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Full text of "Wyoming Annals (continued - Annals of Wyoming)"

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A I.I. 1994 



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(Volume 66, No. 3 



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EDITOR NOTES 



The impact of T.A. Larson on the Hves of Wyoming's citi 
zens is incalculable, but there is enough anecdotal evi 
dence to substantiate the hypothesis that he has affected 
more lives in a positive way than any other individual in our 
state's history. Larson's influence in the classroom during his 
forty year teaching career at the University of Wyoming was 
enormous. No matter where you are in Wyoming, it is not dif- 
ficult to find someone who took one of his history courses. The 
names that pop up from his class attendance rolls read like a 
Wyoming Who's Who. Women such as historian Lola Homsher, 
State Superintendent of Public Instruction Velma Linford, and 
Wyoming Secretary of State Kathy Karpan. And men such as 
U.S. Senator Al Simpson, Wyoming media mogul Jack 
Rosenthal, and history teachers Sydney Spiegel, Roy Jordan, 
Bill Bragg and Bill Dubois. Many others deserve mention, and 
probably each has a story to tell about Larson. 

Pete Simpson, University of Wyoming Foundation Direc- 
tor, remembers when he and his brother Al were in Larson's 
Western History class in the early 1950s. During an exam, the 
ill-prepared Pete leaned over toward his brother for the an- 
swer to a queshon. He heard Al whisper, "Sancho." Pete went 
to work. Weaving a tale out of whatever threads he had picked 
up in class, the neophyte historian wrote an essay on a trapper 
named "Sancho," taking him down the Natchez Trace, follow- 
ing him to Santa Fe and finishing his paper with a Simpsonian 
flourish. After the exam he walked into the hall to thank his 
brother for giving him the answer, "Sancho." "No," said Al, "I 
said St. Joe," referring to the Missouri River jumping off place 
for overland traffic west. In panic Pete proclaimed, "Oh, God, 
I've got to get that test back!" But T.A. was gone. Somehow 
Pete passed the course, but when he returned to the campus in 
1962 with the intention of obtaining a master's degree in his- 
tory, Larson told his former student that Pete might be better 
suited as a lawyer or salesman. Simpson assured the professor 
of his convictions, and eventually Larson assented. "But no 
more tests like the one you wrote for me," he said. "You're 
gonna have to 'stir your stumps.'" Later Simpson served along- 
side his mentor in the state legislature, an experience doubly 
rich for him because of T.A.'s knowledge of history. 

Another Larson protege. Jack Rosenthal, tells this story. Jack 
was a senior majoring in history when he and former Wyo- 
ming basketball player, and later UW coach, Moe Radovich 
decided that basketball coach Ev Shelton had been relegated to 
the background in a push to recognize football coach Bowden 
Wyatt. The two students took a couple of five-day trips through 
the state to raise enough money to buy Shelton a Cadillac. De- 
spite the fact that Athletic Director Red Jacoby phoned ahead 
of them in an attempt to dry up their sources, the two were 
successful in raising the money. Not long afterward, as Jack 
walked down the hallway of the Arts and Sciences Building on 
campus, he heard T.A. Larson call him. Dr. Larson asked Jack 
where he had been and listened to the explanation, whereupon 
TA looked at Rosenthal and said, "Acadillac for the basketball 
coach ...your old history professor would have setfled for a new 
set of tires for his car!" The student felt the branding iron. He 



knew Dr. Larson didn't want a new set of tires for his car, but 
the message was clear. Jack had lost perspective on what was 
important. To this day Rosenthal is reminded of the incident 
whenever he feels he is veering off the track. 

For forty years Larson's career has been capsulized in WIio's 
Who ill America. His books and articles will be read as long as 
there are libraries. The lessons he taught in the classroom will 
remain in the memories of his students and will be reflected in 
their accomplishments for years to come. But it is the human- 
ity of T.A. Larson which will gain him a special place in what- 
ever afterlife saints are entitled to inherit. Mary Guthrie, Wyo- 
ming Deputy Attorney General, recalls the time when her hus- 
band decided to go to law school and she needed a job. It was 
mid-summer in 1965 and nothing was to be found in Laramie. 
In her moment of discouragement T.A. phoned, said he under- 
stood she was looking for a job, and told her that he needed a 
secretary. Guthrie lamented, "But Dr. Larson, I can't type." His 
reply: "Oh, but Mary, you can spell!" 

When History Professor Deborah Hardy needed Hme off 
to obtain her Ph.D., Larson helped her secure a leave of ab- 
sence, assuring that she could return to the university to teach. 
Dr. Hardy, who has been Larson's friend and colleague for more 
than fifty years, describes him as one of the most intelligent, 
thoughtful and decent persons she has ever known. 

Author Mabel Brown, who worked in tandem with Larson 
to help plow some historical ground during their careers, is 
reminded of the time she was having a particularly tough time 
completing her book. First Ladies of Wyoming, 1869-1990. In an 
attempt to console her, Larson quoted a Latin homily. Mabel 
complained that she had only three years of Latin and that was 
fifty years ago. Larson responded with a laugh and told her 
that, loosely translated, the statement was: "Don't let the bas- 
tards get you down." 

To students T.A. was a mentor, and to colleagues he was - 
according to former history professor Bill Steckel- "first among 
equals." Steckel describes Larson -who headed the UW His- 
tory Department for twenty years- as a person who led with- 
out driving and was able to maintain a sense of departmental 
collegiality despite the presence of such strong individuals as 
Gale McGee and Fred Nussbaum. 

T.A. Larson has been the catalyst in many careers. That of 
the Wi/oming Annals editor is no exception. The three, major 
jobs I've held in Wyoming were made possible by Dr. Larson. 
He brought me into this state on a graduate history assistant- 
ship in 1967, recommended me for a teaching job at Sheridan 
College when the Ph.D program became too stressful, and in 
1971 provided a recommendation for state government work, 
one job that I've managed to hold. 

Forgive me. Dr. Larson, if I seem to have lost historical 
objectivity in this peroration. And I apologize for plagiarizing 
the final words of Bill Steckel's 1971 biographical tribute to you 
...Te saliitamus!"^ 



1. Roger Daniels (ed.), Efsni/s in Western Histori/ in Honor ofT.A. Lnrson Vol. 37, Nos. 
1,2,3,4, (Laramie: Urriversity of Wyoming Publications, October, 1971); xii. 



Wyoming Annals 



Governor of Wyoming 

Mike Sullivan 

Director, Department of Commerce 
Don Rolston 

Director, Parks & Cultural Resources Division 

Gary Stephenson 

Parks and Cultural Resources Commission 

Jere Bogrett, Riverton 

Michael Devine, Laramie 

William Dubois, Cheyenne 

Herb French, Newcastle 

Jeanne Hickey, Cheyenne 

Hale Kreycik, Douglas 

Edre Maier, Sheridan 

David Peck, Lovell 

Pam Rankin, Jackson 

Wyoming State Historical Society 

Officers, 1994-1995 

Ruth Lauritzen, President, Green River 

Maggi Layton, 

First Vice President, Riverton 

Glen Morris, 

Second Vice President, Kemmerer 

Sherry Taylor, Secretary, Casper 

Rick Ewig, Treasurer, Laramie 

Sally Vanderpoel, Past President, Torrington 

David Kathka, Executive Secretary, Rock Springs 

Judy West, State Coordinator, Cheyenne 

Staff 

Mark Junge, Editor 

Melinda Brazzale, Associate Editor/Designer 

Carl Hallberg, Book Review Editor 

Assistants: Larry Brown, 

Paula Chavoya, Richard Collier, 

Linda Fabian, Priscilla Golden, Cathy Lujan 

Char Olsen, Craig Pindell 

Editorial Advisory Board 

Michael Cassity 

Rick Ewig 
Gene Gressley 

Roy Jordan 

David Kathka 

William H. Moore 

Robert L. Munkres 

Philip J. Roberts 

In 1 895 Wyoming established a department 
to collect and preserve state history. Today those 
responsibilities belong to the Division of Parks 
& Cultural Resources of the Wyoming 
Department of Commerce, located in the Barrett 
State Office Building in Cheyenne. Within this 
division are the State Archaeologist, State 
Archives, State Museum, Wyoming Arts 
Council, Special Projects and Publications, State 
Parks and Historic Sites and the State Historic 
Preservation Office. Wyoming ANNALS, 
established in 1923 to disseminate historical 
information about Wyoming and the West, is 
published by the Special Projects & Publications 
Office, Wyoming Department of Commerce. 

Copyright 1994 by the Wyoming Department of Commerce 
Printed by Pioneer Printing, Cheyenne 



Fall 1994 
Voluine 66, No. 3 



WYOMING 




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CtiVER; Nav\' Lieutenant Junior Grade, T.A. Larson, in his 

DRESS WHITES, CA. 1945. 

Back: T.A. DRESSED FOR THE "CoWBOY BALL " AT THE U.W. ALL- 
UNIVERSITY DANCE, 1938. Coloring by Craig Pindell. 
Ptiotos from the T A, Larson Collection 



Editor Notes 

Focus A West of One's Own 

by Virginia Scharff 







In Old Wyoming: Grace Raymond Hkbard 6 

by Larry K. Brown 

CONVERSATIONS WITH HISTORIANS: TA Larson 8 

An interview by Mark Junge 

I'm Not a Cuckoo Democrat! 

The Congressional Career of Henry Coffeen ^O 

by Leonard Schlup 

Wyoming Politicans & the Shaping of 

United States Indian Policy, 1945-1980 48 

by Steven Schulte 

Book Reviews 66 

Book Notes 85 

Video Reviews 86 



The editor of ANNALS welcomes manuscripts on every aspect of Wyoming and Western history. 
Authors should submit manuscripts on diskettes utilizing WordPerfect or ASCII text, and double- 
spaced, hard copy to: Editor Wi/cvning ANNALS, Wyoming Department of Commerce, Barrett 
Building, Cheyenne, Wyoming 82002. Manuscripts should conform to A Manual of Style (University 
of Chicago Press). They are reviewed by members of an editorial advisory board and the editor makes 
decisions regarding publication. 

ANNALS is received by members of the Wyoming State Historical Society and is the Society's 
principal publication. Current membership is 2,150. Membership dues are: Single $9, Joint $12, 
Institutional $20. Copies of ANNALS may be purchased from the Wyoming Department of Com- 
merce. ANNALS articles are abstracted in Historical Abstracts and America: History and Life. 



Fall 1994 



FOCUS 



A West of One's Own 




BY 

Virginia 

SCHARFF 



But, you may say, we asked you 
to write about women and the 
West ...what has that got to do 
with Virginia Woolf? I will try to ex- 
plain. In October, 1928 novelist and 
essayist Woolf was asked to deliver 
lectures on the topic of "women and 
fiction" at two prestigious, but impov- 
erished, English women's colleges: 
Newnham and Girton. The result was 
Woolf 's classic feminist work, A Room 
of One's Ouui. I commend this book 
as indispensable to the culturally lit- 
erate American. Among other impor- 
tant things she said in her lectures 
Woolf observed that despite all the 
verse and prose that men had ad- 
dressed to, and written because of, 
women, virtually nothing was known 
of women's everyday lives. Plenty of 
attention, of course, had been paid to 
man's past. Woman, said Woolf, "per- 
vades poetry from cover to cover; she 
is all but absent from history." 

Virginia Woolf called for a new 
women's history to balance what she 
foimd was lopsided. "Wliat one wants," 
she observed, "is a mass of information: 
at what age did she marry; how many 
children had she as a rule; what was her 
house like; had she a room to herself; 
did she do the cooking; would she be 
likely to have a servant?" 

Historians in the past quarter-cen- 
tury have taken up Woolf 's challenge. 
Hundreds have worked to answer and 
reformulate these questions. Those 
who have tried to find out about 



women's lives have hewed out a histori- 
cal room of our own in the immense 
archive of history and deposited in it a 
great many volumes of useful and some- 
times disconcerting information. We 
know at what age women married, and 
we now also know that many did not 
marry at all, or married several times, 
or died before they were old enough to 
marry. We know fertility rates, but we 
also know about childlessness, and 
death in childbirth, and all kinds of dif- 
ferent ways that mothers treated their 
children. Women's houses have been as 
varied as houses per se. Few women had 
(or have) rooms to themselves, though 
today more women than ever live alone. 
Most cooked . . .and still do. Women had 
servants, and reciprocally were servants. 
And so it goes. 

Those who prefer to catalogue ar- 
chival material a little differently might 
not see women's history occupying a 
room of its own, but instead might see 
a shelf or two among dozens in rooms 
containing other historical topics: France 
or New England; slavery or medicine; 
the twelfth or the twentieth century. But 
whether we put all the "women books" 
in a separate room or squeeze them onto 
increasingly crowded, separate shelves, 
we run the risk that all this counting, 
recovering and detailing of women's 
lives will be simply ignored, and in the 
ignoring, falsified. If the base and noble 
things women have done are known 
only to a few, and disregarded in the 
main, it becomes easy enough to pre- 
tend that they — or anybody else for that 
matter — never mattered. 

Something like this has happened in 
the room designated as the repository of 
works on what we call the American West. 
For a couple of decades now there has 
been a body of writings and conversations 
called "Western women's history." We 
have learned some things about women 
who have inhabited, commented upon, 
transformed and been transformed by, the 
West as region, frontier, myth and as a 



way of producing and using things. We 
know that we can no longer talk about 
"Western" women without putting the 
word in quotes, because for Native 
American, Mexican American, and 
Asian American women the word 
"West" has often meant colonization. 

Taking this diverse and changing 
group of women on its own perplex- 
ing, sometimes contradictory, terms, 
we have generated a mass of informa- 
tion. We have names, dates, life expect- 
ancies, habitation patterns, political af- 
filiations, occupational profiles, pov- 
erty statistics, incidences of encounters 
with violence. We have women's writ- 
ings, poetry and novels, wills and 
deeds, diaries and letters, scientific 
treatises and nature studies, and his- 
tories. In my office the shelves set aside 
for works on "Western" women's his- 
tory are literally overflowing. 

And yet, though I hear mainstream 
"Western" historians making rhetori- 
cal gestures in the ciirection of women's 
history, I often wonder if these gestures 
aren't what basketball coaches call 
"head fakes." They seem to say that 
we need to know women's history to 
understand Western history, but I re- 
main unconvinced that they believe 
what they're saying. They assert con- 
fidently that leaving women out is like 
doing a jigsaw puzzle with half of the 
pieces missing, but their own rendi- 
tions of Western history sound suspi- 
ciously like the reconstruction of a 
puzzle by someone who is willing to 
leave half the pieces blank. 

Claiming ignorance of women's 
history when the subject has been ne- 
glected is one thing. It's another thing 
altogether to be ignorant of the things 
women have been and done, and had 
said and done to them, when so much 
knowledge has been so painstakingly 
gained. And it's yet another, more per- 
nicious thing to relegate women's lives 
and works to the margins of signifi- 
cance by patting women's history on 



Wyoming Annais 



the head and sending it off to bed. 

Ignoring women's history while 
pretending to attend to it falsifies 
women's past. This widespread and 
patronizing dismissal has consequences 
not only for the deati, but for the living. 

And so — to offer a paltry sequel to 
Woolf 's masterpiece — what one wants, 
now that gathering a mass of informa- 
tion is a project well-launched, is a mass 
of recognition. Those of us who are al- 
ready convinced that women's history 
matters will have to make the point over, 
and over, and over again, spreading the 
word near and far. We will have to out- 
right refuse to be hefted aboard and set 
aside, stowed in the luggage bin as his- 
tory moves on to the next destination. 
Instead, at the risk of being seen as im- 
pertinent baggage, we'll have to de- 
mand a seat in first class. 

The need to keep repeating, anci in- 
sisting upon, the facts of women's his- 
tory lest they be acknowledged and 
erased, struck me very forcefully one 
day last winter. I was beginning an- 
other semester teaching American 
women's history at the University of 
New Mexico, and explaining to the 
class how women's past had been dis- 
torted, obscured, falsified. I offered 
two examples to prove my point, one 
involving a seventeenth-century Flem- 
ish painter named Judith Leyster, a 
pupil of the master Franz Hals, al- 
though — as some would have it — an 
accomplished imitator. It seems that 
the Metropolitan Museum in New 
York was cleaning a much-prized 
painting attributed to Hals, and discov- 
ered that the picture had been signed, 
instead, by Leyster. Was Judith Leyster 
then elevated to the rank of master for 
having produced a great painting? Of 
course, you can guess the punchline. 
The painting was re-examined, found 
wanting in quality and consigned to 
the basement. 

The other example involved recent 
history, my own memory of an incident 
involving a "Western" woman. I re- 
called watching on television the 1984 
winter Olympic games held at 
Sarajevo. The announcers on this par- 
ticular evening were gushing over the 
achievement of a young man named Bill 
Johnson, whom they celebrated as the 




WV()Mi\t. Stat I Ml ^ 



Rcdcioss and Turkey Red Wheat, Dnj Givivn, U.S. Experiment Station. Neu'castle, Wyo., 1908 



first American to win a gold medal in an 
Olympic downliill skiing event. "Wait a 
minute," I said to my husband who was 
also watching, "Didn't an American skier 
named Debbie Armstrong win the giant 
slalom two days ago?" She had. We'd 
seen the e\'ent on television. "Well what's 
the deal? I suppose she cioesn't count as 
an American because she's a girl? What 
is this? In two days, they've already 
wiped out her medal and given it to a 
man?" As I watched the Olympics that 
year the lie was repeated over and over, 
and Debbie Armstrong's great run down 
that Olympic slope was erased. The first 
American gold medal was stolen, again 
and again, to be put into the hands of 
Debbie Armstrong's male teammate. 

