most famil- 
iar to readers is Alfred Eisenstadt's shot 

of a sailor kissing a woman in Times 
Square on VJ day, 1945 (p. 170). 
Opposite is the Persian Gulf War 
homecoming of Melissa Rathbun- 
Nealy, the first American service- 
woman to be taken prisoner of war 
since World War II. 

How the old is juxtaposed with 
the new varies from page to page. 
Some comparisons are literal, with 
tripod points nearly matched, while 
others are creatively suggestive. An 
example of the literal approach is the 
very first set of photos in the book 
(pp. 14-15, 16-17): an 1860 view of the 
U.S. Capitol Building followed by a 
contemporary view taken from nearly 
the same spot with nearly the same 
focal-length lens. However, matching 
perspectives is not as important to 
Cohen as matching concepts. For ex- 
ample, an historic photo of a stunt 
woman diving her horse from a 35- 
foot platform at the Colorado State 
Fair is opposite a bungee jumper 
bouncing up from a bridge west of 
Denver (pp. 68-69). A Polish coal 
mine worker is matched to a Puerto 
Rican mushroom farmer, both wear- 
ing miner's hats (p. 88-89). The first 
World Series, held in 1903 at a Bos- 
ton outdoor park, is opposite the 1991 
American League Championship Se- 
ries held in the Hubert H. Humphrey 
Metrodome in Minneapolis (pp. 62- 
63). Accompanying text contains 
player salary comparisons and -not 
to anyone's surprise- the difference 
is enormous. One of my favorites is 
the comparison between Tupperware 
parties of yesterday and today (p. 
208-209). Fifty years have passed and 
we still use these plastic containers 
to preserve leftovers until they're 
moldy enough to throw away. 

Photo pairs appear one right af- 
ter another. Short, informative cap- 
tions, keep you turning pages to find: 
Ellis Island immigrants, remote radio 
broadcasting paraphernalia, bathing 
suits, hamburger drive-ins, bomb 
shelters, Elvis Presley souvenirs, and 
pajama parties. Although some photo 

Wyoming Annals 


Summer/Fall 1993 

sets clearly document social problems 
such as population growth and urban 
sprawl, most are not heavy with seri- 
ous issues. This book is a smorgas- 
bord for the eyes and a delight to any- 
one who enjoys history occasionally, 
but particularly history that is light 
and entertaining. The book contains 
three photos by J.E. Stimson (pp. 4-5, 
85 and 108-109), an indication of the 
talent and breadth of this important 
Wyoming and Western photographer. 
The problems in American Then 
and Now are small in comparison to 
the joy it gives, but they should not 
go unnoticed. For example, American 
photography before the Civil War is 
left out, as is the photography of the 

great Western surveys and Western rail- 
road building and -except for an Arthur 
Rothstein photo of a store in Grundy 
Center, Iowa, and an interior shot of a 
one-room Oregon schoolhouse by 
Dorothea Lange, used as filler at the end 
of the book- the massive Farm Security 
Administration (FSA) Collection in the 
Library of Congress is not represented. 
Finally, although the book does have 
America in the title, twenty-one states 
were not represented. Wyoming was 
lucky to see three Stimson photos. 

For Cohen and staff, answering 
their two questions must have been an 
adventure. Evan after discovering how 
the new does or does not resemble the 
old, putting the raw materials into a 

book must have been another adven- 
ture. I wonder, when old and new 
photographs were laid out side by 
side, if Cohen found that he had rein- 
vented America while he was redis- 
covering it. After all, what he selected 
for rephotography is a value judg- 
ment itself. Someday a statement will 
be made about how the editor who 
helped produce books containing late 
twentieth century, time-capsule, 
views of countries throughout the 
world- looked at American history. 

Mark Junge 

Editor of A nnah of Wyoming 

Editor Notes, continued from page 2... 

Trail. It was a stage road that went up, I 
guess, to the Black Hills from Sidney. It 
-went through his property. He discovered 
that as a young kid, and found a half-dime 
or something out on the trail, and got 
interested in trails when he was just a tad. 

Paul's interest was in the geography 
of the trails. His wife Helen, who probably 
does not get as much credit even though 
she was as knowledgeable as Paul, was 
more interested in the history of the 
emigration. "It was always fun," Wagner 

when the two of them were together 
and talking about the trail to hear the 
interaction between them because Paul 
was so enthusiastic and Helen urns so laid 
back and quiet. But even/ now and then she 
would pipe up and say ... "Now, Paul!" 

Although Paul Henderson did not 
have an academic degree he deserved 
one. And although he did not have a teacher's 
certificate, truly he was an educator, 
sharing his knowledge, library and home 
with colleagues. His nature was democratic, 
his style down to earth. He didn't like 
pretentiousness in anyone, including 
fellow trail historians. One summer night 
in 1973 in a tent along the Overland Trail 
at the Little Laramie Crossing, Paul told 
a few trail neophytes including myself 
about one such historian. 

Turrentine Jackson, who wrote a 
wonderful book on transportation over the 
Oregon Trail... I had him in the first 
teachers' trek. He was one of the counselors. 

And we was at Ash Hollow, pretty close 
there, and I took em where they could look 
down in and over the situation. He was 
kind of a smart-aleckguy., 1 didn 't like him. 
He said, "Dr. Henderson...." I said, "It's 
mister. There's no doctor about it." Well, 
anyway, he says, "I'd just give a fifty dollar 
bill to really walk out and stand on the 
Oregon Trail." Well, I urns standing in it 
and was just gonna tell him about it. And 
I says, "Well, listen, Mutt, bring your 
money and come over and stand with me 
and you'll be right in it." 

Paul Henderson cared more about 
his subject than being recognized as a 
literary historian. He approached it, 
explained Wagner, in the true spririt of 
the historian. 

Paul just wanted to know why, why 
they went over this ridge, why they went up 
this valley, why they didn't go here rather 
than over there. He learned partly because, of 
course, he grew up in the era. But he 
understood the restrictions of travel by 
covered wagon, the kinds of terrain those 
wagons could tackle and the kinds they 
couldn 't. And so he would work things out in 
his own mind and he would discover "why. " 

Some of those whys were explained 
to us that night on the Little Laramie. I 
asked Paul if emigrant wagons traveled 
the high ground because of potential 
Indian attack. He replied: 

No. They kept on the high ground 
because in this western country the snow 
swept off of the high ground. I've seen 
people go out there with me and, oh, a lotta 

people "...Oh, yes, we're gonna hunt for 
the trail. It -went right down a swale. See 
how nice that slopes? Right down there?" 
Yes! Did you ever think that in the -winter 
time how deep the snow would be right 
dozen that swale? And them stages run 
-winter and summer! See? 

He further instructed us... 

And I'm gonna tell you guys right 
now. When you're huntin for trails don't 
ever hunt for a trail gain around a slope on 
a mountain like that. They didn't! The 
wagons had to go up and down! If they'd 
a started around, goin around ...oh, yes, 
-we'll start up here and we'll go around the 
mountain like some of our roads.... Those 
roads -wasn't graded. Just as quick as he 
got around there and started around the 
mountain the old -wagon woulda rolled 
right over on down the hill, See? 

We all wondered how Paul could 
retain so many details of trail history since 
he seemed to be able to spin one tale after 
another. "Well, I enjoy it," he told us, 

...when you enjoy doing something 
you wonder why you do it, like going up 
this trail, one thing and another. You 
can't forget them things. You just can't 
forget em. 

Before rolling over in our sleeping 
bags Paul capped the whole evening's 
discussion in an expression of love for 
the trail. 

You know what?... Comes time for 
me to die I'd like to be out on something like 
this and lightning strike me. ■ 

Wyoming Annals 


Summer/Fall 1993 


All books described in this 
edition of "booknotes" are first edi- 
tion paperbacks published by blson 
Books, a division of the University of 
Nebraska Press. Begun in 1941, the 
Press is a university department lo- 

in Lincoln. Bison is the trade name 
for UNP paperbacks and was intro- 
duced in 1961. Three-fifths of UNP 
publications bear the Bison logo. Ne- 
braska publishes more than fifty new 
Bison books a year and regularly 
reprints western classics. Subject ma- 

of the West and frontier expansion, 
but also studies in native american 
culture and American history in gen- 

Press intends to reprint in paper- 

native, mari sandoz, including the 
two below. a distinguishing feature 
of Bison reprints is a new introduc- 

Cheyenne Autumn 
by Mari Sandoz 
Lincoln: University of Nebraska 
Press, 1992. Originally published, 
New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 
1953. xx and 282 pp. Illustrations, 

MAP, NOTES, INDEX. $9.95. 

This is the first Bison Book 
printing of Sandoz' classic work con- 
cerning a band of Cheyenne Indians 
that traveled in Autumn, 1878 from 
Indian Territory in Oklahoma, where 
they had been sent by the U.S. gov- 
ernment, to their homeland in the 
Yellowstone River Country of Mon- 
tana 1,500 miles north. It is the saga 
of a heartbreaking journey told by 
Sandoz, a Western writer raised in 
the sandhills of western Nebraska. 
Sandoz based her story partly upon 
talks with an old Cheyenne woman 
who was a participant in the flight, 
conversations with other veterans of 
the frontier, and documentary re- 
search. Although some of the direct 
speech she used is fictional, she be- 
lieved she remained true to the 

rhythms of Indian speech. Warner 
Brothers made Cheyenne Autumn a 
motion picture in 1964. A map located 
in the front of the book and nine illus- 
trations grouped within the text help 
the reader visualize the location and 
some of the key individuals in the 
event. The setting includes a portion of 
eastern and northeastern Wyoming. 

Hostiles and Friendlies 
by Mari Sandoz 
Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 
1992. Originally published, Lincoln: 
University of Nebraska Press. 1959. xxi 
and 250 pp. Illustrations, map, 
publisher's notes, chronological bibli- 
ography of author's writings, list of 
author's professional activities and 
awards. $10.95. 

Sandoz' book is a novelette com- 
bined with short stories linked together 
by passages from the author's letters, 
articles and interviews. The introduc- 
tion is an autobiographical sketch of her 
youth in the Nebraska sandhills. The 
body of the work indicates how the 
author developed as a writer. It con- 
tains a study of the two Sitting Bulls 
(Hunkpapa and Oglala) and other In- 
dian pieces; a novelette, "Bone Joe and 
the Smokin' Woman; and nine other 
short stories including Sandoz' first, 
"The Vine." Together, they provide a 
picture of both the Niobrara River 
Country of northwestern Nebraska, the 
Dakotas and of Sandoz's emergence as 
a Western and American writer. 

The Travels of Jedediah Smith 
by Maurice S. Sullivan, ed. 
Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1992. 
Originally published, Santa Ana, Cali- 
fornia: Fine Arts Press, 1934. 195 pp. 
Illustrations, index. $9.95. 

This is a pioneering work about 
Jedediah Smith, a man described by the 
author as, " brief, the man who 
charted the way for the spread of the 
American empire from the Missouri 
River to the Western Sea." (p. 2, 
Foreward). It contains Smith's sketch 

of his entry into the fur trade in 1822, 
a documentary outline by Sullivan of 
Smith's next five years, and Smith's 
daily record of activities from June 
24, 1827 to July 3, 1828. The latter is 
the only material remaining from a 
journal kept by Smith for more than 
eight years. It documents his journey 
on foot over the Utah desert, his sec- 
ond visit to California, his escape 
from the Mojaves, and his adventures 
in Oregon. Supplementing the jour- 
nal is the diary of Alexander Roderick 
McLeod and correspondence describ- 
ing events of the 1828 Hudson's Bay 
Co. expedition to recover property 
carried off by Indians in a fight on 
the Oregon's Umpqua River. Smith's 
career is of interest to Wyoming his- 
torians since he traversed the state in 
his search for furs and "rediscovered" 
South Pass. 

Fremont, Pathmarker of the West 
by Allan Nevins 
Lincoln: University of Nebraska 
Press, 1992. Originally published, 
Appleton Century, 1939. xiv and 689 
pp. Illustrations, maps, appendices, 
bibliographical note, index. $19.95. 

Based in part on an earlier bi- 
ography of Fremont done by the same 
author, Fremont is the definitive 
work about the explorer. It was writ- 
ten fifty years after Fremont's death 
by one of America's greatest histori- 
ans, Allan Nevins, author of Pulitzer 
Prize-winning Grover Cleveland 
(1932) and Hamilton Fish (1937). One 
reviewer called Fremont long and te- 
dious, a "camouflage." Another 
claimed that Nevins had "raised bi- 
ography to the level of literature." In 
either case, John Charles Fremont 
was one of the most controversial and 
romantic figures in American history. 
Nevins documents the explorations 
of the "Pathfinder" which included 
his adventures in Wyoming and his 
disastrous winter in the San Juan 
Mountains of Colorado, his political 
career including his court-martial for 
disobeying orders during the Bear 

Wyoming Annals 4.0 Summer/Fall 1993 


Flag Rebellion, his defeat as the first 
presidential candidate of the Repub- 
lican Party and the loss of his Civil 
War command. Interwoven is the ro- 
mance with his wife, Jessie Benton 
Fremont. If history is biography then 
surely this book will interest histori- 
ans of the West. 

The Gathering of Zion 
by Wallace Stegner 
Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 
i 992 . Originally published, New York: 
McGraw-Hill, 1964, The American 
Trails Series. 332 pp. Church chronol- 
ogy (1805-1896), maps, illustrations, 
bibliographical notes, index. $12.95. 

This is the second book written 
by Stegner about the Mormons. His 
first was Mormon Country, published 
in 1941. Although Stegner is not a 
Mormon, he is not a Mormon-hater. 
Saints and non-Mormons alike will 
probably derive benefit from this his- 
tory of the 1,200 mile Mormon Trail, 
400 miles of which crosses Wyoming. 
Stegner documents the great Mormon 
migration to Salt Lake starting with 
the 1844 mob attack on Joseph Smith 
in Nauvoo, Illinois and ending with 
the driving of the golden spike at 
Promontory Point, Utah. It is a story 
akin to that of the Israelites who jour- 
neyed from the land of Pharoah into 
Palestine. According to Wyoming 
Historian, Gene Gressley, the book is 
the best volume of in what was an 
"undistinguished" trail book series. 
Most Western readers will recognize 
Stegner as the Pulitzer Prize-winning 
author of Angle of Repose (1972). 

Handcarts to Zion 
by LeRoy R. Hafen & Ann W. 
Lincoln: University of Nebraska 
Press, 1992. Originally published, 
Glendale, California: Arthur H. 
Clark Co., i960. 328 pp. Appendices, 
index. $12.95. 

Three thousand Mormon con- 
verts migrated from Europe to 

America, purchased 653 wooden 
handcarts and joined companies of 
emigrants in a 1300 mile trek from Iowa 
City to the Salt Lake Valley. Without 
money to buy wagons and draft ani- 
mals, the handcart pioneers-women as 
well as men-pulled and pushed two- 
wheeled carts containing their posses- 
sions. Combining scholarly research 
with what has been called "delightful 
prose," LeRoy Hafen (1893-1985) and 
Ann Hafen (1893-1970) documented the 
incredible migration using journals, re- 
ports and rosters of the ten handcart 
companies. Hafen, a history professor 
and former director of the State His- 
torical Society of Colorado, and his 
wife, Ann were prolific Western histo- 
rians and authors who wrote, among 
other works, fifteen volumes about the 
Far West and Rockies and ten volumes 
about the Mountain Men and the fur 
trade. Handcarts was dedicated to Mary 
Ann Hafen, LeRoy 's mother, who wrote 
about the handcart experience in Recol- 
lections of a Handcart Pioneer of 1860: A 
Woman's Life on the Mormon Frontier, 
also a Bison book. Wyoming figures 
prominently in the handcart saga, since 
not only did the Saints follow the Or- 
egon/Mormon Trail, the Martin and 
Willie Companies were nearly de- 
stroyed by early winter storms east of 
South Pass. 

Annie Oakley 
by Walter Havighurst 
Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 
1992. Originally published, New York: 
Macmillan, 1954. xviii and 246 pp. Illus- 
trations, index. $10.95. 

Most of Walter Havighurst's 
books focus upon the Great Lakes area 
and Ohio. Although mid- America was 
his specialty this professor of English 
wrote a biography that is a description 
of the West portrayed in Buffalo Bill's 
Wild West Show. A star of the show 
was Annie Oakley, markswoman with- 
out peer. One reviewer called the book 
readable as history or as circus and the- 
ater. Although Havighurst gave his 
subject careful study, he interpolated 
imaginary conversations. In so doing, 

says New York Herald Tribune re- 
viewer, Stewart Holbrook, he was 
able to "catch all of the excitement of 
tanbark, lights, gunfire and brass 
bands." Born in rural Ohio in 1860, 
Annie Moses rose from poverty to 
become the well-known personality 
W.F. Cody called "Missie." For sev- 
enteen years she was loved both in 
America and overseas. The introduc- 
tion was written by Canadian author 
and English Professor, Christine Bold. 
Wyomingites may be interested in 
furthering their knowledge of Buffalo 
Bill, one of the state's foremost his- 
toric personalities. 

Personal Recollections and 

Observations of General Nelson 

A. Miles (2 Vols.) 

by Nelson A. Miles 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska 

Press, 1992. Originally published, 

Chicago: Werner, 1896. (2 Vols.) xxi 

and 591 pp. Illustrations by Frederic 

Remington, introduction by Robert 

wooster. $11.95 per volume. 

After fighting for the Army of 
the Potomac during the Civil War, 
General Miles was transferred to the 
West where he achieved his greatest 
fame fighting Sioux, Cheyenne, 
Apache and Nez Perce. These are his 
memoirs, illustrated by one of 
America's greatest Western artists. 
Volume I contains Miles' early years 
in the East, the Civil War and his In- 
dian campaigns on the Northern 
Plains, ending with the Battle of the 
Little Bighorn and the surrender of 
Sitting Bull. Volume II shifts to the 
northwest, Washington Territory, and 
his role in the Indian Wars there, then 
to the Southwest where he succeeded 
General George Crook fighting the 
Apaches. Robert Wooster, who intro- 
duces each volume of the Miles mem- 
oirs, is Associate Professor of History 
at Corpus Christi State University and 
author of Nelson A. Miles and the Twi- 
light of the Frontier, a book scheduled 
for publication by the University of 
Nebraska Press. 

Wyoming Annals 

4 1 

Summer/Fall 1993 

Savor Wyoming History 
A Day at a Time 

The 1994 Historical Society Calendar 


$5.95 plus tax 

When historians think ofhistory they usually think of events, not places. The 1994 Wyoming Historical 
Society Calendar- featuring black and white images by Wyoming photographers Joseph Stimson and Tom 
Carrigen- reveals places where state history was made. These sites are rural, outdoor and small-town historic 
sites representing major themes in Wyoming history: agriculture, mining, transportation, commerce, 
government, recreation and settlement. 

For example, you'll see an early panorama of Meeteetse, a Weston County cable tool oil rig, a private 
hospital in Wheatland and the YU Ranch in the Big Horn Basin. The calendar's cover features a hand- 
colored, 1 903 Stimson photo of the Sweetwater County Courthouse in Green River. Each date contains an 
entry pertaining to an historic event that occurred on that same day in Wyoming history. 

The 1994 calendar is an annual Society publication (this is the fourteenth printed). Don't miss adding 
it to your collection! The price is just $5.95 ($6.31 including tax), the same as it was last year. If you ask 
to have calendars mailed, for one to three calendars add $1.75 for postage and handling. For four to ten 
calendars the added postage is $5.50. Checks should be made out to Wyoming Historical Society. 

Get your calendars now! Contact: Ms. Ann Nelson, Wyoming Department of Commerce, Barrett State 
Office Building, Cheyenne, WY 82002. Phone: (307) 777-7016. 

Wyoming Annals 


Summer/Fall 1993 



Violence, Crime, and 
Punishment on the 
Mining Frontier 
By R. E. Mather 
and F. E. Boswell 

This compelling analysis of the robberies 
and murders that plagued the mining fron- 
tier during the 1850s and 1860s features 
the careers of 21 hardened criminals. 
"Sprinkled with fascinating details of prison 
existence and life in the early West." — Bill 
O'Neal, True West. 



..wy**? ; ::g; 


By Alice Marriott 

New Foreword by Margot Liberty 
With Drawings by Margaret Lefranc 

"It is the story of Mrs. Cowboy. . . . The 
bulk of the book is concerned with the 
ranch women of today, how they live, work, 
have children, manage houses, and some- 
times the ranges when the going gets too 
tough for the men." — Chicago Tribune. 

Winner of the 1990 Zia Award of New Mexico Press Women 

By Bobette Perrone, H. Henrietta Stockel, 
and Victoria Krueger 

The stories of 10 women healers from 3 cultures — Native 
American, Hispanic, and Western — form the core of this 
provocative journey into cultural healing methods. "Written 
smoothly and with great heart." — Booklist 



A Working Stiff in the Western Mine Camps 
By Frank A. Crampton 

Foreword by W. H. Hutchinson 

"The reader knows the tales are authentic, and reading the 
author's account is almost like being there. Certainly this 
book ranks among the best of the true stories of the wild, 
wild West." — Lapidary Journal. 


El Paso Marshal 
By Leon C. Metz 

Volume 53 in The Western Frontier Library 

A fast-paced biography of Stoudenmire, a big, tough gunman 
from East Texas who became city marshal of El Paso with 
orders to clean up the town. "Stoudenmire was no paragon 
of virtue, but Metz presents a very persuasive case that he 
has not received his share of honor."— Pacific Historian. 



Lawlessness in Old California 
By John Boessenecker 

Profiling 10 notorious lawmen and outlaws, Boessenecker 
shatters old myths. "A first-rate history about little-known 
lawmen and outlaws of California's wild years . . . Most of the 
characters who give this history its liveliness have not been 
profiled before." — San Francisco Chronicle. 


From your bookseller, or 

University of Oklahoma Press 

(Call I -800-627-7377, or write) 

Dept. MAY2— 1005 Asp Ave.— Norman, OK 73019-0445 

Add: $ 1 .50 Post/hand. Accept: MC/Visa/AE/Checks. 


Wyoming Annals 


Summer/Fall 1993 

Winter 1993 -9^ 
Volume 65, No. 



WATfA-fr FOR TtiS Rout/PHP T°< 



Howard Wagner Collection, Wyoming State Museum 

left: Tom Horn in the office of the Laramie 
County Jail 1903 

right: Ken Rolfsness. Tom Horn look-alike 1991 
Wyoming Governors' Mansion 

".4 number of years back, when my daughter 
was probably around age six or seven, she went 
out and got the newspaper off the front steps 
and brought it in the house. She was just Linda 
glancing through the newspaper and all of a 
sudden she come runnin ' in to my wife and 

f you like 
. cowboys this 
is your issue. In 
the lead article Pe- 
ter Hassrick dis- 
cusses the chang- 
ing of the cowboy 
image. Roscoe 
Buckland tries to 
show how Owen 
Wister — author 
of the most fa- 
mous of western 
novels called Hie 
V i r g i ii i a n — 
changed his mind 
about the big 
cattlemen. Mark 
Harvey is not shy 
in expressing his 
opinion about 
"good guys" and 
"bad guys" in the 
Johnson County War. And when you think you've got the war 
pretty well figured out, Jack McDermott will give you not only 
lots more to think about, but also many leads to further read- 
ing. The one topic that doesn't relate to cowboys is Bruce 
Noble's article about South Pass mining entrepreneur, Emile 
Granier, whose misadventures took place a few years before 
the northern Wyoming range feud. 

As I sat wondering what I could write in this column 
that somehow related to all that, what bobbed to the surface 
of my mind was the Tom Horn Retrial in Cheyenne this past 
September. Most will recall that Horn was tried, convicted 
and hung in Cheyenne for killing 14-year-old Willie Nickel. 
It was in 1903, a decade after the classic period of open-range 
cattle ranching had ended, that Horn admitted the killing was 
"the dirtiest trick I ever done." 

After rereading four, front page Wyoming (Cheyenne) 
Eagle accounts of the retrial, I wondered, "Why so much ink 
devoted to resurrecting a 1903 event?" I puzzled, "Why, even 
before the retrial began, would a newspaper reporter indi- 
cate that the retrial would bring a verdict of 'not guilty?'" I 
couldn't quite figure out... "Why would Amnesty Interna- 
tional ask Governor Sullivan to posthumously pardon Horn — 
comparing his hanging to the 1991 execution of Mark 
Hopkinson — when it was known that the Governor didn't 
pardon Hopkinson?" Furthermore, "Why would Wyoming- 
ites, who root for underdogs, try to vindicate a man whose job 
in the struggle between big and small cattlemen was to kill un- 

^^B "** ^^Q 

!r ~ * 

Mark Junge 

saying, "What's daddy's picture doing in the 
paper?" My wife Carol took a look at the 
picture and she said the first thing she thought, 
too, was well, what's my picture doing in the 
paper? She started reading the article. It was 
on Tom Horn and the picture that they were 
talking about was a picture of Tom Horn. But 
that would have been probably 15 years ago. 
Even then they said I looked enough like Tom 
Horn to be Tom Horn and a year ago I still 
looked enough like him to be him, I guess." 

derdogs? Why 
all the kick and 
growl over a 
hired killer?" 

Then it struck 
me, Tom Horn was 
an underdog. Re- 
gardless of his 
guilt or innocence 
in the Nickel kill- 
ing, Horn was a 
loner, feared by 
small cattlemen 
and eventually 
shunned by the 
big cattlemen 
who hired him. 
Regardless of the 
fact that neither 
his antagonists 
nor his apologists 
deny he was a 
killer, Horn continues to attract international attention. 

Pondering the questions I began to realize what both- 
ers me. It is that people seem caught up in outlaw and law- 
man history. Other questions came to mind: Why is there no 
end to documentaries and books that highlight lawmen and 
outlaws? Why do people think that gunfighting is what 
Wyoming history is all about? What makes us perk up when 
we are told stories of the "Old West?" Sure, I realize that 
Tom Horn is good for drawing tourists. Tom Horn Kick and 
Growl events even provide scholarships. But, they serve as 
blinders, blocking out our peripheral vision and preventing 
us from seeing the history we're losing. While Cheyenne 
people crowd a courtroom to attend a theatrical event like 
the Tom Horn Retrial, they turn their heads when historic 
Cheyenne buildings like the Gem Coal Chute are torn down. 
That wooden structure lasted longer than one might expect, 
given today's mindset. It was a unique symbol of two key 
industries in Wyoming's development: the railroad and coal. 
Probably I shouldn't be too surprised since this sort of de- 
struction takes place continuously throughout the state. But 
who gives a Cheyenne newspaper reporter, covering the 
demolition of such structures, the right to pronounce them 
"unhistoric?" What judge and jury determined their guilt 
or innocence? 

Some guy in a beer commercial asks, "Why ask why?" 
...Because maybe someday I'll get an answer. 

Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 

Governor of Wyoming 

Mike Sullivan 

Director, Department of Commerce 
Max Maxfield 

Director, Parks & Cultural Resources DrvisioN 
David Kathka 

Parks and Cultural Resources Commission 

William Dubois, Cheyenne 
Frances Fisher, Saratoga 

Pam Rankin, Jackson 
Jeanne Hickey, Cheyenne 

David Peck, Lovell 

Norval Waller, Sundance 

Jere Bogrett, Riverton 

Hale Kreycik, Douglas 

Edre Maier, Sheridan 

Wyoming State Historical Society 
Officers, 1993-1994 

Sally Vanderpoel, President, Torrington 

Ruth Lauritzen, 

First Vice president, Green River 

Maggi Layton, 

Second Vice president, Riverton 

Sherry Taylor, Secretary, Casper 

Rick Ewig, Treasurer, Laramie 

Walter Edens, Past President, Laramie 

David Kathka, Executive Secretary, Cheyenne 

Judy West, State Coordinator, Cheyenne 


Mark Junge, Editor 

Carl Hallberg, Book Review Editor 

Melinda Brazzale, Designer 

Jim Allison, Design Assistant 

Michelle Tyler, Advertising Coordinator 

Assistants: Jean Brainerd, Larry Brown, 

Paula Chavoya, Richard Collier, 
Brian Foster, Char Olsen, Craig Pindell 

Editorial Advisory Board 

Michael Cassity 

Rick Ewig 
Gene Gressley 

Roy Jordan 

David Kathka 

William H. Moore 

Robert L. Munkres 

Philip J. Roberts 

In 1 895 Wyoming established a department 
to collect and preserve state history. Today 
those responsibilities belong to the Division of 
Parks & Cultural Resources, Wyoming Department 
of Commerce, located in the Barrett State Office 
Building in Cheyenne. Within this division are 
the State Archives, State Museum, Wyoming 
Arts Council, State Archaeologist, Information 
& Education Services, State Parks and Historic 
Sites and the State Historic Preservation Office. 
Wyoming ANNALS, established in 1923 to 
disseminate historical information about 
Wyoming and the West, is published by the 
Wyoming Department of Commerce. 

Copyright Iy94 by the Wyoming Department of Commerce 



APR 1 8 1994 


Winter, 1993 - 94 
Volume 65, No. 4 

W Y O 







Cover: Wating (sic) for the Roundup to Start by W.J. Carpenter, 1918, Greybull. Wyo. 

Carrigen Collection, Wyoming State Museum 

toning, coloring, and color transparencies by Craig Pindell 

Back: Billy Cramer. 1899 

Rainsford Collection, Wyoming State Museum 

coloring by Richard Collier 

Editor Notes 2 

FOCUS Legacy of a Range War ZJ. 

by Mark Harvey 

In Old Wyoming O 

by Larry K. Brown 

The Wyoming Cowboy's Evolving Image o 

by Peter Hassrick 

Writers in Judgment: Historiography of the 

Johnson County War 

by John D. McDermott 

Contrasting Views of Lynching 

in Two Wister Stories 

by Roscoe L. Buckland 



A Frenchman in Wyoming: The South Pass 

Mining Misadventures of Emile Granier 4 

by Bruce J. Noble Jr. 

Book Reviews 62 

Book Notes 77 

Index 78 

The editor o£ ANNALS welcomes manuscripts on every aspect of Wyoming and Western history. Authors should submit 
manuscripts on diskettes utilizing WordPerfect or ASCII text, and double-spaced, hard copy to: Editor, Wyoming ANNALS, 
Wyoming Department of Commerce, Barrett Building, Cheyenne, Wyoming, 82002. Manuscripts should conform to A Manual 
of Style (University of Chicago Press). They are reviewed by members of an editorial advisory board and the editor makes 
decisions regarding publication. 

ANNALS is received by members of the Wyoming State Historical Society and is the Society's principal publication. 
Current membership is 2,141. Membership dues are: Single $9, Joint $12, Institutional $20. Copies of ANNALS may be 
purchased from the Wyoming Department of Commerce. A NNALS articles are abstracted in Historical Abstracts and America: 
History and Life. 

Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 


Legacy of a Range War 



Craig Pindi i.i. 

On a blustery spring afternoon a 
mysterious train departed from the 
stockyards of Cheyenne and headed 
north over the Wyoming plains. Con- 
sisting of only five railroad cars and a 
steam locomotive, the special train 
rolled through the night under cover 
of a moonless Wyoming sky. In the 
pre-dawn hours of April 6, 1892 it 
clamored to a halt some two hundred 
miles down the track on the outskirts 
of the fledgling cattle town of Casper. 

A well-armed force of fifty-two 
Wyoming cattlemen, stock detec- 
tives and hired Texas gunmen disem- 
barked from the passenger car, un- 
loaded their equipment, horses and 
supply wagons and began their jour- 
ney north through the rolling grass- 
land of the Powder River Basin. Car- 
rying a death list compiled by the Wyo- 
ming Stock Growers Association and 
riding with the blessings of high-rank- 
ing state officials including the gover- 
nor, their intention was nothing less 
than to purge Johnson County of ev- 
ery known cattle thief and rustler by 
whatever means possible. Thus began 
the invasion of Johnson County. 

The story of the Johnson County 
War has been told so many times and 
in so many ways over the past century 
that its legacy has long since tran- 
scended the confines of historical real- 
ity. No other single event in Wyoming 
state history has generated as much 
controversy, folklore, myths and leg- 

ends than the war on Powder River. It 
has been the subject of works of history, 
fiction and what can be referred to as 
hysterical fiction. Each side of the con- 
flict has its own version of the story and 
each version has been embellished by 
various interpretations. Moreover, the 
people, issues and events of that long- 
ago conflict are favorite topics of con- 
versation and debate on the Wyoming 
range and can still quicken blood and 
make tempers flare. There remains no 
middle ground. 

When a person takes into account 
the fact that history and tradition run 
deep in the veins of Wyoming people, 
that the majority of Wyoming's mythic 
and legendary tales deal with cowboys, 
outlaws and range feuds, and that the 
Johnson County War is a microcosm of 
the time when cows wore horns and 
men packed guns, the continual re- 
hashing of the war over the past cen- 
tury isn't all that surprising. And it's a 
cinch bet that stories of the people and 
events of that century-old conflict will 
be told until Powder River runs dry. 

But there are ramifications of the 
war on Powder River that transcend 
Wyoming and its people, branching out 
and connecting with the history of the 
entire nation. Inherent in the struggle 
are universal themes intrinsically woven 
into the fabric of American culture which 
give meaning to the history, character 
and makeup of the nation. Not the least 
of the themes is the timeless strife and 
struggle between the haves and have 
nots of American society. The antago- 
nism that existed between the wealthy, 
powerful cattlemen of Cheyenne and the 
independent cowboys, small ranchers 
and homesteaders of Johnson County is 
a reflection of antagonism between capi- 
tal and labor during the latter decades 
of the twentieth century. 

Coined the "Gilded Age" by Mark 
Twain, the decades following the Civil 
War were a time of unparalleled social 
unrest and unrelenting conflict between 

two opposing forces and ideologies. 
On one side were large corporations, 
political power and wealth. On the 
other were labor unions, independent 
farmers and ranchers, the common 
man and working poor. It was an era 
of fear, violence and alienation and dis- 
trust between social classes. 

At about the same time events 
were coming to a head on Powder 
River, there arose in the South and 
West a grassroots rebellion of farmers, 
homesteaders, and working poor coa- 
lescing into the Populist Party. Al- 
though short-lived, populism brought 
to the consciousness of the American 
public many of the same charges be- 
ing leveled against the cattlemen of 
Cheyenne by the small ranchers of 
Johnson County. In 1891, just one year 
prior to the invasion, Hamlin Garland 
became a voice for the Populist move- 
ment when he published Main Traveled 
Roads. This widely read novel con- 
sisted of a collection of short stories 
depicting the plight of simple, hard- 
working Dakota farmers and their 
struggle for survival, not only against 
the hostile forces of nature but against 
the unrestricted practices of their pow- 
erful oppressors. The latter included 
land-grabbing speculators, dishonest 
bankers, crooked politicians, monied 
corporations and the magnates of un- 
regulated railroads. In 1892 the Popu- 
list movement resulted in the first ma- 
jor third party in American politics 
since the Civil War. The platform of 
the Populist Party that year contained 
the statement: 

We meet in the midst of a nation 
brought to the verge of moral, political 
and material ruin. Corruption domi- 
nates the ballot box, the legislatures, the 
Congress, and touches even the ermine 
of the bench. The people are demoral- 
ized ... The fruits of the toil of millions 
are boldly stolen to bidld up colossal 
fortunes ... we breed two great classes 
— paupers and millionaires. 

Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 

Wyoming State Museum 

Bar C Roundup Wagon About 1884. Standing, 1 to r: Hank Devoe — foreman, Ray Peters, George Gordon, Cheston 
Morris, Nate Champion, Joe Vincent. Sitting, 1 to r: Buck Jackson, Jack Donahue, W. H. Hall, Rice McCarty, Sig 

Donahue, Al Allison, Bill Rankin, Jack Flagg 

The wealthy elite of the nation, on 
the other hand, viewed the com- 
mon man with disdain and distrust. 
Fearing anarchy due to fast-growing 
labor organizations and countless la- 

bor strikes, they struck back with 
rhetoric, legislation, and finally, pri- 
vate armies. During the late 1880s and 
early 1890s America witnessed numer- 
ous violent confrontations between the 
forces of capital and labor including 
the 1886 Haymarket Riot in Chicago, 
the 1892 Coeur d' Alene and Home- 
stead strikes, and the 1894 Pullman 
strike. It was within this historical 
context that the Johnson County War 
was played out. 

The War is a powerful learning 
tool for those interested in conflicts be- 
tween the haves and have nots of our 
own times. One hundred years ago 
opposing sides in the conflict were 
popularly known as the "White Caps" 
and "Rustlers." Today they might be 
referred to as the "Postmodern Bar- 
ons" and the "People of the Horseback 
Culture." These two forces still do 
battle but not with guns. 

Postmodern Barons believe in 

money, progress, power and political 
control. They are wealthy urban capi- 
talists who dominate the economic poli- 
cies of state and country and, to a cer- 
tain extent, the politics as well. Al- 

though individuals, they can be readily 
identified by the initials of their corpo- 
rations, associations and government 
affiliations. Their leaders and spokes- 
men are often politicians as well as suc- 
cessful businessmen. The ideology of 
the Postmodern Barons is demonstrated 
by their tendency to battle, dismantle 
or destroy any obstacle in the path of 
their economic interests. In the past 
their initial response was to pick up a 
gun. Today whenever they encounter 
an obstacle, be it be human or environ- 
mental, the initial response is to lobby 
for legislation enabling them to start up 
a bulldozer or drilling rig, build a dam 
or power plant, lay a pipeline, strip the 
earth or clear-cut timber. 

People of the Horseback Culture, 
on the other hand, are primarily folks 
who live in the hills, on family ranches 
and farms, and in small towns. They 
have an inherent distrust of authority - 
especially state and federal agencies- 

the corporate world, the rich and pow- 
erful elite and the fast-paced modern 
world in general. They are people who 
believe, as Charley Russell put it, that 
"Progress don't make a town any bet- 
ter ... just makes it easier for cars to 
travel." They are people who perpetu- 
ate traditional values of hard work, 
family, honesty, friendship and self- 
sufficiency, and who retain a sense of 
community and neighborhood coop- 
eration. The culture's ideology is ex- 
pressed by individuals such as 
Charley Russell and Will Rogers. 
Horseback Culture is also a state of be- 
ing in which people measure time with 
the sun and the seasons. It is a place 
where Wyoming doesn't wear 
barbwire in her hair, where she doesn't 
have stretch marks on her belly from 
railroad tracks, freeways and high- 
ways, where her lungs aren't full of 
factory and power-plant smoke, and 
where her jewelry isn't power poles 
and telephone lines. In essence, 
Horseback Culture is the antithesis of 


Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 

by Larry K. Brown 


Why is there a rather general disposition to dep- 
recate the legislature? If all the wisecracks of this cat- 
egory were laid end to end they'd reach from the last 
smartaleck who made one back to the beginning of 
time and lap over into infinity. Forty years of report- 
ing legislatures have seen a steady increase of the re- 
spect with which this writer regards the average ear- 
nest, honest well-meaning citizen who is represent- 
ing his fellow citizen in the law making branch of the 

government... John C. Thompson 

Thus, for the first 
time — February 11, 1937 — 
John C. Thompson expressed 
"One Man's Opinion" under 
that banner and byline in the 
Wyoming State Tribune? 

As a Cheyenne news- 
paperman since the age of 
eighteen Thompson had ob- 
served and reported the 
news for roughly forty years. 2 
But that was not enough. He 
sensed Wyoming and its 
people were not receiving the 
attention and recognition he 
felt they deserved and it con- 
cerned him greatly. To make 
sure his state and "the folks 
who had accomplished 
things from the bottom up" 
were not forgotten, the con- 
genial but rather private jour- 
nalist collected a rich trove of 

1 . John C- Thompson, "One Man's Opin- 

ion," (Cheyenne) Wyoming State Tri- 
bune, 11 February 1937, p.l. 

2. "Eminent Tribune Editor John C. 
Thompson Dies, Wyoming State 
Tribune, 8 February 1952, p.l. 

facts and anecdotes about 
their lives then shared their 
stories in ink with page-one 
prominence. 3 In doing so, he 
enriched the lives of his read- 
ers by putting the events of 
their time in perspective. 

This was no ordinary 
newsman. In addition to be- 
ing a skillful writer, perhaps 
his greatest gifts were his abil- 
ity to cultivate invaluable 
news sources, ask the right 
questions and accurately recall 
the most obscure facts related 
to him. The courtly gentleman 
also had great empathy for his 
fellow man. Oh, there were 
times when he could be stern, 
aloof and even irascible, but he 
usually saved his rancor for 
those whom he perceived 
lacked "moral fiber." 4 

3. Telephone interview: T. Raymond 
Cahalane, 2 November 1993. Other 
telephone interviews:Shelby Thomp- 
son, 3 November 1993; Don Clair, 4 
November 1993; and Pat Sullivan 
Larsen, 4 November 1993. 

Unlike many of his fire- 
brand competitors, Thomp- 
son chose reason rather than 
rhetoric to express his views. 
He congratulated rather than 
castigated. Tired of "attack 
dog" editorializing, the pub- 
lic found Thompson's straight 
talk refreshing. They warmed 
to his yarns about the good 
ol' days like trail-worn trav- 
elers 'round a friendly fire. 

As he matured profes- 
sionally from reporter to edi- 
tor, "Charley," as a few close 
friends called him, spent 
more and more time in search 
of interesting individuals 
who had made important 
contributions, particularly to 
Thompson's community. In 
telling their tales he evolved 
into a kindly mentor. To re- 
flect that approach he retitled 
his column "Cheyenne, Wyo- 
ming" on February 23, 1937. 5 

Readers discovered, 
within Thompson's column 
rule, the great strengths of 
Wyoming people including 
honor, fidelity, self-suffi- 
ciency, honesty, fairness and, 
above all, equality. He shared 
those attributes in stories 
about those he admired in 
such a way as to help his read- 
ers cope and succeed in their 

4. Telephone Interview: Burton Thomp- 

son, 3 November 1993. 

5. John C. Thompson, "Cheyenne, Wyo- 

ming," Wyoming State Tribune, 23 Feb- 
ruary 1937 p.l; also, Cahalane inter- 

own lives. The values he 
cherished, however, tran- 
scended the "Magic City of 
the Plains." With that discov- 
ery he chose a more appropri- 
ate title for his column: "In 
Old Wyoming." It first ap- 
peared on July 27, 1938. 6 In 
that issue he mused: "It 
would be interesting to know 
how many men there are in 
Cheyenne whose careers in- 
cluded a period when they 
were carrier-boys for one or 
another of the several news- 
papers now merged in and 
their names perpetuated by 
The Tribune" Clearly, he must 
have recalled his youthful 
start in journalism. 7 

Born July 15, 1879 at 
Harrodsburg, Kentucky, 
Thompson was brought to 
Cheyenne in 1884 by his 
father who also was named 
John C. Thompson. After 
working as a miner and 
stenographer, the junior 
Thompson launched his 
newspaper career in 1897 as 
"conductor of the Wyoming 
department" at the Rocky 
Mountain Neu>s. s Three years 
later he became a reporter for 
the Tribune. In 1902 he joined 
the Cheyenne Leader which 

6. John C. Thompson, "In Old Wyoming," 

Wyoming State Tribune, 27 July 1938, 

7. ibid. 

8. "Eminent Tribune Editor," Tribune, 8 

February 1952, p.l. 

Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 

T. Joe Cahill (left), Cheyenne 
police chief, visits Editor John 
Charles Thompson in his Wyo- 
ming State Tribune office, ca. 
1942. Both witnessed the 
November 20, 1903 execution 
of Tom Horn. 

Beriah Thompson Collection 

was subsequently absorbed 
by the Tribune and from 1908 
until 1911 edited that news- 
paper. The following year, 
after a brief stint as Laramie 
County assessor, he returned 
to the Tribune where he worked 
for five years as a reporter. 

During the years 1917- 
1918 he was secretary to Gov- 
ernor Frank Houx and in 
1920 returned to the Tribune 
where four years later he 
again became editor. From 
1926 until the late 1940s he 
also served as editor of the 
Tribune's subsidiary, the 
Wyominq Stockman-Farmer. 
During his journalism career 
Thompson covered every big 
news story in Wyoming in- 
cluding the Tom Horn trial, 
the Jackson Hole congres- 
sional investigations, the pre- 
World War I convict strike at 
the state penitentiary in 
Rawlins, mine disasters at 

Hanna and the Teapot Dome 
scandal. During much of that 
time he also was Wyoming 
correspondent for the New 
York Times and wrote exten- 
sively for other major news- 
papers and periodicals. His 
support of history brought 
him appointment to the Wyo- 
ming State Historical Land- 
marks Commission in 1939." 
Despite his many 
interests and responsibilities, 
Thompson always carved 
time from a busy schedule to 
craft his column. "In Old 
Wyoming" welcomed its 
readers nearly every day for 
more than twelve years. Like 
strong coffee and sunrise, it 
gave them comfort and spirit 
to meet their daily chal- 
lenges. Not content to hide it 
beneath the fold of an inside 
page, Thompson let it com- 

9. ibid. 

pete with the hard news of 
crime, death and taxes for 
front page attention. Rarely 
did he allow it to be pushed 
from the newspaper by 
anything less than a major 
disaster or nations at war. 

The stress and long 
hours imposed by the rigors 
of his business, the debilitat- 
ing effects of nearly ten years 
of cardiovascular disease, his 
wife Delia Mae's heart attack 
and the tragic death of his son 
Edward in 1947 finally took 
its toll. 10 His once bright 
torch slowly faded to a warm 
glow like the embered tip of 
his ever-present cigarette. "In 
Old Wyoming" went to print 
for the last time on Fridayjuly 
14, 1950. Thompson's weary 
lead paragraph was followed 

10. Telephone interview: Beriah "Bill" 
Thompson, 2 November 1993. Bill's 
twin brother, Edward (Bob), was 
killed in an auto accident in 1947. 

by some lengthy quotes from 
characters in Virginia Cole 
Trenholm's history of Wyo- 
ming and the West, Footprints 
on the Frontier. 

About a year and a half 
year later, on February 8, 
1952, journalism wrote "30" 
to Thompson's life." John 
Charles Thompson is gone. 
But his love of the past and 
his desire to preserve it live 
on. This is the first in a series 
of commemorative "In Old 
Wyoming" anecdotal articles 
to appear in Wi/oming Annals. 
We hope you enjoy them. 

Larry K. Brown is a 

volunteer, writer and 

researcher for 

Wyoming Annals. 

11. "Eminent Tribune Editor," Tribune, 8 
February 1952, p.l. 

Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 

'WljOMfN-G Ms 

by Peter Hassrick 


Wyoming Annals Winter 1993 -94 

here are states and then there are states of mind. 
Although Wyoming has been the latter longer than the 
former, it is perhaps perceived today as a set of symbols and 
frozen pictorial images as much as a specific geographical 
domain bordered by political boundaries with elected offi- 
cials -bolstered by shelves of leather-bound statutes- minis- 
tering to it. It is symbols and images which inform the pub- 
lic conscience about Wyoming's unique place in the scheme 
of things. At least that is true nationally. Of those symbols, 
there are two that are especially pervasive. One is the grand 
Wyoming landscape with its sweep of plains, its sublime 
ridges of mountains that spire skyward as the Tetons, the 
Absarokas and the Wind Rivers, and those wondrous and 
curious features of Yellowstone National Park. The other is 
somewhat less glamorous though no less compelling, the 
cowboy... that laconic, loose jointed, free roaming horseman 
of the grasslands whose life centers on raising beef cattle and 
bringing them successfully to market. 

Placed side by side with any of those natural wonders, 
even the prairie which is his work place, the cowboy seems 
dwarfed and daunted. Nonetheless, the scale of his sym- 
bolic essence and the magnitude of his public presence give 
him stature as an emblematic force nearly equal to nature's 
grandest efforts. 

Within the broad Western and Wyoming image sym- 
bolized by the landscape and the cowboy are two percep- 
tions. One which has persevered is that the region has re- 
mained Edenic in its limitless bounty and beauty. The other 
one is that man dominates nature, or its antithesis: nature 
controls man, sort of an environmental determinism. In al- 
most any story or account of Wyoming cowboy life the reader 
may witness examples of one of these perceptions at work.' 

Although the West, and Wyoming in particular, have 
long been perceived in such sweepingly mythic terms, the 
earliest writings about them and the cowboys who peopled 
their landscapes were remarkably simple. The cowboy was 
treated as a common laborer who toiled on the land, a herder 
whose craft was to move and control groups of cattle. Rob- 
ert Strahorn's 1877 Hand-Book of Wyoming treated the cow- 
boy strictly as one of the typical residents of the Territory. 
He was paid an average of $32.50 per month and board, and 
he performed his task with rudimentary tools: a saddle, a 
horse, a whip and a fair measure of equestrian skill and 

These perceptions are discussed in several sources. Two important references 
include Ray A. BUBngton, America's Frontier Culture (College Station: Texas A&M 
University Press, 1977), pp. 11-15, 76-77; and Wallace Stegner, "Who Are the 
Westerners?" American Heritage 38, no. 8 (December 1987): 35-41. 

3V0lYlfeG !N$Gnn 

Wyoming Annals Q Winter 1993 -94 

The Round-up -Cutting out Cattle. Unknown artist. Woodcut illustration 
in Robert Strahorn's The Hand-Book of Wyoming and Guide to the Black 

Hills, Big Horn Regions (1877). Buffalo Bill Historical Center Library, Cody 

savvy. 2 As portrayed by artists of the period, the cowboy's 
job was challenging and vital but hardly more so than that of 
a teamster or miner. The illustration of a roundup scene in 
Strahorn's book is a plainly unaffected genre piece captur- 
ing the activity of everyday life on the prairie. Strahorn de- 
scribes it in ordinary, unaffected, rather non-mythic terms: 

Earlv in the summer of each yearthegreat "round-ups" oc- 
cur. All herders, and frequen tly owners of stock , pa ther t ogether 
in certain localities, and, with the most experienced and skillful 
stockmen for leaders, inaugurate a short season of the herdsmen's 

wildest revelry. Mounted upon their best ponies, the herders 
swiftly scatter out across the range, gathering in every animal, and 
finally concentrating the properly of perhaps a dozen prominent 
stork growers in one immense, excited herd. Passing near the 
ranches of respective owners, the animalsarr hailed in a convenient 
location, and pari of the cow-boys hold the mass while others ride 
through it, single out the "brand," or animal, belonging tot head ja~ 
vent range or ranch, and separate il from the mam body of rattle 
until none ol that description are to he found Moving along to the 
next man s range, the scene is repeated, and so continued until the 
rattle are divided. Then youngstock is branded, marketablestork 
sometimes disposed of, and the cattle are again allowed their free- 
dom. Fiveor ten thousand head are thus frequently gathered to- 
gether, and during the round-up season men "camp out, " wagons 
following the herd with pro\ isioris, blankets elr. I 'urai list has 
given a very fair representation of the "rutting out" scene on an- 
other page, 3 

Wyoming Annals 

The majority of Wyoming's cowboys originally hailed 
from Texas, as did the longhorn cattle they pushed north to 
the railheads and grasslands of Wyoming. Most were Anglos 
who found the postbellum South, especially Texas, an un- 
certain place for their futures. But many were also Hispanic 
punchers and Blacks seeking work and a change of terrain. 4 

yoming became an attractive spot for 
cattle raising in the early 1870s, once the transcontinental 
railroad assured a means of marketing the beef. At first the 
southern plains of the Territory provided the only usable 
grasslands, the northern reaches being reserved until 1876 
for Indian habitation. With the treaty signed that year at the 
Red Cloud Agency (northwestern Nebraska), a vast area 
north of the Platte River was opened to the burgeoning cattle 
industry 5 

The first cattlemen, who were raisers rather than herd- 
ers, were not drovers who pushed cattle north to Wyoming 
but rather merchants, freighters and miners from southern 
Wyoming towns who recognized an opportunity develop- 

2. Robert E. Strahorn, Hand-Book of Wyoming and Guide to the Black Hills and Big Horn 
Regions for Citizen, Emigrant and Tourist (Chevenne: Knight & Leonard, 1877), pp. 

3. Ibid., pp. 32-35. 

4. Herbert O. Braver, "The L7 Ranches," Annals ofWyoming 15 no.l (January 1943): 

5. David Dary, Cowboy Culture (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1981), pp. 239-242. 
IO Winter 1993 -94 

ing in those years. They observed that Texas cattle could 
successfully winter on Wyoming's prairies and, in fact, could 
flourish there. By the end of the decade the most enterpris- 
ing cowboys began to settle in as stockmen, first by obtain- 
ing a few cows of their own and then gradually acquiring 
land, or by "repping" for a larger outfit owned by eastern or 
European interests. 

ot all observers saw Wyoming as a buffalo 
grass bonanza. An Englishman, S. Nugent Townshend, wrote 
in 1879 of Wyoming as "a state where the bare mention of 
agriculture raises a laugh of derision. Arizona is a blooming 
garden as compared with it...." 6 Yet it was immensely attrac- 
tive and productive. A cross-country train traveler ten years 
earlier, W. R. Rae, painted a much rosier picture. 

At Laramie City, a halt of thirty minutes is made, and a good 
meal is provided for the hungry passengers, Wearenowin the midst 
of the Laramie plains, reputed to be the finest grazing land in this 
wax fat, With the exception of Texas, noplace can be found where 
ca t tie m ay be fa t tenedata less cost 7 

Wyoming's cattle, which numbered about 10,000 in 
1871, could be counted in the hundreds of thousands ten years 
later. By 1884 one of Wyoming's roundups alone took six 
months and involved some 400,000 cattle. 8 

Almost half of the cowboys who came up the trail from 
Texas remained in Wyoming to ply their trade or become 
stockmen or both. Books have been written about the most 
celebrated of the cowboys who matured into influential cattle- 
men. Addison Spaugh came north in 1874, stayed around as 
a cowboy, earned a sufficient reputation to be appointed as 
one of the range detectives for the Wyoming Stock Growers 

Association and eventually became an influential rancher. 
The OW Ranch on Lance Creek came under his watchful eye, 
and he ultimately owned two ranches, the Bel Pre and the 77 
Ranch near Lusk. John B. Kendrick of Sheridan had a similar 
story, pushing up the trail from Texas in 1879, then cowboying, 
range managing, and ranch owning before establishing a dis- 
tinguished political career as governor and U. S. senator." 

Although Texas supplied most of the cowboys and cattle 
and provided the essential operational format for the busi- 
ness of cattle raising, Wyoming exerted a strong influence 
on both man and his enterprise. The cooler climate de- 
manded obvious modifications in clothing: woolens replaced 
cotton, angora chaps were common, and the broad-brimmed 
Texas sombrero gave way to a narrower brimmed and banded 

6. S. Nugent Townshend, Colorado: Us Agriculture, Stockfeeding, Scenery, and Shooting 
(London: 1879), pp. 47-48. 

7. W. R. Rae, Westward By Rail: The New Route to the East (New York: D Appleton & 
Co., 1871), p. 91. 

8. Dary, Cowboy Culture, p. 250. 

9. Dary, Cozoboy Culture,p. 248. 

top: John B. Kendrick on Horseback at OW 
Ranch, 1895. Photographer unknown. 

Wyoming State Museum 

left: A. A. Spaugh on Horseback. 1883. 
Photographer unknown. In 1884 Spaugh was 
appointed foreman of the largest roundup in 
Wyoming history. Cowboys gathered over 
400,000 cattle in six weeks. 

Wyoming State Museum 

Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 

Ccfttmcr o iff, Hie CcdcrcS. 

Amon Carter Museum Library, Fort Worth, Texas 

Detail from A Spring "Round-Up" in Montana. Wood engraving from a photograph by 

L.A. Huffman in Harper's Weekly, May 15, 1886. 

version that stayed on better in the wind. Texas-style saddles 
underwent change to accommodate Wyoming tastes. By the 
1 880s the city of Cheyenne alone boasted of more than a dozen 
saddle makers, each producing his own version of a trans- 
formed, Texas-style saddle known in those northern reaches 
as the "Cheyenne saddle." Even the cattle changed over time. 
Texas longhorns were bred with, and eventually replaced by, 
other shorter horned varieties brought in from Kentucky and 
elsewhere, primarily because they were gentler, beefier, and 
more adaptable to the Wyoming terrain and climate. 

By the mid-1 880s Kansas, Colorado and Nebraska had 
enacted laws which prohibited southern cattle from moving 
north across their boundaries. Thus ended the great Texas 
drives and the migrant nature of the Wyoming cattle busi- 
ness. By that time also shorthorn introduction had gentled 
the herds to a state of relative domesticity. After the tragi- 
cally severe winters of the mid-1880s, especially 1886-87, the 
open range was increasingly closed off by fencing and large 
tracks were broken up by small ranch operations. 

For those close to the business, such transformations 
were immediately apparent. Charlie Siringo, famous Texas 
cowboy and author, commented in the early 1880s that one 
of these factors alone, the proliferation of shorthorn stock, 
had caused a fundamental change both in the cowboy's work 
and the way the cowboy was perceived. 

attle are becoming so tame, from being bred up with 
short horns, that it requires very little skill and knowledge to be a 
cowbov. I believe the day is not far distant when cowboys will be 
armed with prod-poles to punch the cattle out of their 
way — instead of fire-arms, Messrs Colt and Winchester will then 
have to go out of business or else emigrate to "Arkansaw" and open 
up prod-pole factories, 10 

10. Quote attributed to Charles A. Siringo in 1882. See Douglas Branch, The Cowboy 
and His Interpreters (New York: Cooper Square Publishers, Inc., 1961), p. 112. 

Wyoming Annals 12 

By the middle of the next decade most observers had 
concluded that the transitory cowboy in Wyoming and else- 
where on the plains was gone. Cattle trails by then were 
completely closed, the ten million cattle and one million 
horses which had trodden those dusty paths north were now 
history and the cowboy, according to one of his most astute 
chroniclers, Douglas Branch, had come to an end "as a crafts- 
man and gentleman. Thereafter he was merely an employee 
of 'a corporation operating for profit.'" 11 

It was during that ten-year period, from 1885-1895, that 
the image of the cowboy underwent a fundamental metamor- 
phosis. As the cowboy's actual functions became more and 
more routine, mundane and ordered, his historic image was 
regarded as increasingly picturesque, adventurous and noble. 
His popular image was transmogrified from one of ordinary 
laborer -usually frolicking, free and fun-loving as portrayed 
by Harper's Weekly illustrator Rufus F. Zogbaum, to one of 
mythic American hero. 12 The new image proved to have a 
fictional veil so impervious that not until the 1920s in histo- 
rian Philip Ashton Rollins' book, The Cowboy, was the absur- 
dity of the caricature revealed. 13 It developed into a popular 
inclination of such pervasive proportions that even today, a 
century later, our image of the cowboy and the state which 
calls itself the "Cowboy State" are painted with 19th century 
brushes and clouded by 19th century perceptions. Despite 
the efforts of Rollins and subsequent students of the cowboy 
to debunk the myth, to show the "rarely picturesque, usually 
shabby, unlettered, loyal, hard-riding, tireless and fearless cow- 
puncher as he really was," the iconic mantle perseveres. 14 

11. Ilnd.,p.69. 

12. See Rufus F. Zogbaum, "A Day's 'Drive' with Montana Cow-boys," Harper's 
Weekly 71 (July 1885): 188-193. 

13. Philip Ashton Rollins, The Cowboy: An Unconventional History of Civilization on the 
Old-Time Cattle Range (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1936), pp. 40-41. 

14. Branch, The Cowboy and His Interpreters, p. iii. 
Winter 1993 -94 

Wyoming Siaii- Museum 

Cutting Out. ca. 1885. Charles Kirkland photograph. 

What caused that image to be transformed from one of 
reality to one of myth? How did Wyoming's cowboys fit the 
picture? And how was Wyoming's landscape conducive to 
the creation of mythic figures? The answers lie in the pens 
and brushes of writers and painters who looked into Wyo- 
ming from outside during the 1880s and 1890s and created a 
figure and a landscape for an eastern audience. It was essen- 
tially an image that the East wanted to see and that the West, 
in turn, gradually came to believe itself. 

s mentioned previously, the early 
renderings of Wyoming cowboy life, both liter- 
ary and pictorial, were essentially genre treat- 
ments. The cowboy was regarded as a drover 
or herdsman whose relatively exotic environ- 
ment and grueling, sometimes grim, journey 
from Texas separated him from his eastern or 
midwestern counterpart but he was not elevated 
particularly in stature. When cowboys de- 
scribed themselves they created colorful but far 
from mythic self-portraits. Baylis John Fletcher, 
a Texas cowboy who arrived in Cheyenne in 
1879, was exemplary in his writing, 

After five months of ' rough lifr on 1 he trail, we 
Texas cowboys, deprived as we had been ol all thecow 
we rode into Cheyenne. Ourneglectedanddilapidatedclotheswere 
wornandpatched,ourhairwasuncut,andour fares unshaven. He 
presented no particularly novel sight to the natives, however, as 
they were accustomed to the arrival of travel-worn cowboys. 15 

Asperity was added to the cowboy's ragtag, vagabond 
image and he gained some national attention when Presi- 
dent Chester Arthur read a special message to Congress in 

15. Baylis John Fletcher, Up the Trail in '79 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 
1967), p. 62. 

Wyoming Annals 1 3 

MINI Stati Mi 

1882 about the cowboy's rowdy behavior in certain south- 
western towns. The president roundly condemned such be- 
havior since it reflected poorly on the perpetrators as well as 
the communities which reportedly suffered the depredations. 
One Cheyenne newspaper that year observed that "morally, 
as a class, they are foulmouthed, blasphemous, drunken, lech- 
erous, utterly corrupt. " lh Another Cheyenne newspaper re- 
sponded self-defensively and with a sigh of relief at the 
president's suggestion that military forces be permitted to 
assist the territorial authorities in the maintenance of order. 

Even Cheyenne is, in some quarters ol theglohe, 
credited with an outlaw element, when , in truth, this 
city is as far advanced in safety and culture as cities oi 
the east Wi oming has therefore, as good reason to he 

rf r* 

gratified w ith the course oi the president as Arizona 

andNew Mexico." 1 ' 

While the cowboy received national expo- 
sure in the press for his raucous and occasion- 
ally violent behavior, during the decade of the 
eighties he also retained his status as a somewhat 
colorful, romantic and vigorous figure. An ar- 
ticle "The Powder River Round-up," which ap- 
peared in Harper's Weekly in 1886, pictured the 
cowboy as the "prominent character of the coun- 
try" who "dashes to and fro on his spirited mustang, per- 
forming the various duties of his vocation." Wyoming pho- 
tographer Charles D. Kirkland recorded similar scenes near 
Cheyenne in the mid-1 880s. In contrast to President Arthur's 
claims the article suggested: 

These men present a deridedh picturesque, not to say 

16. "The Cow-Boys of the Western Plains and Their Horses," The Cheyenne Daily 
Leader. 3 October 1882, p. 4. The story evidently originated in the Providence 

17. "Generous Cowboys/ 
Winter 1993 -94 

Denver Republican , 28 December 1898. 

chaparejos soi 

k hanJk dJ their necks, 

i hhangti. 

. _ - 

There were manv who, even as early as the 1870s, felt 
that discussions of cowboy depredations and their supposed 
weakness of moral fiber were fabricated primarily by 
easterners for eastern tastes. Robert Strahom commented in 
his 1877 Hand-book of Wyoming that eastern writers arrived in 
the West with preconceived notions of its rude character. 

- . .. - <f truth. _Var/i 

;. J literalh 

..:'■.: - - - bissh >uld 

inedhi the fart that eastern readers de~ 

smack of the en 

erhaps easterners had acquired an appetite for 
such interpretations from James Fenimore Cooper 's writings 
or the ubiquitous dime novels, with or without cowboy 
themes. In an effort to counteract such profane portraits, 
those who admired the cowboy set out to picture him quite 
differently to enhance his image bv somehow applying the 
embellishment of virtue to the otherwise plain cloth of cow- 
boy character. As a result, he began to take on qualities of 
extraordinary physical prowess, special endowments of wit 
and humor and chivalrous traits which were equated with 
those of the knights of old. No less lofty a supporter than 
Theodore Roosevelt defended the cowboy's character in the 
eighties, claiming rough edges 
were environmentally justifi- 

From the late 1860s to the 
early 1880s western newspapers 
ran numerous articles with titles 
like "Cowboys and Their Slan- 
derers" and "False Notions of 
Western Character." 1 By 1S90 a 
dual myth had begun to evolve, 
one apparently responsive to 
eastern tastes for violent and 
crude horsemen of the plains 
who possessed at least a streak of 
the criminal impulse that Presi- 
dent Arthur had denounced, and 
the other an apologist's reaction, 
which depicted the cowboy as a 
rough but sincere Galahad of the 
prairies. As the centurv came to 

a close those two forces settled firmly into place. The cowbov 
had received his stereotype in pictures and in prose. 

Historian Robert Hine aptly described one stereotypical 
version of the cowboy in his book The American West: An In- 
terpretive History. 

He was like the medieval tr ; t of Inve el- 

evating hi- -!a] from which she rould he wor~ 

■Ibut not touched. The most independent man on earth, he 
- roud and highlv sensitive to criticism. He was reticent and 
n.self-confident.andsometimescontemptuousof oth- 
ers, though loval tohis outfit. Thecowbovwastheknight. thecava- 
lier. the natural aristocrat, the southern gentleman wearing the 
bannerol a white hat 

The obverse stereotype might be applied to those cow- 
boys who illegally fixed their brands to mavericks or took to 
the "outlaw trail" in even more nefarious ways such as horse 
stealing. Douglas Branch in his 1926 book on The Cowboy 
and His Interpreters expanded on that iniquitous behavior. 

In the late eighties the more daring of the lawless element 
that drifted into Mvoming ~ l>etween twocareers, decided 

that whereas rustling cattle meant brand-altering and slow moi- 
g, horse- iltlv and in large hands to some 

hiding-place where thev might wait comfortabjvfora purchc- 
manv horses travelled over this Outlaw Trail has never been 
n:but old-timers in the ^ind Rivercountrv tell of seeing t 
h undred go past in a single band records Frederick Bechdolt. In 
c : *v 1890, the horse-rustlers who harassed the big stock- 
men had thesecret support of tbesmall cat tlemen.and it wosahn w 
_ la jurv to convict— 

Two artists of the late 19th and earlv 20th centuries were 
particularly responsible for extending the cowboy's mvthic 
image into the public conscience. One, Frederic Remington, 
was a sculptor, writer and painter. The other, Owen Wister, 
was a writer. Thev met in Wyoming in 1893 and agreed to 
collaborate on an illustrated article, "The Evolution of the 
Cow-Puncher," which would reveal in word and picture the 
ontogeny of the cowbov hero.-" Wister 's view was essen- 
tially romantic and he developed a sentimental, knightly, 
Anglo-Saxon character tvpe. Remington's was no less ro- 
mantic but was informed bv visions of cultural fatalism and 
Darwinian notions of survival of the fittest. Wister 's view 
coincided with Hine's "troubadour" and was amply por- 
trayed in The Last Cavalier, the final Remington illustration in 
the article. Remington's view is best expressed in another 
illustration from the same article, The Fall of the Cowboy. 21 In 
the latter painting the cowbov has dismounted to serve the 

IS. •'The Powder River Round-up." Harper's Weekly 30, no.1534 (15 May 1SS6): 318. 

19. Strahom. r j, p. 105. See similar comments ten vears later in 

William T. Homadav, "The Cowboys oi the Northwest," Tiie Cosmopo!::.:': 2 
(September 1886-Feb'niarj 1887): 219; also. Reuben B. Mullins, Pulling L. 

Cffwboyon the Wyoming Range. 1SS4-1SS9 (Glendo. 
Wyoming: High Plains Press. 1988), pp.98-99." 

1 • \nimas (Colorado)Laufcr. June 26. 1S69. See Clifford P. Westermeier, "The 
Cowbov - His Pristine Image." South Dakota History 8, no.l (AVinter 19771: 5. 