As I told the story to the hundred 
students in my women's history class, 
hoping to fire them with enough indig- 
nation that they would want to learn the 
stuff that would set the record straight, 
I became aware of a disturbance in one 
corner of the room. WTien I asked what 
the fuss was about, several students 
pointed at a young woman sitting qui- 
etly, somewhat dazed, in the middle of 
the disturbance. "This is her!" a young 
man behind her yelled, pointing at the 
woman student. "This is Debbie Arm- 
strong!" I raised an eyebrow. The 
young woman nodded. She was Debbie 



Armstrong, sitting in my history class 
in Albuquerque, hearing a story I'd been 
telling for ten years about her. It had 
happened the way I had recalled. And 
she had always wondered if anyone 
would ever notice. And now she was 
experiencing, in a way most people 
never do, being given back her history. 
Multiply that moment by thou- 
sands and millions of possibilities. 
Imagine what difference it makes when 
women learn that their lives matter. 
Imagine what difference it makes when 
men learn that women's lives matter. 
Imagine how different your West 
would look if the real stories of women 
were part of our collective memory. 
And then go forth and read the books 
on the overflowing shelves. 



Dr. Virginia Scharff(i953 - ) is an 
Assistant Professor of History at the 
University' of New Mexico. In her pub- 
lic speaking, writing, and committee 
advisory work she addresses women's 
ISSUES. Currently Scharff is research- 
ing AND WRITING A BOOK ABOUT THE RE- 
LATIONSHIPS between women's HISTORY 

AND "Western and environmental his- 
tory. She also is co-authoring a text- 
book ON the history of the United 
States in the twentieth century. 



Fall 1994 




I n Old W yomin 



bv l.arrv K. Brown 




-.^ First La 

Qyace 



Her soft, shallow breath was barely 
audible to her brother, Lockwood, who 
sat in grim vigil by her bed. He had been 
called from his home in Oregon to 
Laramie, Wyoming, when it became 
clear to her physician that her days — 
hours, in fact — were numbered. 

To those who knew and loved the 
slim, starched lady, who "...almost 
marched when she walked," the past 
week was particularly sad. It was not 
unexpected, however. They had 
watched for more than two years as 
cancer gnawed at the seventy-five 
years old's strength and vitality. But 
given her insatiable curiosity and sense 
of adventure, she may well have felt 
in those last, few, lucid moments a 
sense of exhilaration, anticipating that 
she would soon be reunited with her 
deceased parents, her sister Alice, her 
brother Fred, and her beloved 
housemate Agnes M. Wergeland. Even 
more, there was the prospect that fi- 
nally she would meet the pioneer he- 
roes to whom she dedicated the last 
fifty years of her life.' 

Although Grace Raymond Hebard 
is best known as a western and Wyo- 
ming historian, her earliest exploits are 
as memorable for making history as for 
preserving it (see box). 

Born in Clinton, Iowa, on July 2, 
1861, Grace was the third of four chil- 
dren born to Congregational missionary 
parents.'' Because of poor health, she was 
unable to regularly attend public school. 
Her mother Margaret's home teaching, 
however, helped make up for that defi- 
ciency. So well did Grace learn her les- 
sons that, despite the lack of formal edu- 




of Wyoming JHisJory 

ymond n9bard 



cation, she went on to earn three aca- 
demic degrees, including a Doctor of 
Philosophy degree in political sciences.'" 

Following the tieath of her father, 
George Diah Alonzo Hebard, Grace left 
Iowa with her sister and mother. They 
moved to Cheyemie in June, 1882, where 
she was hireci as a draftsman in the U.S. 
Surveyor General's Land Office. She 
was the only woman in an organization 
of forty men; yet her initiative and abil- 
ity to make quality maps from raw field 
notes earned her a promotion to Deputy 
State Engineer." It was in that position 
that she was able to cultivate influ- 
ential support for the activities to 
which she remained devoted 
throughout her life: the suffrage 
movement, the fight against child 
labor, and naturalization of citi- 
zens.'- Her supporters also encour- 
aged Governor Amos W. Barber to 
appoint Hebard to the University of 
Wyoming's Board of Trustees in 
1891. She served as Trustee for thir- 
teen years and Secretary for the or- 
ganization eighteen years." 

So well did she adjust to her 
new surroundings in Laramie that 
seven years later she was offered the 
presidency of the University. She 



Grace Raymond Hebard 
shares o contemplative moment 
in the wilds with one of her 
Wyoming hero-pathfinders, Oliver 
Perry Hanna. In 1878 Honna 
travelled north along the 
Bozeman Trail, being one of the 
first settlers in the town of Big 
Horn, Wyoming, 



deferred for what she claimed were 
"good sound financial reasons," but 
later took on additional responsibilities 
when she became the institution's librar- 
ian. She also taught political science and 
economy, and within three years was 
named head of her department. Despite 
her success, Hebard's growing power 
threatened other trustees and faculty 
members.'^ Although personalities and 
petty politics seem to have been at the 
core of the dispute, her once strong base 
of support had so eroded by 1907 that a 
scandal erupted in which she was 




Marilyn S. Bilyeu Collection, Berthoud. Colorado 



Wyoming Annai.s 



scolded for being "overbearing, galling 
and overly influential." She also was 
formally accused of slandering a fellow 
faculty member and his spouse. Some 
even alleged that her doctoral degree 
was "a pure fake." 

Because of the rancor she resigned 
from the Board. At the suggestion of her 
companion. Dr. Wergeland, who was 
head of the history department, Grace 
plunged instead into a lifelong study of 
the West and began teaching that sub- 
ject in 1908.''' Her new vocation got a 
boost in 1915 when she took a summer 
tour of Wyoming, a trip planned by Dr. 
Wergeland who had died the previous 
year. The trip spurred Hebard's interest 
in preserving and marking historic sites. 
Her participation in the dedication of 
monuments, in turn, led her to histori- 
cal material that formed the basis of her 
books. The Pathfinders from River to 
Ocean, published in 1911, celebrates the 
lives and times of those who tamed the 
frontier. Encouraged by the sale of her 
book, Grace collaborated with western 
historian E.A. Brininstool to tell a two- 
volume tale of the miners and settlers 
who trod The Bozeniaii Trail. Grace then 
plunged into her third major literary 
venture, a eulogy of the greatest of the 
Shoshone chiefs. Washakie was pub- 
lished in 1930. 

The subject with whom Hebard per- 
haps is best identified and who is the 
protagonist of her most famous book, is 
Sacajazvea (1933). The Shoshone girl, who 
in 1805-1806 led Lewis and Clark across 
the northwestern part of America's new 
acquisition, came to Dr. Hebard's atten- 
tion when questions about the guide's 



1. "Death Claims Dr. Hebard; Funeral Set for Tues- 
day," The {LaTan\\e)Rcpuhlia2n-Booim'ran^, 12 October 
1936, pp. 1,7. 

2. Janell M. Wenzel, Dr. Gmcc Roy'""'"' Hebard as 
Western Historian, thesis submitted to the Department 
of American Studies and the Graduate School of the 
UniversityofWyoming, Laramie, Wyoming, June, 1960, 
p. 2. 

3. Eva Floy Wheeler, A Histon/ of Wyoming Writers, 
privately pubUshed, 1981, p. 23. ' 

4. Laramie Daily Bulletin, 18 November 1898, p. 4. 

5. Wheeler, A History of Writers, p. 28. 

6. T.A. Larson, A History of Wyoming, {Lincoln, Ne- 
braska: University of Nebraska Press), 1978, p. 343; also 
Cora M. Beach, Women of Wyoming, (Casper, Wyoming: 
S.E. Boyer, 1927), p. 122. Hebard won the state champi- 

' onship for women in Wyoming in golf and in tennis for 
j singles, and mixed doubles playing with her brother. 
: 7. Faculty of the University of Wyoming/H 

I Memoriiim: Grace Raymond Hebard, 3S62-3936, (Laramie, 
I Wyoming: University of Wyoming, June, 1937), p. 3. 



In June, 1 882 she was the first woman to earn a Bachelor 
of Science degree in Civil Engineering from the State Univer- 
sity of Iowa. 2 

In 1889 she was one of three who drew up a petition to 
the Constitutional Convention of Wyoming for adoption of 
the woman suffrage amendment. She also helped write the 
Wyoming child labor bill that was enacted into law in 1923.^ 

In 1898 Hebard was the first woman attorney admitted to 
the Wyoming Bar.'' Sixteen years later she became the first of her 
sex 'icensed to practice before the Wyoming Supreme Court.^ 

She carded sixty-nine strokes for six holes of golf in 1 900 at 
a Laramie course, becoming the first woman to win the Wyo- 
ming State championship for that sport.* 

In 1 904 she became the Univ. of Wyoming's first Ubrarian 
— a position she held for fifteen years — and helped form the 
first state library association, becoming its first president.' 

Hebard was the first person in Wyoming to escort foreign- 
ers before the court to apply for their U.S. citizenship,^ 



background and fate were raised at the 
1904 World's Fair in St. Louis. Two years 
later, when a Wyoming commission in- 
vestigated the claim that Sacajawea was 
buried in Wyoming, Grace became 
stirred to prove the point. 

Although Hebard's stories were 
popular with the masses, more than a 
few scholars have been less than enthu- 
siastic about what they perceived was a 
deducdve approach to history. It was her 
insistence, for example, that Sacajawea 
is buried in Wyoming — contrary to later, 
conflicting evidence found by historian 
T.A. Larson — that was the main reason 
for criticism. According to her detrac- 
tors, like the surveyor she was trained 
to be Hebard tended to fix, transit-like, 
on an idea, then follow a singular path 



8. Letter from Grace Raymond Hebard, Laramie, 
Wyoming, to Hazel Krieg, 8 September 1930. 

9. Cora M. Beach, ed.. Women of Wyoming (Casper, 
Wyoming: S.E. Boyer 1927), p. 119. Hebard was bap- 
tized Nora, but that name was changed to Grace after 
she and her family moved west to Iowa City, Iowa from 
the state of New York in the Fall of 1861. 

10. Beach, Women ofWyoming, p. 1 13. Educated at an 
academy and the State University of Iowa, she gradu- 
ated in June, 1882 with a B.S. degree. It was while living 
in Cheyenne in 1885 that she earned a M.A. degree from 
her alma mater. Seven years later, she earned her 
Doctor of Philosophy degree from Illinois Wesleyan 
University. 

11. lone McClain, "Doctor, Lawyer, Engineer, His- 
torian, Teacher," Wyoming Education News, XXV, No. 4 
(December 1958): 6-7. 

12. Wheeler, A History of Wyoming Writers, p. 28. 

13. McClain, "Doctor, Lawyer, Engineeer, Histo- 
rian, Teacher," p. 6; also Beach, Women of Wyoming, 
p.l20. 



of reasoning, gathering evidence to 
prove her thesis. Although undoubtedly 
disappointed with such criticism, Grace 
demurred that she was simply a 
"...humble follower of recording the 
records of the past."'^ Despite her limi- 
tations, however, she contributed much 
to the history of the West and Wyoming 
by preserving historic documents and 
recording eye-witness anecdotes about 
the taming of the frontier. 

Hebard's study of time, however, 
could not stop its progress. On Sunday, 
October 11, 1936, as the black hands of 
the clock touched 9:15 p.m, Grace 
Raymond Hebard joined the path-break- 
ers to whom she had dedicated so much 
of her time, talent and tenacity.'^ 



14. Letter from Grace Raymond Hebard to Laara 
White, 14 February 1935, American Heritage Center, 
University of Wyoming, Laramie. 

15. Wenzel, Dr. Grace Raymond Hebard as Western 
Historian, pp. 10-12. 

16. Wenzel, Dr. Grace Raymond Hebard as Western 
Historian, pp. 99. 

17. "Death Claims Dr. Hebard, Funeral Set for Tues- 
day," The {LaTavnie)Refntblican Boomerang, 12 October 
1936, pp. 1 ,7. Following services at St. Matthews Cathe- 
dral in Laramie, she was buried in the local Green Hill 
Cemetery. 



Larry K. Brown is a 

volunteer writer and researcher 

for Wyoming ANNALS. 



Fall 1994 




TA is the first in a series of interviews with 
historians to be featured in Annals. What fol- 
lows is an edited, partial transcript of an oral his- 
tory interview with the "Dean of Wyoming His- 
tory," Dr. T. A. Larson. It was conducted by 
Wyoming Annals Editor Mark Junge at Dr. 
Larson's home in Laramie on January 20, 1992. 
The transcription was made by Kathy Rooney, 
Computer Programmer Analyst for the Computer 
Technology Division of the Wyoming State De- 
partment of Administration and Information. 



Conversations 
with Historians 



Wyoming Annals 



J 



The handsome chap in summer dress 
whites on the cover of this issue of Annals 
is navy lieutenant Taft Alfred Larson. "TA " 
as he is known by many of his friends, 
associates and students, was born Januaiy 
18. 1910 in the small, eastern Nebraska 
town of Wakefield. In order to fill his weak 
lungs with mountain air he migrated west 
in 1928. attending the University of 
Colorado at Boidder Although he planned 
to study journalism at the Universit}' of 
Colorado — after all. he was the editor of 
his high school newspaper — ciicumstances 
led him into the study of histoiy and he 
received his B.A (1932) and M.A. during 
the heart of the Great Depression. In 1936, 
while working on his Ph.D degree at the 
University of Illinois. TA took a teaching 
position in Wyoming, eventually becoming 
an instructor, mentor, colleague and friend 
to thousands of Wyomingites. 

Signed up at a salary of $1,800 per 
yean the new instructor had to put aside 
his chosen field of Medieval English 
histoiy: That's because the job came with 
the stipulation that TA develop a W-oniing 
histoiy course to replace one taught by 
Grace Raymond Hebard. Starting from 
scratch he constructed a course outline, 
thus initiating a career teaching state 
history that lasted, except for the 
interruption of military senice (1943- 
1946), until 1975. Over a period of four 
decades TA taught 16.000 students, 
supen'ised eightv masters' theses and 
initiated the Histoiy Department's first 
Ph.D program. 

When he wasn't teaching Larson was 
involved in intensive study cmd writing, cmd 
in the process defined Wyoming histoiy. He 
became the authority in the subject, 
achieving recognition both as a scholar and 
a person. The respect he earned from 
students, peers and administrators was 
evident in his appointment as chainnan of 
the school's Histoiy Department in 1948. a 
post he held for twenty years. In 1959 UW 
President George "Duke" Humphrey also 



made Larson Director of the School of 
American Studies and from 1968 until 
retirement he was honored as the William 
Robertson Coe Distinguished Professor of 
American Studies. 

It usually takes employers years to 
fonnally recognize the worth of employees 
and TA was no exception. The University' 
eventually bestowed many honors upon him 
including the George Duke Humphrey 
Oustanding Faculty Award in 1966, the 
institution 's highest award — the honoraiy 
Doctor of Laws (LL.D) degree in 1984, and 
the Alumni Association Medallion Sen'ice 
Award in 1985. Lcuson's free-ranging mind 
was not confined by the borders of his 
adopted state, however In 1970 he was 
elected President of the Western Histoiy 
Associcnion. a national organization of 
Western historians. 

TA. Larson is the author offour books. 
Wyoming's War Years (Stanford: Stanford 
University Press. 1954) was his first, begun 
in 1946 after his return from the Navy. His 
magnum opus, the redoubtable. History of 
Wyoming (Lincoln: University of 
Nebraska Press. 1965, rev 1978) is a 663- 
page work that has been printed five times 
and revised once. Bill Nye's Western 
Humor (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 
1968} features the writing of a nationally- 
known humorist who was founder of the 
newspaper the Laramie Boomerang. 
Lcuscm 's last book is an historical essay. 
Wyoming: A History (New York: W.W. 
Norton & Co., 1977), an exemplary 
publication in a series of state histories 
written in celebration of the nation 's 
bicentennial, and one that has seen five 
printings. Larson authored numerous 
scholarly articles on western histoiy, and 
is particularly well-known for his work on 
the Woman Suffrage movement. 

In this age of specialization Larson is 
a throwback to il uoino universale, the 
"Renaissance Man, " or perhaps earlier to 
the yeoman living in the Golden Age of 
Greece who dropped his tools and walked 



to the polls in order to cast his vote or take 
part in apolitical discussion. TA was drafted 
by fellow citizens to play a leader's role in 
communit}- and state affairs. Aniimg the 
civic involvements of which he is most proud 
is his long association with the Laramie 
Club ofRotaiy International, beginning in 
1938. Only legendaiy UW Registrar. Ralph 
McWhinnie. credited with 69 years, has 
been a member longer Larson has held 
office in the Laramie Chamber of 
Commerce. Laramie Communit}' Chest, and 
the Albany County United Fund. He has 
been active in the Laramie Plains Museum 
Association cmd was a founding member of 
both the the Wyoming Historical Society in 
1953 and its Albany County chapter In 1957 
he was elected president of the .statewide 
orgcmization. He became the first chainnan 
of the W\-oniing Council for the Humanities 
in 1970 and from 1972 to 1977 was Vice 
chairman of the Wx'oming Bicentennial 
Committee. He was an obvious choice by 
Governor Stan Hathaway to seire on the 
Wyoming Consulting Committee on 
Nominations to the National Register, and 
Larson was its chainnan from its inception 
in 1969 until 1980 

If as they say. you become busier after 
retirement, it was true for TA.who. in 1976 
at the age of 66, was solicited by Governor 
Ed Herschler to run for the Wyoming House 
of Representatives. A Democrat from 
Albany County, he was the first university 
professor elected to the state legislature. 
There he worked alongside former students, 
who leaned on him to provide historical 
perspective on issues of the day. When he 
retired after his fourth term. TA was the 
oldest person in the legislature. 

Dr Larson is a member of the American 
Association of Retired Persons and was a 
charter member of the Wyoming chapter of 
the National Organization For Women. 
Although he covets his privacy, particularly 
after a life of public sen'ice, he still is in 
demand as a public speaker He lives near 
the UW campus with his wife, Dorothy. 



Wyoming Annai-S 




Ml TA 

Dr. Larson, just to start out with, today is Martin Luther King day. 
Do you have any reflections on that at all? 

Well I think it's an appropriate day. Certainly Martin Luther King was a major figure in 
American History. 

How do you feel about Wyoming and Martin Luther King? I mean, 
it was a little bit tough to get that holiday though, wasn't it? 

Took a little while, yes. Mrs. (Elizabeth) Byrd worked. I heard 
her say, every day. twelve, thirteen years on that. I was in the 
Legislature when we passed it. I do think that we're having too many 
holidays and that there's a limit to when you can close schools and 
offices. The time is coming when you have to combine holidays the 
way they've done with "Veterans. 
Sometimes the schools get off and sometimes they don't. 

That's right. I just heard today that only thirteen per cent of the 
coiporations in the country are closing for Martin Luther King Day. 
That's the lowest percentage of closings for any national holiday. So 
there isn't much enthusiasm for it. 

I think the time is coming, within the next thirty years, probably, when the WASPS — the 
White Anglo Saxon Protestants — will not outnumber the other people in this nation of ours, and 
people who've been discriminating against the nonwhite people will find themselves discriminated 
against. 
I think it was Jerry Brown from California who said that half of the 
population being bom today, one out of two is Hispanic. 

It's incredible what's happened to Florida and Southern California. It's almost unbelievable 
the problems that have developed as a result of the great influx. I don't know whether the United 
States is going to continue to have open immigration. Of course we still shut out some people, 
send them back to Haiti and so on. But at the rate the Hispanics and Asians are flooding in, and the 
Blacks are increasing in population in this country, the WASPS may not be running this country 
much longer. 
You remember Daniel Johnson, that white supremacist who ran for 
political office here a couple of years ago. He's living up in Wheatland 
now. I read one of his brochures. He expressed the fear that the United 
States was becoming a non-white country and suggested that we better do 
something about it quick. That we'd better admit only immigrants who 
can prove that they have at least l/8th blood from northwest Europe. 

Yes. The whites are not going to dominate the world the way they've been accustomed and 
it's unfortunate that so many whites have discriminated against ethnic and racial and religious 
minorities. The chickens have come home to roost. We are changing but it's been very slow and 
there's still a lot of racism in this country. 
Why has Wyoming been excluded from the racism problem so ~ 

much, or have we? 

Because there have been so few blacks in Wyoming. There are only, what, 2500 or so now? 
, - And only seven or eight thousand Native Americans. Ninety-eight or ninety-nine per cent are 
white in Wyoming. They said in the Navy in World War II that the Navy could tolerate a few 
blacks, using them aboard ship as cooks and bakers. For a short time I was commanding officer of 
the all-Black cook and bakers school at the Great Lakes Naval Training Center. I got along very 
well because I had the brightest, ablest chief petty officer you ever saw. He just told me what to do 
and I did it. He was a Chicago lawyer before he joined the navy. 

At the cooks and bakers school I felt sorry for my petty officers. On pay day they had to 
go to a great deal of trouble, catch buses and so on. to get over to the main side at Great Lakes in 
order to pick up their pay. So I would load them in my car and take them across. Other officers 
who saw me doing that probably reported it because that was certainly not the way the Navy 
wanted it done. Officers were not supposed to fraternize with enlisted men in the first place, and 
Blacks in particular. 

Fall 1994 11 



Ml TA 

Did you every receive any flack for that? 

I didn't, perhaps because I was soon transferred. The commanding officer of the training 
schools command moved me over to his office and made me the assistant to the executive officer 
of his operation. So I was sort of a troubleshooter in several training schools. And then later on, 
the last si,\ months, my assignment was to write a 200-page history of the Great Lakes Naval 
Training Center in preparation for the administrative histories that they published. 
Do you think that Wyoming is any less or any more racist than any 
state in the Union? 

No I don't think so. I think it's about the same. There's a good deal of movement of people 
back and forth and the only reason that some people think that we're not racist is that there are 
relatively few minority people. And the problems are different when you have just a very few. I 
know in my little home town in northeast Nebraska, when I grew up we had one black boy. He 
was the only Black in town. And there was only one Jew. They were sort of oddities and conversa- 
tion pieces. We didn't discriminate against them particularly, but certainly we didn't consider them 
our equals. 
You have somewhat of a liberal attitude towards race and other 
subjects like that. 

I learned that veiy quickly when I enrolled as a freshman at the University of Colorado in 1928. 1 
had a quite liberal mentor there a, professor, that I admired very much, and he helped shape my 
attitude. Erwin F. Meyer was his name. He died of cancer at the age of thirty three, so I knew him only 
for a few years. He died during my first year of graduate work, when I was his graduate assistant. 
What about your background? You came from a small community. 
Wakefield, Nebraska. You would probably not have had much contact 
with liberal ideas. What's your predisposition, do you think'.' 

Well, I'm a humanist and I certainly accept the idea that all people are created equal and that 
color should not be the basis of discrimination against anybody. I don't know where I picked that 
idea up. Maybe I learned it in high school. I think most of my teachers pushed the idea that we 
should judge people by their own individual character, not by the color of their skin. 
But what I'm talking about is the sense of fairness. Does that come 
out of your family? Your father? Your mother? 

Not particularly. They were both Swedish immigrants with very little formal education, what 
you might call eighth grade education in Sweden. They were hardworking people strongly 
motivated by the work ethic. Great believers in education because they had so little of it and they 
saw that you have to have it if you're going to get on in this world, or it's a big help. So what they 
did inculcate in us. certainly, was that you've gotta get all the education you can and you've got to 
try to be the best in anything you undertake. That was driven into us early on. My mother died 
when I was only eight years old so she didn't have much influence on me, but my father continued 
that attitude that you've got to be prepared, work hard. But I don't think we ever discussed 
equality of races or anything like that. 
What about equality of sexes? I sense in the work that you've done 

— both in the National Organization for Women and with your history 

of the Women Suffrage Movement — that there is more than just a 

passing interest in this field, that there's something in your upbringing 

that allowed you to be empathetic to women. 

Well I'm not sure when I developed that. It could be as an undergraduate. But my interest in the 
history of the Womens Rights Movement came here at the University of Wyoming. Because early on 
I ran into a couple of the myths propagated by Grace Raymond Hebard, two of them. I didn't have to 
study very much to discover that she was wrong on the Esther Morris story and that she was wrong 
about Sacagawea. Calling Esther Morris the mother of women suffrage, and so on, ignored all the 
history of the women's rights movement in this country. When you look at the facts of the matter, it's 
just absurd. And when you build up Sacagawea the way she did, and bundled a good many falsehoods 
into that, and when you look into the history of that ...so that I got interested in Esther Morris and 
secondarily, or in consequence, interested in the women's rights movement. Why did Wyoming lead 
in the women's rights movement? Who was responsible? How did that fit in with the rest of the 



Wyoming Annals 



Ml TA 

country? This is one of Wyoming's chief distinctions, as I point out. We are called the Equality State 
and adopted that nickname early. It is an outstanding distinction. It sets us apart from other states. 
So my curiosity was piqued and 1 had to find out why we adopted it. Then I had to find out 
why Colorado, right next door, and Utah and Idaho, why this block of four slates first adopted 
woman suffrage, or what persuaded them. One thing led to another till that became an absorbing 
interest. So 1 had to pursue that. I spent years developing my ideas about that. But early on 1 
accepted the arguments of the great leaders of the women's rights movement in the East. I discov- 
ered that the justice of it was there, but you couldn't sell it to the men of that period on the justice 
argument alone. You had to combine it with other considerations. Like, it would attract population 
or it would do this or that, you know. A small number of men would go along with the women, 
and at that famous Womens Rights Convention at Seneca Falls. New York, in 1849 — I think there 
were about sixty women and forty men — there were quite a few men involved in it. 

Do you think if you had been alive at that time you would have 
been involved in that? 

It's hard to say. 1 think 1 would have got into the antislavery crusade. Most of the women, and 
men too, who were the early leaders in the East in the women's rights movement, had been previ- 
ously in the antislavery movement. At least a few moved into the women's rights crusade because 
they were somewhat racist and they said: "Well, goodness, if we're going to give Blacks the right to 
vote, these people with no education, what about the women who want their rights?" There was a 
problem there for the antislavery people who got crosswise with some of the rights being granted to 
Black men and Black women — less so the Black women — because they were being left out and 
they were hesitant to concentrate on doing right for the Blacks and forgetting themselves. 

In other words, if you're going to be a progressive you might as 
well have a consistent stance? 

Well, (laughter) yes. the two fit together. But the women had plenty of grievances. Actually 
the women back there, Susan B. Anthony and her associates, some of them, what they fought for 
first was equality in handling money rather than the right to vote. That came later on when they 
discovered that they were not going to get any control of the finances without first getting an 
education and the right to vote. But so many of them had been pushed around by patriarchal 
husbands and given small allowances to do this and that. They wanted to have more control of the 
family budget. That was the principal reason they got off in that direction. One thing leads to 
another and these things gradually jell. 

I'm still curious, though, as to why you should be — and not just 
politically speaking — such a Democrat in your outlook. 

I cast my first vote in 1932 when I was in Boulder, after I had been influenced by my mentor 
Professor Meyer. But also because I was influenced by Franklin D. Roosevelt. My father was a 
Republican in a Republican town, county and state. Scarcely any Democrats in my home town. 
Agriculture people generally saw their economic interest in having protective tariffs. Herbert 
Hoover won by the biggest margin that any presidential candidate had ever won by, in 1928. In 
1932 he lost by the biggest margin. The Great Depression that began in 1929 really caused a lot of 
questioning about the capitalistic system. Some people went all the way to communism in that 
period. Some very wise, sensible people went to socialism. Norman Thomas was one. He influ- 
enced me to some extent. I heard him speak in Denver one time. A very brilliant lecturer about the 
rights of man. A lot of young men and women who had been brought up — men in particular — as 
Republicans, and normally would have followed their parents in the Republican Party, switched in 
1932. And quite a few older Republicans switched, too. 

Were you a Republican before that? 

Well I hadn't even voted before, you see, so I wasn't even registered to vote. As I say. it was 
the first chance I had. I was 21 years old in 1932. 

Did you and your dad have arguments on political issues at all? _ . 

No I don't remember that we did. In fact in the twenties I admired Hoover quite a bit. In the 
studies we had in history and debate as undergraduates in high school we read about various 
political leaders. And my inclinations were in the Republican direction. We used to recite "fried 
rats and pickled cats are good enough for the Democrats." That was a common expression around 
my home town during election campaigns. 

Fall 1994 13 



M! 



TA 




In the introduction to the Bicentennial (Wyoming) history book 

that you published in 1977, in the Invitation to the Reader. General 

Editor James Morton Smith talks about the authors in this whole series 

of books. He says: "They have in common only these things. Historical 

knowledge, writing skill and strong personal feelings about a particular 

state." I assume then, if you can believe what he says, the reason you 

were picked as the writer who would write about Wyoming was T.A., 1 940 

because you did have strong, personal feelings about Wyoming. Is that 

true? Do you have strong personal feelings about the state? 

Oh yes. yes, yes. I learned to love Wyoming early on, in fact. 
My first introduction to Wyoming came while I was at Boulder. I 
spent four summers in Yellowstone Park: 1931. 32. 33. and 34. and 

I equated Yellowstone Park and Jackson Hole with Wyoming because during those four years 
that's the part of Wyoming I knew. No one could associate with those two areas as much as I did 
in that period without de\ eloping a great affection for some aspects of Wyoming. The wildlife, the 
fishing, the mountains, the Grand Teton Range and the park life up there. That caused me to set 
Wyoming apart more than anything else. The rest of Wyoming I didn't know very much about 
because I'd spent my winters in Boulder. In 1931 I went by train from Boulder to West 
Yellowstone. In 1932 a Korean chap and I bought a 1922 Chrysler sedan for $25. Can you believe 
that? This was, of course, during the Depression. Didn't have very good tires and it burned a quart 
of oil for every fifty miles and so on (laughter) but it got us up there and back. First year was the 
train, thereafter by autos with very few stops, so I didn't see much of Wyoming. No. I got sort of a 
false picture of Wyoming, a picture in which Yellowstone and Jackson Hole dominated. 



What did you do up there? 



The first year I was hired as a yard man. I was supposed to clean up the yard around the cafeteria 
at Old Faithful. Then they made me a scrubber in the housekeeping cabins. They had cheap cabins 
with canvas tent tops. We would put up the tent top in the Spring, we'd pull the canvas over the frame 
and fasten the canvas with shingle nails. Then we'd clean out the rental cabins each morning, spread 
a little lye around where the tourists had fried fish on the little tin stove and scrub the floor with 
water. Provide some kindling for them and a little of the dope — we'd mix up kerosene and sawdust 
and leave a little can full that could be used to start fires. Then they moved me to Mammoth. I was 
the night watchman there and worked for a while as a scrubber in the housekeeping camps. Then two 
summers 1 was the night watchman at the Roosevelt Lodge. 1 don't know if you're familiar with that. 
It's a lovely small lodge between Canyon and Mammoth. 



How did you get those jobs? 



Well I guess maybe there was a recruiter There must have been someone who told me that there 
were jobs in Yellowstone. It might have been a fraternity brother who was a summer ranger up there. 
But at any rate. I applied, got it, and once I was up there I was able to continue for four summers. 
And that was your first contact with Wyoming? 

That's right. Well not quite. In 1929 when I was a sophomore at Boulder, several of us drove 
up to Laramie and out on the Lincoln Highway to Utah to follow the football team. We had a great 
football team , we thought! So we took a weekend off to drive out there. Had nine flat tires along 
the gravel highway! They were just starting to oil the roads. So we had to stop and patch tires. The 
game was in Salt Lake City, a game between the University of Colorado and Utah. 



And you had nine flat tires? 



Believe it or not. nine flat tires. And we could patch them pretty fast. Well, it no doubt added a 
couple of hours to the trip. We skipped classes on Friday. All five of us piled in a room in Hotel 
Utah. But at any rate, we drove up and coming back we came through Colorado over the moun- 
tains. For some reason we didn't have anv flats coming back. 



Who won the game? 



Utah beat us 40 to nothing! So it was a long way home! 
I would say your first contact probably gave you a truer sense of 
what Wyoming was about than your summers up in the northwest 
comer of the state. 



Wyoming Annals 



Yellowstone 
Command 

Colonel Nelson A. 
Miles and the Great 
Sioux War, 1876-1877 
Jerome A. Greene 

"Those who wish to know 
what it was really like on 
campaign in the West in the 
1 870s would scarcely do 
better than to read this 
riveting account." 
— Washington Times 
$13,95 paper $35 cloth 

The Indian War 
of 1864 

Captain Eugene F. Ware 
Introduction by 
John D, McDermott 

"Ware's reminiscences 
convey a spacious sense of 
two American epics: 
offstage, the war between 
the North and the South, 
and, under his eyes, the 
broad stream of migration to 
the Far West, with wagon 
trains fifteen miles long 
passing by — eight or nine 
hundred teams of oxen a 
day. His book suggests the 
grandeur of history, and yet it 
is an intimate, personal 
communication — fresh, 
spirited, and delightful 
reading." — New Yorker 
$14.95 paper 



Custer's 
Last Stand 

The Anatomy of 
an American Myth 

Brian W. Dippie 

"Provocative, informative, 
fascinating, and almost 
incidentally a bibliographical 
treasure. Dippie's book is 
sure to enjoy the favor of all 
who, like me, are incurably 
addicted to the histor/ and 
legend of the Little Big- 
horn."— Robert M. Utiey, 
American West 
Brian W. Dippie's suivey of 
Custer's Last Stand in 
poems, novels, paintings, 
movies, jokes, and other 
ephemera amounts to a 
unique reflection on the 
national character. 
$8.95 paper 

Following the 
Guidon 

Elizabeth B. Custer 
Introduction by 
Shirley A. Leckie 

Following the Guidon shows 
Libby Custer shuttling 
between summer camp near 
Fort Hays, Kansas, and 
winter quarters in Fort 
Leavenworth. She relates the 
stories of scouts and 
teamsters, and always gives 
a human aspect to a difficult 
juncture in Custer's career 
$12.95 paper 



Hero of 
Beecher Island 

The Life and 
Military Career of 
George A. Forsyth 

David Dixon 

"A good, solid biography 
reflective of impressive 
research and clear writing." 
— Paul Andrew Hutton 

George A. Forsyth served in 
countless military missions 
that took him from the banks 
of the Yellowstone to the 
sacred Black Hills and from 
the bayous of Reconstruction 
Louisiana to the palaces of 
Europe and Asia. His career 
provides fresh insights into 
the role of the "Old Army" 
during the post-Civil War 
period. 
$32.50 cloth 

Thrilling Days 
in Army Life 

General George A. Forsyth 
Introduction by David Dixon 
Illustrations by 
Rufus F Zogbaum 

In the summer of 1 868 
George A. Forsyth led fifty 
scouts to search out 
Cheyennes who were raiding 
Kansas. In this book, he 
relates the six-day siege in 
September that pitted his 
small force against 750 
Cheyennes and Sioux. 
$8.95 paper 




Lone Wolf v. 
Hitchcock 

Treaty Rights and 
Indian Law at the 
End of the Nineteenth 
Century 

Blue Clark 

The importance of the Lone 
Wolf case of 1 903 resides in 
its enunciation of the "plenary 
power" doctrine — that the 
United States could 
unilaterally act in violation of 
its own treaties and that 
Congress could dispose of 
land recognized by treaty as 
belonging to individual tribes. 
Clari< reaches beyond the 
legal decision to describe the 
Kiowa tribe itself and its 
struggles to cope with Euro- 
American pressure on its 
society, attitudes, culture, 
economic system, and land 
base. 
$37.50 cloth 

The Law 
of the Land 

Two Hundred Years 
of American 
Farmland Policy 

John Opie 

"A reinterpretation of public 
lands history as it relates to 
contemporary farm policy 
. . . (Opie's) signal contribu- 
tion is to examine and 
evaluate the many policy 
strands of a twentieth- 
century safety net designed 
by Congress to sustain the 
family farm." — Journal of 
American History 
$12 paper $30 cloth 



University of 

Nebraska Press 

publishers of 

Bison Books 

Lincoln NE 

800-755-1105 



'"K. 



M) TA 

Nevertheless, my four Yellowstone summers gave me a bias in favor of Wyoming. That 
beautiful country, that kind of life, the wildlife elsewhere and fishing opportunities and social life. 
Then I came to UW in "36 and got a one year job substituting for one of the professors here and 
that's when I really got acquainted with Wyoming. I went to England for a year in 1937-38, then 
came back and learned more and more about Wyoming. I came with training in medieval history 
and English history and knowing very little about Wyoming. I had to learn that from scratch. They 
took me back after the year in England only on the condition that I would work up one course in 
Wyoming history. Grace Raymond had that all to herself for many years and she had died when I 
was here the first year. They hadn't replaced her yet and they wanted someone to keep Wyoming 
history going. Then I gradually took over. Most of what I know about Wyoming I learned after I 
came to the campus here at the University. 