21. Robert V. Hine, TJie American West: An Interpretive History (Boston: Little. Brown 
and Companv. 1973). p. 131. 

22. Branch, The Cowboy and His Interpreters, pp. 46-48. 

23. Owen Wister. "The Evolution oi the Cow-Puncher," Harper's New Monthly Maga- 
zine «1 (September 1895): 602-617. 

24. For a thorough discussion oi the differences between Wister's and Remington's 
interpretations oi the cowbov. see Ben Merchant Vorpahl. Mu Dear Wister: The 
Frederic Ren:: Wister Letters (Palo Alto: American West Publishing 
Company. 1972 1. pp. 33-96: also, .A Edward White. 77it- Eastern Establishment and 
the West :.. New Haven: \ ale University Press, 1968), p. 123. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 


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hard and lonely life of the 
cowboy, and towns and 
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James O. Gump 

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Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 

Mr. and Mrs. Lawrence H. Kyte Collection, Cincinnati, Ohio 




B 1 

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jjj m ' 

^— T^^^JB 

Ik. — ■* s\ 

» M 








conventions of civilization by opening a fence gate. Barbed 
wire, another reference to civilization, cuts across the previ- 
ously free open range. The painting's bleak tones suggest the 
winter of 1886-87 when vast herds of cattle succumbed to 
weather 's fury, a harbinger of the demise of both the open range 
cattle industry and the first phase, at least, of cowboy history. 
Wister went on to develop the cowboy character to its 
highest form in his novel about a nameless Wyoming cow- 
boy, The Virginian, published in 1901. It is a romance story 
devoid of reference to ranch work or cattle in which the hero, 

Wyoming Annals 

Amon Carter Museum, Fort Worth, Texas 

top: The Last Cavalier. 1895. Frederic Remington. 
Oil on canvas, 23" x 35." 

bottom: The Fall of the Cowboy. 1895. Frederic 
Remington. Oil on canvas, 25" x 35." 

epic in form and burdened with a full suit of metaphorical 
knightly leather armor, succumbs to the wiles of Molly Wood, 
the manifestation of civilization disguised as a Vermont 
schoolmarm. It was an image which became common fare 
for the next generation of western writers and illustrators, 

IO Winter 1993 -94 



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Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Buffalo Bill Hlviorical Center, Cody 

Stray Man Heads Home, 1928. William Henry David Koerner. Oil on canvas, 29" x 41." 

especially those influenced by Howard Pyle and the tradi- 
tions of his Brandywine School. An extension of the Wister 
prototype may be readily seen in the work of Pyle's students 
who chose western and cowboy subjects.- 1 " Of note were 
Horace Ivory, N. C. Wyeth and W. H. D. Koerner. In Koerner's 
1928 illustration, Tliey Stood Tlwre Watcliing Him Move Across 
the Range, Wister 's character is essentially extended forward 
in time. The laconic cowboy, Bud Crandall, plods proudly 
and sunlit across the canvas. He is the main figure in a short 
story by Hal. G. Evarts which appeared in the Saturday 
Evening Post. 2 " His mission in life is to follow a school teacher 
from one Wyoming town to another until she ultimately re- 
lents and agrees to marry him. They would soon settle down 
on a small ranch, domesticated and servants to a bank loan. 
Although such imagery was popular, it did not ulti- 
mately provide the armature around which the real lasting 
stereotype of the cowboy was molded. That was left to 
Remington who refused to embrace Wister 's prototype, pre- 
ferring instead to fashion his own. In its most emblematic 
form, Remington's cowboy appeared as a bronze statue in 

25. See Kirsten H. Powell, "Cowboy Knights and Prairie Madonnas: American 
Illustration of the Plains and Pre-Raphaelite Art, " Great Plains Quarterly 5, no. 3 
(Winter 1985): 39-52; also, Michael Olmert, "Points of Origin," Smithsonian 5 
(November 1984): 212-214; and John L. Cowan, "Knights and Barons of Our 
Western Empire," Overland Monthly 48 (October 1906): 251-256. 

1895, the same year that his collaborative article with Wister 
was published. The statue was simply titled The Broncho 
Blister. It showed that Remington's cowboy was first and 
foremost a horseman whose skill at equestrian craft enabled 
him to control the wild forces of the bucking steed below. 
Symbolically, that horseman was taming the West rather than 
being tamed by some external influence. It was a macho state- 
ment and one which has persisted to the present day far more 
forcefully than Wister 's vision. Yet in a way they both re- 
vealed the same irony: that the cowboy, whether being tamed 
or doing the taming, was ultimately a victim. In Wister 's case, 
the cowboy lay victim to the external forces of civilization. ..of 
learning, civility and culture. For Remington, the cowboy was 
a victim of his own heroic nature. The wild spirit, as the cow- 
boy would demonstrate, could be vanquished with sufficient 
manly adroitness, and ultimately civilization's exertions against 
that wild spirit would prevail. Once civilization had won over 
the wild spirit, the cowboy's skills and heroics would no longer 
be needed and he would pass into the pages of history. 

nother element of the mythic cowboy which Wister 
and Remington shared has pervaded the popular interpreta- 

26. Hal G. Evarts, "Post Office at Dry Fork," The Saturday Evening Post 201 
(November 3, 1928): 5-7, 71-72, 77-78. 

\\ 1 d.MIM. \\N u s 

Winter 1993 -94 

tion of the cowboy. 
That is violence. In ei- 
ther the bravura of a 
bronze bronco buster 
or the chivalry of a 
knightly Virginian in! 
prose, violent resolu- 
tion to problems was essential to the late romantic 
plot just as it reputedly had been to the cowboy code 
of behavior that President Arthur demurred. 

In various forms that combine the historic 
emblems of past purveyors, the mythic cow- 
boy has entered our own times. The iconog- 
raphy seems a bit tiresome when exposed as 
such, hackneyed but enduring and cherished 
well beyond easy explanation. The cowboy 
is in many minds today- as he was in those 
of Remington and Wister- laconic, chivalric, 
physically attractive, adroit, violent, ro- 
mantic and lonesome. That mythic image 
may have very little in common with the real 
cowboy of today, or even with history, but it 
persists by popular demand. "Why hasn't the 
stereotype faded away as real cowboys be- 
come less and less typical of Western life?" 
asked writer Wallace Stegner in an 
American Heritage article titled 
"Who are the Westerners?" Here- 
plied, "Because we can't or won't 
do without it, obviously" 27 So what 
began as simple observations of simple 
if somewhat picturesque laborers at work 
moving cattle to market or raising cattle 
for profit on Wyoming's ubiquitous buf- 
falo grass ranges, became transcended 
within a generation into a myth of such 
captivating strength that it has endured for 
a century unchanged by either reality or time. 

27. Stegner, "Who are the Westerners?," p. 35. 

Peter H. Hassrick (1941-) 
is Director of the Buf- 
falo Bill Historical Cen- 
ter in Cody, Wyoming. 
Although he was raised 
in Denver he has resided 
in Cody since 1976. Hass- 
rick earned a B.A. in His- 
tory from the University 
of Colorado, and an M.A. 
in Art History from the 
University of Denver 
with a concentration in 
nineteenth century 
American art. He has curated western art exhibi- 

CLUDE: Frederic Remington (1973), The Way West 
(1977), The Rocky Mountains: A Vision for 
Artists in the Nineteenth Century 
(1983), Treasures ofOurWest 
( 1 984 ) and Charles Russell 
(1989). currentlyhe 
is writing a book 
about artists in 
Among the civic 
responsibilities he 
has undertaken 
are the chair- 
manship of 
the Wyoming 
Arts and the 
directorship of 
the Cody Main St. 


ticipant role in 
National Park en- 
and educational 
Hassrick cur- 
rently IS IN- 
volved with a va- 
riety of na- 
tional art 
and museum 
tions, is an 
of History 

Buffalo Bill Historical Center, Cody at -TT_rp T Jmt- 

versity of Wyoming, and is on the Park County' Arts 
Council. He is marriedto Elizabeth WhitneyDrake, who 
is active in news reporting and women's issues. the 
couple has two children, philip and charles. peter 
and buzzy live in cody and participate in outdoor 
activities such as skiing, hiking, fishing and riding. 

The Broncho Buster, ca. 1895. 
Frederic Remington. Bronze, 
cast #21, height 23-3/8," base 
7-5/8 x 15-1/2." Gift of G.J. 
Guthrie Nicholson, Jr. and 
son in memory of their 
lather/grandfather, G. J. 
Guthrie Nicholson, rancher 
at Four Bear, Meeteetse, 

Photographs, p. 8: Killing Time Until the Roundup Ride Starts, 

WJ. Carpenter photo. 191 8, Carrigen Collection, Wyoming State Museum; 
p. 9, left: unidentified cowboy, William Walker photo, n.d. Wyoming 
State Museum; Center: Clayton Danks, J.E.Stimson photo, 191 2, Wyoming 
State Museum: right: Dan Etbauer and admirer, Mark Junge photo, 
1990, Wyoming Department of Commerce. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Writers in 


Historiography of the 


by John D. McDermott 


This page: Asa Mercer. Author of 
Banditti of the Plains, n.d. 

Wyoming State Museum 

Opposite: Frontispiece, Banditti of 
the Plains . Published and written 
by Asa S. Mercer, the book was 
the bane of big cattlemen. Ac- 
cording to Historian T.A. Larson, 
first editions (1894) of this rare 
book sold for $800 in 1974. 

Wyoming State Museum 

The Johnson County War is famous 
in the history of the American West as a 
violent manifestation of the catacylsmic 
change in the late nineteenth century from 
open-range cattle raising to controlled 
grazing and settled agriculture. Nineteen 
ninety-two marked the 100th anniversary 
of the armed conflict between big cattle- 
men and those who threatened their tradi- 
tional way of life, and the perspective of a 
century provides the opportunity to view 
the conflict in more objective terms and to 
evaluate the writings of participants and 
observers with the benefit of modern schol- 
arship and the recent discovery of addi- 
tional contemporary materials. 

The story of the Johnson County War 
is familiar to Wyomingites. Its most dra- 
matic episode began following conclusion 
of the annual meeting of the Wyoming 
Stockgrowers Association on April 5, 1892 
when 46 vigilantes, led by Frank Wolcott 
and Frank Canton, left Cheyenne aboard a 
special Union Pacific train for Casper. In 
the group were 22 hired gunmen from 

Texas and Idaho. The so-called Invaders 
surprised and shot to death Nick Ray and 
Nate Champion near present-day Kaycee. 
Two hundred citizens of Johnson County 
led by its sheriff surrounded the gunmen 
at the TA Ranch twelve miles south of Buf- 
falo. Arrival of a troop of cavalry ended the 
foray, but ill-feelings and occasional acts 
of violence continued for years thereafter. 
Perhaps what is most lacking in early 
works that deal with the Johnson County 
War is what the historians call "context," a 
consideration of those general factors at 
work in the world and in the particular 
society of the time that influenced and 
shaped the actions taken. In retrospect, we 
can see that the last years of the nineteenth 
century were a time of ferment and change. 
The era gave rise to captains of industry, 
whose skills led to phenomenal growth in 
manufacturing and commerce and whose 
excesses fostered violent retaliation and the 
rise of the labor movement. In the broad 
view one can understand the half-century 
following the Civil War as both the culmi- 

Wyoming Annals 

20 Winter 1993 -94 


nation of the economic philosophy of laissez 
faire and the reaction against it. 1 

As historian Milton Rugoff has noted, 
it was also an age of lynchings, subjuga- 
tion of Indians, and discrimination against 
Irish, Chinese, jews and others. But occur- 
ring at the same time was freedom for 
slaves and the opening of gates to the op- 
pressed and downtrodden. 2 Rugoff char- 
acterizes the period as one of "acute con- 
tradictions," and looking back over the last 
half of the nineteenth century it does ap- 
pear that it was a jousting field for ex- 
tremes, a time of vigorous, often violent, 
testing in a rush to find commonality. Vio- 
lence gained the upper hand in the struggle 
between capital and labor, in Indian rela- 
tions, in the fratricidal confrontation of 
Union and Confederate forces, and in the 
meeting of Old World aristocracy and bur- 
geoning populist democracy. 

George T. Watkins III, in a 1961 article 
on the Johnson County War in Pacific North- 
westerner, labeled the conflict between con- 
centrated power and the masses seeking 

empowerment as an effort at defining the 
word "democracy." The struggle was be- 
tween early nineteenth century romantic 
individualism, nurtured by Emerson and 
Thoreau, and two democratic ideas: first, 
that individual and personal rights were 
more important than property rights; and 
second, that when necessary the welfare of 
the individual must be subordinated to the 
welfare of the group. According to Watkins, 

It was inevitable that the cattlemen, 
personification of American Romantic Ide- 
alistic Individualism, and the grangers and 
tradesmen, personification of the growing 
spirit of American Democracy should even- 
tually square off for a showdown fight. 3 

1. Harold Underwood Faulkner, American Economic His- 
tory 5th ed. (New York and London: Harper & Brothers 
Publishers, 1943), p. 430. 

2. Milton Rugoff, America's Gilded Age: Ultimate Portraits for 
an Era of Extravagance and Change, 1850-1890 (New York: 
Henry Holt and Company, 1989), pp. 349-50. 

3. George T. Watkins III, "Johnson County War," Pacific 
Northwestemer 5 (Spring 1961): 1. 


Banditti of the 

— OR THE - 

Cattlemen's Invasion of Wyo 


mini; in 1892 
;he ages.] 



Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 

5 10 

Wyoming Annals 22 Winter 1993 -94 

It is true that property rights were a 
causal factor in the Johnson County War, 
and that the system of land laws in the 
United States and England were also in 
part responsible. In 1862 Congress passed 
the Homestead Act, making it possible to 
file on 160 acres for $1 .25 per acre. This was 
sufficient for a man who wanted to make 
his living farming in the East, but it was 
not adequate for a man who wished to raise 
cattle in an arid land where thirty acres 
might support one animal. Consequently, 
Northern Plains entrepreneurs moved 
cattle onto the public domain to find suffi- 
cient pasturage. This method served until 
other settlers followed and began to file on 
what had been the open range. As might 
be expected, these agriculturalists chose 
claims closest to water and began fencing 
off their properties, thus disabling the old 

From the perspective of one hundred 
years it is clear that the passage of fed 
eral land laws unsuitable for the Great 
Plains environment led unalterably to con- 
frontation. If the United States government 
had taken geologist and explorer John 
Wesley Powell's advice, perhaps conflict 
could have been avoided. Powell, as direc- 
tor of the Geological and Geographical 
Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, had 
recommended in a report on April 21, 1878 
that the homestead unit in the West be in- 
creased to 2,650 acres. Congress later used 
the report to support land reform in the 
twentieth century, but change came too late 
to affect the violent confrontation of oppos- 
ing interests in Johnson County. 4 

Strangely enough, the land laws of 
Great Britain also played a significant part 
in engendering conflict. In England the law 
of primogeniture required that the oldest 
son receive the family estate. This caused 
male siblings to seek their fortunes else- 
where, and in the 1880s many of them 
chose to invest in the American cattle busi- 
ness: the Frewens, John Clay, and William 
Irvine being examples in Johnson County. 
Coming as they did from a country ruled 
by limited monarchy and being raised in a 
class society, these aristocrats had neither 
the temperament nor background to com- 
promise with frontier settlers or cowboys 
with long ropes. 

Perhaps even more fateful than the 
attitude of the aristocrat was the frontier 
attitude toward confrontation. Richard 

Maxwell Brown, in his 1991 book, No Duty 
to Retreat: Violence and Values in American 
History and Society, traces change in the 
United States concerning the use of vio- 
lence in settling disputes. 5 Under English 
common law a person had a legal duty to 
retreat when threatened with violence. He 
was justified in responding in self-defense 
only when cor- 
nered. In the view 
of many Ameri- 
cans this dictum 
smacked of cow- 
ardice and served 
as a tool to keep the 
masses in line 
when confronted 
by authority. Fol- 
lowing westward 
settlement, state af- 
ter state saw its 
highest court ap- 
prove the doctrine 
of standing one's 
ground. Ameri- 
cans, ruled such 
authorities as Supreme Court Justice Oliver 
Wendell Holmes, had no duty to retreat. 
Such injunctions were unsuited to the 
American mind, given the increased accu- 
racy and firepower of new weapons. 

Brown also shows how the doctrine 
of "no duty to retreat" became a force in 
what he calls the "Western Civil War of In- 
corporation. "The acceptance of violence 
resulted in the spawning of bands of West- 
ern gunfighters who fought either for or 
against the consolidation of capital and 
property. According to Brown those who 
fought on the side of corporate interests - 
-expanding banks, railroads and big busi- 
ness-- were usually Republicans and 
Unionists. Cowboys and independent 
farmers were often Democrats sympathiz- 
ing with the Confederacy" In looking back 
at the Johnson County War one can see that 
gunplay was almost foreordained. It was 
part of a national experience that found 
violent expression not only here but in 
Cochise County, Arizona; Mussel Slough, 

CD. Kirki.and, Wyoming State Museum 

Gentlemen Jockeys — Cheyenne 
Club Cup Race. September 17, 
1889. Portrait of members of the 
Cheyenne Club, the watering hole 
of the Wyoming's big cattlemen. 

Top row, I to r: Walter S. Gardner. 
John M. Kuykendall, Thos. B. 
Adams, Wm. C. Irvine. 

Bottom row, I to r: T.W. Brooks, 
Harry L. Kuykendall, Frederic 
O. deBillier. 

Opposite map by Eileen Skibo 

4. John Wesley Powell, Report on the Lands of the Arid Region 
of the United States (Washington: Government Printing 
Office, 1878). See also Walter Prescott Webb, The Great 
Plains (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1931), pp. 353, 

5. Richard Maxwell Brown, No Duty to Retreat: Violence and 
Values in American History and Society (New York: Ox- 
ford University Press, 1991). 

6. Ibid., p.8. 

Wyoming Annals 

2 3 

Winter 1993 -94 

California and other places. Thus, because 
existing land and legal statutes did not ac- 
commodate the climate, provide for 
change, or discourage violence as a means 
of settling disputes, conflict occurred. It 
was unresponsive public policy and the 
failure of laws to meet the needs of the time, 
rather than the violation of them, that made 
conflict inevitable. 

Psychologists and anthropologists note 
that there are two ways to resolve con- 
flict: by law or warfare. In the case of the 

Johnson County War, the method used by 
corporate powers was to enact laws to stop 
the practice of mavericking. However, ad- 
ministered rules did not stop the practice 
or stem the tide of settlement because they 
did not meet the needs of the majority. As 
George Watkins put it, the failure of 
mavericking legislation was "a clear ex- 
ample that in a democracy a law is only so 
good as the consent of the governed make 
it." 7 In the end the majority spoke, and the 
making of a nation continued. 



Johnson County 

Wax is ar once 

a hisjoman's 

dneaa) and 


The Johnson County War is at once a 
historian's dream and nightmare. It is a 
dream because sources for writing its his- 
tory are so plentiful. They abound in lit- 
erature including books, monographs and 
newspapers; in thousands of unpublished 
documents including letters, diaries, mem- 
oirs and interviews; and in voluminous ar- 
chival records including county records, 
district court files, and reports of the United 
States Army and the Department of Justice. 
From the standpoint of narrative history 
the story is replete with interesting, even 
charismatic, characters; full of intrigue and 
scandal in high places; and abundant in 
dramatic incidents that include accusa- 
tions, confrontations, escapes, rescues and 
murders. Here also the historian has the op- 
portunity to apply his methodology: deter- 
mining frame of reference, evaluating evi- 
dence, delineating presuppositions and 
identifying context. 

The Johnson County War is a 
historian's nightmare for the same reasons. 
Published and unpublished sources are so 
voluminous as to be overwhelming. News- 
paper sources, in particular, almost defy 
analysis in one lifetime. Intrigue and scan- 

dal usually leave an indistinct paper trail 
that may be untrustworthy because of fal- 
sification of documents to protect the un- 
worthy. And emotion colors eyewitness 
accounts and reminiscences. The parties 
involved in the Johnson County War were 
so polarized that it is nearly impossible to 
find objective commentators to balance the 
views of those at the barricades. Added to 
the problem of judging self-interest in the 
evaluation of testimony is the obfuscation 
caused by time. Memories fail, stories 
grow, and contradictions in testimony mo- 
tivated by fear are compounded by time 
and the inherent human need for 

What follows is an attempt to make some 
sense out of the sources, sample them, 
identify writers whose interpretations 
greatly impacted public perception of the 
Johnson County War and its causes, list the 
major writings produced by spokesmen for 
both sides, discuss the viewpoints of some 
twentieth century commentators, and list 
repositories that contain significant materi- 
als where new research might be profitable. 


To begin we must deal with the jour- 
nalists because by and large it is their story, 
a story of real life drama played out in a 
panoramic setting — full of prejudice, vio- 
lence and human failings — the stuff of 
newspaper headlines and editorial specu- 
lation. Two journalists were almost entirely 
responsible for public perception of the 
Johnson County War in the nineteenth cen- 
tury: Samuel Traves Clover who ensured 
that the conflict would become a national 
media event, and Asa Shinn Mercer who 

gave the story coherence and a point of 
view that remains largely intact after ten 

7. George T. Watkins 

"Johnson County War," p. 3. 

Helena Huntington Smith, War on Powder River: The 
History of an Insurrection (New York: McGraw-Hill, 
1966, reprinted Lincoln: University of Nebraska 
Press,1967), p. 232. 

9. Samuel Traves Clover, On Special Assignment. (Boston: 
Lothrop Publishing Company, 1903). 

10. Cheyenne Daily Sun, April 19, 1892, p.l. The Sun was the 

first Wyoming newspaper to carry the story. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Helen Huntington Smith in her book, 
War on Powder River, wrote of Chicago Her- 
ald reporter Samuel Clover: 

Detestable lie may have been, but. ..he 
can no more In 1 overlooked in telling the 
Johnson County story than you can over- 
look a cinder in your eye. He was an 
early-blooming product of the yellow press, 
which was shortly to burst into full flower 
in Chicago and New York and he had all 
the vices and virtues of his kind; he was 
unscrupulous and a liar -and he got the 

Clover was not new to the Northern 
Plains. In December, 1890 he covered the 
Ghost Dance for the Chicago Herald, and 
rode with Captain Edmond Fechet of Fort 
Yates toward Sitting Bull's cabin when the 
chief died at the hands of Indian police. No 
doubt Clover 's previous experience helped 
to win him his forthcoming assignment. In 
his autobiography, On Special Assignment, 
Clover states that shortly after Christmas, 
1891 he heard of the punitive expedition 
planned by members of the Wyoming 
Stock Growers Association in a meeting at 
the Chicago stockyards. In search of pos- 
sible feature stories on cattle shippers from 
the West he ran into a Montana acquain- 
tance who gave him the story and Clover's 
editor decided to send him to Wyoming to 
follow the lead." 

Through his cattlemen connections 
Clover received permission to join the 
armed expedition, and on April 5 he 
boarded a secluded Pullman car in Chey- 
enne for the trip to Casper and so-called 
"rustler country." Before it was over Clo- 
ver had mailed five stories to the Chicago 
Herald beginning with the April 16 issue. 
The first installment was so sensatjenafiRat 

Johnson County Cattle War was assured a 
place in Western history. 

The publication of Nate Champion's 
diary was the key. The diary's simple clear 
language, free of prejudice and panic, gave 
it lasting life: 

Thci/ are shooting at the house now. 
If 1 had a pair of glasses 1 believe I would 
know some of those men. They are coming 
back. I've got to look out. Well, they have 
just got through shelling the house again 
like hail. I heard them splitting wood. I 
guess they are going to fire the house to- 
night. I think I will make a break when night 
comes if live [sic]. Shooting again. I think 
they will fire the house this time. It's not 
night yet. The house is all fired. Good bye, 
boys, if I never see you again.... Nathan D. 

But it would be days before Clover 
gave the story to the public. On the road 
to Buffalo the Invaders learned from a mes- 
senger that the citizenry of Buffalo had 
been warned and were organizing resis- 
tance. Clover decided to take his chances 
with the townsfolk, telling Wolcott and 
Irvine that he must leave to file his story. 
Taken to the sheriff's office upon arrival in 
Buffalo, Clover learned that his old friend 
Fechet, now a major, was stationed at Fort 
McKinney. Through Fechet's intervention 
Clover was released and went to the post 
where he enjoyed all comforts, while his 
former compatriots dug in at the TA Ranch 
until taken into custody by Fort McKinney 
troops on April 13. Always in the forefront 
when news was to be made, Clover turned 
up in the lead party of the military cc^umn, 
thus participating in the sejond-riiostrnew^- 
worthy event of1rTC~}oTihsonC§ounty > 
the cavalry corrii! 
it captured the nation's jTtenfion, and 4Ee^-^rrthe"nght place at the right time'^was a 

Top: Nate D. Champion.; Middle: 
Nick Ray.; Bottom: K.C. Ranch. 
Sketches from Banditti of the 
Plains (Cheyenne: A.S. Mercer, 
~-4894). Tom Tisdale Collection 

-a ■ r 


Wyoming Annals Winter 1993 -94 

Tom Tisdale Collection, Cheyenne 

Charles E. Burritt. Mayor of Buffalo 
the Invasion 

phrase Clover could have invented. 

While in Buffalo, Clover kept his di- 
rect knowledge of the KC Ranch killings 
secret, posing as a wandering correspon- 
dent who had innocently come to see Wyo- 
ming. To keep his cover he forwarded only 
stories that anyone who happened to be in 
Buffalo could have written. However, se- 
cretly he prepared for the Herald copy 
which he finally sent to a telegraph office 
in South Dakota, apparently using civilian 
scouts employed by the army as couriers. 
The first story broke in the Herald on Sat- 
urday, April 16, 1892. Described as one of 
the great eyewitness reports of the century, 
Clover's account told of the double killing 
at the KC Ranch. Although datelined Buf- 
falo, April 15, it had really been sent from 
Edgemont in southwestern South Dakota. 

The next day, April 17, Clover was on his 
way out of Wyoming, safe in the com- 
pany of Major Fechet and three troops of 
cavalry which had been given the task of 
taking the Invaders to Douglas. There Clo- 
ver took the train to Cheyenne, getting off 
at Fort Russell. He then caught an 
eastbound train for Sidney, Nebraska and 
then an express for Chicago, arriving in his 
office to receive the plaudits of his peers 
who had already prepared a headline story 
recounting his death, just in case." 

In his stories Clover was fairly impar- 
tial. For example, consider his famous line, 
"Nate Champion, king of the cattle thieves, 
and the bravest man in Johnson County 
was dead." 12 It bestows condemnation and 
praise in the same sentence. In his April 23 
Herald article, Clover takes sides, but in a 
qualified way. He wrote: 

Each side in the trouble has its griev- 
ances, but it would seem that the cattlemen 
were the greatest offenders, inasmuch as 
they started out in cold blood not only to 
invade the sheriff's office at Buffalo and kill 
Sheriff Angus but to wipe out a dozen or more 
of men who they suspected of cattle stealing. ' ' 

Because of his stance against the big 
cattlemen Clover stated in private corre- 
spondence that he was fearful of threats 
made against him by William Irvine. 14 
When urged by Fechet to return to Wyo- 
ming to testify against the Invaders, Clo- 
ver declined, telling John Clay in Chicago 
that he would not go except by force. 15 Al- 
ways a survivor and possessing great re- 
silience, Clover put the Johnson County 
War quickly behind him and went on to a 

successful reporting and publishing career. 
He died in Los Angeles in 1929. In a letter 
to Historian Grace Hebard written on Janu- 
ary 1, 1914, William Irvine noted that he 
had read Clover's autobiography with the 
comment that the author "was very care- 
ful to blow his own horn," and left the 
reader dangling with the comment, "I could 
tell you a number of things about Samuel 
none of which appeared in his book." 16 

The second newspaperman to have 
a lasting impact on public perception of the 
Johnson County War was publisher Asa 
Shinn Mercer. He was a man of many tal- 
ents who possessed a flair for the dramatic 
and exuded personal magnetism. He was 
an exasperation to some, being very pre- 
dictable and often motivated as much by 
self-interest as professed idealism. A rela- 
tive by marriage and a man who knew him 
from childhood, Clarence B. Bagley, had 
this to say of him in 1906: 

Mr. Mercer is the incarnation of Colo- 
nel Sellers. I have never been able to rid 
myself of a liking for him, though he has 
given me and so many of my relatives and 
friends cause for bitterness toward him. 
Then as we grow older we grow more toler- 
ant.... If I should go to Wyoming I should 
go and visit him if I had to take a buckboard 
ride of a hundred miles to reach him.'' 

11. Smith, War on Pou'der River, pp. 232-33, 241. 

12. Chicago Herald, April 16, 1892, p.l. 

13. Chicago Herald, 23 April 1892, p.l. 

14. Herbert O. Braver, "Letter from Samuel Traves Clover 
to Henry A. Blair, His Chicago Sponsor, May 15, 1892," 
Chicago Westerners Brand Book 9 , no. 12 (February 

15. "Letter from Clay, August 9, 1892 to Henry G. Hay," 
Henri/ C. Hay Collection, American Heritage Center 
(AHC), Laramie, Wyoming. 

16. "Letter from Irvine, January 1, 1914 to Hebard," File 
B-lrS-zec, AHC. 

17. "Letter from Clarence B. Bagley, January 3, 1906 to Julia 
H. Emery," Asa Shinn Mercer Vertical File, Historical 
Research Unit (HR), Wyoming Department of Com- 
merce, Cheyenne. The reference to Colonel Sellers comes 
from Mark Twain, and Charles Dudley Warner's novel, 
The Gilded Age, which features Sellers as a charming 

18. Northwestern Live Stockjournal editorial quoted in Laramie 
Boomerang, 31 August 1889. Mercer took a different 
view in Banditti of the Plains, or the Cattlemen 's Invasion of 
Wyoming in 1892, The Crowning Infamy of the Ages 
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1954), pp. 

19. Northwestern Live Stock journal, 8 July 1892. 

Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 

Born at Princeton, Illinois on June 6, 
1839, Mercer migrated in 1861 to the Terri- 
tory of Washington, where he became at 
age 22 the first president of the University 
of Washington. As a territorial senator 
(1863-1865) and as Territorial Colonist 
(1865-1867), he became famous as the man 
who brought 57 marriageable women from 
the East Coast to the arms of willing bach- 
elors on Puget Sound. After managing a 
New York to Portland, Oregon steamer line 
from 1869 to 1876, he moved to Texas where 
he was owner and publisher of five news- 
papers. In 1883 he settled in Wyoming, be- 
coming the editor of Northwestern Live Stock 
Journal in Cheyenne. 

As the editor of this newspaper Mer- 
cer supported the position of Wyoming's 
large cattlemen whose advertising filled his 
pages. In 1889, for example, he condoned 
the hanging of Jim Averell and Ella "Cattle 
Kate" Watson, declaring in an editorial: 
There is but one remedy, and that is a 
freer use of the hanging noose. Cattle own- 
ers should organize and not disband until a 
hundred rustlers were left ornamenting the 
trees or telegraph poles of the territory. The 

hanging of two culprits merely acts as a 
stimulus to the thieves. Hang a hundred 
and the balance will reform or quit the 
country. Let the good work go on and lose 
no time about it. 18 

Soon, however, he was to change his al- 
legiance and his rhetoric, opposing the 
big cattlemen as vigorously as he had sup- 
ported them. Mercer explained the begin- 
ning of his disaffection in an editorial in 
the Live Stock Journal on July 8, 1892. He 
recounted that after he had offered to set 
bail for E. H. Kimball, editor of the Douglas 
Graphic and "a brother quill driver" who 
had been arrested in June, 1892 on the 
charge of libeling the cattlemen, his former 
patrons had withdrawn their advertising. 1 " 
At least one historian has suggested that 
Mercer's subsequent change of heart was 
motivated by financial difficulty and a 
switch in political allegiance from Repub- 
lican to Democrat in a calculated attempt 
at wresting new 
patronage. 20 A 
rival newspaper, 
The Cheyenne Sun, 
suggested an u 

Top: Barn on the TA Ranch. 
1892. Where the Invaders came 
under attack by a local posse 
and were rescued by United 
States Army troops from Fort 
McKinney. Barn and ranch 
buildings have been preserved 
and are listed in the National 
Register of Historic Places. 

J.E. Stimson Collection, 

Wyoming State Museum 

Bottom: Invaders. Group por- 
trait taken apparently at Fort D. A. 
Russell, Cheyenne. 1892. 

J.E. Stimson Collection, 

Wyoming State Museum 

Wyoming Annals 

2 7 

Winter 1993 -94 

terior motive when it asked, 

For the past five years the editor of 
the Live Stock Journal lias advocated the 
shooting dozen of rustlers, calling them 
"human wolves. " Did he do this solely be- 
cause the stockmen published their brands 
in his paper?" 21 

Mercer responded: 

These are war times. There can be no 
fence riding. If your sympathies are with 
the constitution breakers and murderers, get 
into the republican ranks where you belong. 
This is the party of freebooters, land grab- 
bers, and millionaires, and you will feel at 
home with them from the start. They are 
your kind of people. 22 

The switch in sides had its physical 
consequences as well. In his August 23, 1892 

\ijyfc . _ 

View of the "TA" Ranch - Photo- 
graphed by E.E. Mills, Buffalo, 
Wyo. From Banditti of the Plains 

Tom Tisdale Collection 

issue Mercer accused rancher John Clay of 
having lent his employees to the vigilante 
band. C. A. Campbell, who worked for Clay, 
took offense to this and marching into the 
newspaper office demanded a retraction, fi- 
nally hitting Mercer, breaking his glasses and 
causing deep facial cuts. 

Mercer's battle with former clients ac 
celerated when he published George 
Dunning's confession on October 14. Dun- 
ning was one of the Invaders who had 
joined the party, so he claimed, to warn the 
intended victims. Previously he had been 
a small stockraiser and handyman in 
Idaho. As the result of the confession and 
other revelations implicating state and fed- 
eral officials in the debacle, the Democratic 
party in Wyoming elected a governor and 
congressman in 1892 and gained the bal- 
ance of power in the Legislature. As a re- 
ward Mercer was appointed statistical 
agent for the Wyoming Department of Ag- 
riculture. His newspaper, renamed the 
Wyoming Democrat, did not fare as well as 
expected, expiring in the summer of 1893. 
That winter Mercer worked as the Chey- 
enne correspondent for Denver's Rocky 
Mountain Neivs and began writing his fa- 
mous expose', Banditti of the Plains, or the 
Cattlemen's Invasion of Wyoming in 1892, The 

Crowning Infamy of the Ages. 23 

This little book remains in print after 
nearly a century, available in the Western 
Frontier Library edition published by the 
University of Oklahoma Press. The Banditti 
of the Plains leaves little doubt as to who 
was at fault. The Invaders are presented as 
foul villains, dastardly caitiffs intent upon 
exterminating the honest settlers of 
Johnson County. Never one to mince . 
words, Mercer had this to say of the 
cattlemen's raid: 

The invasion of the state of Wyoming 
by a band of cutthroats and hired assassins 
in April, 1 892, was the crowning infamy of 
the ages. Nothing as cold-blooded, so bru- 
tal, so bold and yet so cowardly was ever 
before recorded in the annals of the world's 
history. 24 

So sldllful 
was Mercer in 
his work that 
those uninter- 
ested writers 
who followed 
him found it dif- 
ficult not to be influenced by his point of view. 25 
Claims have been made about the 
persecution of Mercer and the suppression 
of Banditti by the big cattlemen, and ac- 
counts of jaifings and burnings have been 
given. HoweveVj&fercer's oldest son wrote 
to State Historian Lola Homsher many 
years later: 

Father's book was never suppressed 
by court injunction, nor was he ever jailed.... 
It is correct that the cattlemen did all in their 
power to suppress the book. They got pos- 
session of a large number and destroyed 
them. I peddled his book over a portion of 
the State and sold a lot of them. 26 

Mercer served as a commissioner to the 
1893 Chicago World's Fair, and in 1895 
settled in the Paint Rock Creek Valley near 
Hyattville, Wyoming where he became a 
cattle rancher and pursued many other in- 
terests. As president of the Valley Devel- 
opment Company of Basin, Wyoming deal- 
ing in oil field and mining investments, he 
maintained offices at the Monadnock 
Building in Chicago. He traveled exten- 
sively and appears to have lived life to the 
fullest. He died on August 10, 1917 at the 
age of 78 in Buffalo, Wyoming at the home 
of his daughter, Dorothy Webb. 27 

Wyoming Annals 

2 8 

Winter 1993 -94 


The best analysis of the many legal 
complexities of the Johnson County War 
comes to us from the pen of Frank B. 
Crosthwaite, an investigator for the U. S. 
Department of Justice who was sent to 
Wyoming in late September, 1892 to exam- 
ine charges against Cheyenne's U. S. Mar- 
shal Joseph Rankin, who was cited for cow- 
ardice and failure to perform his duty. 

Following the failure of the expedi- 
tion to eliminate the opposition, the big 
cattlemen took another approach, obtain- 
ing an injunction prohibiting an indepen- 
dent roundup in Johnson County. 

After the murder on May 10, 1892 of 
George R. Wellman, who had been ap- 
pointed U. S. Deputy Marshal to help en- 
force the ruling, they were successful in 
getting U. S. Department of Justice Com- 
missioner Edmund J. Churchill in Chey- 
enne to issue warrants for the arrest of 23 
men in Johnson County for "conspiracy to 
interfere with the rights and privileges of 
citizens, under the constitution and laws 
of the United States, and other charges." 
When Rankin refused to leave for Johnson 
County he became the subject of an inves- 
tigation, and Crosthwaite received the as- 
signment. Crosthwaite's twenty-page re- 
port, including 180 pages of Rankin's offi- 
cial correspondence and statements from 
those interviewed, are found in the Na- 
tional Archives in Washington, D. C. 28 

As a preliminary, Crosthwaite de- 
scribed his version of the Johnson County 
War and noted who was at fault stating, 
for example, that he was "perfectly satis- 
fied that Johnson County was, at that time, 
infested with a band of desperate men who 
had no regard for human life or laws of the 
land," and that "while cattle owners fre- 
quently sought redress in local courts 
...through a feeling of sympathy or fear of 

20. Lewis L. Gould, "A. S. Mercer and the Johnson County 
War: A Reappraisal," Arizona and the West 7 (Spring 
1965): pp. 10, 12. 

21. Cheyenne Sun, 9 July 1892, p.l. 

22. Northwestern Live Stock journal article quoted in the 
Rawlins Carbon Count}/ journal, 20 August 1892. 

23. Gould, "A. S. Mercer," pp. 14, 18-19. 

24. Asa Shinn Mercer, Banditti of the Plains, p. 28. 

25. Gould, "A. S. Mercer," fn. 1, p. 5. 

26. "Ralph Mercer, June 9, 1954 to Lola M. Homsher," Asa 
Shinn Mercer Vertical File, HR. 

the results, it was almost impossible to get 
a jury to convict a man for stealing cattle." 2 " 
He goes on to state: 

whatever may have been their griev- 
ances, the cattle owners ...organized a band 
of men ...and unlawfully invaded Johnson 
County with this force ...for the express 
purpose, as they do not hesitate to say, of 
driving the thieves out of the country, or 
killing them." 

After much analysis Crosthwaite con- 
cluded his report on Rankin's conduct, 
which he believed was justified in view 
of the general state of alarm that pre- 
vailed in Johnson County, by stating that 
in his opinion 

a point was stretched to bring this 
matter within Federal jurisdiction for the 
purpose of utilizing and securing the ben- 
efits to the cattle owners the strong arm of 
the Federal government, with a view to ac- 
complishing thereby what bad been at- 
tempted by the unlawful invasion, but 
which proved such a miserable failure, viz. 
the disposition by one means or another of 
a class of men that the cattle owners styled 
as thieves/' 1 

Concerning the involvement of the 
Federal government in the whole matter, 
he declared: 

It appears that nearly everyone in au- 
thority, or in official life, was doing just 
about what the representatives of the cattle 
owners told them to do, and did not appear 
to exercise any personal judgment or dis- 
cretion of their own.... In my opinion, the 
only time when it was expedient to ask for 
the assistance of the Federal troops during 
tins entire affair, was when Gov. Barber asked 
for aid to save the lives of the men who had 
unlawfully invaded Johnson County."'' 

27. Charles W. Smith, "Asa Shinn Mercer, Pioneer in West- 
ern Publicity," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 27 (October 
1936), p. 353. 

28. Report of Frank B. Crosthwaite, November 2, 1892, 
Cheyenne, Wyoming to the Attorney General, Wash- 
ington, D.C., "Year File No. 6316/1892," Records of the 
Department of justice. Record Group 60, National Archives, 

29. Ibid., p. 5. 

30. Ibid., p. 5. 

31. ibid, p. 9. 

32. Ibid., p.17. 

Wyoming Annals 29 

.at was alawsT 
wipossihle to 
ger a jimy to 
con Vict a man 

fon STealuiQ 

Winter 1993 -94 


Top: Aw/ox W. Barber 

Middle: F.E. Warren 

Bottom: J.M. Carey 

Sketches from Banditti of the 

Tom Tisdale Collection 

Let us now consider the writings of 
the participants: the small ranchers/farm- 
ers/rustlers, and the big cattlemen and 
their employees. 

Small Ranchens/VaKOjeKs/RusTlens 

The first participant in this group to 
tell his story was George Dunning, the 
Idaho roustabout who traveled with the 
Invaders in order to warn the Buffalo 
townsfolk. Dunning's story appeared in the 
Northwestern Live Stock Journal on October 
14, 1892 the headlines reading: "The Dun- 
ning Confession, the Traitorous Invasion of 
the State Laid Bare, in All Its Revolting De- 
tails — By A Member of the Invading 
Host." 11 While written in a rambling man- 
ner reminiscent of the oldtimer's story in 
Mark Twain's The Blue Jay's Tale, Dunning's 
confession did two things. First, it showed 
that the conspiracy was no sudden thing. 
Dunning stated that the Secretary of the 
Wyoming Stock Growers Association, H. 
B. Ijams, had told him in March, 1892 that 
the Association had a contract with Frank 
Canton, Joe Elliot, Tom Smith, and a fourth 
man to kill fifteen men who were consid- 
ered by the stockmen to be the leaders 
among the thieves in Johnson County. Sec- 
ond, Dunning publicly implicated Gover- 
nor Amos Barber, Wyoming Attorney Gen- 
eral Charles Potter and Senators Joseph M. 
Carey and Francis E. Warren in the plan- 
ning of the invasion. About 1400 copies of 
Dunning's story were delivered Friday, Oc- 
tober 14. Two days later the cattlemen de- 
stroyed 24,000 copies printed for the Demo- 
cratic Party, but the damage had been done. 

Two other important anti-cattlemen 
accounts are those of Oscar "Jack" Flagg 
and William Walker. Flagg was one of the 
so-called rustlers who nearly lost his life 
when he and his stepson stumbled onto the 
Invaders at Nate Champion's cabin but 
outrode the pursuers. Flagg's history ran 
serially in the weekly Buffalo Bulletin for 
eleven installments, beginning in May, 
1892. It was published in book form in 1967 
by Stan Oliner as A Review of the Cattle Busi- 
ness in Johnson County Since 1882 and the 
Causes that Led to the Recent Invasion. 34 
Flagg moved to Nevada in 1907, dying at 
Verdi at age sixty-five. An obituary noted: 
"Fiery, quick-tempered and a bitter hater 
of his enemies, acquaintances declare he 

was 'never known to go back on a 
friend'." 35 

William Walker, one of the men who 
had been in Champion's cabin on the 
morning of April 5, 1892 and who was 
spirited away to Rhode Island by the big 
cattlemen so that he could not testify 
against them, finally told his story in Daisy 
F. Baber's The Longest Rope: The Truth About 
the Johnson County Cattle War published by 
Caxton Press in 1940. 3h Walker, who died 
in November, 1946 at the age of 81, lived 
in Lyons, Colorado for 65 years. 

Another interesting account is the remi- 
niscence authored by William A. Mar- 
tin who, with Charles Negus, on his way 
to Buffalo had inadvertently met the Invad- 
ers. Kept in tow, the cowboys finally made 
their escape and joined the townsfolk. Later 
threatened by the big cattlemen, they 
agreed to take an oath not to tell what they 
knew and it was not until 1925 that Martin 
was free to speak. In 1928 Martin finished 
a manuscript entitled Negus in Johnson 
County, a copy of which may be found in 
the Johnson County Library. Particularly 
interesting is "Part Eight: The Siege of the 
TA Ranch," in which Martin minutely de- 
scribes the scene and the defenses of the 
Invaders. 37 

The Ccmlemen 

Surprisingly enough — complaints to 
the contrary — a great deal more has been 
printed by the big cattlemen and their as- 
sociates than by the small cattlemen/farm- 
ers/rustlers. John Clay, the president of the 
Wyoming Stock Growers Association in 
1892 and who was absent from Wyoming 
at the time of the invasion, saw his mem- 
oirs printed in 1924. Entitled, My Life on the 
Range, the book was privately published. 
In 1930 Houghton Mifflin published Fron- 
tier Trails: The Autobiography of Frank M. 
Canton edited by E. E. Dale. A year later 

33. Northwestern Live Stock journal, 14 October 1892. 
Wyoming Annals 3° Winter 1993 -94 

34. Stan Oliner, A Review of the Cattle Business in Johnson 
County Since 1SS2 and the Causes that Led to the Recent 
Invasion (New York: Arno Press & the New York Times 

35. Unidentified newspaper clipping, "Old Settler, Oscar 
H. Flagg is Dead," File B-F97-Oh, AHC. 

36. D. F. Baber, The Longest Rope: The Truth About the Johnson 
County Cattle War (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Press, 1940). 

37. William A. Martin, "Negus in Johnson County: A His- 
tory of the Johnson County Stock," MSS, Johnson County 
Library, Buffalo, Wyoming. 

came the publication in Casper of Malcolm 
Campbell Sheriff by Robert B. David. An- 
other sympathetic book is Charles A. 
Guernsey's, Wyoming Cowboy Days, pub- 
lished in 1936™ 

Jn 1914 Dr. Charles B. Penrose, the physi- 
cian who accompanied the Invaders, 
wrote his version of the affair. It was pub- 
lished by the Douglas Budget in 1959 under 
the title, The Rustler Business?" Penrose has 
a peculiar kind of detachment. In speak- 
ing of the men the Invaders meant to kill, 
Penrose remarks, 

The rustlers were not degenerate 
criminals such as arc found in cities and 
thickly populated districts.... The worst of 
the cattle thieves would probably have been 
good fellows and agreeable companions af- 
ter they had accumulated a herd and got on 
easy street. 41 ' 

One reason why the book is impor- 
tant is because it contains lengthy com- 
ments made by one of the cattlemen, Will- 
iam Irvine, at Penrose's request. Not all of 
Penrose's ruminations are published in this 
volume. Correspondence with Irvine in 
1914 is found in the Amos Barber Papers 
at the American Heritage Center in 
Laramie. Lois Van Valkenburgh repro- 
duced these letters in her master's thesis 
written in 1939. 4 ' 

The mayor of Buffalo, Charles H. 
Burritt, who according to one historian was 
secretly in the employ of the big cattlemen, 
wrote a number of letters to friends that 
were published in the Buffalo Bulletin, be- 
ginning January 26, 1961 , 42 Another impor- 
tant account from the cattlemen's point of 
view is that written by Fred H. G. Hesse to 
Major Frank Wolcott, dated January 25, 
1893. Printed and reprinted in newspapers 
from time to time, the article speaks of the 

38. Clay, My Life on the Range (Chicago: Privately Printed, 
1924); Frank Canton, Frontier Trails: The Autobiography of 
Frank M. Canton, ed. by E. E. Dale (Boston: Houghton 
Mifflin, 1930); Robert B'. David, Malcolm Campbell Sheriff 
(Casper: Wyomingana, 1931); Charles A. Guernsey, 
Wyoming Cowboy Dai/s (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 

39. Charles B. Penrose, The Rustler Business (Douglas: Dou- 
glas Budget, 1959). 

40. Ibid., p. 

41. Lois Van Valkenburgh, "The Johnson County War, the 
Papers of Charles B. Penrose in the Library of the Uni- 
versity of Wyoming with introduction and Notes," M. 
A. thesis, 1939, University of Wyoming, Laramie. 

42. Buffalo Bulletin beginning 26 January 1961. 

T A Ranch. 



difficulties in obtaining convictions for rus- 
tling. It also notes that an association was 
created in February, 1892 to undertake the 
killing of any and all stockmen who might 
attempt to return to Johnson County to 
gather their stolen cattle. 43 The massive 
F.G.S. Hesse Collection of personal and 
business correspondence remains in the 
private hands of 

Map of the Battle Grounds Sur- 
rounding the "TA" Ranch. From 
Banditti of the Plains. 

Tom Tisdale Collection 

the Hesse family of Buffalo. 

One of the most interesting collec- 
tions recently acquired by the American 
Heritage Center is that of Henry G. Hay. 
The first cashier of the Stock Growers Na- 
tional Bank in Cheyenne at the time of the 
invasion, Hay became the bank's president 
in 1894. The collection consists mostly of 
correspondence to him from John Clay, 
Senators Warren and Carey, William Irvine 
and others of the inner circle. The follow- 
ing letter from William Irvine dated July 6, 
1892 is indicative of the richness of the col- 

Mi/ Dear Henry, It seems to me the 
-war on Old Mercer should be continued 

Go-Devil, or Ark of Safety. 
A moveable breastwork 
built by the settlers in their 
attempt to dynamite the 
Invaders out of entrenched 
positions at the TA Ranch. 
From Banditti of the Plains. 

Tom Tisdale Collection 

43. "Late F.G.S. Hesse Justifies Action of Cattlemen," Buf- 
falo Bulletin, 2 July 1959. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Wyoming State Museum 

Henry G. Hay, 1903 

Margot Liberty Collection, Sheridan 

Helena Huntington Smith. 

Author of The War on 

Powder River. 

zealously until we break him. Wliat say you 
more, as to whether marshal (sic) law can 
or could have been declared since the Idaho 
affair; and who has given ]oe Rankin his 
instruction to let up. lam very rapidly los- 
ing faith in the powers that be. and certain 
people will have a difficult time in explain- 
ing to me. I think we have been played all 
the way through as suckers. 

Truly Yours, W. C. Irvine-" 

One great loss in the telling of the full 
account of the Johnson County War 
from the cattlemen's point of view is the 
failure of William Irvine to detail his story. 
In a January 1, 1914 letter to Historian 
Grace Hebard, Irvine stated that his letters 
were in the hands of Dr. Penrose in order 
to assist the latter in his book. When they 
were returned he would give them to his 
son Ross "who has for years wanted to do 
this same work for hire." 45 In the same 
epistle Irvine states that Mercer asked him 
for $500 to support the Invaders in his 
newspaper, and when he refused Mercer 
took the other side. 

Modem Writers 

In recent years the story has been the 
subject of many articles and books by writ- 
ers and historians. Monographs adding 
new information or interpretations to the 
story include one by George T. Watkins III, 
"Johnson County War," which appeared in 
a 1961 issue of Pacific Northwesterner, and 
Robert A. Murray's "The United States 
Army in the Aftermath of the Johnson 
County Invasion," which appeared in An- 
nals of Wyoming in 1966. 4h 

An undocumented but interesting 
account of the killing of George Wellman 
is Herbert O. R Brayer's tiny volume, Range 
Murder: How the Red Sash Gang Dry-Gulched 
Deputy United States Marshal George 
Wellman, a Vignette of the Johnson County 
War, published by Branding Iron Press in 
Evanston, Wyoming in 1955. 47 Brayer 

names Ed Starr as the culprit. W. Turrenrine 
Jackson's discussion of "British Interests in 
the Range Cattle Industry" in the 
book, When Grass Was King, authored in 
1956 by Jackson, Maurice Frink and Agnes 
Wright Spring, and Louis Petzer's, The 
Cattlemen's Frontier: A Record of the 
Trans-Mississippi Cattle Industry from Oxen 
Train to Pooling Companies, 1850-1890 pub- 
lished in 1936 are indispensable in under- 
standing the growth of the cattle industry 
and its problems. 48 In 1963 Ted Bohlen and 
Tom Tisdale collected a number of docu- 
ments under the title An Era of Violence, 
prepared in a limited edition of twenty five 
typed and bound copies. 49 

Many authors have written about the 
episode in chapters within broader stud- 
ies. The best of these include R. J. Mokler, 
History of Natrona County, Wyoming (1923); 
Maurice Frink, Cow Country Cavalcade: 
Eighty Years of the Wyoming Stock Growers 
Association (1954); Henry Sinclair Drago, 
The Great Range Wars: Violence on the Grass- 
lands (1970); and T. A. Larson, History of 
Wyoming (1978). 50 

Lewis L. Gould made a substantial 
contribution in a chapter on the Johnson 
County War in his volume, Wyoming: A 
Political History, 1868-1896 which appeared 
in 1968. In commenting on the work of pre- 
vious historians, Gould declares: 

Unhappily, their accounts are more 
distinguished for partisanship, incomplete 
research and inaccurate presentation than 
for scholarly analysis and thoroughness. 
Relying on inadequate reminiscences, bi- 
ased newspapers, and occasionally then- 
own imaginations, historians have focused 
on the colorful events of the war itself, miss- 
ing the significance of an event which 
changed the shape of Wyoming politics in 
the 1890s. 5 ' 

44. "Letter from William Irvine, July 6, 1892 to Henry G. 
Hay," Henry G. Hay Collection, AHC. 

45. "Letter from Irvine, January 1, 1914 to Hebard," File 
B-lrS-wc, AHC. 

46. George T. Watkins III, "Johnson County War," pp. 1-12; 
Robert A. Murray, "The United States Army in the 
Aftermath of the Johnson County Invasion," 38 Annals of 

Wyoming (1966). 

47. Herbert O. P. Brayer, Range Murder: How the Red Sash 
Gang Dry-Gulched Deputy United States Marshal George 
Wellman, a Vignette of the Johnson County War (Evanston, 
Wyoming: Branding Iron Press, 1955). 

48. W. Turrentine Jackson, "British Interests in the Range 
Cattle Industry" in Maurice Frink, W. Turrentine Jack- 
son and Agnes Wright Spring, When Grass Was King, 
(Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 1956); Louis 
Pelzer, The Cattlemen's Frontier: A Record of the 
Trans-Mississippi Cattle Industry from Oxen Train to Pool- 
ing Companies, 1850-1890 (Glendale, California: Arthur 
H. Clark Company, 1936). 

49. Ted Bohlen and Tom Tisdale, An Era of Violence , 1963, 
copy in AHC. 

50. A. J . Mokler, History of Natrona County, Wyoming (Chi- 
cago: R. R. Donnelley and Sons, 1923; Maurice Frink, 
Cow Country Cavalcade: Eighty Years of the Wyoming Stock 
Growers Association (Denver: Old West PublishingCom- 
pany, 1954); Henry Sinclair Drago. The Great Range 
Wars: Violence on the Grasslands (Lincoln: University of 
Nebraska Press, 1970); T. A. Larson,Hisfon/o/"Wi/ommg, 
2nd rev. ed. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 

Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 

Gould's strong positions tend to put 
the reader off, but his work does add new 
insights concerning the conflict's ramifica- 
tions. Gould details the unsuccessful at- 
tempts of the cattlemen, through Senators 
Carey and Warren, to persuade President 
Harrison to declare martial law so that U. 
S. troops could be mobilized against the 
opposition. He also explains the legal strat- 
egy employed in freeing the Invaders. 

The most extensive treatment of the 
Johnson County War is Helena Hunting- 
ton Smith's War on Powder River: The His- 
tory of an Insurrection which appeared in 
1966. Upon publication, Historian T. A. 
Larson called it the best study of the 
Johnson County War, and it remains the 
definitive work. Smith was a magazine and 
newspaper writer who wrote three west- 
ern classics: They Pointed Them North, A 
Bride Goes West and War on Powder River. 52 
Delving deeply into newspaper sources she 
spent many weeks in the Buffalo area, ac- 
quainting herself with the people and 
country. While showing some compassion 
for the big cattlemen, Smith stands on the 
side of the small rancher. At the book's end 
she concludes: 

So everything indicates time did win, 
and won handily and soon enough so that 
Wyoming became a state of small indepen- 
dent ranchers before the slashing changes 
of the last industrial revolution drove the 
old-time cow business out of the picture, 
except for a few traditions. Time won and 
the small independent rancher won. And 
the latter, after all, was what the shooting 
was really about." 


Those interested in pursuing their 
own research have the chance to look at 
some new material, just opened for public 
use. Preserved at the American Heritage 

51. Lewis L. Gould, Wyoming: A Political History, 1868-1896 
( New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1968), 
reprinted in 1989 as Wyoming From Territory to Statehood 
(Worland, Wyoming: High Plains Publishing Company, 
Inc.), p. 138. 

52. E. C. Abbott and Helena Huntington Smith, We Pointed 
Them North (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1939); 
Nannie T. Alderson and Helena Huntington Smith, A 
Bride Goes West (New York: Rinehart, 1942); and Smith, 
War on Powder River . 

53. Smith, War on Powder River, p. 283. 

Center in Laramie are audio tapes made 
by the late Robert T. Helvey in the 1950s 
and 1960s. Now transcribed, they include 
interviews with Johnson County War par- 
ticipants Billy Brock, Harvey Munkers and 
Fred W. Hesse, son of F.G.S. Hesse, one of 
the Invaders. S4 Undoubtedly, the American 
Heritage Center has the best collection of 
materials on the conflict, notably the 
records of the Wyoming Stock Growers 
Association, the papers of many of the pub- 
lic figures involved in the Johnson County 
War, biographical files on most of the par- 
ticipants, and collections of Buffalo history 
buffs J. Elmer Brock and Burton Hill. The 
best private collection is that amassed by 
the late Tom Tisdale of Cheyenne whose 
grandfather was one of the first casualties 
in the Johnson County War and whose 
knowledge of the relationships of the 
people involved was a priceless asset. 


Research still needs to be done in as- 
sessing the Johnson County War. Aspects 
of the conflict have been covered in great 
detail, but there remain some important 
questions to answer and critical analyses 
to be performed. Four special areas of re- 
search might be pursued profitably 

First, many have claimed that big 
cattlemen could not find redress in the 
courts. For example, Emerson Hough in 

54 Robert T. Helvey Collection, AHC. 

Bottom left: Tom Tisdale (1922- 
1992) John A. Tisdale, a casual- 
ty of the Johnson County War, 
was Tom Tisdale's grandfather. 
He was shot and killed in No- 
vember, 1891 south of Buffalo. 

Frank Canton, bottom right, 
stock detective and former 
Johnson County Sheriff, Can- 
ton was accused of the crime 
but the case was dismissed. 

Wyoming State Museum 

Wyoming Annals 


Mark Junge 
Winter 1993 -94 

Paul Jacques 

The Story of the Cowboy states that between 
1888 and 1892 cattlemen brought 108 suits 
against rustlers for stealing cows or calves, 
but only one conviction was obtained." A 
cursory glance at court records does not 
bear this out, but careful research in these 
documents should resolve this issue. 

Second, someone needs to look care- 
fully at the charges that a core of 
out-and-out thieves operated in Johnson 
County. Malcolm Campbell in his book, 
Malcolm Campbell Sheriff, estimated that of 
the 434 men surrounding the TA Ranch on 
the last day, seventy per cent were small 
ranchers, fifteen per cent were merchants 
and laborers and fifteen per cent were cattle 
rustlers and gamblers. 5 '- Names of the pur- 
ported criminal element have been identi- 
fied in various accounts but little checking 
has been done concerning their back- 
grounds or charges against them. Further- 
more, claims have been made that many 
of the cowboys and small ranchers from Texas 
had previous criminal records. Research in 
Texas state archives and countv records could 
prove or disprove these contentions. 

Third, since the Johnson Countv War 
when reduced to its basics was a conflict 
over land and its use, there is a need for a 
history of land settlement patterns in 
Johnson County: who filed homestead pa- 
pers and where, and how these actions may 
have affected the operations of those al- 
ready using the public domain. Fourth, we 
need to look carefully at newspapers for 
the ten-year period preceding the outbreak 
of violence. They should yield a great deal 
of information concerning early settlement, 
relationships between individuals and evi- 
dence of conflicts. It is important also to 
search newspapers following the invasion, 
since interviews with partici- 
pants were common. 

In summary, what can we 
conclude about the Johnson 
County War and those who 
wrote about it? The late Burton 
S. Hill, a Buffalo lawyer who 
wrote much about the region's 
early history, had this to say: 

< > 


ACK McDermott 

1 93 5-) IS AN HISTO- 

Wyoming Annals 34 Winter 1993 -94 

The implication usually is that the 
cattlemen, with their superior background 
and training should have known better. 
There are those who say that an unbiased 
account of the Johnson County War has 
never been written, and that the rustlers 
always have the best of it. But whatever 
view taken, the unadorned and unvarnished 
facts are not pretty, and can never be made 
so for either side." 

Perhaps Philip Ashton Rollins in his 
1930 book, The Cowboy, summed up the 
event as aptly and impartially as anyone. 
The Johnson County War, he declared, was 
"an uprising against concentrated wealth; 
and, at the end, it signified an accom- 
plished, social and political revolution. " w 

What are the lessons of the Johnson 
County War? Have we learned to resolve 
our differences without recourse to vio- 
lence? Is public policy more responsive to 
the needs of the people so that violence is 
less employed now? Are we less concerned 
with concentrations of wealth handicap- 
ping the ability of newcomers to develop 
their potential? Recent events, such as the 
1992 Los Angeles riots where violence be- 
came the vehicle of protest, are humbling. 
So is the fact that we still have the highest 
homicide rate among developed nations in 
the world. But in looking back over a cen- 
tury, charity is in order. We need to look at 
the Johnson County War with compassion 
as well as condemnation, viewing it as an 
historical event that can teach us to do bet- 
ter, generating hope for better ways to re- 
solve our differences. 

55. Emerson Hough in The Storif of the Cowboy (New York: 
D.Appleton and Company, 1931). See also S. S. Metzger, 
"The Wyoming 'Rustlers' War," The Pacific Monthly 
(April 1911): 394. 

56. Robert B. David, Malcolm Campbell Sheriff (Casper: 
Wvomingana, 1931) 

57- Burton S. Hill, "Buffalo-Ancient Cow Town: A. Wyo- 
ming Saga," Annals of Wyoming 35 (October 1963), 
reprinted in On the Platte and North (Buffalo: Buffalo 
Bulletin, n.d.), p. 33. 

58. Philip Ashton Rollins, The Cowboy: His Characteristics 
(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1930), p. 34. 

op McDermott Associates which 
he founded in 1 989. he was born 
and raised in redfield, south da- 
kota and earned a b.a. in history 

from the University of South 
Dakota. He obtained his M.A. in 
history from the university of 
Wisconsin, and has done post- 
graduate work. His career with 
the National Park Service began 
in 1957 when he took a job as a 
seasonal ranger at fort laramie. 
From i960 to 1986MCDERMOTT 
became a full-tlme federal histo- 
rian and administrator, first 
with the National Park Service 
and then with the advisory 
Council on Historic Preserva- 

protection of America's cul- 
tural resources. Listed in the Di- 
rectory of American Scholars, HE IS A FRE- 
QUENT contributor to Wyoming 


books include Dangerous Duty 

TECTING the Oregon Trail in the 
South Pass area of Wyoming, and 
Forlorn Hope (1978), A BOOK ABOUT 
the Nez Perce Indian War. 

He is the editor of The Dull 
Knife Symposium (1990), CO-AUTHOR 
OF Fort Laramie: Visions of a Grand Old 
Post ( 1 974) AND AUTHOR OF FOUR BI- 

Arthur H. Clark Co. series, The 

Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the 
Far West (1965-72). Dozens of ar- 

McDermott appear in twenty 
western and midwestern history 
journals. he is also the author 
of numerous studies and reports 
in the field of american historic 

McDermott resides in the 
lee of the blghorn mountains at 
Sheridan, Wyoming. Much of his 
time is spent in the pursuit of his- 
tory, but his hobbies include gar- 
dening, hunting, book collect- 
ing and sports. 


A New Look at the Donner Party 

Joseph A. King 

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perished, why the women fared better than the men, why 
the unmarried men died early, whether cannibalism can 
sometimes be a moral act. 

THE AUTHOR, Joseph A. King, has served as 
Consultant and Commentator for the films "The 
American Experience: The Donner Party" on Public TV, 
and The Donner Party" segment of The Real West series 
on A&E cable TV. 


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6x9, 265 pp, maps, photos, notes 

•"First attempt in a generation to review the story of the doomed 
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•"The definitive work on the Donner Party. The bibliography and 
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material." -historian Robert Ryal Miller. 

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*"A most interesting new look at the major sources of the Donner 
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Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Sketch from Banditti of the Plains by Asa S. Mercer (San Francisco: Grabhorn Press, 1935) 

Arvilla Parker 

by Roscoe L. Buckland 

|n The Virginian (1902) and the short story, 'The Gift Horse" (1908), 
Owen Wister wrote two antithetical lynching stories. There are notable 
similarities in setting, mood and plot, but the stories present differing 
points of view toward lynching and toward conflicts in the cattle country 
of Wyoming in the 1880s. 1 

Wyoming Annals 36 Winter 1993 -94 

The hanging of Steve in The Virginian is the most familiar lynching in American 
novel, stage or film. Its drama derives from a situation in which a man (the Virginian) 
must hang a longtime friend, Steve. But the lynching episode gave Wister trouble 
from the beginning. His mother regarded it as both illogical and improper. The prob- 
lem was that no matter what rationale might be given for lynching, the act itself was 
repellent, especially at a time when lynching was a subject of considerable discussion. 

1. Owen Wister, The Virginian (Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Company, 1968), pp.228-65; Owen Wister, Members of the Family (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 
1911), pp. 159-206. References to these works are hereafter given in parentheses in the text. "The Gift Horse" was first printed in The Saturday Evening Post, 
18 July 1908 and later included in Members of the Family. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 


Wister finally resolved the 
problem in the stage version, upon 
which movie versions are based, by 
making the scene so remote, even 
romantic, in its atmosphere, and "so 
utterly restrained in tone as to banish 
everything except the gallant fatalism 
of Steve, and the misery of the Virgin- 
ian. 2 In the novel he sought to make 
the act less repellent by comparing it to 
the Southern lynching of a Negro. 

In 1855 in his Preface to Red 
Men and White, Owen Wister cited a 
lynching in Texas to illustrate the 
survival of "many ancient periods" in 
the civilization of nineteenth century 

In the single State of Texas you will find a 
contrast more violent still. There, not long ago, 
an African was led upon a platform in a public 
place for people to see, and tortured slowly to 

Wyoming Annals 

death with knives and fire. To witness this scene 
young men and women came in crowds. It is said 
that the railroad ran a special train for specta- 
tors from a distance. How might that audience 
of Paris, Texas, appropriately date its letters? 
Not Anno Domini, but many years B.C. The 
African deserves no pity. His hideous crime was 
enough to drive a father to any madness, and too 
many such monsters have by their acts made 
Texas justly desperate. But for American citizens 
to crowd to the retribution, and look on it as a 
holiday, reveals the Inquisition, the Pagans, the 
Stone Age, unreclaimed in our republic. 3 

Wister was referring to the lynching of Henry 
Smith at Paris, Texas, on February 1 , 1 893 for the 
murder of a four year-old girl, the daughter of a 
former police officer. Smith, a Negro, was described 
variously as a "fiend," a "weak-minded fellow," a 
"brute," and an "imbecile." The murder was brutal. 
There was neither inquest nor trial: Smith was 
reported to have confessed. Accounts of the savagery 
of the murder and refutations of those accounts are 

equally subjective and 
lurid. By all accounts the 
lynching was a 
well-planned barbaric 
spectacle. Smith was 
arrested at Hope, Arkan- 

The Virginian 





Kfto gork 



-J// righti rutrvtd 

left: Owen Wister on 

return from the West, ca. 


American Heritage Center, 

University' of Wyoming, 


right: title page of The 

Virginian by Owen Wister 

Wyoming State Museum 

sas and escorted back to 
Paris by citizens of the 
town who assured 
crowds along the way 
that he would be appro- 
priately executed. During 
the journey preparations 
were made in Paris for the coming event. Bulletins 
were sent to neighboring small towns and school was 
dismissed by proclamation from the mayor. Saloons 
were closed and unruly mobs were dispersed so that, 
as the New York Sun reported, "everything was done 
in a businesslike manner." 4 Ten thousand or more 


Winter 1993 -94 

men, women and children assembled. Smith was 
placed on a carnival float and paraded down main 
street, around the town square and to the edge of 
town. There he was bound on a platform and tor- 
tured for some fifty minutes with hot irons applied by 
the girl's father and two uncles. Then he was doused 
with kerosene and set on fire. Souvenir hunters 
gathered buttons and pieces of bone from the ashes. 

Lynching with fire, usually as an accompani- 
ment to hanging, was not uncommon and unknown. 
The Paris incident was notable for its total depravity. 
Its details were widely publicized and reports of it 
reached as far as Aberdeen, Scotland. It gave impetus 
to the organization of anti-lynching crusades in the 
United States and Great Britain." Wister was refer- 
ring to a well-remembered incident. 

But Wister does not cite the incident as an 
indictment of lynching. He does not even use the 
word. It is an example of the "violent contrasts" of 
barbarism and civilization that exist between or 
within communities: ". . .the young men and women 
who will watch side by side the burning of a Negro 
[sic] shrink from using such words as bull or stallion 
in polite society." 6 It is the manner of the execution - 
the torture and the spectacle- that made the Paris 
incident something from the dark past. 

In The Virginian Wister again used the Henry 
Smith lynching, or certain aspects of it, to draw a 
contrast. After Molly learns that her Virginian was 
the leader of the men who hanged his old friend 
Steve and a man named Ed, Judge Henry comes to 
her cabin to explain things to her. 

Wyoming Annals 

"Well, " he said, coming straight to the point, 
"some dark things have happened . . But you 
must not misunderstand us. . "Judge Henry, " 
said Molly, also coming straight to the point, 
"have you come to tell me that you think well 
of lynching?" 

He met her. "Of burning Southern Negroes [sic] 
in public, no. Of hanging thieves in private, yes. 
You perceive there 's a difference, don 't you ? " 
"Not in principle, " said the girl, dry and short. 
(Virginian, 263) 

Judge Henry asks what Molly means by "prin- 
ciple." Molly accuses him of quibbling. Judge Henry 
returns to the comparison. 

"1 see no likeness in principle whatever between 
burning Southern Negroes [sic] in public and 
hanging Wyoming horse thieves in private. I 
consider the burning a proof that the South is 
semi-barbarous, and the hanging proof that 
Wyoming is determined to become civilized. 
We do not torture our criminals when we lynch 
them. We do not invite spectators to enjoy their 
death agony. " (Virginian, 264 ) 

Molly admits "The way is different," but in 
both cases "Ordinary citizens take the law in their 
own hands." To answer this objection Judge Henry 
leads Molly through a syllogistic dialogue: the 
ordinary citizens haven't taken the law out of the 
hands of the courts; the courts were created by the 
Constitution, the Constitution was created by the 
delegates and the delegates were elected by the 
people; thus, "when they lynch they only take back 
what they once gave." Then he takes up the compari- 
son again, this time applying it to the matter of 
"takinc the law in their own hands." 

2. Darwin Payne, Owen Wister: Chronicler of the West. Gentleman of the East 

(Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1985), pp. 202,224. 

3. Owen Wister, Red Men and White (New York: Garrett Press, 1969), 

4. For contemporary accounts of this lynching, including the New York Sun 
report, see Ida B. Wells-Barnett, "A Red Harvest," On Lynchings (New 
York: Arno Press, 1969), pp. 25-33. On Lynching is a reprint of pamphlets 
by Wells-Barnett, paged individually. 

5. Alfreda M. Duster (ed.), Crusade for Justice: The Autobiography of Ida B. Wells 
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), pp. 84-86. 

6. Wister, Red Men and White, p.vii. 
39 Winter 1993 -94 

"Now we '11 take your two cases that you say are 
the same in principle. I think they are not. For 
in the South they take a Negro (sic) from jail 
where he was waiting to be duly hung. The 
South has never claimed that the law would let 
him go. But in Wyoming the law has been letting 
our cattle-thieves go for two years . . . The 
courts, or rather the juries, into whose hands we 
have put the law, are not dealing the law . . . And 
so when your ordinary citizen sees this, . . . he 
must take justice back into his own hands, where 
it once was at the beginning of all things. Call 
this primitive, if you will. But so far from being a 
defiance of the law, it is an assertion of 
self-governing men, upon whom our social fabric 
is based. " (Virginian, 265) 

Judge Henry's argument does not really answer 
Molly's question of principle. In tact, it raises 
questions. Is our whole social fabric based upon 
"self-governing men," or is it based upon those 
processes by which the courts were established? 
When does a self-appointed group of men become 
the "self-governing," or "ordinary" citizenry? Is 
hanging Wyoming cattle thieves in secret the oppo- 
site of the public spectacle of the Southern lynching, 
or are they points along a spectrum of lawlessness? 
Even when legal executions were public in the 
nineteenth century, they were conducted by men who 
were accountable. Neither then nor today have our 
legal executions been secret as they were in The 
Virginian, where a group of men was sent out se- 
cretly to capture cattle thieves, hanged the men in a 
remote place and returned secretly. Molly learns of the 
affair when her schoolboys make a game of it. Judge 
Henry is concerned that Molly may expose the affair 
and his part in it. A legal execution, in contrast, is 
publicly announced and officially witnessed. There are 
important principles involved in these formalities. 

Molly finally cannot answer Judge Henry's 
argument on "principle". She can only say that " it is 
all terrible" to her (Virginian, 265). It is in the degree 
of terror, or more exactly, horror, that the Southern 
lynching serves Judge Henry best. Compared with 
the Henry Smith lynching, the lynching of Steve and 
Ed is certainly different in manner. Steve is the 
dashing young cowboy who knows he's done wrong. 
The men are solicitous of the comfort of their prison- 
ers. They joke pleasantly with them about their 
capture. Ed takes it pretty hard, but Steve is game to 
the end. The hanging is quickly done. The corpses 
are never seen. 

The lynching episode is necessary to the novel. 
It brings to a climax the conflict of loyalties and 
obligations that give thematic unity to a rather 
episodic novel. It provides a complication to be 

resolved in the romance between Molly and the 
Virginian. At the same time a novel which sanc- 
tioned lynching might not appeal to his reading 
audience. Between 1882 and 1903 there had been 
324 people lynched in Texas, and 34 -all white- in 
Wyoming. 7 Lynching was a subject much reported, 
editorialized upon and agitated against. 

By constructing such a dignified lynching as 
never took place, even out West where the victim was 
almost always white, and comparing it to something 
like the Henry Smith affair, Wister removed his 
Wyoming incident beyond and above a Southern 
lynching. It was a contrast his readers could recog- 
nize and appreciate. It gave an emotional, if not 
logical, appeal to the Judge's argument. 

Wister was well aware that lynching out West 
was not conducted in the mode of Steve's hanging. 
Early in The Virginian a cowboy in Medicine Bow 
makes a joking remark about the hanging of "Cattle 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Kate," a reference to the Ella Watson/James Averell 
lynching along the Sweetwater River on July 20, 
1889. Wister viewed this lynching with some 
equanimity. On October 11, 1889 he sat in a smok- 
ing car with "one of the men indicted for lynching the 

\i v 

man and woman." He hoped the man would "get 
off." He "seemed a good solid citizen" and it was 
"only the wayward class that complained." 8 

But by 1891 Wister was harboring ambivalent, 
conflicting, feelings about the Wyoming cattle 
empire and its citizens, both "solid" and "wayward." 
This emotional conflict becomes evident in a com- 
parison of the lynching episode in The Virginian and 
the short story "The Gift Horse." 

Since "The Gift Horse" is less familiar, here is a 
brief plot summary. An Easterner befriends a young 
rancher, McDonough, who has been injured. In 
return McDonough gives the Easterner a fine sorrel 
horse. The Easterner rides the horse to a mysterious 
place called Still Hunt Spring and camps there for the 
night. He awakens to find himself captured by a 
group of men led by a cattleman, Lem Speed. He 
learns that the sorrel is a stolen horse and Still Hunt 
Spring is a cache valley for stolen horses. Just as the 
cattlemen are about to hang him, he is rescued by 
Scipio le Moyne, his hunting guide. When the 
Easterner and le Moyne ride away, they come upon 
the body of young McDonough hanging in a tree. 

Both stories are narrated by an unnamed 
Easterner. In each the Easterner ceases to be a 
tenderfoot. He proves that he can find his way in a 

wilderness. He arrives at the right place, but at the 
wrong time, and through his experience learns the 
customs of the country. In each story a range-wise 
cowboy is teacher and protector: the Virginian in one 
story, Scipio le Moyne in the other. 

The setting of both stories is northwestern 
Wyoming, the Upper Snake River-Jackson Hole 
country and the Wind River Valley -regions which 
Wister visited in 1887, '88, '89, and '91, and with 
which he had fallen in love. The Virginian and a group 
of men sent out by Judge Henry pursue the villainous 
Trampas and his gang into the upper Snake River 
mountains. Trampas escapes and finds refuge among 
the "settlers" of Jackson Hole -"a nomadic and distrust- 
ful people" {Virginian, 257). In "The Gift Horse" 
cattleman Lem Speed has come into the Wind River 
Valley "to look after his interests" (Members, 165). 

Secrecy and suspicion permeate the action in 
both stories. The men with the Virginian are suspi- 
cious of the Easterner when he rides into their camp, 
and after the lynching people back at the ranches 
refer to it only with veiled comment and dark hint. In 
"The Gift Horse" no one wants to talk about Still 
Hunt Spring; the post trader is a spy for Lem Speed. 
If anyone had spoken plainly to the Easterner about 
McDonough and Still Hunt Spring, he would not 
have ridden into danger. 

There are basic differences in the plot of the 
two stories. The central incident of the lynching 
story in The Virginian is the hanging of Steve, while 
in "The Gift Horse" it is the near-hanging of the 
Easterner. The Virginian is a romance in which the 
lynching is a climactic incident: the Virginian has not 
let friendship stand in the way of duty, so will Molly 
let the lynching stand in the way of true love? "The 
Gift Horse" is a tale of suspense: the mystery, the 
intrigue, the terror of an innocent man about to be 
hanged, and a hairbreadth rescue. The lynching of 
McDonough is a fact that finally resolves the mystery. 

Yet McDonough's hanging is more than just a 
footnote to the plot of a suspense story. His hanging 
does not seem as just or deserved as Steve's. Nor 
does lynching itself seem as right in "The Gift 
Horse" as in The Virginian. 

7. James Elbert Cutler, Lynch Law: An Investigation into the History of Lynching 
in the United States (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1905), p.180. 

8. Fanny Kemble Wister, Owen Wister Out West (Chicago: University of 
Chicago Press, 1958), p. 91. This book is a reprint of Wister's journal 
entries edited by his daughter. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming, Laramie 
Owen Wister with camera in Yellowstone, nd. 

Neither story condemns lynching as being of 
itself destructive of law and order. Judge Henry and 
Wister himself- speaking as omniscient author 
directly to his reader- argue at length that lynching in 
certain circumstances is necessary and appropriate 
{Virginian. 261-269). In "The Gift Horse" the 
Easterner attempts an argument with Scipio le 
Moyne: "Do you think they'll not break out in a new 
place; condemn some other man who looks guilty in 
their almighty minds? . . .There's got to be lynching 
where there's no law. but ...." His unfinished argu- 
ment does not convince Scipio. When they come 
upon McDonough hanging in the tree he will close 
the dead man's eyes, but he will not cut down the 
body that has been left there for "a lesson" {Mem- 
bers. 204. 206). 

In his Wister study in the Twayne American 
Literature series. Professor John L. Cobbs observed 
that Wister resolved his feelings on the matter of 
lynching by creating "good" lynch mobs and "bad" 
lynch mobs - town leaders, for instance, who hang 
murderous stage robbers versus no-account miners 
and riffraff who lynch an innocent man. 1 ' A compari- 
son of men involved in the lynchings in The Virgin- 
ian and in "The Gift Horse" illustrates Cobb's point. 

The lynchers in The Virginian have been sent 
forth by Judge Henry, a prosperous rancher, a former 
federal judge and a man of many affairs, private and 
civic. They are led by the Virginian, a cowboy who 
has chosen the path of responsibility. They are out to 
bring order to the territory, and after the hanging 
some of the men would "witness in a case at 
Evanston" {Virginian. 242). They are solicitous of 
the comfort of the men they are about to hang. There 


is no doubt about the guilt of their prisoners. Steve is 
the dashing young cowboy who knows he has done 
wrong. He has taken wages from Judge Henry, then 
repaid his employer by stealing his cattle. He has 
thrown in with Trampas, a man of unmitigated evil. 

The lynchers in "The Gift Horse", on the other 
hand, are five or six men led by Lem Speed who is 
looking after his interests. In "their almighty minds" 
and in their haste to get on to McDonough, they will 
not give the Easterner the chance to establish his 
identity. After he is rescued they attempt to joke 
about the matter. This attempt the Easterner regards 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

as "a pretty mongrel humor, more like true coward- 
ice" (Members, 202). The man they do lynch, 
McDonough, like Steve is the cowboy who has 
chosen the wrong path. But unlike Steve he has not 
become part of a gang, nor is he under any obligation 
to Lem Speed. In fact, he operates under a strict 
personal code of obligation: he pays his bills. In the 
gift of the horse the Easterner learns the meaning of 
obligation: McDonough is obligated to repay the 
Easterner's help, and the Easterner is obligated to 

accept the horse. Essentially, the lynch mob in "The 
Gift Horse" is a bad mob because it is led by Lem 
Speed and it hangs a man like McDonough. 

Lem Speed and young McDonough are cast as 
symbolic figures in a social conflict. People in the 
Wind River Valley tell the Easterner that Lem Speed 
is "the biggest cattleman in the country." He has a 
"store and a bank in Lander," a "house in Salt Lake," 
a "wife in Los Angeles" and a "son at Yale" (Mem- 
bers, 164). When Lem Speed asks who McDonough 
is, he is told that McDonough "is a new settler on 
Wind River." He has "taken up a ranch" and "built 
him a cabin," and is "going to raise horses" (Mem- 
bers, 162-163). 

Lem Speed is an outsider in the Wind River 
community. A few men are his allies, some are his 
enemies, and some, like Scipio le Moyne, simply 
want to steer clear of trouble. Lem Speed personifies 
the rich and ruthless cattleman. Young McDonough 
is one of those settlers who, as the saying went, "did 
a lot of ranching and a little rustling" or "a little 
ranching and a lot of rustling." The description the 
Wind River citizens gave was meant to deceive Lem 
Speed and protect young McDonough. 

On the stage out of Laramie, the Easterner 
shared the box with the driver, who expressed what 
must have been the view of many. Trouble was due, 
the driver said, "the sort of trouble they were having 
on Powder River . . .he did not wonder that poor 

men got tired of rich men: not that he objected to 
riches, but only to hogs ... the big cattlemen were 
going to 'demonstrate" over here as they had on the 
Dry Cheyenne and Box Elder." The Easterner 
understood "demonstration" to be "the sudden 
hanging of somebody without due process of law" 
(Members, 172). 

"The Gift Horse" should not, however, be read 
as a general defense of rustlers and settlers who 
sympathized with them. It does present an alterna- 
tive to the view of cattlemen and cattle land pre- 
sented in The Virginian, but this alternative view is a 
very personal one, reflecting Wister's disillusionment 
with the cattle empire. Associated with this was a 
strong dislike for two cattlemen. To explain this 
personal disillusionment some background is essential. 

American Heritage Centi r, University <>i Wyoming, Lahamii. 
Major Frank Wolcotl, nil. 

In "The Gift Horse" two of the brands of the 
stolen horses are the 76 and the VR, two historic 
Wyoming ranches. The 76, established by Morton 
Frewen, was one of the oldest and largest ranches on 

9. John L. Cobbs, Owen Wisler (Boston: Twayne Publishers, G.K. Hale Co., 
1984), pp.43-44. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Powder River. The VR was the brand of the Valley 
Ranch established by Major Frank Wolcott on Deer 
Creek a few miles from the present town of 
Glenrock. In the summer of 1 885 Wister stayed at 
the Valley Ranch. In the summer of 1891 he stayed 
at the Tisdale brothers' ranch about 60 miles north of 
Casper and adjacent to the 76. This part of Wyoming 
north from the Platte to Powder River country was 
Cattle Land to Wister. 1 " 

In 1885 things were going well in Cattle Land. 
The VR Ranch was at the height of its prosperity. 
Wolcott was active in territorial politics and the 
Wolcotts were noted for their hospitality. This 1 885 
version of Wolcott and the VR Ranch is the model 
for Judge Henry and his Sunk Creek ranch. 

In 1891 Wister found a different country. Cattle 
Land was in a depression and, worse yet, a blight was 


on the land. A railroad had been built along the 
Oregon Trail route to a terminus at Casper, bringing 
with it railroad towns and what Wister regarded as 
their attendant lower social species. 

While at the Tisdale Ranch, Wister saw Robert 
Tisdale gouge the eye out of a horse. He was dis- 
gusted and horrified at the act and ashamed that he 
had done nothing to stop it. In The Virginian he has 
his hero knock Tisdale ('"Balaam") down. In "The 
Gift Horse", after the near hanging, Lem Speed offers 

a jocular handshake and the Easterner shows his 
contempt by refusing to speak to him. 
(Members, 290). 

The eye-gouging incident prompted Wister to 
conclude that "life in this negligent, irresponsible 
wilderness tends to turn people shiftless, cruel, and 
incompetent. I noticed in Wolcott in 1885, and I 
noticed today, a sloth in doing anything and every- 
thing ...." Wister wished that someday he might be 
the one to lay bare "the virtues and the vices of this 
extraordinary phase of American social progress . . 
.its rise, its hysterical unreal prosperity, and its 
disenchanting downfall."" 

M & %.,, 

Just what Wolcott may have said or done to 
provoke a judgment of shiftlessness, cruelty or 
incompetence can only be conjectured. It may be 
that during his stay at the VR he heard some of the 
rumors of misuse of public office, dependence on 
friends in high places, or fraudulent land titles that 
circulated about Wolcott. In 1891 he probably heard 
that by then Wolcott was hopelessly in debt. 12 In 
going into debt Wolcott carried with him Robert W. 
Irwin, whose family was close to the Wisters. In 1890 
Irwin sold out his interest to Wolcott for one dollar.' 3 

The only town in Cattle Land that Wolcott 
found tolerable in 1891 was Buffalo. He was 
charmed by its valley and mountain setting, he 
sensed a vitality and permanence in the town's streets 
and buildings, and he was fascinated by the "motley 
blackguards" that he met and talked with. Buffalo in 
1891 was a place divided by the tensions of the 
cattlemen/rustler/settler conflict as Wind River was 
in "The Gift Horse". The Wind River people to 
whom Lem Speed is enemy are much like the 
"nomadic and secretive settlers of Jackson Hole" in 
The Virginian and the "motley blackguards" that 
Wister met in Buffalo. In 1892 Frank Wolcott led 
some fifty armed men into Johnson County to attack 
the town of Buffalo. In "The Gift Horse" Lem Speed 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 


>n Collection, Wyoming State Museum 

Buffalo Street Scene from Court House Yard 1903 This placid street scene, captured by Wyoming photographer J. E. 
Stimson, probably had not changed much from the time Wister observed it a decade earlier. 

comes into the Wind River Valley to look after his 
interests and hangs a rustler. In both fact and fiction 
cattlemen are invading what was to Wister the last 
romantic West. 

In 1893 on the road to Lander, Owen Wister 
shared the stage box with the driver, a colorful 
character who "entirely sympathized with the horse 
thieves and rustlers over in Johnson County and told 
[Wister] there were four men who ought to be killed 
Wolcott, Canton, Irvine, and the other [Wister] 
forgot. He was handsome, and with that fascination 
that so many of his kind have." 14 Fifteen years later 
Wister put this stage coach driver in "The Gift 
Horse", a story which expresses a view of the big 
cattlemen different from that in The Virginian. 

Wister supported the cattlemen immediately 
and publicly in the Johnson County War. and The 
Virginian is an ideological novel which reduces all 

10. Historical material on the cattle country and the Cattle War is drawn from 
Helena Huntington Smith, The War on Powder River (Lincoln: University 
of Nebraska Press, 1967). 

11. Owen Wister Out West, p.l 12. For the impact of this incident on Wister and 
his fictional use of it see Don D. Walker, "Wister, Roosevelt and James: A 
Note on the Western", American Quarterly Xll (Fall, 1960), 358-366. 
Wister's changing attitude toward Cattle Land shows in journal entries 
for 1891 and 1893. 

12. Eugene Potter, "Wolcott, Frank and Adelaide," Pages From Converse 
County's Past (Douglas: Wyoming Pioneer Association, Converse County, 
1986),' pp.648-650. I am much indebted to Mr. Potter, formerly of 
Glenrock and now of Casper, for oral and narrative documentary mate- 
rial he has shared with me. 

13. Converse County Clerk, Bills of Sale, Book 8, "Bill of Sale No.1232" pp.56- 

14. Owen Wister Out West, p. 174. Irvine was a cattleman, corporation director 
and political associate of Frank Wolcott. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

the problems of the cattle bonanza into a problem of 
rustling and weak law enforcement. 15 He reacted 
viscerally toward any attack upon respectable men of 
property, and many of the cattlemen were from good 
families of New York or Pennsylvania. But his 
sympathy for the cattlemen was somewhat dampened 
by his disillusionment with the cattle empire. What 
disturbed Wister's romance with Cattle Land was the 
quest for the quick and easy fortune through specula- 
tion, the impermanence of its ranches and towns, the 
railroads - all the sordid commercialization that came 
with the cattle bonanza. In Wister's mind all of this 
was akin to what was happening with the rise of the 
new money man, the "yellow man" of Wall Street 
who often came from the West with a fortune made 





Hfev . ■ ^3n^^H 

J. E. Stimson Collection, Wyoming State Museum 
W. C. I nine, ca. 1905 

in minerals, land speculation, or railroads and 
threatened the established families of New England. 
And associated with all this was a personal dislike 
for two cattlemen: Major Frank Wolcott and 
Robert Tisdale. 

One of the problems with Wister's picture of 
modern finance out West was that some of its most 
monied men were from New York or Pennsylvania. 
Such a man was William C. Irvine, organizer and 
manager of large land and cattle companies and 
director of corporations, including one railroad. To 

resolve this problem in The Virginian Wister created 
the wealthy cattleman. Judge Henry, a man from back 
East who had built a home in Wyoming and made his 
fortune through industrious and scientific husbandry. 
In "The Gift Horse" he created, in contrast, Lem 
Speed, a banker and cattleman whose home is 
California and whose son goes to Yale, not Harvard, 
as had Wister and some of Wyoming's more promi- 
nent men. The very name Lem Speed connotes a 
lesser birth and breeding. It is a name from the flush 
times of Mississippi, Alabama or Pike County, 
Arkansas. And against Lem Speed he set stagecoach 
drivers, cowboys, hunting guides and mountain 
valley settlers, and motley blackguards -the sort of 
people who fascinated him. Thus he could keep 
romance alive in spite of his disenchantment. 

15. Darwin Payne, Owen Wister; Chronicler of the West. Gentleman of the East, 
pp. 126-127. Wister's social views have been analyzed by various critics 
including Professors Cobbs and Payne. The best source is Wister himself: 
in several long polemics in The Virginian, in the prefaces to his books, and 
throughout Wister's novel, Lady Baltimore (New York: Macmillan, 1906) 
and Wister's reminiscences in Roosevelt: The Story of Friendship (New 
York: Macmillan, 1930). 

Sketches in article taken from The Virginian 

(New York: Grosset & Dunlap Publishers, 1902) 

as they appear: pp. 117, 190, 219, 246, 434. 230, 446, 

311, 101, 254 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

roscoe l. buckland 

(1918- ) grew up on a 
small farm near 
Blackfoot, Idaho. He 
worked as farm hand, 
painter, mental hos- 
pital attendant and 
rural school teacher. 
In World War II he 

Gretel MacGregor 
Bellingham, Washington SERVED WITH THE ARMY 

Air Corps in the Philippines and Japan. He 
received his b.a. and m.a. in english at the 
University of Idaho in 1948 and Ph D. in 
American Studies at the University' of Iowa 
in L95 5 . He has taught at Washington State 
University', California State University' at 
Long Beach and Western Washington 
University. He has also taught in Australia 
and Japan and done research in England 
and Australia. 

buckland is a charter member of the 

Western Literature Association. He has 
reviewed books on nineteenth century 
American literature, and Australian and 
American frontier history, literature 
and folklore for Western American Literature 
and Studies in Short Fiction since those 
journals began. His research and 
publication interests range from 
nineteenth century popular song, to 
Bret Harte and Owen Wister, to holiday 
folklore, to Hawaiians at old Fort Hall. 

Buckland lives in Bellingham, 
Washington with his wife, who under the 
name of Audrey Peterson is a successful 
mystery novelist. 

He is presently completing an essay 
on Frank Wolcott and the genesis of the 
VR Ranch. In his spare time Buckland 
travels the West and occasionally plays 


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A new book on the story that's captured our imagination for 100 years 

The Wyoming Lynching of Cattle Kate, 1889 

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The most blatant crime in the history of the 
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Were Kale and Averell rustlers? Did 
Cattle Kate barter sex for calves or 
was she an independent woman 
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Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

by Bruce J. Noble, Jr. 

Miners seldom cover their tracks 
very well. Wyoming's historic 
South Pass mining area - with its 
prospect pits, crumbling mine shafts, forgotten ma- 
chinery, and abandoned log buildings scattered 
throughout the eroded gulches and windswept 
ridges - portrays the undeniable truth of this axiom. 
Huge mounds lining the banks of Rock Creek offer 
evidence of the extensive dredging which took place 
during the Great Depression, while examples of 
more recent mining activity include the gaping cra- 
ter which is a reminder of the United States Steel 
Corporation's deserted iron ore mine. 

A closer examination of mining's many 
imprints on South Pass history reveals the trail 
of Emile Granier, a French mining engineer who, 
in 1884, first ventured into the rugged terrain 
which separates the Wind River Mountains from 
the Red Desert. Present-day visitors to Atlantic 
City still notice traces of the Granier ditch on the 
steep hillside just opposite the town on the south 
side of Rock Creek. More detailed inspection re- 
veals fragments of the elevated flume structures 
which played an integral part in the once mas- 
sive hydraulic mining project that brought re- 
newed albeit fleeting, vitality to the area. Al- 
though active use of Granier's ditch system 
ended close to a century ago, his lasting impact 
on the face of this mining district justifies exam- 
ining his efforts in light of the boom and bust his- 
tory of both the town of Atlantic City and the state 
of Wyoming. 

Contemporary remnants of the Granier 
ditch offer only vague hints regarding the mag- 
nitude of this hydraulic mining system, but Mon- 
sieur Granier himself stands as a greater mystery. 
Local residents still sometimes while away cold 
winter evenings debating the merits of Granier 
and his ambitious mining endeavors, but the pas- 
sage of time has proven him almost as elusive as 
the precious metal he sought. Indeed, the leg- 
ends and tales spun in this old mining commu- 
nity have possibly done more to disguise Granier 
than to define him. Any contemporary attempt 
to understand Granier and his work will not fully 
penetrate the veil of myth that has grown around 
him. But a closer look at his hydraulic project 
will disclose something about his efforts to revi- 
talize a depressed mining area while attempting 
to enrich himself through a complex undertak- 
ing designed to extract paying quantities of gold 
from the gulches surrounding Atlantic City. 

When Granier first arrived in Atlantic City 
in 1884 the tiny mountain camp must have ap- 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 






peared rather desolate to a man who 
had promenaded down the Avenue des 
Champs-Ely sees. Only a few residents 
inhabited the lonesome buildings that 
mostly sat boarded up and empty. Un- 
doubtedly, a prospector occasionally 
ventured forth to work a lode or to la- 
bor with cradles and gold pans along 
the nearby stream beds. Yet this mea- 
ger activity contrasted sharply with the 
flush times of the late 1860s and early 

The South Pass area had acquired 
a reputation as a promising mining re- 
gion long before Granier arrived on the 
scene. The local fable holds that the first 
South Pass gold discovery occurred in 
1842. Credit for this alleged find goes to 
an unnamed Georgian whose home state 
had previously witnessed the first gold 
strike in the United States. This man re- 
portedly had worked as a miner in his 
native state and ultimately ended up in 
the South Pass region after signing on to 
work as a trapper with the American Fur 
Company. His trapping duties evidently 
did not preclude a little mineral pros- 
pecting and he eventually located gold 
deposits. Legend relates that Indians 
killed him before his discovery attracted 

widespread attention, but rumors of 
gold persisted in the decades that fol- 
lowed the premature demise of this in- 
trepid, though obscure, miner. 1 

Sporadic prospecting occurred 
during the 1850s and early 1860s, but no 
gold strikes occurred. Prospecting es- 
calated with the onset of the Civil War. 
Fort Bridger, located in the southwest 
corner of Wyoming, played a role in en- 
ergizing mining activity. With the regu- 
lar garrison called away to battle, the 
fort temporarily hosted the First Ne- 
vada Volunteer Cavalry. Many of these 
troops had previous mining experience 
in the Sierra Nevadas. This mining 
background led them to organize and 
fund prospecting expeditions to South 
Pass during the war. Following Lee's 
surrender at Appomattox, some of the 
soldiers returned to civilian life and 
stayed in the area to continue their quest 
for pay dirt. 

By the mid-1860s increased pros- 
pecting activity began to show promis- 
ing results. Miners made some fairly 

Opposite page: Emile Granier. Atlantic 
City, August, 1884 

Right: Atlantic City, Wyoming, 1884 

1. Among the sources which recount the story of the 
first gold discovery in the South Pass mining 
district are: Rossiter W. Raymond, "Statistics of 
Mines and Mining in the States and Territories 
West of the Rocky Mountains," reprinted in An- 
nals of Wyoming 40, no.2 (October 1968):226-227; 
Robert A. Murray, "Miner's Delight, Investor's 
Despair: the Ups and Downs of a Sub-Marginal 
Mining Camp in Wyoming," Annals of Wyoming 
44, no.l (Spring 1972):28-29; and Peter Sherlock, 
"Mining Operations at Atlantic and South Pass," 
Wyoming State journal, 11 April 1935, p.l. 

Wyoming State Museum 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

substantial discoveries during the sum- 
mer of 1867 and a sample of South Pass 
gold dust eventually ended up in Salt 
Lake City, Omaha, and Chicago news- 
papers. The boom had begun. 2 

By all historical accounts, the 
boom was a relatively minor 
one both in terms of the num- 
ber of people involved and the amount 
of gold recovered. 3 Dubbed 
"Sweetwater Fever" by optimistic pro- 
moters, the rush created several towns 
including Atlantic City, South Pass City 
and Miner's Delight (also known as 
Hamilton City), but the initial influx 
dissipated quickly. A special census 
conducted following the creation of 
Wyoming Territory in 1869 disclosed 
that the entire mining district had a 
population of only 1,517. Furthermore, 
the $2 million in gold produced during 
the 1867-1872 boom years represented 
a mere pittance compared to other west- 
ern mining areas. For example, the 
1860s gold strike in Virginia City, Mon- 
tana produced $40 million within three 
seasons. However, South Pass offers the 
best example of a substantial gold rush 
in a Rocky Mountain state with an 
atypical scarcity of precious metals. 4 

Despite the collapse of the South 
Pass mines after 1872, territorial boost- 
ers continued expressing their bound- 
less faith in the region's mineral poten- 
tial. In his 1878 report to the Secretary 
of the Interior, the governor of Wyo- 
ming Territory proclaimed that the At- 
lantic City area offered particularly 
good mining prospects and "there are 
in that locality rich veins yet undiscov- 
ered." The governor had such faith in 
the presence of precious mineral depos- 
its in Wyoming that he boldly stated 
that "now the only questions that re- 
main to be settled are those of extent 
and richness." 5 Such confident asser- 

2. Murray, "Miner's Delight, Investor's Despair," pp.31- 


3. The best account of the rush can be found in James 

Chisholm, South Puss, 1868, ed. Lola M. Homsher 
(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1960). 

4. Murray, "Miner's Delight, Investor's Despair," p. 39; 

and Mike Massie, "After the Bust: the South Pass 
Mining Area Since 1872," Occasional Papers on Wyo- 
ming Archeology 3 (1984):30. 

5. Report of the Governor of Wyoming to the Secretary of the 

Interior, 1878 (Washington, DC: Government Print- 
ing Office, 1878), pp. 15-16. 

tions may well have reached the ears of 
opportunistic men like Emile Granier. 

Additional gold deposits may 
well have existed, but successful extrac- 
tion would require innovative ap- 
proaches. The stereotypical image of 
the independent miner leading a 
heavily loaded surefooted burro had 
become a thing of the past. The rise of 
America's giant corporations during the 
late nineteenth century included mega- 
lithic mining companies armed with 
new technologies designed to meet the 
challenge of recovering elusive ore. In 
1871 the federal mining commissioner 
reported aptly that the dominant trend 
in mining involved "operating with 
advantages of large capital, and by con- 
centration of labor and the consolida- 
tion of large tracts of mining ground."" 

Wyoming promoters clung to the 
hope that the arrival of big mining com- 
panies would herald the rejuvenation 
of the South Pass mines. By the end of 
the boom era in 1872 the greater part of 
the readily obtainable high grade South 
Pass ore had been exhausted. Much of 
the remaining ore represented a low 
grade variety which could not be profit- 
ably worked on a small scale. Only 
large-scale, well financed mining opera- 
tions could alleviate the post-boom de- 
pression. 7 The editor of the Lander, 
Wyoming newspaper, the Fremont Clip- 
per , echoed the same unbridled opti- 
mism in 1887: "More capital is needed 
in that locality (South Pass), and we ven- 
ture the assertion that there is no place 
in the mining region of the Rockies that 
would produce greater returns." 8 

In the same article the editor iden- 
tified an additional hindrance "...which 
today is the cause of Atlantic (City) be- 
ing a deserted mining camp. This ob- 
stacle is simply an insufficient water 
supply." The Territorial Geologist also 
acknowledged the South Pass water 
problem in 1886 by stating: "Hereto- 

6. Rodman W. Paul, Mining Frontiers of the Far West, 

1S4S-1880 (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 
1963; reprint ed. Albuquerque: University of New 
Mexico Press, 1974), p.90. 

7. Randall E. Rohe, "Hydraulicking in the American 

West," Montana, the Magazine of Western History 35 
(Spring 1985): 28; Helen Henderson, unpublished 
manuscript in research files at South Pass City 
Historic Site, South Pass City, Wyoming, p.l; and 
Sherlock, "Mining Operations," pp. 5-6. 

8. "Atlantic City!," Fremont (Lander, Wvoming) Clip- 

per, 29 October 1887, np. 

fore, the prime obstacle to placer min- 
ing has been the scarcity of water." 9 
Until someone arrived with a plan for 
supplying water power, the difficult 
task of refining the gold ore would re- 
main a barrier to development. 

While the need for capital invest- 
ment and the lack of water constituted 
the two greatest problems of the mining 
district in the 1870s and early 1880s, 
many promoters pointed to the threat of 
Indian attack as a convenient excuse for 
the lack of mineral productivity. While 
it is difficult to determine if clashes be- 
tween miners and Indians actually de- 
terred South Pass mining development, 
the belief remained that the federal gov- 
ernment owed a favor to the courageous 
miners who worked so hard to bring 
civilization to the veritable wilderness 
that was then Wyoming." 1 

Heeding the demands of boost- 
ers and miners, the United 
States government took two 
steps designed to resolve the South Pass 
"Indian problem." First, in 1870 the gov- 
ernment established the small army post 
called Camp Stambaugh a few miles east 
of Atlantic City in order to protect the 
miners. Second, in 1872 the government 
entered negotiations with the Shoshone 
tribe whose huge reservation then in- 
cluded portions of the South Pass min- 
ing district. The Shoshone agreed to re- 
linquish their lands located south of the 
North Fork of the Big Popo Agie River in 
return for $25,000 worth of cattle to be 
paid during a five year period." This 
concession effectively extinguished In- 
dian claims to the mining area. 

Following Indian removal, boost- 
ers asserted that only the lack of capital 
and ever-precious water kept the South 

9. For information about the scarcity of water in the 

South Pass Mining District see L. W. Trumball, 
Atlantic City Gold Mining District Fremont County 
(Cheyenne, Wyoming: S. A. Bristol Company, 1914), 
p. 91; and Murray, "Miner's Delight, Investor's De- 
spair," p. 46. 

10. Raymond, "Statistics of Mines and Mining," p. 239; 
and Report of the Governor of Wyoming to the Secretary 
of the Interior, 1878, pp.15-16.' 

11. For information on the establishment of Camp 
Stambaugh see Betty Carpenter Pfaff, Atlantic City 
Nuggets (1978), pp.71-73; and Robert A. Murray, 
Militan/ Posts of Wyoming (Ft Collins, Colorado: The 
Old Army Press, 1974), p.77. Details of the treaty 
settlement are contained in Virginia Cole Trenholm 
and Maurine Carley, The Shoshonis: Sentinels of the 
Rockies (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 
1964), p.232. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 



Map by Eileen Skibo 

Map of South Pass Mining Area. From "Location Map: Christina Lake and Rock Creek Placer Ditches, Constructed 
Under the Supervision of Emile Granier, Fremont County, Wyoming," by Johnson Land Company, Aurora, Colorado; and 
"Sketch Map of Atlantic and Adjacent Districts, Wyo., Showing Distribution of Gold Placers in Part," in Arthur C. Spencer, 
"The Atlantic Gold District and the North Laramie Mountains," Department of the Interior, United States Geological 
Survey, Bulletin 626 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1916), plate III. 

Pass region from becoming a prosper- 
ous Rocky Mountain mining district. 
With impeccable timing, Emile Granier 
entered this perplexing situation with 
answers to both of the district's major 
problems. He came with substantial fi- 
nancial resources and a creative plan 
designed to make use of the limited 
water supply. Successful implementa- 
tion of this plan offered prospects for a 
return to boom times and a handsome 

dividend for Granier. 

Apart from his mining work, little 
is known about Emile Granier 's life. 
Born in France in 1829, he reportedly 
learned to speak English fluently and 
received part of his college education 
in Dublin, Ireland, He first came to the 
United States in 1851 and eventually 
became a naturalized American citi- 
zen. 12 An 1887 issue of the Fremont Clip- 
per indicates that Granier arrived in 

12. "Folder 7," South Pass Area Collection, Historical 
Research Unit (HR), Wyoming Department of Com- 
merce, Cheyenne. These records indicate that Granier 
entered the U. S. District Court in Sweetwater County 
on November 22, 1884 to file a "declaration of inten- 
tion" stating his willingness to become a United 
States citizen. Although the exact date that Granier 
obtained citizenship is not known, the 1902 deed 
outlining the sale of Granier's property to the Dexter 
Mining and Development Company described him 
as a citizen of the United States. See Fremont County 
Quit Claim Record, Vol. D, instrument recorded 17 
March 1902, Archives, Records Management and 
Micrographics Section (ARM&M), Wyoming De- 
partment of Commerce, Cheyenne, p. 2393. Min- 
utes from a December 12, 1885 miner's meeting in 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Wyoming accompanied by his wife 
who employed herself by "enlarging 
and painting from photographs." The 
few available accounts of his appear- 
ance describe him as stocky, bearded 
and well-dressed. The only known pho- 
tograph of Granier confirms the accu- 
racy of this description. Beyond these 
sketchy facts, few details remain con- 
cerning his pre-Wyoming life or the 
personal qualities he possessed. 13 

In spite of the limited information 
about the man himself, evidence 
demonstrates that Granier arrived 
in Atlantic City in 1884 and quickly set 
about acquiring several hundred acres 
of gold claims. Granier's mineral devel- 
opment plans called for utilizing a hy- 
draulic mining system to facilitate the re- 
covery of gold from the bed of Rock 
Creek. Consequently, he made certain 
to purchase several contiguous claims 
extending along Rock Creek from Atlan- 
tic City to a point approximately four 
miles downstream in a southeasterly di- 

Once he had acquired the claims, 
Granier confronted the mining district's 
water shortage. Undaunted by the arid- 
ity of the region, Granier forged ahead 
with an ambitious project designed to 
supply the water needed to power his 
hydraulic machinery. The first step in- 
volved constructing the 10.5 mile Rock 
Creek ditch. A few miles upstream from 
Atlantic City, he directed a labor force to 
build a dam near the junction of Rock 
and Slate creeks. This dam would cre- 
ate a reservoir which could store water 
needed to operate the hydraulic machin- 
ery during the dry, late summer months. 
Upon demand, the water in the reservoir 

12. continued... Atlantic City contain a discussion 
of the adoption of bylaws requiring both United 
States citizenship and no unbroken periods of ab- 
sence from the mining district greater than twelve 
months as prerequisites for holding valid mining 
claims. Enactment of these requirements may indi- 
cate some sort of public reaction to Granier's pro- 
posed mining activities. Although the reasons for 
this possible reaction are unknown, Granier com- 
plied with mining district bylaws. See Atlantic 
Mining District Mining Record, Vol. A, ARM&M, 

13. Personal information about Granier is located in 
"Exhibit A," South Pass Area Collection, HR; "Mrs. 
Granier," Fremont Clipper, 29 October 1887, p.3, 
article found in Granier file at Pioneer Museum in 
Lander; Pfaff, Nuggets, p. 11; Helen Henderson, 
unpublished manuscript, p. 3; and Peter Sherlock, 
"Early Mining in Atlantic," Works Progress Adminis- 
tration Collection (hereinafter cited as WPA), HR. 

14. Louis D. Ricketts, Annual Report of the Territorial 

would travel through the ditch running 
along the south bank of Rock Creek. 
According to Granier, "The ditch on 
Rock Creek is. ..3 feet wide at the bottom, 
6.75 feet wide at water line, 2.5 feet deep 
with 10 feet grade to the mile, and can 
carry about 40 feet of water per second." 
The water completed its 10.5 mile jour- 
ney at the hydraulic plant located down- 
stream from Atlantic City. Begun in Sep- 
tember, 1884 work on the ditch con- 
cluded in November,1885. 14 

Despite the time and effort de- 
voted to the project, the reservoir did not 
hold sufficient water to fill the ditch dur- 
ing the entire summer. Unperturbed, 
Granier began work in late 1885 on a 
second ditch to further supplement the 
water supply. Although shorter than the 
Rock Creek ditch, the six mile long Chris- 
tina Lake ditch proved to be a consider- 
ably more complex undertaking. 
Nestled in the Wind River Mountains at 
an elevation of 9,942 feet above sea level, 
Christina Lake and adjoining Gustave 
Lake normally empty their water into 
the Little Popo Agie River which flows 
into the Wind River Valley. Granier built 
a dam at the mouth of these lakes which 
raised their level and allowed for the 
diversion of water away from the Little 
Popo Agie and into the six mile long 
Christina Lake ditch that terminated at 
the head of Rock Creek. 

The new ditch measured three feet 
in depth, five feet in base width, eleven 
feet in water line width, and had a grade 
of sixteen feet to the mile and carried 
144 feet of water per second. Much of 
the extensive construction work re- 
quired cutting and blasting through 
solid rock. Clearly the most impressive 
structure on this ditch segment was a 
six feet wide, four feet deep flume 
which sat atop trestles seventy feet high 
and five hundred feet long. 15 

The completion of the Christina 
Lake ditch in October, 1887 finally gave 
Granier the requisite water supply to 
operate his hydraulic plant during the 
entire summer work season. With the 
Christina Lake ditch significantly aug- 

Geologist to the Governor of Wyoming (Cheyenne, 
Wyoming: Leader Book and job Printing House, 
1888), p. 72; Fremont County Quit Claim Record, Vol. 
D, ARM&M, p. 132; and "Folder 7," South Pass Area 
Collection, HR. 

15. Henderson, unpublished manuscript, pp. 3-4. 

16. "Folder 7," South Pass Area Collection, HR. 

menting the flow of Rock Creek, ample 
quantities of water could pass into the 
previously constructed storage reser- 
voir located near the confluence of Rock 
and Slate creeks. The water added to 
Rock Creek by the Christina Lake ditch 
kept the reservoir filled throughout the 
summer. Water flowing from the reser- 
voir into the Rock Creek ditch could 
then drive the hydraulic equipment for 
the full work season. In a document 
used to support a placer claim patent 
application, Granier succinctly stated 
that the completion of the ditch system 
"increases considerably the volume of 
water needed for the hydraulic power 
without which the placers can not be 
worked profitably. " lh 

While the new 16.5 mile ditch sys- 
tem represented an important step in 
the hydraulic project, the construction 
work did not come cheaply. Granier 
spent $32,000 to build the Rock Creek 
ditch and the work on the Christina 
Lake ditch cost an additional $28,000. 
A $6,000 sawmill, constructed to sup- 
ply lumber for the building of twenty- 
nine flumes interspersed throughout 
the length of the two ditches, added to 
the debit column. 17 This substantial ini- 
tial investment preceded the recovery 
of a single flake of gold. 

Following this spending spree, 
Granier apparently felt com- 
pelled to defend his record of ex- 
penditures. He wrote an article for the 
Fremont Clipper which clearly illustrated 
that he would not be deterred by skep- 
tics. Granier stated, "Of course I am 
anxious to see the work completed, but 
as for the amount of capital I have ex- 
pended in this enterprise, I have no 
fear." In the same article, he confidently 
reported "that I will accomplish what I 
started in to do, surprise the world with 
the output of gold from my mines in the 
vicinity of Atlantic City." 18 

Indeed, many prominent authori- 
ties speculated that Granier would soon 
launch a successful project. In an 1887 
report, Wyoming Territorial Governor 
Thomas Moonlight discussed a recent 
visit with Granier in Atlantic City. Moon- 
light wrote, "I had the pleasure of spend- 

17. Ibid. 

18. "Atlantic City!" Fremont Clipper, 29 October 1887, 

Wyoming Annals 

5 2 

Winter 1993 -94 

ing two days under his hospitable roof, 
and made personal inspection of his gi- 
gantic undertaking." After noting that 
Granier had spent $150,000 on the 
project, Moonlight stated, "The work is 
almost finished, and next spring will 
witness a wonderful excitement in that 
locality. The building of this canal has 
given employment to a large number of 
men and teams, and Mr. Granier has justly 
earned the right to reap a rich reward." 1 " 

Despite the atmosphere of opti- 
mism which accompanied the comple- 
tion of the ditch system in 1887, 
Granier 's placer claims did not imme- 
diately begin to yield gold. Part of the 
reason for the delay related to the onset 
of a series of petty disagreements which 
seemed to plague Granier throughout 
his years in Wyoming. The first of these 
feuds involved Wyoming's Territorial 
Engineer, Elwood Mead. 

Mead became Wyoming's first 
Territorial Engineer in 1888 and the first 
State Engineer when Wyoming 
achieved statehood in 1890. Between 
1888 and 1890, Mead strongly influ- 
enced the framing of Article VIII of the 
Wyoming State Constitution which 
deals with water law. The most signifi- 
cant portion of Article VIII involves the 
mandate to place all water within Wyo- 
ming under control of state govern- 
ment. Thus, the constitution gives the 
state of Wyoming broad powers to regu- 
late water usage. 2 ' 1 

The constitution vested water 
regulation authority in the State 
Engineer's office. However, Mead had 
begun to centralize control of Wyo- 
ming's water even before statehood 
became reality. He achieved this con- 
trol by requiring that water users ob- 
tain permits before beginning water di- 
version. Although the regulation pro- 
cess would pertain to all water users, 
the specific intent of placing water un- 
der state control related to the desire to 
utilize this precious commodity in a 
manner which would benefit farmers 
interested in settling in Wyoming. 

In the meantime, Granier 's efforts 
to divert water in connection with his 

19. Report of the Coventor of Wyoming to the Secretary of 
the Interior (Washington, DC: Government Printing 
Office, 1887), p.36. 

20. T. A. Larson, History of Wyoming, second edition, 
revised (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 
1978), pp.253-255. 

Richard Collier, Wyoming Stath Historic Preservation Office 

J.E. Stimson Collection, Wyoming State Museum 

Top: Granier Ditch on hillside south 
of Atlantic City, 1985 

Bottom: Christiana Mine, Atlantic 
City, 1903 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter r993 -94 

mining project managed to anger some 
local irrigators hoping to use water for 
agricultural purposes. By constructing 
dams at Christina and Gustave lakes 
and transferring water into a ditch sys- 
tem leading to Rock Creek, Granier's 
project altered the natural course of 
these waters which normally flowed 
out of the lakes and into the Little Popo 
Agie River. Thus, Granier had effec- 
tively denied water to farmers and 
ranchers living along the Little Popo 
Agie River in the Wind River Valley. As 
other miners had discovered in Califor- 
nia and Colorado, Granier learned that 
efforts to appropriate water for mining 
purposes could lead to opposition from 
the agricultural community 21 

As this controversy simmered, 
Mead traveled to Atlantic City late in 
the summer of 1888 to provide techni- 
cal comments on Granier's water 
project. The following summer Granier 
read an article in the Cheyenne Sun 
which led him to believe that Mead had 
spoken out in support of the agricultur- 
alists who opposed Granier's water di- 
version activities. Reacting in disbelief, 
Granier fired off an angry letter to 
Mead. After all, Granier said, he had 
only followed Mead's own advice in 
carrying out his construction work. In a 
following letter, Granier undiplo- 
matically implied that Mead had delib- 
erately delayed issuing a permit to cer- 
tify Granier's project. 22 

Mead's two response letters ex- 
pressed great indignation. On 
August 15, 1889 Mead wrote, 
"Your letter of the 10th which came to- 

21. A story still occasionally repeated in the Atlantic 
City area holds that irate farmers and ranchers in 
the Wind River Valley eventually used dvnamite to 
blow up the Christina Lake Dam which Granier's 
workers had constructed. If this story is true, the 
dam was not destroyed until after Granier had left 
Wyoming permanently. After Granier's departure, 
and after subsequent attempts to resurrect his hy- 
draulic project had failed, it is possible that ranch- 
ers used the ditch system to irrigate hay meadows 
near the Sweetwater River south of Atlantic City. It 
is also possible that Christina Lake Dam became 
unstable and threatened to unleash flood waters on 
the Wind River Valley. Either of these two possi- 
bilities could have induced residents of the Wind 
River Valley to blow up the dam. For information 
about the intense rivalry between farmers and min- 
ers in California during the late nineteenth century, 
see Robert L. Kelley, Gold vs Grain (Glendale, Cali- 
fornia: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1959). 

22. Emile Granier to Elwood Mead, 10 August 1889 and 
17 August 1889, "General Correspondence," State 
Engineer Records, ARM&M. 

day was a rather unpleasant surprise as 
I had supposed that the interest I had 
taken in securing you your (water) rights 
would have relieved me from the reflec- 
tions which it contains." Mead stated 
that he had told the reporter nothing 
about Granier's controversy with the ir- 
rigators and speculated that Granier 
must have reacted to remarks quoted from 
another source. Mead followed with an- 
other letter in which he told Granier, "As 
both your letters seem to criticize my ac- 
tions and reflect on my integrity I must 
respectfully decline to give you any fur- 
ther advice than is required by my offi- 
cial duties. " 23 

Perhaps realizing that he could 
not afford to alienate a man of Mead's 
competence and authority, Granier 
quickly endeavored to make amends. 
"Let me tell you at once," he wrote to 
Mead, "that I am very sorry indeed to 
be deprived of your private advices." 
He attempted to excuse his actions by 
saying that he believed it more "manly" 
to speak openly about his feelings. 
Whether Mead formally accepted the 
apology remains unclear, but he did 
maintain a professional relationship 
with Granier. For example, in October, 
1889 Granier acknowledged receipt of 
a Christina Lake "certificate" which 
apparently provided Mead's official 
endorsement of Granier 's plans to con- 
struct a dam and divert water. 24 Al- 
though the two men continued to cor- 
respond about business matters, their 
subsequent dialogue assumed a notice- 
ably cooler tone. 

The autumn of 1889 found Granier 
embroiled in further controversy. In a 
frantic letter to Territorial Governor 
Francis E. Warren, Granier wrote, "Per- 
mit me at once to ask for your protec- 
tion against threats on my life and my 
property." He attempted to demonstrate 
his credibility as a bona fide Wyoming 
citizen by informing the governor that 
he had lived in Atlantic City for six years 
and invested more than $250,000 in the 
community. He further explained that 
the United States government had re- 
cently granted him placer claim patents 
after years of investigating his applica- 

23. Ibid., Elwood Mead to Emile Granier, 15 August 
1889 and 17 August 1889. 

24. Ibid., Emile Granier to Elwood Mead, 27 August 
1889 and 27 October 1889. 

tions. 25 Certainly Governor Warren would 
extend a helping hand to this prominent 
citizen in distress. 

The particulars of this dispute in- 
volved property ownership. During his 
years of residency, Granier had acquired 
ownership of most of the relatively 
small number of buildings which com- 
prised the town of Atlantic City In ad- 
dition, because his placer claims encom- 
passed the ground below the entire 
community, he also owned land be- 
neath certain buildings without actually 
owning the buildings themselves. To 
resolve this rather unusual situation, he 
offered to give other building owners 
conditional deeds for the land occupied 
by their homes. 

Most residents of the commu- 
nity accepted Granier's offer, 
but not everyone proved so 
willing. One man insisted that Granier 
either grant him an outright deed or buy 
him out for a large sum of money. After 
Granier rejected his counter proposals, 
the man gathered a few friends together 
and accosted the Frenchman in the street. 
Although the encounter apparently in- 
volved only verbal taunts and not physi- 
cal violence, Granier became frightened 
enough to write Governor Warren for 
help. Granier wrote, "Permit me to beg 
your prompt attention to this matter as I 
am positively helpless here." He felt that 
a half dozen soldiers or constables sent 
by the governor would resolve the un- 
happy matter. 2h 

Although Warren's response can- 
not be located, circumstances indicate 
that no troops or constables marched 
into Atlantic City. In October Granier 
informed Elwood Mead, "I have not 
settled yet with the party who has threat- 
ened me. I hope I shall have no trouble, 
but as soon as I can leave here I shall be 
glad to go." 27 He soon did exactly that, 
leaving the area to winter in Paris. Since 
first arriving in Atlantic City in 1884, 
Granier had returned to France each 
winter when cold weather ended min- 

25. Copv of letter from Emile Granier to F. E. Warren, 9 
September 1889, "State Engineer's letterpress book," 
State Engineer Records, ARM&M. 

26. Ibid. 

27. Emile Granier to Elwood Mead, 14 October 1889, 
"General Correspondence," State Engineer Records, 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

ing activity for the season. His ocean 
crossing following the 1889 mining sea- 
son provided a welcomed opportunity 
to leave his troubles behind. 


Whether Granier actually cre- 
ated these confrontational 
situations or simply found 
himself the victim of un- 
fortunate circum- 
stances, he dis- 
played a definite 
knack for finding 
his way into trouble 
in the late 1880s. 
Still, he had made 
progress. He 
had completed 
his ditch system 
in 1887. Further- 
more, he had re- 
ceived final 
patent on his 
mining claims 
and official ap- 
proval of his 
dam and water 
diversion plans. 
One important 
step remained 
before begin- 
ning the eagerly anticipated recovery of 
gold from the bed of Rock Creek: the suc- 
cessful implementation of a piece of ma- 
chinery known as a hydraulic elevator. 
The elevator would play a critical 
role in Granier 's overall hydraulic min- 
ing scheme. Hydraulic mining uses wa- 
ter to break down gold-bearing earth. 
Typically, this process involves a series 
of hoses which convey a high pressure 
stream of water through a nozzle known 
as a hydraulic giant. An operator directs 
the water stream toward a hillside, 
thereby bringing down a large mass of 
top soil to the sluices positioned below. 
The earth passes through the sluice box 
and the gold, owing to its greater spe- 
cific gravity, sinks to the bottom. A se- 
ries of raised cross pieces, called riffles, 
bisect the base of the sluice box. The riffles 

28. Several sources provide good discussions of hy- 
draulic mining practices during the approximate 
time of Granier's Wyoming project. See Eugene B. 
Wilson, Hydraulic and Placer Mining (New York: 
John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1898); Cecil E. Longridge, 
Hydraulic Mining (London: The Mining Journal, 
1910); and Louis Simonin, Underground Life; or Mines 

capture the gold and allow its recovery. 2 " 
The success of this method de- 
pends, in part, on the water carrying the 
earth through the sluice box at a fairly 
rapid rate. If the sluice sits in the bed 
of a flat stream, not only will the riffles 
capture gold, but also a substantial 
quantity of dirt and rock debris as well. 
Obviously this makes gold recovery less 

Hydraulic Mining 
Elevator. Drawing 
adapted from 1937 
pamphlet. "'Hendy 
Hydraulic Gravel 
Elevators," issued by 
L & W Manufactur- 
ing Company, San 
Jose, California. 

Draw ing by Hlrh Dawson 

efficient. Because the bed of Rock Creek 
has only a slight inclination, Granier 
needed a solution to the gold retrieval 

A hydraulic elevator seemed to 
offer him the answer. The overall suc- 
cess of this operation depended on the 
ditch system which Granier had de- 
signed to transport water. The water 
would pass through the ditches and 
collect in a pond or small reservoir con- 
structed some small distance above the 
elevator site. The pond water then 
flowed into a series of pipes which also 
led to the elevator base. The elevator 
acted literally to elevate one end of the 
sluice box, thereby creating an incline 
which offered sufficient fall to separate 
the gold from the base alluvium. A 
work crew shoveled ore into the eleva- 

and Miners, translated hy H. W. Bristow (London: 
Chapman and Hall, 1869), pp.442-444. 

tor base where pressurized water pro- 
pelled the ore to the top of the elevator 
and into the inclined sluice box. Gold 
recovery then proceeded as the falling 
water deposited particles of the pre- 
cious mineral in the riffles of the sluice 
box. 2 " Granier had high hopes that this 
method would compensate for the lack 
of grade in Rock Creek. 

For reasons not totally clear, ef- 
forts to begin using the elevator en- 
countered frustrating delays. In 1888 
Granier stated, "I intended to wash 
the Rock Creek bottom with one of 
oshua Hendy's (a San Francisco min- 
ing equipment company) Hydraulic 
Elevators because the grade of the bed 
of the creek is so small that it is impos- 
sible to wash off the tailings. It is not 
yet quite certain that this machine will 
work well." 3 " Granier finally resolved 
the problems in time to begin operat- 
ing the elevator during the 1890 sum- 
mer work season. More than two years 
had passed between completion of the 
ditch system and the beginning of gold 
recovery efforts. 

The only firsthand information 
available about day-to-day operation of 
the elevator comes from a young man 
named J. C. Stageman. In May, 1890 
Stageman ventured forth from his par- 
ents' home in Iowa in search of indepen- 
dence and employment in Wyoming. 
After arriving in Atlantic City he had the 
chance to move to Christina Lake while 
working as a laborer charged with keep- 
ing a segment of the ditch system free of 
obstructions. He returned to Atlantic 
City in June to pick up supplies and ac- 
cepted an offer to begin working at the 
hydraulic elevator site. 

Given the short work season in 
the high altitude locality, two 
crews worked separate twelve 
hour shifts to keep the elevator operat- 
ing around the clock. Stageman worked 
the night shift and received three dol- 
lars pay per night. The mining com- 
pany provided a cook but the work 
crew paid for the food. Although he 
complained about having to pay nine 
dollars to buy rubber boots that re- 

29. For information on the use of the hydraulic elevator 
see Trumball, Atlantic City Gold Mining, p. 90; and 
Longridge, Hydraulic Mining, pp. 235-236. 

30. Ricketts, Annual Report, p.72. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 



" Hendy " Machinery. 


San Francisco, California, U.S.A., 









Advertisement for Joshua Hendy Iron Works. Taken from Longridge, C.C., Hydraulic 
Mining (London: The Mining Journal, 1910). xxiii 

quired frequent replacement, he ex- 
pressed general satisfaction with his fi- 
nancial circumstances. He stuck with 
the job until the elevator shut down in 
the fall and then closed out the work 
season by helping to winterize the 
Christina Lake dam. 31 Stageman's brief 
story provides the few details that exist 
about the operational phase of 
Granier's hydraulic elevator. 

Lured by big game hunting and 
other adventures, young Stageman did 
not return the following work season. 

However, work crews did continue to 
operate the elevator during the summer 
work seasons in 1891 and 1892. The 
following year the hydraulic system 
remained idle with Granier reportedly 
detained in France because of illness. 
This lack of activity did not prevent one 
prominent Wyoming geologist from 
expressing faith in the project's future. 
W. C. Knight declared Granier's venture 
to be "the largest mining undertaking in 
the state" which one day would "reward 
the company amply for their great 

expenditure of money, as well as for 
their grit and enterprise in carrying out 
their scheme." 32 Despite this vote of 
confidence, Granier would never again 
return to Atlantic City to direct his 
mining campaign. 

Although removed from the 
scene, Granier remained an indirect fac- 
tor in Atlantic City in the role of absen- 
tee owner. When he departed for 
France after the 1892 summer mining 
season, Granier left his mining property 
in the hands of his agent, George A. 
Zimmerman. This continued an annual 
practice begun in 1885 when Granier 
had first employed Zimmerman. In that 
year they established an arrangement 
where by Zimmerman worked directly 
for Granier during the mining season. 
This work required him to perform vari- 
ous management tasks related to the 
mining project. When Granier returned 
to France each winter, Zimmerman 
maintained Granier's Atlantic City 
properties and conducted business in 
his absence. 33 

During his years in the Atlantic City 
area Granier acquired extensive business 
and personal property holdings. By 1893 
he owned property valued at $35,450. His 
holdings included nearly two thousand 
acres of land and improvements thereon, a 
lot in the town of Lander, four "4th class" 
horses, and two wagons. 34 As previously in- 
dicated, Granier owned several buildings in 
Atlantic City as well. When Granier left for 
France in the autumn of 1892 this property 
was placed under George Zimmerman's 
supervision. Zimmerman became year- 
round manager of these properties when 
Granier decided not to pursue his hydrau- 
lic mining efforts and also received instruc- 

31. "MSS 532," /. C. Stageman Papers, HR, pp.4-9. 

32. W. C. Knight, "Geology of the Wyoming Experi- 
ment Farms, and Notes on the Mineral Resources of 
the State," University of Wyoming Agricultural Col- 
lege Department, Wyoming Experiment Station, Bulle- 
tin 14, October 1893, p. 126. 

33. Examination of George A. Zimmerman by Edward 
L. Johnson in "William Giessler v. Emile Granier 
and J. G. Edwards," Fremont County District Court 
Civil Case File #572, 7 June 1900, ARM&M, p.5. 

34. Fremont County 1893 Assessment Roll, ARM&M, 

35. Fremont County Miscellaneous Records, Vol, B, 
ARM&M, p. 3. Instrument recorded December 10, 
1894 states that poor health has detained Granier in 
Paris, France. This document grants George A. 
Zimmerman power of attorney in connection with 
the selling of Granier's property. 

Wyoming Annals 

5 6 

Winter 1993 -94 

tions to attempt to sell all of Granier's At- 
lantic City property holdings. 35 

Zimmerman and his wife moved 
into Granier's Atlantic City home and 
remained there until October, 1896.. 
Finding no buyers for Granier's mining 
property and confronted with the recent 
loss of his eyesight, Zimmerman de- 
cided that he and his wife should take 
leave of remote Atlantic City and estab- 
lish domicile in Denver. Before leaving, 
Zimmerman hired William Giessler to 
look after Granier's property. 

Although he offered Giessler a 
salary of sixty dollars per month, 
Zimmerman explained that actual pay- 
ment would probably not occur. He 
cited recent letters from Paris which 
indicated that Granier had no money. 
Zimmerman told Giessler that he could 
not realistically expect to receive his sal- 
ary unless a sale of the Granier prop- 
erty provided money for payment. Un- 
employed and happy to have a chance 
to live in Granier's house, Giessler ac- 
cepted the uncertain deal. Satisfied that 
he had arranged for appropriate care of 
Granier's interests, Zimmerman de- 
parted for Denver. 

The arrangement worked well for 
a time, but Giessler eventually decided 
that he could not continue to endure the 
vain hope that he might one day receive 
a salary. In October, 1897 he wrote di- 
rectly to Granier in Paris to protest: 
"...Mr. Zimmerman's promises are such 
that no one can believe him...." Al- 
though he requested that Granier pro- 
vide payment for past wages, Giessler 
still received no money. 3 " 

Finally losing all patience, Giessler ini- 
tiated proceedings in Fremont County Dis- 
trict Court that resulted in the placement of 
a Miner's Labor Lien on all of Granier's 
property. The amount of the lien equaled 
the salary which Giessler felt he had earned 
between October 4, 1896 when Zimmerman 
had left for Denver, and May 3, 1898. 37 Other 
plaintiffs also jumped on the legal bandwagon 

36. Fremont Count]/ Civil Case File #572, ARM&M. The 
preceding discussion about the agreement between 
George A. Zimmerman and William Giessler essen- 
tially reflects the viewpoints of Zimmerman as stated 
in several depositions. 

37. Fremont County, Lien Record, Vol A, 14 May 1898, 
ARM&M, pp.83-84. 

38. Fremont Count}/ Civil Case Files #659 and #663, 

and filed motions for recovery of money sup- 
posedly owed them by Granier. H 

As his legal troubles mounted, 
Granier efforts to sell his mining prop- 
erties accelerated. At one point rumors 
circulated that Granier intended to sell 
to an English mining syndicate. The 
deal reportedly fell through because 
Granier rejected the pay-cut offered 
him. Local legend in Atlantic City 
holds that Granier's refusal to accept the 
purchase offer led his creditors to have 
him arrested and thrown into debtor's 
prison in Paris. 3 " No solid evidence ex- 
ists to verify this story. 

In the meantime D. G. Calhoon, an 
agent of the Dexter Mining Com- 
pany headquartered in Rochester, 
New York, developed a keen interest in 
Granier's placer claims. Calhoon trav- 
eled to Paris and in February, 1902 suc- 
cessfully negotiated purchase of 
Granier's claims, mining equipment 
and other property for an unknown 
amount of money. The settlement 
which closed the purchase also resulted 
in the removal of all liens attached to 
Granier's former property. 40 Although 
Emile Granier had permanently left the 
state a decade earlier, this episode cul- 
minated an inglorious series of events 
which marked the official end of his 
rather unrewarding involvement in 
Wyoming gold mining. 

hi the optimistic atmosphere which 
prevailed a decade earlier, few skeptics 
entertained thoughts about the demise 
of Granier's South Pass mining project. 
Following the 1891 mining season, 
Granier stopped in New York City dur- 
ing his return journey to France. On October 
23 he wrote a letter to Elwood Mead from the 
Hotel Bmnswick saying that he hoped to ar- 
range a hydraulic rnining exhibit for the up- 
coming World's Fair in Chicago. 41 Although 
no records remain to verify whether he 
managed to organize the exhibit, 
Granier's actions during 1892 did not in- 
dicate the imminent passing of his Wyo- 
ming mining ambitions. In May, 1892 he 
bought the Red Cloud Saloon in Atlantic 
City which he converted into office space 
for his mining company. 42 He also ac- 
quired the North Pole Claim in late Oc- 
tober, 1892 shortly before his seasonal re- 
turn to France. Despite these signs of ac- 
tivity his departure in 1892 marked the 

abrupt termination of his mining project. 

The rapid transformation from 
World's Fair optimism to cessation of his 
plans raises puzzling questions. Consid- 
ering the time, money and technologi- 
cal expertise which Granier invested in 
his grandiose hydraulic operations, why 
did the project fail so suddenly? Expla- 
nations vary and remain the subject of 
some uncertainty. 

Monetary considerations certainly 
played a role in the project's demise. 
Estimates regarding the amount of gold 
Granier recovered vary from zero to 
$200,000. 43 Considering the large initial 
investment necessitated by the ditch con- 
struction alone, even the more optimis- 
tic of the two figures would have left the 
project considerably shy of spectacular 

39. For information about Granier's unsuccessful nego- 
tiations with the English syndicate see Charles E. 
Bates, "Early History of the Gold Rush in the Atlan- 
tic and South Pass Country," Lander Evening Post, 3 
February 1930, np. Bates says that Granier did not 
serve time in jail, but that his financial backers had 
him arrested and prohibited him from leaving Pans, 
France. A similar story is repeated in Virginia A. 
Scharff, "South Pass Since 1812: Woman Suffrage 
and the Expansion of the Western Adventure" M.A. 
thesis {Laramie: University of Wyoming, 1981), 
pp.97-98. Pfaff, Nuggets, p. 13; and Mrs. Lyle Maerer 
and Jim Carpenter, "Atlantic City," Annals of Wyo- 
ming 40, no.l (April 1968), pp.116-118. Authors of 
both sources state that financial misadventures 
landed Granier in jail. The only support for their 
contentions come from unconfirmed rumors. 

In an interesting aside, both Bates and Pfaff 
report that Granier authored a comprehensive his- 
tory of the United States through the Reconstruc- 
tion period. Copies of this work have not been 
located, although the possibility exists that publica- 
tion occurred only in France. Granier did author a 
small treatise entitled "What Is Money" (Denver, 
Colorado: C. J. Kelly, Printer and Binder, 1892) 
which outlined his preference for a bimetal mon- 
etary system. Originally issued as a series of four 
articles published in the Denver Times during the 
autumn of 1892, the small, bound volume can be 
found at the University of Wyoming library in 

40. Discussion of the sale to the Dexter Mining Com- 
pany occurs in the previously cited article by Bates, 
"Early History of the Gold Rush in the Atlantic and 
South Pass Country." For official recordation of the 
sales transaction, see Fremont County Quit Claim 
Record, Vol. D, 17 March 1902, ARM&M, pp. 129- 
134. This document indicates that the Dexter 
Mining Company paid $1 to acquire the property, 
although this probably is not an accurate reflection 
of the amount received by Granier. 

41. Emile Granier to Elwood Mead, 23 October 1891, 

42. Fremont County Quit Claim Records, Vol. B, ARM&M, 

43. The estimate that Granier recovered no gold came 
from Jim Sherlock during an interview with the 
author on August 24, 1985. Sherlock based his 
estimate on stories he heard from his uncle, Peter, 
who worked for Granier. The $200,000 estimate is 
contained in Arthur C. Spencer, The Atlantic City 
Gold District and the North Laramie Mountains (Wash- 
ington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1916), p. 25. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

economic success. Although the exact 
source of his investment money is un- 
known, Granier may have had financial 
benefactors who simply tired of waiting 
for the big strike that never came. 

Problems with the hydraulic el- 
evator may also have hampered 
Granier 's efforts. His plan to use the 
elevator stands as a well conceived de- 
cision designed to enhance gold recov- 


L S.F. 

high pressure into the sides of the moun- 
tains expecting to catch his values in the 
riffles below. It urns necessary to have a 
bed rock or a solid clay on which to 
gather his colors, but this he did not have 
and the more he worked the deeper they 
went and farther away his values es- 
caped. " 45 

The later gold recovery success of 
the E. T. Fisher Company of Seattle adds 
credence to Fourt's explanation. Dur- 
ing the 1930s the Fisher Company used 

verifying his conviction that significant 
gold deposits existed along Rock Creek, 
but also suggests that Granier employed 
a mining technology inappropriate for 
the circumstances he encountered. 

Problems related to personal fi- 
nances, operation of the hydraulic el- 
evator, and the nature of the gold ore 
may have all played some part in the 
termination of Granier 's Wyoming min- 
ing enterprises. In addition, several ac- 
counts stated that an illness required 
Granier to remain in France during the 


ery in exactly the type of flat ter 
rain which characterized the bed 
of Rock Creek. Still, successful 
gold recovery required a deli- 
cate combination of a properly 
functioning ditch system and 
appropriate mechanical equip- 
ment to assure the genera- 
tion of adequate wa- 
ter pressure to 
power the elevator. 
Granier himself 
had acknowledged the 
possibility of problems with the eleva- 
tor in the 1888 Territorial Geologist's re- 
port. Peter Sherlock, who worked on the 
hydraulic project until a dynamiting ac- 
cident blinded him, later wrote that, 
",„it was found that the ground was too 
flat to permit of its being worked suc- 
cessfully by the hydraulic process...." 44 
Perhaps the three brief seasons of eleva- 
tor operation between 1890 and 1892 
demonstrated the ineffectiveness of 
this technology. 