I assume you are still learning. 

Well yes, 'fraid so. (laughter) 
What do you think in a nutshell is the story of Wyoming? I think 
you start out by saying altitude and aridity have something to do with 
it, at base. Is that right? 

That's right. We've always been, even to the present day, the least industrialized state. Have 
fewer people employed in manufacturing than any other state. It's always been sparsely settled and 
probably will continue to be sparsely settled because of the relatively poor soil. Early in the twentieth 
century fanners flocked into Colorado, the Dakotas and Montana. Likewise, surrounding states, 
except for Nebraska, have had much richer deposits of precious metals. In smaller numbers they 
came late to Wyoming. God knows, prospectors poured an awful lot of sweat over the mountains of 
Wyoming looking for gold, but except for a couple of summers in South Pass, there was really no 
rush into Wyoming like these other states had. That has held us back. We didn't get that start. And oil, 
well, we found that early. Markets were unavailable so until World War I that didn't develop. There 
was some development and then it lapsed afterwards because Texas, Oklahoma and Louisiana, 
Illinois, those places, they could supply all the oil needed. The circumstances were just not favorable 
for rapid population growth in Wyoming. The jobs just haven't been here. 

We've always had the tag of being a colonial state, though, right? 

That goes back to the eighteenth century when advanced states felt they had to have colonies 
where they could get raw materials and unload excess factory products. We've been treated as a 
colony pretty much although there is argument about whether Wyoming is still a colony, but 
basically there's no question that we have been dominated more than most states by outside forces. 
Partly because of our small population. We are last among the states in population. Not so many 
years ago we were ahead of Vermont, Nevada and Alaska. But that's no longer true. We are to the 
present day, and we're going to be for the foreseeable future, dominated by international develop- 
ments, by national developments, by big coiporations doing things when the recession comes 
along, or depression or whatever you want to call it. The corporations cut down their activities. 
What did they do? They pulled people out of Casper; they put them in Denver ...and the govern- 
ment even pulls people out of here and concentrates them elsewhere. It's been true for Wyoming 
and it'll continue to be true that we're going to be dominated by outside. Wars have influenced us 
more than anything else. The ups and downs alone. This past century's been a century of great 
wars: World War I, World War II, Vietnam, Korean War and the Gulf War -all of them have had 
great influence on Wyoming but none left us with significant industrialization. 

As you mentioned in your book, the fur trappers came here, got 
their furs. That industry dried up. Immigrants came through on the 
trails. They didn't want anything; they just came through. 

They got something of a false impression because in the years of the greatest rush, at least, the 
grass was eaten off for ten miles around and they just didn't see the prospect of making a living 
here. They'd heard about the possibilities farther west and they had an exaggerated notion of what 
they were going to find on the West Coast. So they started out with no intention of stopping in 
Wyoming and they saw very little in Wyoming to persuade them to stay. 

The cattleman saw the opportunity in the grass. They, in effect, 
exported the grass through cattle. 



Wyoming Annal.'; 



Ml TA 

The cattle industry is not one that wants a lot of people around. People and cattle don't mix, it 
is often said. So that's not an industry that will attract people or a very large number of settlers. 
The oil industry and coal industry both extract things from the 

ground. I guess my point is that the fur trapper, the cattleman, the oil 

and the coal producer, all extracted things from Wyoming somehow or 

another. I'm wondering if you see an end to that somewhere down the 

road. Will we always be a state that people take things out of? 

Well, it's hard to predict. One thing we do know almost certainly is that there are going to be 
changes and many of them you cannot predict. If we look at the things that happened in the world 
and in the United States this century — more industrialization, more new ideas, more things 
happen, more productivity, tremendous improvements in health and medical care, scientific and 
technological development — more of these things happened in this one century than in all 
previous history. It's staggering! Mindboggling! 

These things have really developed elsewhere, practically all of them, and we were affected 
by them. But think of the changes in communication, manufacturing and agriculture. When I was 
born and grew up the assumption was, I was going to be a farmer. Most people became farmers in 
that period. Now maybe only three per cent of the people in the country live on farms and ranches. 
In 1910 when I was born most of the people did. Tremendous change! All the development in 
agriculture made that possible. The hybrid corn, chemical fertilizers, great machines, no-till and all 
the other scientific developments. Think of the changes in manufacturing and the development of 
petrochemicals, the new inventions: television, radio, the automobile, the airplane, computer and 
all sorts gadgets like the zipper, velcro, ballpoint pen. 

The changes in education. How relatively few people went to college when I was a boy. The 
lengthened life of people, the medical wonders, it's just incredible. Communication, they talk 
about the Infomiation Age. We've got one hundred times as much information gathered all over 
the world stacked up far more than anybody can hope to use. There used to be a few "universal 
men" back in the sixteenth century who could comprehend all knowledge there was or at least 
have some conception about it. Now we can't hope to master one discipline, let alone the many 
related disciplines. Computers and various offshoots, space travel. Who would think we would 
send someone to the moon when I was a boy? When you project twentieth century achievements 
into the next century, who can sensibly speculate about what we're going to see? We can accept as 
a fact, however, that there's going to be tremendous changes. Not all of them for the good. I just 
talked about some of the things that generally are regarded as progress. But some things that have 
come along since I was a boy have caused many of us to lose our confidence in progress and the 
idea of progress. Perfectibility and that sort of thing, things are getting better and better. A lot of 
this is not only because of the current recession — call it depression if you will — but because of 
what's happened to the family and morality and crime and so forth. The AIDS business. And who 
would have thought when I went to college and came to the University of Wyoming we'd by now 
have coed dormitories? Much more sexual freedom. 

Do you think that's bad or good? 

Well I think some of the consequences are bad! It's apparently inevitable. I don't even know 
there's much point to even deplore it. No, I think there's a lot to be said for family life. Half the 
people that get man'ied get divorced. A lot of people wreck their prospects by premarital sex. 
Young men become fathers and have to drop out of school. This single mothers business is not 
good. No, I think postponing sex is a better way to handle it, was a better way to handle it. 

I don't mean to be critical, but don't you think as a person gets 
older he tends to feel — throughout history — that there's a breakdown 
in morality? Didn't the Romans use to feel that? >'■;,' » 5 

Well it's true. I used to apologize whenever I started getting pessimistic. I would say people of 
my age tend to say things have gone to the dogs. Some of the older people said so when I was a 
boy. But a lot of things have happened since then. Families, for example, held together better in 
those days. There was more family life. On the farms the family worked together, for example. 
More people are living in cities now. Youngsters running around at nights, there wasn't so much of 
that. You were out on the farm; kids were all working and so on. They went to bed early so they 



Fall 1994 



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weren't introduced to a lot of temptations. 
Some people believe that there ought to be computers in every 

home, that we ought to have more educational channels, that technol- 
ogy is going to bring the family back together in the living room. 

No, 1 think everything is tending the other way. In the earlier period everybody pitched in and 
worked on a farm. But in the middle years of this century, and certainly since that time. we"ve 
reached the point in our economic and political development that you have to have more than one 
moneymaker in the family, so that all the women have to go to work. Most of the women are 
working now and generally don"t get much pay. There's a lot of 
minimum wage stuff and this brings tension in the families. 
There are a lot of latchkey kids, as they say, that are on the 
loose after school so they're not getting the family assistance 
that they need, and direction. I think conditions are worse in 
that respect than they have been in the past. I'll grant you that 
in every generation since earliest time some of the elders didn't 
like some of the changes that they had seen, but change has 
come on so fast, particularly in family life, the questions of 
morality and sexual freedom and all that. 
When you chronicle the history of the women's movement, don't 

you see that some of those things — working outside the home. 

needing day care, needing some of these things — you as a progressive T.A., 1 950 

Democrat would support in any case? Don't you see that those things 

are inevitable? 

Well, no. women wanted to have influence in politics and the vote and so on. and they wanted 
the opportunity to work outside the home — for those that were so disposed — so that some of 
them did get jobs. But they also were concerned about protecting single women and improving 
their opportunities. When I was a boy we had our "old maids," and a woman who didn't get 
married by the time she was twenty five, people thought she was in an awful position. And in a 
sense, she was. She was certainly discriminated against and looked down upon, and I think that's 
one of the big improvements we've had, the opportunity for single women to remain single 
without scorn. 
What you're saying you would like to see maintained is the family 

unit, the traditional family unit. 

That's right. 

You make some predictions here in this book {Wyoming: A 
Bicentennial Histoiy). You say — this is page 183 in the epilogue — 
"Wyoming still has its dreams not only in the past, but in the future and 
these hopes and visions are now threatened by forces not always under 
the control of the people of Wyoming." So you think that the popula- 
tion is going to increase, is that what that means? 

Well, this was at the beginning of the boom in the late '70s, you see, and it got worse in the 
early years of the eighties. Speculation ran wild. There were at that time many predictions, some 
of them extreme, about all the things that were going to happen. Because with the apparent 
shortage of fuel and the price of oil going up to forty dollars a barrel, that put such a value on our 
coal and oil and natural gas some prophets predicted that we were going to have a dozen gasifica- 
tion and liquefaction plants, plus oil shale development. If we were going to have all these plants 
we were going to see lots of new faces. 
You say "the land no one wanted for centuries is coveted by 
hosts of outsiders." 

Well we were at that time. The way things worked out and the Arabs and other OPEC nations, 
the way diey raised and then dropped the price of oil. they pulled the plug on a lot of that. The 
U.S. was partly responsible for the boom part of it. If we could have regulated a little better, could 
have had a little more influence in the pricing system and not OPEC — the oil producing, export- 
ing countries — if we could have been more effective in dealing with them, maybe had a wiser 



Wyoming Annai s 



Ml TA 

energy policy, maybe had a ten dollar-a-barrel import duty or something, we might have been able 
to avoid that great boom and bust which was destructive. 
So this boom and bust we all talk about'in Wyoming is not 
inevitable? 

No it isn't. In fact we've had small booms and busts in the past. This was the worst one we've 
ever had. Casper had locally some booms and busts, but statewide this was certainly the biggest 
boom and bust situation we've ever had. We've had more bad years than good and the booms have 
been very rare in Wyoming. 
Would you say that Wyoming is now, in terms of its history, finally 
ready for another woman governor? 

1 think we are. Thyra Thompson, a very capable secretary of state, wanted to run two or three 
times but with her children to consider she never could quite get up the courage to run. I think 
we're getting a little more egalitarian in that respect. I think women are getting more influential in 
the state and we're breaking down discrimination against women. 
What about the cattlemen? We still have a lot of cattlemen. 

No, we don't have a lot of cattlemen. Not more than one person in twelve lives on farm and 
ranch, of the people in Wyoming today. 
Isn't their influence .... 

Well, in some political matters such as taxation they see eye to eye with most of the business 
people in town. One reason why we've had the great influence of ranchers in the legislature is the 
fact that they started early. They recognized the importance of government and getting their hand 
into government, and it gave them an opportunity to go to the legislature and have a good winter 
vacation, so to speak. Get some hired help to take care of the ranch, take the family down there. 
They did that sometimes. They got in the habit whereas lawyers and business people generally 
couldn't spare forty days when the pay was so low. The stockmen continued term after term and 
got control of committees. They've had more influence in the legislature than their numbers 
warrant and they've done it partly by coming to an understanding with the inlluential Republicans 
in the towns, and establishing continuity and long service. 

If (Kathy) Karpan is elected you would have four lawyers in a row. 
We used to have a lot of cattlemen and bankers. Does this mean we've 
become a litigious society? 

Well it certainly is a litigious society, but the level of competence might be beyond many 
ranchers. Now Cliff Hansen worked out well as a governor, actually. But he was broad- minded. 
He even asserted that the way to go about the budgeting was to find out what we really want in our 
society and then find the money to do it (laughter). That's not the average approach of ranchers. 
Nels Smith didn't do the ranchers any good because he got off on some tangents. He was a pretty 
weak governor. That is not the present Nels Smith, grandson of the governor ...he's a very able 
person. The background of the average rancher is not the best training for running a complex 
society such as we have. When we were more agricultural than we are now, why, they were a little 
better qualified for it. I think that city people are going to be a little more discriminating in ' 

advancing ranchers to governorships in the future. 
Do you think there's any reason in the world why a competent 
woman couldn't handle the position of governor? 

1 can't think of what it would be. We've had some capable female governors in other states. 
For example, Nebraska. I do think probably we'd be wise to adopt Nebraska's unicameral legisla- 
ture. There's serious weaknesses about the way our bicameral legislature works. We got locked 
into that notion from way back. They don't do it that way in Europe. In England they've got a 
bicameral, all right, but one house has got the control, the House of Commons. 
I always thought that Malcolm Wallop would've been better in the .-.sr- ^«- 

Hou.se of Lords than he is in the Senate. 

The voters misread him. He'd gone along with some of the more liberal legislation in Chey- 
enne, and people got the notion that he was a preservationist, and that he was a good deal more 
liberal in development and preserving the wilderness and wildlife and things like that. He's turned 



Fall 1994 

L 



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out to be "anti" many of those things. 
Well someday someone's going to read the transcript of this or 

listen to the tape and they're going to say: "There's a couple of liberal 

Democrats for you." 

I don't know. Most of the the leading nations of the world, advanced nations, are socialistic 
really. There's a lot of socialism all through Europe. 
Democratic candidates for the presidency mentioned universal. 

government-supported health care. 

That's a Democratic principle. I like the Canadian system myself from what I've seen of it, 
especially the one-payer element. We've got to do something about the thirty to forty million 
people who have no health insurance. We've got to do something about all the tests. We've got to 
do something about the malpractice business. We've got to reduce the tremendous amount of 
research and money into keeping people alive forever when they'd be better off dead. I'm not for 
euthanasia, but I'm certainly strong for the right of people to say: "I've had enough, let's end it!" 
Living wills as they call them, and some of the associated principles, people deciding that they 
don't want artificial aids — food and water — limiting those as things that have to be given. I've 
seen people die that way, too. Couple of my good friends decided they didn't want to be kept 
alive. They can keep people alive for years and years if they just feed them intravenously and give 
them water and nourishment. Too much money's being spent on the elderly. It's giving them a life 
that isn't worth much. We've got to take better care, concentrate more on prevention and taking 
care of the children. 
Take a wild guess. Dr. Larson, and tell me what you think the 

population will be at this time towards the end of the twenty first 

century in Wyoming. 

Well, for one thing I k)ok for nuclear fusion to be ct)ntrolled and that will provide unlimited 
energy. That will shake up the whole world. Thirty, forty years ago I was told by people whose 
opinion I respected that by now we would be able to take a handful of material that would provide 
an automobile to run a year. The amount of energy that's available if you could manage fusion as 
opposed to fission, which we have controlled now pretty much. The hydrogen atom ...enough 
energy in that if you could just fuse like amounts of what the sun is providing. Boy, it'll shake up 
the whole world! Maybe by that time we'll be able to save what little oil we've got left for 
lubrication. We're terribly wasteful in our use of petroleum because it's so much more valuable in 
some petrochemicals and for lubrication. And temporarily we've got almost a surplus of coal and 
natural gas, but that's not going to continue. We need to conserve some of those things. Alterna- 
tives would be controlling the sun. using more energy directly from the sun. and wind energy. 
Population growth will depend on that energy problem. Water is, of course, one limiting fact and 
there's nothing we can do about water unless we desalt the oceans. And if we get enough energy 
we could pipe water back to Wyoming and irrigate more of our land. In short, if we had unlimited 
energy through nuclear fusion, why. all sorts of things are possible. 

We could, maybe, as some of the environmentalists are saying, 
stop "taking out" of this state and just have the state for what you 
described in your last chapter: a wide open area, an expanse of psycho- 
logical and physical freedom. 

That's right. And the attitude towards population. You know, we've had a great improvement 
in comforts. This consumer-driven society has always bothered me, growing up in the Depression 
as I did. There's so much waste. Our opportunities to spread the wealth, so to speak, among the 
people who are so desperately poor, and level it off for the billionaires ...we doubled the number of 
billionaires in the past ten years. We're going to have to have more leveling of the amenities. It's 
incredible how many luxuries have become necessities in this past century. What I started to say is 
that as people improve their standard of living they tend to have fewer children. It's the poorer 
people who have most of the children now. If people want to improve their standard of living and 
don't want to be responsible for educating ten children, there is a tendency to hold down popula- 
tion. Otherwise world population grows too fast. 

It just seems to me that maybe we in Wyoming, with an actual 



WvoMiNG Annals 



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decrease in the population in the last five to ten years or so. are not 
seeing things as they really are. We're not altected quite the same way 
as people in some of those big cities are. ' 

Of course we're not. The changes in our big cities, southern California and Florida are Just 
mind-boggling. I have a niece who's teaching in Long Beach in Orange County, which used to be 
a rich persons' community, but a lot of the immigrants arc taking over. Twenty years ago she had a 
fine class, hardworking kids, all Anglos. Now she's got five or six different nationalities -- 
Cambodians, Vietnamese, the Hi.spanics, the Blacks, four or five of each, and it's almost bedlam. I 
have another friend. Phi Beta Kappa, she's teaching 
kindergarten. .She has to teach Mexican immigrants in 
Spanish. I think it's great for Anglos to be able to use 
Spanish in order to deal with Spanish people, but I think 
it's most important for the Hispanics to learn English as 
fast as possible and use that as their common language 
in this country. This business — and it's happening in 
Russia now-- of breaking up into national and ethnic 
groups is going backward. 

I'm a believer in assimilation if possible, and 

maybe intermarriage is the only answer. I got the wild 

notion one time that one way you can solve nationalistic 

and racial problems is to adopt international laws. The 

United Nations, given enough influence, could require 

that you cannot marry anybody of your own race 

(laughter). I don't know how else we're gonna solve all these ethnic, racial and nationalistic 

problems. 