In addition, the character of the 
gold itself may have inhibited its recov- 
ery. Judge E. H. Fourt, who Granier had 
hired to perform legal work when the 
young lawyer first arrived in Wyoming 
in 1890, addressed this matter many 
years after the fact in a March 22, 1934 
article in The Wyoming State Journal. In 
this article Fourt offered another per- 
spective concerning the hydraulic 
operation's fatal flaw. Concerning 
Granier 's approach to the project, Fourt 
wrote, " 

...he handled it as a straight hy- 
draulic, forcing a stream of water under 

a huge dredge to work the same stretch 
of Rock Creek previously encompassed 
by Granier 's placer claims. The dredge 
simply dug deeply enough into the 
creek bed to capture the available gold. 
Many reports place the value of the Fisher 
Company's gold earnings at $400,000. 4h 
The success of this project provides some 
measure of vindication for Granier by 

44. Quote included in Peter Sherlock, "Early Mining in 
Atlantic," WPA Collection, HR. See also Peter 
Sherlock, "Mining Operations at Atlantic and South 
Pass," Wyoming State Journal, 11 April 1935, p. 6. 

45. Quote included in E.H. Fourt, "Interest in Gold 
Mining Increases Greatly as Price Rises and New 
Methods are Success," Wyoming State journal, 22 
March 1934, n. p. Several other sources offer similar 
explanations for the hydraulic project's failure in- 
cluding that of an interview of Jim Sherlock bv the 
author, August 24, 1985, Henderson, unpublished 
manuscript, p. 4; Pfaff, Nuggets, p. 13; and Donna 
Woods, "Atlantic City: GhostTown Refuses to Die," 
Wyoming State journal, 4 July 1985, p.C-1. 

46. $400,00(1 estimate included in Massie, "After the 
Bust," p. 36; see also Sherlock, "Mining Opera- 
tions," p. 7. 

47. Knight, "Notes on Mineral Resources," p. 126; C. G. 
Coutant, ed., Lewiston Gold Miner 1 (May 1894): p. 7; 
and Fremont County Miscellaneous Records, Vol. B, 
ARM&M, pp. 3-4. 

48. T. A. Larson, History of Wyoming, pp.295-296. 

1893 mining 
season. 47 While his poor 
health may have brought 
mining to a temporary halt, 
the national economic cri- 
sis known as the Panic of 
1893 almost certainly 
administered the 
coup de grace. 
J The Panic of 

1893 rated as the 
most severe financial 
slump in the United States up to that 
time. Wyoming suffered along with the 
rest of the country. The Union Pacific 
Railroad, the bulwark of southern 
Wyoming's economy, declared bank- 
ruptcy in October, 1893. The Warren 
Livestock Company, property of Wyo- 
ming Governor and Senator Francis E. 
Warren, went into receivership in Au- 
gust, 1894. Several Wyoming banks 
failed as well. 4S The pervasive economic 
turmoil induced by the Panic of 1893 
most certainly dealt a critical blow to 
Granier 's ambitions. 

What of Monsieur Granier's 
ultimate destiny? Only a 
few bits of evidence remain. 
For example, his 1898 letter to William 
Giessler listed his Parisian mailing ad- 
dress as No. 10 Rue d'Athenes. How- 
ever, little additional news about 
Granier reached Wyoming after the sale 
of his mining property to the Dexter 
Company in 1902. One exception came 
in 1907 when a Lander newspaper 
melodramatically reported, "Emile 
Granier resides in Paris, France and is a 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Left: Hydraulic "Giant" A rotating attachment for the end of a 
pipeline. Taken from Longridge, C.C. Hydraulic Mining (London: 
The Mining Journal. 1910), figure 220A. 

Right: an artist's delineation of the hydraulic mining process in 
action. A high-pressure jet of water from the nozzle, or hydraulic 
giant, is directed toward banks and hillsides. The resulting mass 
of dirt and rocks are then swept into a sluice box designed to separate 
gold from tailings. Taken from Simonin. Louis, Underground Life; or 
Mines and Miners (London: Chapman and Hall. 1869). figure 150. 

Bottom: a hydraulic mining operation in Wyoming, contemporary 
to the Granier minina venture. Location and date unknown. 



Zk "-':>;* 

Wyoming State Museum 

Wyoming Annals 59 Winter 1993 -94 

;' . "■;•-. 

L ••> jdS&m 

\jT'': f <- 

sifw %v • ajjjgs.^- »=i^.^» v. aaat ty 'ffBMB •*■* 7 *A±ZgfM 

B^^H^S^SSX i—w. est . "£?>^iLi V9 

.^^^^SblB5^»3B ^SB 


S«fc!2iiK^ as *^!^^*K3JS^^^I«^l«^3 

r 4^n-- 

....£'|SBW* • 

/V ^^»m:' : ' ' ^^ iw" ^' A>'^ '' 

Flume ruins located on a steep hillside along 
Rock Creek, a few miles upstream from 
Atlantic City. 1985 

Richard Collier, Wyoming State Historic Preservation Office 

Ditch segment southeast of Atlantic 
City. Wind River Mountains in the 
distance. 1985 

Wyoming Annals DO Winter 1993 -94 

very old man and it is questionable 
whether he will ever again visit the 
scenes where twenty years ago he built 
gigantic castles and painted every cloud 
of fleeting thought with the yellow tinge 
of gold." 4 " Indeed, Granier never re- 
turned after his departure from Atlantic 
City following the 1892 mining season. 
He apparently died in 1908 or 1909, prob- 
ably in Paris. 50 


lthough Granier 's Atlantic City 
mining endeavors never 
brought him the personal for- 
tune he most certainly coveted, an ex- 
amination of the larger historical con- 
text surprisingly reveals an optimistic 
picture. Granier 's most telling contri- 
bution is the renewed vitality his project 
brought to Atlantic City and the young 
state of Wyoming. Noted Western min- 
ing historian Otis E. Young has written 
that money invested in mining played 
an important role in stabilizing frontier 
society. He wrote: "it was expended in 
payrolls, transportation, cost of materi- 
als, and construction of which most was 
locally purveyed and from which the 
general locality benefitted." He 
concluded that "no matter what 
tenor of ore it was hoisting, a work- 
ing mine was doing its share toward 
western development." 51 

J. C. Stageman, the young man who 
labored on the Granier project during the 
summer of 1890, offers testimony sub- 
stantiating Young's assertions on a per- 
sonal level. After his summer employ- 
ment ended, Stageman wrote, "it was a 
proud day that I sent my father $100 
saved out of my summer earnings. 
Times all over the United States were 
bad, and I knew that he would appre- 
ciate having a little extra at home." 52 
Herein lies the foremost value of Granier 
and his work. Not only did his hydraulic 
mining project enhance the welfare of 
Stageman's family in Iowa, it also provided 

49. Miles O'More (also known as Charles E. Bates), 
"Early Days in Fremont County," Wind River 
(Lander) Mountaineer, 15 February 1907, p.4. 

50. A rough estimate regarding the year of Granier's 
death is found in Sherlock, "Early Mining in Atlan- 
tic," p.2. 

51. Otis E. Young, Jr., Western Mining (Norman: Univer- 
sity of Oklahoma Press, 1970), p.288. 

52. "Manuscript 532," J. C. Stageman Papers, HR, p. 9. 

an injection of economic vitality which con- 
tributed to the survival of a small, isolated 
mining community. 

Although Granier brought an im- 
portant glimmer of prosperity to the 
Atlantic City scene, the failure of his 
project had more sobering implications 
for the state of Wyoming as a whole. 
Newly admitted to the Union in 1890 
and seeking positive publicity that 
would attract new settlers, the sudden 
failure of the state's largest mining en- 
terprise must have discouraged pro- 
moters interested in advertising 
Wyoming's mineral wealth to the 
world. The failure of Granier's mining 
project happened to coincide with a 
national economic crisis which caused 
bankruptcies across Wyoming. In 1893 
the statewide financial climate would 
have appeared rather unappealing to 
prospective settlers and positively 
frightful to potential investors. 

These grim occurrences might 
lead to the conclusion that 
Granier's story has no real im- 
portance. After all, his visions of earn- 
ing wealth in Wyoming met with re- 
sounding defeat. Yet this very defeat 
renders his story worth telling. Many 
viewed the nineteenth-century West as 
a land of abundance where anyone with 
pluck and determination had a chance 
to find his fortune. This belief lured 
farmers, ranchers, miners, merchants 
and others to the West. The success en- 
countered by a few fortunate opportun- 
ists often overshadows the reality of the 
majority who tried and failed. Granier's 
efforts speak on behalf of many who 
found that a harsh climate and scarce 
water served as formidable barriers to 
prosperity. Statehood had arrived, 
but life in Wyoming remained a 
challenging option that only a few 
would choose. 

The author wishes to thank the 
Wyoming Council for the Humanities for 
financially assisting with the preparation 
of this article. 


Wyoming Amuils. Bruce J. Noble, 
Jr. (1958-) moved to Wyoming 


he obtained his american 
Studies and History from 
the University of Wyoming. 
While working as a summer in- 
tern at South Pass City Noble 
became interested in Emile 
Granier. Completing graduate 
studies he went to work for the 
Wyoming State Historic Preser- 
vation Office in Cheyenne as a 
survey historian. In 1986 he be- 
gan his career with the National 
Park Service, working as an his- 
torian for the National Regis- 
ter of Historic Places in Wash- 
ington, DC. During the past two 
years Noble has been in the 
Preservation Planning Branch, 
assisting the nps and other 
federal agencies in the task of 
preserving america's cultural 

Noble is a member of hai f a 
dozen history and historic pres- 
ervation organizations includ- 
ING the Western History Asso- 
ciation and the Wyoming State 
Historical Society. He and his 
wife, Patricia, live in Piscataway 
National Park in Accokeek, 
Maryland. Although he has the 
good fortune to live close to 
the Potomac River, Noble main- 
MING and the West. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 


The Origins of 


in America 

by Michael L. Carlebach 

Review by Richard Pearce-Moses 

The Omaha Tribe 
Volumes I&II 

by Alice C. Fletcher and 
Francis La Flesche 

Review by 
Todd M. Kerstetter 

Custer's Last 


Mitch Boyer and the 

Little Big Horn 

Reconstructed by 
John S. Gray 

The Custer Reader 

by Paul A. Hutton 

Review by Robert Rybolt 

Indian Rock Art 

of THE 

Columbia Plateau 

by James D. Keyser 

Review by Dr. Danny N. Walker 

Thomas Moran and 

the Surveying of 
the American West 

by Joni Louise Kinsey 

Review by Betty Lu Rosenberg 


Mountain West: 

Colorado, Wyoming, 

Montana, 1859-1915 

by Duane A. Smith 

Review by Malcolm L. Cook 

The Fur Trade of 

the American West, 

1 807- 1 840 

by David J. Wishart 

Review by Melvin T. Smith 



The Origins of 


in America 

by Michael L. Carlebach 

Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian 

Institution Press, 1992. Notes, 

bibliography, index, ix 

and 194 PP. 

Paper $29.95 

NBC's recent debacle in report- 
ing on the safety of General Motors 
trucks resulted from a need for more 
bang-bang to stimulate viewer inter- 
est. Pictures of the truck alone would 
not have been enough. To make the 
point visually the truck had to be in 
flames. Regardless of the potential 
hazard of General Motors' truck de- 
sign, NBC's report was more snake oil 
than reporting. 

The entire premise of USA Today 
is to communicate the news visually 
and attractively to a society that does 
not take the time to read. Space once 
given to in-depth coverage has now 
been given to a picture. Most Ameri- 
can newspapers have had to adopt 
much of USA Today's look to survive. 
News reporting today is driven 
more by images than by events. A 
story without good visuals may be 
scooped by a less important but 
highly graphic story. The 
journalist's profession, which 
once aimed toward objective re- 
porting and made a proud label 
distinct from pejorative muck- 
raking, has been compromised 
by marketing. 

The MTV generation has 
been described as the beginning 
of post-literate society. A look at 
the origins of the pictorial press 
provides some understanding of 
a society that gets its news and 
information from pictures rather 
than words. Carlebach's book re- 
counts those origins but never truly 
interprets them. 

Carlebach begins with a brief 
history of photography's introduction 
in 1839 and the rivalry between the 
Daguerre and Talbot processes. Tech- 
nical details are thoroughly covered, 
but photography's real, two-edged, 
significance to journalism is not ex- 
plored. Photography is able to repre- 
sent scenes with near perfect objectiv- 
ity, but can be manipulated to paint a 
very convincing distortion. Since the 
medium's invention, people have 
given photographs excessive credibil- 

ity in spite of notable exceptions to the 
contrary In his introduction Carlebach 
acknowledges the camera's ability to lie: 
"We know, of course, that photographs do 
not always tell the truth"(p. 4). But the 
truly interesting problem of photography 
and objectivity is missed. 

Although nearly from the be- 
ginning of the medium photographs 
were published in newspapers as en- 
gravings. Photojournalism as a dis- 
cipline did not begin until the first 
halftone was reproduced in 1880. 
Carlebach considers photojournal- 
ism's precedents by looking at the 
early use of the camera to document 
news, but he spends more time look- 
ing at the events than how the cam- 
era recorded them. Two chapters 
cover the problems of dissemination 
of photographic prints, the introduc- 
tion of modern photographic pro- 
cesses and the invention of the half- 
tone, but the book's bulk is devoted 
to the Civil War and west-ward ex- 

Ultimately Carlebach's book is 
more a general history of photography 
in American than an analysis of 
photojournalism. It complements 
many, if not most, histories of photog- 
raphy in that its intellectual founda- 
tion is historical rather than aesthetic, 
and in that it considers photography 
something more than an evolving art 
form. The book is interesting and en- 
joyable to read but seems to miss the 
title's mark. 

The Smithsonian Institution 
Press has again produced a handsome 
volume that is well designed. Photo- 
graphs never run over the gutter and 
are reproduced with excellent tonal- 
ity. The book is printed on glossy 
stock with sewn signatures. 

Richard Pearce-Moses 
Curator of Photographs 
University Libraries, 
Arizona State University, 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 


It is difficult to imagine a more 
helpful or comprehensive record of a 
tribe than that of the Omaha left by 
Alice C. Fletcher and Francis La 
Flesche. The collaboration between 
Fletcher, a self-trained anthropologist 
who worked at Harvard's Peabody 
Museum in the 1890s, and La Flesche, 
a member of a prominent Omaha 
family and Fletcher's adopted son 
who worked for the Bureau of Ameri- 
can Ethnology, produced an inti- 
mately detailed and richly illustrated 
study of the tribe. 

Their two-volume work, which 
preserves an overwhelming catalog of 
ethnographic information about the 
nineteenth century Omaha, originally 
appeared in 1911 as the Twenty-sev- 
enth Annual Report of the Bureau of 
American Ethnology. The University 
of Nebraska Press reprinted the en- 
tire report (minus the list of original 
owners of allotments on the Omaha 
Reservation and the accompanying 
map) as a two-volume paperback in 
1972, and in a 1992 edition added an 
introduction by Harvard-trained an- 
thropologist Robin Ridington, profes- 
sor of anthropology at the University 
of British Columbia. The inclusion of 
Ridington's introduction answers a 
criticism of the 1972 edition by plac- 
ing the work in historical context and 
providing biographical information 
about the co-authors. Readers now 
get a better sense of the work, re- 
searched before anthropologists "in- 
vented" fieldwork and before the 
emerging field of anthropology pre- 
scribed a "correct" way to document 
the Native American experience. 

Fletcher and La Flesche cover 
Omaha life ranging from tribal orga- 
nization, government and social life to 
music, disease and its treatment, reli- 
gion and ethics, and language. While 
much of the work describes what 
might be called traditional or pre-con- 
tact Omaha ways, the appendix de- 
scribes Omaha history from contact 
with white traders in the mid-seven- 
teenth century through 1910. The book 

embodies twenty-nine years of field- 
work which, given La Flesche's tribal 
connections, produced "unusual op- 
portunities to get close to the thoughts 
that underlie the ceremonies and cus- 
toms of the Omaha tribe"(p. 2). 

Many Omaha stories appear in 
the words of their speakers and 
Fletcher and La Flesche use Omaha 
categories to organize their research. 
Initially this earned scorn from pro- 
fessionals in the newly emerging field 
of anthropology who sought to build 
the discipline on a foundation of sci- 
entific objectivity and organization. 
Many anthropologists and ethnogra- 
phers have since warmed to Fletcher 
and La Flesche's methodology. 

The 197 illustrations, including 
many photographs, aid the reader im- 
measurably in understanding the sur- 
rounding text. Unfortunately, few pho- 
tographs depict women and their 
roles. Numerous song scores will 
fascinate music aficionados. Like- 
wise, liberal doses of Omaha 
terms will interest linguists, al- 
though the book lacks a compre- 
hensive dictionary and the brief, 
three-page, chapter on language 
gives only a cursory analysis. 

Despite the inclusion of fas- 
cinating legends and generally 
good narrative, The Omaha Tribe 
will not likely inspire many 
cover-to-cover readings. The 
book succeeds wonderfully, how- 
ever, as a reference work. The 
book's age and a flaw in the conclu- 
sion containing reference to the Oma- 
has in the past tense may serve to en- 
courage needed research into the 
tribe's twentieth century history. 

Todd M. Kerstetter 
History Ph.D candidate 
University of Nebraska, 


Omaha Tribe 
Volumes I and II 

by Alice C. Fletcher and 
Francis La Flesche 

Lincoln: University of Ne- 
braska Press, 1992. Illustra- 
tions, appendix, index. 660 PP. 
Paper, each volume $12.95; SET 
of two $25.90. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 


Custer's Last 

Mitch Boyer and 
the Little Big Horn 

Reconstructed by 
John S. Gray 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska 

Press, 1991. Illustrations, maps, 

appendices, bibliography, index. 

ix and 446 pp. Cloth $35.00. 

The late Dr. John Gray (1910-1991) 
was an acknowledged historian of the 
Custer fight. This substantial volume fur- 
ther demonstrates the skill and method- 
ology he constantly applied to the inter- 
pretation of this popular and controver- 
sial event in western history. The book can 
be considered a refinement of Gray's ac- 
claimed Centennial Campaign (Ft. Collins: 
Old Army Press, 1976). Both works now 
replace Edgar I.Stewart's Custer's Luck 
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 
1955) as the standard text of the campaign. 
Custer's List Campaign has been labeled the 
most important book ever written about 
the Battle of the Little Big Horn, a fitting 

Gray was intrigued with Mitch 
Boyer, the mixed blood scout who died 
on June 25, 1876 with Custer. Because 
so little was known of Boyer 's early 
life, Gray was determined to write his 
biography which takes up the first 
third of the book. Boyer, of French and 
Sioux parentage, moved from Missouri 
to the Fort Laramie vicinity in 1849. He 
traded there for some years before 
moving into the Yellowstone Country 
in 1864. After serving the army in 
various capacities at Fort C. F. 
Smith he lived with the Crows. 
He married into the tribe in 1869 
and worked for their agents. The 
reader might be interested to know 
that his half-brother, John, was the 
first person legally hanged in Wyo- 
ming Territory (4/21/1871). 

By 1875 Mitch Boyer was 
recognized by the army as the 
best guide in the country. In 1876 
he was hired to guide Gibbon's 
Montana column. On June 10, 
1876 he was transferred to 
Custer's column. It was in this 
role that Mitch Boyer rode with Custer 
and the Seventh Cavalry into immor- 
tality. At the point of Boyer 's transfer 
Gray begins his reconstruction of 
Boyer 's and Custer's last days. 

The last two-thirds of the book 
minutely details the trail to Last Stand 
Hill. Gray does an admirable and be- 
lievable job of reconstructing the fi- 

nal sequence of events for the Custer 
battalion. As Custer moved down the 
east side of the Little Big Horn he dis- 
covered that Reno's force was being 
overwhelmed. He decided to relieve 
the pressure on Reno by moving 
down Cedar and Medicine Tail Cou- 
lees to attack the village. After Boyer 
informed him of Reno's collapse 
Custer divided his five company bat- 
talion, sending two companies to 
threaten the village. Gray reasoned 
such a maneuver would relieve pres- 
sure on Reno and give Custer a chance 
to find a holding position where his 
command could await the arrival of 
Benteen's battalion and the pack train. 
We all know the rest of the story. 

In the last minutes before total 
engagement began, Custer ordered 
Boyer and the remaining Crow scouts 
to the rear. Boyer elected to stay. The 
Crow scouts survived, only to con- 
fuse generations of battle historians 
with what seems contradictory testi- 
mony of Custer's last movements. 
However, Gray feels that useful in- 
formation could be culled from the 
recollections of the Crows, including 
that of the Crow scout Curly. Gray 
organizes itineraries for troop move- 
ments between identifiable land- 
marks at feasible speeds. Because 
cavalry officers often recorded the 
pace of movement, Gray employs the 
standard rate of three miles per hour 
for walking and six miles per hour for 
a trotting column. By using this 
method he is able to lay out most of 
the battle sequence. He charts out 
"time-motion patterns" to help the 
reader understand his argument for 
time and space interpretation. Thus, 
according to Gray's calculations, 
Custer's fighting lasted from 4:46 
p.m. to 5:25 p.m., thirty-nine minutes 
to be precise. Incidentally, in Centen- 
nial Campaign Gray times the Custer 
action beginning between 4:20 p.m. 
and 4:25 p.m., somewhat earlier than 
that of his final analysis. He does not 
attempt to reconstruct the final fight- 
ing sequence on the Custer field, "as 

Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 



no participant with Custer survived 
to describe it" (p. 384). 

Some readers may be critical of 
Gray's exact, to-the-minute sched- 
ules. It would be more useful had 
those carefully reconstructed itinerar- 
ies been placed on maps, giving the 
reader a better idea of the relationship 
between geography and event se- 
quence. Custer's List Campaign will 
hold a permanent place in Custer 

battle historiography. One noted his- 
torian, Paul Hutton, includes it in his 
top-ten list of the basic books for the 
Custeriana library, calling it "the most 
informative and enlightening book on 
the Battle of the Little Big Horn." Most 
will heartily agree with this assess- 

Thomas R. Buecker 
Curator, Fort Robinson Museum, 
Crawford, Nebraska 

I have long been an admirer of 
Marion Huseas' humor and articles 
and was looking forward to this little 
volume. Ms. Huseas has always re- 
searched thoroughly and an example 
is her book, Sweetwater Gold: 
Wyoming's Gold Rush 1867 -1871. The 
Best of the Old West is no exception. 

This first volume is divided into 
six segments with several stories in 
each starting with "Indians, Explor- 
ers, and Mountain Men" and ending 
with "Cowboys and Cowgirls." The 
book starts in 1519 with the Indian 
slave trade in the southwest and ends 
by giving a very thorough description 
of cowboys, what they did, why they 
did it, what they wore and why they 
wore it. Spurs had a functional pur- 
pose. They w r ere designed to guide a 
horse. Usually not sharp enough to 
harm the animal, they did attract his 
attention. When the cowboy dis- 
mounted, the jingle, jangle of the loose 
spur chain served another purpose. 
It attracted the ladies. The episode, 
"Mrs. Nash," was fun reading even 
though I knew the ending. I've often 
wondered how "she" managed to be 
married so many times without her 
husbands.. ..oh well, enough of that. 

"Thanksgiving on the Frontier," 
"Frontier Christmas" and "Frontier 
Christmas Customs" paint a picture 
of how ingenious folks were back 
then and how they made do with 
what they had. I doubt many of us 
would wash apples several times and 

soak them for forty-eight hours to get 
rid of the worms. And $8.00 for a box 
of raisins? All this to make mince pie 
that ended up "a triumph of art over 

Most of the anecdotes are famil- 
iar to anyone who has read or stud- 
ied even a little Wyoming or west- 
ern history, but this book is easy 
and fun reading, worth a few 
minutes to brush up on little 
known facts or remember old 

Eileen Skibo's illustrations 
at the beginning of each story 
tend to make the volume look 
like a book for young readers. 
Maybe that is the intent and per- 
haps that is the reason people 
who do not read anything con- 
nected to history might just pick 
this book up. The cover is bright 
and eye-catching. The book 
would make a nice little gift for 
a young person or, for that matter, 
anyone who is interested in learning 
more of the old west. 

Char Olsen 

Executive Secretary, Wyoming 

Department of Commerce, 


The Best of the 
Old West, Vol. i 

by Marion M. Huseas 

Cheyenne.Wyoming: Marimax 
Publishing Company, 1992. 
58 pp. Paper $4.95. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 


Sweetwater Gold: 

Wyoming's Gold 

Rush i 867-1 871 


Wyoming's GoU Rush 

Marion McMillan Huku 

Vi&t i I ■ . - 1 t* Mcxrft ). 

by Marion M. Huseas 

Cheyenne, Wyoming: Cheyenne 
Corral of Westerners Interna- 
tional, 1 99 1. Illustrations, 
maps, bibliography, index. vii 
and 184 pp. Cloth $29.95 

Rumors concerning the impend- 
ing publication of Marion Huseas' 
book about the history of Wyoming's 
South Pass region have floated 
around for a decade or more. Given 
the lengthy gestation period required 
to give birth to the book, it is only 
natural to ask whether the final prod- 
uct was worth the wait. Although the 
study does exhibit certain merits, the 
book generally falls short of the ex- 
pectations that may have resulted 
from the time required to produce it. 
The wait for a definitive historical 
study of South Pass is not yet over. 

On the positive side of the led- 
ger, Sweetwater Gold cites almost all 
the major sources pertaining to South 
Pass mining and community life dur- 
ing the 1867-1871 time period. The 
one notable exception is that the book 
makes no mention of Robert A. 
Murray's "Miner's Delight, Investor's 
Despair: the Ups and Downs of a Sub- 
Marginal Mining Camp in Wyo- 
ming." Published in the Annals of 
Wyoming in July, 1972, this article may 
rank as the best overview of South 
Pass mining history yet written. 
Aside from this omission, 
Sweetwater Gold exhibits the use 
of a comprehensive range of im- 
portant sources pertaining to the 
history of South Pass. As a re- 
sult, researchers investigating 
early South Pass mining history 
will want to reference Sweetwater 
Gold as a point of departure. 

On the negative side the 
book contains a number of gen- 
eralizations and misinterpreta- 
tions that range from harmless to 
serious in nature. On the benign 
side of the spectrum, the book 
contains statements such as the follow- 
ing: "Nineteenth-century mining 
camps looked much alike, whether 
they were in California, Montana, 
Colorado or Wyoming." (p. 2) In fact, 
the appearance of mining camps in 
these four states differed enormously. 
Such comparisons convey a false im- 
pression by placing a relatively ob- 

scure locale like South Pass City in the 
same league as more noteworthy min- 
ing towns like Bodie, California; Butte, 
Montana; or Cripple Creek, Colorado. 

On a less benign level, the book 
contains a rather troubling discussion 
concerning the impact of Indians on 
South Pass mining activity. Huseas 
contends that Indian raids "drove the 
people from the Sweetwater mining 
district." (p. 80) She writes elsewhere 
in the book that, among other things, 
"the ever-present Indians prevented 
the mining district from flourishing, 
and led to the end of Wyoming's gold 
rush." (p. 161) She cites a few ex- 
amples illustrating that a small num- 
ber of clashes between miners and 
Indians did occur, but her evidence in 
no way supports the conclusion that 
Indians deserve blame for stifling the 
area's mining potential. The real cul- 
prit behind the declining mineral out- 
put after 1871 had much more to do 
with a lack of truly valuable mineral 
deposits than anything else. Histori- 
ans need only look to the Black Hills 
of South Dakota to recognize that In- 
dians could do little to keep miners 
out of a region that possessed bona 
fide mineral wealth. 

From an organizational stand- 
point the book lacks sharp focus. 
Readers will encounter a broad-brush 
treatment of the region's mining his- 
tory that considers topics ranging 
from the vices of the mostly male 
population to the emergence of South 
Pass City's Esther Hobart Morris as 
the leading figure in Wyoming's early 
movement to grant equal rights to 
women. While this diversity has 
some value, little new light falls on the 
varied subjects under consideration. 

With some justification Huseas 
writes in the introduction that miss- 
ing and inadequate source materials 
prevented her from producing a de- 
finitive work. Of course, the lack of 
sources relates in part to the lack of 
significant South Pass mineral wealth 
in the nineteenth century. Given the 
difficulty of weaving sketchy source 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

B o 


materials into a cohesive narrative, 
Huseas certainly deserves credit for 
devoting a considerable period of 
time to piecing together a story that 
is not easily told. 

One suspects that efforts to pro- 
duce a definitive study of the South 
Pass region will elude anyone utiliz- 
ing mining history as their primary 
organizational nucleus. As a general 
rule, Wyoming lacked the precious 
mineral wealth that characterized 
most other Western states in the nine- 
teenth century. Future historians 
looking specifically at South Pass min- 
ing may conclude that the spotty data 
will not fill an entire book. As Huseas 
discovered, writing a book-length his- 
tory of a mining region aptly charac- 
terized as "sub-marginal" is a daunt- 
ing task indeed. 

Like the intrepid miner who re- 
mains convinced that a spectacular 

fortune will settle to the bottom of the 
next gold pan, the South Pass region 
offers great prospects for further 
study. During the past two hundred 
years South Pass has played host to 
Indians, mountain men, the first 
White women to cross the Rocky 
Mountains (Narcissa Whitman and 
Eliza Spalding), '49ers, Oregon Trail 
travelers, Mormon pioneers, and min- 
ers periodically from 1867 to the 
present day. Few areas in the West 
can claim a heritage so diverse and 
enduring. A wonderful book may 
result from an attempt to embrace the 
full scope of this region's compelling 
history. Until then, Sweetwater Gold 
provides just a hint of that promise. 

Bruce J. Noble, Jr. 

Historian, National Park Service, 

Washington, DC. 

It has been 118 years since the 
Seventh United States Cavalry rode to 
glory and defeat at the Battle of the 
Little Bighorn. Since 1876 there prob- 
ably has been more printers' ink 
spread on the subject of the regiment's 
field commander, Lieutenant Colonel 
George Armstrong Custer, than blood 
spilled on the battlefield. One may 
wonder if the world needs a "Custer 
Reader." It is in this unflagging fasci- 
nation and mountain of literature that 
The Custer Reader reflects its worth. 

Editor Hutton, an able frontier 
historian of national reputation, has 
selected twenty-one articles and essays 
dealing with America's most unfortu- 
nate soldier. These writings and rec- 
ollections include those by Custer him- 
self as well as ones by those who knew 
him and those who fought him, and a 
number of modern scholarly essays 
each well researched and written. 

The book contains four sections 
of discussions on Custer and the Civil 
War, the Indian Wars, the Battle of the 
Little Big Horn and the Custer Myth. 
This weighty work is concluded by an 

impressive bibliographic essay of in- 
terest to both students and buffs alike 

Dr. Hutton's selections pro- 
vide balance in interpreting a 
very controversial American, al- 
lowing the reader to draw his 
own conclusions. Custer detrac- 
tors may forget that George 
Armstrong Custer was a very 
successful Civil War soldier and 
a hero in the eyes of many of his 
contemporaries. This view was 
not necessarily shared by Joseph 
White Bull and Kate Bighead, 
whose opinions offer Indian per- 

In the essay,"The Little Big 
Horn," Robert M. Utley, retired Chief 
Historian for the National Park Ser- 
vice, offers the interesting thesis that 
Custer was a victim of federal Indian 
policy. He puts Custer into the con- 
text of the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868, 
which established the great Sioux Res- 
ervation encompassing half of what 
is now the modern state of South Da- 
kota including the Black Hills. 
Custer's 1874 expedition into the 


Custer Reader 

by Paul A. Hutton 

Lincoln: University of 
Nebraska Press, 1992. Maps, 
sources, bibliography, index, 
xiv and 585 pp. Cloth $40.00. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 


Indian Rock Art 


Columbia Plateau 

by James D. Keyser 

Seattle: University of Wash- 
ington Press, 1992. Illustra- 

138 pp. Cloth $35.00, 
paper $17.50. 

Black Hills verified rumors of gold 
and touched off the last major gold 
rush in the continental United States. 
The invasion of white miners was 
clearly in violation of the Fort Laramie 
Treaty and angered the Sioux and 
their allies, the Northern Cheyenne. 
Their rage set the stage for Custer's 
defeat at the Little Big Horn. Utley 
neglects to mention that the army, to 
its credit, attempted to honor the 
country's obligations under the Fort 
Laramie Treaty by arresting invading 
whites. Those efforts were halted by 
order of President U. S. Grant. Al- 
though it does not justify erasure of 
Sioux title to the Black Hills, the Fi- 
nancial Panic of 1873 is a factor, and a 
discussion of its effects would have 
been refreshing. At that time there 
was a national need to bolster a fal- 
tering economy with Black Hills gold. 
This factor, coupled with an election 
year in 1876, influenced the formation 
of Black Hills policy. 

The final essay of the book, "The 
Custer Myth," offers insight into the 

mystique of Custer and of his Last 
Stand, which has fired the imagination 
of Americans well over a century af- 
ter that dramatic event. Indeed, it is 
the drama of artwork, motion pictures 
and television that have kept the mys- 
tique alive. In "From Little Big Horn 
to Little Big Man," Paul Hutton ably 
traces the undulating image of Custer 
from hero to villain, and describes 
modern scholarly attempts toward 
balance. Custer's image, according to 
Hutton, reflects America's own chang- 
ing social history. 

There are as many different 
views of George Armstrong Custer as 
there are years from the date of his 
death in 1876. The Custer Reader offers 
a broad spectrum of them and ought 
to be a welcome addition to any library. 

Robert Rybolt 

Interpretive Park Ranger, Little 
Bighorn National Battlefield, 
Custer, Montana 

Prehistoric rock art has fascinated 
viewers since archaeologists first began 
recording such sites in the nine- 
teenth century. Archaeological lit- 
erature abounds with publications 
describing and interpreting specific 
rock art sites around the world. Re- 
gional syntheses about rock art sites 
are not as commonly published, nor 
are such presentations as compre- 
hensive as those prepared on single 
sites. Indian Rock Art of the Colum- 
bia Plateau is an exception, however. 
Its author presents in an orderly, 
straightforward manner all infor- 
mation presently known about rock 
art of the Columbia Plateau. The 
author spent years studying the region's 
rock art and has already published sev- 
eral technical reports on specific sites. In 
this book Keyser puts together all this 
regional information into one highly com- 
prehensive, yet readable, report. He 
should be commended for the work that 
has gone into the preparation. 

The book begins with an intro- 
duction on the whole concept of rock 
art and its terminology. This is one 
of the book's strong points. If a reader 
cannot understand what the writer is 
talking about, then the book becomes 
meaningless. But that is not the case 
here. All technical terminology is ex- 
plained in the introduction in such a 
simple manner that anyone should be 
able to understand all discussions. 
Additional terms and concepts are de- 
fined in the glossary. 

The main portion of the book is 
divided into discussions on the rock 
art of five subregions of the Colum- 
bia Plateau: Western Montana, Brit- 
ish Columbia, the Central Columbia 
Plateau, the Lower Columbia Plateau, 
and the Southeastern Columbia Pla- 
teau. Within these subregions distinct 
rock art traditions and styles occur 
and they are defined and discussed. 
Some are found only on the Colum- 
bia Plateau. Others occur primarily 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 


in different regions of North America 
and are found in the Columbia Pla- 
teau as outliers from the main geo- 
graphic regions in which they occur. 
Many of these peripheral styles are 
easily recognizable by Wyoming rock 
art researchers. 

Keyser provides, wherever pos- 
sible, interpretations of the story that 
he feels rock art is trying to tell. While 
many professional archaeologists do 
not like to make such interpretations, 
Keyser believes his twenty years of 
study, both on rock art and the ethno- 
graphic background of Native Ameri- 
can art in general, allows him to do 
so. Perhaps his explanation of why 
he makes such interpretations says it 

This book is, therefore, my inter- 
pretation ami retelling of some of 
the myriad fascinating stories with 
which archaeologists entertain one 
another around field campfires some 
of these deductions are not "statis- 
tically significant, " and some have 
alternate explanations in the form 
of "competing hypotheses." They 
are, however, stood stories, based on 
the best available scientific informa- 
tion and thousands of hours of 
analysis, study, and thought. I hope 
they make yon think about the sub- 
ject . . . (p. 21). 

If the reader, likewise, approaches 
Keyser's interpretations of rock art sites 
from a cross-cultural point of view, the 

book becomes much more readable. And 
the science behind the study also becomes 
more enjoyable and understandable. 

Perhaps from the laymen's point of 
view one of the most important aspects 
of the book, in next to the last chapter, is 
the listine of rock art sites in the Colum- 
bia Plateau that are open for public visi- 
tation. Seventeen are discussed, ranging 
from sites that can still be seen in natural 
settings to those that were removed and 
placed into buildings before destruction 
or inundation of their original locations. 
Persons interested in seeing the rock art 
Keyser describes, especially, should read 
this chapter because it provides locational 
and background information necessary to 
find and appreciate these sites. 

If one is interested in Native Ameri- 
can rock art this book is one that must be 
read. The presentations are highly read- 
able and the illustrations are excellent. 
But more important, Jim Keyser's enthu- 
siasm about rock art is evident. If one is 
enthusiastic about a topic he is discuss- 
ing, it makes it more enjoyable for the 
reader or listener. That is definitely the 
case with Rock Art of the Columbia Plateau. 

Dr. Danny N. Walker 
Assistant Wyoming State 
University of Wyoming, 

Thomas Moran and 
the Surveying of 
the American West 

It required a bold hand to wield 
the brush for such a subject. Mr. 
Moran has represented depths and 
magnitudes and distances and 
forms and color and clouds with the 
greatest fidelity. But lus picture not 
only tells the truth, it displays the 
beauty of the truth. 

So wrote John Wesley Powell, 
the great explorer, of Moran's master- 
piece, the "Chasm of the Colorado," 
a result of their 1873 expedition to the 

Grand Canyon. The quote is ap- 
plicable to Thomas Moran's en- 
tire, sweeping vision of the nine- 
teenth century American West. 

This in-depth study of 
Moran's career is published by 
the Smithsonian as part of a se- 
ries titled New Directions in Ameri- 
can Art and was written by an assis- 
tant professor of art history at the 
University of Iowa. It includes eight 
color plates and more than one hun- 
dred black and white reproductions 

by Joni Louise Kinsey 

Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian 
Institution Press, 1992. vn and 237 
pp. Notes, bibliography, index. 
Paper $34.95. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 


including many of Moran's lithographs, 
several matched by photograhic views 
taken by his friend William H. Jackson. 

The title emphasizes the relation- 
ship between Moran's art and the explo- 
ration of the American West, and implies 
what the book contains: an excellent 
blend of historical and artistic analysis. 

Moran was a guest of two of 
America's most notable explorers, 
Ferdinand V. Hayden and John 
Wesley Powell, accompanying their 
expeditions in the early 1870s and re- 
turning with material for his influen- 
tial paintings. The book offers the 
reader an in-depth study of Moran's 
career, but focuses on three of his ma- 
jor works: "The Grand Canyon of the 
Yellowstone" (1872), "The Chasm of 
the Colorado" (1873-74), and "Moun- 
tain of the Holy Cross" (1875). These 
are preceded by a description of 
Moran's background and the prevail- 
ing aesthetic thought of the mid-nine- 
teenth century that shaped his work. 

True Stories of Adventure 
on the Western Frontier 

Reprints of books written long ago by the rugged men who tamed 
the Western Frontier. Full of exciting adventures and Frontier 
wisdom Learn about the Old West from the men who lived there. 

Journal ol a Trapper: Nine Years in the Rocky Mountains.. 

Osborne Russell went out west in 1834 and spent 9 years as 
a hunter & trapper His relatives compiled his journal notes 
and published this book after he died in 1 868 He describes. 
•Trapping & hunting in Wyoming, Utah Idaho & Oregon 
•Selling turs at the Annual Green River Rendezvous 'Attacks 
by Crow Indians & grizzly bears -He also tells what 
equipment a trapper carried and how it was used. 1 92 pages 

The Lile of Tom Horn— by Himself ...Horn was a famous 
Indian Scout for the Army at the time of the Apache Wars. He 
and his friend Al Sieber were the only white men Gerommo 
would talk to Gives a very interesting description ot 
Geronimo and tells what it was like to enter a hostile Indian 
camp and hold talks with him. He later got on the wrong side 
of the law in Wyoming and wrote this book in prison in 1902. 
Many people still believe that he was framed 202 pages 

Sixteen Months at the Gold Diggings ...Daniel Woods worked 
the California gold fields for 16 months and published this 
book of his experiences in 1851 It was one of the first books 
written about the gold fields He reveals the hardships that 
the miners faced and describes the mining methods they 
used Also tells how much money they made. 200 pages 

Ordering Instructions : Send Check or 

Money Order to the address at right. 

Include $2.00 for postage. 

Monevback Guarantee 

In 1871 Moran was invited to 
join the Hayden Expedition, then in 
its fifth year. The relationship be- 
tween commerce, science and art was 
complex and pervasive. Moran's trip 
was sponsored by the Northern Pa- 
cific Railroad and Scribner's Maga- 
zine in return for artwork that would 
entice tourism and enhance corporate 
profits. Moran joined the expedition, 
which also included the famous pho- 
tographer William Henry Jackson, 
and made several studies of 
Yellowstone, concentrating on the 
falls of the Grand Canyon of the 
Yellowstone. The following year, 
1872, Yellowstone was set aside as 
America's first national park, and 
some credit for its establishment is 
given to the images brought back to 
Congress by Moran and Jackson. 
Moran's 7' x 12" oil painting of the 
canyon was the first American land- 
scape to be purchased by the govern- 
ment and was hung in the Capitol. 

In 1873 Moran 
accompanied John 
Wesley Powell on an 
expedition to the 
Grand Canyon, a jour- 
ney that resulted in 
"The Chasm of the 
Colorado," which 
took two years to com- 
plete. It proved a per- 
fect companion piece 
in size and style to his 
first and was pur- 
chased by Congress to 
hang opposite the 
Yellowstone panel. 

The third major 
painting, "Mountain 
of the Holy Cross," 
was relentlessly pro- 
moted by the Denver 
and Rio Grande Rail- 
way which used it to 
advertise its route as 
well as its resort at 
Manitou Springs, a 
watering spot popular 
with ailing wealthy 


Triton DEPT WA 

_ P.O. BOX C 

PreSS RUPERT, ID 83350 

Easterners in need of the curative pow- 
ers of the mineral springs. A close as- 
sociation was developed between the 
healing waters and the redemptive 
symbolism of the mountain. 

This third magnum opus re- 
sulted from an 1874 expedition, again 
with Hayden, into the remote and 
rugged Sawatch Range in central 
Colorado. The 14,000-foot peak with 
its cross of snow had intrigued the 
public imagination since its discovery 
the previous year when Jackson's 
photographs brought it to national at- 
tention. Its very inaccessibility lent it 
almost mystical powers; indeed, even 
today one can view the cross from 
only two or three points. The best 
vantage point is from the top of Notch 
Mountain, a 13,734-foot peak directly 
across from Holy Cross. It was from 
this point that Jackson made his his- 
toric glass plates of a nearly perfect 
cross. Having recently climbed both 
Holy Cross and Notch Mountain, I 
found Moran's painting fascinating 
but frustrating, because there is no 
single spot one can stand and see the 
scene he painted. As in many of his 
works, Moran used a composite tech- 
nique, making sketches from many 
vantage points and then combining 
them for the most artistic effect. 

While most people probably as- 
sociate Moran with grandiose oil 
paintings, his biggest impact may 
have come through his smaller wood- 
cuts, ink washes and lithographs 
which were used to illustrate official 
survey reports and were widely pub- 
lished in the most prestigious maga- 
zines of the times. A far greater num- 
ber of Americans learned about the 
West from his published illustrations 
than from his major paintings. 
Scribner's and other notable publish- 
ers continued to act as Moran's pa- 
trons, underwriting several of his 
trips in return for illustrations and al- 
lowing him to return to the West again 
and again where he continued to 
paint with increasing maturity the 
scenes he first captured in the early 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 



1870s. He continued to do this almost 
annually throughout his long and 
prolific career until his death in 1926. 
Although the point might be made 
that Moran's work led to the eventual 
exploitation of pristine areas, the im- 
portance of his work lay in bringing 
the adventure and romance of the 

West to millions of viewers who 
would never experience it in person. 

Betty Lu Rosenberg 

Field and Research Assistant, 

Rosenberg Historical 



Duane Smith has added a meri- 
torious volume to the Histories of the 
American Frontier Series. Smith writes 
with an understanding of the human- 
ity of the people who settled and de- 
veloped Colorado, Wyoming, and 
Montana. In this well written synop- 
sis of numerous classical works, Smith 
demonstrates a sense of perception 
and proportion that includes a variety 
of significant episodes and narratives 
that highlight the major themes of 
western history. In so doing, his book 
creates a sense of unity that crosses 
territorial and state lines by touching 
upon common interests and problems 
of the area as a whole rather than do- 
ing a rehash of state histories. 

Early in the book, Smith reviews 
the reasons for the development of 
each of the three states without dwell- 
ing on the pre-1859 history of the West. 
For some this may be considered a 
fault, but the book's title does warn the 
reader that a knowledge of the primi- 
tive West is subsumed. Smith then de- 
votes individual chapters to the devel- 
opment of agriculture, mining, rail- 
roads, and the role of the federal gov- 
ernment as each of these topics touches 
upon the states in question. It is in 
these eight chapters that Smith's skill 
as an historian shines through. His se- 
lection of materials from the books of 
recognized experts are as insightful as 
they are well chosen. 

The last four chapters may be the 
best. It is in these pages that Smith re- 
views the early part of the twentieth 
century with all its successes and fail- 
ures. He then projects the reader into 

the years beyond 1915 and brings all 
the various threads of the book to- 
gether. It is at this point that Smith re- 
affirms the historian's right to make 
sense out of the past and provide the 
reader with a carefully considered 
opinion of what it means. 

Smith then describes the founda- 
tions of the late twentieth century West 
and takes a hard look at the roots of 
its recent past. This is done so well 
that the reader is subconsciously 
encouraged to consider a reexami- 
nation of the values and infra- 
structures of these three states. 
Smith seems to be saying, "If his- 
tory is of any value, it is in its use 
in making intelligent decisions. 
The past can teach us a great deal 
-if we understand it." 

Comments on the back 
cover of the book lead one to be- 
lieve that the book's value lies in 
its description of places and 

While this is important, and 
Smith does it well, the real merits of 
this book rest in its assessment of the 
issues and developments, and the im- 
plied judgements Smith makes. There 
are many other books that provide de- 
tailed narrative history and travelogues 
of these three states. Smith's book is 
useful in acting as a catalyst for the 
authors that have preceded him. 

The book is well organized and 
has a useful bibliography with exten- 
sive notes. There are few pictures, but 
the meat of Smith's work needs no il- 
lustrations. If there are any weaknesses 
in the book it may be Smith's fondness 

Rocky Mountain 
West: Colorado, 
Wyoming, and 

Rocky Mouvtain West 

Colorado, Wyoming «. Moottt 

by Duane A. Smith 

Albuquerque: University of New 
Mexico Press, 1992. Illustrations, 
notes, bibliography, index. vii 
and 290 pp. Cloth $32.50, 

PAPER $16.50. 

Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 



TRADE of the 

American West, 

i 807- i 840 

for the history of mining. However, since 
all three states have been dominated by 
the economics and consequences of ex- 
traction, this fits. 

Finally, Rocky Mountain West is a 
"good read." It is short enough to be read 
rather easily, it is cleverly written with 
good humor, and scholarly enough to 
benefit all who invest the time. 

Smith is a professor of history at 

Fort Lewis College and specializes in 
mining and urban history and has 
written numerous books in these ar- 
eas of study. He is a biographer of H. 
A. W. Tabor, Colorado's well known 
miner and entrepreneur. 

Malcolm L. Cook 
Retired history teacher, 

by David J. Wish art 

Lincoln: University of 
Nebraska Press, 1992. Illus- 
trations, bibliography, 
index, 237 pp. Paper $10.95. 

Because of its geographic focus 
this book is an excellent supplement to 
traditional narratives about the Ameri- 
can West fur trade. First published in 
1979, it is an example of good inter-dis- 
ciplinary writing. The author encour- 
ages additional studies to treat more 
completely the roles of American Indi- 
ans in the western fur trade. 

Wishart's preface indicates that 
this book is a synthesis directed toward 
the fur trade's geographical setting, the 
two production subsystems therein with 
their macro-geographic structures and 
man's intimate relations with the envi- 
ronment. It also includes the 
author's own assessment of the 
latter topic (p. 10). 

Two dominant geographic 
features -the Missouri River with 
its many tributaries, and the val- 
leys, streams and isolation of the 
Rocky Mountains- focus Wishart's 
study. Indian tribes living in these 
areas had already been impacted 
by the arrival of the horse, the re- 
location of other Indian tribes 
from east of the Mississippi River, 
and cultural disruptions resulting 
from Euro- American trade goods 
and subsequent options. 

The British fur companies, 
with well-established trading policies 
and extensive resources, penetrated the 
upper Missouri River area from Canada 
at an early date. There they proved for- 
midable competitors to the Americans 
who probed westward from St. Louis. 

The fur trade strategy for the up- 
per Missouri involved that river as its 
main transportation artery to reach the 

posts and forts built along its banks 
and major tributaries. At first, trade 
goods were delivered in keel boats 
and pirogues, but after 1830 steam- 
ers gave more predictability to the 
delivery of trade goods and the ship- 
ping of furs; however, the mackinaw 
(raft) was the real workhorse for 
downriver freighting. 

The taking of furs and hides in 
this region was done by both Euro- 
Americans and Indians. Each group 
required large support labor forces 
provided by camp tenders and In- 
dian women. The best furs were 
taken in the spring and fall seasons, 
then traded at posts or forts during 
the early summer. Winter was 
freeze-up time and mainly about 

Indian tribes gave their own 
spm to the fur trade with the Blackfeet 
as hostiles and the Assiniboin as se- 
lective traders, but with most tribes 
being supportive. Beaver was the 
prime fur, but was never economi- 
cally as important or enduring as the 
buffalo. Competition for resources 
was keen between the American Fur 
Company and other St. Louis-based 

It was William Ashley who first 
caught the vision of trapping away 
from the Missouri. He chose to use 
Euro-American trapping brigades 
mainly, to provision them with over- 
land supply lines, and to do his trad- 
ing at the summer rendezvous held 
between 1825-1840 at some appro- 
priate location within the region. 
Here furs were traded, supplies ob- 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 


O O K 

tained and enough whoopee raised 
to keep trappers in the field year- 

Annual trapping cycles were 
similar to those on the Upper Mis- 
souri, except that winters were spent 
in wooded valleys west of the conti- 
nental divide where game and for- 
age were available. 

These trappers found compe- 
tition from the British in the North- 
west, from Taos trappers, and from 
adventurers like Captain Benjamin 
Bonneville and Nathaniel Wyeth. 
Other factors contributing to the de- 
cline of business were depleted re- 
sources, competition from silk, de- 

clining prices and increasing costs. 

The transition from brigades to 
forts beginning in 1834 set the tone for 
the remaining years of fur trading, 
and the American Fur Company 
bought out those competitors who were 
still around after 1834. It was the end 
of an era. 

Wishart's book gives readers a 
good overview of the fur trade, the 
people and companies involved, and 
the factors affecting their successes and 
failures. While they never had national 
importance, the trappers did exploit a 
vast hinterland for St. Louis. 

Wishart's assessment sees these 
men as Jacksonian capitalists out to find 

a fast fortune where they could. He 
credits their roles as explorers who 
possessed territory for the United 
States, but he also indicates that they 
left a legacy of exploitation - of bea- 
ver, bison and the Indians who suf- 
fered immensely from alcohol and 
smallpox - a legacy still with us. 

This book is well written and 
thoroughly documented. Keeping it 
in print is a valuable service to stu- 
dents of the American fur trade. 

Melvin T. Smith 


Mt. Pleasant, Utah 

Focus/continued from page 5 

postmodern contemporary culture 
pervading our society. It is the cul- 
ture of oral tradition, stories and folk- 
lore. Horseback Culture is the legacy 
of the so-called "rustlers" of Johnson 

Another theme which threads 
its way through the fabric of 
American culture and that 
was inherent in the Johnson Countv 
War is vigilante justice. At the time 
of the invasion Wyoming was under- 
going the difficult transition from ter- 
ritory to statehood. The cattlemens' 
justification for the invasion -a resort 
to vigilante justice- was that the 
breakdown of the Johnson County 
court system forced law-abiding citi- 
zens to take matters into their own 

Nowhere is the defense for 
vigilante justice better articulated 
than in The Virginian (1902) by Owen 
Wister. This most famous of all West- 
ern novels has many themes and 
messages, but one which particularly 
stands out is Wister 's insistent justi- 
fication of the vigilante actions of his 
friends, acquaintances, and Chey- 
enne Club peers. Being aware of 
Wister's affiliation with the big 
cattlemen helps one understand his 

defense of the invasion. Between 1885 
and 1891 Wister's annual visits out West 
by train were often occasioned by a stop 
in Wyoming's capitol city where he was 
a welcome guest at the Cheyenne Club. 
Many members of the Club were old 
friends from Philadelphia or Harvard. 
On his first trip to Wyoming in 1885 
Wister stayed the entire summer on the 
VR Ranch near Glenrock. He was the 
guest of Major Frank Wolcott, one of the 
principal organizers and leaders of the 
invasion. The summer preceding the 
invasion Wister was in Johnson County, 
a guest at the 111 Ranch where the invad- 
ers rested before riding to the KC Ranch and 
killing Nate Champion and Nick Rav. 

The idea that Wister was, in fact, 
much more at ease in Philadelphia and 
Cheyenne than at a cow camp, is dem- 
onstrated in chapter thirteen of The Vir- 
ginian, "The Game and the Nation — 
Act First." Wister forcefully writes: 

Tliere can be no doubt of this: — All 
America is divided into two classes, — the 
quality and tlie equality. The latter null 
always recogi lize the former whet 1 1 1 listakei i 
for it. Both will be with us until our women 
bear nothing but kings. 

It was through the Declaration of 
Independence that we Americans ac- 
knowledged the eternal inequality of 

man... "Let the best man win!" That 
is America's word. That is true de- 
mocracy. And true democracy and 
true aristocracy are one and the 
same thing. If anybody cannot see 
this, so much the worse for his eye- 

In Wister's novel "quality" 
men are represented by the Virgin- 
ian and Judge Henry who take it 
upon themselves to rid Wyoming of 
the lawless element or cattle thieves. 
Historians and literary authorities 
on Wister and The Virginian ac- 
knowledge that Major Frank 
Wolcott was a primary figure in the 
makeup of the composite character 
of Judge Henry. Frank Canton's 
name often surfaces in the debate 
over who was the model for the Vir- 

When the Virginian takes 
part in the vigilante hang 
ing of his former friend, 
Steve, he justifies the action by say- 

He [Steve] knew 'well enough 
the only thing that -would have let 
him off would have been a regular 

continued page 75 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Focus/continued from page 74 

jury. For the thieves have got hold of 
the juries in Johnson County. I would 
do it all over, just the same. 

The most powerful passage in the 
novel regarding justification of the in- 
vasion is found in the long, drawn-out 
conversation between Molly Wood and 
Judge Henry about whether or not the 
Virginian had done the right thing in 
taking the law into his own hands. Af- 
ter a lengthy debate over the good or 
evil of the action, Judge Henry gets in 
the final word: 

But in Wyoming the law has 
been letting our cattle thieves go for two 
years. We are in a very bad way, and 
we are trying to make that way a little 
better until civilization can reach us. 
At present we lie beyond its pale. The 
courts, or rather the juries, into whose 
hands we have put the law, are not deal- 
ing the law. They are withered hands, 
or rather they are imitation hands made 
for show, with no life in them, no grip. 
They cannot hold a cattle-thief. And 
so when your ordinary citizen sees this, 
and sees that he has placed justice in a 
dead hand, he must take justice back 
into his own hands where it was once 
at the beginning of all things. Call this 
primitive, if you will. But so far from 
being a defiance of the law, it is an as- 
sertion of it -the fundamental assertion 
of self-governing men, upon whom our 
whole social fabric is based. There is 
your principle, Miss Wood, as I see it. 

Near the end of the novel, 
Wister wrote: 

When the thieves prevailed at 
length, as thei/ did, forcing cattle own- 
ers to leave the country or be ruined, 
the Virginian had forestalled the crash. 
The herds were driven away to Mon- 
tana. Then, in 1892, came the cattle 
war, when, after putting their men in 
office, and coming to own some of the 
newspapers, the thieves brought ruin 
on themselves as well. For in a broken 
country there is nothing left to steal. 

The Virginian was published ten 
years after the Johnson County War. 
While it is obvious that Wister 's sym- 
pathies lay with the cattlemen whose 
actions he tried to justify in the novel, 
his main character ultimately tran- 

scended the complexities of the conflict. 
The mythic image of the romantic cow- 
boy-hero eventually rode into the hearts 
and minds of the American public, cap- 
turing their imagination. 

For nearly a century, since publi 
cation of The Virginian in 1902, 
America has had a romance with 
this chivalrous knight of the open plains 
of the Old West. The legacy of a single 
man or men working above or outside 
the established system of law and or- 
der, bringing justice to society with the 
violence of fists and guns, has been a 
dominant theme of the nation's popu- 
lar culture. It is manifested in Western 
film, television and novels containing 
mythic heroes like Buffalo Bill, Tom 
Horn and Wyatt Earp, and by film ac- 
tors such as John Wayne and Clint 
Eastwood who on the screen take the 
law into their own hands and deal out 
justice to criminals who have managed 
to elude the law. 

The trouble with applying this 
mythic theme -the good guy with the 
white hat tracking down and killing the 
bad guy with the black hat, thus 
bringing justice to the land- to the 
Johnson County War is that it isn't that 
simple to determine who was whom. 
To the cattlemen, stock detectives like 
Frank Canton and Tom Horn were 
models for the lone cowboy-hero. But 
they were not Robin Hood types 
seeking justice for the poor and 
oppressed. They were hired gunmen 
of rich cattle barons, Sheriff of 
Nottingwood types, and their services 
included cold-blooded murder. 

The men they killed, such as John 
A. Tisdale, Orley "Ranger" 
Jones, Nate Champion and Nick 
Ray were honest, hard-working cow- 
boys. Although the latter two had prob- 
ably mavericked their share of stock, 
neither had ever been charged or in- 
dicted for stock theft in Wyoming or 
elsewhere for that matter. Both had 
worked for the big outfits as wagon- 
bosses or "reps," had gained the respect 
of fellow cowboys, were well-liked by 
the rural community in which they 
lived, and were revered at their funeral 
by citizens of Johnson County. 

The only justice associated with 

the Johnson County Invasion was the 
surrender and indictment of the cattle- 
men for the heinous crime of murder. 
The popular uprising of the citizens of 
Johnson County to repel the cattlemens' 
invasion not only marked a partial vic- 
tory for the Populist movement on the 
Wyoming range, more importantly it 
served notice to bigwigs in Cheyenne 
that a rural community of strong-willed 
and independent people rallying to 
fight a just cause was a force to be reck- 
oned with. Let us not forget. 

Mark Harvey was born in 
1949 to missionary parents in a 
small hilltop village of north- 
ERN India. According to Mark, 

ring to the fact that, before 
he earned his m.a. degree in 
American Studies at the Uni- 
versity of Wyoming in 1992, he 
worked as a cowboy, herder, 
horse packer and hunting 
guide. It was at that time that 
he became interested in the 
Johnson County War, listen- 
ing to old-timers in bunkhouses 
and around campfires. hlsm.a. 
thesis is entitled "a clvil war 
in Wyoming," and in the spring 
of 1992 he wrote and produced 
an historical drama by the same 
name which won an albany 
County Historical Society 

Harvey and his wife, 
Valerie, live and work in 
Laramie where Mark is a radio 
dispatcher for the wyoming 
Highway Department. Situated 
at the beginning of his devel- 
opment as a writer, photogra- 
pher and public speaker, harvey 
currently is concluding a so- 
cial history of the laramie peak 
area of Southeast Wyoming for 
the Albany County Historic 
Preservation Board. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

The Adventures 
of The Woman 

The Life and Letters of 
Elinore Pruitt Stewart 

Susanne K. George 

Old friends and new 
acquaintances alike will 
welcome this book 
combining Stewart's 
previously unpublished or 
uncollected letters with 
Susanne K. George's 
extensive research. 
$9.95 pa/ $25.00 cl 

in 1846 

Dianes and Letters of the 
California-Oregon Trail 
Edited by Dale L Morgan 
Vol I: $14.95 pa/ $45.00 cl 
Vol II: $14.95 pa/ $45.00 cl 


Kern Luther 

"At last someone has taken 
that old and popular hobby 
of genealogy and turned it 
into an actual and meta- 
phonc journey: Kem Luther's 
Cottonwood Roots moves 
across the American land 
towards revelations that 
illumine all our ancestries." — 
William Least Heat-Moon. 

Kem Luther's journey 
proceeds from his birthplace 
in Broken Bow, Nebraska, 
eastward across the Midwest 
to New York State and back 
into time as he carries out 
genealogical research on his 
$20.00 cloth 

Wild Seasons 

Gathenng and Cooking Wild 
Plants of the Great Plains 

Kay Young 
Illustrated by Mark E. 

For nature lovers as well as 
cooks, there's plenty to whet 
the appetite in this unique 
field guide-cum-cookbook 
The nearly 250 recipes range 
from old-time favorites 
(poke sallet; catnip tea; 
horehound lozenges; hickory 
nut cake; a cupboardful of 
jams, jellies, and pies) to 
enticing new creations (wild 
violet salad, milkweed 
sandwiches, cattail pollen 
pancakes, day-lily hors 
d'oeuvres, pnckly-pear cactus 
$ 1 5.00 pa/ $40.00 cl 

The Covered 
Wagon & Other 

Lynn H. Scott 

Foreword by Charles Kurart 

"Lynn Scott's book will make 
you wish you had been there, 
too." — Charles Kurart. 

In the spring of 1906 the 
Scott family traveled six 
hundred miles by covered 
wagon in search of relief 
from asthma and rheuma- 
tism — from St Paul, 
Nebraska, to Thermo-polis. 
Wyoming. The entire trip, 
recounted by a youngster, is 
full of vividly remembered 
$7.95 pa/ $15.00 cl 

Available at 
University of 
Nebraska Press 

Lincoln. NE 68588-0520 



Wyoming Annals 

7 6 

Winter 1993 -94 


Under Western Skies: Nature and 

History in the American West 

by Donald Worster 

New York: Oxford University Press, 

1992. ix and 292 pp. Notes, index. 

$27.50 CLOTH. 

A compilation of essays and 
papers by environmental historian 
Donald Worster. 

Discovered Lands, Invented Pasts: 
Transforming Visions of the 

American West 
by Jules David Prown, et al. 
New Haven: Yale University Art 
Gallery/Yale University Press, 1992. 
xv and 217 pp. Illustrations, notes, 
index. $35.00 CLOTH. 

Six authors explore how 
misconceptions or stereotypes about 
western landscapes and culture were 
promoted in nineteenth century and 
early twentieth century art. 

$27.50 CLOTH. 

A study about a unique form of 
western immigration involving the 
involuntary placement of orphans 
with families in the West. 

State and Reservation: New 

Perspectives on Federal Indian 

Policy edited 

by George Pierce Castile 

and Robert L. Bee 

Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 

1992. ix and 259 pp. Notes, 

$19.95 PAPER. 

Essays about the various 
reservation systems promulgated by 
the federal government with respect 
to public policy, cultural values and 
forms of Indian settlement. 

Peddlers and Post Traders: the 

Army Sutler on the Frontier 

by David Michael Delo 

Salt Lake City: University of Utah 

Press, 1992. 274 pp. Illustrations, 

tables, notes, bibliography, index. 

$29.95 CLOTH. 

An economic history of post 
traders and sutlers at military forts 
during the 1880s prior to the 
implementation of the canteen 

The Invisible Empire in the West: 
Toward a New Historical Appraisal 
of the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s 
Edited by Sharon Lay 
Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 
1992. 230 pp. Tables, notes, index. 
$32.50 CLOTH. 

An examination of Klan 
membership and activities in El Paso, 
Denver, Salt Lake City, Anaheim, and 
Eugene and La Grande, Oregon. The 
central thesis is that the Klan 
advocated local populist rather than 
nativist principles. 

Preserving the Great Plains 
and Rocky Mountains 
by Elaine Freed 
Albuquerque: University of New 
Mexico Press, 1992. xn and 434 pp. 
Illustrations, bibliography, index. 
$50.00 cloth, $30.00 paper. 

A photographic and narrative 
overview about the preservation of 
historic architecture and cultural 
landscapes in the American West. 

Quest for the Originsof 
the First Americans 
by E. James Dixon 
Albuquerque: University of New 
Mexico Press, 1993. xn and 154 pp. 
Illustrations, notes, bibliography, 
index. $24.95 cloth. 

A review of significant 
anthropological studies exploring 
early man in America. 

The Orphan Train: 

Placing Out in America 

by Marilyn Irvin Holt 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska 

Press, 1992. 248 pp. Illustrations, 


The Virginian: A Horseman of the 

Plains, by Owen Wister 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska 

Press, 1992. xxm and 434 pp. $12.95. 

Cowboy Life: Reconstructing 

An American Myth, edited by 

William W. Savage, Jr. 

Niwot, Colorado: University Press of 

Colorado, 1993. xn and 213 pp. 

Illustrations, bibliography, notes, 

index. $12.95. 

Mining America: the Industry and 
the Environment, 1800-1980, by 
Duane A. Smith 
Niwot: University Press of Colorado, 
1993. Illustrations, notes, bibliog- 
raphy, index. 224 pp. $14-95- 

It's Your Misfortune and None of 
My Own: a New History of the 

American West, by Richard White 
Norman: University of Oklahoma 
Press, 1993. Illustrations, notes, 
tables, index, bibliography. xix and 

644 PP. $21.95. 

Custer's Last Campaign: Mitch 
Boyer and the Little Big Horn 

Reconstructed, by John S. Gray 
Lincoln: University of Nebraska 
Press, 1993. Illustrations, maps, 
tables, index, bibliography, notes. 
xviii and 446 pp. $14.95. 

The Custer Reader, edited by 
Paul Andrew Hutton 
Lincoln: University' of Nebraska Press, 
1993. Illustrations, index, bibliogra- 
phy, notes, xiv and 585 pp. $19.95. 

Life and Manners in the Frontier 

Army, by Oliver Knight 

Norman: University of Oklahoma 

Press, 1993. Notes, bibliography, 

index. x and 280 pp. $13.95. 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 


A Review oj the Cattle Business in Johnson County 

by Stan Oliner 65:4:30 

Aberdeen, Scotland 65:4:39 

Absarokas 65:4:9 

Accokeek, Maryland 65:4:61 

Adams, Thomas B.. photo 65:4:23 

Advisory Council on Historic Preservation 65:1:5:65:4:35 

A Firm ■linuin in Wyoming by Bruce .1 Noble. Jr 65:4:48 

Akin. James 65:2/3:18 

Alabama 65:4:46 

Alaska 65:1:25.53 

Albany Counly Historical Society 65:4:75 

Albany County Historic Preservation Board 65:4:75 

Albany, New York 65:1:20 

Albright, Horace M 65:1:38-39,41,43,47,49,5] 

Alcott. Louisa May 65:1:7 

Alexander Leggett Collection 65: 1 :52 

All the Fantastic Farms Passible to Imagine 

by Roll Swensen 65: 1 :36-53 

Alldredge, Noreen 65: 1 :53 

Allison. Al. photo 65:4:5 

Allyn, Henry 65:2/3:19,23-25 

Alma College, Michigan 65: 1 :20 

Alma. Michigan 65:1:20 

America Then and Now by David Cohen, ed., review 65:2/3:38-39 

American Baptist Historical Society, photo 65:1:24 

American Baptist Home Mission Society 65:1:25 

American Bible Society 65: 1 :34 

American Express 65: 1:51 

American Fur Company 65:4:49 

American Heritage 65:4:19.31.33 

American Heritage Center 65: 1 :29-30. photo.53;65-4:38.42-43 

American Sunday School Union 65:1:23-24,31 

American West: An Interpretive History by Robert Hine 65:4:14 

Amnesty International 65:4:2 

Amon Carter Museum Library, photos 65:4; 

illustration 65:4:12,16 

Ainundson, Michael A., review of Fallout: An American 

Nuclear Tragedy 65: 1 :58-59 

Ancient Bluff Ruins 65:2/3: 1 2 

Angus. (Sheriff) "Red" 65:4:26 

Annals of Iowa 65:1:53 

Anson. J. B 65:1:28 

Applegate, Jesse 65:2/3:16 

Appomattox. Virginia 65:4:49 

Architecture in the Cowboy Slate 1849-1940 by 

Eileen Starr, review 65:2/3:36-37 

Argonauts 65:2/3:12 

Arizona 65:4:11.13 

Ark of Safety (or "Go-Devil"), sketch 65:4:31 

Army of the West 65:1:46 

Arnold, C.P. 65:1:29,32 

Arthur. (President) Chester A 65:1:37,39.46-47,50:65:4:12-13,18 

Astorians 65:2/3:6 

Atchison, Kansas 65:2/3:12 

Atlantic City. Wyoming 65:4:48-50,52- 

57.60-61; photo 65:4:49,53 

Atlantic Gold District and the North Laramie Mountains 

by Arthur C. Spencer 65:4:51 

Augustana College 65: 1 :35 

Aurora, Colorado 65:4:51 

Ausberger, Bob 65:2/3:5 

Ausberger, Joyce 65:2/3:5 

Australia 65:4:47 

Avenue des Champs-Elysees 65:4:49 

Averell, James 65:4:27,41 

Ayers Natural Bridge 65:2/3:4 


Baber, Daisy F. 65:4:30 

Baggs. Wyoming 65:1:26 

Bagley, Clarence B 65:4:26 

Bailey, (Rev.) L.R 65: 1:30 

Baker, Jean Rio 65:2/3:18,20-21 

Balaam 65:4:44 

Ball, Terry, review of Schoolwomen of the Prairies 

and Plains 65:1:59-60 

Bancroft Library 65:2/3:2 

Banditti of the Plains by Asa S. Mercer 

65:4:21 (photo). 20.28.30-31.36 

Banner Sunday School 65:1:27 

Banner. Wyoming 65: 1 :27,3 1 

Baptist Church 65:1:29 

Baptist Sunday School 65:1:22 

Barber. (Governor) Amos 65:4:29; sketch. 65:4:30 

Amos Barber Papers 65:4:31 

Basin. Wyoming 65: 1 :28:65:4:28 

Batchelder, Amos 65:2/3:2 

Bauer. Clyde Max 65:1:49 

Bauer. (Mayor) Ralph S 65:1:49 

Beal, Merrill D 65:1:47 

Bear River 65:2/3:25 

Beaver Creek 65: 1 :28 

Bechdolt, Frederick 65:4: 14 

Beeso. May 65:1:27 

Belli ngham, Washington 65:4:47 

Bender. Nathan 65:1:52-53 

Boylan, Anne 65:1:22 

Bozeman. Montana 65:1:36,41 

Bozeman Trail 65:2/3:22 

Branch. Douglas 65:4:12-13 

Branding Iron Press 65:4:32 

Brandy wine School 65:4:18 

Brayer. Herbert O.P. 65:4:32 

Bride Goes West by Helena Huntington Smith 65:4:33 

Bridgeport. Nebraska 65:2/3:2.27 

Bridger Division 65:1:13 

Bridger. James 65: 1 :44 

British Interests in the Range Cattle Industry 

by W. Turrenline Jackson 65:4:32 

Broadwater, Nebraska 65:2/3:27 

Brock, Billy 65:4:33 

Brock, J. Elmer 65:4:33 

Bronco Busier, sculpture by Frederic Remington 65:4: 1 8 

Brooks. (Gov.) Bryant B 65:2/3:15 

Brooks, T.W., photo 65:4:23 

Brown. Larry K 65:4:3,6-7; photo 65:4:6 

Brown, M.C 65:1:32 

Brown. Richard Maxwell 65:4:23 

Bryant. Edwin 65:2/3: 18 

Bryant, Stratton and Co 65:1:8-9 

Buckland, Audry (Peterson) 65:4:47 

Buckland. Roscoe L 65:4:2-3,36; photo 65:4:47 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 199} -94 

Buecker, Thormis R., review of Custer's Last Campaign 65:4:62,66 

Buffalo Bill (see Cody. Buffalo Bill) 

Buffalo Bill Historical Center 65:4:18 

Buffalo Bill Historical Center Library 65:4:10.19 

Buffalo Bulletin 65:4:30-31 

Buffalo. Wyoming 65: l:2;65:4:20,25-26,2'8,30-3 1.33-34,44: photo:45 

Burlington Railroad 65:2/3:2 

Burma Shave signs 65:2/3:5 

Burnett. Betty, photo by 65:2/3:4 

Burnett, Peter 65:2/3:16 

Burritt, Charles 65:4:31; photo 65:4:26 

Buscombe. Edward, Stagecoach, review 65:2/3:28,30-31 

Cahill, T. Joe, photo 65:2/3:7 

Calhoon, D.G 65:4:57 

California 65:1:12-13.15:65:2/3:6-7.13-15:65:4:24,46,54 

California gold rush 65:2/3:2,7,10-11.14 

California Road 65:2/3:7 

California State University at Long Beach 65:4:47 

California Trail 65:2/3:2,7.10.12-14 

Camp Stambaugh 65:4:50 

Campbell. C.A 65:4:28 

Campbell. Malcolm 65:4:34 

Campbellites 65:1:26 

Canada 65:1:50 

Canton. Frank 65:1:2:65:4:20.30-31,45,74. photo:33 

Canyon Village 65:1:49 

Carbon County. Wyoming 65: 1 :26 

Carbon County Journal 65:1:26 

Carbon County Museum, photo 65:1:34 

Carbon County Sunday School Convention 65:1:34 

Carey, Dr. 65:1:16 

Carey, (Senatorl Joseph M 65:4:30-31,33; sketch 65:4:30 

Caribbean 65:1:25 

Carlebach, Michael L., Origins of Photojournalism 

in America, review 65:4:62-63 

Carnegie Library, photo 65:2/3:28 

Carpenter, W.J photo 65:4:cover,3,8 

Carrigen Collection 65:4:3 

Casper, Wyoming 65:1:33,34:65:2/3:13:65:4:4.20,25,31 

Cattle Kate, see Watson, Ella 65:4:27,41 

Cattle Land see Virginian 65:4:44,46 

Cattlemen's Frontier by Louis Petzer 65:4:32 

Central America 65:1:4 

Central City, Colorado 65:1:18 

Central Overland Route 65:2/3:7 

Champion, Nathan D 65:4:20.25-26.30,74-75: 

photo 65:4:5: sketch 65:4:25 

Chaparejos 65:4: 14 

Chapman, Fred, The Medicine Wheel 65:1:4-5 

Charles Russell by Peter Hassrick 65:4:19 

Cheyenne Club 65:4:23.74 

Cheyenne Club Cup Race 65:4:22 

Cheyenne Daily Leader 65:1:10,18 

Cheyenne Leader 65:4:6 

Cheyenne saddle 65:4:12 

Cheyenne Sim 65:4:28,54 

Cheyenne, Wyoming 65:1:5,10,12,15.17,19,23,27,33.35; 

65:2/3:4,15,28:65:4:2,3,6-7, 1 2- 1 3,20,25,28-29,3 1,33 

Chicago Herald 65:4:25-26 

Chicago, Illinois 65: 1 : 1 8,37;65:4:5.25-26,28,50 

Chicago stockyards 65:4:25 

Chicago Westerners Brand Book 65:2/3:27 

Chicago World's Fair 65:4:28 

Childs, Ann Waybright A Hoosier Goes West 65: 1 :2,6-20 

Childs Collection, photos 65:1:8-10,13,15-17.19-20 

Childs. (Doctor) A.G.W 65:1:20 

Childs, Kathryn 65:1:20 

Childs, May Springer 65:1:20 

Childs, (Reverend) T.A 65: 1 :20 

Childs. Wallace 65:1:20 

Chimney Rock 65:2/3:7.1 1,23 

Chinese 65:1:4:65:4:21 

Chittenden, Hiram 65: 1 :47 

Christian Endeavor Society 65: 1 :33 

Christian Science Movement 65:1:53 

Christiana Mine, photo 65:4:53 

Christina Lake 65:4:52.54-56 

Christina Lake and Rock Creek Placer Ditches, map 65:4:51 

Churchill, Edmund J 65:4:29 

Cincinnati. Ohio 65:1:20:65:4:16 

City University of New York 65:1:53 

Civil War 65:1:8.22-23:65:4:4.20.49 

Civil War in Wyoming by Mark Harvey 65:4:75 

Clark. (Captain) W.P 65:1: 47 

Clark. (Doctor) Thomas D 65:2/3:11 

Clay, John 65:4:26,28.30,31 

Clearwater, Jonathan F 65: 1 :28 

Clemens. Samuel (see Mark Twain) 65:4:4.30 

Clover. Samuel Traves 65:4:24-26 

Cobbs, (Professor) John L 65:4:42 

Cochise County. Arizona 65:4:23 

Cody. Buffalo Bill 65:4:75 

Cody Enterprise 65:1:4 

Cody Main Street Project 65:4:19 

Cody. Wyoming 65:4:10.19 

Coeur d'Alene strike 65:4:5 

Coffeen. H.A 65:1:32 

Coffey, (Reverend) Thomas M 65:1:28-29 

Cohen, David, America Then and Now, review 65:2/3:38-39 

Cohen, Dr. Jackson 65:1:53 

Coleman. Mr 65:2/3:19 

Coleman, Mrs 65:2/3:17 

Collier. Richard, photos by 65:1:5,43:65:4:53,55.59-60 

Colorado 65: 1 : 1 5. 1 8.25,33:65:2/3:6-7, 10,1 3:65:4: 1 2,54 

Colorado Central Railroad 65:1:1 

Colorado Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church 65:1:29 

Colorado Stale University 65:1:35 

Colorado Synod of the Presbyterian Church 65:1:25 

Colorado Territory 65:2/3:11 

Colporteur 65:1:23-24 

Colt, Samuel 65:4:12 

Columbia River 65:2/3:7 

Columbus, Ohio 65:1:8 

Conestoga wagon 65:2/3:15 

Confederate Army 65:4:21 

Congregational Church 65: 1 :23,27,32-33 

Congress Park. Illinois 65:2/3:14 

Contrasting Views of Lynching in Two Wister Stories 

by Roscoe L. Buckland 65:4:3,36 

Continental Divide 65:2/3:7 

Converse County, Wyoming 65:1:22 

Convict strike; Wyoming State Penitentiary; Rawlins, Wyoming 65:4:7 

Conyers, E.W 65:2/3:23-26 

Cook, James H 65:1:46 

Cook, Louisa 65:2/3:24 

Cook, Lucy 65:2/3:12 

Cook, Malcolm L., review of Rocky Mountain West 65:4:62,73 

Cook, Missouri 65:2/3:23 

Cook, Mr 65:2/3:24 

Cooper, James Fenimore 65:4:14 

Cordier. Mary H.. Schoolwomen of the Prairies 

and Plains, review 65:1:54 

Council Bluffs, Iowa 65:2/3:6,11-13 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Council Bluffs Road (see Mormon Trail-Council 

Bluffs Road) 65:2/3:13-14 

Cowboy and His Interpreters by Douglas Branch 65:4:14 

Cowboy by Philip Ashton Rollins 65:4: 1 2,34 

Cowboy State 65:4:12 

Cow Column 65:2/3:16 

Cow Country Cavalcade by Maurice Frink 65:4:32 

Cowhick, (Reverend) D.R 65:1:23 

Cramer, Billy 65:4:3,back cover 

Crandall, Bud 65:4:18 

Crook County Monitor 65:1:27 

Crosby. (Governor) John S., Montana Territory 65:1:47 

Crosthwaite, Frank B 65:4:29 

Custer. Elizabeth B 65:1:46 

Custer, (General) George Armstrong 65:1:46 

Custer Reader by Paul A. Hutton, review 65:4:68 

Custer's Last Campaign by John S. Gray, review 65:4:65 

Dakota Territory 65:1:11 

Dale, E.E 65:4:31 

Dangerous Duty by John D. McDermott 65:4:35 

Daniels, Josephus 65:1:44 

Danks, Clayton, photo 65:4:19 

David, Robert B 65:4:31 

Davis, Dr 65:2/3:25 

Dawson, Herb, drawing by 65:4:55 

Day, Harry 65:1:15 

Deady, Matthew P. 65:2/3:22 

Deady, Mrs. Matthew P. 65:2/3:18 

deBillier. Frederic O., photo 65:4:23 

Declaration of Independence 65:4:74 

Deer Creek 65:4:44 

DeGroff. (Reverend) W.L 65:1:24 

DeLaBarre, (Reverend) C.L 65:1:30 

DeMallie. Raymond J., ed. Lakota Society, review 65:2/3:32-33 

Democratic Party 65:4:27,28,30 

Dendrochronology 65:1:4 

Denver. Colorado 65:1:53:65:4:19.28,57 

Denver Service Center. National Park Service 65:2/3:14 

Devil's Gate 65:2/3:25 

Devoe. Hank, photo 65:4:5 

Dexter Mining Company 65:4:57-58 

Dickenson. Mrs 65:1:31 

Dinzey. Matt, photo by 65:1:53 

Directory of American Scholars 65:4:35 

Dixon, Wyoming 65:1:24,26 

Dollinger, Harold 65:2/3:10 

Donahue, Jack, photo 65:4:5 

Donahue. Jim, review of Turning on Water With a Shovel 65:2/3:28 

Donahue. Sig. photo 65:4:5 

Douglas Budget 65:4:31 

Douglas Graphic 65:4:27 

Douglas, Wyoming 65:l:22;65:2/3:23,34-36;65:4:26 

Drago, Henry Sinclair 65:4:32 

Drake. Elizabeth Whitney 65:4:19 

Drew University Library 65:1:28 

Driggs, Howard 65:2/3:10 

Dry Wyoming see Gift Horse 65:4.43 

Dublin, Ireland 65:4:51 

Dugan, Mark, Tales Never Told Around the 

Camp Fire, review 65:2/3:28-29 

Dull Knife Symposium edited by John D. McDermott 65:4:35 

Dunning, George 65:4:28,30 

Dutton, James 65:2/3:12 

E.T. Fisher Company 65:4:58 

Earp. Wyatt 65:4:75 

Eastwood. Clint 65:4:75 

Edgemont, South Dakota 65:4:26 

Elk Mountain 65:2/3:4 

Elkhorn River 65:2/3:12 

Elliot. Joe 65:4:30 

Emerald Pool 65: 1 :42 

Emerson. Ralph Waldo 65:4:21 

England 65:4:47 

Entrikan. Mr 65:1:19 

Entrikan. Mrs 65:1:18-19 

Episcopal Sunday School 65:1:34 

Epperson. Lueretia Lawson 65:2/3:17-20.22 

Epperson. Mr 65:2/3:22 

Epworth League 65:1:33 

Era of Violence by Ted Bohlen and Tom Tisdale 65:4:32 

Etbauer. Dan. photo 65:4:19 

Eucre (or sledge) 65:1:9 

Evans. Colorado 65:1:18 

Evanston. Wyoming 65:4:32,42 

Evarts, Hal. G 65:4:18 

Evolution of the Cow-Puncher by Owen Wister 65:4:3,14 

Ewert. (Reverend) A.L.T 65:1:29 

Excelsior Geyser 65:1:36,42 

Expressly Portraits, photo 65:4:47 

Fairfield. Illinois 65:1:20 

Fallout: An American Nuclear Tragedy 

by Philip L. Fradkin, review 65: 1 :54.58-59 

Fargo, North Dakota 65:1:51 

Faro 65:1:10 

Fechet, (Captain) Edmond 65:4:25-26 

Federal Records Center (National Archives) 65:1:53 

First Baptist Church 65:1:15 

First Congregational Church 65:1:33 

First Nevada Volunteer Cavalry 65:4:49 

Fisher Bridge 65:1:38 

Fitch. Lydia 65:1:32 

Flagg. Oscar "Jack" 65:4:30; photo 65:4:5 

Fletcher. Alice C. Omaha Tribe, review 65:4:62.64 

Fletcher. Baylis John 65:4:13 

Footprints on the Frontier by Virginia Cole Trenholm 65:4:7 

Forlorn Hope by John D. McDermott 65:4:35 

Fort Collins, Colorado 65:1:35 

Fort Kearny Road 65:2/3:13 

Fort Laramie Road 65:2/3:13 

Fort Laramie: Visions of a Grand Old Post 

co-authored by John D. McDermott 65:4:35 

Fort Meade and the Black Hills by Robert Lee, review 65:1:54,60-61 


Fort Bridger, Wyoming 65:l:28;65:2/3:22;65:4:49 

Fort Caspar, Wyoming 65:2/3:14 

Fort D.A. Russell, Wyoming 65:4:26-27 

Fort Hall, Hawaii 65:4:47 

Fort Hall. Idaho 65:2/3:18 

Fort Kearney, Nebraska 65:2/3:6, 7.11,13-14,24 

Fort Laramie, Wyoming 


Fort Leavenworth, Kansas 65:2/3 

Fort McKinney. Wyoming 65:4:25 

Fort Sedgewick, Colorado 65:1 

Fort Yates, North Dakota 65:4 

Fort Kearney Road 65:2/3 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Forty-Niners 65:2/3:14 

Fourt, (Judge) E.H 65:4:58 

Fradkin, Philip L., Fallout, review 65:1:54 

France 65:4:51,54,56-58 

France, D.W. 65:1:32 

Franklin College .'. 65:1:20 

Franklin, Indiana 65:1:20 

Franzwa, Gregory M., The Lincoln Highway in Wyoming 65:2/3:2,4-5 

photo by 65:2/3:5 

Frederic Remington by Peter Hassrick 65:4:19 

Freeman, Lewis R 65:1:47 

Fremont Clipper 65:4:50-52 

Fremont County, Wyoming 65:4:50 

Fremont County District Court 65:4:57 

Fremont, John C 65:2/3:7 

Fremont, Nebraska 65:1:8 

Frewen, Morton 65:4:44 

Frink, Margaret A 65:2/3:18,23 

Frink, Maurice 65:4:32 

Frink, Mr. 65:2/3:23 

Frontier Trails, edited by E.E. Dale 65:4:30 

Fur Trade of the American West by David J. Wishart, 

review 65:4:62,73 

Gant, Robert D., review of Hidatsa Social 

and Ceremonial Organization 65:1:54,57 

Gardiner Arch 65:1:47 

Gardiner River 65:1:42 

Gardner, Mrs. Jack, Museum 65:1:7 

Gardner, Walter S., photo 65:4:23 

Garland, Hamlin 65:4:4 

Gaupp, Catherine Maillho , review of 

Architecture in the Cowboy State 65:2/3:36-37 

Gaylord, Orange 65:2/3:17-18 

Gem Coal Company Chute 65:4:2 

Gentlemen Jockeys, photo by Charles D. Kirkland 65:4:23 

Geological & Geographical Survey of the 

Rocky Mountain Region 65:4:23 

Gering, Nebraska 65:2/3:14 

Ghost Dance 65:4:25 

Giantess Geyser 65:1:52 

Gibbon Falls 65:1:51 

Gibbon River 65:1:51 

Giessler, William 65:4:57-58 

Gift Horse by Owen Wister 65:4:36,41-46 

Gila River 65:2/3:7 

Gilded Age by Mark Twain 65:4:4 

Glenrock, Wyoming 65:1:28; 65:4:44,74 

Go-Devil (or Ark of Safety) sketch 65:4:31 

Golden City, Colorado 65:1:18 

Goodyear 65:2/3:4 

Gordon, George, photo 65:4:5 

Goshen County, Wyoming 65:1:27,30 

Goshen County Journal 65:1:27 

Goshen Sunday School 65:1:27 

Gould, Lewis L 65:4:32-33 

Grand Canyon 65:1:50 

Grand Encampment, Wyoming 65:1:30 

Granier Ditch, photos by Richard Collier 65:4:53 

Granier, Emile 65:4:48-61; photo, 65:4:48 

Granite Canon, Dakota Territory 65:1:9-10 

Granite Canon, Wyoming Territory 65:1:10-13,15-19 

Gray, John S., Custer's Last Campaign, review 65:4:62,65 

Great Britain 65:4:39 

Great Depression 65:4:48 

Great Migration of 1 843 65:2/3:4 

Great Plains 65:4:23 

Great Platte River Roadby Merrill J. Mattes 65:2/3:7,10-11,14 

Great Range Wars by Henry Sinclair Drago 65:4:32 

Great Sioux War 1876-77 by Paul L. Hedren 65:2/3:28 

Greeley, Colorado 65:1:18 

Green County Commissioners 65:2/3:5 

Green County, Iowa 65:2/3:4-5 

Green River, Wyoming 65:1:13,31 

Greenburg, Dan 65:2/3:13 

Gregory, (Lieutenant Colonel) James F. 65:1:47 

Gressley, Dr. Gene M 65:1:53 

Greybull, Wyoming 65:4:3 

Guernsey, Charles A 65:4:31 

Guernsey, Wyoming 65:2/3:2,4 

Guide to the Black Hills by Robert Strahom 65:4:10 

Guptill, Albert Brewer 65:1:42 

GustaveLake 65:4:52,54 


Hafen, Dr. LeRoy R 65:2/3:11 

Haines, Aubrey L 65:1:38-40,42,48,51-53 

Hall, W.H., photo 65:4:5 

Hallberg, Carl V, Sunday School: Evangelism, Religious Education 

and Social Value in Wyoming, 1868-1918 65:1:22,35 

review of The Sternberg Fossil Hunters 65:2/3:28,33-34 

Hamilton, Charles A. "Ham" 65:1:39,45 

Hamilton City 65:4:50 

Hamilton, James G, Collection 65:1:52 

Hamilton, (Reverend) W.E 65:1:29 

Hamilton Stores 65:1:41,43-44,49 

Hand- Book of Wyoming by Robert Strahorn 65:4:8,10,14 

Hanna, Wyoming 65:4:7 

Hansen, Lois, review of The Magnificent Mountain Women 65:1:54,56 

Harpers Weekly 65:4:12-13 

Harriett, Jesse 65:2/3:21-22 

Harrison, (President) W.H 65:4:33 

Harrodsburg, Kentucky 65:4:6 

Harte, Bret 65:4:47 

Harvard University 65:4:46,74 

Harvey, Mark 65:4:2-4,75; photo, 65:4:4 

Harvey, Valerie 65:4:75 

Hassrick. Buzzy 65:4:19 

Hassrick. Charles 65:4:19 

Hassrick, Peter 65:4:2-3,8,19; photo, 65:4:19 

Hassrick, Peter, Jr 65:4:19 

Hassrick, Philip 65:4:31 

Haun, Catherine 65:2/3:12 

Hay, Henry G 65:4:32; photo: 65:4:32 

Hayden, Ferdinand F.V. 65: 1 :45,52 

Hayford, Dr. J.H 65:1:29-30,32-34 

Haygood, Mr 65:1:16,19 

Haygood, Mrs 65: 116 

Haymarket Riot 65:4:5 

Haynes Collection, Montana State University 65:1:2,36,40-42,46,50,53 

Haynes, F. Jay 65:1:36-39,41-42,44,46-53 

Haynes, F. Jay, Papers 65:1:50 

Haynes Foundation 65:1:36,41,47,51 

Haynes Foundation Collection (photos) 65:1:38-41,46-47,50-52 

Haynes General Store 65:1:43 

Haynes Guide 65:1:2,37,39,42-45 

Haynes, Inc 65:1:41 

Haynes, Isabel, Children's Book Collection 65:1:52 

Haynes, Isabel, Fine Art and Indian Art Collection 65:1:52 

Haynes, Isabel May 65:1:40,52 

Haynes, Isabel, Vertical File 65:1:52 

Haynes, Jack Ellis 65:1:37-45,47-49,51-53 

Haynes, Jack Ellis, "Public File" 65:1:52 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Haynes, Jack Ellis. Chronological Research File 65:1:52 

Haynes, Lida Lisle 65:1:40,53 

Haynes. Lily Mrs 65:1:41,45.50.53 

Haynes Picture Collection Cataloger 65:1:38 

Haynes Picture Shops 65:1:38,43,45.48-51 

Haynes Room. Montana State University Libraries 65:1:41 

Haynes Winter Expedition 65:1:39 

Hebard, Grace Raymond 65:4:26.31 

Hedren. Paul L.. The Great Sioux War. 1X76-77. 

review 65:2/3:28.31-32 

Heitz, Michael, photo by 65:1:20 

Helena, Montana 65:1:36,38,41,47,52 

Hell on Wheels 65:1:10 

Helmuth, William Tod 65:1:43 

Helvey. Robert T 65:4:33 

Hembree. Joel 65:2/3:4 

Henderson. Paul. Oregon Trail Collection 65:2/3:10 

Hendy Hydraulic Gravel Elevators 65:4:55 

Hendy. Joshua 65:4:55 

Hendy. Joshua. Machine Works advertisment 65:4:56 

"hydraulic giant" photo 65:4:58 

Henry. Judge see Virginian 65:4:39-42,44,46,74-75 

Hertzog. (Reverend) G.A 65: 1 :29 

Hesse, F.G.S.. Collection 65:4:31 

Hesse. Fred H.G 65:4:31,33 

Hesse. Fred W 65:4:33 

Hickel. Walter J 65:1:4 

Hidatsa Social anil Ceremonial Organization 

by Alfred W. Bowers, review 65: 1 :54.56-57 

Hill. Burton S 65:4:33-34 

Hillis. (Reverend) Newell Dwight 65:1:24.31 

Hills, Mr 65:1:16,19 

Hills. Mrs 65:1:16-18 

Himes, George 65:2/3:26 

Hine. Robert 65:4: 14 

Hirano. Kyoko. Mr Smith Goes to Tokyo, review 65:2/3:28,37 

History of Natrona Count}- by R.J. Mokler 65:4:32 

History of Wyoming byT.A. Larson 65:4:32 

Holmes. Oliver Wendell 65:4:23 

Home Missionary Church 65:1:27 

Homestead Act 65:4:23 

Homestead Strike 65:4:5 

Homsher. Lola 65:4:28 

Hoosier Goes West: The Diaries and Letters of David 

Wallace Springer by Ann Waybright Childs 65:1:1,2,6-20 

Hope. Arkansas 65:4:38 

Hopkinson. Mark 65:4:2 

Horn. Tom 65:4:7.75; photo 65:4:2 

Hosokawa, William K.. review of Mr. Smith 

Goes to Tokyo 65:2/3:37 

Hotel Brunswick 65:4:57 

Hough. Emerson 65:1:47,49:65:4:33 

House of Haynes 65:1:37.42,45,53 

Housh, Donald W., review of Lakota Society 65:2/3:32-33 

Houx, (Governor) Frank 65:4:7 

Howell. Ed 65:1:47.50 

Howell, Maureen, photo by 65:4:61 

Hoyt. John 65:1:32 

Huber, (Reverend) S.H 65: 1 :29 

Hudson River 65:1:8 

Huffman. L.A.. photo by 65:4:12 

Hulett. Wyoming 65:1:24 

Humboldt River 65:2/3:2 

Huseas. Marion M., Best of the West, review 65:4:66 

Sweetwater Gold, review 65:4:67 

Hutton. Paul A., Custer Reader, review 65:4:68 

Hyattville. Wyoming 65:4:28 

Hydraulic mining elevator, drawing 65:4:55 

Hydraulic mining process, photo 65:4:59 

Idaho 65:2/3:7.13-14:65:4:20.28.32 

Idaho Territory 65:2/3: 1 1 

Ijams. H.B 65:4:30 

Illinois 65:1:8.35 

In Old Wyoming by John Charles Thompson 65:4:7 

In Old Wyoming by Larry K. Brown 65:4:3-4 

Independence. Missouri 65:2/3:13-14 

Independence Road (see St. Joe Road) 65:2/3:13 

Independence Rock 65:2/3:13.19 

India 65:4:75 


Arapaho Indians 65:1:4 

Aztec 65:1:4 

Bannock Indians 65:1:4 

Blackfeet Indians 65: 1 :46 

Cheyenne Indians 65:1:4 

Crow Indians 65:1:4 

Dakota Indians 65:2/3:22 

Kootenai-Salish Indians 65:1:4 

Paleoindian 65:1:4 

Pawnee Indians 65:2/3:22 

Plains Cree Indians 65:1:4 

Shoshone Indians 65:1:4:65:4:50 

Sioux Indians 65:1:4 

Sitting Bull 65:4:25 

Indiana 65:1:2 

Indianapolis, Indiana 65:1:7-8,15-16; 65:2/3:15 

International Sunday School Association 65:1:22,30,32 

Interstate Highway 80 65:2/3:2.4 

Invaders 65:4:20,26,28,30.33: photo 65:4:27 

Iowa 65:4:50:65:2/3:5 

Irvine. William C 65:4:26.31.45-46; photo 65:4:23.46 

Iru in. Robert W 65:4:44 

Ivory, Horace 65:4:18 

Jackson. Buck, photo 65:4:5 

Jackson Hole, Wyoming 65:4:7 

Jackson, W. Turrentine 65:4:32 

Jackson, William H 65:2/3:10.13,16-17,19.21,23 

Jacques. Paul, photo by 65:1:4,35:65:4:34 

Japan 65:4:45 

Jefferson County Historical Society 65:1:20 

Jefferson. Iowa 65:2/3:5 

Jewett. George 65:2/3:12 

Jews 65:4:21 

Johann. Susan, photo by 65:4:19 

Johnson County 65:1:2:65:4:4.20.25-26.28-32.34,45.74-75 

Johnson County Invasion 65:4:21,74-75 

Johnson County Library 65:4:30 

Johnson County War 65: 1:2:65:4:2.4-5.20-2 1.24-26.29.33-34.75 

map by Eileen Skibo 65:4:22 

Johnson County War by George T. Watkins. Ill 65:4:20,32 

Johnson Land Company 65:4:51 

Jones, Orley "Ranger" 65:4:75 

Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 65: 1 :35 

Journey through the Yellowstone National Park 65:1:46 

Julesburg, Colorado 65:1:18-20 

Julesburg Crossing 65:2/3:17 

Junge, Mark, photos by 65:1:2; 65:2/3:2. 14,27:65:4:2,6: 19,33 

review of America Then and Now 65:2/3:38-39 

Jupiter Terrace photo 65:1:37 

Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 

Kagey, Guy 65: 1 :26 

Kansas 65:1:8,25:65:4:12 

Kansas City, Missouri 65:1:9; 65:2/3:6,12.14 

Kansas University 65:2/3:14 

Katz, Suzi 65:1:53 

Kaycee. Wyoming 65:4:20 

Kearney, Nebraska 65:1:9 

Kearney Station, Nebraska 65:1:9 

Kehrberg, Richard E., review of Fort Meade 

and the Black Hills 65:1:61 

Kellogg, Jane 65:2/3:18,24,26 

Kendrick, John B 65:4:1 1; photo:62:4:l 1 

Kentucky 65:4:12 

Kerstetter, Todd M., review of Omaha Tribe, Vols. I and II 65:4:64 

Keyser, James D., Indian Rock Art of 

Columbia Plateau, review 65:4:69 

Killen, (Reverend) J.T 65:1:29 

Kimball, E.H 65:4:27 

Kimball, Dr. Stanley 65:2/3:13 

Kingeby, Sister 65:2/3:20 

Kinsey, Joni Louise, Thomas Moran and the 

Surveying of the American West, review 65:4:70 

Kirkland, Charles D., photos by 65:4:13.23 

Kirkwood, (Reverend) T.C 65: 1 :25 

Kluger. James R., Turning on Water With a Shovel, review 65:2/3:28 

Knight, (Mrs.) Amelia 65:2/3:26 

Knight, W.C 65:4:56 

Koemer, W.H.D 65:4:18 

Kuykendall. Harry L., photo 65:4:23 

Kuykendall, John M„ photo 65:4:23 

Kyte, Mr. and Mrs. Lawrence H., Collection 65:4:16 

L & W Manufacturing Company 65:4:55 

La Flesche, Francis, Omaha Tribe, review 65:4:64 

Lacey,J.W 65:1:32 

Lake Hotel 65:1:44 

Lakota Society- by James R. Walker, review 65:2/3:32-33 

Lambourne, Alfred 65:2/3:11 

Lamereaux, Mary 65:1:32 

Lance Creek, Wyoming 65:4:11 

Lander, Wyoming 65:4:43,45,50,58 

Langford, Nathaniel P. 65:1:47 

Langworthy, Franklin 65:2/3:12 

Laramie Chapter, American Bible Society 65:1:34 

Laramie City, Wyoming 65:4: 1 1 ,33,42-43 

Laramie County 65:1:11 

Laramie County Jail 65:4:2 

Laramie Peak 65:2/3:7:4:75 

Laramie Weekly Sentinel 65:1:18,30,33,34 

Laramie, Wyoming 65: 1 : 10- 1 1 , 1 3- 1 4.24.30,32-35: 65:2/3:4 

Larson, T.A 65:4:20,32,33 

Last Cavalier, illustration by Frederic Remington 65:4:14,16 

Lathrop, Mary 65:1:32 

Lawrance, Marion 65:1:32 

Lawrence H. Kyte (Mr. and Mrs.) Collection, illustration 65:4:16 

Lawrenceburg, Indiana 65:1:8 

le Moyne, Scipio see Gift Horse 65:4:41-43 

Leach, Mrs 65:1:17.18 

Leavenworth 65:2/3:24 

Lee, (General) Robert E 65:4:49 

Lee, Robert, Fort Meade and the Black Hills, review 65:1:54.60-61 

Legacy of a Range War by Mark Harvey 65:4:3-4 

Lewis and O ark 65:1:45,52:65:2/3:7 

Liberty, Margot, Collection photo 65:4:31 

Library School, Albany, New York 65: 1 :20 

Lincoln Highway 65:2/3:4-5 

Lincoln Highway Association 65:2/3:4-5 

Lincoln, Robert T 65: 1 :47 

Little Popo Agie River 65:4:52,54 

Littleton, Colorado 65:2/3:14 

Longest Rope by Daisy F. Baber 65:4:30 

Longridge, C.C. Hydraulic Mining 65:4:56,59 

Los Angeles, California 65:4:26,34,43 

Loughary, Harriet A 65:2/3:17-18,22-24 

Louisville, Kentuckt 65:1:20 

Loup Fork 65:2/3: 14 

Loup River 65:2/3:12 

Lovell, Wyoming 65:1:4 

Lower Yellowstone Falls 65:1:42 

Lusk, Wyoming 65:4:11 

Lynn, Massachusetts 65:1:49 

Lyons, Colorado 65:4:30 


MacGregor, Gretel photo by 65:4:47 

Madison, Indiana 65:1:7-8,15.20 

Madison/Jefferson County Public Library 65:1:20 

Madison, New Jersey 65:1:28 

Madonna of the Wilds (see: F. Jay Haynes) 65: 1 :38 

Magic City of the Plains 65:4:6 

Magnificent Mountain Women by Janet Robertson, review 65:1:54-56 

Main Traveled Roads by Hamlin Garland 65:4:4 

Malcolm Campbell, Sheriffby Robert B. David 65:4:31.34 

Mammoth Hot Springs 65: 1 :37-38.44.46,52 

Manville Methodist Episcopal Church 65:1:33 

Martin. William A 65:4:30 

Massie, Michael, review of The Great Sioux War 1876-77 65:2/3:28 

Mattes, Clare 65:2/3: 14 

Mattes, Merrill J 65:2/3:2,6-7,10,13-14,16 

Mattes, Merrill J., Collection, photos 65:2/3:10,13 

Mattes, Merrill J., Research Library 65:2/3:14 

Maw's Vacation: The Ston of a Human 

Being in the Yellowstone by Emerson Hough 65:1:47 

Mayan 65:1:4 

McCarthy, Clara 65:1:26 

McCarty, Rice, photo 65:4:5 

McCreery, (Mrs.) Alice Richards 65:1:52 

McDermott Associates 65:4:34 

McDermott, John D 65:4:2-3,20,34; photo 65:4:34 

McDonald, Cora 65:1:32 

McDonough 65:4:41-43 

McEnis, William 65:1:11 

Mead, Elwood 65:4:53-54,57 

Medicine Bow. Wyoming 65: 1 : 15; 65:2/3:4;65:4:41 

Medicine Mountain 6l>:l:5 

Medicine Wheel by Fred Chapman 65:1:4 

Medicine Wheel National Historic Landmark 65:1:2,4-5 

Meeker, Ezra 65:2/3:12, 15 

Meeteetse, Wyoming 65:4:19 

Mercer, Asa Shinn 65:4: 20,24-26,28.31-32,36; photo 65:4:20 

Merret,Mr. 65:1:19 

Merritt. (Reverend) W.C 65: 1 :30,32 

Methodist Church 65:1:17-18 

Methodist Collection. Drew University Library, photo 65:1:28 

Methodist Episcopal Church 65:1:25,29,31,33 

Methodist Episcopal Sunday School 65:1:28-29 

Methodist State Sunday School Superintendent 65:1:28 

Mexico 65:1:4,25 

Mills, E.E., photo by 65:4:28 

Wyoming Annals 

Winter 1993 -94 

Miner's Delight 65:4:50 

Mining Journal, The 65:4:56,59 

Mississippi 65:4:46 

Mississippi River 65:2/3:14 

Missouri 65:1:15,47:65:2/3:22 

Missouri River 65:1:8,23,51:65:2/3:2,6-7,12,14,16,19 

Mr. Smith Goes to Tokyo, by Kyoko Hirano, review 65:2/3:28,37 

Mitchell Pass 65:2/3:13 

Mokler, R.J 65:4:32 

Monadnock Building, Chicago 65:4:28 

Monida- Yellowstone-Western Stage Co 65: 1 :38,49 

Montana 65:2/3:6-7,10,13-14:65:4:25,75 

Montana Historical Society 65:1:38,41-42,47,52,53 

Montana State University 65:1:2,36,41-42,48,50,52 

Montana State University Libraries 65:1:41,45,53 

Montana Territory 65:1:47:65:2/3:11 

Moonlight, (Governor )Thomas 65:4:52-53 

Moore, Frank 65: 1 :24,28 

Moorhead. Minnesota 65:1:37 

Mormon Hegira 65:2/3:1 1 

Mormon Pioneer National Historic Trail 65:2/3:14 

Mormon Trail 65:2/3:7,11-14 

Mormons 65:1:23; 65:2/3:11-14 

Morris, Cheston, photo 65:4:5 

Mount Rainier 65:2/3:26 

Mount Washburn 65:1:46 

Mountain Men and the Fur Trade 

of the Far West by Leroy Hafen 65:4 

Munkers, Harvey 65:4 

Munkres, Jeannette 65:2/3 



Munkres, Robert L 65:2/3:2,10,15,27 

Murray, Robert A 65:4 

Muskingum College 65:2/3 

Mussel Slough, California 65:4 

My Life on the Range by John Clay 65:4 


National Archives (Federal Records Center) 65:1:53:65:4:29 

National Frontier Trails Center 65:2/3:14 

National Historic Trail 65:2/3:7,14 

National Hotel, Mammoth, Wyoming 65:1:44 

National Park Service 65: 1:4,38,49:65:2/3:7, 14,27:65:4:35,61 

National Register of Historic Places 65:4:27,61 

National Trust for Historic Preservation 65:1:5 

Natrona Tribune 65:1:29,33 

Nebraska 65:1:8,15,24,25:65:2/3:10-11,14,24:65:4:10,12 

Nebraska History 65:2/3:14 

Nebraska State Historical Society 65:2/3:14 

Nebraska Territory 65:2/3:13 

Negus, Charles 65:4:30 

Negus in Johnson County by William A. Martin 65:4:30 

Nelson, Aven 65:1:32 

Nevada 65:2/3:2,7,13;65:4:30 

Nevada Territory 65:2/3:11 

New Concord, Ohio 65:2/3:27 

New Jersey 65:1:7 

New Mexico 65:4:13 

New York City, New York 65: 1 :8,47; 65:2/3:4;65:4:25,27 ,46,57 

New York Sun 65:4:39 

New York Times 65:4:7 

Newcastle News-Journal 65: 1 :28 

Newton, L.L 65:1:32 

Nez Perce Indian War by John D. McDermott 65:4:35 

Niagara Falls, New York 65:1:8 

Nicholson, G.J. Guthrie, Jr 65:4:19 

Nickel, Willie 65:4:2 

No Duty to Retreat by Richard Maxwell Brown 65:4:23 

Noble, Bruce J., Jr.. A Frenchman in Wyoming 65:4:2,48-61 

photo 65:4:61 

review of Sweetwater Gold 65:4:68 

Noble, Patricia 65:4:61 

Nolan, Edward 65:1:37,42 

Norris Geyser Basin 65:1:42,48 

North Dakota 65:1:51 

North Platte, Nebraska 65:1:19 

North Platte River 65:2/3:6,10,12,14,18,23 

North Platte Valley 65:2/3:7 

North Pole Claim 65:4:57 

Northern Pacific Railroad 65:1:37,42,46,49-50 

Northern Plains 65:4:23,25 

Northwestern Live Stock Journal 65:4:27-28,30 

Norton, Harry J 65:1:46 


O'Connor, Edna 65:1:44 

Oblong Geyser 65:1:43 

Ogden, Utah 65:1:12 

Ohio River 65:1:7,20 

Old Faithful Geyser 65:1:36,43,49 

Oliner, Stan 65:4:30 

Olsen, Char, review of Best of the West, Vol. 1 65:4:66 

Olsen, Dr. James C 65:2/3:11 

Omaha, Nebraska 65: l:8-10,12,14,18-19;65:2/3: 11-13,24,27:65:4:50 

Omaha Tribes,Vols. I and II by Alice C. Fletcher 

and Francis La Flesche, review 65:4:64 

On Special Assignment by Samuel T. Clover 65:4:25 

148th Indiana Volunteer Infantry 65:1:8 

One Man's Opinion 65:4:6 

Oregon 65:1:15,53; 65:2/3:6-7,10,13 

Oregon-California Trail 65:2/3:2,10,14 

Oregon-California Trails Association 65:2/3:4-5,10,14 

Oregon National Historic Trail 65:2/3:7 

Oregon Trail 65:2/3:2,4-5,7,11-14,16,25:65:4:35,44 

Oregon Trail Memorial Association 65:2/3:10,13 

Origins of Photojournalism in America 

by Michael L. Carlebach, review 65:4:63 

Orin, Wyoming 65:2/3:23 

Ott, F.W. 65:1:35 

Outlaw Trail 65:4:14 

Pacific Northwestern 65:4:21,32 

Pacific Ocean 65:2/3:4 

Paden, Irene 65:2/3:2 

Paint Rock Creek Valley 65:4:28 

Palace Car Studio 65:1:37,51-52 

Palimpsest 65:1:11,13 

Panic of 1893 65:4:58 

Papua, New Guinea 65:1:53 

Parcher, Carl Russell, Papers 65:1:53 

Paris, France 65:4:54,57,58 

Paris, Texas 65:4:38,39 

Park County Arts Council 65:4:19 

Parker, Arvilla, sketch 65:4:36-37 

Parker, Inez Eugenia Adams 65:2/3:17,19,26 

Parkman, Francis 65:2/3:7 

Parkman Sunday School 65:1:28 

Parsons, Kansas 65:1:20 

Paugh, Minnie 65:1:41,48,50,53 

Pawnee Springs 65:2/3:25 

Paxson, (Professor) Frederick L 65:2/3:12 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Paxton, (Reverend) R.F. 65:1:27 

Peabody, A.S 65:1:29-30,32 

Peabody (A.S.) Collection, photo 65:1:29 

Peabody, Miss 65:1:32 

Pearce-Moses, Richard, review of Origins of 

Photojournalism in American 65:4:62-63 

Pennsylvania 65:1:7;65:4:46 

Penrose, (Dr.) Charles B 65:4:31,32 

Penrose, Ross 65:4:32 

People of the Horseback Culture 65:4:5,75 

Pershing, (General) John L 65:1:7 

Pershing, (General) John L., Junior War Savings League 65:1:7 

Peters, Ray, photo 65:4:5 

Peterson, Audrey 65:4:47 

Peterson, Gwen 65:1:39 

Peterson, Richard H., Bonanza Rich, review 65:1:54 

Petzer, Louis 65:4:32 

Philadelphia International Exposition of 1876 65:1:8 

Philadelphia. Pennsylvania 65:1:23:65:4:74 

Philippines 65:4:45 

Pike County, Arkansas 65:4:46 

Pindell, Craig, photo by 65:4:4 

Pine Bluffs, Wyoming 65:2/3:4 

Piscataway National Park 65:4:61 

Pittsburg, Pennsylvania 65:1:7,17;65:4:67 

Plains Across by John D. Unruh 65:2/3:7,12 

Platte River 65:1:34:65:2/3:6,10-12,24:65:4:10,44 

Platte River Road Narratives by Merrill J. Mattes 65:2/3:7,9-10,12,14 

Platte River Valley 65:1:18:65:2/3:7,24 

Platte Route 65:2/3:6-7 

Platte Valley-South Pass Trail 65:2/3:11 

Plattsmouth, Nebraska 65:2/3:12 

Pleasant Valley Sunday School 65:1:27 

Poe, Edgar Allen 65:2/3:26 

Populist Party 65:4:5 

Portland. Oregon 65:2/3:15:65:4:27 

Postmodern Barons 65:4:5 

Potholes in the Great Platte River Road 

by Merrill J. Mattes 65:2/3:2.6-14 

Potomac River 65:4:61 

Potter, C.N 65:1:32 

Potter, Charles 65:4:30 

Powder River 65:4:4,43-44 

Powder River Basin 65:4:4 

Powell, John Wesley 65:4:23 

Powell, (Reverend) C.K 65:1:25 

Presbyterian Board of Home Missions 65:1:25 

Presbyterian Church 65:1:25 

Presbyterian School 65:2/3:27 

Presbyterian Synod 65:1:25 

Preservation Planning Branch, National Park Service 65:4:61 

Princeton, Illinois 65:4:27 

Pringle, Virgil K 65:2/3:18,21,24-25 

Proctor, Arthur 65:2/3:10 

Protestantism 65:1:23 

Puget Sound, Washington 65:1:37:4:27 

Pullman car 65:4:25 

Pullman Strike ' 65:4:5 

Pullman. Washington 65:1:53 

Pyle, Howard 65:4:18 

Queens College, City University of New York . 



Rae,W.R 65:4:11 

Rainsford Collection 65:4:3 


Bar C Ranch, photo 65:4:5 

Bel Pre Ranch 65:4:11 

Four Bear Ranch 65:4:19 

KC Ranch 65:4:26,74; sketch 65:4:25 

OW Ranch 65:4:11 

Seventy-six (76) Ranch 65:4:44 

Sunk Creek Ranch 65:4:44 

T.A. Ranch 65:4:20,25,30 

map 65:4:31,34 

sketch 65:4:25,28 

barn, photo 65:4:27 

Tisdale Ranch 65:4:44 

Valley Ranch 65:4:44 

VR Ranch 65:4:44,47,74 

Range Murder by Herbert OP. Brayer 65:4:32 

Rankin, Joseph 65:4:29, photo 65:4:5 

Rawlins, Wyoming 65:1:14,34:65:4:7 

Ray, Nick 65:4:20,74,75; sketch 65:4:25 

Red Cloud Agency 65:4:10 

Red Cloud Saloon 65:4:57 

Red Desert, Wyoming 65:4:48 

Red Men and White by Owen Wister 65:4:38 

Redfield, South Dakota 65:4:34 

Reed, Henry 65:2/3:21 

Register Cliff 65:2/3:4 

Religious Education Association 65:1:22 

Remington. Frederic 65:4:14.18-19; painting,16 

Republican Party 65:4:27 

Reynolds, William 65:1:32 

Rhode Island 65:4:30 

Richards, (Governor) William A 65:1:52 

Richardson, James 65:1:46 

Ringo, Mary 65:2/3:22-25 

Ringo, Mr. 65:2/3:23,25 

Roberts, Phil, review of Tales Never Told 

Around the Camp Fire 65:2/3:28-29 

Robertson, Janet, Magnificent Mountain Women, review 65:1:54 

Robinson, (Reverend) E.J 65:1:31 

Robinson. (Reverend) J.M 65:1:30 

Rochester, New York 65:4:57 

Rock Creek placer ditches 65:4:52 

Rock Creek (Wyoming) 65:4:; 65:4:48,52,54-55,58,60 

Rock Island, Illinois 65:1:35 

Rock River, Wyoming 65:2/3:4 

Rock Springs First Congregational Sunday School 65:1:31 

Rock Springs, Wyoming 65:2/3:5 

Rocky Mountain Jewish Historical Notes 65:1:35 

Rocky Mountain News 65:4:6,28 

Rocky Mountain Sunday School Times 65:1:29 

Rocky Mountain West by Duane A. Smith, review 65:4:72 

Rocky Mountains 65:1:10; 65:2/3:7,13,15;65:4:50-51 

Rocky Mountains by Peter Hassrick 65:4:19 

Rogers, Katherine, The Sternberg Fossil Hunters, review 65:2/3:28 

Rogers, Will 65:4:5 

Rolfsness, Carol 65:4:2 

Rolfsness, Ken, photo 65:4:2 

Rollins, Dan G 65:1:47 

Rollins, Philip Ashton 65:2/3:7;65:4: 12,34 

Roosevelt, James 65:1:44 

Roosevelt, Theodore 65:1:46;65:4:14 

Rosenberg, Betty Lu, review of Thomas Moran 

and the Surveying of the American West 65:4:72 

Rosenthal Library 65:1:53 

Round-up-Cutting out Cattle, woodblock illustration 65:4:10 

Rugoff, Milton 65:4:21 

Russell, Carl Parcher (see Carl Parcher Russell Papers) 65:1:53 

Wyoming Annals 

8 5 

Winter 1993 -94 

Russell, Charles 65:4:5; bronze:65:4:19; sketches: 65:4:40-44,46 

Rustler Business by Dr. Charles B. Penrose 65:4:3 1 

Rustlers 65:4:5 

Rybolt, Robert, review of Custer Reader 65:4:69 

Sacramento, California 65:1:14 

Salmon Falls 65:2/3:26 

Salt Lake City, Utah 65:1:12-13:65:2/3:14:65:4:50 

San Francisco, California 65: 1 :50; 65:2/3:2,4.7 

San Jose, California 65:4:55 

Sanders, (Reverend) CM 65:1:27 

Santa Fe Trail 65:2/3:7 

Saturday Evening Post 65:4:18 

Savery, Wyoming 65:1:26 

Schambau 65:2/3:25 

Schoolwomen of the Prairies and Plains 

by Mary H. Cordier, review 65:1:59 

Schultz. James Willard 65: 1 :46 

Scott's Bluff (Nebraska) 65:2/3:7.10,25 

Scott's Bluff National Monument 65:2/3:10.13-14 

Scottsbluff Chamber of Commerce 65:2/3:10 

Scottsbluff, Nebraska 65:2/3:27 

Seattle, Washington 65:4:58 

Sellers, Colonel 65:4:26 

Sharp. Cornelia A 65:2/3:19,22-23,26 

Sheridan Chapter, Wyoming Archaeological Society 65:1:4 

Sheridan. (General) Philip H 65:1:46,47 

Sheridan. (Lieutenant General) Michael V. 65:1:47 

Sheridan. Wyoming 65:4:1 1,35 

Sherlock. Peter 65:4:58 

Sherman Summit. Wyoming 65:1:10,12.15 

Sidney. Nebraska 65:1:19:65:4:26 

Sierra Nevadas 65:2/3:7.23:65:4:49 

Simon. Matthew J 65:1:53 

Simonin, Louis 65:4:59 

Simpson, (Governor) Milward L 65:1:4 

Siringo, Charles 65:4:12 

Skibo, Eileen, sketches by 65:4:22,5 1 

Slate Creek 65:4:52 

Sledge (or eucre) 65:1:9 

Smith. Duane A.. Rocky Mountain West, review 65:4:70 

Smith, Helena Huntington 65:4:25,33; photo 65:4:31 

Smith. Henry 65:4:38-40 

Smith, Melvin T., review of Fur Trade of the 

American West 65:4:74 

Smith, Tom 65:4:30 

Snake River 65:2/3:22:65:4:41 

Snyder, W 65:1:13 

Social Gospel era 65:1:24 

Soda Springs 65:2/3:18 

South Dakota 65:1:50:65:4:26 

South Pass 65:2/3:6-7. 10,13-14,26;65:4:35,40,48.50-51 

South Pass City 65:4:50,57,61 

South Pass mining area, map 65:4:51 

South Platte River 65:2/3:6,10.17,21 

South Platte Route 65:2/3:7 

Spanish influenza epidemic of 1918 65:1:28 

Spaugh, Addison A 65:4: 1 1 ; photo 65:4: 1 1 

Speed, Lem 65:4:4 l-44,4h 

Spencer, Arthur C 65:4:51 

Split Rock 65:2/3:21 

Spring, Agnes Wright 65:4:32 

Spring Round-up in Montana, wood engraving 

from photo by L.A. Huffman 65:4:12 

Springer, David Wallace 65:1:2.7-13,15,18-20 

Springer Diary 65:1:6 

Springer, Mary 65:1:18,20 

Springer. May 65:1:8,16-20 

Springer, Mrs. D.W 65:1:18 

Springer. Myra 65:1:8.10.15-16,19-20 

St. James Episcopal Mission, Grand Encampment, Wyoming 65:1:30 

St. Joe Road 65:2/3:13 

St. Joseph, Missouri 65:2/3:11.13 

St. Paul. Minnesota 65:1:39,44-45,49 

Stagecoach by Edward Buscombe. review 65:2/3:28 

Stageman, J.C 65:4:55-56,61 

Stager, (Brigadier General) Anson 65:1:47 

Stallo, Vinton 65:1:52 

Stanley. Henry M 65:1:18 

Star Saloon. Julesburg. Colorado 65:1:18 

Stark. Amy E 65:1:38.42 

Starr. Ed 65:4:32 

Starr. Eileen R. Architecture in the Cowboy 

State 1849-1940, review 65:2/3:36-37 

Steam. O.A 65:2/3:24.26 

Stenger, Wallace 65:4: 

Sternberg Fossil Hunters by [Catherine Rogers, review 65:2/3:28 

Stewart, Robert 65:2/3:7 

Stewart Sunday School, Goshen County, Wyoming 65:1:27 

Still Hunt Spring 65:4:19,41 

Stimson, J.E.. Collection, photos 


Stockgrowers National Bank, Cheyenne. Wyoming 65:4:31 

Story of the Cowboy, author unknown 65:4:34 

Strahom, Robert 65:4:8,10.14 

Stray Man Heads Home, painting 

by William Henry David Koerner, W.H.D 65:4 

Strong, W.E 65:1:46 

Studies in Short Fiction 65:4:47 

Sullivan. (Governor) Mike 65:4:2 

Summit (Sherman Mountains) 65:1:10,15 

Sundance Gazette 65: 1 :33 

Sundance Methodist Church 65:1:27 

Sundance. Wyoming 65:1:30.33 

Sunday School: Evangelism, Religious Education and Social Value in 

Wyoming, 1X68-191 8 by Carl Hallberg 65:1:22-35 

Sunday School Union 65:1:32 

Sutton. Sarah 65:2/3:16.23-24.26 

Swedish-American Historical Quarterly 65:1:35 

Sweetwater County Museum, photo 65:1:31 

Sweetwater Fever 65:4:50 

Sweetwater Gold by Marion M. Huseas, review 65:4:67 

Sweetwater River 65:2/3:6,13:65:4:41 

Swensen Collection (photo) 65:1:38 

Swensen, Rolf. All the Fantastic Forms 

Possible to Imagine 65:1:2.36-53 

Swift. Mr 65:1:18 

Tacony 65:1:8 

Talbot. (Reverend) Ethelbert 65:1:23,25 

Tales Never Told Around the Camp Fire 

by Mark Dugan. review 65:2/3:28 

Taos 65:4:75 

Tarbill, (Reverend) E.E 65:1:25 

Taylor, Frank J 65:1:47 

Taylor. Rachel 65:2/3:23 

Teapot Dome scandal 65:4:7 

Telegraphy 65:1:8 

Tetons 65:4:9 

Texas 65: 1:19:65:4:4. 10- 13.20,27,34,38,40 

77ii' Lincoln Highway in Wyoming 

(see: Gregory M. Franzwa) 65:2/3:2.4 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Thermopolis, Wyoming 65:1:28,30 

They Pointed them North by Helena Huntington Smith 65:4:33 

They Stood There Watching Him Move 

Across the Range, illustration by W.H.D. Koerner 65:4:18 

Thomas. (Bishop) N.S 65: 1 :26 

Thomas Motrin and the Surveying of the 

American West by Joni Louise Kinsey. review....' 65:4:70 

Thompson, Beriah ("Bill") Collection, photo 65:4:7 

Thompson, Delia Mae 65:4:7 

Thompson, (Dr.) Gerald, Stagecoach, review 65:2/3:30-31 

Thompson, Edward 65:4:7 

Thompson. John Charles 65:4:6.7: photo 7 

Thoreau. Henry David 65:4:21 

Thorp. Russell 65:1:2 

Three Card Monte 65:1:10 

Tilden, Freeman 65:1:37,42 

Times Square 65:2/3:4 

Tipton, Mr 65:2/3:23 

Tipton. (Reverend) Arthur 65: 1 :24 

Tisdale. John A 65:4:62.70 

photos 65:1:2:65:4:33 

Tisdale, Robert 65:4:46 

Tisdale, Tom 65:4:32-33: photo. 65:4:33 

Tisdale Collection, photos 65:4:28,30-31 

Titanic 65: 1 :48 

Toland, (Reverend) H.A 65: 1 :29 

Tom Horn Kick and Growl 65:4:2 

Tom Horn Retrial 65:4:2 

Tom Horn Trial 65:4:7 

Tower Creek 65:1:38 

Tower Falls 65: 1 :38.43 

Townsend. S. Nugent 65:4:1 1 

Tragedy Springs 65:2/3:23 

Trampas, see Virginian 65:4:41 

Treasures of Our West by Peter Hassrick 65:4: 19 

Trenholm, Virginia Cole 65:4:7 

Tucson, Arizona 65:2/3:5 

Turning on Water With a Shovel 

by James R. Kluger. review 65:2/3:34-36 

Twain American Literature series 65:4:42 

Twain. Mark (Samuel L.Clemens) 65:1:33:65:4:4.30 

20th Indiana Volunteers 65:1:8 


Union Pacific Railroad Museum photo 65:2/3 

Union Sunday School 65:1 

Unionists 65:4 


University of California, Berkeley 65:2/3:2 

University of Colorado 65:4:19 

University of Denver 65:4:19 

University of 
University of 
University of 
University of 
University of i 
University of i 

Idaho 65:4:47 

'Iowa 65:4:47 

'Missouri 65:2/3:14 

" Nevada. Las Vegas 65: 1 :53 

il Oklahoma Press 65:4:28 

f Oregon 65:1:53 

University of South Dakota 65:4:35 

University of Washington 65:4:27 

University of Wisconsin 65:4:35 

University of Wyoming 65:1:53:65:4:19,38,42-43.61.75 

Unruh, John D 65:2/3:7,12.16 

Unthank 65:2/3:4 

Upper California Crossing 65:2/3: 1 7 

Upper Falls of the Yellowstone 65: 1 :44 

Upper Geyser Basin 65:1:47,52 

Upper Missouri River 65:4:75 

Upper Platte 65:2/3:12 

Upper Platte Crossing 65:2/3:14 

Upper Snake River 65:4:41 

Utah 65:2/3:6,10 

Utah Territory 65:1:15 

Valley Development Company 65:4:28 

Valley Forge. Pennsylvania 65:1:24 

Van Tramp, John C 65: 1 :45 

Van Valkenburgh. Lois 65:4:31 

Vanlaningham, Corporal 65: 1 :8 

Vaughn Union Sunday School 65:1:30 

Verdi. Nevada 65:4:30 

Vermont 65:4:16 

Vest, (U.S. Senator) George G 65:1:47 

Vincent, Joe, photo 65:4:7 

Virginia City, Montana 65:4:50 

Virginian by Owen Wister 65:4:2,16.19,36-44,46,74-75 

photo of frontispiece 65:4:38 

United States Army in the Aftermath by George T. Watkins 65:4:32 

U.S. Army 65:4:24,27,33 

U.S. Army Air Corps 65:4:47 

U.S. Army. Department of the Platte 65:2/3:13 

U.S. Bureau of Ethnology 65:1:46 

U.S. Constitution 65:4:39 

U.S. Department of Agriculture. Secretary 65:1:4 

U.S. Department of Education 65: 1 :52 

U.S. Department of Interior, Secretary 65:1:4; 65:2/3:14:65:4:51 

U.S. Department of Justice 65:4:24.29 

U.S. Department of Navy, Secretary (see Josephus Daniels) 65:1:44 

U.S. Forest Service 65: 1 :4-5 

U.S. Geological Survey 65:1:46:65:4:51 

U.S. Government Printing Office 65:4:51 

U.S. Highway 30 65:2/3:5 

U.S. Internal Revenue Service 65:2/3:4 

U.S. Steel Corporation 65:4:48 

Umpqua River 65:2/3:18 

Underground Life; or Mines and Miners 

by Louis Simonin, sketch 65:4:59 

Union Pacific Railroad 65:1:8,10,12-15,17.32:65:4:20 


Wagner, Howard, Collection, photo 65:4:2 

Wagner, Randy 65:2/3:2,4 

Wagon Train Animals by Robert L. Munkres 65:2/3:15 

Wait, J. Enos 65:1:33 

Wating (sic) for the Roundup to Start, 

cover photo by W.J. Carpenter 65:4: 3,8 

Walker, David A., Bonanza Rich, review 65: 1 :54 

Walker, (Dr.) Danny N. review of Indian Rock Art 65:4:70 

Walker, James R., Lakota Society, review 65:2/3:28 

Walker, William, photos by 65:4: 19,30 

Wall Street 65:4:46 

Walsh, (U.S. Senator) David 1 65: 1 :49 

War on Powder River by Helena Huntington Smith 65:4:25,32-33 

Warren, (Governor) Francis E 65:4:30-31,33,54,58; sketch 65:4:30 

Warren Livestock Company 65:4:58 

Washington, DC 65:1:8,53;65:4:29,51,61 

Washington State University 65:4:47 

Washington State University Libraries 65:1:53 

Washington Territory 65:4:27 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 

Waterloo. Iowa 65:1:44 

Watkins, George T., Ill 65:4:21.24.32 

Watson. Ella "Cattle Kate" 65:4:27,41 

Watson, (Reverend) D.R 65:1:24.30 

Way West by Peter Hassrick 65:4:19 

Wayne. John 65:4:75 

Wayside Inn 65:1:7 

Webb. Dorothy 65:4:29 

Weir. Mrs 65:1:19 

Weld County 65:1:20 

Wellman, George R 65:4:29,32 

Wels. Susan, America Then and Now, review 65:2/3:38-39 

Western Civil War of Incorporation 65:4:23 

Western Frontier Library 65:4:28 

Western History Association 65:2/3:14:65:4:61 

Western Literature Association 65:4:47 

Western Washington University 65:4:47 

Wheatland Congregational Church 65:1:27 

Wheatland World 65: 1 :27.30 

Wheeler, Olin D 65:1:44 

When Grass was King by W. Turrentine Jackson, 

Maurice Frink and Agnes Wright Spring 65:4:32 

Whipple. I.C 65:1:32 

White Caps 65:4:5 

Who are the Westerners? by Wallace Stegner 65:4:19 

Williams. Mrs. Velina A 65:2/3:18-20.22.24 

Willow Springs 65:2/3:25 

Wilson. Mary Elizabeth (Mollie, May) 65: 1 : 15.20 

Winchester, Oliver Fisher 65:4:12 

Wind River 65:4:43-44 

Wind River Mountains 65:4:48,52; photo 65:4:60 

Wind River Valley 65:4: 

Wishart, David J., Fur Trade of the American West, review 65:4:8.73 

Wister. Owen 65:4: 

photo 65:4:38-39.42 

Wolcott, Major Frank 65:4:30-31.44-47.74 

photo 65:4:43 

Wonderland brochure scries (see Northern Pacific Railway) 

Wood. Blair 65:1:44 

Wood. Molly, see Virginian 65:4:16,39.-41,75 

Wood, Mr 65:1:9 

Worland Grit 65: 1 :33 

World Sunday School Association 65:1:22 

World War I 65:4:7 

World's Fair; Chicago, Illinois 65:4:57 

Writers in Judgment by John D. McDermott 65:4:3,29 

Wyandotte. Kansas 65:1:9 

Wyeth, Nathaniel C 65:4:18 

WylieWay 65:1:52 

Wylie, William W.. Collection 65: 1 :52 

Wyoming Archaeological Society 65:1:4 

Wyoming Council for the Humanities 65:4:61 

Wyoming Council on the Arts 65:4:19 

Wyoming Cowboy Days by Charles A. Guernsey 65:4:31 

Wyoming Cowboy's Evolving Image by Peter Hassrick 65:4:8 

Wyoming Democrat 65:4:28 

Wyoming Department of Agriculture 65:4:28 

Wyoming Department of Commerce 65:2/3:2:65:4:19 

Wyoming Department of Transporation 65:2/3:5 

Wyoming Eagle 65:4:2 

Wyoming Governors' Mansion 65:4:2 

Wyoming Highway Department 65:1:2:65:4:75 

Wyoming Historical Landmarks Commission 65:2/3:13:65:4:7 

Wyoming Mission, Methodist Episcopal Church 65:1:25,29 

Wyoming Pioneer Memorial Museum (photo) 65:1:22 

Wyoming Republican 65: 1 :33 

Wyoming State Archives 65:1:35 

Wyoming State Constitution 65:4:53 

Wyoming State Historic Preservation Office 


Wyoming State Historical Society 65:1:35; 65:2/3:14:65:4:61 

Wyoming State Journal 65:4:58 

Wyoming State Museum(photos)65: 1 :2. 1 2,36-37,39-45.48-50,52-54; 65:2/3: 16- 1 7. 

19.21. 23.25.28;65:4:,23.27,32-33.44.46,48,53,59,backcover 

Wyoming State Parks Commission 65:2/3:2 

Wyoming State Tribune 65:4:6,7 

Wyoming Stockgrowers Association 65:1:2:65:4:4,11,20,25,30,33 

Wyoming Stockman-Fanner 65:4:7 

Wyoming Territorial Penitentiary 65: 1 :34 

Wyoming Territorial Sunday School Association 65:1:23,29-32,34 

Wyoming Territorial Sunday School Convention 65:1:29 

Wyoming Territory 65:1:13,16-17,19;65:4:27.50 

Wyoming Women's Christian Temperance Union 65: 1 :34 

Wyoming: A Political History by Lewis L. Gould 65:4:32 

Yale University 65:4:43,46 

Yellowstone Lake 65:1:44,49 

Yellowstone National Park 65:1:2.36-39.41-44,46-48, 

50-53:65:2/3: 14:65:4:8,19; photo. 65:4:42 

Yellowstone National Park Collection 65:1:36.52 

Yellowstone Park Research Library 65:1:52 

Yellowstone Park Stage Company 65:1:38 

Yellowstone River 65:1:40,44 

Yosemite National Park 65: 1 :49 

Young, Brigham 65:2/3:14 

Young, Otis E 65:4:61 

Young People's Baptist Society 65:1:33 

Young People's Society of Christian Endeavor 65:1:33 

Young People's Temperance League 65: 1 :33 

Young People's Union of Otto, Wyoming 65:1:33 

Youngstown, Ohio 65:1:20 

Zimmerman. George A 65:4:56-57 

Zoabaum. Rufus F. 65:4:12 

Wyoming Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 





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Wyomini, Annals 


Winter 1993 -94 


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Wyoming Annai.s 


Win 1 1 ii [993 -94 

Spring/Summer 1994 

Volume 66, Nos. 1&2 


7 ~ ^ 






I *a&". 


by Peter C. Merrill 

John Fery 

Artist of the Rockies 

By the late nineteenth century the world was eager for 
pictorial images of the American West... 

Earlier they had been made by exploring, documentary 
artists such as George Catlin or magazine illustrators such as 
Paul Frenzeny and William D. Carey. Then, just prior to and 
following the Civil War came a school of panoramic landscape 
painters whose approach was mainly aesthetic rather than to- 
pographical or ethnological. Albert Bierstadt and Thomas 
Moran created sublime landscapes of the American West. 
Samuel Coleman and Sanford Gifford, with less eclat, brought 
the aesthetic principles of the Hudson River School to this genre 
of painting in which the ancient and enduring values of nature 
and the monumental American past were portrayed. The West 
offered a promising field for this kind of painting. 

John Fery, a self-taught artist whose painting graces the 
cover of this issue of Wyoming Annals, fits within the tradition of 
panoramic, Western landscape painting. He is perhaps best re- 
membered for large canvasses of Glacier National Park in north- 
west Montana, but more than a dozen of his extant paintings 
depict Wyoming scenes such as Jackson Lake and the Tetons. 

Fery was born at Srrasswalchen, Austria on March 25, 1859 
to John and Maria (nee Illyes) Fery. His early life appears to 
have been spent partly in Pressburg (Bratislava), Czechoslova- 
kia. Sometime during the early 1880s Fery was married to 
Swiss-born Mary Rose Kraemer (1862-1930). In 1886 they were 
living near the Ammersee, a lake twenty two miles southwest 
of Munich, when their oldest child, Fiammetta, was born. The 
family emigrated to the United States the same year, and their 
second child, Lucienne, was born in Ohio in 1888. By 1890 Fery 
was in Duluth, Minnesota where the youngest child, Carl, was 
born. Although Fery's stay in Duluth apparently was brief he 
found time, with his friend Feodor Von Luerzer (1851-1913), to 
paint mural decorations for the tap room of the Fitger Brewery. 

It was his work in the American West, however, which 
causes us to remember Fery's work. His first trip west came in 
1890. In 1893 and 1895 he led parties of European sportsmen 
on extended hunting expeditions, and described one of these 
trips, Eine Jagd in Wyoming (A Hunt in Wyoming) for a Euro- 
pean publication. Fery's base of operations during the late 1890s 
was at Jackson Lake in northwest Wyoming. He considered 
the lake the most beautiful body of water he had ever seen and 
reportedly painted at least thirty-five pictures of it. 