The reason I find it difficult to feel confident at all about population projections for Wyoming 

is the many recent technological and scientific breakthroughs, and the possibility of nuclear 

fusion. When you think of all the changes that have taken place in this one century and possible 

breakthroughs that could come at any time, population projections are no more than guesswork. 
Dr. Larson, Ld like you to talk just a little bit about your writing... 
it seems to me that you've got a romantic bent or a romantic streak in 
your writing and it seems to be maybe a little frustrated by the kind of 
writing that you're having to do. You were told early on by this 
professor that if you wanted to be in journalism maybe you should take 
history first, that you could always get into journalism later. I'm 
wondering if you didn't have a notion to write a little bit different type 
of material in your life than history? 

Well I was influenced by Halliburton's book. The Rnxdl Roctd To Ronuincc. Halliburton 
worked his way around the world in the 1920"s and published this book. He was an odd fellow, I 
discovered recently that he was gay but that is really irrelevant. He was a single person, at any 
rate, worked his way around the world and described his experiences. He did this in the twenties 
when it was possible to do it. When 1 got out of college in 1936 that was impossible! The year I 
spent in England I had to show them I had enough money to take care of myself, and guarantee I 
wouldn't take any work in England. I had to report to the police every month to make sure that I 
wasn't working for pay. The whole situation had changed. Before the Great Depression a young 
man could work his way around the world and write romantic stories, and that's one reason why 
journalism appealed to me. But at the University of Colorado, freshmen who declared an interest 
in journalism were given a general, liberal arts advisor. I'd already decided not to be a journalist 
by the end of that year so I never met anyone in the journalism department. But you're right. That 
romantic side of journalism appealed to me. You'll have to read The Royal Road To Romance 
(laughter). 
Do you think that your decision to go into the writing of history 
had something to do with your practical farm background? 

No. Counselors are tremendously important in high school and college. If you have a wi.se 
counselor who can steer you in an appropriate direction quite early, you are lucky. I notice in 



Fall 1994 



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TA 



college that the students who are motivated really get ahead and do good work. On the other hand, 
it"s more important to begin with a basic liberal arts education which will stand you in good stead 
whatever your eventual major is. So many people are finding they can't get into what they 
prepared themselves for. They must be flexible, adaptable. 
Did you feel frustrated when you were writing history that you had 
to write in a historical vein rather than a free- flowing, romantic vein? 

No. I used to try to write humorous essays when I 
was writing for the Lirenuy Magazine in Boulder. I never 
got into fiction very much although I sometimes have 
dreams and think, when I wake up. "My gosh, that'd 
make a good story. I ought to write that up" but never do. 



How about poetry? 

I used to write verse in high school but that's as far 
as it went, rhymes. My good friend. Professor Wilson 
Clough. said that there are poets, poetasters and rhymers. 
Some people can only make rhymes. Others (poetasters) 
try to write poetry but don't succeed. Then there are rare, 
real poets. There are a lot of writers in the world who 
think they're poets but really aren't by his standards. 
What about Wilson Clough? Do you think he was? 

Some of his efforts reached that level. 
I'm going to put you on the spot here, but I'm saying that in your 
Bicentennial history of Wyoming — which to me is very readable. \'ery 
interesting, very succinct — you had to write in a way in which you 
probably would have written best, rather than the way you wrote for the 
other book (Histoiy ofW\oiiiing) which is very detailed and very precise. 

You may be right. Many of the reviews of the small 
book were flattering but so were the reviews of the large 
book. Most of the other authors couldn't identify such 
unique themes as I did. Take the Dakotas, Nebraska, 
Kansas and Iowa, for example. It's hard for me to see 
how they could find themes as appealing as the ones available to me in Wyoming. Also, my large 
book is more than three times as large as the small one. had many more details, dates, names. I did 
not have to cover everything in the small book. I could hit the high spots, so to speak. 
Did you ever get any feedback as to how good yours was com- 
pared to some of the others? 

Well I have had some feedback in the way it has sold, the way it has continued to sell. It has 
gone through five printings. Probably it's one of the best sellers among the 51 books in the series. 
When you write, is there a combination of things working? You 
go to the files, go to the research material, go to the publications and 
the newspapers, and gather material. You work, it seems to me, 
inductively. But on the other hand, this Norton book has so much 
intuitive thinking in it. 

That's because by the 1970s I had pretty fair knowledge of Wyoming history. I started out by 
going through newspapers trying to find out what bothered people at different periods. Because 
some things that were important in certain periods were never put down in the books that were 
available to me. To get a feel of the territory and state I did a lot of hard, grinding work and it hurt 
my style in a way. I think. Because when you deal in a lot of the things written about Wyoming, 
the choices of words are not good and you get into bad habits. You get too colloquial on some of 
these things. As far as literary level is concerned, I think I wrote better in the first years out of 
college, during the Ph.D. years and afterward. When many of your sources are not well written by 
literary standards, why, you're apt to lapse into dullness and slang in your own writing. 

You almost have to read stuff that is literary to keep that crispness 
or that freshness. 




Wyoming Annals 




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$29.95 Paper 




^^ '■'^K^ 



LydeU^r<!VIJl 



Ml TA 

That's right. Well, at any rate, you have to deal with the deck that's dealt you. 

When you look at the Histoiy of Wyoming book and this Norton 
Bicentennial book, do you see them as one of your most important 
accomplishments, the development of Wyoming history? 

Oh, certainly. My World War II history was a good book and that was a real contribution. But 
Worid War II lost interest for a lot of people by the "SOs when that book came out and we were in 
the Korean War then. There's more interest now in World War II than when that book was pub- 
lished in 1954. 
I think you're the first true historian that Wyoming's seen. 

It is true that really highly-trained people were not writing Wyoming history. There were 
some well-trained people like Fred Nussbaum in European history and Laura White in American 
History, but they didn't go to work on Wyoming history. State history has never had the rank, 
really, that national history has had, and one reason is that it isn't so critically evaluated. People in 
other states are not well qualified to judge it. And to get at a really high level you need more 
people working in the field because they criticize each other and get information from each other 
which they can incorporate. If you had to do as I had to do. dig it out myself, you're not going to 
have the quality, really. 
But there is no so-called "Father of Wyoming history" or "Mother 
of Wyoming history" is there? I mean before your time, at least. 

Grace Raymond Hebard, in a sense, and she really had no historical training. She went to the 
University of Iowa and was trained as a draftswoman. Got a bachelor's degree in engineering, then 
worked in the Territorial Engineer's office, Elwood Mead's office. Then got to be Secretary of the 
Board of Tmstees at the University of Wyoming. Carey got her that job, Joseph M. Carey. Then 
she was practically running the University for awhile because the trustees, some of them, didn't 
come regularly to meetings. There was an Albany County rancher who was President of the Board 
of Trustees and he let her run the shop between board meetings. So she had a lot of influence 
around here and got to be the librarian — not many books to deal with — and when they finally 
pushed her out of her job as secretary, why. then she became the head of the Political Economy 
Department. It was a combination of political science, economics and whatnot, and she started 
writing Wyoming history. She had no rigorous training in historical method and she'd decide what 
she wanted to prove, then set out to prove it. She would throw out stuff that didn't fit her premise. 
No. she was no historian in that sense. 
Do you think that w as true of some of the other states, too? That 
maybe some of the first people to try to capsulize their state's progress 
weren't real historians either? 

Oh. certainly that's true. 
I am curious as to how you feel about the development of the 
American Studies Program, how you developed it. 

Laura White in history and Wilson Clough in English, around 1940. developed a combination 
major in American History and American Literature. A natural combination, they work well 
together. Wilson Clough was a key figure because he'd published a book on the origins of the U.S. 
Constitution. He went to Greek. English and French sources which Jefferson and Madison and 
Hamilton had gone to, to find the ideas which they incoiporated in the Constitution. 

This was one of his better works, too, wasn't it? 

Yeah, forget what he called it, but at any rate this book became the cornerstone of our 
American Studies program. After a while President (George "Duke") Humphrey decided that I had 
to take the job as director of American Studies even though it wasn't in my line. So I took it on a 
temporary basis. I got into something I probably shouldn't have because it took me away from 
what I was more interested in. Eventually I found a way out and the new university president, H.T. 
Person, gave me the Chair of American Studies. That way I finally was able to get out of an 
activity that I probably shouldn't have been in, in the first place. 
Was Wyoming History woven into the American Studies curriculum? 

No. I had a joint responsibility. I was director of American Studies and head of the History 



Wyoming Annals 



MI TA 

Department at the same time for eight or nine or ten years. 

Looking back on it now, would you rather not have had all the 
administrative responsibility you had? 

Yeah. I didn't want all that administrative activity and so on. It held me back on my own 
research and writing. But 1 almost got into more. President Humphrey almost made me. I later 
discovered. Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences one time. I'm glad he didn't ask me because 
I might have accepted. Teachers who become deans really give up their scholarly activity. They 
have to become administrators which they may or may not be skilled for. And this business of 
sitting behind a desk quite a bit. and dealing with department heads and all that stuff, and having 
people come in and complain about the way they're being treated and all that, 1 don't care for that. 
And all the paper to be distributed and collected is just not what 1 was trained to do. 
But you did well at it, didn't you? 

I don't think I was a particularly good administrator. I got along well with my people. 
Isn't that what it takes? 

That's part of it, but maybe I wasn't hard enough on some of them and I'm a little too 
softhearted. It's hard for me to fire somebody, for example. And if you're going to build a depart- 
ment sometimes you just have to be pretty ruthless. As this University has developed, it's publish 
or perish. 

Can you see what's going to happen to the writing of history down 

the line? Do you have premonitions about what might happen? 

Well, it certainly gets mixed more and more with journalism. You have books coming out on 
Desert Storm and a number of things. It doesn't take long before the interpretations get ques- 
tioned. The dealings with Russia. The new books out about Gorbachev and about the collapse of 
communism and so on. Just a year after it happened books were out. And I'm amazed how well 
they do what they do. It's current history, you might say, but there's a place for that. 
You know, since I've been involved in this oral history project, I 

wonder where I've been in the last twenty years in the study of history. 

Because it seems when talking to people like you I'm getting firsthand 

what I used to consider hearsay. I look at these books you have on your 

shelves. Those were all written by people and they, in turn, got their 

ideas — those footnotes, those annotated bibliographies — from other 

people. All the things that we see in these academic works relate to 

people. And I think to myself, "Why didn't I get a start talking to 

people like you a lot earlier?" It would have been a great help to me to 

understand a little bit more holographically or three-dimensionally. It 

would have helped me understand a little bit more about human nature, 

about life and about Wyoming. I kick myself for thinking that history 

was nothing but sitting in my own little ivory tower with a bunch of 

papers that I'd copied on the Xerox machine from the library. You 

know what I'm saying? 

Yeah. But there are so many sources now, and stuff available, and more government studies 
and reports, and more things going on in Cheyenne in the various departments, so it gets harder 
and harder to write a history of Wyoming than it was when I started writing it. ...That's the reason 
,- - there are going to be revisions. 
I think you used your intuition a lot in history. Even when I read 

the big thick volume, I see insights coming out of you. Maybe that was 

due to your upbringing on the farm in Nebraska, and maybe it was due 

to your graduate studies, and maybe it just was training over the years... 

but I know that you have insights. I think, after having interviewed 

people, I have neglected the underside of history. You can use statistics '""^ '' ''":;' 

any way you want to. But I'm getting some stuff now that gives me a 

lot more information on motivations that somehow or other get deleted 

or subtracted... I'm not making myself too clear. ISSi 

I understand what you're saying. I've run into the same problems. I've had to revise some of 



Fall 1994 




M! TA 

the conclusions in my big Hisioiy of Wyoming. Didn't get adequately into the records in Congress. 
I talk about some of these congressmen and senators but don't cover them adequately. Their 
records weren't available, and there were no monographs about them. Maybe I depended too much 
on newspaper stories and the Congressional Record about what they did instead of getting into 
their files. I think that right now there's such an explosion of information and so much of it's 
stacked up in computers and on films and tapes — information about every place in the known 
world — that we're just flooded with source material and it makes it really difficult to do a top job 
except on a very narrow subject. 

There's a two-volume work on the Union Pacific, for example, by Maury Klein. I just 
went through those. It's laborious because each volume has 600 pages in it. There's a lot of stuff in 
there that had never before been available because the U.P. sat on its records. So that everything 
that has been written on the Union Pacific was pretty flimsy because they didn't have the inside 
story from the railroad's point of view. But Klein brings out a lot of that. He talks about a lot of 
individuals, their relations with other railroads. He brings in the things that you wouldn't even 
dream existed. 
If you could do it over again, would you still depend on the papers 

a lot? 

I would even now have to go at some of that. Certainly I would have many more monographs, 
and many more studies and a lot more government records. More of the records are being kept 
now in Cheyenne. In those days governors would take their papers with them or destroy them, so 
there wasn't much to deal with. A college prof out in California in the San Francisco Chronicle 
had the nerve to write. "This is probably the best state history ever written." Well, I think, looking 
back on it, I had a simpler story to tell. Not nearly so many people, not nearly so many things 
happened in Wyoming. You take a state hke California with all the details you have to get into and 
the longer history ...it's easy for me to put in one book the principal themes in Wyoming history. 
If you could go back, though, knowing what you know now, would 

you attack everything the same way — go to the newspapers — or 

would you go more to the heads of government? 

Weil, I know that now there's been so much more written on Wyoming, the different aspects 
of it. But I could probably avoid going to the papers. You're involved in reading film, and the film 
is pretty bad for some of these papers, too. It's hard on the eyes and all that. I wouldn't do as much 
of that as I had to do at that time cause a lot more articles have been written about specialized 
topics in Wyoming history. I've written some myself. 
Among the subjects mentioned in your Annals article you would 

like to see explored: minerals, water, our relationship to Denver. 

That gets into the outside influence. We have been locked to these cities outside of Wyoming. 
We're tied to Denver. Salt Lake City, Rapid City and Billings and so on. We should study how this 
affects different parts of the state. There's a story there that hasn't been developed. 
All right, (say) you're a historian, you're 21 years old — what 
would you get into? 

I probably wouldn't get into state history at all. For one thing, it limits you as far as jobs are 
concerned. I had to think about that rather carefully because after concentrating so long on 
Wyoming history, no one would ever hire me in some other state. Because I have little I can 
transfer. 

Are you saying you regret... 

No. I don't, because it's worked out very well for me. But at U.W. we hired one person after 
another here to take over my Wyoming history when I was getting ready to retire and every one of 
them wound up slighting Wyoming for that reason. They become environmentalists or they 
became Indian historians. That was what they were going to become expert at. However, we've 
got a chap now, Phil Roberts, who's done quite a bit on Wyoming history and probably he'll be 
locked in the way I am. But he's satisfied doing that. There's a good job here and he is already 
appreciated. And they've appreciated what I've done. Probably I prospered and succeeded here 
better than 1 could anywhere else. 

Do you think the people of Wyoming appreciate Wyoming history? 



Wyoming Annals 



Ml TA 

A lot of them do, yeah. 
Do a lot of them claim that your class was their most interesting class? 

I dGn"t know. I think 1 made it interesting to a lot of them. 
I think Vm talking to the person who knows more about Wyoming 
history than any living human being, and I'm happy and proud to say 
that. Not to say that there might not be somebody in the wings like Phil 
Roberts who will develop Wyoming history a little further, take it a 
little further down the road, but.... 

He certainly has that opportunity because for one thing, when 1 started out, for many years we 
taught twice as many hours and many more students, bigger classes. 

How many hours did you have to teach? 

Twelve for awhile and then cut back to nine, then back to six when I had all these administra- 
tive chores. But now six is the standard for most professors, teaching two courses. I started out 
with four preparations ...can't do a first class job of teaching and you certainly can't find much 
time for research except weekends. I had to work nights and weekends and neglect my family as 
you do yours, probably, to get some of these other things done. But a person now, once he gets 
organized, is going to have more time and more recognition for research and writing. 

You say in your Bicentennial history you taught something like... 

Over 16.UU0 students. 
What do you think about that? 

It's too darn many. I sometimes said that I probably didn't give them any more than someone 
that taught one fourth as much because he could give each one more, and had tnore individual 
contact with students, and could spend more time with each student. 
Do you ever get any feedback from these people? Do they ever 
come back and tell you what they thought about the course? 

Well, yeah. Some of them do. You have to take that with a grain of salt because they tend to 
over-praise. 

Looking at your career in the university system, in the legislature, 

and as a lobbyist for the American Association of Retired Persons, what 

do you think your most important work is? What do you think your 

legacy is? 

It would have to be in the field of Wyoming history and in teaching. And that ties in with 
writing because the writing helped my teaching. No, I think it's in the dissemination of the 
knowledge about Wyoming history, and getting people interested in that, and respecting their 
history, and trying to get them to be more critical, to ask questions and to not just accept what a 
book says about something or other. That's where Hebard got into trouble, really, in the long run. 
She put it out as gospel and if you teach it to kids at their mother's knees, the kids grow up with 
only that. They cling to myths because they've known them so long and can't believe that they're 
not true. 



You're what religion? 



What were you raised? 



Was your dad a true believer? 



People don't talk about their religion or too much about their politics, but I'm like Wilson 
Clough. I'm an agnostic. And I have been ever since I was eighteen years old. I think, frankly, that 
most of the people in this country are agnostics, but their wives have religious connections or 
something and they give it lip service, pretend to be religious, but I suspect inost of them are 
agnostics. 

I was brought up in the Swedish Mission Covenant Church. It is a small, fundamentalist 
offshoot of the state church in Sweden, which is Lutheran. 

No, he didn't go to church very often, but he'd send us to church. So I went through Bible 
classes for kids and listened to fire and brimstone sermons in the Swedish language. But I couldn't 
accept the heaven and hell philosophy. 



Fall 1994 



Ml TA 

Well you've got, let's say, another twenty years. 

Oh, no, no, no. For a person of 82 I'm given six years, probably. 
You're healthy now. aren't you? 

Pretty healthy. But my lungs have never been in good shape. That's one reason I went West to 
college. I've had chronic bronchitis ever since I had pneumonia twice as a boy. I never publicized 
it, but it certainly has handicapped me in various ways. The high, dry climate in the West helped 
me. It's a possibility that I could get emphysema down the road. 
How old was your dad when he died? 

He was only seventy. 
So you have good genes from your mother's side, at least. 