In 1903 Fery moved to Milwaukee where he remained for 
the next seven years, making the acquaintanceship of other 
German immigrant artists such as George Peter (1859-1950), a 
Viennese who had come to Milwaukee in 1886 to work as a 
panoramist. Another was Robert Schade (1861-1912), a former 
student of the Munich Academy and well-known in Milwau- 
kee where he excelled in portraits and still lifes. A Milwaukee 
artist that Fery must have known at the time was Franz 
Biberstein (1850-1930) with whom he had much in common. 
Biberstein was a Swiss who worked as a panoramist in Ger- 
many and knew George Peter when both were students at the 
Karlsruhe Academy. Like Fery, Biberstein painted European 
mountain landscapes and then traveled to the Rockies. 

During the second half of the nineteenth century and the 
first half of the twentieth, railroads provided photographers and 
artists with opportunities for work. Fery was no exception. In 
1911 he moved to St. Paul, Minnesota where he began a long 
association with the Great Northern Railway. His patron was 
James J. Hill who employed him to paint large, scenic views of 
the West. For years the Great Northern provided the only con- 
venient access to Glacier National Park in northwest Montana, 
where the railroad also operated the only hotel. By displaying 
large paintings of the park in railroad stations, Hill sought to 
publicize the railway and its hotel. Fery spent summers in the 
Rockies, particularly at the park, and in the winter returned to 
St. Paul where he produced large canvasses. The Great North- 
ern also connected St. Paul with Seattle, which probably accounts 
for the fact that Fery eventually settled in Washington. His con- 
temporary Franz Biberstein also benefitted from railroad pa- 
tronage, spending two summers in the Canadian Rockies as a 
guest of the Canadian Pacific Railroad. 

Fery settled in Salt Lake City, Utah in 1919, living there 
until about 1923. He painted many Utah landscapes, particu- 
larly at Zion's Canyon. Following a six-year stint in Milwau- 
kee, where he remained until 1929, the artist moved to a cabin 
on Orcas Island near Bellingham, Washington. A fire the same 
year destroyed his cabin and wiped out all of Fery's posses- 
sions including thousands of sketches and many paintings. The 

continued inside back cover... 
Wyoming An^ als 

Governor of Wyoming 

Mike Sullivan 

Director, Department of Commerce 
Don Rolston 

Director, Parks & Cultural Resources Division 

David Kathka 

Parks and Cultural Resources Commission 

William Dubois, Cheyenne 
Michael Devine, Laramie 

Pam Rankin, Jackson 
Jeanne Hickey, Cheyenne 

David Peck, Lovell 

Herb French, Newcastle 

Jere Bogrett, Riverton 

Hale Kreycik, Douglas 

Edre Maier, Sheridan 


Volume 66, No 

Wyoming State Historical Society 

Officers, 1993-1994 

Sally Vanderpoel, President, Torrington 

Ruth Lauritzen, 

First Vice President, Green River 

Maggi Layton, 

Second Vice President, Riverton 

Sherry Taylor, Secretary, Casper 

Rick Ewig, Treasurer, Laramie 

Walter Edens, Past President, Laramie 

David Kathka, Executive Secretary, Chey-enne 

Judy West, State Coordinator, Cheyenne 


Mark Junge, Editor 

Carl Hallberg, Book Review Editor 

Melinda Brazzale, Designer 

Jim Allison, Design Assistant 

Assistants: Jean Brainerd, Larry Brown, 

Paula Chavoya, Richard Collier, 

Char Olsen, Craig Pindell 

Editorial Advisory Board 
Michael Cassity 

Rick Ewig 
Gene Gressley 

Roy Jordan 

David Kathka 

William H. Moore 

Robert L. Munkres 

Philip J. Roberts 

In 1895 Wyoming established a depart- 
ment to collect and preserve state history. 
Today those responsibilities belong to the Di- 
vision of Parks & Cultural Resources, Wyo- 
ming Department of Commerce, located in the 
Barrett State Office Building in Cheyenne. 
Within this division are the State Archives. 
State Museum, Wyoming Arts Council, State 
Archaeologist, Information & Education Ser- 
vices, State Parks and Historic Sites and the 
State Historic Preservation Office. Wyoming 
ANNALS, established in 1923 to disseminate 
historical information about Wyoming and the 
West, is published by the Wyoming Depart- 
ment of Commerce. 

Copyright 1994 by the Wyoming Department of Commerce 

, W Y O M I N G 






Annals ■ CovER . p oxan d Grouse, 1896 

Fery Family Collection, Boise, Idaho l_ / jj O * «^ 

SEP 1 9 m 

John Fery: Artist of the Rockies ....{J.Y.QEiNXQiflig* 

Editor Notes ._(?*M j\ 

Focus What are We Going to Do 

About This Love Affair? 

by Mike Massie 

In Old Wyoming r 

by Larry K. Brown 

The Rise and Fall of Big Horn City I 

by Michael A. Amundson 

Classicism in a Boomtown 

The Architecture of Garbutt, Weidener, 

and Sweeney in 1920s Casper 

by Patrick Frank 


America's Largest Wooden Vessel 

The Six Masted Schooner Wyoming - 

by Francois M. Dickman 

Book Reviews 5 

Book Notes (: 

Video Reviews d 

The editor of ANNALS welcomes manuscripts on every aspect of Wyoming and Western history. 
Authors should sumbit manuscripts on diskettes utilizing WordPerfect or ASCII text, and double- 
spaced, hard copy to: Editor Wyoming ANNALS, Wyoming Department of Commerce, Barrett 
Building, Cheyenne, Wyoming 82002. Manuscripts should conform to A Manual of Style (University 
of Chicago Press). They are reviewed by members of an editorial advisory board and the editor makes 
decisions regarding publication. 

ANNALS is received by members of the Wyoming State Historical Society and is the Society's 
principal publication. Current membership is 2,134. Membership dues are: Single $9, Joint $12, 
Institutional $20. Copies of ANNALS may be purchased from the Wyoming Department of Com- 
merce. ANNALS articles are abstracted in Historical Abstracts and America: History and Life. 

Spring/Summer 1994 


Wyoming Postcard, nd. 

If promoter O.P. Hanna could 
see the development that has 
taken place in the valley of 
Little Goose Creek, he wouldn't 
worry about whether or not his little 
town of Big Horn would ever pros- 
per. Mike Amundson's article in 
this issue of Wyoming Annals is the 
story of Hanna's dream and the 
early development of Big Horn. 
There is a difference, however, be- 
tween the growth that Hanna pro- 
moted more than a century ago and 
the growth taking place in these 
pastoral places today. 

When my two boys were grow- 
ing up I expressed the opinion that 
they were living in the greatest coun- 
try in the world, the best state in the 
country, and that there was no better 
place to raise a family than Cheyenne. 
Here you can walk into the 
governor's office unannounced. The 
five o'clock rush lasts ten minutes. 
The wind blows any bad air into Ne- 
braska, crime is low and the educa- 
tion system is excellent. The city is 
small enough so you can become ac- 
quainted with lots of people, but big enough to provide ano- 
nymity. But if you want to become really anonymous, a two- 
hour drive south can put you into a different biological and 
cultural ecosystem. In Denver you can go to a ball game or 
theater, try a new restaurant ...maybe buy a couple of Lotto 
tickets. Even though Cheyenne is in the southeast corner 
of the state you still have access to mountains, rivers, high- 
altitude deserts or the serenity of rural agricultural land- 
scapes spread over nearly 98,000 square miles. Being a 
resident of the state with the nation's lowest population 
entitles you to hunt and fish where game is under less 
pressure and you don't have to stand elbow to elbow to 
cast a fly. You don't pay state income taxes and your prop- 
erty taxes are low. What better place to live, work and 
raise a family than in Cheyenne, Wyoming? 

Over the past several years I've become uneasy, how- 
ever. I'm vaguely aware of a change taking place in Chey- 
enne and Wyoming. Before writing this column I decided to 
make some phone calls to people who might be able to ar- 
ticulate reasons for the uneasiness I felt. The perspicacious 

yippee 1 
Let 'er ^uc\ 


Wyoming State Museum 

The caption on the reverse side reads: The state of the great 
open spaces. Plenty of room to breathe, to roam, to hunt, 
and fish. One of America 's last frontiers, where relics of 
the old West still can be seen -Wild game, unfenced 
prairies, cowboys, Indians, unspoiled mountain areas, and 
great herds of cattle. 

Director of the State Board of Equal- 
ization, Nancy Freudenthal, sug- 
gested that, indeed, land ownership 
changes were taking place that 
would have an impact on 
Wyoming's tax base and maybe it's 
culture. She advised me to contact 
assessors in some of the counties 
where rapid change was occurring. 
After talking to employees in the 
Sheridan, Johnson, Sublette and 
Teton County assessors offices, I be- 
came convinced that we are in the 
midst of an historical transition. 
That's nothing new to historians, 
since we are always in transition. 
But the change is becoming clearer 
to see. 

We are leaving a decade of bust 
which followed a decade of energy 
boom and are beginning to see 
growth once again. Housing is in 
such demand in Cheyenne. And it's 
all but impossible to find in the rural 
community of Buffalo. It's easy to 
understand why people are willing 
to commute from Idaho to work in 
Jackson Hole, or why scenic property 
is selling well in Pinedale and Dubois. But Buffalo? The Big- 
horns and the Powder River Basin are not more spectacular 
than Jackson Hole and the Tetons. What's happening is that 
people from urban areas throughout the country are moving 
to new homes in Wyoming, and when areas like Jackson Hole 
fill up and become pricey, people seek out other, less crowded, 
less expensive homesites. 

Growth is occurring despite the fact that the state's ex- 
tractive industries are not booming. Freudenthal calls it the 
"California factor." Linda Weppner, President of the Chey- 
enne Multiple Listing Service, gives an example of the push 
and pull factors that are involved. A modern emigrant fam- 
ily wants to sell their home in California. The push is the 
perceived need to get away from high land values, high taxes 
and the problems associated with urban living. The pull is 
the attraction of an acreage and a home where land is cheap, 
where the scale and pace of life is less stressful, more human. 
And they can do it by selling their high-priced California 
home and moving to Wyoming. These people have the money 
to live in Wyoming without working. They aren't looking for jobs. 

Wyoming Annals 

Chexenne Postcard, nd. 

Other emigrants 
create their own jobs. 
The development of 
weapons and transpor- 
tation gave O.P. Hanna 
and other emigrants the 
edge over native inhab- 
itants of the Powder 
River Basin. Technol- 
ogy was responsible for 
change. It still is. The 
state is beginning to see 
more individual entre- 
preneurs. But they 
don't come in wagons 
or armed with long 
rifles, Green River 
knives and traps. 

They're armed with hard drives, modems and fax machines, 
and they use telephones and express mail. Rapid communi- 
cation gives today's entrepreneur the ability to make his home 
and office in rural places. Why shouldn't you be able to take 
a cup of coffee to your desk facing snow-capped peaks or 
meadows dotted with grazing cattle? Jackson Hole consult- 
ant Jonathan Schechter sees growth in the second home mar- 
ket. Barbara Merry, Executive Director of the Chamber of 
Commerce in Dubois, speaks of an unprecedented rise in 
property values in a town that historically has had its share 
of Yellowstone tourists as well as local recreational traffic. 
Dottie Elsom of Buffalo has processed more property deeds 
in the last three years than in any other period of her 34 year 
tenure at the Johnson County Assessor's Office. And local 
people are not the buyers. They are coming from coast to 
coast and from as far away as Saudi Arabia. Ridges and val- 
leys on the outskirts of Sheridan have accumulated ranchettes 
and trailers like barnacles on a ship's hull. Jim Bridger, who 
established a trail to the Montana goldfields through the Big 
Horn Basin, might be surprised that the west side of the Big- 
horns has become a preferred place to live. 

The increase in land values and population comes with- 
out industrial development. It brings hardship for some as 
land values, and thus taxes, increase. Natives who were 
raised in Wyoming and those who have built a retirement 
home may not contribute a wage to the economy, but they 
nevertheless exert pressure for services. And what about 
long-term change? This is not like the oil boom of the '70s 
whose detritus was left scattered over the prairie when oil 
prices went down. Today's growth means fewer open spaces 
...permanently. What will become of the historic Wyoming 
landscape you have known for so many years? Will agricul- 
ture survive as land becomes valuable for non-agricultural 
use? Will those wide-open spaces fill up with homes, fences 
and mini-marts? Does everybody want an acreage, pickup 
truck and a dog? Can't you just imagine that twenty years 
from now you'll look back in hindsight and chuckle over 
news stories about how lucky we were to have recruited new 
businesses to the community? We may be like Oregonians who 
printed bumper stickers dis-inviting people to their state. Dottie 

Spring/Summer 1994 

JiowJLf ffSiam 


Boundless Prair 


Wild and Woolly West 




Elsom says that some are 
talking about putting a 
fence around Johnson 
County. It's interesting to 
her, whose family home- 
steaded there in the nine- 
teenth century, that the 
ones saying it have lived 
in the county only four 
or five years. 

As I drove down the 
highway between Raw- 
lins and Muddy Gap one 
bright day early this sum- 
mer I looked off to my 
right across the flat, sage- 

USEUM 1 1 J ■ 1 J 1 

brush-dotted horizon 
stretching toward the 
Seminoe sand dunes. I got to thinking maybe I was wrong. 
Maybe Wyoming really isn't filling up, after all. Probably we're 
in a periodic upswing of real estate development that will taper 
off as interest rates rise. Wyoming hasn't changed that much. 
It was just a bothersome panic attack, I reassured myself. Be- 
sides, I was taught to believe that we'll always be a state through 
which people want to pass through quickly in order to get to 
somewhere else. Doubt lingered, however. Nancy Freudenthal 
warned me that change is slow and someday when we wake 
up we'll be shocked. I tried to relax. I pushed a cassette into 
the car's tape player and listened to Robert Bly read a poem 
written by his friend, William Stafford. 


Marry things in the world have 
already happened. You 
go back and leil about them. 
They are pan oj what we 
men. as we speed along 
through the white sky. 

But many things in the w> >rld 
haven't yet happened. You help 
them by thinking and 1 
Where they begin 1 them 

or stop them. You come ah >ng 
and sustain the new ti 

in the white sky there was 

1 I happened to notice 
and almost glimpsed what to di 1. 
But now 1 have come 

to here, and it is away hack there. 
Smne days, I think about it. 

Robert Bly, ed The Darkness Around Us is Deep: 

Selected Poems of William Stafford (New York 

HarperCollins, Publisher, 1993), p,125 


What Are We Going to do 
About This Love Affair? 



Wyomingites work hard to cel- 
ebrate their history. Two dozen local 
historical groups meet monthly to dis- 
cuss the past. Town newspapers carry 
reminiscences about the early settle- 
ment of the community. Powwows and 
historical re-creations of mountain men 
rendezvous and frontier military exer- 
cises define summer as much as soft- 
ball and fishing. We see ourselves liv- 
ing in either the Equality State or the 
Cowboy State, an image based upon 
historical myth and some reality. In- 
deed, a significant part of our identity 
as residents of Wyoming is grounded 
in history. 

As a result of this popular interest 
in history, state government has pre- 
served historic sites such as Fort 
Bridger, the Governors' Mansion and 
South Pass City, and has appropriated 
public funds to support private resto- 
ration of the Territorial Prison and the 
Cheyenne Union Pacific Depot. In ad- 
dition, every county and the Wind 
River Indian Reservation have at least 
one museum or cultural center, some 
with regional followings such as the 
Museum of the Mountain Man in 
Pinedale. The Buffalo Bill Historical 
Center plays to a national audience. 

So our love affair with history is 
torrid and enduring. But is our pas- 
sion self-indulgent? Is it enough to 
study history because we are interested 
in the past, or do historians have the 
responsibility to apply their knowledge 
to current affairs? 

I believe that we do. What tran- 
spired and what people thought fifty, one 
hundred or two hundred years ago is 
relevant today in discussing water rights, 
resource development, abortion, 
women's rights, civic virtue, severance 
taxes, tourism as well as preservation. 
Yet, most of us choose to avoid these con- 
temporary debates, robbing them of an 
informed perspective based upon our 
understanding of the past. I am not sug- 
gesting that historical groups tackle these 
particular topics. Some are better left to 
individuals. However, there are several 
history-related issues that Wyoming's 
historical organizations should be ad- 
dressing with more diligence. 

Perhaps one reason we have not 
been more effective in pursuing good 
causes, such as historic preservation, is 
that we have a tradition of not talking 
with one another. After years of re- 
search, college history instructors usu- 
ally convey the results of their work to 
students in a classroom, or in a profes- 
sional journal or in a book directed to- 
ward other professionals. The report of 
a historical consultant who may have 
examined a significant cultural remain 
is passed from one government re- 
viewer to another before being placed 
in a grey file cabinet. And while the re- 
search of local historians receives bet- 
ter public distribution, it is often con- 
fined to a local newspaper or a presen- 
tation at a Historical Society chapter's 
monthly meeting. 

While these efforts are clearly im- 
portant in furthering our understanding 
of the past, we would benefit from a 
greater sharing of ideas, viewpoints, and 
experiences among ourselves as well as 
with the larger public. Fortunately, 
these collaborative endeavors have in- 
creased in the past few years. The dis- 
cussion of the "New" western history 
has generated lively debates, not only 
among academics, but among all histo- 
rians. Because this discussion has been 
so public, with articles in popular maga- 

zines and countless programs in nu- 
merous towns, the debate has encour- 
aged the participation of people who 
normally do not explore history, from 
professionals in other disciplines to 
elected officials. 

Some organizations are working to 
encourage a dialogue among the state's 
historians. For example, at the annual 
September meeting of the Wyoming 
State Historical Society (WSHS) a sym- 
posium will be held at which local and 
academic historians will debate the fate 
of Butch Cassidy and critically explore 
the role of outlaw history within re- 
gional events. The conference will also 
feature an exhibit, a group oral history 
session, and a keynote address by West- 
ern historian and author, Robert Utley 

The symposium promises to at- 
tract a cross-section of Wyoming his- 
torians and other interested individu- 
als. This mix should produce some in- 
teresting and informed discussions 
about history and may duplicate suc- 
cessful programs employing similar 
formats such as the annual conferences 
of the Fort Phil Kearny/Bozeman Trail 
Association and the symposium held 
in conjunction with the 1992 WSHS 
trek. For the past two decades the 
Wyoming Council for the Humanities 
has provided funds for history pro- 
grams that combine the talents and 
knowledge of local researchers with 
those of humanities scholars. For ex- 
ample, the Council recently awarded 
two grants- to the WSHS for research 
and public discussion of Wyoming's 
involvement in World War II and for 
an oral history project that examines 
the experiences of people growing up 
in the Equality State. 

The desire to talk with others who 
share an interest in history partly ex- 
plains this collaborative trend. It also 
explains the recent formation of the 
Wyoming Association of Professional 
Historians (WAPH). Professors, archi- 
vists, museum curators, private con- 

Wvoming Annals 

sultants and other historians created 
WAPH to promote the professional study 
and application of history in Wyoming. 
The organization includes not only those 
who study Western history, but also 
devotees of national and international 
history. The group will encourage pro- 
fessional historians throughout the state 
to discuss common interests. 

The recent willingness of histori- 
ans to share experiences in settings that 
include the public is a critical step to- 
ward promoting debate on contempo- 
rary issues. Considering the large 
number of people who indulge in their 
love affair with history, the potential 
exists to forge one of the most power- 
ful political and community-based 
groups in Wyoming. Yet, we are re- 
luctant to assume leadership roles in 
these areas, even with issues that deal 
directly with history. 

Historic preservation is a good ex- 
ample. A superficial look at historic 
preservation in Wyoming gives the im- 
pression that we are actively engaged 
in this worthwhile endeavor. After all, 
our state has some of the finest, un- 
spoiled historic sites in the country. 
Hundreds of cultural sites have been 
enrolled in the National Register of His- 
toric Places, restored, interpreted, or 
converted to modern uses with their his- 
toric characteristics left intact. With the 
assistance of the State Historic Preser- 
vation Office (SHPO), seventeen com- 
munities and counties have created his- 
toric preservation boards comprised of 
volunteers from backgrounds ranging 
from professional historians to business 
owners to ranchers. Through the Certi- 
fied Local Government grant program 
administered by the SHPO, these 
groups have received substantial grants 
for conducting surveys of nearby his- 
toric sites, evaluating site significance, 
and for determining how to preserve the 
most important ones. A strength of 
these boards is that they encourage the 
participation of local citizens who 
would not otherwise be involved in pre- 
serving the remnants of our past. In ad- 
dition to melding their experiences with 
the expertise of professional historians, 
they provide effective "sagebrush" sup- 
port for historic preservation. 

Bozemun Trail, Campbell County, 1 982 

We should be proud of these accom- 
plishments, but ought to realize that all 
this work has not created much politi- 
cal support for historic preservation. 
Our legislature routinely rejects historic 
preservation bills. Funding the state his- 
torical and archaeological programs is 
a struggle every biennium. In addition, 
state government administrators are un- 
der enormous pressure to compromise 
historic preservation goals for the sake 
of private development and federal 
goals. If the historical community does 
not become more effective in advocat- 
ing historic preservation, our lawmak- 
ers will never pass the measures we 

need, and bureaucrats will be free to 
hamstring important government func- 
tions such as the SHPO review and com- 
pliance program. 

Since the federal government owns 
nearly half of the land in Wyoming, 
how responsibly its agencies manage 
the public lands is crucial to the pres- 
ervation of our history. According to 
the National Historic Preservation Act, 
Presidential Executive Order 11593 and 
enabling regulations, agencies must 
analyze impacts upon cultural re- 
sources caused by any federal under- 
taking. Each state has authority to re- 
Continued pg. 72 

Spring/Summer 1994 

by Larry K. Brown 


...At this point they caught sight of 30 to 40 
windmills which were standing on the plain 
there, and no sooner had Don Quixote laid 
eyes upon them than he turned to his squire 
and said, "... You see there before you, friend 
Sancho Panza, some 30 or more lawless gi- 
ants with whom I mean to do battle. I shall 
deprive them of their lives. ..for this is war- 
fare, and it is a great service to God to remove 
so accursed a breed from the face of the earth. " l 

Astride a snow-white 
horse and wearing a black 
mask that covered all but his 
eyes, the "Masked Rider" was 
first seen one warm summer 
night in 1930 near Laramie 
Peak. His rough scrawled 
signs, however, had preceded 
him, warning his opponents 
to leave the country or suffer 
the consequences. 2 

About 10:45 p.m. on June 
9 rancher William Atkinson 
was called to the outer entry 
of his kitchen. As he half 
opened the door a masked 
man with his hat tied down 
over his face pulled a pistol. 
Instinctively, Atkinson slammed 
the latch shut and jumped aside 
as a slug ripped through the 
wood, missing him by inches. 

Mounting his trustv steed that 
was draped with a light gray 
blanket, the assailant sped off 
into the night. A white card- 
board sign found later on 
Atkinson's step threatened: 
"This is the last warning, 
leave or you will be killed, the 
Masked Rider."' 

...he gave spurs to his 
steed Rocinante, without 
paying any heed to Sancho's 
warning that these were 
truly windmills and not 
giants that he was riding 
forth to attack. 4 

Although the authorities 
were called immediately, the 
case was hard to solve. Ru- 
mors were rife. Confusion 
reigned. Each new report fu- 
eled a firestorm of media 

1. Cervantes, The Ingenious Gentleman, 

Don Quixote de la Mancha. Samuel 
Putnam, trans, and ed. (New York: 
Viking Press, 1951), p. 110. 

2. "Phantom Rider Spreading Terror," 

Sheridan (Wyoming) Post-Enterprise. 
6 July 1930, p.l. 

3. "Phantom of Laramie Peak is Given 

Credit for Numerous Deeds," 
Wheatland (Wyoming) Times and & 
World, 17 July 1930, p.l. 

4. Cervantes, p. 111. 

coverage. First, the Phantom 
was a moonshiner trying to 
protect his still. Next he was 
a rustler. Some thought he 
meant to scare off a rival 
lover. He was dead. He was 
captured. Those who tried to 
follow him even suggested 
he shod his horse's front feet 
" the correct manner and 
on his rear feet the shoes are 
reversed.. .to keep the direction 
of the rider 's travel a mystery" . 5 
Hand-penciled signs 
and typed notes continued to 
chase and chastise those 
whom the phantom per- 
ceived as evil-doers. But no 
one seemed to attract the 
Rider's wrath more than 
Charles M. Adams who 
worked for Charles Wagner. 
The slender youth, with blue 
eyes and a reddish complex- 
ion was relaxing in his bunk- 
house on the night of July 18 
when a bullet tore through 
his left shoulder. It barely 
missed the heart." Sid Stur- 
geon, who was visiting the 
ranch, heard the shot and 
raced to the scene where he 

. "Capture of Hooded Phantom Ex- 
pected to Happen Very Soon," 
Wheatland Times & World, 31 July 1903, 
p.l; "Phantom of Laramie Peak," p.l 

. "Phantom Rider Shoots Chas. Adams 
in Fight at Chas. Wagner's Ranch," 
Wheatland Times & World, 24 July 1930, 
p.l. Prison records show that Adams 
was 5'8" tall, weighed 135 pounds. 
Prisoner Register, 9 August 1930, Al- 
bany County Sheriff Records, Wyo- 
ming State Archives. 

found Charlie wounded. 
The young cowboy, weak 
from loss of blood, was rushed 
to the hospital in Wheatland 
where he slowly recovered 7 

The twenty year-old 
range rider claimed it was the 
third attempt on his life. Six 
months earlier someone fired 
a bullet from ambush that 
ripped a hole in the leg of his 
pants. Then in early July an- 
other shot from a brushy 
draw creased the pommel of 
his saddle. 8 After the last at- 
tack law enforcement officers 
redoubled their efforts to 
clear up the situation. 9 
..being well covered with his 
shield and with his lance at 
rest, he bore down upon them 
at a full gallop and fell upon 
the first mill that stood in his 
way, giving a thrust at the 
wing, -which -was whirling at 
such a speed that his lance 
was broken into bits and both 
horse and horseman went 
rolling over the plain, -very 
much battered indeed.'" 

A break in the case fi- 
nally came on August 2 
when Adams received the 
following note postmarked 
at Wheatland, Wyoming. 

7. "Phantom Rider Shoots Rancher and 

then Dashes Away to Hills," Sheridan 
Post-Enterprise, 20 July 1930, p.l. 

8. ibid. 

9. ibid. 

10. Cervantes, p. 111. 

Wyoming Annals 

Dear Mr. Adams: When you 
get this letter I will be on my 
way to Canada. It -wasn't me 
that shot you. The man tliat 
shot you is dead and buried. 
I killed him. You can find 
him somewhere close to 
Laramie Peak if yon look 
hard enough. I may come 
back and finish the job I 
started when things quiet 
down a little. I hate thieves. 
I am sorry if you thought I 
was after you. That fellow 
said he was going to rob you 
but he forgot after he shot 
you. He shot you because he 
hated red hair. Yours truly, 
The Masked Rider. 11 

Less than a week later 
Charles Adams was arrested 
and jailed by Sheriff George 
Weln and his staff. The last 
memo from the phantom 
proved to be the last straw. 
Fingerprints found on the 
note were compared with 
smudges on the Rider's ear- 
lier warnings and the whorls 
matched Adams' handwrit- 
ing. A print specimen was 
taken from a typewriter 
found at the Wagner Ranch 
where Charlie worked. Court 
reporter Fred C. Lebhart, and 
W.P. Reed, a University of 
Wyoming professor, carefully 
compared it with that of the 
Masked Rider's typed mes- 
sages. They were identical. It 
was also discovered that the 
caliber of the bullet fired 
through Atkinson's door 
matched Adams' pistol. And 
the slug that passed through 
Charlie's shoulder left but one 
hole at the back of his shirt. 
Obviously he had pressed the 
gun against his bare chest be- 
fore pulling the trigger. 12 

...lam sure that this must be 
the work of that magician 
Feston, the one who robbed 
me of my study and my 


The Wheatland Times. 14 August 1930. front page 
Poor Charlie Adams! His vivid imagination and love of 
western dime novels led him into a mis-adventure that blazed 
across the front pages of newspapers throughout the nation 
in 1930. His fate? Like the literary legend Don Quixote, 
though he'd lived a crazy man, "when he died he was sane 
once more." 

11. "Masked Phantom Denies Shooting 
Adams and Admits Murdering 
Cowboy's Assailant," Wheatland 
Times b World, 7 August 1930, p.l. 

Spring/Summer 1994 

windmills in orde 

ing tli 
mity thai 

Poor Charlie! Born in an 
era too tame for an overly- 
imaginative boy who spent 
many of his waking hours 
reading pulp western and de- 
tective stories, he decided 
there was some cattle stealing 
and other "out of the way af- 
fairs" which needed looking 
into. Some ranchers, he said, 
were "doing too well" finan- 
cially to be strictly honest. 14 

12. "Adams is Jailed as 'Phantom Rider,'" 
Laramie (Wyoming) Republican-Boo- 
merang, 9 August 1930, p.l; "Charles 
Adams, 20, Confessed Masked Rider 
Arrested and Jailed, " Wheatland Times 
& World, 14 August 1930, p.l. 

13. Cervantes, pp.111-112. 

The trouble, Charley 
confessed, started in early 
June, 1930 when he first drew 
and posted warning signs 
trimmed with crude sketches 
of a cowboy's head. As far 
as Atkinson was concerned, 
Charley said he never meant 
to hurt him. He only wanted 
to scare and warn him to 
"quit harboring thieves." He 
added, "When I thot (sic) the 
gang suspected me, I shot a 
hole in my saddle and poked 
another hole through my 
trowsers (sic) with a file." 
When the law caught his 
scent, he turned the gun on 
himself to divert suspicion. 

I didn't intend to do such a 
good job of shooting myself, " 

he said. "I thought a little 
'burning' would beenough. 1 '' 

On August 11, Prosecu- 
tor and Albany County Attor- 
ney F.K. Dukes accused 
Adams of breach of peace 
and a warrant was issued. 
That same day Adams was 
arraigned and brought before 
Justice of the Peace W. H. 
Hayes in Laramie where he 
pleaded guilty. His sentence: 
a fifty dollar fine and court 
costs plus thirty days in the 
Albany County Jail. Because 
he was unable to pay the fine, 
Charlie spent an extra 50 
days in jail. Working it off at 
a dollar a day, he spent much 
of his time standing in his 
cell, magazine resting on the 
top tier of his bunk, reading 
his favorite tales of the wild 
and wooly West. 1 " 

So ends the tale of an fan- 
ciful young cowboy who 
read himself into a misadven- 
ture that created banner 
headlines from coast-to- 
coast. After serving his time 
he left the area and passed 
into history like the fictional 
character he emulated. 

By the world /. 

He frightened it to tlh 
yetsom Fate's plan. 


14. "Adams is Jailed as 'Phantom Rider,' 

15. ibid; "Charles Adams, 20, Confessed," 


16. Laramie Justice of the Peace Criminal 
Docket, Wyoming State Archives, 
Vol.3, p. 24; Prisoner Register, Albany 
County Sheriff's Records, Wyoming 
State Archives. 

17. Cervantes, p. 701. 

Larry K. Brown is a 

volunteer writer 

and researcher for 

Wyoming Annals. 






Wyoming Annals 

"Treelessness:" the town of Big Horn, Wyo.JulvjO, 1901 

Wilson Clough Collection, American Heritage Center, Laramie 

inset: O.P. Hanna, first settler in the County, the Grand Old Man, nd. 

Robert E. Helvey Collection, American Heritage Center 

While the village of Big Horn is today a quiet agricultural and bedroom 
community. of nearby Sheridan, for a decade during the last century Big Horn 
City was a thriving frontier town struggling to become northern Wyoming's 
commercial center. After the Sioux Wars of the 1870s opened lands for White 
settlement, the 1880s was a decade of founding, boom and then bust for the 
hamlet nestled along Little Goose Creek at the foot of its namesake range. 
Indeed, the early history of Big Horn is one shared by many communities in 
the West. And like most frontier communities Big Horn's early history is closely 
tied to its first citizen, in this case Oliver Perry Hanna. 

Spring/Summer 1994 

r/;e Bozewww! 7Vaz7 /// «>«/;/,? Map by Elleen Sklb0 

n the spring of 1878 Hanna, a former 
army scout, gold miner and frontiersman, 
left Missouri looking for a homestead in 
the recently opened lands of northern Wyo- 
ming and southern Montana territories. To 
reach his destination Hanna traveled the 
Bozeman Trail. He had traveled this road 
before, and as he made his way through 
Wyoming Territory Hanna must have 
thought much about both the past and the 
future. He remembered bloody Indian 
battles and dreamed of future cities. Sym- 
bolically, Hanna was at an historical gate in 
the history of northern Wyoming. On one 
side he helped close the door to the 
Indian-dominated past while on the other he 
helped open the door to White settlement. 
In time Hanna would become not only the 

first settler but also a promoter and leading 
citizen of a town that was at that time only 
in his imagination. Although these thoughts 
may have been in his mind back in 1878, it 
would have been impossible for him to 
imagine them on land which twenty years 
earlier had been Sioux hunting ground. Fur- 
ther, it probably would have been impossible 
for Hanna to imagine that less than a de- 
cade after its founding he would leave Big 
Horn City for a nearby community. 

Hanna traveled westward along the 
Oregon Trail to Fort Fetterman and then fol- 
lowed the Bozeman route north along the 
eastern flank of the Big Horn Mountains. 
The land from the North Platte River to the 
Powder River crossing was flat, dry and 
mainly sagebrush. There were a few set- 

tlers scattered across the prairie. As he con- 
tinued north, mountains began rising from 
the west and the topography changed to a 
land of rolling, grassy hills. When Hanna 
traveled the Bozeman more than ten years 
earlier, the trail passed through the heart of 
Sioux Country and frequent skirmishes had 
given the road the nickname "Bloody 
Bozeman." At the Powder River Crossing, 
a few remains of Depot McKinney or Can- 
tonment Reno, an abandoned military post, 
must have reminded Hanna of these events. 
As he traveled farther, homesteads became 
fewer and farther apart. On a branch of the 
Powder River named Clear Creek, Hanna 
found several detachments of the U.S. army 
building a new post: Fort McKinney, named 
for a victim of the Dull Knife Battle. 

ushing into unsettled regions beyond 
" Fort McKinney, Lake DeSmet, and 

the charred remains of Fort Phil 
Kearny, Hanna crossed Piney Creek and 
moved into the watershed of the Tongue 
River. He crossed "Massacre Hill," where 
Captain Fetterman and his men were killed 
a dozen years earlier. After fording several 
more small creeks Hanna moved into the 
valley of Little Goose Creek. Sweeping 
down from the Bighorn Mountains to the 
west and south, warm chinook winds kept 
the grass free of snow during the winter and 
alpine breezes kept the valley cool in the 
summer. The trail was different from the 
way it had been in the 1860s. Back then, 
emigrant wagon teams consumed much of 
the grass and water along the trail. But now 
prairie grass once again grew tall. Game 
and fowl were abundant. Hanna must have 
understood why the Sioux had fought to 
keep this land for their hunting ground. In 
1 876 John F. Finerty, a correspondent cov- 
ering the Indian Wars for the Chicago Times, 
had also remarked on how rich the area had 
been since abandonment of the forts. 

Our road lay through one of the 
richest ranges that I have ever seen. 
It is capable of high cultivation. The 
air was laden with perfume, the ra- 
vines being filled with wild flowers of 
many species. . . We saw a number of 
deer, and wild fowl sprang up at al- 
most every step. Tlje plain was in- 
dented with buffalo tracks, showing 
that we had struck a belt of the hunt- 
ing grounds.' 

1. John F. Finerty, War-Pnth and Bivouac (Chicago: M.A. 
Donohue and Co.,1890), p.87. 

Wyoming Annals 

In the fall of 1878 Hanna built the first 
cabin in what is now Sheridan County. Al- 
though his first claim was at the junction of 
Little Goose and Big Goose Creeks, he soon 
moved up the Little Goose. With an abun- 
dance of game and a new army post nearby, 
Hanna negotiated a contract to deliver 3,000 
pounds of wild meat weekly to Fort 
McKinney.- During the winter of 1 877- 1 878 
a mail route was established from Rock 
Creek Station, a railhead on the Union Pa- 
cific, north along the Bozeman Trail to the 
Yellowstone River. Hanna and another man 
agreed to carry the mail from Fort McKinney 
to Fort Custer, Montana. By 1879 a new 
chapter of history was being written in the 
Little Goose Creek Valley. Although the 
Indian population had been cleared from the 
land, the paradise of abundant game and 
waist-high native grasses still flourished 
along the slopes of the Bighorns. The land 
had not only persevered, but thrived, in the 
wake of the Indian wars. With Indians re- 
moved and very few Whites having arrived, 
the Little Goose Creek Valley must have 
seemed a land of milk and honey to Hanna. 

Over the next ten years Hanna, fron- 
tiersman and Indian fighter, settled down to 
promote his dream of Big Horn City. Ac- 
cording to his published recollections, 
Hanna sent letters describing events in his 
make believe town to another settler named 
Gus Trabing who had them published in a 
newspaper.' Letters soon began to pour into 
Hanna's mailbox, asking for his insight into 
what kind of store could be opened in the 
town which did not even exist. But as set- 
tlers began to move to the Little Goose Val- 
ley during the next decade, Hanna made his 
dream reality. 

In the spring of 1879 Hanna left his 

2. According to a report made by Hanna, the contract 

with the fort called for him to supply three thousand 
pounds of elk, deer and other wild meat every week. 
A business was begun with another man, Jim White, 
who had two wagons and two teams. A pair of 
teamsters was hired to drive the meat to the fort 
while Hanna and White hunted. According to 
Hanna, game was so plentiful that each contract 
could sometimes be filled in just half a day. Fifty 
pounds of fish per day was also possible. Oliver 
Perry Hanna, "The Old Wild West: Being the Recol- 
lection of O.P. Hanna, Pioneer, Indian Fighter, and 
Frontiersman," MS. ca.1926, Historical Research and 
Publications Unit, Wyoming Department of Com- 
merce, Cheyenne,(June, 1926). Reprinted as An Old 
Time Story of the Old Wild West: Being the Recollection 
of Oliver Perry Hanna, Pioneer, Indian Fighter, Fron- 
tiersman and First Settler in Sheridan County, Wyo- 
ming (Casper: Hawks Book Company, 1984). 

3. Trabing operated several small stores in Wyoming 

including one south of Buffalo on Crazy Woman 
Creek and another on the Union Pacific line at 
Medicine Bow. 

homestead and traveled 350 miles south to 
Cheyenne to purchase farm tools and a plow. 
He brought these back to his place and en- 
joyed lettuce, onions, radishes, tur- 
nips and beets that summer. 

n July an Oregon-bound wagon 
train camped near Hanna's 
cabin. In this outfit were Big 
Horn pioneers William F Davis, his 
wife and three children. William 
"Bear" Davis, a Missourian who 
came west during the Civil War, was 
very familiar with the Little Goose 
Creek Valley since he had been a 
Bozeman Trail guide. 4 He later 
worked as a sawyer and helped con- 
struct Forts Phil Kearny and C.F. 
Smith. During the spring of 1879 
Davis, with his second wife Jennie 
and their family, was Oregon bound. 
In June they crossed Little Goose 
Creek and camped near a spring 
where Davis built his home. 5 Like 
Hanna, Davis signed a government 
contract to supply hay for the sol- 
diers' horses at Fort 
McKinney. He later built 
Big Horn's first sawmill. 

Other settlers soon fol- 
lowed. In 1880 three men 
settled on the Little Goose. 
In the spring W.E. Jackson 
located west of Hanna. That 

Win. E.Jackson. December 11. 1889 
(itb Postmaster 

4. Davis earned the colorful nick- 

name of "Bear" by cleaning out 
159 local grizzlies and black 
bears. Sheridan Press 9 June 1979, 
and Interview, Fred Hitman 
(Davis' grandson) by Nancy M. 
Olson, Western Heritage Cen- 
ter, Billings, Montana. Tran- 
script available at Sheridan 
County Library, Sheridan, Wyo- 
ming. An excellent source on 
Big Horn pioneers is Deck 
Hunter, Big Horn City, Wyoming 
Territory: Vol. h The Homesteaders 
(Casper: Hawks BookCompany, 

5. After camping the first night on 

Little Goose Creek, Bear Davis 
declared that the family would 
stay in the area. When his wife 
protested that they were going 
to Oregon, Davis simply replied 
that when they crossed the 
stream the family crossed the Or- 
egon border. The family stayed. 
This bit of folklore comes from 
Big Horn Public Schools, Big 
Horn Pioneers (Lovell, Wyoming: Mountain States 
Printing Company, 1985), pp.5-6. The book con- 
tains a general history of some of the area's pioneer 

6. Dick Redburn, "Big Horn, Treasure of History, First 

Hamlet," Sheridan Press, 7 August 1963. 

BerxjamirA & QoWirxg, 



O.P. Hanna and family, nd.. left to 
right: Tressie Merle, Dora Myers Hanna, 
Laura, Jesse. O.P. Hanna 

Spring/Summer 1994 












Coffeen Grocer 6 Dry Goods. © BigHorn School 1B84. 


Wyoming Annals 

Watercolors by Deck Hunter 

II Wyoming Collegiate Institute 

2 Congregational Church 

3 Methodist Church 

4 Creamery 

5 School 

6 Farwell Livery 
Big Horn Saloon 

8 Last Chance Saloon 

9 Big Horn Mercantile 
II Warehouse 

II II Star West Saloon 

II 2 Butcher Shop 

II 3 Big Horn Hotel 

II 4 Cojfeen Groceries and 
Dry Goods 

11 5 Oriental Hotel 

11 6 Big Horn Sentinel 
II 7 Burkhart Grocery 

1 8 DevWr? Blacksmith 

II 9 Wfcod/ey Blacksmith 

20 Snyder Mill 

2 II Sackett and Skipper Sawmill 

Data from B/g Horn DYy. Wyom/ng Territory. Vol.2: The City 
(Deck Hunter: Big Horn, 1992), p.37. 

opposite left: Plat Showing the 
Town of Big Horn and its 
Incorporate Limits. 

Art by Eileen Skiho 

m ._ m 

Big Horn Mercantile Building . Built by John W. Sackett and Charles 
W. Skinner, the Big Horn Mercantile has been in operation since it was 
built in 1882 and has remained in the ownership of the Skinner family 
and descendants. 

Big Horn Sentinel Building. The weekly newspaper published by E.H, Becker 
appeared in Big Horn on Saturday mornings until November, 1885 when it 
was moved to the town of Buffalo. Over the years the building served as a 
saloon, home, blacksmith shop, auto repair shop. 

Wyoming Collegiate Inst- 
itute. Sponsored by the Con- 
gregational Missionary So- 
ciety, the college was built 
and opened in the fall of 
1892. It graduated one class 
of four students in 1897 but 
financial difficulties forced it 
to close soon afterward. In 
1903 the building was sold to 
the Big Horn School District 
and in 193 1 it was torn down. 

Spring/Summer 1994 


fall two partners from Cheyenne, John 
Henry Sackett and Charles William Skin- 
ner, arrived in a loaded down freight wagon 
to open the first store in what is now 
Sheridan County.' 1 At first they ran this 
mercantile establishment from their wagons 
and tents. With a covey of homesteaders 
now secure. Hanna went back to work pro- 
moting his town of Big Horn City. During 
the winter of 1880-1881 he wrote a notice 
for a mass meeting whose purpose was to 
organize a townsite company. The 
company's first meeting was held on Janu- 
ary 8. 1881 at the Big Horn Post Office. 
Minutes of the meeting show that the com- 
pany called for "the Said Town or City to be 
located at or within one mile of the Present 
Site of the Big Horn P.O." 7 At their first 
meeting the stockholders of the company, 
including Secretary Hanna, decided to lo- 
cate Big Horn City on forty acres one mile 
north of the present post office. The land 
was at that time occupied by W.E. Jackson 
and John Loomis. each of whom held twenty 
acres. After agreeing on articles of organi- 
zation and bylaws, members of the townsite 

company sent notice of their organization 
to the Wyoming Territorial capital in Chey- 
enne and also to the county clerk in Rawlins. s 
During the next year the townsite company 
had a bridge built over Little Goose Creek 
and then authorized Jack Dow, a nearby 
rancher, to survey the townsite. 


he townsite was laid out in grid pat- 
tern based upon the cardinal direc- 
tions. Four lots by six in size. Big 
Horn City was divided into east and west parts 
by a split in Little Goose Creek. The east- 
ernmost part came to be known as the Island. 
Numbered streets ran east to west while 
streets named for pioneers ran north to south. 
First Street was in the middle of the plat with 
North Second and North Third Streets and 
South Second and South Third Streets paral- 
leling First. From north to south, beginning 
from the west, thoroughfares were named 
High, Jackson, Main, Johnson, and Creighton 
Streets with River and Willow Streets located 
on the banks of Little Goose. With only one 
bridge spanning the creek, access to Wil- 

"Minutes of the Big Horn City Town Company," S S. 
January 1881, Bozeman Trail Museum, Big Horn, 
Wyoming. The minutes of these meetings have been 
transcribed and included in: Deck Hunter, Big Horn 
City, Wyoming Territory: Volume 2: The City (Casper: 
Hawks Book Company, 1992). Hunter is the best 
source for primary documents relating to early Big 9. 
Horn City. 

Johnson County was first drawn as Pease County in 
1875. The name was changed in 1879 but the county 
was not organized until 1881. Before that time it was 
part of Carbon Countv and the county seat was 
Rawlins, 300 miles to the south. 

Deck Hunter, Pioneer Map of Big Horn Citi/ (Big Horn: 
Deck Hunter, 1988). 

low could be gained only at the North Third 
Street crossing." 

With the new town platted, construc- 
tion began in earnest during the spring of 
1882. The most imposing edifice built was 
the Sackett and Skinner store. Still operat- 
ing today as the Big Horn Mercantile Com- 
pany and the town's post office, the struc- 
ture is a two story, false front, wood frame 
building on the northwest corner of First and 
Johnson Streets. A store has always been 
operated on the first level while the second 
floor has served as a meeting hall, a roller 
skating rink, and then an apartment. 111 To 
celebrate the opening of the store, that spring 
a dance was held. Directly across the street 
on the southeast corner of First and Johnson, 
Hanna built a two story, six room hotel 
named the Oriental. The name was chosen 
as a counterpoint to the Occidental Hotel in 
Buffalo. On the block opposite the Sackett 
and Skinner store to the north, diagonally 
from the Oriental, another building was con- 
structed in 1882 which was first the Last 
Chance Saloon, then later as a store, and now 
the Bozeman Trail Inn. It is interesting to 
note that all three buildings were constructed 
not on Main Street, but on the adjacent 
Johnson Street." 

10. This information can be found in various editions of 
the Big Horn Sentinel, William Robertson Coe Li- 
brary, University of Wyoming, Laramie. 


Wyoming Annals 


Big Horn Sentinel Masthead, Saturday, March 21, 1885. 

Wyomimi St.iltt Mil'. mini 

Big Horn City's first sermon was 
preached in 1881 in the llanna cabin. The 
first school classes were also held thai year. 
The following year Hanna and others built 
six school houses in the area including one 
southwest of town called Lone Star and an- 
other in Big Horn City. 12 The Big Horn 
Building constructed south of the Sacked 
and Skinner store served for years as a meet- 
ing house for various civic committees. 

By 1 884 enough settlers had moved into 
Big Horn City that the Board of Trustees fell 
it was lime for the town to have a newspa- 
per. Published by E.H. Becker, a friend of 
Hanna, the Big Horn Sentinel made its de- 
but on Saturday, September 13, 1884. The 
weekly paper, a seven-column, four-page 
broadsheet, included both an editorial and 
local news page. It was priced at ten cents 
per copy. Subscription rates were three 
months for one dollar, six months for two 
dollars, or one year for $3.50. In the first 
issue editor Becker staled the main purpose 
in his coming to Big Horn. 

THESENTINEL is most favorably 
impressed with the country it is di- 
rectly interested in developing, and 
thinks Johnson comity is the coming 

comity of the territory. 1 ' 

Becker went on to say that although his 
paper was printed and titled under the name 
Big Horn, it would not give special treat- 

SPRiNO/SiiMMiiit 1904 

merit to Hanna's city. Instead, each week 
the paper would attempt to make a general 
roundup of news from all parts of the county. 
Becker also gave a pretty good description 
of Big I loin's location and the paper's goal 
when he added: 

Although published in a town 
practU ally isolated, without railroad 
or telegraphic connections, and more 
than a hundred miles from "no 
where," '/ill BIG HORh SENTINEl 
intends to he ret. ognized as on 
orcr average country newspaper. 14 

Advertisements in the first issue in- 
cluded one for Hanna's "Oriental" I lolel ami 
another for the Star of the West Saloon. The 
former advertised table board al SI. 50 per 
day or $6 by the week, paid "strictly in ad- 
vance." The latter gave notice that it was 

1 1. United St.ilcs Department of the Interior, National 
Park Service, National Register »/ Historic Places 
Inventory-NominationForm/'ftig] lorn fohnson Street 
Historic District," prepared by Molly Mooney and 
Christy Love, March 30, 198Z State Historii Presei 
vation Office, Wyoming Department ol Commerce, 
C lu'vi'niu' 

12. I [anna, "Wild West," and Pioneers, pp.29-30. 
It. The Big limn Sentinel, l i September IKH4. 
it. ibid. 

15. Sentinel, 25 October I KM. 

"Open al All Hours." Bahcock and llanna 
Dry Goods ran a large ad as did the Big Horn 
Brick Yard. Others placing advertisements 
in the first issue included a blacksmith simp, 
livery and feed stables, and the General 
Merchandise enterprise of Sacketl and Skin 
ner. Advertisements from Buffalo, Sheridan, 
a nearby village called Prairie Dog, and 
Custer, Montana also appeared. 

Throughout the nexl year Big Horn's 
commercial growth can be traced through 
the pages of the Sentinel. In ( )clober a bar- 
ber was reported lo have taken up business 
in the Star of the West Saloon. The Big Horn 
City Townsite Company tried to promote the 
town through the following advertisement 
run on October 25, 1884: 

The Big I lorn Townsite Company 
(ire now selling lots in this thriving 
town at lowest possible rates, '/lie 
town of Big l lorn City has been 
founded scarcely more than two 
years, and now contains <i good 
newspaper, three general Merchan 
dising Establishments, each i arrying 
a large stock of everything needed in 
thiscountry One Hotel. Two Black 
smith Shops. Two Saloons Two Liv- 
ery and Feed Stables. A Saw-mill and 
Lumber Yard. One Photograph Gal 
lery. And a Public School. 11 

lor patrons interested in the surround 

ing country the Sentinel also routinely ran 
the reports made by the territorial land of- 
fice. The July 11. 1885 issue reported that 
a ranch of 1 60 acres within one mile of Big 
Horn could be purchased for $2,100. An 
unknown business house worth one thou- 
sand dollars also could be purchased by a 
cash buyer for a bargain. On the last page 
of each paper local stockmen, including 
Patrick Brothers Livestock, W.F. Davis 
Livestock, and J.O. Willits Horse Grower, 
purchased drawings that depicted their lo- 
cal brands." 1 

Despite its many proud businesses and 
ranches, early-day Big Horn was not a pretty 
sight. Each rain or snow challenged pedes- 
trians, first with large puddles, then with 
deep mud. After one early spring thaw a 
story appeared in the paper requesting some- 
one to take the initiative to collect money 
and build a few crosswalks in town because 
they are an "absolute necessity at this sea- 
son of the year." In another story it was re- 
ported that "traveling on foot about the town 
has been accomplished with difficulty dur- 
ing the past week, on account of the super- 
abundance of water upon the streets, side- 
walks and alleys, the drainage being filled 
with ice and snow." 17 

In addition to the troublesome streets, 
garbage and animals also presented prob- 
lems. The Sentinel noted: 

// would add materially to the 
general appearance of Big Horn, if 
the rubbish in the rear of business 
houses and residences, should he re- 
moved. "Cleanliness is next to God- 
liness " \\ ho trill take the initiative? 18 

Given the garbage problem it is not sur- 
prising to find that dogs were also an irri- 
tant. According to Editor Becker, by Feb- 
ruary. 1885 there were 119 dogs in town. 1 " 
The combination of garbage and dogs also 
suggests a large vermin population in the 
early town. 

Despite such conditions locals were 
able to move about enough to organize en- 
tertainment groups. During that first year 
these quickly became popular sources for 
stories. On November 29, 1884 the paper 
reported that the Big Horn Dramatic Club 

BIG Horn 

16. Sentinel, 29 November 1884. 

17. Sentinel, 7 February 1885. 

18. Sentinel, 29 November 1884. 

19. Sentinel, 7 February 1885. 


/ k'ck Hunter on Porch of Big Horn Mercantile Co. .1994 
inset: Big Horn Mercantile Building, nd. Deck Hunter collection 

had been organized with the intent to stage 
entertainments during the upcoming winter. 
Sadly, the paper related the following week 
that the club dissolved before a play had 
even been chosen due to "members divid- 
ing up into cliques of three or four, a dis- 
agreement as to the play to put on the boards, 
and a general dissatisfaction in the ranks of 
its officers." 20 

In the new year 1885. a roller skating 
craze that had been sweeping the country 
arrived in Big Horn, despite it being 150 
miles from the nearest railroad. The rink 
would be located upstairs in the Sackett and 
Skinner store. By the middle of January the 
paper reported that "the fascinating amuse- 
ment is developing into a mania." Two 
weeks later the paper reported that the rink 
would only be open on Wednesday and Sat- 
urday evenings and that its managers were 
trying to obtain music for the skaters. When 
a fierce winter storm pushed people indoors 
for a few days in February, a "gang of hood- 
lums" terrorized the rink with a display of 
"rowdyism and ill breeding." On another 
occasion a masquerade party was combined 
with a night of roller skating. Probably the 
most unusual event was when a band of 
Crow Indians came down from Montana to 
roller skate. :l 

Other sports also found their way to Big 
Horn. Hanna boasted that Big Horn held a 
prize fight in the early days. :: During the 
summer of 1885 a baseball team was orga- 
nized to play Buffalo on the Fourth of July. 
Several prominent Big Horn men, includ- 
ing Jackson and Sackett. were on the team. 23 

Minorities and women received dispar- 
aging coverage in the Sentinel. The Octo- 
ber 11. 1885 issue reported that "neither 
Sheridan nor Big Horn can boast of having 
as one or more of its inhabitants a Chinaman 
or 'gemman of color'." A similarly styled 
article on December 20 contained the state- 
ment that a "coon" dance was held at the 
Oriental Hotel. According to the article the 
local ladies "blacked their faces with burnt 
cork and had a regular plantation break- 
down." 24 Nevertheless, female companion- 
ship seemed to be lacking according to this 
advertisement which appeared the follow- 
ing May, 1886: 

20. Sentinel, 6 December 1884. 

21. The material in the paragraph was obtained from the 
January, February and March, 1885 issues of the 
Sentinel. Concerning the visit of the Crow Indians, 
it was reported in the March 14 issue: "the treacher- 
ous rollers appear to have the advantage over the 
Crows and the redskins manage to leave their im- 
print on the smooth surface of the rink." 

22. Hanna, "Wild West." 

23. Sentinel, 27 June 1885. 

24. Sentinel, 20 December 1884. 

Wyoming Annals 

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From the Private 
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Jerome Dickson 
Edited by Arthur 
Jerome Dickson 
$9.95 paper 

Spring/Summer 1994 

Female matrimonial limber is 
becoming scarce very quickly around 
here. There should be some steps 
taken toward stocking our market 
with materialfrom the east. 2 * 

As Big Horn prospered and life began 
to settle down by 1885, thoughts turned to 
the hereafter. Plans were made to organize a 
committee to look for an appropriate site for 
a city cemetery. When Mrs. Charles Farwell 
passed away in early February she was laid 
to rest one and one quarter of a mile south- 
east of town on a gentle slope named Mount 
Hope. The Sentinel reported that it was the 
first natural death in Big Horn and was also 
the first interment in the new cemetery. 2 ' 1 

Exactly one month later the Sundance 
Gazette reported that an "unnatural" death 
had occurred in Big Horn City. In a front 
page story the paper reported that Jao. 
Peyton, alias Dick Backley, was shot and 
killed in a Big Horn saloon the week be- 
fore. The Gazette reported that Peyton had 
made some "bad breaks" lately and had tried 
to kill a man named Jones. 27 Interestingly, 
(he Sentinel made no record of this shoot- 
ing. One might speculate that either the 
Sundance paper was misinformed or the Big 
Horn paper withheld information so as not 
to embarrass the town. 

The biggest event to come to Big Horn 
during this decade was the Johnson County 
Pair. On August 8, 1885 the Sentinel an- 
nounced the Johnson County Agricultural 
Association lair would be held on Septem- 
ber 15, 16 and 1 7 on forty acres of land that 
had been donated by Sackett. Henry 
Coffeen, a local proprietor, was named 
president of the Association with Jackson 
as secretary and Skinner as treasurer. A 
special half-mile track was graded for trot- 
ting and running races. Events included a 
slow mule race, a fifty mile race against 
time, a ten mile dash, a foot race and a sack 
race. The advertisement stated that special 
consideration would be given to Johnson 
County animals. 28 

In addition to the racing program, typi- 
cal county fair showings of farm and ranch 
animals, garden products, and kitchen and 
dairy products were made. Industrial and 
domestic goods such as fine arts, textile fab- 

rics, needlework, cut Bowers, school exhib- 
its and trained animals were judged. High- 
lights of the fair included performances by 
the Buffalo brass band, an oratory by U.S. 
Senator J.B. Beck of Kentucky.and the nu- 
merous horse races. M A little more than a 
month later the Sentinel remarked that the 
fair was creditable, "reaching beyond the ex- 
pectation of those who attended."" 1 The fair 
not only promoted the goods of local ranch- 
ers, but Big Horn City as well. 

The fair marked the heyday of the fron- 
tier town of Big Horn City. The growth of 
Hanna's community was soon challenged 
by its two neighbors, Buffalo and Sheridan. 
Buffalo, thirty miles south, was the seat of 
Johnson County government. By 1877 it 
could proudly claim a water works and elec- 
tric lights. Sheridan, located ten miles north 
at the junction of Big Goose and Little 
Goose Creeks, was also beginning to grow 
and prosper. The town had been incorpo- 
rated only one year after Big Horn was plat- 
led, and talk was heard of the railroad com- 
ing to town. 11 

During the fall of 1885 the challenge 
became real when the Sentinel 
decided to move its shop to Buf- 
falo on Halloween Day. The paper had 
been in Big Horn for just a little more than 
a year. Editor Becker defended his move 
with an editorial: 

Theposition at Big Horn bits he- 
come untenable, and to provide for 
the safely of the paper in these dull 
times, the removal to Buffalo was a 
forced issue. The choices of remain- 
ing in Big Horn andgoing broke, or 
moving to Buffalo, with a certainty 
of liberal support, was not at all dif- 
ficult to decided 

Becker went on to say that the move 
had been made to take advantage of a larger 
clientele. He vowed continued coverage of 
Big Horn and Sheridan and recalled that 
since the original intention was to cover the 
entire Big Horn country, it really did not 
matter where the paper was printed. 

But it did matter. Buffalo's capture of 
the Sentinel marked the beginning of the end 
for Big Horn City. Sheridan joined the fight 
for spoils and five years later it had grabbed 
a new county seat, two of Big Horn's lead- 
ing citizens, its fair, and the hope and prom- 
ise of a future. 

The first of these losses was Henry A. 
Coffeen. During the fall of 1887 Coffeen, a 
Big Horn proprietor who had come to town 
in September, 1884, jumped ship for 
Sheridan. Coffeen had been one of Big 
Horn's biggest supporters. His large, gen- 
eral merchandise cash store was located on 
the block north of Hanna's Oriental Hotel. 
All of his advertisements had run in the Sen- 
tinel under the banner, "Big Horn Still 
Ahead." He had also served as president of 
the Johnson County Agricultural Associa- 
tion. When it became apparent to Coffeen 
that the future lay in Sheridan and not Big 
Horn, he packed up his merchandise and 
moved his store — building and all — to 
Sheridan. 11 In November, 1887 Sackett and 
Skinner dissolved their partnership in the 
merchandise store, which remained open 
under the guidance of Skinner. 14 

These two moves foreshadowed a big- 
ger event the following year. In 1888 the 
Tenth Legislative Assembly, in spite of the 
veto of Governor Thomas Moonlight, cre- 
ated three new counties in Wyoming Terri- 
tory. One of these, Sheridan County, was 
carved from the northern sections of 
Johnson County. Buffalo, however, re- 
mained the Johnson County seat. Although 
Big Horn City, Sheridan, and Dayton all 
vied for the new county seat. Sheridan won 
by a small margin. 35 Big Horn City was 
now situated between two county seats and 
its future was not very bright. Later in 1 888 
Big Horn City sold the County Fair im- 
provements to Sheridan. 1 ' 1 

The final blow came in 1888 when 
Hanna, founder and leading citizen of Big 

25. Scntim-I, 16 May 1885. 

26. Sentinel, 14 February 1885. 

27. Sundance Gazette, 14 March 1885. 

28. Sentinel, 8 August 1885. 

29. U.S. Senator J.B. Beck was visiting his son, George T. 
Beck. A small ranching community west of Sheridan, 
Becton, was named for G.T. Beck and later he be- 
came one of the founders of Cody, Wyoming. 

30. For a complete listing of fair results see the Sentinel, 
26 September 1885. 

31. I. S. Bartlett, History of Wyoming, v. 1 (Chicago: S.J. 
Clarke Publishing Company, 1918), pp.564,604-605. 

32. Sentinel, 31 October 1885. 

33. Biographical information on Coffeen can be found in 
Bartlett's History of Wyoming, pp. 150-154. Informa- 
tion on Coffeen's store in Big Horn is in Pioneers, 

34. Pioneers, pp.98-99. 

35. Francis Birkhead Beard, Wyoming from Territorial 
Days to the Present (Chicago and New York: Ameri- 
can Historical Society, Inc., 1933), pp.404-407, and 
Work Projects Administration, Wyoming: A Guide to 
Its History, Highways, and People (New York: Oxford 
University Press, 1941), pp.211-212. Dayton is ap- 
proximately twenty miles northwest of Sheridan 
and was established in 1882. 

36. Hanna, "Wild West." 

Wyoming Annals 

Horn City, sold his ranch and moved into 
Sheridan. Hanna's role in Big Horn was 
complete. He was the first settler, built the 
first cabin, plowed the first field, built the 
first hotel, and served on the townsite and 
fair committees. His hope for the town waned 
shortly after his marriage in 1 885. He sold 
his hotel the following year. When he sold 
his ranch in 1888 
and moved into 
Sheridan it was the 
end of his involve- 
ment with Big Horn 

When Ha nn a 
followed the boom 
as it shifted from Big 
Horn City to Sher- 
idan in the early 
1890s, remaining 
Big Horn citizens 
looked for ways to 
draw some interest 
back to their town. 
With the newspaper 
re-established in 
Buffalo and the rail- 
road, county seat, 
and fair, and part of 
the population head- 
ing for Sheridan, 
progress seemed to 
have jumped over 
Big Horn City. 
Those who remained 
could either watch it 
slowly die out and 
become a ghost town 
or they could try to 
revitalize their "city." 
a difficult time for residents, as the town tried 
to cut a new niche in Sheridan County. The 
last decade of the nineteenth century can best 
be described as a period when Big Horn City 
searched for a new identity in Sheridan 

The first attempt to create this new iden- 
tity began in 1 894 when the Congregational 
Missionary Society proposed building a col- 
lege in Big Horn if the community would 
sell scholarships to finance the enterprise. 
The Missionary Society not only was inter- 
ested in education but felt that an academy 
would help revive Big Horn and raise local 
property values. During the next year many 

scholarships were sold -quite a few paid in nois and return, to attend school will go far 
notes- at the price of one hundred dollars lo carry them through a school year at home, 
each. A two-story brick building was con- The Wyoming Collegiate Institute has been 

Structed on the west edge of town and the 
Wyoming Collegiate Institute opened its 
doors in the fall of I895. ,s 

One has to look no further than the 
school's first catalog of 1894-95 to under- 

above: Dedication of the Sundial ai the site of the first 
cabin ai Big Horn, on Leroy Sackett's old place mi 
llanna Creek , nd. Dora Myers I [anna, third from left. 

Deck Hunler Collection 

right: Larry Brown and Deck Hunter ai llanna 
Sundial, Big Horn, 1994 

Mark Junge 

The next decade 

stand the dual purpose of the Missionary 
Society. In addition to their ambitious aca- 
demic plans, the people of Big Horn planned 
to make money boarding students. And land 
values would rise with the college located 
nearby. But the primary goal of education 
can be determined from this catalog passage: 
This Institute has been established to 
meet a long felt want among the people of 
Wyoming. There are many parents who 
wish to give their children an education be- 
yond that furnished by the district school, 
who are unable, or do not wish, to send their 
children to the eastern colleges. The ex- 
penses of a trip to Nebraska, Iowa, or llli- 

37. The story of Hanna's marriage can be found in the 
Sentinel, 4 July 1885. Details on his store and hotel 
business deals can be found in his manuscript, "Wild 

Spring/Summer 1994 

38. Various sources depict the organization of the Wyo- 
ming Collegiate Institute. See: Pioneers, pp. 33-35; 
Bartlett, History of Wyoming, p. 441; untitled, typed 
MS in Bob Helvey Collection, American Heritage 
Center, University of Wyoming, Laramie. 

established lo provide the young men ami 
women of Wyoming a liberal and practical 
education at as low an expense as possible. m 
A faculty of six furnished the educa- 
tion. The staff included two men of the 
clergy, a natural scien- 
tist with a Ph.D. two 
women music teach- 
ers, and one man who 
taught business class- 
es. There were three 
terms each year: fall, 
winter and spring. 
Preparatory and reme- 
dial coursework was 
provided by a two- 
year grammar school 
that offered classes in 
arithmetic, geogra- 
phy, reading, spelling 
anil other basics. A 
two-year normal 
course followed, upon 
which a student had 
the option of taking 
the three-year Classi- 
cal Course, Scientific 
Course. Musical/Lit- 
erary Course, or Com- 
mercial Course. 

The struggling 
citizens of Big Horn 
had much to gain by 
locating the school 
nearby. Their motive- 
is evident by examin- 
ing the composition of the school's board 
of trustees. Of the fifteen trustees elected 
for the years 1 896- 1 898, six were from Big 
Horn while Sheridan and Buffalo each sup- 
plied two. The catalog was designed to sell 
not only the school but also Big Horn. 

For beautiful and picturesque 
scenery, the village and Institute can 
mil be excelled, lis location gives il 
tin invigorating, salubrious moun- 
tain atmosphere, making il a veri- 
table sanitarium. Parents or guard- 
ians having children or wards that 
are unable lo endure hard study on 
account of physical debility, should 
try the effects of mountain air by 

34. Catalog of Wyoming Collegiate Institute, First Year, 
July, 1895, Big Horn. Sheridan Co., Wyo. (Big I lorn 
Collegiate Press, 1895), p, 1 1 

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K Tsianina Lomawaima 

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Oscar Micheaux 

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Photograph from the Solomon D 
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Wyoming Annals 

sending them to the Wyoming Colle- 
giate Institute. The moral surround- 
ings are good. A strong temperance 
sentiment prevails in the community, 
so that we are free from the saloon. 40 

The effects of mountain air on the mind 
notwithstanding, the above declaration cer- 
tainly was meant to promote the town as 
well as education. Indeed, it sounds much 
like an expression of Hanna's dreams ten 
years earlier. The motivation of the citi- 
zens can also be detected from this para- 
graph in the catalog: 

The citizens of the village being 
interested in our school will throw 
open their homes for students, and 
afford pleasant boarding places for 
reasonable rates. Board and room 
can be obtained from $3-00 to $4.00 
per week. Students can secure rooms 
and board themselves at a much 
lower cost.'" 

The Wyoming Collegiate Institute met 
with little success. 
The Catalog records 
indicate that fifty-six 
students were enrolled 
at the school the first 
year. Of these, thirty- 
four were taking 
courses through the 
gram-mar depart- 
ment. 42 By the end of 
the first term two fac- 
ulty members had re- 
signed. They were 
soon replaced and the 
school graduated its 
first class of four stu- 
dents in 1897. Four ad- 
dresses were given on 
commencement day 
in May. Three of 
them -"Ambition," 
"Success," and "Op- 
portunities,"- have 
titles reflecting not 
only the typical 
graduate's viewpoint 
about the future, but 
that of the town of Big 
Horn as well. 

Sadly, it was the 
only commencement 
day that Big Horn 
would see. The school 
closed its doors the 
Spring/Summer 1994 

following year. The reasons for its short 
life are fairly simple. One theory suggests 
that the nationwide Panic of 1893 and the 
depression that followed contributed to the 
failure. 41 Another suggests that the begin- 
ning of Sheridan High School in 1893 
spelled doom for the school. 44 And finally, 
many course scholarships were sold on credit, 
the money for which was never collected. 

Soon after the failure of the Wyoming 
Collegiate Institute became apparent another 
effort was made in September of 1897 —if 
not to promote Big Horn, at least to nurture 
the town — when sixteen townsmen started 
an Odd Fellows organization. 45 More than 
any other event, the establishment of a fra- 
ternal, benevolent society highlights the 
problems Big Horn was facing in the last 
few years of the nineteenth century. 

The International Order of Odd Fel- 
lows, founded during the early eighteenth 
century to assist workers displaced by the 
Industrial Revolution, maintains four basic 

purposes: "To visit the sick, relieve the dis- 
tressed, bury the dead and educate the or- 
phan." 46 These purposes were well suited 
to Big Horn's needs at the time. Although 
individual commercial gain was not a goal, 
enlightenment of the mind was. Thus, the 
Odd Fellows helped pick up some of the 
pieces left by the college. 47 

40. ibid, p. 12 

41. ibid, p. 12. 

42. ibid. p. 7. By comparison, the University of Wyoming 
had an enrollment of 129. Wilson O. Clough, History 
of the University of Wyoming (Laramie: Laramie Print- 
ing Company, 1937), p. 99. 

43. For a general discussion of the 1890s depression see 
T.A. Larson, History of Wyoming (Lincoln: Univer- 
sity of Nebraska Press, 1978), pp.295-298. 

44. Bartlett, p.441. 

45. Corwin Havill, telephone interview 30 April 1990. 

46. Havill interview. 

47. Corwin Havill, letter to author, 1 May 1990 

Odd Fellows Hall rehabilitation, Christ)' Love residence, 1982 

Doug Goodman, State Historic Preservation Office 

inset: Garage and Odd Fellows Hall, 1962 

Edmund Randolph. American Heritage Center 

In 1901 ihe group pur- 
chased for use us a lodge a 
two-story, false-front grocery 
constructed in I894. 48 On a 
i'acade the Odd Fellows 
painted the recognizable, 
three-link chain symbolizing 
friendship, love and truth. 
Three years later the Cloud 
Peak Chapter of the Daugh- 
ters of Rebekah, the women's 
auxiliary of the Odd Fellows, 
was organized. 4 '' 

According to historian 
Don Harrison Doyle, frater- 
nal organizations or "volun- 
tary associations." helped 
control frontier community 
conflict and aid in social or- 
der. According to Doyle: 

Whatever their explicit 
mission, all of these volun- 
tary associations performed 
very special covert roles by 
integrating community lead- 
ers, enhancing individual op- 
portunity, safeguarding the 
middle-class family, and 
serving as schools that taught 
organizational skills and group obedience. ™ 

These covert roles were most often 
made manifest by economic and social re- 
lief in the form of insurance and financial 
aid. In addition, relief was fell in the cama- 
raderie of others in similar situations. In this 

Panorama, Moncrieffe Ranch, Sheridan Co.. Wyo. .1903 

The glass plate used to make the print on the right has deteriorated, possibly due to a lack of chemical fixer. 

48. United States Department of the Interior, National 
Park Service, National Register of Historic Places 
Inventory-Nomination Form: Big Horn Odd Fellows 
Hall, prepared by Christy Love, 9 December 1980, 
State Historic Preservation Office, Wyoming De- 
partment of Commerce, Cheyenne. 

49. Atvin J. Schmidt and Nicholas Babchuk, advisory 
ed , Fraternal Organization* (Westport, Connecticut: 
Greenwood Press, 1980), p. 285. According to 
Schmidt and Babchuk, members of the International 
Association of Rebekah Assemblies (IARA) use the 
letters in Rebekah to describe their organization's 

R- Rendering your service above self. 

E- Ever mindful for all to remember of your Love 

and devotion. 

I'> Rl'| 'i ( ents inn Bible foi which you are a part 


E- Ever striving to please God and your people. 

K- is for Kindness- one of your many outstanding 


A- Always striving to live up to God's teachings. 

H- represents your Hospitality shown a humble 

unknown servant. 

50. Don Harrison Doyle, The Social Order of a Frontier 
Community: Jacksonville, Illinois 1825-1870 (Urbana: 

University of Illinois Press, 1978), p. 178. For a basic 
understanding of the role of the fraternal organiza- 
tion on the frontier see Doyle, pp. 178-193 and 
Schmidt and Babchuck, Fraternal Organizations. 


way fraternal societies helped achieve group 
solidarity in the face of hard times. 

In addition to performing the function 
of supplying relief to the needy, fraternal 
organizations helped people of different 
backgrounds assimilate by teaching them — 
through meetings and the various activities 
of the group — American forms of democ- 
racy. Although traditionally nonsectarian, 
nonpartisan and nonprofit, such voluntary 
associations usually took a conservative 
viewpoint toward government. Likewise, 
they helped establish a moral foundation for 
the community by adopting the belief in a 
supreme being. Finally, fraternal societies 
offered members a bit of social prestige 
within their own communities. This was 
especially true in small towns where mem- 
bers could separate themselves from non- 
members through the use of secret hand- 
shakes, passwords, and club activities. 

For Big Horn the Odd Fellows played 
all of these roles. It is important to under- 
stand that their goals were to maintain so- 
cial order and relieve the downtrodden. 
After the fall of Hanna's Big Horn City in 
the late 1 880s, the Panic of 1 893, and the 
failure of the Wyoming Collegiate Institute, 
Big Horn had an ample supply of distressed 

citizens. Although future events make it 
difficult to judge the relative success of the 
Odd Fellows in Big Horn, it is safe to say 
that its longevity -it lasted until 1949 when 
it was absorbed into the Sheridan Chapter 
of Odd Fellows, and the Daughters of Re- 
bekah lasted until 1972- indicates that the 
two groups made a difference in Big Horn. 
By 1 895 the Little Goose Valley and the 
village of Big Horn resembled many of the 
struggling towns that the railroad had by- 
passed. Without that link to the rest of the 
world Big Horn would remain a small vil- 
lage surrounded by small plots of land held 
by ranchers, farmers and a few sheep men. 
A homestead map of lands filed in 1900 
shows that there were more than fifty home- 
steads staked out in two townships that con- 
tained Big Horn and the Little Goose Creek 
Valley. 31 Most of these were 1 60-acre quar- 
ter sections although some husband and wife 
teams filed on adjacent lands to increase 
their acreage. No property owner held more 

51. The date of 1900 is used rather than 1895 because 
lands were not registered by the county assessor 
until they had been lived on and improved upon for 
a period of at least five years. 

52. Original Sheridan County Homesteads, map, (Big Horn, 
Wyoming: Deck Hunter, 1988). 

Wyoming Annals 

than 480 acres. 52 Livestock and produce 
grown on these homesteads were consumed 
at home, sold locally or taken to Sheridan to 
be shipped on the railroad. By 1897 it looked 
as if Big Horn's future depended upon the 
persistence of small ranchers and a small 
town. The village's promise and identity as 
northern Wyoming's leading city, so strong 
just ten years earlier, was lost. 

During the next decade the community 
of Big Horn and the Little Goose Creek Val- 
ley were forever altered by the arrival of 
three remittance men: the Englishman, 
Oliver H. Wallop; and the Scots, Malcolm 
Moncrieffe and his brother William 
Moncrieffe. After their successful business 
venture sold more than 20,000 horses to the 
British for use in the Boer War, the town of 
Big Horn was soon transformed from a small 
ranching supply post to a center for an elite, 
polo-playing, horse-breeding culture that 
linked America's old monied aristocracy to 

53. Big Horn's history through the twentieth century 
can be found in Bucky King, The History of Big Horn 
Polo (Sheridan: Still Sailing Publications, 1987), and 
Michael A. Amundson, The Mink and Manure Croiod: 
The History of an Elite Subculture in Wyoming, unpub- 
lished M.A. thesis, (Laramie: University of Wyo- 
ming, 1990). 54. Wyoming, A Guide to Its History, 
Highways, and People, p. 269. 

Spring/Summer 1994 

J E Stimson Collection, Wyoming Slate Museum 

the traditions of European nobility. 51 Thus, 
by 1940, as the town celebrated almost six 
decades of settlement, the dreams of Hanna's 
Big Horn city had been all but forgotten. 
That year the federally-sponsored Work 
Projects Administration book, Wyoming: A 
Guide To lis History, Highways, And People 
contained the remark: 

Ranchers here, many of them wealthy 
Easterners, have consciously preserved the 
Old-West atmosphere of the town -- its 
single street, plank sidewalks, hitching 
posts, and general store, where residents and 
guests sit on apple boxes and nail kegs 
around the stove and swap yarns, while 
waiting for the mail. 54 

Big Horn, with a single street, plank 
sidewalks and a general store, has survived 
to this day. As one crosses that lone, paved 
street from the Odd Fellows Hall — now a 
private residence — to the Big Horn Mer- 
cantile and Post Office, it is very difficult to 
even imagine a bustling little burg called Big 
Horn City. 

PI A', BASK! 1 n \l.l. FOR COA( H 

Jim Brandj nbi rg. He 
GRADl \ 1 I I) i\ [988 \\ n 1 1 \ 


journalism, and si vy1 d to 
completj 1 iii m.a. in 
American Studies in 1990 
While traveling around 
Wyoming t< > resear< n and 

I'l Kill K 1RAPH Ml I S FOR HIS 

i« )OK, Wyoming Time and 
Mike's interest was di- 
kl ( iii) toward the town of 
Big 1 Iorn, and it be< ami: his 


Mike < oni qnues ro pi rsue 
Wyoming history is finish 
ing work towards a pi i.i) 

degr1 i in disk >ky a i i iii 
University of Nebraska- 
Lincoln. He has ki < 1 ivi i), 

AWARDS, Kl ,SI'AI« II FELL! >\\ - 
G )UN( II FOR I'lll 1 ll MANITII S 

Western artist Merritt Dana 
i [oughton which will appear in the 
fall ISSUE < if Montana Maga :ineoJ 
Western History, and 1 in OTHER RELATl s 
to Wyoming uranium town, Jeffrey 


fall, 1995 ISSUE OF Western Historical 
Quarterly. I li: WILL SPEND THE C99 


Professor of I [istory at Idaho Stai i 
University at P< x atelu >. 

Mike Amundson (1965-) was born 
and raised in loveland, colorado. 
Jn the i ai i of 1983 Amundson came 
to the University of Wyoming r< 1 




The Architecture of 
Garbutt, Weidener, 
and Sweeney 
in 1920s Casper 

hy Patrick Frank 

I'holo* by Richard Collier, .State Historic Preservation Office 

The current state of research on the architectural history of Casper makes 
it relatively easy to find out who designed the most important buildings 
and when they were built. Local historians have done much groundwork 
examining tax records, insurance maps and directories, and compiling a 
fairly complete inventory of early twentieth century Casper buildings. 1 I 
will attempt to build on this work by examining in more detail a selection of 
the most important buildings of the boom years of the early twenties and 
placing them against a backdrop of American architecture of the time. 

A building is a cultural artifact which reveals impor- 
tant information about its time, place and the attainments 
and aspirations of the people who lived and worked in 
them. Several Casper buildings provide excellent evidence 
of this kind. They provide important clues, both in what 
they say and do not say, about the culture of Casper dur- 
ing a time of extremely rapid economic expansion. They 
specifically provide two answers to an important question 
of the day, namely: What kind of society will Casper be? Will 
it be stable and provincial, or relatively boisterous, com- 
peting for a place among the West's important cultural cen- 
ters? Casper's architects opted for the latter, yet the ques- 
tion persists not only for Casper but for all of Wyoming. 

Most of the important buildings of the time were 
designed by the single firm of Garbutt, Weidener and 
Sweeney. It was Casper's architectural leader during the 
years of the oil boom. Between 1914 and 1925 its architects 
designed fifteen schools and over fifty homes and com- 

mercial buildings. Their competition was only minimally 
in evidence during the period. : Below, a brief description 
of the early 1920s Casper economy will be followed by con- 
sideration of the major architectural influences on the firm, 
in turn followed by a detailed consideration of a few key 
buildings. We will find that Garbutt, Weidener and 
Sweeney provided stylistically ambitious buildings 

1. Historic Preservation Commission of the City of Casper, "Historic Preservation 

in Casper," undated booklet, Vertical File, Casper College Library Special 
Collections (hereafter CCLSC); Casper Symphonv Guild, "Symphony of 
Christmas Homes," undated brochure. Vertical File, CCLSC; Art Randall 
Collection, CCLSC; Downtown Casper Main Street Project, "Historic Walk- 
ing Tour," brochure, 1987, CCLSC. South Wolcott Street Historic District 
National Register Nomination, CCLSC. 

2. Significant buildings bv their competitors include the Masonic Lodge on South 

Center Street designed in 1914 by Dubois and Goodrich, the Henning home 
on South Wolcott Street designed in 1925 bv Raymond Webb, and the B. B. 
Brooks home on South Wolcott designed in 1924 by an unidentified architect. 
Garbutt, Weidener and Sweeney also designed the Natrona County High 
School. This building, designed in a medieval style considered appropriate 
for educational buildings at the time, is beyond the scope of this paper. 

Wyoming Annals 


bespeaking Casper's desire in the 1920s for commercial 
leadership in the Rocky Mountain region. 

The engine that drove the Casper economy in the 
early 1920s was oil production at the Salt Creek Field some 
thirty miles north of town. Impelled by fast-rising auto- 
mobile traffic, the field's output climbed steeply, as the 
following table shows (in million barrels): 





During the peak years 1923-24 the Salt Creek Field 
alone produced over four per cent of the entire nation's 
output of crude. 3 Casper's population increased at a simi- 
larly rapid rate. 

1917 8,474 

1922 22,040 

1920 15,400 

1925 26,520 4 

Perhaps more relevant to the architectural profession, 
building permits numbered 574 in 1920 and rose to a record 
1,256 just three years later. 5 

Not surprisingly, many of Casper's leading citizens 
saw an opportunity to promote the city as a financial and 

3. Production figures from Casper Daily Tribune, "Pictorial and Printed Survey of 

the City of Casper and the State of Wyoming," (1924 brochure, CCLSC); and 
Harold D. Roberts, Salt Creek Wyoming: History of a Great Oil Field (Denver: 
privately printed for Midwest Oil Company, 1956), p. 173. 

4. Figures from Polk's Casper City and Natrona County Directory (Casper: Mountain 

States Lithographic) for the years cited. 

5. Casper Chamber of Commerce, "The Casper Pathfinder," typescript, 1927, 


Spring/Summer 1994 

industrial hub. The city spent $20 million on civic improve- 
ments in the decade ending in 1927. h A promotional bro- 
chure solemnly intoned: "Expert and reliable opinion is 
that the oil fields surrounding Casper will continue to flow 
at the same rate for the next sixty years at least." 7 A Cham- 
ber of Commerce newspaper advertisement declared that 
the city was "destined to become an inland empire. . . the 
greatest industrial center west of the Mississippi River." 8 
There was a move in the state legislature in 1923 to relo- 
cate the Wyoming state capital to Casper. 

Such boundless optimism probably was a major rea- 
son why Garbutt, Weidener and Sweeney came to Casper. 
Arthur M. Garbutt, the head of the firm and the only one 
whose history is traceable, arrived first. A native of New 
York, he had studied architecture at the Mechanics Insti- 
tute in Rochester for four years ending in 1896. He came 
west at the turn of the century and spent ten years in Fort 
Collins, Colorado where he designed several commercial 
buildings and taught architecture at Colorado State Uni- 
versity." Arriving in Casper in 1914, he set up the office at 

6. Jean Mead, Casper Country: Wyoming's Heartland (Boulder: Pruett, 1987), p. 77 

7. Casper Daily Tribune, "Pictorial and Printed Survey." 

8. Mead, Casper Country, p. 80. 

9. Garbutt's buildings in Fort Collins, all built between 1904 and 1906, include the 

Armory on East Mountain Street, the Colorado Building and the Commercial 
Bank and Trust on College Avenue, the Catholic Church Rectory on West 
Mountain (all extant), and the YMCA (destroyed). Fort Collins Weekly Courier, 
27 March 1907. For other biographical data on Garbutt I am indebted to his 
three surviving children, Irving Garbutt, Bill Garbutt and Nina Kubichek 
who kindly gave assistance and information. See also the Garbutt Family file 
in the Local History Room, Fort Collins (Colorado) Public Library, and the 
University Archives in the Special Collections Room at Colorado State 
University Library, Fort Collins. 


1. Facade of Troy Laundry, 1920 (extant though altered). W ' ' '"" 

first in partnership with Charles Weidener alone. James 
Sweeney arrived in 1921. 

Most of the business buildings designed by the firm 
were in a classical style descended from either Roman or 
Renaissance antecedents. This is not surprising since the 
mode was dominant in American public architecture be- 
tween the 1880s and the onset of the Great Depression. 
The style, known as Academic Classicism or Beaux-Arts 
Classicism, emphasized tradition, balance and fidelity to 
the past. Its pioneer in America was the New York firm of 
McKim, Meade and White whose work at the Boston Pub- 
lic Library (begun 1888) and the Chicago World's Fair of 
1893 was highly influential. 

McKim, Meade and White were the principal archi- 
tects of the World's Fair, and they created the sparkling White 
City which seemed to embody all that was best and most 
noble from past styles. Daniel Burnham, another Fair plan- 
ner, wrote to Frank Lloyd Wright, then a young draftsman. 

The Fair is going to have a great influence in our coun- 
try. The American people have seen the "classics " on a 
grand scale for the first time . . .1 can see all America 
constructed along the lines of the Fair, in noble, "dig- 
nified, " classic style. The great men of the day all feel 
that way about it. All of them.'" 

This is precisely what happened, as the influence of 
the Fair -which was seen by one in ten Americans- spread 
from coast to coast at the turn of the century. For example, 
the San Francisco Civic Center included its own version of 
the Boston Public Library. Reed and Stem's Grand Cen- 
tral Station in New York boasted monumental Roman 
round arches separated by correct columns. Denver's Civic 
Center Park was designed with an amphitheater of Re- 
naissance derivation. McKim, Meade and White went on 
to remodel the White House for Theodore Roosevelt in 
1902. Other architects such as Charles Piatt, John Russell 
Pope, and the firm of Warren and Wetmore became lead- 
ers in the new movement toward tradition. Gone were 
Victorian idiosyncrasies such as rusticated stonework, ec- 
centric decoration and asymmetrical plans. The new style 
was balanced, harmonious and, above all, firmly based in 
classical tradition. 

This stylistic change has its roots in two aspects of 
American culture of the period, both of which were also 
operative in Casper. One was America's fast-developing 
industrial wealth which made possible not only such 
grand edifices, but also the scholarship required to do 
them tastefully Second, and perhaps more important, was 
a desire for some semblance of permanence and stability 
in a society being overturned by industrialization, urban- 

10. Quoted in SigfriedGiedion,Spnce, Time, and Architecture (Cambridge: Harvard 
University Press, 1965), p.394. 


Wyoming Annals 

ization and immigration. Academic Classicism provided 
a visual manifestation of taste and tradition in a society 
characterized, according to architectural historian Alan 
Gowans, by the 

sense of being adrift on a chartless seq of untested prin- 
ciples, indeterminate values, and shifting social order . . . 
There were those -a majority- who fell somehow that the 
solution was to return to precedents and improve on them; 
this meant in effect reproducing past styles as the early 
Victorians had done, but with all the greater accuracy 
now allowed, and all the greater size and seale demanded, 
In/ half a century's accumulated wealth and scholarship." 

Such influences must have been acutely felt in Casper, 
which was rising from the Wyoming plain as residents 
streamed in and oil wealth accumulated. If so, then 
Casper's buildings of the period likewise express the hope 
for an anchor in the storm. 

The Troy Laundry (ill. 1 ) displays the efforts of 
Garbutt, Weidener and Sweeney to imbue even a modest 
commercial structure with some sense of tradition. The 
elevation is symmetrical, though only the right half is seen 
here. Surrounding the firm name at the top are imitation 
garlands done in brickwork. The windows are surmounted 
with Roman round arches, and the two central doorways 
are topped with panels in a low-cost mock-up of Renais- 
sance style. The office door at the far right has a triangu- 
lar pediment in brickwork above a door surrounded by 
sidelights in the manner of American Georgian detailing, 
a style which itself was based on Renaissance models. 

The Aero Service Station (ill. 2) was similarly modest 
yet also subtly pedigreed. The lines of the central block 

are highly reminiscent of a Colonial American home with 
its symmetrical arrangement of openings, hipped roof and 
its doorway accented by lanterns. The fact that the station 
resembles a traditional home is also fairly typical of the 
time. According to Chester Liebs, 

The most popular architectural costume lor packaging 
filling stations In/ the early 1920s was that of a small, 
tidy house .... The sight of a little house selling gas 
along the roadside could also trigger a host of positive 
associations -friendliness, comfort, security- in the 
minds of motorists whizzing In/. 1 ' 

11. Alan Gowans, Images of American Living: Four Cnilmn's of Architecture and 

Furnitureas Cultural Expression (Philadelphia: |. B. Lippineott, 1%7), pp.3h3- 

12. Chester H. Liebs, From Main Street to Miracle Mile; America's Roadside Architec- 

ture (Boston: Little, Broun, 1985), pp.100-101. 


2. Facade of Aero Service Station, 1924 (destroyed). 

Spring/Summer 1994 


3. Facade of Nicolaysen Residence, 1922 (extant but lacks top story as built. 

In the Nicolaysen House (ill. 3), various allusions to 
Classical traditions come together. The facade is Federal 
in character with a symmetrical array including wings at 
the sides, a Classical cornice just below the eaves of a 
hipped roof, and an accented doorway. The porch is semi- 
circular, resembling the south facade of the White House. 
Doorway details (ill. 4) show delicately curved mullions 
in the panes around the door behind attenuated columns 
of combined Ionic and Tuscan orders. The Federal mod- 
els on which this house is based are buildings by Charles 
Bulfinch, the leading architect of Boston near the turn of 
the nineteenth century. Bulfinch in turn based his deli- 
cate designs on recently discovered Roman interiors that 
had been found practically intact at Pompeii and 
Herculaneum in Italy. 

This was the stylistic heritage desired by Peter 
Nicolaysen, who, by selecting this most traditional of Ameri- 
can styles for his house, may have wanted to show enthusi- 
asm for his adopted country. Born in Denmark in 1863, he 
first migrated to British Columbia, then Nebraska, work- 
ing in lumbering and construction. He came to Casper in 
1888 and started Nicolaysen Lumber Company five years 
later. Since he did not derive his fortune from oil, he repre- 
sented whatever there was of "old money" in Casper prior 
to the boom. He later diversified into ranching, and served 
as mayor, city councilman and county commissioner, while 
his wife Mary Nicolaysen amassed Casper's first art collec- 
tion.' 1 The home is a symbolic expression of the family's 
devotion both to tradition and to America. 

13. Biographical information from Art Randall Collection, CCLSC. 

4. Doorway detail of 
Nicola\sen Residence 

5. opposite top: Facade of Rex Theater, 
1918 (destroyed) 

6. opposite middle: Ticket Booth and 
lobby of Rex Theater 

7. opposite bottom: Proscenium of 
Rex Theater 


Wyoming Annals 

tasteful opulence. The proscenium arch next 
to the outlined bowing figure is marked by a 
curving garland of Renaissance derivation. The 
flanking two-story pavilion contains columns 
with full entablatures, a wide garland between 
the stories and decorative plaster urns. The 
gently undulating vegetal motifs that highlight 
so many of the features of this building are de- 
rived from Renaissance models which in turn 
come from ancient Rome. To the Romans such 
motifs symbolized fertility and tranquility, such 
as those on the Roman Altar of Peace. The 
whole ensemble is luxurious, calling to mind 
Venetian Renaissance buildings by Andrea 
Palladio and Jacopo Sansovino, architects who 
established Venice's reputation for wealth and 
taste. Even in the Western United States, Vene- 

The Rex Theater in downtown Casper (ill.5) was a 
much larger building no less steeped in Classicism. Its 
symmetrical and somewhat imposing brick facade was 
marked by the rhythm of pairs of Corinthian pilasters, a 
time-honored device which Michelangelo used in the dome 
of St. Peter's to suggest stateliness and monumentality. 
These pilasters appear to support an elaborate entablature 
derived from the Greek Ionic order. The mullioned oc- 
tagonal lozenges in the upper halves of the windows, while 
useful in maintaining the energy of the composition, strike 
a slightly discordant note and look faintly medieval. The 
Rex ticket booth (ill. 6) was a perfect circular temple in 
which engaged columns support round-arched ticket win- 
dows, the whole topped by a low-pitched roof that recalls 
the Roman Temple of Vesta. 

The decorative scheme of the Rex Theater reaches a 
climax at the proscenium (ill. 7), where Renaissance and 
Roman motifs combine to produce an overall sense of 

tian motifs were widely copied. Denver's Daniels and 
Fisher Tower (1916) is based closely on the bell tower in 
Venice's Plaza of St. Mark. In Cheyenne, the curtain of the 
Atlas Theater, designed in 1907 by William Dubois, con- 
tains a depiction of a Venetian scene. Wherever they were 
built, however, early movie places were as opulent as lo- 
cal budgets would allow. According to David Naylor, 

Their purpose was to build a showplace with all the 
trappings of the rich, but accessible to all. George Rapp, 
a leading palace architect, put it best: "Here is a shrine 
to democracy, where the weal tin/ rub elbows with the poor. " u 

Garbutt, Weidener, and Sweeney also designed sev- 
eral business buildings such as the Casper Daily Tribune 
Building (1920, extant) and the Ohio Oil Company offices 
(1917, destroyed). Their real showplaces, however, were 
large public buildings in which they used decoration and 
luxurious materials to create a tasteful whole along Clas- 
sical lines that the times seemed to demand. Among these 
are the Townsend Hotel (1923, extant), now on the National 

14. David Naylor, American Picture Palaces: The Architecture of Fantasy (New York: 
Van Nostrand, 1981), p. 31. 

Spring/Summer 1994 


8. Facade of Wyoming National Bank Building, 1921 
(extant though much altered), original design. 

Register of Historic Places, and the Consolidated Royalty 
or Con-Roy Building (1917, extant) where the firm had its 
own offices. Their best office building is the Wyoming Na- 
tional Bank Building, also known as the Midwest Build- 
ing, which was the largest in the state when it was com- 
pleted in 1921. The bank was built during the midst of a 
major expansion of deposits which rose from $270,000 in 
1914 to $4.4 million by 1923. 15 Its president was Bryant B. 
Brooks who had risen from cowhand to rancher to gover- 
nor. His house was an elegant Federal dwelling just down 
the street from that of the Nicolaysens. 

As originally designed (ill. 8), the Wyoming National 
Bank had an accented main entrance in the center of the 
ground floor, with a subsidiary door just to the left and 
space for a shop on the right. The grouping and spacing 
of the windows on the upper floors reflect the organiza- 
tion of these entrances. It was designed in a manner simi- 
lar to a Greek column with the base being the ground floor, 
the relatively unadorned shaft being the office floors and 
the capital being the top floor and cornice. The proud in- 
scription bearing the company name was carved into an 
Indiana limestone beltcourse just above the ground floor 
that dominated the street-level view at the corner of Sec- 
ond and Wolcott in the heart of downtown. Before con- 
struction began, however, the entrance scheme was altered 
by shifting the subsidiary doorway toward the corner, thus 
equalizing the doorway accents. This shift called for a re- 
vision of window spacing (ill. 10). The main doorway, like 
other ground floor entrances, was finished in granite after 
a Renaissance design. A twisted molding surrounded the 

15. B. B. Brooks, Memoirs of Bryant B. Brooks (Glendale, California: Arthur C. Clarke 
Co., 1939), p.272. 


bronze door, coming to a peak with an oval cartouche just 
below a carved eagle. The eagle had strong associations 
both with currency and America but it was also the sym- 
bol of the Roman empire. To Americans it meant efficient 
administration, citizenship and public duty in a secular- 
ized republic. The main entrance was an identical door- 
way which had another granite panel above the eagle that 
was inscribed in Roman style: WYOMING NATIONAL 
BANK BUILDING. The cornice (ill. 9) was elaborate, and 
sat atop the edifice like a crown. A row of tooth-like den- 
tils rested on moldings above the top story windows and 
was capped by two more moldings which, finally, were 
topped by round medallions containing alternating sun- 
bursts and floral motifs. This type of cornice was less an 
invention of the Renaissance than of the Renais- 
sance-inspired McKim, Meade and White. They used 
similarly alternating motifs in their buildings at Colum- 
bia University and in the Boston Public Library itself. 
Charles McKim, who supervised the design of the library, 
wrote to Edith Wharton that it was not necessary to strictly 
copy ancient models as long as their spirit was captured. 

The designer should not be too slavish, whether in the 
composition of a building, or a room, in his adherence 
to the letter of tradition. By conscientious study of the 
best examples of classic periods, including those of an- 
tiquity, it is possible to conceive a perfect result sug- 
gestive of a particular period . . . but inspired by the 
study of them all. 1 " 

16. Charles McKim to Edith Wharton (1897) quoted in Brooklyn Museum, The 
American Renaissance: 1876-1917 (Brooklyn: Brooklyn Museum exhibition 
catalog, 1979), p.61. 

Wyoming Annals 


»fC»*D 3T. 




9. top: cornice of Wyoming National Bank Building. 
10. bottom: ground floor corner of bank, as built. 

Spring/Summer 1994 


11. Elks Club, built 1923 (extant). 

Beyond the bronze doorways and granite decorations, the 
interior of the Wyoming National Bank building was also 
sumptuous. The walls were oak and walnut stained to 
dark shades and situated above a five-foot wainscoting of 
Vermont marble. The lobby sported painted decorations 
(which no longer exist) just below a ceiling hung with 
bronze light fixtures. 

The opening of the building on June 27, 1921 was 
announced on the front page of the Casper Daily Tribune. 

Marking another epoch in a history of lightning growth 
ami advancement which probably holds few parallels 
in the entire country -the development of a private bank- 
ing concern into one of the largest financial institu- 
tions in the state within seven years- the Wyoming 
National Bank will open for business Monday in its 
palatial new home in the Midwest Building. . . That 
hundreds of patrons and others who take pride in local 
achievements will throng the elegant new banking 
rooms is assnm 

B. B. Brooks was on hand at the opening to greet 
well-wishers from his huge desk on the main floor. ls 


The firm's best building, however, and one that sums 
up most of their concerns, is still standing nearly in its origi- 
nal condition. From the park across the street, the Elks 
Club (ill. 11) looks elegant and authoritative with its re- 
peated round-arched windows highlighted in terra cotta. 
The facade is exceedingly simple. Windows rest on a 
light-colored, terra cotta beltcourse with no accents at the 
corners. The doorway is only subtly accented with a bal- 
ustrade above and terra cotta panels surrounding. The 
metal awning is a much later addition along with the BPOE 
sign at the far left. The entire impression is one of a Re- 
naissance palace made of simple elements tastefully ar- 
ranged. Below each window is a recessed panel with an 
urn depicted in low relief. Window moldings are encrusted 
with trailing floral motifs similar to those found on six- 
teenth century Italian palaces. Garbutt, Weidener and 
Sweeney bought their terra cotta from the Denver Terra 

17. "Palatial New Home to be Occupied Monday by Bank;" Casper Daily Tribune, 

25 June 1921, p.l. 

18. Wyoming National Bank officials never lost their taste for architectural splen- 

dor. In 1964 the firm moved into a futuristic, onion-shaped cement building 
also unique in Wyoming. 

Wyoming Annals 

Cotta Company which modeled its designs after actual Re- 
naissance buildings. 19 A closer view of the corner mold- 
ing of the Elks Club (ill.12) shows that it is related to the 
work at the Rex Theater. It also resembles the ground-floor 
exterior moldings that once adorned the Townsend Hotel, 
and which would have adorned the Natrona County Court 
House that the firm designed in 1924 but was never given 
the opportunity to build. 20 The gracefully curving foliage 
with repeated urns and vases is similar to terra cotta de- 
signs on any number or Renaissance palaces, among them 
the Palazzo Roverella in Ferrara and the Palazzo Palavicini 
in Bologna. 21 

The effort to recapture the splendor of sixteenth cen- 
tury Italy was not done unknowingly in Casper or else- 
where in America. Architects provided the nation's busi- 
nessmen with a set of uplifting images drawn from a time 
in which society was heavily influenced by financiers such 
as the Medici and the Peruzzi families rather than the 
clergy, soldiers or hereditary nobility. The business ethic 
of the Renaissance contributed directly to one of the great- 
est periods of art ever seen in Europe, and the heads of 
families were known as much for their taste as their wealth. 

19. The National Terra Cotta Society, a national consortium of terra cotta produc- 

ers, published an elegant book of Renaissance palace decorations in 1925 
which the head of that Denver company sent free of charge to leading 
architects of the region. I have not located one belonging to Garbutt, 
Weidener and Sweeney, but have seen copies that were given to William 
Dubois of Cheyenne and to the School of Architecture at the University of 

20. Plans for this building, which was not constructed due to a failed bond issue, 

are in the Jan Wilking Collection (JWC), Historical Research Unit, Wyoming 
Department of Commerce. 

21. Both illustrated in National Terra Cotta Society, Terra Cotta of the Italian 

Renaissance (New York: National Terra Cotta Society, 1925) ppT35, 171 . 


■■■■.--2 ->-y 

Corner molding of Elks Club. 

Spring/Summer 1994 


This was the ideal to which the leaders of Casper, along 
with those of a great many other cities, aspired. Sigfried 
Giedion, who dubbed this building style "mercantile clas- 
sicism," traced the style to the Chicago World's Fair of 1893. 

d the pub- 
mce of Florence was beii 

But America had an advantage over Renaissance Florence 
in that it was a democracy in which the fruits of wealth 
were believed to be available to anyone with creativity and 

In such ways the buildings of Garbutt, Weidener and 
Sweeney are in line with currents elsewhere in America. 
They reflect the presence of an upper class that thought of 
itself first as American rather than Western or regional. 
The firm eschewed references in their buildings that 
pointed to Wyoming's rural past. Indeed, oil wealth 
brought political strife to the state as ranchers -who thought 
of themselves as the true Wyomingites- urged the legisla- 
ture to lay a severance tax on oil, claiming that it would 
soon be gone. Casper's leading poet at the time was a 
dyed-in-the-wool Westerner who lamented the growth of 
industrial cities which he saw as inimical to health. 

Smoke plumes from chimneys 
id the ear 
Shrill u ihriek their -warning cries . . . 

Bold women with painted faces. 
At ni shun the light of day) 

Like ices 

Travel alone seeking their prcv. 
The marching stars are far ai 
The light ofsonvzc in their eves. 

ilf-hid by c 
Looks on in s 

Casper's architecture was aimed at newcomers, of 
which there were many, saying to them that the values 
and virtues of Casper were not different from those else- 
where in the country. This contrasts with the work of ar- 
chitects such as Rudolph Schindler in California and John 
Gaw Meem in New Mexico who were then developing 
regional variations on dominant styles, creating buildings 
which more directly reflected local culture. If Garbutt, 
Weidener and Sweeney avoided regionalism they also 
avoided Modernism. By the time of the oil boom, Louis 
Sullivan, Frank Lloyd Wright and Irving Gill had already 
designed some of their most innovative structures. Mod- 
ern architecture was an effort to create new building forms 
for new times, but Garbutt, Weidener and Sweeney were 
unsympathetic. They saw their art as a reminder of what 
they thought was permanent and enduring rather than 

22. Giedion, Space, Time, and Architecture, pp. 274-5. 

23. E. Richard Shipp, "Pioneer Blood" (Casper: Oil City Printers, 1926), n.p. 

uncertain and experimental. 

Yet, if their buildings do not have a Wyomingesque 
look to them there is one factor that marks them specifi- 
cally from Casper, and that is the gap between appearance 
and reality. In nearly every place where Mercantile Classi- 
cism was dominant it was in part a response to fast-changing 
society, and there were probably few places changing faster 
than Casper in the early twenties. Casper had all the fea- 
tures of a classic boomtown: crime, corruption and relatively 
easy money. It had in the Sandbar one of the world's larg- 
est red-light districts for a city of its size. 24 In addition, the 
Volstead Act was ignored on a massive scale. 

Former laze enforcement officials estimated that 400 
people were engaged in the manufacture, traffic, and 
iking it one of the largest in- 
dustries in the count 

A captain and four police officers were indicted in 1924 
for taking protection payoffs from a long list of buyers of 
booze, among them "well-known persons in Casper's busi- 
ness and social life." 2h Ethnic minorities routinely met with 
discrimination. There were several hundred Black oil rig 
workers but, according to one source, "Negroes were not 
allowed to cross the line. The 'line' was north and west of 
Ash and B Streets." 27 

This was the unsteady if somewhat exciting atmo- 
sphere in which Garbutt, Weidener and Sweeney worked. 
If one of the most common uses of art is for escape from 
the times or unpleasant realities, then the architects an- 
swered the call. They did so using the best language that 
they knew of, one that had explicitly idealistic and 
high-minded connotations. 

True to ranchers' predictions, the oil bubble began to 
burst in the middle of the decade. Production at Salt Creek 
began to drop. By 1927 the output was 20 million barrels 
below its 1923 peak. 2S If, as Dr. T.A. Larson says, "Expand- 
ing oil production cushioned the state's economic difficul- 
ties in the early 1920s," the cushion was wearing thin. 
Due to competition from Texas and Oklahoma the price of 
crude dropped from a boom high of three dollars a barrel 
to a mere 19 cents in 1931. 2 " By 1929 Casper's population 
had dropped 5,000 from its 1925 peak. 30 As early as 1926 
building permits fell by more than 1,000 to a mere 212. 31 

The latter statistic was, of course, crucial for the ar- 
chitecture trade. Casper's leading firm, under the impact 

24. Don Clark, "The Sand Bar," typescript, 1975, CCLSC, n.p. 

25. Mead, Casper Country, p. 89. 

26. Walter Jones, "Casper's Prohibition Years," Annals of Wyoming 48, no. 2 (Fall 

1976):270. The captain's list mysteriously disappeared before the trial. 

27. Don Clark, "The Sand Bar," n.p. 

28. Roberts, Salt Creek, Wyoming, p. 173. 

29. T. A. Larson, History of Wyoming (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1978), 


30. Polk's Casper City and Natrona County Directory, 1929-30. 

31. Casper Chamber of Commerce, "The Casper Pathfinder." 

Wyoming Annals 

of the decline, broke up in 1925. The year the firm ceased 
operation Arthur Garbutt traded an unsalable Casper 
apartment building for a piece of land north of Worland 
and took up farming and ranching the next year. 32 

Somehow this was appropriate. Once the oil boom 
ran its course, Casper's economy returned to the agricul- 
ture which had previously sustained it. Depression-driven 
stockholders of the Wyoming National Bank passed a reso- 
lution in 1934 which began: 

Whereas, Wyoming is essentially a livestock state... 
with vast urea of mountain ami plain more suitable for 
livestock production... making Wyoming's future depen- 
dent largely upon the continued success of her livestock 

Creating buildings of sophistication, Garbutt, 
Weidener and Sweeney sided with Casper's "boomers." 
Their buildings speak more clearly of Casper's aspirations 
to Western business leadership than of a particular Wyo- 
ming identity. 

Research for this article was assisted by a grant from the Wyoming Council 
for the Humanities. A slightly different version of the work was read at the 
Casper College Humanities Festival on March 3-6, 1993. Architectural 
drawings of Garbutt. Weidener and Sweeney buildings may be found in the 
Jan Wilking Collection. Wyoming State Museum. Line drawings were enhanced 
by Eileen Skibo. 

32. Interview with Irving Garbutt, Bill Garbutt and Nina Kubichek, Casper, 24 

April 1992. 

33. Brooks Memoirs, p. 273. 

Patrick Frank 
was born in the 
Sierra Nevada 
foothills town of 
Jackson. Califor- 

| i ornia State 
8 University in 
1 Sacramento, 
3 receiving a B.A. in 
art in 1976. He 
spent seven years in the social service field as 
a homeless shelter manager and prison librar- 
ian before doing graduate work at george 
Washington University. He completed his 
Ph.D in American Studies there in 1992. A 
specialist on modern and contemporary art, 
he has published several essays and reviews on 
the subject. currently he is researching 
relationships between modern art and anar- 
chist philosophies, and has written several 
articles for anarchist magazines. a visiting 
Assistant Professor of Art History at the 
University of Colorado at Boulder, Patrick 
also teaches that subject on an ADJUNCT BASIS 
at the University of Wyoming. 

^huuar^-^DmnmG oooks on "GDuommo cKlstoru 

»■* ++ ++ "-^ L7DrMvyi uir^u di aimc ddccc ** *> ■* * + 


1993 WSHS book Award 

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The only definitive study on the crime, this book has much new 
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False fronts, Old Faithful Inn, dugouts, log construction, Wyoming 
architects, railroad architecture, oil company towns — Starr has writ- 
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ISBN: 0-931271-07-X, trade paper, 136 photos, index, 200 pp, $14.95 

New in 1994 

Sinners & Saints: Tales of Old Laramie City 

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__ -* 

1992 WSHS Book Award 

LandMarked: Stories of Peggy Simson Curry 

collected & introductions by Mary Alice Gunderson 
19 short stories, most set in Colorado and Wyoming, by Wyoming's 
first poet laureate. Critic R.J. Barnes writes "comparable to the work of 
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ISBN-0-931271-17-7 trade paper, 320 pp, $12.95 

At bookstores or direct from the publisher. 

Mail orders add $2 per book shipping. Wyo. residents add 5% tax. 

High Plains Press, Box 123, Glendo Wyoming 82213 

Ph. (307) 735-4370 

Spring/Summer 1994 



The Schoomer Wyoming on its first 
roymge (19V9) *-»» 

WyoMmg Annals 

by 'Jrc n : : is ?■ ( . D^^krnan 



for a landlocked 

ites sr-eak :: »u; 
the "rattle-shir; '■'■'-. 
nation well in bo 
at: i.e:te rally re: 

::r a shir :: 're r.-.~-.e-a 
*ate. ".her. • rrttirtr- 
a shit arts: tairak :: 
— at a halt sea :: the 
1 World Wars. What is 
.eatherea hrtvever. is 

that the largest wooden-huDed ship ever 
built in the United States and put into 

; "..-v=" :trrAt::a as the srxaaasre-f 

schooner Wyoming. The vessel was con- 
structed in the yards of Percy and Small 
in Bath. Maine and launched on Decem- 
ber 15. 1909 with several Wyoming resi- 
dents among its shareholders. Not onry 
was the Wyoming the largest, it would be 
the last :: the sax-raasre-rl sola: iters hailt 
capping a period which lasted thirty years 
when four, five and six masted schooners 
provided an economic means of carrying 
bulk cargo, especially coal and lumber, for 
: : as~ase taaae 

After the Civil War iron-huBed steam- 
ers began to encroach on square-rigged 
> .--'•- £ easels ana sltThy :aie :ver the 
business of carrying passengers art a 
freight. By 1880 this takeover was virtu- 
allv complete. Also, by then most passen- 
gers and cargoes that originated in the 
United States were being carried on for- 

_..- : :-= e"Le- .-_- — 5 

:;as ; :~; 

"~t ; — _-- ~ - 1_~ :~ 

(Sew Yacfc Clauoe SendaH 

eign flag vessels. Most shipyards on 
the East Coast had fallen on hard 
times and many had been forced to 
close. Nevertheless, there remained 
a place for an American sailing ves- 
sel provided it could carry cargo 
quickly and at lower cost than a 
steamer. The result was the devel- 
opment in New England beginning 
in 1879 of large four masted schoo- 
ners, to be followed by five masted 
schooners in 1890, and finally six 
masted schooners in 1900, the con- 
struction of the latter reaching its 
apogee with the Wyoming. The ma- 
jority of these large schooners were 
built in Maine. 

When the Wyoming was built, 
everything about the vessel was 
massive. Her registered length at the 
waterline stretched 329.5 feet from 
bow to stern, or roughly the distance 
between goal posts in a football field. 
But she appeared even longer with 
her bowsprit and jib boom extend- 
ing an additional 95 feet. The 
schooner's width was 50. 1 feet and 
the depth of her hold 30.4 feet, as 
much as many modern tankers. 
Grossing 3.731 tons, she had three 
decks and five cargo hatches. Her six 
lower masts of Oregon pine were 
each 1 26 feet in length with the fore- 
mast having a diameter of 32 inches 
and each of the other five being thirty 
inches. The topmast poles were 56 
feet long, and when fully rigged the 
schooner could carry 12,000 square 
yards of canvas. Her two stockless 
anchors each weighed 8,500 pounds 
and she was capable of carrying 
6,000 tons of cargo. 2 It was said that 
she could operate with one third of 
the crew needed for square-rigged 
sailing vessels. 3 

What made these large New 
England schooners economical was 
their low crew-to-cargo ratio. The 
crew was never more than twelve to 
thirteen men. This was made pos- 

2. "Six Masted Schooner Wyoming." International 

Marine Engineering 15. January 1910, p.l. 
The reported dimensions vary slightly. Ac- 
cording to the construction survey of the Wyo- 
ming, the length of her lower masts were 123 

3 . William Armstrong Fairburn, Merchant Sail (Cen- 

ter Lovell. Maine: Fairburn Marine Educa- 
tional Foundation. 1955). Vol.4, p.2610. 


B«U ll"m $X 
Stanchion b\i' x S J<' 

^**™gj^j|gj2r]23isuiu. '^FLoUm, e"x 14'-l .1 K..I to 6 x6X .1 Upper Deck 6 x 14 -« =I ~~ SS>Ke£lii 0«k moulded I5"sided l+" 

— — *T 

International Marine Engineering 

Midship Section of the Wyoming Drawing from International Marine Engineering, 
15 (January, 1910):3 

sible by the relatively simple fore- 
and aft rig of these schooners and, 
most importantly, by the introduc- 
tion in 1879 of the donkey steam 
engine. 4 The latter was normally 
situated at the back of the forward 
deckhouse and used to provide 
power to run the anchor windlass, 
the winches to hoist the sails, and 
the pumps located in the hold, but 
not for the purpose of propulsion. It 
is difficult to see how these 
multi-masted schooners could have 
developed without this innovation. 5 
Although the donkey engine re- 
quired having aboard an engineer 
whose responsibility was to maintain 

4. W.J. Lewis Parker, The Great Coal Schooners of 

New England 1870-1909 (Mystic. Connecti- 
cut: Maine Historical Association. 1948). p. 35. 
Captain O'Keefe of the schooner Wiiliam D. 
Marvel is credited with the idea of installing 
donkey steam engines in large schooners. This 
device made it possible to operate the vessel 
with a very small crew, thus differentiating the 
schooner from a square rigged sailing vessel 
which was entirely dependent upon manpower 
to raise or lower sails. 

5. Michael J. Heinrich. "Forester," Ships in Scale 2. 

No. 11 (May /June 1985):46. The donkey en- 
gine was instrumental in the survival of Ameri- 
can commercial sailing because it meant fewer 
crew members were necessary. Thus, higher 
profits were possible in spite of competition 
from steamers. 

steam at all times, whether the ves- 
sel was underway or cargo was being 
handled, the cost of his position was 
balanced by the schooner's other 
economies. It did not have to store 
fuel and could use virtually all of its 
carrying space for cargo. A small crew 
meant that it had a cost of labor ad- 
vantage over cargo steamers and 
square riggers. Unlike the steamer, 
no crew was required for the ship's 
propulsion. In terms of freight capac- 
ity the large schooners could carry 
250 tons more cargo for every crew 
member than their most efficient ri- 
vals. 6 Moreover, it was far less costly 
to keep a large schooner idle. If the 
ship was laying at anchor awaiting 
cargo, all but the captain, the first 
mate, the engineer and the cook could 
be paid off. 7 The economic profitabil- 
ity of the schooners was assured by 
the fact that many of their voyages 
were in coastwise trade, thereby 
benefitting from laws passed by Con- 
gress banning foreign flag vessels 
from engaging in coastal trade. 

6. Parker. The Great Coal Schooners of New 

England 1870-1909. p. 59. 

7. Ibid., p.95 


Wyoming Annals 

View of deck. It was a long 
walk from stem to stern. 

Mystic Seaport Museum, Mystic, 

Connecticut and 

Captain W.J Lewis Parker 

Spring/Summer 1994 

c. State Museum 

Bryant B. Brooks 


P. O. address, Peer Creek 
__ ^ Wyo. 

Uange, heads of Muddy, eoutl 
side of Caaper mountains. 

Other brands, 3 left tbi S ]l 


Horse brand, same .is cut, or 
left shoulder. 

Wyoming Stock Growers Association, Brand 
Book (Cheyenne: Northwestern Live Stock 
Journal, 1887) p. 21. 

At the time Wyoming was 
launched, there was some question 
whether she was the largest wooden 
sailing vessel ever built. The New 
York Times, in reporting her launch- 
ing, stated incorrectly that the new 
schooner did not "mark a new record 
in the line of gigantic wooden sail- 
ing craft for the ill-starred seven 
master Thomas W. Lawson had a 
gross tonnage of 5218." While the 
Lawson was larger, the Times had 
failed to point out that this ship was 
steel hulled. 8 Others compared 
Wyoming's dimensions and tonnage 
with Donald McKay's giant clipper 
ship Great Republic which was built 
in Boston in 1853. Depending on the 
source, the length of the latter was 
variously reported as 335, 325, 324 
and 320 feet. However, the clipper 
was badly damaged by fire before 
she could sail with her cargo. After 
the Great Republic was rebuilt she 
had one less deck, her length was 
reduced to 302 feet, and her dis- 
placement cut by 1,200 tons. 9 

The Wyoming was named for 
the state in recognition of previous 
investments made by Bryant B. 
Brooks — in a private capacity while 
he was Governor of Wyoming — and 
that of his associates in vessels built 
by the Percy and Small shipyard in 
Bath. 10 The latter company had ac- 
tively sought Western capital for 

8. "Big Schooner is Launched." New York Times. 16 

December. 1909, p. 4. The seven masted Tho- 
mas W. Lawson was built in 1902 in the Fore 
River shipyards of Quincy, Massachusetts. It 
was lost in a 1907 storm off the southwest 
coast of England, on the rocks of the Scilly 

9. Whipple gives the dimensions of the Great 

Republic as 335 feet in length, 4,535 tons in 
displacement, with a mainmast soaring to 200 
feet. A. B. C Whipple, ed.. The Clipper Ship 
(New York: Time Life Books, 1980), p. 110, 
Landstrom describes the clipper's length as 
325 feet and its width as 53 feet. Bjorn 
Landstrom, The Ship (Garden City, N.Y: 
Doubleday and Co.. 19611, p. 197. McCutchan 
states that the clipper's length was 324 feet or 
slx feet shorter than the Wyoming. Philip 
McCutchan. Tali Ships (New York: Crown Pub- 
lishers Inc.. 1976). p. 38. Finally, Chappelle 
notes that dimensions given for the Great 
Republic vary widely, one source giving her 
length as 324 feet and another as 320 feet. 
Howard Chapelle. The National Watercraft 
Collection (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian In- 
stitution, Second edition. 1976), p. 313. When 
the clipper was rebuilt after the fire her length 
was 302 feet, her width 48.4 feet, her depth 29 
feet and her tonnage 3.356 tons. 


Eastern shipbuilding. Born in 
Bernardston, Massachusetts, 
Brooks had come to Wyoming Ter- 
ritory in 1880 at the age of nineteen. 
After a year as a cowboy he struck 
out on his own as a trapper, pur- 
chasing an old wagon from Harry 
Hynds in Cheyenne. In 1882 after a 
year of trapping, he settled in the 
Deer Creek area south of Glenrock. 
The following year he entered into a 
ranching partnership with his fa- 
ther, who was a lock manufacturer 
in Chicago, and his older brother 
John, a resident of Boston, under 
the name of B. B. Brooks and Com- 
pany with its distinctive V-V brand. 
The livestock business prospered 
and a decade later the partnership 
was renewed for the purpose of not 
only raising cattle and sheep but 
also for selling or leasing real es- 
tate. ' ' By 1904, when he was elected 
to fill the unexpired term of Gover- 
nor DeForest Richards who had died 
in office, Brooks had become one of 
the State's leading personalities. His 
wife Mary Willard Brooks was also a 
leader, being instrumental in bring- 
ing the Woman's Club of Wyoming 
into the General Federation of 
Womens' Clubs of the United States. 
She was also active in Natrona 
County community endeavors. 

Early in 1907 following re-elec- 
tion to a second term, Governor 
Brooks, his brother John, and sev- 
eral business associates acquired an 
interest in some of the older schoo- 
ners managed by Percy and Small. 
Attracted by the excellent earnings 
of the large schooners that were 
used as coastwise colliers, in April, 
1907 they invested in the construc- 
tion of a new five masted schooner 

10. The Wyoming was the only schooner built by 
Percy and Small that was named for a state. 
All other schooners built by the company were 
named for specific individuals, such as the 
Governor Brooks. From available records for 
schooners built during the period from 1 879 to 
1914. no other bore the name of a state, only 
the name of an individual or a city. 

1 1 . Bryant Butler Brooks, Memoirs oj Bryant But- 
ler Brooks. Cowboy. Trapper Lumberman. 
Stockman. Oilman. Banker and Governor of 
Wyoming (Glendale, California: Arthur H. 
Clark and Co., 1939). pp. 132.179. Brooks 
served as Governor of Wyoming from January. 
1905 until January. 1911. He died in Casper 
on December 7. 1944 at the age of 83. 

Wyoming Annals 

named Governor 
Brooks. The cost 
of the schooner 
was $132,000. 

The invest- 
ment procedure 
required that 
each vessel be 
financed sepa- 
rately according 
to the old cus- 
tom of taking up 
shares. Each 
share normally 
represented an 
interest of 1/64 
or a fraction 
thereof. 12 The 
general rule was 
for the master of 
the schooner to 
own one or more 
shares, assur- 
ing him an in- 
centive to oper- 
ate the vessel 
efficiently. The 
managing own- 
ers generally 
held only a few 
shares, selling 
the balance to 
outside inves- 
tors. Dividends 
were paid regu- 
larly to each shareholder based on 
the earnings of the schooner. 

The Governor Brooks was 
launched at Bath on October 22, 
1907. In attendance with the gover- 
nor was Mrs. Brooks, their second 
daughter Abby and the governor's 
brother, John, along with a host of 
other personalities. 13 Abby, who was 
a student at Dana Hall preparing for 
her entry into nearby Wellesley Col- 
lege, had been designated the 
schooner's sponsor. The governor 
held one 1/64 share, for which he 
paid $2,050. A similar share was 
held by the B. B. Brooks Company, 
and brother John held a third 
share. 14 Abby christened the vessel 
with a bouquet of roses, while the 
governor proclaimed the enterprise 
a "combination of New England en- 
ergy, skill and muscle with Western 
confidence and money." 15 The schoo- 

The Mariners* Miselm, Newport News, Virginia 

The Wyoming under construction. At Percy and Small Shipyard in Bath, Maine, 1909. Note 
the crisscross iron bracings along the hull. 

ner flew a special flag with a red, V- 
V insignia, a facsimile of the 
governor's Wyoming brand. The flag 
attracted much attention, and one 
ship captain at the ceremony was 
reported to have remarked, "I never 
saw it in a code book and suppose it 
is some Masonic sign." 16 

Two years later, a somewhat 
similar scenario would take place 
involving the schooner Wyoming. 
Designed by Bant Hanson to be as 
profitable as possible, the ship had 
more than a 6.5:1 beam-to- length 
ratio. 17 Thus, narrow width and 
great length made her a fast sailer 
capable of carrying large amounts 
of bulk cargo. Miles M. Merry, 
Maine's most experienced builder, 
supervised her construction. The 
schooner's keel and frames were of 
white oak from the Chesapeake Bay 
area. Her planking and decks were 

12. Parker. The Great Coal Schooners of New En- 
gland 1870-1909. pp. 64.76. 

13. Brooks, Memoirs, p. 258 

14. Percy and Small Accounts Journal, December, 

1907, pp. 371-2. The document is available In 
the Maine Maritime Museum in Bath. Other 
identifiable Wyomingites who invested in the 
Governor Brooks were the Richardson Broth- 
ers (1/128) and J. A. Fullerton (1/128) from 
Cheyenne; Harold Banner (1/64) from 
Glenrock; Patrick Sullivan (1/64) from Casper; 
and J. D. Woodruff (1/64), a long time busi- 
ness associate of the governor who, among his 
other activities, at one time managed a mine in 

15. Brooks. Memoirs, p. 257. 



"Brooks Gayly Launched," Bath Daily Times. 
22 October 1907. p.l. In the Governor's 
Memoirs he describes in detail the launching 
ceremony and the personalities present. 

As the number of masts increased, so did the 
length of the schooners. The result was that 
the hulls of large schooners were designed 
with a beam-to-length ratio of as much as 6.5 
compared to the 5.5 ratio of the most extreme 
clipper ships. Parker. The Great Coal Schoo- 
ners of New England 1870-1909. p. 43. 

Spring/Summer 1994 


Maine Maritime Museum, Bath, Maine 

View of Wyoming from the bowsprit, n.d. 

of southern pine and her masts and 
booms had to be brought in by rail 
from Oregon. Altogether, some 
1,500,000 feet of pine were used in 
her construction. The cost of trans- 
porting the timber was one of the 
reasons why the vessel's cost esca- 
lated to $190,000. 18 

The Wyoming was described as 
being one of the strongest wooden 
ships ever built. She was given an 
"A-l" rating by the American Bureau 
of Shipping which meant that the 
schooner was considered seaworthy 
for at least 16 years. Because of her 
great length and in order to deal with 
the problem of longitudinal weak- 
ness, the keel was composed of two 
tiers of 14 x 15 inch oak beams 
which extended 304 feet in length. 
Directly above, the keel was rein- 
forced by an enormous keelson, 14 
x 14 inch timbers six tiers high, bol- 
stered on either side by sister keel- 
sons of the same size four tiers high 
(see drawing of Wyoming midship 
section) . All were bolted together as 
well as bolted down to the keel. 19 In 
addition, before the ship was 
planked, an eight inch wide wrought 
iron belt one half inch thick was 
countersunk on the outside of the 
frames below the planksheer which 
bordered the exterior surface of the 
schooner's upper deck from stem to 
stern. Attached to this belt on either 
side were ninety iron bracings, each 
four inches wide, running diagonally 
in a criss-cross pattern over the sur- 
face of the frames. The schooner was 
the largest of its kind to be fitted with 
this kind of iron stropping. 20 

The Wyoming had a flush deck 
pierced by five cargo hatches each 
measuring 12 x 18 feet except the 
forward hatch which was a foot 
shorter in width. The flush deck had 
the advantage of no depressed ar- 
eas that filled with water during 


18. Robert J. Albion, Five Centuries of Famous 
Ships (New York: MeGraw Hill Book Publish- 
ing Co., 1978). p. 334. 

19. "Six Masted Schooner Wyoming," International 
Marine Engineering, pp. 1-2. 

20. 'The Wyoming Was Spry." Bath Daily Times, 15 

December 1909. pp. 1,5. Also, see Parker. The 
Great Coal Schooners of New England 1870- 
1909, p. 107. 

Wyoming Annals 


work on the 


December, 1909 

Note the 

upturned, T- 

shaped stacks for 

the galley and 

donkey engines. 


John B. Brooks. 

M, MvSTti , Connecticut and Captain WJ Lewis Parker 

storms and also provided added 
strength. The schooner carried three 
boats, the longboat being suspended 
at the stern with davits. The deck 
featured three houses which drew 
attention for the comforts they pro- 
vided not only the officers but the 
crew. The afterhouse, finished in 
oak, maple and mahogany, con- 
tained the captain's room, the first 
mate's room, three guest bedrooms, 
a pantry, a living room, a large bath- 
room, and a medicine compartment. 
The midship house contained the 
galley, the mess room, the second 
mate's room, the cook's room and 
the carpentry shop. The forward 
house was occupied by the donkey 
engine, the engineer's room and the 
crew's quarters. 21 Above the donkey 
engine was a large T-shaped smoke 
stack with upturned ends. A 
smaller, similar shaped stack was 
located above the galley. When the 
ship was underway, the weather end 
of each stack was capped so that the 
smoke would be drawn away from 
the direction the wind was blowing, 
thereby avoid soiling the sails. 22 

The schooner was advanced for 
her time and endowed with much of 
the technology of the period except 
for internal propulsion. The living 
quarters were provided with heat 

Spring/Summer 1994 

from the donkey steam engine, and 
complete communication with all 
parts of the vessel was made pos- 
sible by a telephone system. Even 
the heads (bathrooms) were 
equipped with running water, a rare 
innovation for a sailing ship. 23 

The launching of the Wyoming 
was scheduled to occur on Decem- 
ber 14, 1909. but a severe winter 
storm and high winds postponed the 
ceremony by one day 24 . While this 
delay normally was considered an 
ill-omen by seafarers, it was over- 
looked in the excitement of witness- 
ing the launching of such a large 
ship. The next day the schooner 
slipped down the ways into Maine's 
Kennebec River without a hitch. 
Launching occurred at 12:45 p.m.. 
fifteen minutes ahead of schedule, 
to the disappointment of latecomers. 
Present at the spectacle was Mrs. 
Brooks, the Brooks' third daughter, 
Lena, who at the time was a student 
at Dana Hall, and the governor's 
brother, John. As reported by the 
society column reporter for the 
Cheyenne State Leader, Lena had 
been chosen to be the Wyoming's 
sponsor. Her older sister, Abby, now 
a student at Wellesley and who had 
christened the Governor Brooks, was 
also invited to the ceremony. 25 Dash- 

ing a large bouquet of flowers against 
her bow, Lena Brooks christened the 
Wyoming. Since the State of Maine 
enforced prohibition in those days, 
the bouquet of flowers replaced 
champagne or other spirits in the 
christening ceremony. 26 

21. Bath Daily Times, 15 December 1909. p. 5. 

22. All large schooners of this period were fitted 
with T-shaped smokestacks. When sailing, 
the crew was supposed to cap the weather end 
of the stack so that the smoke would be drawn 
leeward. When tacking, the crew was sup- 
posed to shift the covers to prevent smoke from 
pouring in the wrong direction. See Francis E. 
Bowker. The Story of the Schooner Herbert L. 
Rawding, (Mystic. Connecticut: Mystic Sea- 
port Museum. 1986). p.91. 

23. Steve Libby , 'The Wyoming that Went To Sea," 

Casper Star Tribune Annual Edition. 24 March 
1968. p. 8. So immense was the vessel that she 
required 450 pounds of tallow. 15 gallons of 
fish oil, and 30 pounds of flaxseed to grease 
the ways. 

24. "Launching Tomorrow - Gale and Rain Post- 
pone the Dip of America's Largest Sailing 
Vessel One Day," BathDaily Times. 14 Decem- 
ber 1909. p.l. 

25. Cheyenne State Leader, 11 December 1909, 

26. The christening of the Wyoming is vividly 
described on the front page of the December 
15,1 909 issue of the Bath Daily Times as well 
as on p. 8 of the December 16 issue of the 
Cheyenne State Leader. While Governor Brooks 
states on p. 256 of his Memoirs that he was 
present for the launching, this is not substan- 
tiated by any newspaper account. Interest- 
ingly, the governor devotes much less atten- 
tion in his Memoirs to the launching of the 
Wyoming than he does to the schooner bearing 
his name. 


The Mariners' Museum, Newport News. Virginia 

The Schooner Wyoming fully loaded. The photo was taken February 8, 1920 as she was sailing down Chesapeake Bay. 

Percy and Small, the shipyard 
company that built the Wyoming, 
became her manager. The company 
chose Angus McLeod to be her mas- 
ter. Until then McLeod had been the 
master of the Governor Brooks and 
had over thirty years of sailing ex- 
perience. The first mate was the 
captain's younger brother, Norman. 
Captain McLeod was originally from 
Nova Scotia and a devout Christian 
Scientist who read his Bible every day. 27 

In spite of the presence of the 
Governor's family at the launching 
of the Wyoming, there is no record 
that the Governor held any shares 
in the vessel as he did in the schoo- 
ner bearing his name. However, thir- 
teen Wyoming residents or partner- 
ships became shareholders, pur- 
chasing eleven of the original 64 
shares in the schooner. Of these, 
four were women. 28 The governor's 
brother, John, owned an additional 
share. The other shares were held 
mainly by residents of New England 
with the Percy and Small families 
collectively owning four shares, 
4 6 

builder Miles M. Merry holding one 
half share, and Captain McLeod be- 
ing the largest individual share- 
holder with seven shares. McLeod, 
except for short interludes, would 
remain the schooner's master over 
the next eight years. 29 

The governor's nephew, John 
B. Brooks, who at the time was en- 
rolled as a cadet at Manlius School 
in Upper New York State, would go 
on Wyoming's maiden voyage from 
Bath to Norfolk, Virginia. In describ- 
ing the trip, young Brooks who was 
eighteen at the time, recalled that 
the meager supply of coal to oper- 
ate the steam donkey engine ran out 
enroute. forcing the vessel's small 
crew to manhandle the massive can- 
vas sails. 30 

The large schooners handled 
differently than square rigged ves- 
sels. Seamen who served on square 
riggers complained about the safety 
of the large schooners which, with 
their massive booms swinging 
across the deck as the vessel tacked, 
could maim or even sweep members 

27. John Paul Heffernan. "A Winter Voyage on the 
Six Master 'Wyoming'," Down East Magazine, 
January 1970. pp. 49-50. 

28. Records of Marine Inspection and Navigation, 
File No. 207010 National Archives. Washing- 
ton D.C. The Consolidated Certificate of En- 
rollment and License registered with the Bu- 
reau of Navigation in the U.S. Department of 
Commerce shows the following shareholders 
from Wyoming: "Frank A. Hadsel 1/64 of 
Rawlins: Nellie A. Kabis 1/64. Hofman Bros. 
1/64. J. H. Fullerton 1/128. Amelia Kent 1/ 
64. Richardson Bros. 1/64. Roderick N. Matson 
1/64. and Pricilla Mullen 1/128 of Cheyenne: 
Edward Merriam 1/64 of Moneta; Geo. W. 
Metcalf 1/128 of Douglas; and Margaret M. B. 
Banner 1/128. Patrick A. Sullivan 1/64, H. L. 
Patton 1 /64 of Casper. 

29. East Coast schooners were generally run as 
single corporate enterprises with 64 shares or 
fractions thereof spread to 40 or more inves- 
tors. The local saying was that investors were 
of two kinds, those actively involved in the 
shipping business and "dry owners" who sim- 
ply collected dividends. Basil Greenhill. Schoo- 
ners, (Annapolis, Maryland, Naval Institute 
Press. 1980). pp. 75-76. 

30. Heffernan. "A Winter Voyage on the Six Master 
'Wyoming'," p. 50. John B. Brooks would later 
have a distinguished career as an Army aviator 
serving in both world wars and retiring as a 
Major General. His photographs of the Wyo- 
ming at sea are among the earliest taken of the 

Wyoming Annals 



In oar wake was the 'Cora F Cressy* 
With a load of coal in the hold 
As we sailed early March out of Norfolk 
On the mighty 'Wyoming' of old. 

We were bound for Saint John in New Brunswick 
(The 'Cressy* for Portland in Maine) 
With our good Captain Glaesel commanding 
As northward the canvas did strain. 

The heaviest, largest and strongest 

of wooden ships sailing the seas 

Was our iron-strapped schooner 'Wyoming.' 

A good sailer in any breeze! 

''I was the six-masted schooner, Wyoming, 
(No wooden craft larger would sail) 
And we slid past Nantucket on schedule 
Passed the shoals, then were caught in a gale. 

Icy gusts in our masts and our rigging 
Lurching decks and shrieks from the hull 
With nothing in sight but shadows and white 
And so cold the skin shrank to the skull. 

"Don't worry," said the Captain, "we'll make it. 
Fifteen years this old schooner's been blown 
'Cross most every part of this ocean 
And never a weakness was shown." 

But what of our five-masted cohort? 
If she founders her crew's sure to drown. 
We must bear on her course and be ready, 
Just in case the Cressy goes down. 

The Cressy's location was plotted 
And a rescue encounter was made 
Then we signalled the Cressy to follow 
And, close-hauling, westerly made. 

A week on the log we dropped anchor 
Off of Chatham to ride out the night 
In a battering sea in a buzzard 
With the protected Cressy in sight. 

Just at dusk the bad weather grew frightful 
And screaming winds raised up the sea, 
And snow blew so thick and so heavy 
That nothing but white could we see. 

hi crew quarters fit for a captain, 
Exhausted, we clung to our beds 
Sharing a rev'rance for nature, 
In silence concealing our dreads. 

The doom of the Cressy seemed certain - 
She must turn to claw off shore. 
Blinded by blizzard we waited 
Hearing naught but the deafening roar. 

Never a storm such as this one. 

Never a sea quite so dread. 

We stood by to rescue the crew of the Cressy 

And lost the Wyoming instead! 

They say that on Wednesday our name-board 
Returned to its home on the land 

And that seventy-two feet of one mast washed ashore 
(Deemed too short for a vessel so grand). 

Could it be that the largest and strongest 
Six-masted schooner was through? 
In Nantucket, Chatham, and elsewhere. 
Was there no one to mourn for the crew!' 

Oh, they called it the *Mighty Wyoming' 
The pride of our maritime fleet 
But when it went down and all hands were lost 
Twas the twilight of wood, rope, and sheet. 

And today as the steamers pass Chatham 

Each hand feels a lump in his chest 

As he thinks of the hopes of the brave men below 

Where their bones in 'Wyoming' now rest. 