Well, my mother died of influenza at age 39. Many of the strongest died of that Spanish Flu in 
1918, which killed more people in two months than were killed by World War I. The Spanish Flu 
turned into pneumonia. Now pneumonia is not the awful killer it was, but it was before we had flu 
and pneumonia shots and penicillin and antibiotics. 
Have you gotten into your genealogy much at all? 

Not very much, no I haven't. 

That sort of thing doesn't interest you? 

No, I'm not interested in that. My ancestors were Swedish peasants pretty much. Land was 
pretty limited in Sweden, for example, and they were poor people. My father dropped out of 
school and came over here, as did my mother separately. She worked as a maid in Omaha. My 
father, who was a hired man and renter, acquired land and prospered, then lost everything he had 
in the Great Depression because he bought too much land. He retired and moved to town at the 
age of 45 and had a couple of farms. He had feed cattle and was going to supervise renters or 
sharecroppers on his land, and continue to run the cattle feeding operation. But he was foolish to 
buy too much land ...they told farmers in World War I that land was limited and population was 
growing. Economists all said land was the best investment. Well, that certainly proved false in 
World War I. Everybody mortgaged his land to buy more land and three-fourths of them went 
broke eventually. 
I'm wondering what you think this state's going to look like one 

hundred years from now? 

I think we're not going to be a heavily-populated place. I would hope we value what assets we 
have, our unique aspects. I hope that we put a high enough value on our wildlife, our mountain 
scenery, our wide open spaces, our parks, our trails, our historic forts and things like that, and our 
forests and what water we have, that we will treasure them and preserve them and give opportuni- 
ties for a limited number of people to enjoy them. Because the way things are going, most of the 
country's going to be so crowded that the multitudes will relish an opportunity to see our rare 
treasures. Our problem, on the other hand, is that this tourism is sort of a fragile thing. It can be 
overdone very easily and we can't stand too many people without losing it. I'm reminded of the 
fabled dog that stood on the bridge with a bone in his mouth, and looks in the water and sees his 
shadow and drops the bone grabbing for the image. You know, you push this tourism too hard, too 
fast ...it's not a perfect economic development in some respects. For one thing it's so seasonal, and 
in the second place there are so many poorly paid jobs in the tourism business. You can't build a 
first-rate society on a lot of seasonal minimum wage jobs. 
Nevertheless a lot of boomers and Main Streeters are going to be 

attacking you and saying.... 

Sure. I think they will be. But there are a lot of people who live in Wyoming who have turned 
down opportunities to go elsewhere. They like it the way it is. They think Wyoming is a delightful, 
uncrowded commonwealth, so to speak. No, there's bound to be conflict between the boosters and 
the knockers. There have got to be a few knockers to keep the boomers honest on these things 
because they want to bring in things that are not going to be worthwhile in the long run. They want 
to make a quick buck and make their money and get out. Many of them are of that inclination. I 
foresee an opportunity for a limited number of people to have a good life in Wyoming. But there is 
a ceiling on that. Even if we wind up being the only place in the country that has these wide open 



Wyoming Annals 



spaces and spectacular scenery, we can't accommodate millions of people. 
Do you have confidence in a Wyoming citizen to understand what 
you are saying? ' 

I think a lot of Wyoming people feel the way I do about this. We have the Powder River Basin 
people. We have the SieiTa Club. We have the Wyoming Outdoor Council. We have various 
preservation groups and they're getting more and more influential. People who want to maintain 
our wilderness, people who are interested in buying this ranch from Geiry Spence and Moriarity 
and want to save it. 1 think it's a good move starting to charge fees for going into the parks. 
They're adding five more fee areas this year because we can't provide very good facilities. We 
ought to have better facilities than we have in our parks. We ought to figure out some way to solve 
this problem of what people in southeastern Wyoming call the "greenies." We shouldn't just be an 
overcrowded weekend recreation area for Colorado to come up here with their trailers and 
groceries, not spending their money here, really --fill up with gasoline in Colorado and come up 
here and enjoy their recreation in the Medicine Bow Range and so on. Utah, Idaho and Montana 
exploit northwestern Wyoming the same way. If we're going to have a decent society in Wyoming 
we cannot accept unlimited tourism of that kind. We've got to control it some way and I don't 
know what the solution is. 
This has been great. Dr. Larson; I've enjoyed it. 

I don't know whether you've got much that you can use. 





R^V^z/i 



All contemporary photos 
of T.A. Larson taken 
by Mark Junge.l 994 




Mark Junge was born in 
1943 IN Chicago, Illinois and 
RAISED in Denver, Colorado. 
He and his wife Ardath came 
TO Wyoming in 1967 where 

THEY raised two SONS, AnDY 

and Dan. Junge earned his 
B.A. IN history and M.A. in 
social studies from Western 
State College (B.A. , M.A.) in 
Gunnison, Colorado and 
completed two years of post- 
graduate WORK IN history at THE 

University of Wyoming. From 

1971 until 1992 HE was A historian 

for the Wyoming State Historic 
Preservation Office, and since 
that time has been the editor of 
Wyoming Annals. Currently Junge 
IS completing a book on Wyoming 
people. 




Fall 1994 




I AM NOT A 

ckoo Democrat! 



|i feiC--^A?v: 




% 



THE CONGRESSIONAL CAREER OF HENRY A. COFFEEN 

by Leonard Schlup 



Phofo: from l,S, Bartlett, History of Wyoming, Vol. II 
(Chicago: the S.J. Clarke Publishing Co., 1918), p.l51 



Henry A. Coffeen (1841-1912) was a promi- 
nent Wyoming politician, rancher and busi- 
nessman during the late nineteenth 
century.Generally ignored by historians who have men- 
tioned his name only briefly in general histories of Wyo- 
ming, Coffeen merits attention for the role he played in 
national politics in the 1890s. He practiced politics and 
engaged in business matters during a generation of change 
that transformed the political, economic and social order 
of the United States, as the country evolved from a rural, 
agricultural society to one that was urban and industrial. 
Coffeen witnessed the growth of the Wyoming Terri- 
tory and its conversion to statehood. Although he played 
a role in state-building, helped establish the city of 
Sheridan and was a pioneering father of the state Demo- 
cratic party, this article concerns his congressional career. 
A versatile man, Coffeen remains an enigma largely be- 
cause of the paucity of personal papers and the tendency 
of historians to concentrate on the lives of his Republican 
contemporaries. Letters that do exist, combined with 
Coffeen's speeches in the Congressional Record, reveal 
several qualities about the Wyoming political figure that 
deserve recognition. Coffeen's historical importance is 
tied directly to his public policies and actions, and a great 

I deal of biographical work remains before his influence as 
a politician can be fully assessed. It is appropriate to be- 
gin that work during 1994, the centennial of his bid for 

' re-election to Congress. 

Bom near Gallipolis, Gallia County, Ohio, Coffeen 
was a direct descendant of Michael Coffeen, who emi- 
grated in the 1700s from Ireland, and of Captain John 

' Coffeen, who served under General George Washington 
during the American Revolution and later in the Vermont 
state legislature. At an early age Henry Coffeen moved 
with his parents to Indiana and in 1853 to Champaign 
County, Illinois. After attending local schools and Butler 
University in Indianapolis, he graduated with a degree in 
science from Abingdon College, which later consolidated 
with Eureka College in Illinois. For a short time he en- 
gaged in journalism. In 1865atRoseville. Illinois. Coffeen 
married Harriet Newell King.' They settled in Portage 
County, Ohio, where Coffeen accepted a faculty appoint- 
ment in natural science at Western Reserve Eclectic In- 
stitute (now Hiram College). While hving there and teach- 
ing several subjects he formed a lasting friendship with 
James A. Garfield, a local politician, instructor and presi- 
dent of the college prior to the Civil War and who later 
became the twentieth president of the United States. - 

During the 1 870s Coffeen participated in a variety of 
activities. In 1870 after returning to Illinois he prepared 
and published a 1 16-page book on the history of Vermilion 
County where he resided.' Eager for change, the restless 
Coffeen briefly taught general science courses at Eastern 
Illinois College (Charleston, Illinois), which he helped or- 



ganize. Upon leaving academe he assumed the role of ly- 
ceum lecturer, traveling extensively to many large Ameri- 
can cities. He also wrote essays on religious issues, be- 
longed to the Theosophical Society of Chicago and toured 
the state as a biblical scholar. Eventually, he settled in 
Danville, Illinois, and became a businessman.^ 

Coffeen's entry into politics occurred in the 1870s in 
Illinois. In 1876 he ran for a seat in the United States 
House of Representatives as the Greenback party candi- 
date. Greenbackers organized in 1874 and nominated 
James B. Weaver for president in 1880. They believed 
that the issuance of paper money would bring prosperity, 
especially to the farmer, by raising prices and making 
debts easier to pay. Coffeen concurred with this assess- 
ment, as did his Bloomington neighbor Congressman 
Adlai E. Stevenson.' Coffeen's unsuccessful Democratic 
opponent was John Charles Black, a Danville lawyer who 
secured a presidential appointment as United States Com- 
missioner of Pensions from 1 885 to 1887 and served one 
term in the House from 1893 to 1895." Joseph G. Can- 
non, the Republican incumbent who later became speaker 
of the House, scored an easy reelection victory over 
Coffeen, whose defeat failed to dissuade him from future 
political activity.^ 

In the late 1870s and early 1880s Coffeen belonged 
to the Knights of Labor. Founded in 1869 in Philadel- 
phia by tailor Uriah S.Stephens the Knights supported 
cooperatives, an eight-hour workday and the adoption of 
a graduated income tax. It grew considerably after Terence 
V. Powderly became its Grand Master Workman in 1 879. 
Next to Powderly. Coffeen was the highest officer in the 
labor union for nearly two years.** 

By the early 1880s western pioneering dominated 
Coffeen's thoughts. Cognizant of new opportunities for 
business initiatives and real estate purchases, Coffeen per- 
suaded his family to undertake the long journey west. 



1 . Three children -HalUe, Mabel and Herbert- were bom to the Coffeens. Mrs. 
Coffeen died in 1901, and in 1904 Mr. Coffeen married Alice EHvight of Denver, 
Colorado. 

2. Francis M. Green, Hiram College and Western Resen'e Ecleette Institute: Fifty 
Years of History. 1S50-1900 (Cleveland: The 0. S. Huhbell Printing Company, 
1901), pp.30- .16; Allan Peskin, Garfield: A Biograithy (Kent: Kent State University 
Press, 1978), pp. 50-52; Charles VVilber to James X. Garfield, 24 July, 11 April 
1857, }ames A. Garfield Papers, Division of Manuscripts, Library of Congress, 
Washington, DC. 

3. Vermilion County, Historical. Statistical, and Descriptive... (Danville: H. A. 
Coffeen, 1870). 

4. Wyoming Tribune, Laramie Republican, and Laramie Daily Boomerang, 10-12 
December 1912. 

5. Adlai E. Stevenson, Vice President of the United States from 1893 to 1897, 
was the grandfather of Governor Adlai E. Stevenson II who campaigned for the 
presidency in 1952 and 1956. 

6. Additional information on Black's life can be found in the John Charles Black 
Papers, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. 

7. Coffeen edited a newspaper in Danville as well as Cosmos, a Chicago 
magazine. See The Sheridan Post, 10 December 1912; Danville Commercial, 8 
November 1876; Danville Daily Times, 8 November 1876; and David W. Lusk, 
Eighty Years of Illinois: Polities and Politicians, Anecdotes and Incidents. A Succinct 
nhton/ of the State. 1S09-1SS9, 3rd ed. rev. (Springfield: H. W. Rokker, 1889), 
p. 254. Useful material on Illinois Republican politics can be mined from the 
Joseph G. Cannon Papers, Illinois State Historical Library. 



Fall 1994 



31 




Leaving Danville in the family's covered wagon in April. 
1 884 they made their way west to Wyoming Teixitory and 
in September reached Big Horn, nestled at the foot of the 
Bighorn Mountains in Little Goose Creek Valley. There 
Coffeen entered the mercantile business, ranching, real 
estate and gold and silver mining. When the Burlington 
and Missouri railroad survey crew came through north- 
ern Wyoming. Coffeen. an exponent of economic and so- 
cial progress, quickly recognized the impact the railroad 
would have in the region.*^ 

In 1887 Coffeen relocated five miles north to the rail- 
road town of Sheridan. Through his various business en- 
terprises he assisted in developing that small 
community. He also worked to make Sheridan 
the county seat when Sheridan County was 
foiTnedin 1888. Ultimately he emerged as one 
of the wealthiest men in northern Wyoming 
and had a main thoroughfare in Sheridan 
named for him. His extensive property in 
Sheridan included the Coffeen Block at the 
corner of Main and Loucks. He managed the 
Coffeen Improvement Company, which dealt in real estate, 
and promoted J. E. West and Company, a wholesale gro- 
cery firm. For Coffeen it was an exciting and challenging 
time to live in a developing teiritory that was preparing 
itself for statehood.'" 

In 1889 Governor Francis E. Warren, President Benjamin 
Harrison's Republican appointee as Wyoming Teixito- 
rial Governor and a proponent of statehood, an-anged a 
constitutional convention. Because of his prominence in 
Sheridan. Coffeen won election as a Democratic delegate 
to the convention, which convened September 2 at 
Cheyenne." Forty-nine delegates led by Melville C. Brown, 
president of the convention and a Laramie lawyer, met at 
the Inter-Ocean Hotel and the new Capitol building to write 
a constitution for Wyoming statehood. Coffeen, the only 
representative from Sheridan County, announced that he 
had instructions from his constituents to oppose statehood 
and that he was ready to second a motion not to formulate a 
constitution.'- Coffeen's statement was not surprising be- 
cause many Wyoming Democrats preferred to postpone 
statehood until their party stood a better chance of electing 
state legislative and executive officials. 

Having performed this initial perfunctory obligation, 
Coffeen took up the serious business of drafting an ac- 
ceptable constitution. He assumed an active part in the 
debates and scored points as an effective orator and able 
spokesman." "I come from a county that is one of the 
newest in the sisterhood," he declared, "and is in today 
perhaps as good, if not better, financial condition than 
any county in the tenitory."'"' Coffeen worked closely 
with George W. Baxter, a cattle rancher who served briefly 
as a Democratic territorial governor in 1886.'" But not 



O-i '^ 




i S^J^-^fi^r/ 



Francis E. Warren 



CcT-rt^^ 




George Baxter 
1889 




A. C. Campbe 



everything ran smoothly for the Sheridan merchant. 
Coffeen. who endorsed woman suffrage, disagreed with 
fellow Democrat, A. C. Campbell, a Cheyenne lawyer 
who wanted the suffrage issue submitted to the voters. 
Campbell angrily shouted that Coffeen had impugned his 
intentions over the matter and had maligned his charac- 



8. Insights into labor and politics in the Gilded Age can be gleaned from the 
Tt'rt'MCf V. PozL'dt'rhf Papers, Department of Archives and Manuscripts, CathoUc 
University of America, Washington, DC. 

9. Cns(Jcr Star Trilmiic, 19 March 1978, 25 March 1979. 

10. Cheyenne Stale Leader, 12 December 1912; The Sheridan Poit, 10 December 
1912. 

1 1 . Clieiienne Daily Sun, 2 September 1889. 

12. Ibid., 7 September 1889. 

13. For information on the constitutional convention, see Journal and Debates of 
tlw Constitutional Convention of the State of Wyomin;^ (Cheyenne; The Daily Sun, 
1893); Henry J. Peterson, The Constitutional Convention of Wyoming (Laramie 
University of Wyoming, 1940); W. Turrentine Jackson, "The Wyoming Stock 
Growers Association Political Power in Wyoming Territory, 1873-1890," Missis- 
sippi Valley Hislorieal Revien; XXXIII (March 1947); 571-94. 

14. Peterson, The Constitutional Convention of Wyoming, p. 113. 

15. George W. Baxter to Grover Cleveland, 11 November 1886, Grover Cleveland 
Papers, Di\'ision of Manuscripts, Library of Congress. Baxter ran unsuccessfully 
as the Democratic candidate for governor of Wyoming in 1890. 



Wyoming Annals 



The Constitutional Convention 
of Wyoming, 1889. Coffeen is 
the white-bearded man 
second from the right in the 
second row. 




Wyoming State Museum 



ter."^ Coffeen denied the accusations but the episode 
soured the relationship between the two men and created 
an animosity that surfaced again in a few years. 

The completed constitution, adopted in convention 
on September 30 and signed by Coffeen, won ratification 
by the people on November 5. Sheridan was the only 
county to reject the finished product.'^ The bill for admis- 
sion passed both houses of Congress and on July 10, 1 890, 
President Harrison signed the legislation admitting Wyo- 
ming as the forty-fourth state. 

A struggle between small and large cattlemen high- 
lighted Wyoming's first years as a state. Members of the 
Wyoming Stock Growers Association had virtually turned 
the state into a cattlemen's commonwealth. In April, 
1892, the large cattlemen, lashing out against their as- 



16. T. A. Larson, History of Wyoming, 2nd ed. rev. (Lincoln: University of 
Nebraslca Press, 1978), p.245. 

17. Homer E. Socolofslcy and Allan B. Spetter, The Presidency of Benjamin Harrison 
(Lawrence: Uruversity Press of Kansas, 1987), p. 45. 

18. The literature on tfus subject is plentiful. See, or example, Helena Hunting- 
ton Smilli, T/ie War on Powder River (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966); A. S. Mercer, 
The Banditti of the Plains (Normojr. University of Oklahoma Press, 1954); Mari 
Sandoz, The Cattlemen (New York: Hastings House, 1958), pp.352-59; Oscar H. 
Flagg, Review of the Cattle Business in Johnson County Wyoming Since 1892 and the 
Causes that Led to the Recent Invasion, reprint of the 1892 ed. (Salem, New 
Hampshire: Ayer Company, Publishers, 1979); Lewis L. Gould, Wyoming A 
Political History, 1868-1896 (Neiv Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), pp.137-58: 
Richard White, It's Your Misfortune and None of My Ozvn: A History of the American 
West (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991), pp. 344-46; E. S. Osgood, 
The Day of the Cattleman (Minneapolis: University ofMinnesota Press, 1929); Lois 
Van Valkenburgh, "The Johnson County War: The Papers of Charles Bingham 
Penrose in the Library of the University of Wyoming," M.A. thesis, (Laramie: 
University of Wyoming, 1939). For additional insights into this period, see 
Farmy Kemble Wister, ed., Owen Wister Out West: His journals and Letters 
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958). 

19. Henry A. Coffeen to Cleveland, Graver Cleveland Papers, 25 September 1893, 

20. GouM, Wyoming, p. 161. 



sorted enemies with hired gunmen, invaded Johnson 
County in search of rustlers. They killed two men, Nate 
Champion and Nick Ray, at Kaycee and continued north 
toward the town of Buffalo. But they ran into local oppo- 
sition and were surrounded at the TA Ranch south of town. 
A U.S. cavalry detachment from nearby Fort McKinney 
rescued the cattlemen, escorting them to Cheyenne for 
trial. After nine months the case against them was dis- 
missed for lack of evidence."* Coffeen described the in- 
vaders as "the ruling gang that sent murderous invasions 
into our settlements and are still endangering the welfare 
of our state."'" 

With his background in journalism, business and min- 
ing Coffeen accumulated numerous triends in Wyoming. 
His participation in the constitutional convention had 
whetted his appetite for politics, and in 1 892 he decided 
to run for the position of Wyoming's sole representative 
to the Fifty-third Congress. Coffeen challenged Repub- 
lican Congressman Clarence D. Clark, Evanston lawyer 
and Uinta County prosecuting attorney who had taken a 
congressional seat in 1890. At the 1892 state Demo- 
cratic convention held in Rock Springs seventy-five del- 
egates nominated Rawlins druggist, doc- 
tor and sheepman Dr. John E. Osborne as 
their gubernatorial candidate. They 
named Cheyenne lawyer Gibson Clark 



John E. Osborne 







Fall 1994 



33 




their candidate for justice of the Supreme Court, and they 
selected Coffeen as the congressional candidate.-" The 
Democrats also read out of the party any defenders of the 
Wyoming Stock Growers Association. Moreover, the 
party's platform contained a plank that held the Republi- 
cans under Governor Amos W. Barber "largely respon- 
sible for the fact that a considerable body of armed men 
were collected without the state and permitted to march 
into Johnson county in open and armed defiance of the 
constitution and laws and in resistance to the local civil 
authorities."-' 

he national outlook appeared favorable for Demo- 
crats in 1892. They had captured control of the 
United States House of Representatives in 1890. 
and they smelled victory with former President Grover 
Cleveland as their 1892 presidential standardbearer. The 
policy of high tariff protectionism, combined with the prob- 
lem of discontented farmers demanding relief from high 
mortgages and low farm prices, spelled trouble for the Re- 
publicans. The latter were under the docile leadership of 
President Harrison, an unpopular chief executive who over- 
came opposition from within his party to win renomination 
for a second term. 

Wyoming Democrats launched their campaign in Au- 
gust, 1892, with speaking tours across the state. The 
appearance of the Populists, a reform party committed to 
currency expansion, a graduated income tax, and govern- 



ment ownership and operation of all transportation and 
communication lines, worried Democrats in some south- 
ern states. But in Wyoming Populism remained a minor 
force.-- Nevertheless, Democratic leaders concluded that 
voters belonging to Wyoming's Populist Party might be 
sufficient to guarantee a Democratic victory on the state 
level while depriving Harrison of the state's three elec- 
toral votes. The Democratic National Committee headed 
by William F. Harrity, a Pennsylvania businessman and 
banker, instructed Wyoming Democratic Party Chairman 
A. L. New to propose fusion to the People's Party at the 
Democratic convention in Douglas in September.-' The 
Populists consented to the arrangement and the name of 
the Populist presidential nominee James B. Weaver re- 
placed Cleveland on the ballot. Accordingly, Wyoming 
Populists supported Coffeen for Congress in a contest in 
which the Johnson County War and free coinage of silver 
were the main issues. The Democratic-Populist merger 
pleased Coffeen. "1 believe the chance is good," he re- 
marked, "to elect our entire state ticket and redeem Wyo- 
ming to democracy where she properly belongs."-"* 

In the election of 1892 Coffeen defeated Clarence D. 
Clark by 461 votes. He won the House seat with 8,855 
votes to 8,394 for Clark. Coffeen carried Albany, Con- 
verse, Crook, Fremont. Johnson, Natrona, Sheridan and 
Weston counties, but the margin of victory was slim. He 
squeaked past Clark by only three votes in Fremont and 
five votes in Weston. His biggest winning margins oc- 
curred in Johnson, Albany and Sheridan counties.-^ 
Coffeen's success in capturing a seat in the House of Rep- 
resentatives at the age of fifty-one was indeed a satisfy- 
ing moment in his life. He had earned to some extent the 
confidence of the Wyoming electorate and he looked for- 



21 . Cheyenne State Leader, 30 July 1892. 

22. An excellent account of the third party in Wyoming 
is Tliomas Kreuger, "Populism in Wyoming/' M.A. 
thesis (Laramie: University of Wyoming, 1960). Two 
prominent Laramie Populists were Henry Breitenstein 
and Shakespeare E. Sealey. 

23- Gould, Wyoming, pp. 159-92; Larson, History of 
Wi/oniing, pp. 284-87; Francis E. Warren to W. F. Sand- 
ers, 6 October 1892, Francis E. Warren Papers, American 
Heritage Center, University of Wyoming, Laramie; 
George L. Miller to William C. Whitney, 7 October 
1892, William C. Wliitney Papers, Division of Manu- 
scripts, Library of Congress. 

24. Coffeen to George T. Beck, 21 September 1892, 
George T. Beck Papiers, American Heritage Center. 

25. Marie H. Erwin, Wyoming Historical Blue Book: A 
Legal and Political Histor]/ of Wyoming. 1868-1943 (Den- 
ver: Bradford-Robinson Printing Company, 1946), 
p. 1181. 



The Election of 1892 




Wyoming Annals 



Campaign Buttons & Ribbons 

from the 

Wyoming State Museum 




ward to the challenging assignment that awaited him. Yet 
his exceedingly narrow victory should have forewarned 
him about the durability of his seat and the necessity for 
political dexterity to convince a divided electorate that he 
could most ably represent their interests in Washington. 

Other Wyoming Democrats also triumphed at the state 
level in the election of 1 892. Osborne was elected gover- 
nor with 9,290 votes to 7,509 for Re- 
publican Edward A. Ivinson.-" In his 
race Osborne received more votes 
than Coffeen. Although Osborne 
captured the governorship. Re- 
publicans retained control of the 
Wyoming Senate by a margin 
of eleven to five. In the House 
there were sixteen Democrats, 
twelve Republicans and five 
Populists, giving Democrats 
the nod.-' For Coffeen the big- 
gest disappointment was 
Harrison's narrow win in Wyo- 
ming, as he beat Weaver 8,454 
votes to 7,722.-'* Obviously, Demo- 
crats did not adhere to their bar- 
gain as faithfully as the Populists. 
Northern Republicans supported 
Harrison while voting against 

Ivinson and Clarence Clark. -"^ The state Democratic loss, 
however, was overshadowed by Cleveland's national vic- 
tory. The stage was set for the Democratic restoration in 
Washington. 

Congressman Coffeen was an unusual political figure 
and an endearing personality on the Wyoming political 
stage in the Gilded Age, an era of vituperation and parti- 
sanship. He was a local politician who liked people and 




Edward Ivinson 

Wyoming State Museum 



26. A. W. Jones to John E. Osborne, 11 November 1892, John E. Osbonw Papers, 
Special Collections, Carbon County Public Library, Rawlins, Wyoming; John 
Huntonto Blanche Hunton, 26 October 1892, Hunton to John Taylor, Noxember 
17, 1892, jolui Hunton Papers, American Heritage Center; relative to party attairs 
see Gibson Clark Papers, State Parks and Cultural Resources Di\ision, Wyoming 
Department of Commerce, Chevenne. Republicans declined tlie Democrats' 
offer of holding public debates between Coffeen and Clarence Clark. See Laramie 
Daily Boomerang, 15 October 1892; Cluyenne Sun, 13-14 October 1892; Willis Van 
Devanter to A. L. New, 11 October 1892, Willis Van Devanter Papers, Division of 
Manuscripts, Library of Congress. 

27. Warren to Edward A. Ivinson, 10 November 1892, Warren 
Papers; Warren to Clarence D. Clark, 10 No\'ember 1892, Warren 

Papers; George W. Baxter to William Daley, 11 June 1892, William Daley Papers, 
American Jieritage Center; Cliei/enne Slate 

Leader, 22 September, 9-10 November 1892; John K. Yoshida, "The 
Wyoming Election of 1892," M.A. thesis (Laramie: University of Wyoming, 
1956); and Van Devanter to Ivinson, 1,2 November 1892, I'l?" Devanter Papers. 
Willis Van Devanter, chairman of the Republican State Committee of Wyoming 
from 1892 to 1894, served as Associate Justice of the United States Supreme 
Court from 1910 to 1937. See Lewis L. Gould, "Willis Van Devanter in Wyoming 
Politics, 1884-1897," Ph.D. dissertation (New Haven: Yale University, 1966). 

28. Carolyn Goldinger.ed. Presidential Eleetions Since 1 7S9, 4th ed. (Washington: 
Congressional Quarterly, Inc., 1987), p. 109. 

29. Larson, History of Wyoming, pp. 286-87. 



Fall 1994 



made friends easily with his outgoing disposition. Although 
highly partisan and blunt, he was never unkind or vicious. 
Coffeen served in the Fifty-third Congress, both branches 
of which were controlled by the Democrats. That victory, 
plus their simultaneous control of the presidency, was the 
first time they had accomplished the feat since before the 
Civil War. The prospect seemed favorable for a successful 
administration and Democratic ascendancy. 

While in Congress Coffeen assumed an active role in 
the distribution of patronage for his state. He discussed 
the subject with Cleveland's private secretary, Henry T. 
Thurber, and he also approached the president directly on 
the matter. On various occasions he even left resumes of 
the people he was promoting for federal appointments. I 
have made two or three calls at the White House," he 
informed Cleveland. 

■ M Mhout being able to see you conveniently 
^^^fon a matter of importance to our State. The 
y J result of our failure to secure the very few 
appointments asked for in Wyoming is disintegrat- 
ing our forces at a time when four (4) vacancies in 
our legislature likely to be called are to he filled and 
on these depend the success or defeat of our party in 
selecting a United States Senator We are quite sure 
to lose the Senator as well as to losefiiture victories 
for Democracy if we can not very quickly secure a 
few democratic appointments under this democratic 
administration^" 

A little more than a week later Coffeen recommended 
John Charles Thompson for United States District Attor- 
ney for Wyoming and Peiry Bickford for Surveyor Gen- 




eral. "If the supremacy of Democracy in Wyoming and 
the election of United States Senators from our party are 
to be encouraged," he advised the president, "these ap- 
pointments ought to be made now."^' 

Coffeen especially wanted John A. McDermott ap- 
pointed United States Marshal for Wyoming. "He is one 
...well qualified for the office, honorable, discreet, and 
true to his duties, and will be a fitting representative and 
a strength to a conservative Democratic administration," 
Coffeen notified Cleveland. He added: 

/ trust you will deem it proper to nominate him 
without further delay.... There is no opposition to 
Mr McDermott that requires serious consideration. 
He is the only candidate for that position that stands 
on that high plane that is above the petty factional 
conflicts that some novices in politics would occa- 
sionally seek to precipitate upon our party.... The 
present incumbent in the Marshallship of our state 
is so deeply complicated with the plans and move- 
ments of the 'invading cattle barons' of unsavoiy 
fame that it is a surprise to many republicans as well 
as nearly all democrats that he should have been 
permitted so long to keep his control of that office. 
In line with those same murderous 'invasions ' so 
many of the land offices are still administered by their 
special friends and sympathizers that I trust you will 
heartily endorse recommendations for removing 
nearly all if not quite all the land officers by the 
Hon. Sec'y of the Interior [Hoke Smith] which ac- 
tion I believe he will recommend in a few days.'- 

Worried about patronage for Wyoming, Coffeen de- 
cided to send Cleveland some excerpts of letters he had 
received regarding political affairs in the new state. Quot- 
ing from Ben Sheldon, Chairman of the Democratic Cen- 
tral Committee of Fremont County, Coffeen explained 
that Wyoming Democrats wondered why the adminis- 
tration had been so "negligent of Wyoming and its stand- 
ing. Unless things change in Wyoming we as a party will 
be wiped out of existence in the next election." Coffeen 
further pointed out that Democrats had become the laugh- 
ing stock of the entire "Republican gang" and "Cheyenne 
mob." Although he exhorted the people to exercise pa- 
tience he complained that the procrastination could not 
last much longer. 

How shall ...explain to them ? I have about ex- 
hausted m\ resources.... I trust you will at once ap- 

■ ■ 

1 poiiu ...officers ...and remove the present incumbents, 



Coffeen's House in Sheridan, 1994 



.J3 30. Coffeen to Cleveland, 14 September 1893, Cleveland Papers. 

^ 31. Coffeen to Cleveland, 25 September 1893, Cleveland Papers. 

32. Coffeen to Cleveland, 8 November 1893, Cleveland Papers; Also, Coffeen to 
Cleveland, 7 July 1894, Cleveland Papers. 



Wyoming Annals 




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Fall 1994 



even' one of whom are not only bitter and offensive 
partisans but more or less deeply involved in the 
conspiracies fostered by the State Republican gang 
against the welfare of our frontier settlements.... 
These matters are vital to the welfare of our people 
and state as well as to our party. "'' 

Coffeen was not alone in his requests for patron 
age. Governor Osborne also pleaded with Cleve- 
land to expedite the selection process. ""Unless 
we receive merited recognitions at an early date," he cau- 
tioned the president, 

ffear that it will be too late, since our party 
leaders are at present almost completely discour- 
aged, and are only buoyed up by the hope, that those 
to whom they must look for relief will be brought to 
a realizing sense of our deplorable condition before 
it is too late. "'"' 

In addition to Coffeen and Osborne, A. L. New, chair- 
man of the Democratic State Central Committee and de- 
scendant of a prominent Indiana family, pressured Cleve- 
land on the matter of patronage. In an endeavor to obtain 
political plums for worthy Wyomingites and increase his 
power in the state. New, who failed in his quest to gain a 
United States Senate seat, emphasized in a message to 
Cleveland that he thought it "'the duty of all loyal Demo- 
crats to sustain and co-operate with our President."'" 
Coffeen supported Thompson for U.S. District Attorney 
and McDermott for Marshal, but New denounced them 
as unpopular men who would have a tendency to disinte- 
grate the party.'" Instead, New preferred Andrew 
McMicken for District Attorney and John S.Haiper of 
Sundance for Marshal.'' New surmised that Coffeen en- 
dorsed the men solely to discharge some personal obliga- 
tion.'^ In any case, Cleveland chose Coffeen's men for 
these appointments, although both New and Coffeen 
agreed on Peiry Bickford for Surveyor General. 

While New professed to be working with Coffeen on 
the distribution of offices he was, in fact, actively engaged 
in clandestine maneuvers to stab Coffeen politically in 
the back. The ubiquitous chairman, caught in the middle 
by the vexatious currency issue, lumped Coffeen with the 
"silver fanatics," informing the chief executive of the 
Congressman's sympathies for the white metal.'" Assur- 
ing Cleveland that he was the president's "devoted friend," 
New confidentially chastised Coffeen as one possessing 
'"Populist tendencies" who had ""seen fit to put himself on 
record adverse to the Administration."'*" A tenacious com- 
petitor. New had no qualms about his methods or con- 
duct and seemed perfectly willing to sacrifice Coffeen to 
further his own ambitions. Coffeen played the game dif- 
ferently. He thought Cleveland disappointingly slow in 
making decisions on political posts and that the delay and 



obfuscation cost Democrats dearly, keeping the party in 
Wyoming tied in knots. In this assessment Coffeen dem- 
onstrated more astute judgment and less rebarbative be- 
havior than New. 

The whole patronage affair exhibited a troubling pat- 
tern of ethical sloppiness and personal mishandling. Most 
of it was self-inflicted by jealous Wyoming Democrats 
more interested in demonstrating loyalty to Cleveland 
than in working together for the common good of party 
and state. The distrust and bickering resulted in an un- 
necessary division of party responsibility and unruly fac- 
tionalism in a state that could ill-afford shenanigans that 
weakened its resolve in negotiations with Cleveland. 
Throbbing with intrigue and suspicion, the bungling epi- 
sode became politically burdensome, confusing and en- 
tangling to the administration. 

Although Coffeen disagreed with Cleveland over the 
timing of political appointments for Wyoming and urged 
the chief executive to respond more quickly, in 1893 he 
found an issue of even greater importance that further 
strained his relationship with the national administration. 
The currency issue had long plagued politicians of both 
parties. By the terms of the Coinage Act of 1 873 the stan- 
dard silver dollar had been demonetized or omitted from 
the coinage despite the increase in silver production re- 
sulting from new discoveries in the West. Silverites, 
charging that a gold conspiracy existed, demanded the 
free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the 
ratio of sixteen to one. The Sherman Silver Purchase Act 
of 1890, a compromise between western silverites and 
eastern conservatives, required the Treasury to purchase 
4,500,000 ounces of silver each month at the prevailing 
market price and to issue in payment legal tender notes 
redeemable in gold or silver at the option of the Treasury 
Secretary. The act signed by President Hamson had the 
effect of increasing circulation of redeemable paper cur- 
rency and weakening the federal gold reserve while the 
nation was still officially on a bimetal standard. Not only 
did it fail to placate free coinage advocates, it also wor- 
ried financial groups who feared silver inflation. 



33. Coffeen to Cleveland, 14 September 1893, Cleveland Papers. In his letter 
Sheldon issued a blunt u'arning to Coffeen who, in turn, incorporated it into his 
message of September 14 to Cle\'eland; 

IhavciilzcaysbeeureadytvuiwiUnigtoworkearly and late for the success of the partif 
and presumed ias 1 had a right to} tJiat when we were successful 'we loould receive some 
oftlw benefits, but in this supposition it appears 1 was at fault.... With tlie failure of the 
Administration to extend any help in the ivay of appointments and the apparent dislike 
that shows so plain in every action in Washington we in Wyoming are getting the worst 
end of the string.... I do not desire you to think that any one blames you for this state of 
affairs as we all understand here that you have done all in your power to avert such a 
condition. 