Spring/Summer 1994 


of the crew overboard during foul 
weather. The steam donkey engine 
could be a problem too. During very 
bad weather, the boiler fire was gen- 
erally put out or drawn by order of 
the captain as a safety precaution. 31 
This generated criticism that the 
large schooners were understaffed 
for heavy weather conditions and 
hence risky. Another complaint was 
that while the large schooners were 
fast sailers under favorable weather 
conditions, they were too long to 
handle easily in confined waters. 32 
Still other detractors would describe 
the five and six masters as clumsy 
with their huge box-shaped hulls, 
being no more than mere cargo carry- 
ing barges while rigged as schooners. 33 
Nonetheless, despite her colos- 
sal size, the Wyoming gained a repu- 
tation as being an unusually easy 
vessel to handle as well as a good 
and profitable ship for her manag- 
ers and shareholders. Until she was 
sold by Percy and Small to the 
France and Canada Steamship 
Company on April 30, 1917. the 
schooner's main activity was carry- 
ing coal from Virginia to New En- 
gland ports. 34 By 1917 World War I 
caused a great shortage of shipping. 
The French government sent a spe- 
cial mission to the United States to 
purchase wooden transport schoo- 

31. McCutchan. Tall Ships, p. 38. 

32. Chapelle. The National Watercraft Collection. 
p. 42 

33. Fairburn. Merchant Sail. Vol 4. p. 2609. 

34. Records of Marine Inspection and Navigation. 
U.S. National Archives. Washington D.C. At 
the time of the sale the number of investors in 
the Wyoming had grown to 15 holding 13 of the 
64 shares, with Fred and Edward Hofman of 
Cheyenne having each acquired a share 

35. The Governor Brooks was sold at the same time 

to the France and Canada Steamship Com- 
pany. In his Memoirs (pp. 264-2651, The 
governor states that his investment in Percy 
and Small schooners paid good dividends, 
with the capital investment returned when the 
vessels were sold in 1917. 

36. Merriam. Last of the Five Masters, p. 181. 

37. John Fuller. 'The End of the Great Schooners. 

Missing - the 'Wyoming'," Portland Sunday 
Telegram. 26 January 1958. 

38. Records of Marine Inspection and Navigation, 
File No. 2070 1 0. U.S. National Archives. Wash- 
ington D.C. 

ners, and the original shareholders 
of the Wyoming made a handsome 
profit when the schooner sold for 
over $350, 000. 35 

During the remainder of the 
war the Wyoming was used to carry 
cargo from the United States to 
foreign ports. In one voyage the 
schooner carried a full cargo 
around the Cape of Good Hope to 
southeast Africa. 36 In another voy- 
age, because of her speed, the 
Wyoming was able to elude at least 
one German U-Boat in a crossing 
from New York to 
Saint Nazaire, mak- 
ing the Atlantic pas- 
sage in eighteen 
days which com- 
pared favorably with 
convoy schedules. 37 

The Wyoming 
was sold again on 
November 21, 1921 
to a group of inves- 
tors, mainly from 
Maine, headed by 
Mr. A. W. Frost of 
Portland, Maine. 
The new master, 
Captain Charles 
Glaesel, held 3/ 
64ths of the shares. 3 " 
The schooner re- 
verted to its tradi- 
tional role as a col- 
lier along the Atlan- 
tic coast carrying 
coal from Virginia 
ports to ports in 
New England and 
Canada. On March 
3. 1924 the Wyo- 
ming set sail from 
Norfolk, Virginia 
with a load of 5,000 
tons of coal bound 
for Saint John, New 
Bruns-wick, with 
Captain Glaesel as 
its master and a 
crew of twelve. The 
five masted schoo- 
ner Cora F. 
Cressey. under the 
command of Cap- 
tain C. N. 
Publicover. also 

left Norfolk on the same day with a 
load of coal bound for Portland, 
Maine. By March 8 the two schoo- 
ners had passed Martha's Vineyard 
and were approaching the southern 
tip of Cape Cod when they were 
faced with an approaching gale. The 
weather rapidly worsened and ice 
formed on the rigging of the vessels. 
The masters of the two schooners 
decided to drop anchor about two 
miles east of the Pollock Rip 
Lightship, near Chatham at the 
southeastern tip of Cape Cod, and 

Mystic Seaport Museum, Mystic. Connecticut and Captain WJ. Lewis Parker 

At the helm of the Schooner Wyoming. It was not unusual 
for Blacks to hold subordinate positions as crew members. 
They often came from the West Indies where they learned 
their seafaring skills. 

4 8 

Wyoming Annals 

ride out the storm. Both vessels were 
anchored in the dreaded Nantucket 
shoals, which is the graveyard of many 
a ship. The shoals are a maze of 
quicksand cut by passages of vari- 
ous lengths. A gale can cause a ship 
to toss violently and strike a shoal, 
especially if the ship is heavily 
ladened and covered with ice. 

By March 10 the Boston 
Weather Bureau had issued a full 
hurricane warning. That evening 
Captain Publicover, fearing that the 
Cressey would be pounded to pieces 
on the shoals, decided to lift anchor 
and head out to the relative safety 
of the open sea. As he left he could 
still see the anchor lights of the 
Wyoming. On March 12 the Pollock 
Rip Lightship reported seeing the 
Wyoming's lights at 3:00 a.m. but 
thereafter the blinding snow blotted 
out all visibility. While the Cressey 
managed to limp into Portland two 
days later, the Wyoming was never 
seen again. A few pieces of wreck- 
age including the schooner's name- 
plate and two of her boats washed 
ashore on the north side of Nan- 
tucket Island. However, no traces of 

the bodies of Captain Glaesel or the 
other twelve members were ever 
found. 39 In an ironic coincidence 
Governor and Mrs. Brooks were re- 
turning from a trip they made to 
Europe, and their passenger vessel 
successfully rode out the gale. By 
the time they reached New York they 
were greeted with news of the Wyo- 
ming tragedy. 40 

Over the years people have 
speculated about what caused the 
loss of this splendid ship. One 
theory is that she foundered on the 
Nantucket shoals and was pounded 
by the waves. Another is that she 
collided with another vessel re- 
ported missing in the area. A third 
theory is that when Captain Glaesel 
tried to hoist anchor, the anchors 
held causing the bow to break away 
from the hull. The mystery of what 
caused the demise of the Wyoming 
remains unsolved. 41 

I would like to express my appreciation to Mr. 
Nathan R. Lipjert, Library Director of the 
Maine Maritime Museum, and Captain 
Francis E. Bowker, Research Associate at the 
Mystic Seaport Museum, for their assistance. 

39. "Fifteen Believed Lost in Schooner Wreck," 
NewYorkTimes. 14March 1924, p. 7. A similar 
article appeared on p.l of the Washington 
Post. The next day the New York Times re- 
ported that the storm caused several ship- 
wrecks and more than forty crewmen were 
missing. The most detailed account of the 
disappearance of Wyoming and her crew is 
contained in a January 26. 1958 article by 
John Fuller in the Portland Sunday Telegram. 

40. Brooks. Memoirs, p. 263. 

41 . There is no record of an official inquest into the 

causes of the loss of the schooner and the fate 
of the crew. The National Archives contains a 
memorandum dated March 15, 1924 addressed 
to the Lighthouse Service of the Department of 
Commerce noting that the schooner Wyoming 
was sunk about two miles east-northeast of 
Pollock Rip Light Vessel Number 73 with the 
loss of all hands, and that another, unknown 
schooner was sunk nearby. The memo states 
that the wrecks would be marked as necessary 
by gas buoys. "Letter from Superintendent to 
Commissioner of Lighthouses, Subject: Schoo- 
ners sunk." 15 March 1924, U.S. National 
Archives. Department of Commerce. Light- 
house Service, Office of the Superintendent, 
2nd District Customhouse. There is no record 
currently available indicating that either the 
schooner or its cargo were insured. 

4, 4, 

J) 4/ 

4, 0/ 

4, a, 

Francois M. Dickman (1924-) is a 
well-traveled, former career foreign 
Service Officer. Among his diplomatic 
assignments were the directorship of 
the Arabian Peninsula in the State De- 
partment (1972-76) AND AMBASSADORSHIPS 

to the United Arab Emirates (1976-79) 
and Kuwait (1979-83). 

Dickman received his B.A. in His- 
tory and Foreign Languages from the 
University of Wyoming in 1947, and his 
M.A. from the Fletcher School of Law 
and Diplomacy in 1948. He served in the 
U.S. Army during World War II and the 
Korean War, entering the LI.S. Foreign 
Service in 195 1. In 1984 he retired and 
returned to his boyhood home in 
Laramie. Since 1985 he has been an Ad- 
junct Professor in the Political Sci- 
ence Department at the University of 

Wyoming, 11 aching courses on inter- 
CAL AND economk affairs. 

Dk kman is President of the Al- 
bany County Historical Soc iety. serves 
on the Boards of the Wyoming Terri- 
torial Park and the Laramie Plains Mu- 
TEE of the American Heritage Center. 
His lifelong interest in ships and model 
shipbuilding, particularly sailing ships, 
was abandoned when he entered the 
Foreign Si. rvk 1 , hi i happily reacquired 


the former margaret hoy, live in 
Laramie. They have two children, Chris- 
tine and Paul. 

Spring/Summer 1994 



,« . 

Sfci/eS) stocfc shipping pens, Clearmont, 
Wyoming, September 1982. 

Stephen Collector, Law of the Range: Portraits of Old- 
Time Brand Inspectors (Livingston, Montana: Clark 
City Press, 1991. v . $ 



Thomas Biolsi 

Organizing the Lakota 

The Political Economy of the 

New Deal on the Pine Ridge and 

Rosebud Reservations 

Review by Robert L. Munkres 

Donald J. Pisani 

To Reclaim A Divided West 

Water, Law, and Public Policy 

Review by Jim Donahue 


Stephen Collector 

Law of the Range 

Portraits of Old-Time 
Brand Inspectors 

Review by Richard Collier 

Frank Richard Prassel 

The Great American Outlaw 

A Legacy of 
Fact and Fiction 

Review by Steven M. Wilson 

Richard Allan Fox, Jr. 

Archaeology, History, and 
Custer's Last Battle 

The Little Big Horn 

Review by Robert Rybolt 


Mike Jording 

A Few Interested Residents 

Wyoming Historical 
Markers & Monuments 

Review by Bruce J. Noble, Jr. 

H. Lee Scamehorn 

Mill & Mine 

The CF&I in the 
Twentieth Century 

Review by Matt May-berry 

Helen Winter Stauffer 

Letters of 
Mari Sandoz 

Review by Walter Edens 

F. Bruce Lamb 

The Wild Bunch 

Review by Peg Tremper 

Shirley A. Leckie 

Elizabeth Bacon Custer 
and the Making of a Myth 

Review by Mark Nelson 

Carroll Van West 

Capitalism on the Frontier 

Billings & the 
Yellowstone Valley 

in the 
Nineteenth Century 

Review by Charles E. Rankin 


This is a first-rate descriptive 
analysis of a very frequently ignored 
aspect in the history of Federal Gov- 
ernment — Native Americans relation- 
ships. As indicated in the subtitle, Pro- 
fessor Biolsi, an anthropologist at Port- 
land State University, concentrates on 
the Pine Ridge and Rosebud Reserva- 
tions in south-central and southwest- 
ern South Dakota. He presents in chro- 
nological fashion the political, eco- 
nomic, and social decisions by which 
the Federal Government administered 
Indian affairs between 1880 and 1934. 

Presenting his material in seven 
chapters, the author deals seriatim with: 
(1) the reservation system between 
1880 and 1934; (2) Lakota politics prior 
to 1934, with considerable and de- 
served emphasis on the importance 
and impact of Lakota interpretations 
of the "3/4 majority rule" embodied 
in the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868; (3) 
the background events on reservations 
which culminated in tribal voting on 
the IRA (Indian Reorganization Act); 
(4) the 1935 tribal constitution which 
was based on a non-Indian model of 
self-government drawn up in Wash- 
ington, D.C.; (5) the politics of drought, 
the Depression and the economic pro- 
grams of the New Deal; (6) the relation- 
ship between the OIA (Office of Indian 
Affairs) and tribal councils, resulting 
in what Professor Biolsi describes as 
the "disempowerment" of the tribal 
councils; and (7) the emergence of an 
organized group which opposed the 
New Deal on reservations. Known as 
"Old Dealers," these opponents pur- 
sued a policy of attacking the tribal 
councils rather than calling for the elimi- 
nation of the OIA from reservations. 

Through it all, one over-arching 
pattern seems to emerge: Indian Af- 
fairs were to be conducted on the basis 
of white standards for the purpose of 
achieving white purposes or values. 
And nowhere was this pattern more 
apparent than in making decisions 
about what was best for the Indians. 

The author seems to belabor one 
point a bit. Does it truly constitute an 

unexpected discovery that reservation 
Indians may oppose and attack their 
own tribal councils, but are generally 
reluctant to push for separation of res- 
ervations and Indian affairs from the 
Federal Government? As Professor 
Biolsi himself notes on several occa- 
sions, Indians readily perceive that most 
of the material and economic benefits 
distributed on the reservations flow 
from the Federal Government, not from 
tribal councils. He notes the reason is 
quite obvious: government prefers to 
dish out the "goodies" as a means of 
getting credit and maintaining control. 

A question might be raised. Are 
reservation economic systems different 
in kind or only in degree from broader 
economic systems? If it is artificial to 
support the Lakota on a reservation 
through such things as government ra- 
tions, is it not similarly artificial to 
support non-reservation farmers or 
ranchers via subsidies and price 

This reviewer hopes that Pro- 
fessor Biolsi will next focus his at- 
tention on two questions clearly 
emerging from this work. First, 
were the same patterns apparent on 
other reservations? Second, have 
these patterns been maintained 
through the "termination" years to 
the present? 

Professor Biolsi has written a 
book that should be carefully read by 
anyone interested in the long and con- 
tinuing relationship between the Fed- 
eral Government and Native Ameri- 
cans. Certainly this volume belongs in 
the library of any institution which of- 
fers courses covering the impact of the 
New Deal. 

Robert L. Munkres 

Professor of Political Science 
Muskingum College 
New Concord, Ohio 

the Lakota 

The Political Economy of the 
New Deal on the Pine Ridge 
and Rosebud Reservations 

the Lakota 

Thomas Biolsi 

by Thomas Biolsi 

Tucson: University of Arizona 
Press, 1992. Illustrations, Notes, 
Bibliography, xxii and 244 pp. 
Cloth $35.00. 


Wyoming Annals 


Law of the Range 

Portraits of Old-Time 
Brand Inspectors 

by Stephen Collector 

Livingston, Montana: Clark 

City Press, 1991. Photographs. 

120 pages. Cloth $45.00 

When Stephen Collector took his 
first photograph of brand inspector 
Lyman Edgar in 1979, he was hooked. 
Eleven years later he turned his obses- 
sion with brand inspectors and range 
detectives into an enjoyable documen- 
tary book. Law of the Range is a photo- 
graphic collection of fifty brand inspec- 
tors, but more than just a collection of 
photographs and biographies it is a 
documentary about a way of life that is 
little known and understood outside of 
the rural West. 

As film maker Annick Smith said 
in her introduction, "'s not a profes- 
sion we know much about, but we've 
seen these faces all over the West. Each 
man has a close-mouthed story idiosyn- 
cratic as his name, specific as his face, 
and yet the sum of fifty biographies re- 
veals a western everyman's tale." 

Smith continues: "The range de- 
tectives and brand inspectors who peer 
at you from these pages have no myth 
to honor them." They spent their en- 
tire lives on ranches, living the life of 
what we call the western myth: herd- 
ing cattle, riding horses, rodeoing and 
making a living in some of the most 
spectacular country in the United 
States. Some became brand in- 
spectors because cattle was all 
they knew, and it was a way, says 
Smith, to "get married and raise a 
family and save up for your own 
piece of ground." Others were top 
hands for big ranches who turned 
to their new occupation in retire- 
ment. Still others followed their 
fathers into the business. But for 
whatever reason, they chose this 
line of work and stayed because 
they loved working cattle and 
liked who they worked for. It was 
a hard life, but you won't read one com- 
plaint or regret. 

Stephen Collector is a fine portrait 
photographer with the ability to put his 
subjects at ease. His photographs are 
straightforward and honest, nothing 
fancy — just like the men themselves. 
When Lance Robinson, retired brand 
inspector from Wyoming, saw some of 

Stephen Collectors portraits he com- 
mented: "It's the responsibility that 
makes ~em look that way. They all look 
the same don't they?" I think he's 
right. They all do seem to look alike. 
They have that "I've been there, I've 
done that," no nonsense look. But that 
is not a criticism. On the contrary, it 
speaks highly of Steven Collector's 
ability to capture on film the traits that 
makes these fifty individuals look as if 
they are all part of the same person. 

Law of the Range is a coffee table, 
fine art publication. With few excep- 
tions the portraits are well-printed and 
beautifully reproduced in duotone. 
They demonstrate Collector's ability to 
use light, both natural and artificial, 
and his awareness of the importance 
of shadow detail and composition. 
What Stephen Collector has been able 
to do with his photographs, what 
Annick Smith has been able to do in 
her introduction, and what the men in 
their own words give the reader, is an 
insight into the world of brand inspect- 
ing and a vanishing West. They show 
us, each in his own way, the essence of 
their lives, their characters and the land 
that shaped them. 

If you are interested in the West 
and fine photography, I highly recom- 
mend this book. It is one man's obses- 
sion to record what is left of the West 
before a new West is all we have to re- 
member. Edward Sherif Curtis, quoted 
by Annick Smith, says it best: "The 
passing of every old man or woman 
means the passing of some tradition, 
some knowledge of sacred rites pos- 
sessed by no other. . . The information 
that is to be gathered for the benefit of 
future generations . . . must be collected 
at once or the opportunity will be lost 
for all time." 

Richard Collier 

Photographer, Wyoming State 
Historic Preservation Office 

Spring/Summer 1994 

5 3 


It has been 118 years since Lt. Col. 
George Armstrong Custer met his fate 
along the banks of a Montana river 
called the Little Big Horn. But the dust 
hasn't settled yet. Fox's book will un- 
doubtedly kick up more. 

In 1876 the army mounted a cam- 
paign aimed at locating and defeating 
Sioux and Cheyenne tribesmen who 
had refused a government order to re- 
turn to their agencies. On June 25, 
1876, the Seventh Cavalry, operating as 
an independent unit, located a large 
village in what is now southwest Mon- 
tana. During the movement to make 
contact, Custer divided his command 
sending Capt. Fredrick Benteen with a 
battalion to the south presumably to 
cut off any Indian avenue of escape. 
Major Marcus Reno, with a second bat- 
talion, was ordered to attack the east- 
ern end of the village while Custer re- 
tained command of the last battalion 
consisting of five companies. 

Reno's assault was repulsed and 
his surviving command driven to some 
nearby bluffs where they were joined 
by the Benteen battalion. These two 
commands fought a defensive action 
until relieved by Gibbon's troops two 
days later. Only then did the army 
survivors learn the fate of the Custer 
battalion. Five miles away they had 
been killed to a man in what has popu- 
larly been called Custer's Last Stand. 

The mystery of Custer's last 
movements and the reasons for his 
defeat have prompted as many theo- 
ries as the years intervening. 

In 1983 a disastrous prairie fire 
destroyed much of the natural vegeta- 
tion at Little Big Horn Battlefield Na- 
tional Monument. The scorched earth 
revealed many battle-related artifacts 
previously hidden by the dense 
grasses. As a result, the Midwest Ar- 
chaeological Center of the National 
Park Service sponsored a five-year ar- 
chaeological project of which Richard 
Fox was co-director. 

White stone markers dot the 
battlefield noting locations where cav- 
alry bodies were initially buried. Some 

were randomly selected for excavation 
in order to determine if they were ac- 
curately placed. By using a systematic 
metal detector survey the project 
would also determine troops move- 
ments of the Custer battalion and lo- 
cate soldier and Indian firing positions. 
Ballistic studies were done comparing 
casings and slugs to trace troop move- 
ments across the battlefield. The arti- 
factual evidence strongly suggests 
Custer divided his five company com- 
mand into two smaller units. Custer 
and two companies rode past 
what is now referred to as Last 
Stand Hill while Capt. Myles 
Keogh and three companies 
sustained the first attack some 
three miles east. According to 
Fox, soldier resistance was not 
the concerted back-to-back 
fighting extolled in the popu- 
lar view. Instead, the cavalry- 
men suffered from total tacti- 
cal disintegration and utter an- 

The stone markers for the 
most part are accurately placed 
as indicated by soldier skeletal remains 
discovered during excavation. The so- 
called "South Skirmish Line" at the base 
of Last Stand Hill toward the Little Big 
Horn River is spurious. Evidence sug- 
gests that the markers at the South Skir- 
mish Line were placed to commemorate 
approximately nineteen bodies, mem- 
bers of Company E, found in a nearby 
large ravine. Efforts to locate these re- 
mains were unsuccessful. Fox's con- 
vincing analysis is that while Custer's 
last stand was on the hilltop, the last 
stand of the remnant military group 
occurred in the ravine where they, too, 
were exterminated. 

Fox's use of Indian accounts is 
superb. His combination of history and 
archaeology in interpreting the Battle of 
the Little Big Horn is brilliant. Archae- 
ology, History and Custer's Last Battle is 
extremely readable for both the profes- 
sional and layperson. He places the 
battle well within its historical context 
but also explains the technical aspects 

History, and 
Last Battle 

The Little Big Horn 

by Richard Allan Fox, Jr. 

Norman: University' of Oklahoma 
Press, 1993. xvm and 411 pp. 
Illustrations, notes, bibliography, 
index. Cloth S29.95. 


Wyoming Annals 


A Few 



Wyoming Historical 
Markers & Monuments 

By Mike Jording 

Helena, Montana: Falcon Press 

Publishing Company, 1992. 

Illustrations, viii and 205 pages. 

Paper $19.95 

of archaeological analysis. This book 
may become one of the most important 
works to utilize history and archaeol- 
ogy in interpreting human behavior. 
The book may not settle the dust on 
Custer's Last Stand, but it is difficult to 
argue with Fox's conclusions. 


A Few 



Markers fa 


The title A Few Interested Residents 
is an apt one for Mike Jording's book 
about Wyoming's historical monu- 
ments and markers. Wyoming histori- 
cal marker enthusiasts will recall that 
the phrase "a few interested residents" 
appears on numerous markers and 
commemorates the many civic-minded 
citizens whose efforts produced 
hundreds of historical markers in 
Wyoming. The same spirit com- 
pelled Mike Jording to contribute 
his time and money to completion 
of the book. The traveling public 
in Wyoming will greatly appreci- 
ate his efforts. 

Jording's book contains a 
complete catalogue of historical 
markers and monuments found in 
Wyoming. Each county is a chap- 
ter, and a numbering scheme devel- 
oped by the State of Wyoming fur- 
ther identifies the markers in each 
county. Each chapter also includes a 
county highway map showing the lo- 
cation of every marker, descriptions of 
individual markers including legends 
or texts, and detailed directions for lo- 
cating markers. 

Unfortunately, the book lacks a 
map of the entire state and its counties. 
That failure could cause confusion for 
people who are not familiar with the 
geographical configuration of Wyoming 
counties. However, this problem can be 
easily rectified by acquiring the excel- 
lent, free state map published by the 
Wyoming Transportation Department. 
Because this book includes the leg- 
end inscribed on each marker, travelers 
rushing across Wyoming during sum- 
mer vacation may decide to enjoy the 
state's markers without dropping be- 
low 65 miles per hour. Although that is 

Robert R. Rvbolt 

Interpretive Park Ranger 
Fort Robinson 
Crawford, Nebraska 

possible, resist the temptation. Obtain- 
ing a full appreciation of Wyoming's 
monuments and markers is not for 
those in a hurry. To read about Split 
Rock or Oregon Trail Ruts without 
stopping to appreciate these sites is to 
miss the essence of the experience. 

In some cases, simply managing 
to find a remote marker poses a plea- 
surable challenge. Consider, for ex- 
ample, the Tri-Territory Site in 
Sweetwater County. Located on a dirt 
road in the vast expanse of the Red 
Desert, this isolated marker denotes a 
point where the boundaries separating 
the Louisiana Purchase, the Northwest 
Territory and Mexico were joined. 
Upon reaching the marker, travelers 
will no doubt feel like victors in a trea- 
sure hunt contest. As noted by the au- 
thor, good weather and several hours 
of spare time are prerequisites for the 
trip. Markers such as this one are not 
for the fainthearted! 

While the sheer isolation of 
Wyoming's historical markers and 
monuments is part of their charm, it 
also lends itself to vandalism. Through 
the years, markers have been peppered 
with high powered rifles, dynamited, 
spray-painted, toppled by cars and 
pickup trucks and rubbed down by 
cattle. While nobody can entirely 
eliminate this unfortunate threat, 
Jording might have done a little more 
to draw attention to this serious prob- 
lem. He does mention that the 1913 
legislation creating the Oregon Trail 
Commission included a provision for 
prosecuting individuals found guilty 
of defacing historical markers. But the 
Wyoming State Legislature should en- 
act a modern law that makes such 
criminal behavior a serious offense. 

Spring/Summer 1994 




Registered National Historic Landmark 

Wnqon wheels cut solid rock curving a memorial to Empire 
Builders. What manner of men and beasts impelled conveyances 
weighing on those grinding wheels? Look! A line of shadows 
crossing boundless wilderness. 

Foremost, nimble mules drawing their carts, come poised 
Mountain Men carrying trade goods to a fur fair -- the 
Rendezvous. So, in I830. Bill Sublette turns the first wheels 
from St Louis to the Rocky Mountains! Following his fatnt trail, a decade later 
and on through 'fW 1860s, appear straining, twisting teams of oxen, mules and 
heavy draft horses drawing Conestogn wagons for Oregon pioneers. Trailing the 
Oregon-bound avnnt garde but otherwise mingling with those emigrants, Aspired 
by religious fervor, loom footsore and trail worn companies -- Mormons dragging 
or pushing handcarts as they follow Brigham Young to the Valley of the Salt Lake 
And. after 1849. reacting to a different stimulus but sharing the same trail. 
urging draft animals to extremity, straining resources and often failing, hurry 
gold rushers California bound. 

A different breed, no emigrants but enterprisers and adventurers, capture 
the 1860s scene. They appear, multi-teamed units in draft -- heavy wagons in 
tandem, jerkline operators and bullwhackers delivering freight to Indian Wnr 
outposts and agencies. Now the apparition fades in a changing environment. 
Dimly seen, this last commerce serves a new. pastoral society; the era of the 
cattle baron and the advent of settlement blot the Oregon Trail. 

% m/\ 

Oregon Trail Ruts Informative Sign 

The book includes a chapter con- 
taining a brief history of efforts to erect 
historical markers in Wyoming. Al- 
though the lack of footnotes may con- 
found readers interested in knowing 
more about the author's source mate- 
rial, the chapter does contain much 
good information. Particularly inter- 
esting is the evolution of the Wyoming 
Historical Landmark Commission. 

From the time of its founding in 
1927 until it was dissolved in 1959, the 
Wyoming Historical Landmark Com- 
mission erected 138 historical markers 
and acquired 33 properties on behalf of 
the State. Among the properties are 
several of Wyoming's premier histori- 
cal sites including Fort Bridger, Fort 
Laramie, Fort Reno and Connor Battle- 
field. During its later years, however, 
the Commission was beset by critics 
who argued for greater authenticity in 
portraying state history. Jording docu- 
ments the transition from early efforts 
to glorify Wyoming's frontier past to an 
assault upon perceived myth-making 

Richard Collier 
State Historic Preservation Office 

by the champions of greater historical 

Mike Jording's book is not slated 
for permanent residency on the living 
room coffee table. The exclusive use of 
black and white photographs which are 
frequently too small leave this book 
somewhat lacking in coffee table ap- 
peal. In fact, I suspect that someone's 
leaving this book at home would actu- 
ally disappoint the author. Jording has 
achieved great success in crafting a 
book that can enhance the Wyoming 
travel experience. Use this book to chart 
a course for experiencing the splendid 
sights and scenes associated with 
Wyoming's fabulous history. If you do 
that, the worth of this book will become 
clearly apparent. 

Bruce J. Noble, Jr. 

Historian, National Park Service 
Washington, DC 

A good example of the prose of 
Ned Frost (1911-1978) -former 
Cody outfitter, historian, preserva- 
tionist and author of numerous sign 
legends. Once, when someone in- 
formed him that sign legends ought 
to be written for a reader with an 
eighth grade education, Ned replied, 
"Well, then let the B 's learn!" 


Wyoming Annals 



By Glenda Riley 

Volume 7 in 
The Oklahoma 
Western Biographies 
"Riley has produced the 
best and most exhaus- 
tively researched account of the life of the remarkable 
Annie Oakley in this moving book that magically 
reveals as much about our fascinating 
with the American West as it does about 
the life and times of a genuine leg- 
end." — Toni Dewey, President, Women 
of the West Museum. 


Native American Visionary 

Traditions of the Great Plains 

By Lee Irwin 

Foreword by Vine Deloria, Jr. 

Volume 213 in The Civilization of 
the American Indian Series 
"A major contribution . . . Irwin illus- 
trates how provocative new questions 
can reveal rich ethnographical insights 
sure to be of interest to Native American scholars and 
students of religion." — Kenneth M. Morrison, 
Arizona State University. 


Onkto Mi Dreaming (1976). by Oscar H, 
Collection of the University Art Gallery. 
University of South Dakota. 
Copyright, Adelheid Howe, 1983. 


Native Peoples and Cattle Ranching 
in the American West 
By Peter Iverson 

"Iverson has demonstrated that culture and economics 
compelled Indians and whites to share a common 
experience of combined life ... a fresh look at Indian- 
white relations and teaches us that the West caused 
cross-cultural life adjustments as two opposing races 
shared one identity of the 'cowboy.'" — Donald L. 
Fixico, Western Michigan University. 



Indian Views of the Great 
Sioux War, 1876-1877 
Compiled, Edited, 
and Annotated by 
Jerome A. Greene 
"Told directly and without elabora- 
tion, this is the Indians' own story of 
the war. . . . Greene's diligence in 
selecting these primary accounts, his 
careful editing, and his thorough his- 
torical contextualization of each event 
make his book a valuable contribution 
that will stand as a cornerstone of the 

literature on the Indian wars." — Raymond J. 

DeMallie, Director of the American Indian Studies 

Research Institute. 


and these paperbacks 

From vour bookseller, or 

University of Oklahoma Press 

(Call 1-800-627-7377, or write) 

Dept. MAQ1 

1005 Asp Ave. 

Norman, OK 73019-0445 

Write for FREE catalogs. 


Or, General Custer in 

Kansas and Texas 

By Elizabeth B. Custer 

With an Introduction by Jane R. Stewart 
New Foreword bv Shirlev A. Leckie 


Into the Indian Wars 
with General Custer 
and the Seventh Cavalry 
By Elizabeth B. Custer 

With an Introduction by Jane R. Stewart 
New Foreword by Robert M. Utley 

Volume 33 in The Western Frontier Library 


Outlaw O.T. 

By Colonel Bailey C. Hanes 

Introduction by Ramon F. Adams 

Volume 41 in The Western Frontier Library 

A Lakota Woman's Story 
As told through Mark St. Pierre 

By Joseph G. Rosa 

Spring/Summer i 




Well done, annotated bibliogra- 
phies are indispensable aids to research 
and their appearance is greeted with 
enthusiasm by various disciplines. Lit- 
erate and discerning, these compendia 
of scholarly and popular literature are 
arranged alphabetically by author, 
cross referenced by subject, and in- 
clude brief statements of each entry's 
thesis together with commentaries con- 
cerning readability, use of sources and 
degrees of bias and reliability. The key 
factor here is "well-done." 

The full title of and introduction 
to The Wild Bunch tells the reader that 
F. Bruce Lamb is selective rather than 
comprehensive in his compilation of 
the literature. Wishing to "make a 
worthwhile addition to the authenti- 
cation of some of the literature," Lamb 
limits his sources to pamphlets and 
popular literature, eschewing newspa- 
pers, magazine articles and archival 
data on the grounds that they may con- 
tain errors in the material he reviews 
(p. 2). One would think that a worth- 
while addition to authentication might 
include an examination of the sources 
of error as well as the perpetuators of 
it. Clearly Lamb does not agree. Fur- 
ther, he sees no contradiction between 
his assertion that contemporary ac- 
counts or archival data might contain 
errors, and his acceptance as gospel the 
tales Kid Curry told Lamb's father and 
uncles (pp. 91-93). 

His taste in popular literature is 
eclectic: non-fiction, pulp novels, a 
screenplay. Works which deal exclu- 
sively or extensively with his subjects, 
or those that mention them only in 
passing, get space. Some, like the Louis 
L' Amour pulp, get more than they de- 
serve, and this bias causes the reader 
to contemplate changing the title to 
Things in Print that Mention the Wild 
Bunch. One expects some repetition in 
annotated bibliographies, but it is pos- 
sible to overdo. In several instances 
Lamb includes two editions of the 
same book and points out the same 
errors in each. In his introduction he 
states that Butch Cassidy's given name 

was Robert, not George, and in his com- 
mentary finds no fewer than twenty- 
five occasions to restate the assertion. 
While I am not suggesting that Lamb 
ignore errata, one mention in the intro- 
duction, then a brief statement in each 
of the appropriate entries, would suf- 
fice. Similarly, references to the correct 
spelling of Flat Nose George Currie's 
surname are repeated needlessly, as are 
references to the given name and aliases 
of William Ellsworth Lay. 

The Wild Bunch suffers most 
through poor editing and appears to 
have been slapped together hurriedly, 
perhaps the victim of a rush to 
publish. Page references are bet- 
ter placed at the ends of sentences 
rather than randomly through 
them. A bit of creative typogra- 
phy would enable a reader to dis- 
cern subheads from incomplete 
sentences, and the consistent use 
of brackets rather than a mixture 
of these and parentheses would go 
a long way toward determining 
which comments belong to the 
original author and which belong 
to Lamb. Seemingly pointless 
quotations from published works 
without Lamb's comments, rambling 
stream-of-consciousness prose, typo- 
graphical errors, and abbreviations give 
the volume the appearance of typed 

The reader has no doubt that this 
volume represents much work, but in 
its present form The Wild Bunch does 
not make a worthwhile contribution to 
scholarship. It is difficult to determine 
by whom the author was served least: 
his editor, his publisher or himself. 

Peg Tremper 

history Ph.D. candidate, 

University of Wyoming 

The Wild Bunch 



by F. Bruce Lamb 

Worland, Wyoming: High Plains 
Publishing Company, Inc., 1993. 
Illustrations, index. 163 pp. 
Cloth $23.50. 

Wyoming Annals 


Elizabeth Bacon 

Custer and the 

Making of a Myth 

by Shirlhy A. Lei mi 

Norman: The University of Okla- 
homa Press, 1993. Illustrations, 
notes, bibliography. xxiii 
and 419 pp. Cloth $26.95. 

In Elizabeth Bacon Custer and the 
Making of a Myth Shirley Leckie exam- 
ines the relationship between Elizabeth 
"Libbie" Custer and her famous hus- 
band, George Armstrong or "Autie" as 
his wife and others referred to him. 
The close ties between the two did not 
end with Autie's death for Libbie dedi- 
cated her life to preserving the memory 
of her dear "Boy General" and in the 
process created what has become 
known as the Custer myth. One need 
only read the author's chapter 
headings to realize Libbie's inten- 
tions regarding Autie's image, 
with such titles as "My Husband 
as He Should be Known" and "Tra- 
dition and History Will be So 

Leckie has divided her book 
into two parts, Libbie — The Girl 
He Left Behind, and The Making 
of a Myth. The author sets the 
stage for understanding Libbie by 
analyzing the environment in 
which she lived. Victorian morals, 
sex roles and expectations are dis- 
cussed, thereby establishing a frame of 
reference for the reader and placing 
Libbie's actions within a proper con- 
text. Thus, Libbie's dedication to her 
husband was not due entirely to love 
but was also a product of the Victorian 
era. Libbie saw it as her duty to im- 
prove Autie, and she did this during 
and after his life. 

The first section of the book ex- 
plores the background of the Custers 
and chronicles their wedded life with 
its shortcomings and merits. The 
author's close scrutiny of the Custer 
marriage has uncovered some fascinat- 
ing details including information about 
the couple's creative sex life. Leckie 
uses a profusion of insightful quotes 
throughout the text and they are par- 
ticularly appealing during the first part 
of the book, giving the reader a strong 
sensation of eavesdropping on Libbie 
and Autie's intimate moments. 

Soon after Autie's demise at the 
Little Bighorn, his devastated widow 
decided to spend the rest of her life 

idolizing her husband. The secon 
section of Leckie's book delves into this 
aspect of Libbie's life and focuses on 
her efforts to create and maintain the 
Custer legend. While laboring within 
the limits set for Victorian women, 
Libbie wielded enormous power over 
all matters pertaining to her husband's 
legacy. Libbie's influence, however, 
had its unfortunate effects on history. 
No one wanted to confront or hurt Mrs. 
Custer with information that contra- 
dicted her views. Libbie died in 1933, 
outliving most of her husband's con- 
temporary detractors and thus tempo- 
rarily preventing the tarnishing of her 
husband's name. 

Photographs profile the various 
stages of Libbie Custer's life, provid- 
ing the reader with a heightened read- 
ing experience. Libbie is portrayed 
from her teens to her golden years, al- 
lowing the viewer to imagine her as she 
lived with Autie and as she endured 
her reflective life. The images of the 
elder woman speak volumes for her 
pride and determination. 

Some readers will undoubtedly 
find fault in the author's broad expla- 
nation about Libbie's feelings for Autie 
and her efforts to immortalize him, see- 
ing more than simply undying love as 
her motivation. In some circles the 
book may even prove controversial. 
What's this? The name of Custer be- 
ing linked with controversy? Never! 

Overall Elizabeth Bacon Custer and 
the Making of a Myth will appeal to a 
wide and varied audience. Historians 
interested in the Custers, the Indian 
Wars or Women's Studies will find the 
book particularly informative and en- 
joyable. Leckie should be commended 
for her fine research concerning the life 
of Elizabeth Bacon Custer, an effort 
which has enabled us to know and un- 
derstand a truly remarkable woman. 

Mark Nelson 

Curator, Sweetwater County 

Historical Museum 

Green River 

Spring/Summer 1994 




To Reclaim a Divided West: Water, 
Law, and Public Policy, 1848-1902 is the 
latest publication of the "Histories of 
the American Frontier" series initiated 
by notable Western historian Ray Allen 
Billington. Professor Donald Pisani's 
contribution to this important series is 
a study of water: territorial, state, and 
national water law; local, territorial, 
state and federal government land and 
water policy; and water use including 
its ownership and administration in 
the arid West. Pisani's work deals with 
the formative years in the development 
of Western water law and policy be- 
ginning with the 1848 discovery of 
gold in California and ending with the 
passage of the Reclamation Act of 1 902. 

Professor Pisani explores the de- 
velopment of irrigation in the West as 
a private, public and mixed enterprise, 
and the relationships between water 
law and policy. His major focus 
throughout the book is on California, 
Colorado, Nevada and Wyoming be- 
cause those four states were significant 
in the development of federal water 
law and policy. The author makes 
three major assumptions in develop- 
ing the theme that there was no single 
West. First, the West was composed of 
diverse parts that were defined by val- 
ues, culture and institutions as well as 
by climate and geography. Second, 
local economic conditions were far 
more important in the development of 
Western water law and policy than arid 
conditions. And third, as he states, "in- 
dividuals mold history as history 
molds them" (xvi). Pisani's point is 
that the West was fragmented which 
resulted in the region's inability to 
achieve a unified and cohesive water 

In his book Professor Pisani ex- 
amines the multitude of conflicts 
which existed and frustrated the devel- 
opment and implementation of a uni- 
fied Western water law and policy. He 
begins with the history of the doctrine 
of prior appropriation in the Califor- 
nia miningdistricts, and that doctrine's 
inherent conflict with the common law 

and riparian (riverbank) rights recog- 
nized by the nation's courts. The sale 
of riparian water rights intensified the 
conflict. Western territories and states 
attempted to resolve the conflicting 
claims by including elements of both in 
their first water laws. The enactment 
of the Desert Land Act in 1877 by Con- 
gress eventually abolished riparian 
water rights from the public lands. 

Pisani points out that national ide- 
als of individual initiative, indepen- 
dence, and the promotion of new 
wealth conflicted with ideals of protect- 
ing society from monopoly and 
special interests, and establishing 
community solidarity. These were 
at the core of conflicts about estab- 
lishing water policy and law. Set 
in opposition to miners, farmers 
and ranchers were: the organiza- 
tion of entrepreneurial water and 
ditch companies, and the grant of 
extensive legal powers by territo- 
rial and state legislatures controlled 
by special interests. Some states 
and territories exercised virtual tyr- 

Investors and speculators 
considered irrigation projects and 
water companies as means of ob- 
taining wealth and came into conflict 
with irrigation and agricultural settle- 
ments such as the Greeley Colony, 
whose goals were to establish harmo- 
nious and prosperous agricultural com- 
munities. There was controversy be- 
tween developers wanting to bring ir- 
rigation water to virgin land and estab- 
lished ranchers and farmers wanting to 
supplement existing water supplies. 
There was continuous discord caused 
by the discrepancy between overly-op- 
timistic cost estimates made by irriga- 
tion promoters, and the actual cost of 
large irrigation projects. 

Reclamation cannot be separated 
from public land policy and law. Pro- 
fessor Pisani addresses public land is- 
sues such as the proposed cession of 
public lands to states and territories, 
and the background for passage of 
theDesert Land Act of 1877, the Carey 

To Reclaim a 
Divided West 

Water, Law, and 
Public Policy 

1S4S - 1002 

by Donald J. Pisani 

Albuquerque: University of New 
Mexico Press, 1992. Illustrations, 
notes, bibliography, index. xxi and 
487 pp. Cloth $40.00 Paper $19.95 


Wyoming Annals 


The Great 
American Outlaw 

A Legacy of Fact and Fiction 

Act of 1894 and the Reclamation Act 
of 1902. Throughout his discourse on 
public land policy and law, Pisani ex- 
amines sectional and regional differ- 
ences, varying economic concerns, in- 
dividual and corporate public land en- 
tries, and conflicts that developed in 
California and the Southwest as a re- 
sult of their heritage of Mexican land 
and water laws and policies. 

Chapter 7 in Pisani's book, 
"Wyoming, Land Cession, and the 
'Terrible Nineties," is of particular 
interest to the student of Wyoming 
history. In it Dr. Pisani examines 
Wyoming's role in instituting water 
law reforms and the efforts of the 
state's political leaders to win ces- 
sion of federal lands. Included is a 
detailed analysis of the roles played 
by Francis E. Warren, Joseph M. 

by Frank Richard Prassel 

Norman: University of Oklahoma 
Press, 1993. XIVAND412 pp. Illus- 
trations, appendix, notes, bibliog- 
raphy, index. Cloth $29.95. 

No American creation is as jumbled 
in myth and reality as the American out- 
law. From Jesse James to John Dillinger 
or Belle Starr to Ma Barker, it is nearly 
impossible to separate improbable 
from possible and fact from legend. 
Part of American mythology, the 
outlaw has been transformed by 
half-truths and lies and given new 
life by newspapers, dime novels, 
folk songs, wild west shows, mo- 
rion pictures and television. 

The Great American Outlaw. 
A Legacy of Fact and Fiction by 
Frank Richard Prassel traces out- 
law history from the British Isles 
before the time of the Norman 
Conquest to the fantasy of Road 
Warrior It is an enlightening and 
fascinating journey of violence, revenge 
and society's creation of outlaws. Dr. 
Prassel points out that "Every society 
has it outlaws." Also evident are recur- 
ring themes, valid or not, that link out- 
laws from Hereward the Wake in late 
eleventh century England to Al Capone 
in twentieth century America. The out- 
law could be the defender of the op- 
pressed, the product of conflict or a po- 
litical activist. The outlaw might be, like 

Carey and Elwood Mead, and their 
significance in the development of 
Wyoming and national land and 
water policy and law. 

To Reclaim A Divided West is an 
excellent history of the struggle to adapt 
water and land policy and law to the 
boom and bust, arid, nineteenth century 
West. The data is accurate, detailed and 
comprehensive, and the interpretations 
and conclusions presented are insight 
ful. This is an important book for the 
serious student of Wyoming and West 
em history. 

Jim Donahue 

Director, Wyoming State Archives, 
Records Management and Micro- 
graphic Services 

Robin Hood, greater than history. We 
really do not care if what is believed 
about him is based upon compounded 
works of fiction; we know that he rep- 
resents right against wrong. 

Dr. Prassel's interest and knowl- 
edge of the subject is evident in the care 
that he takes with each category of out- 
law and individual, defining not only 
what is factual but how popular opin- 
ion mythyologized outlaw exploits. 
The book is carefully researched and 
has a thorough bibliography contain- 
ing government documents, periodi- 
cals, newspapers and general works. 
An appendix of outlaw ballads pro- 
vides additional character insight. 

The author also provides reasons 
for perpetuation of outlaw myth in the 
form of ballads, books and the silver 
screen. It is by these means that authors 
or artists for a variety of reasons liber- 
ally produced works that celebrate out- 
laws in a famous or infamous fashion. 
In many ways the public is quite will- 
ing to accept these highly fictionalized 
accounts and consider them as gospel. 

The only difficulty for the reader 
is that chapter titles are not always ap- 
propriate. "The Pirate" defines the tra- 

Spring/Summer 1994 



ditional sea-going outlaw and the 
author's treatment of the subject is ef- 
fective. The reader is into "The Gang- 
ster" seventeen pages before the sub- 
ject is broached, and Buffalo Bill's Wild 
West Show is included when it might 
have been better in a chapter dedicated 
to popular outlaws. 

The Great American Outlaw: A 
Legacy in Tact and Tiction is a very read- 
able account about how outlaw myth 

is generated. It provides the reader in- 
formation about societies that pro- 
duced not only real outlaws but also 
created myths to shield themselves 
from the truth. 

Steven M. Wilson 


Cheyenne Frontier Days 

Old West Museum 


Twentieth-century industrial his- 
tories are not always very appealing. 
Details about complex technical pro- 
cesses and corporate reorganizations 
often obscure the larger impact of in- 
dustrial development. In Mill and 
Mine: The CT&I in the Twentieth Century 
H. Lee Scamehorn successfully avoids 
both of these hurdles to produce a con- 
cise and readable history about the 
Pueblo, Colorado steel producer. It is 
a companion to his 1976 book Pioneer 
Steelmaker in the West: The Colorado Pnel 
and Iron Company, 1872-1903. 

Most historians, Scamehorn sug- 
gests, have focused on CF&I's labor 
policies, especially the violent coal 
miners' strike of 1913-14, and have ex- 
cluded the rest of its history. His the- 
sis is that the Colorado Fuel and Iron 
Company has played an influential 
role in the region's history and has con- 
tributed significantly to the long-term 
economic development of Colorado 
and the American West. Though small 
in comparison to the giant steel pro- 
ducers of the East and Midwest, CF&I 
has long been one of the region's prin- 
cipal employers. In addition to its 
Pueblo smelter, the company operated 
iron ore, coal, limestone and fluorspar 
mines in Colorado, Wyoming, Utah, 
New Mexico and Oklahoma. It was a 
major supplier of coal as well as steel 
and iron products to agriculture, rail- 
roads, mining and other leading indus- 
tries in the West. 

Like other historians, Scamehorn 
carefully examines company labor 

policies, but he does so in the context 
of its "Industrial Representation Plan." 
The plan grew directly out of the labor 
struggles of 1913-14 and was a strategy 
for avoiding similar problems in 
the future. It was designed to pro- 
mote voluntary cooperation and 
compromise between manage- 
ment and labor as an alternative 
to independent unions. Repre- 
sentatives from both sides were 
appointed to discuss grievances 
and suggest solutions, with ap- 
peals to outside authorities used 
only as a last resort. Scamehorn 
argues that the plan did improve 
working and living conditions at 
CF&I-controlled operations and 
company towns. 

Historians have noted that 
CF&I coal miners ultimately chose af- 
filiation with the UMWA. However, 
Scamehorn argues, many other CF&I 
employees accepted the plan and op- 
posed efforts to abolish it. Its frame- 
work was widely adopted by iron, steel 
and railroad enterprises and remained 
popular until the late 1930s when the 
federal government took steps to ensure 
the right of workers to bargain collec- 
tively. Other social and economic 
changes affected CF&I in the twentieth 
century. The automobile and new con- 
sumer marketing strategies brought 
about the end of the company store. 
Reduced demand for coal in homes and 
businesses made CF&I's Fuel Division 
largely obsolete. Competition from for- 
eign steelmakers and domestic mini- 

Mill and Mine 

The CF&I in the 
Twentieth Century 



The CFM in ihe 
Twentieth Century 

By H. Lee Scamehom 

by H. Lee Scamehorn 

Lincoln: University - of Nebraska 
Press, 1992. 247 pp. Illustrations, 
notes, bibliography. Cloth $37.50. 


Wyoming Annals 


Letters of 
Mari Sandoz 

by Helen Winter Stauffer 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska 

Press, 1992. Bibliography, 

index. vii and 493 pp. 

Cloth $60.00 

mills forced the company to undergo 
painful but effective modernization 
during the 1980s. Scamehorn concludes 
that the company remains dependent 
upon the economic success of the West's 
boom-and-bust industries. However, as 
a result of these changes it is now in a 
better position to compete than it has 
been in recent memory. 

The book is not without its flaws. 
Throughout much of the text the 
author's sympathies appear to lie with 
CF&I management. The portrait of 
CF&I Scamehorn tries to create would 
benefit from a more inclusive examina- 
tion of company employees. Also, 

many readers who are unfamiliar with 
the process of steel production may 
find some of the terminology difficult 
to understand. 

These criticisms aside, however, 
Scamehorn has created the most com- 
plete history of CF&I to date. The book 
will be extremely valuable to anyone 
interested in twentieth-century indus- 
trial or labor history. 

Matt Mayberrv 

Director of Education, Western 
Museum of Mining and Industry 
Colorado Springs, Colorado 

To form this handsome book 
Helen Stauffer selected 450 letters from 
the many thousands written by author 
and historian Mari Sandoz. They de- 
fine Sandoz and explain how she nego- 
tiated the problems of publication, 
stubbornly rejecting any editorial 
attempts to "mutilate" her manu- 
scripts. The letters tell us that 
Sandoz's treks in and out of the 
Nebraska sandhills produced vast 
quantities of research materials: 
300,000 index cards for her mas- 
sive files, six or seven books per 
week read, ten to twenty books 
written, twenty articles written, 
fifty short stories written includ- 
ing many burned in despair, many 
lecture and conference engage- 
ments West and East ...and so 
many carefully maintained friendships. 
She was a remarkable repository of in- 
formation. When Crazy Horse was pub- 
lished her Indian friends call her 
"Mouse Lodge" either because of her 
frame or her tenacious character in gar- 
nering data. 

Introducing the book, Helen 
Stauffer tells us: "The letters delineate 
Sandoz's eventual success in her cho- 
sen field as a well established literary 
and historical authority, but they are 
also a valuable record of the many ob- 
stacles she faced" (xxxiii). Old Jules, the 

biography of Sandoz's hard-nosed fa- 
ther, describes the severe limitations 
Nebraska sandhills life placed on Mari, 
a person who loved the land but who 
was discouraged in her attempts to find 
and express her own meanings. "You 
know I consider writers and artists the 
maggots of society," her father said, de- 
nouncing her efforts at self-discovery 
(pp. 81, 135-136). A locater of settlers 
for the purpose of making the sandhills 
bloom, Jules imposed his will on others 
including the several wives he used up 
and the children he bent to his purposes. 
"There were some," Sandoz wrote, 
"who indicated that I must be a morbid 
character to think up such a man and 
call him my father." But even after her 
escape from bondage and ignorance, her 
sandhill roots still nourished and im- 
pelled her. Though lacking a high school 
diploma, Mari enrolled in the Univer- 
sity of Nebraska, dropping out just short 
of an English baccalaureate. Years later 
an honorary doctorate, in light of her 
contentious reputation with publishers, 
vindicated the enduring value of her 
Western and regional literature. 

Testing her value system against 
apprehensive eastern publishers, she 
was often defensive, sometimes pun- 
gently brusque. "I don't give a good 
goddamn about the whole raft of read- 
ers and critics," she snapped, and later 

Spring/Summer 1994 



added, "I have no intention of deodor- 
izing my work... these books of mine 
are true." 

Do the letters in this collection 
give access to her books and stories? 
And are the books and stories requi- 
site to an understanding and apprecia- 
tion of her letters? The answers are yes 
to both questions. The honesty and 
ardor of the letters characterize 
Sandoz's struggles to author books and 
find publishers who wouldn't patron- 
ize her or compromise her integrity. 

Certainly she was gritty, a 
100-pounder who could lift more than 
her own weight in the hayfields. She 
was also gifted, portraying imagined 
and real worlds with the skill of Willa 
Cather or John Neihardt. She was 
warm in her Lincoln-Denver-New 
York friendships, and wry in contem- 

plating the bone cancer that was killing 
her. "Some people are struck by 
drunken drivers," she noted. Sandoz's 
letters give insight into a human suc- 
cess story, one she modestly questioned 
the year before she died: "But if you 
did concoct a definition of success that 
could include my work, what formula 
could possibly include the prospects of 
a barefoot little girl on the Niobrara 
River with a language handicap, little 
country schooling, and no opportunity 
to attend high school?" The Sandoz let- 
ters selected by Helen Stauffer address 
the question very well, indeed. 

\\ W I II! I 1)1 \s 

Professor Emeritus, University of 



Capitalism came to the Yellow- 
stone Valley with the fur trade as early 
as 1805. By the end of the same cen- 
tury, capitalism had transformed the 
valley's economic and social systems, 
shaped much of its appearance, and 
planted a sizable urban community in 
an inviting twenty five-mile stretch of 
bottomlands along the Yellowstone 
River. Where there had been little per- 
manent human impact prior to the 
1860s, the region and its urban center of 
Billings by 1900 boasted interconnected 
steel rails, plush Victorian homes and an 
urban vitality not without its attendant 
problems. Along the way the region's 
original inhabitants, the Crow Indians, 
suffered. Economic growth came in fits 
and starts, with indecision and 
misdecision, and boom and bust. Natu- 
ral resources — animal hides, timber, 
coal or land — were exploited ruthlessly 
for the benefit of local individuals and 
absentee corporate barons, all in the 
name of progress. 

Such are the broad outlines of the 
story Carroll Van West tells in this com- 
munity history of Billings, Montana. 

From the earliest penetration of the re- 
gion by whites to the increasingly im- 
personal economic order brought by 
the great railroad reorganizations and 
financial consolidations of the 1890s, 
capitalism was the engine of economic 
growth and change. 

Building on the relationships 
of mutual dependency and ex- 
change established between 
whites and Native Americans dur- 
ing the fur trade era, frontier set- 
tlers attempted to establish them- 
selves in the Clark's Fork bottom- 
lands of the Yellowstone in the 
1860s and early 1870s. Their ef- 
forts were defeated repeatedly by 
determined Sioux and Northern 
Cheyenne Indians. Not until the 
Indians' defeat in the Great Sioux 
War of 1876-77 were white settlers 
successful in creating a lasting 
nucleus of settlement. That nucleus 
called itself Coulson. 

At the heart of Coulson was Perry 
McAdow, a classic frontier entrepre- 
neur attracted by government trading 
contracts for nearby military posts and 

Capitalism on the 

Billings & the Yellowstone 
Valley in the 
Nineteenth Century 



by Carroll Van West 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska 
Press, 1993. Illustrations, notes, 
bibliography, index. xi and 28 1 pp. 
Cloth $37.50. 


Wyoming Annals 


the Crow Indian agency. Coulson did 
not fit the stereotype of the Wild West 
town. Rather, it was a relatively peace- 
ful place that enjoyed mutual exchange 
and a highly personalized society. But 
Coulson was a transitional community, 
soon to be overwhelmed by the North- 
ern Pacific Railroad. The founding of 
Billings is a familiar story of how the rail- 
road bypassed the existing town to take 
advantage of land speculation. But Van 
West also tells the less familiar story of 
how the railroad was not all-powerful 
and how its resources and those of its 
land company were not great enough 
alone to ensure permanence. 

Named for Frederick Billings, a 
Vermont native and wealthy railroad 
entrepreneur, the city struggled 
throughout the 1880s. It lacked an ad- 
equate water supply, reeled from social 
instability brought by violence, vice 
and unemployment after the railroad 
arrived in 1882, and grew distrustful be- 
cause of the land company's fraud and 
mismanagement. Taking charge of the 
situation in 1888, Frederick Billings did 
much to alleviate these problems, re- 
solving land titles, fostering cooperation 
with the railroad and having his son, 
Parmly Billings, come to live and be per- 
sonally involved in the community. 
Still, it was not until after 1890 with the 
arrival of a second railroad, the Chicago, 
Burlington, and Quincy, and because of 
a corporate plan to make the city a re- 
gional economic hub, that the future of 
Billings was assured. 

This study surpasses the commu- 
nity histories and article-length studies 
that generally make up the local history 
of cities and towns on the northern 
plains. It is detailed and based on sub- 
stantial research in disparate sources, 
and it effectively places local history 
into larger historical contexts. Those 
contexts include: the impact of white 
settlement on Native inhabitants; 
boosterism and imported, Eastern, cul- 
tural aspirations; social relationships 
and the rise of an increasingly imper- 
sonal society; and capitalistic expansion 
generally. It is especially the story of 

the dynamic and often conflicting ef- 
forts of local entrepreneurs and corpo- 
rate tycoons to effect economic devel- 
opment for their own gain. 

My criticism of this book is that 
it gives somewhat short shrift to de- 
velopments in the community itself 
during the 1880s and 1890s. Six of the 
book's nine chapters relate to the 
twenty years between 1864 and 1883, 
that is, up to the time the Billings fam- 
ily took charge and paved the way for 
capitalism's greatest impacts which 
came after 1890. Yet the final decade 
of the century is presented largely 
from the perspective of James J. Hill, 
J. P. Morgan and a few other leading 
men. The result is less satisfying than 
the author's thorough treatment of 
previous decades. Still, this book pro- 
vides an excellent model for commu- 
nity history and contributes to our 
knowledge of the forces and events 
that shaped eastern Montana and the 
Northern Plains. 

Charles E. Rankin 


Montana Magazine 

Spring/Summer 1994 


"101 Never Fight Fire 

with My Bare Hands Again" 

Recollections of the First Forest 
Rangers of the Inland Northwest 
Edited by Hal K. Rothman 

"Addresses a wealth of topics from 
fighting fires, to relations with 
Indians, to repairing Model T's. A 
delightful book!" — Donald J. Pisani, 
author of To 
Reclaim a Divided 
West. "This is 
history with a 
human face, 
written from 
fond memory by 
people with con- 
siderable literary 
talent. It's a 
rendition of high 
adventure, low 
comedy, and 
plain hard work 
in a spectacular 
landscape." — 
David A. Clary, 
author of Timber 
and the Forest 
260 pages. 
$35.00 cloth, 
$14.95 paper 

On Turner's Trail 

100 Years of Writing 
Western History 
Wilbur R. Jacobs 

"An important study. Jacobs breaks 
from both the too-positive views of 
Ray Billington and the excessively 
negative comments of recent Turner 
bashers." — Richard W. Etulain, 
editor of Writing Western History. 
"Lively and readable. In a provoca- 
tive fashion, Jacobs argues that 
several self-proclaimed non- 
Turnerian scholars and leaders of the 
new western history not only owe an 
intellectual debt to Turner but also 
are unconscious disciples of him." — 
Jack L. August, Jr., author of From 
Horseback to Helicopter. "None who 
wish to understand the Turnerian 
legacy in American history can 
ignore this book. Great stuff!" — 
Allan G. Bogue, Frederick Jackson 
Turner Professor of History 
Emeritus, University of Wisconsin- 
360 pages, illustrated. $35.00 

Available at bookstores or from the press 
Phone 913-864-4155, Fax 913-864-4586 
Visa /MasterCard accepted 

Colony and Empire 

The Capitalist Transformation 
of the American West 
William G. Robbins 

"Drawing our attention to the 
central role of capitalism as a shaper 
of attitudes and social relations, 
Robbins offers us a new and valu- 
able vantage point. His knowledge is 
as wide-ranging as his style is fair 
and compassionate. This book will 
be frequently consulted by histori- 
ans, and — one hopes — by residents 
of what is proving to be the nation's 
most contested region." — Patricia 
Nelson Limerick, author of The 
Legacy of Conquest. "Few historians 
of the American West have written 
as provocatively and forcefully as 
Robbins." — James P. Ronda, author 
of Astoria and Empire. 
308 pages. $29.95 

America's National 

The Politics of Preservation 
Hal K. Rothman 

282 pages, illustrated. 
$14.95 paper 

1001 Colorado Place Names 

Maxine Benson 

230 pages, illustrated. $25.00 cloth, 

$11.95 paper 

University Press of Kansas 

2501 West 15th Street, Lawrence KS 66049 


Wyoming Annals 



Sunbelt Working Mothers: Reconciling 
Family and Factory 

b\ Louise Lamphere 

Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993. xx + 
3 30 pp. Appendixes, bibliography, index. Cloth 
$39-95. paper $15. 95. 

A sociological study of current 
attitudes about race, class and gender among 
Albuquerque working women. 

Handbook of the American Frontier: 

Four Centuries of Indian-White 

Relationships, Volume 111: 

The Great Plains 

Bv J, Norman I leard 

Metuchen, NJ: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 
1993. x + 265 pp. Cloth S32.50. 

A small encyclopedic work about well 
known white men, Indians and cultural events 
on the Great Plains. 

Populism in the Western United 
States, 1890-1900. Two volumes. 

Bv David B < 

Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1992. xi + 
783 pp. Notes, bibliography, indexes. Cloth, 
Vol. I: $89.95, V ° L II: $79-95- 

A massive undertaking to explore the 
varied characteristics of western populism. 

Cultivating the Ros< 

Education of Women at the Cherokee 
Female Seminary 

on A. Mil: 

Urbana: University' of Illinois Press, 1993. xn 
+ 212 pp. Illustrations, maps, appendixes, 
notes, bibliography, index. Cloth $39.95. 

An exploration of race and 
acculturation through student education at the 
Cherokee Female Seminary. 

The Fetters of Jessie Benton Fremont 

i) Pamela Herr and 

Marj I ee Spen< e 

Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993. 
xxxii + 595 pp. Illustrations, notes, 
bibliography, index. cloth $39.95. 

A compilation of more than 200 letters 
showing Jessie Fremont's attitudes about her 
husband, politics, and American culture from 
1847 to her death in 1902. 

Combat Zoning: Military Land-Use 
Planning in Ni 

Reno: University' of Nevada Press, 1993. xu + 
144 pp. Illustrations, maps, notes, 
bibliography, index. cloth $24.95. 

The politics of military land use and 
management in Nevada and the role of 
military in the West. 

Remittance Men in th 

Golden, Colorado: Fulcrum Publishing, 1993. 
xx and 234 pp. Illustrations, bibliography, 
index. Paper $16.95. 

Stories about "second sons" of British 
aristocracy who made a name for themselves 
and helped shape the western landscape. 

The Last Water Hole in the West: The 
Colorado-Big Thompson Project and 
the Northern Colorado Water 
ervancy District 

niel ryler 

Niwot, Colorado: University Press of 
Colorado, 1992. xvm and 613 pp. Maps, 
illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. 
Cloth $39.95, paper $19.95. 

A study of western water development 
through the history of the Colorado-Big 
Thompson Project of Northern Colorado. 


No Duty To Retreat: Violent 
Values in American History ami 

By Richard Maxwell 

Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994. 
iv + 268 pp. Notes, index. Paper $10.95. 
Originally published 1991. 

Mining Engineers and the Amei 
West: The Lace-Boot Brigade. 1 

By Clark C. S] 

Moscow: University' of Idaho Press, 1993. Maps, 
bibliography, index. 407'pp. Paper $21.95. 
Reprint of 1970 edition. 

The Hoe and the Horse on the Plan 
Study of Cultural Development 
Among North American Indians 

By Preston Holder 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993. 
xn + 176 pp. Illustrations, maps, tables, notes, 
bibliography, index. Paper S8.95. Reprint of 
1970 EDITION. 

Histoi nix: United 

States Indian Policy 011 Trial 

Revised edition. Lincoln: University of 
Nebraska Press, 1993. xx + 471 pp. Maps, 
illustrations, notes, appendixes, bibliography, 
index. Paper $17.95. First published in 1967. 

Overland in 1846: Diaries and Letters 

of the California-Oregon Trail, Volumes 


li >rgan 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993. 
826 pp. Illustrations, maps, notes, index. Cloth 
$45.00 each volume, paper $14.95 each. reprint 
of 1963 edition. 

So Far From Spring 
By Peggy Simsor Curry 

Boulder: Pruett Publishing Company, 1993. 
344 pp. Paper $16.95. First published in 1956 
by Viking Press (New York), republished by 
Pruett Publishing, 1983. 

The Plains Across: The Overland 

Emigrants and the Trans-Mississippi 

West, 1840-60 

l'.\ |ohn D, L rtruh, Jr. 

Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993. 
xvm + 565 pp. Illustrations, tables, notes, 
bibliography, index. Paper $19.95; cloth 
$49.95. Reprint of 1979 edition. 

Magic Lands: Western Cityscap 
American Culture After 1940 

Bv John M. Findlay 

Berkeley: University of California Press, 
1993. xiv + 394 pp. Illustrations, notes, 


Mormon Enigma: Emma Hale Smith 

ing Newell and Valeen fippetts 

Second edition. Urbana: University' of Illinois 
Press, 1994. 432 pp. Paper $12.95. 

Spring/Summer 1994 




'The way I see it, you're a real sad 
case," scoffs Al Sieber (played by Rob- 
ert Duvall) to sympathetic Lieutenant 
Charles Gatewood (Jason Patrick) in 
Geivnimo: An American Legend. "You don't 
love who you're fighting for, and you don't 
hate who you're fighting against." 

The line could no more eloquently 
summarize the confusion of Hollywood's 
recent treatment of western historical top- 
ics. Sieber adequately represents a ves- 
tige of the genre known as the west- 
ern, in which the good prevail by kill- 
ing the bad and manifest destiny is 
kept intact. Gatewood exemplifies the 
new Hollywood aesthetic: politically 
correct, racially sensitive and employ- 
ing the hindsight of revisionist history. 
The problem is that Sieber is a hell of a 
lot more entertaining to watch. An- 
other problem is that factual accuracy 
in recent depictions of historical top- 
ics isn't observed more closely now 
than it has been in the past, which isn't 
saying much. In four releases available 
on video this season, Geronimo, Tomb- 
stone, King of the Hill, and Eight Seconds, 
historical veracity ranges from the 
painstakingly deliberate to the same 
whitewashing approach seen in 
Edwin S. Porter's The Great Train Rob- 
bery shot ninety-one years ago. 

Geronimo could be called ambitious 
or unsettling at best, but more appro- 
priately, ambiguous and unsure of it- 
self. Under the helm of veteran direc- 
tor Walter Hill (The Long Riders, Cross- 
roads) and writer John Milius (Apoca- 
lypse Nozv), Geronimo is ground-break- 

ing in the same way that it is ultimately 
forgettable. Immediately conspicuous 
is the overall absence of the title charac- 
ter, no doubt due to the obvious com- 
plexity, and not necessarily benevolent, 
personage of the actual Geronimo. How 
does a filmmaker reconcile in this Na- 
tive American the conflict between this 
warrior as both a murderer and a vic- 
tim? While certainly a victim of the 
American Government's plan to restrict 
nomadic Apache tribes to reservation 
farmland and the subsequent genocide 
carried out by the cavalry to facilitate 
this, Geronimo was also a murderer. De- 
pending on who you ask, Geronimo and 
his fellow Chiricahuas killed Anglos, 
Mexicans, and other Native Americans 
to avenge the murder of his wife and 
children by Mexican soldiers, to protect 
the land of his people, or to simply 
evade capture, but no one could insinu- 
ate that he acted without an agenda. The 
film entirely sidesteps this quandary, 
though, preferring to portray Geronimo 
entirely as a victim of circumstance. The 
only multiple slaying we see him com- 
mit is defensive, for instance, when cav- 
alrymen kill a medicine man for con- 
ducting a ritual. As in most of it's In- 
dian policies, the U.S. Government lied 
to Geronimo, continually promising him 
asylum and free reign. This the film dili- 
gently reproduces. But Hill is not so 
diligent in questioning the honesty of 
Geronimo who often parlayed with gen- 
erals, surrendered, and even settled for 
a year at Turkey Creek Reservation, only 
to continually return to the warpath. In- 
stead, the film reveals historical half- 

truths through the journal narration of 
fictional Lieutenant Britton Davis, who 
joins Gatewood in his sympathy for the 
Apache and their own subservience to 
a dishonest government. Here we have 
the formula for new westerns, which 
are now back in vogue, perhaps best 
illustrated by Dances With Wolves in 
which good white guys commiserate 
with noble savages and the two are pit- 
ted against bad white government, a 
formula which holds more historical 
truth than all of John Ford's films put 
together but still misses the boat. 

Historical discrepancies are evi- 
dent throughout Geronimo. The breath- 
taking vistas afforded by the Moab, 
Utah shooting location don't accurately 
represent the cholla-dotted arroyos of 
the Mexican-American border. Actor 
Wes Studi is easily ten years too young 
to play the aging Geronimo and his al- 
most unbroken English is incorrect. 
Sieber and Gatewood did not play as 
large a role as they do on film. But for 
these detractions, Hill and Milius 
should be commended for an admi- 
rable attempt to show the inevitable 
and large process of history, a history 
that is driven, not by the actions of a 
few prominent men but by sort of a te- 
leological tide of people, in multitudes