34. John E. Osborne to Cle\'eland, 12 January 1894, Cleveland Papers. 

35. A. L. New to Cleveland, August 19, 1893, Clroeland Papers. 

36. New to Cleveland, 30 September 1893, Cleveland Papers. 

37. New to Cleveland, 22, 27 September 1893, Cleveland Papers. 

38. New to Cleveland, 27 September 1893, Cleveland Papers. 

39. New to Cleveland, 11 August 1893, Cleveland Papers. 



Wyoming Annals 



President Cleveland opposed the Sherman Silver Pur- 
chase Act. After the Panic of 1 893 he sought to stem the 
drain on gold reserves and summoned Congress into spe- 
cial session to repeal the 1890 law. The bitter struggle 
over revocation involved a prolonged debate in the House 
and a lengthy filibuster in the Senate which cost the presi- 
dent dearly in political leverage.^' 

Coffeen favored free coinage, a position which put 
him at odds with the sound money Cleveland adminis- 
tration. During the House debate over repeal Coffeen 
enunciated his support of free silver and his opposition 
to repeal. On August 23, 1893, he put his thoughts on 
record in a speech before his House colleagues. 



The measure before the House clearly bring 
before us the question of bimetallism or 
gold monometallism, f favor the use of 
both gold and silver freely coined into 
the standard money of our coun- 
try. . . . This present attack on silver 
is by the same forces practically - i 
the gold power- that invaded our ' 
halls in the interest of money deal- 
ers before, in J 873, although now 
they come not stealthily as then. 
The monarchies and monetary 
agencies of Europe, as well as theii 
allies in Wall Street, are now back 
this effort here and trying to fasten upon 
our people the gold standard ...impoverish 
ing our industries and enslaving our people.... 
Monometallism and the centralizing gold standard 
is the choice of weapon of monarchies. Bimetal- 
lism is the money basis of free countries and their 
protection against the tyrannies ofshylocks and toll- 
gatherers.''' 

Coffeen's arguments covered a wide range of topics. 
He railed against plutocracy, claiming that it was against 
democracy. Coffeen denounced the "treachery of gold," 



<:^S 




40. New to Cleveland, 5 September 1893, Cleveland Papers. Also, New and 
Coffeen to Hoke Smith, 7 August 1893, Appointmeut Papers, Cheyenne Land 
Office, Department of the Interior, National Archives, Washington, DC; New to 
Cleveland, 31 October 1893, Wyoiniii;^ Appointment Papers, Department of Jus- 
tice, National Archives; New to John G. Carlisle, 1 June 1893, Appointment Papers, 
Colorado Collector of Internal Revenue, Department of the Treasury, National 
Archives. In June, 1893 Cleveland named New the Collector of Internal Revenue 
for Colorado and Wyoming. See New to Daniel S. Lamont, 20 June 1893, Daniel 
S. Lamont Papers, Division of Manuscripts, Library of Congress. 

41. Studies of Cleveland and Democrats in the 18905 include Allan Nevins, 
Grover Cleveland A Study in Courage (New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 
1933); Horace Samuel Merrill, Bourbon Leader: Groz'er Cleveland and the Demoeratie 
Party (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1957); and J. Rogers Hollingsworth, 
The Whirligig of Politics: The Democracy of Cleveland and Bryan {Chicago: Univer- 
sity of Chicago Press, 1963). 

42. Congressional Record, 53rd Cong., 1st sess., 26 August 1893, XXV, Part 1, 
pp.627-32. 

43. Ibid. 

44. Ibid., 29 August 1893, pp.801-02. 

45. Coffeen to Cleveland, 15 January 1894, Cleveland Papers. 



listed fundamental monetary principles, discussed appre- 
ciation versus depreciation, contended that the value of 
money depended on volume, and provided charts and fig- 
ures to illustrate and substantiate his statements. Conclud- 
ing that free coinage was the reliable standard and the only, 
the Wyoming legislator declared that free coinage of both 
metals on the old ratios would "cure all evils," as he put it, 
and keep the monetary system substantially free from fluc- 
tuations.^' Coffeen's argument was to no avail. On August 
28, 1 893, the House voted 239 to 108 to rescind the Shennan 
Silver Purchase Act. Although Cleveland won, his victory 
split the Democratic party, foreshadowing the division that 
would occur three years later. 

In spite of fundamental differences in 1893 over 
patronage and currency legislation, Coffeen 
endeavored to maintain loyalty to the 
Cleveland administration. By late 1893 
he recognized that his political prob- 
lems back home had multiplied and 
that various Democrats were 
.scheming to undermine his influ- 
ence in Washington. In January, 
1 894, Coffeen sent the president a 
letter in which he revealed that 
former territorial governor and In- 
vasion supporter George W. Baxter, 
and A. C. Campbell, who had disliked 
Coffeen since the 1889 constitutional 
convention, were "trying to damage my 
credit as a Democrat and representative of the 
only Democracy in Wyoming that can command any in- 
fluence there." The Congressman made clear that he and 
Governor Osborne were "trying to uphold your adminis- 
tration together with the Democracy that elected us" but 
that Campbell and his cohorts were attempting to ridicule 
the administration before the public and that they were 
not the men who should be allowed to "sit in judgement 
upon my Democracy or political conduct."^' 

The same day Coffeen wrote to Henry T. Thurber, 
Cleveland's private secretary. The Congressman referred 
to Baxter, Campbell, New and their coterie as "reaction- 
ary democrats" who had been endeavoring to prejudice 
the president against "those of us who have been the con- 
stant and true as well as victorious exponents of Democ- 
racy in our state." He exhorted Thurber to convince Cleve- 
land "to give to our state the remaining Federal appoint- 
ments that are so greatly needed to save the state to De- 
mocracy."'**' Months later Coffeen reminded Cleveland that 



Above : campaign button, unidentified, Wyoming State 

Museum. Photo by Craig Pindell 



Fall 1994 



39 



the handful of "so called Democrats" in Wyoming who 
were fomenting trouble against the administration had 
political points to gain through other than regular and re- 
liable democratic means/' 

By 1 894 Coffeen turned his attention to the tariff ques- 
tion. The 1892 Democratic platform included an attack on 
Republican protection as a fraud and robbery of the major- 
ity of the people for the benefit of a few. Condemning the 
McKinley Tariff of 1890 as "the culminating atrocity legis- 
lation," Democrats pledged to reduce duties and reform tariff 
laws."** In response to Cleveland's annual message. Con- 
gress reconvened to consider tariff reform. Representative 
William L. Wilson, a West Virginia Democrat who chaired 
the powerful House Ways and Means Committee, intro- 
duced a tariff for revenue only, with basic raw materials 
such as wool, coal, lumber and iron ore being on the free 
list. Wilson called it "a battle for human freedom. "■*'' 

Debate on the Wilson bill opened in the House on 
January 9. 1894. and Coffeen delivered his speech in fa- 
vor of the measure on January 30. He pointed out that 
"the whole subject of tariff debate and tariff legislation 
has been going on for years in a mistaken direction that 
leads ever to great confusion." Urging his colleagues to 
put the interests of the nation above their own sectional 
or partisan desires, Coffeen defined a statesman as one 
who does all he can for his people while a politician does 
all he can for himself. The Congressman also distin- 
guished between a revenue tariff and high protection- 
ism. He labeled the former as "the raising of funds for 
the Government, which is a legitimate function of gov- 
ernmental power" while the purpose of the latter was "pro- 
tecting manufacturers in their wrenching prices and prof- 
its from all the people who are made tributary to them by 
force of law. This use of the power of taxation is illegiti- 
mate and unjust." Democrats wanted to establish justice 
and secure the weak against the encroachments of the 
strong, while plutocratic Republicans preferred to reverse 
these fundamental principles by protecting the strong, 
fleecing the weak and establishing injustice by law. "This 
is legalized robbery," thundered Coffeen.'" 

Coffeen"s speech was noteworthy in several respects. 
First, he saw in the country a great contest between the 
oppressors and their victims. Second, he believed that 
millions of dollars could be saved by tariff reductions 
which would also emancipate wage earners from the serf- 
dom of tariff-protected trusts and monopoHes. Third, he 
hit hard at various groups and individuals. He castigated 
"the tariff barons" of the New England states, excoriated 
former Congressman William McKinley of Ohio as the 
"Napoleon of protection" and for foisting "McKinleyism" 
on the nation, and he criticized former President Hairison. 
Finally, on the question of whether or not tariff restric- 
tions could diversify industry, Coffeen answered with a 
resounding negative response. 



You cannot diversifi- and strengthen the onward 
march of industry by artificial restrictions or trade 
limitations. You can scatter, confuse, and weaken 
the progress of industry by tariff' interferences, b\ 
limitations and restrictions upon trade, but cannot 
strengthen or diversify" 

Attached to the Wilson bill was a provision for a 
graduated income tax, a key plank in the 1892 
Populist Party Platform. Support for the tax gained 
widespread support among western and southern repre- 
sentatives.'- The income tax proposition, authored by Ten- 
nessee Democrat Benton McMillan, provided for a tax of 
two per cent on incomes above four thousand dollars, ef- 
fective until January 1, 1900. For many the income tax 
provided the moral ammunition to fight "the conspiracy of 
Wall and Lombard Streets."^' Southern and western advo- 
cates argued that under this law the farmer would no longer 
be forced to bear such a heavy taxation burden. 

Coffeen wholeheartedly appro\ed of the graduated in- 
come tax. In his January 30, 1894. speech he declared that 
"a light tax falling on those most able to bear taxation" could 
not "possibly cause any suffering nor disturbance of busi- 
ness." Moreover, an income tax would be more cheaply 
collected than internal revenue or tariff duties." He added: 
"Let the strong help bear the burdens for the weak, ought to 
be good political doctrine in a Christian nation. Who would 
not prefer a light tax on the abundance or ability of people, 
rather than a heavy tax on the want and inability of the 
poor?" Coffeen then listed twelve reasons why he supported 
adoption of the income tax and why a graduated income 
tax should be approved as a permanent way of paying the 
necessary expenses of the federal government. Basically, 
he thought that it was a "fair and flexible method of taxa- 
tion, easily adjusted to needs of government, and simple in 
its operation." It would reverse the Republican doctrine of 
taxing the many for the benefit of the few, and it recog- 
nized the principle that "all ought to contribute to the sup- 
port of the Government according to their ability to pay." 
Coffeen's final two reasons for endorsing the income tax 
neatly summarize his outlook as a Gilded Age Democrat 
and western politician: 

It is a wise move considered politically, so- 
cially, or morally, and will tend to show the discour- 
aged workers in evety field ofactivit}- that the Gov- 
ernment under Democratic administrations has due 
regard for their welfare. It is just and equitable, and 
let justice be done, that a government of the people, 
by the people, and for the people may long endure 
upon the earth, and prove that the Congress here 
assembled in the year J 894 can do some good work 
toward redeeming the overburdened and discouraged 
people of our land from the organized greed and 
cunning avarice of the money power.^'' 



Wyoming Annals 




William McKinley and his wife 



Coffeen's distrust of "the organized greed and cunning 
avarice of the money power" constituted his fundamental 
philosophy in the 1890s and represented the foundation 
upon which he served his constituents while in Congress. 

The Wilson bill, with the income tax provision, passed 
the House of Representatives on Febniary 1 . 1 894 by a vote 
of 204 to 140. Coffeen voted for the measure, but eighteen 
Democrats registered their opposition. The Senate over the 
next five months emasculated the measure by adding 634 
amendments that destroyed the bilFs original character. 
Senators from both paities sought to protect the industries 
of their respective states, resulting in a mangled measure 
that shortened the free list. Representative Champ Clark of 
Missouri protested that the proposal had been "chopped into 
mincemeat" by that "nauseous mess" of protective amend- 
ments.'^ Coffeen denounced the multiplicity of selfish in- 
terests that had altered the original bill and voided the Demo- 
cratic pledge of reform. A disgusted Cleveland, who depre- 
cated the incorporation of the income tax proposal, refused 
to sign the finished act thereby permitting the measure to 
become law on August 28 without his signature. The presi- 
dent also wrote a blistering letter to Congressman Wilson 
attacking protectionist Democratic senators who in his opin- 
ion had committed "party perfidy and party dishonor""' 

The tariff imbroglio was a discouraging moment for 
Coffeen. He maintained that the people in 1892 had 
charged the Democrats to reform the tariff. Although he 
disliked the Senate version, he denounced the Republi- 
cans more than protectionist Democrats for the result. 
Coffeen promised that the work would go on until all trusts 
were subjugated and that this was but the first battle for 
tariff reform. Concluding that the Wilson-Gorman Tariff 
of 1 894 was superior to the McKinley Tariff of 1 890 and 



that Democrats had taken the coirect initial step, Coffeen 
said on August 13: 

fngagedfor many years in [Wyoming] as a mer- 
chant, I feel safe in saying that the family of 
average size and habits of life use such quan- 
tity of woolen goods that the reduction of tariff tax 
on these goods alone from 98 per cent under the 
McKinley law to 41 per cent under this Democratic 
bill will save from $50 to $100 to each average fam- 



46. Coffeen to Thurber, 15 January 18^4, Cleveland PafhTi. 

47. Coffeen to Cleveland, 7 July 1894, Clcvclivid Papers. 

48. Kirk H. Porter (comp.), Nnlional Pniii/ Plntforms (New li'ork: The Macmillan 
Company, 1924), p.l61. See also William L. Wilson, "The Tariff Plank at Chi- 
cago," Till- North Americnii Review, CLV (September, 1892):280-86. 

49. Cmiiirefiional Record, 53rd Cong., 2nd sess., 1 February 1894, \XV1, Part 9, 
p205. 

50. Ilvd., 4 February 1894, XXVI, Part 4. pp.2149-56. 

51. Ibid. 

52. Lmdley M. Keasbey, "The New Sectionalism: A Western Warning to the 
East," Vie Forum, XVI (January, 1894):578-87. 

53. William Vincent Allen, "Western Feeling Towards the East," The North 
American Review, CLXII (May, 1896):588-93. 

54. Congressional Record, 53rd Cong., 2nd sess., 4 February 1894, XXVI, Part 4, 
pp. 2154-55. 

55. Champ Clark, My Qnarler Centuni of American Politics, 2 \ols. (New York: 
Harper & Brothers, Publishers, 1920), 1. pp. 337-38; Festus P. Summers, William 
L Wilson and Tariff Reform (New- Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers Uni\'ersitv 
Press, 1953), pp. 175-86: Edward Stanwood, American Tariff Controversies in the 
Nineteenth Century, 2 vols. (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1903), II, 
pp. 308-56. 

56. Cleveland to William L. Wilson, 2 July 1894, Cleveland Papers. Under Chief 
Justice Melville W. Fuller the Supreme Court, in the 1895 case of Pollock v. 
Fanners' Loan and Trust Company, held that the income tax provision of the 1894 
tariff was unconstitutional. 



Fali- 1994 



41 




Richard Collier. SHPO 



View of Main Street in Stieridan lool<ing nortli from corner of Loucl<s and Main. The hiistoric Coffeen Block is 
located beneath the facade of the contemporary Uptown-Downtown Mall building at right, 1994. 



;7v. Eve j-y family in the State will receive the ben- 
efits of this reduction, even though a few wool-grow- 
ers may lose something on the price of wool.... This 
hill will he a great victoiyfor the conmu>n people of 
our countiy.... The Democracy is essential to the 
presen'cition of free institutions and libert}' of the 
individual on the American continent: and our Demo- 
cratic party will go on recovering from its mistakes 
aiul overcoming the treacheiy of its enemies by the 
very instincts of the party and genius of its name 
and righteousness of its principles until the money 
power and bond and gold standard forces are over- 
thrown and the rights of evejy man, woman, and child 
are reestablished again in this countn\ without any 
further intolerable tribute to either the gold barons 
or tariff barons of the Atlantic coast.^^ 

Disappointments over the repeal of the Sherman Act 
and protective amendments wedded to the Wilson bill 



compounded Coffeen's difficulties as a first term congress- 
man from Wyoming. Constituents began to ask how he 
could continue defending the Cleveland administration. 
Calling the demonetization of silver in 1 873 "the crime 
of the age," Coffeen replied that the Democratic party, 
regardless of its current leader, was "the true bimetallic 
and silver party." while Republicans were "the gold stan- 
dard and bond-issue party." He assured people: "The next 
step before the great party of the people, after having so 
promptly overthrown the citadels of the high-tariff bar- 
ons is to turn now upon the citadels of the money power." 
According to Coffeen, Wall Street was the problem. He 
noted that every Republican president since Ulysses S. 
Grant had been against free coinage and that they had 
been joined in Congress by Republicans and "cuckoo 
Democrats." Coffeen, who labeled himself an "antirepeal 
bill Democrat," tried to defend Cleveland: 

/ iun deeply regretting the present Executive 



Wyoming Annals 




J E Stimson Collection, Wyoming State Museum 



View of Main Street lool<ing nortti, Sheridan. Wye, 1910 



[Cleveland] also has fol- 
lowed in that same line, 
and I believe they are all 
wrong. But it is not pos- 
sible for any man to re- 
publicanize the Demo- 
cratic party on the silver 
question. The Republi- 
can party is still respon- 
sible for demonetizing 
silver and keeping it de- 
monetized so far If we 
have a Chief Executive 
today that is against sil- 
ver and holding to the 
gold standard Republi- 
cans, it is but a temporaiy and political accident of 
the times. It is but what might naturally be expected 
to happen to the Democratic party ...if they go into 




New York to find presidential candidates. Sur- 
rounded by all the glittering temptations and pluto- 
cratic powers and policies of Wall Street, and taught 
purely from their standpoint, we need not look for 
any true Democracy on the money question from that 
quarter of the countiy. It is full of adherents to the 
European money power... Neither upon them [so- 
called congressional Democrats] nor the President 
would I charge dishonesty, but they are wrong on 
these questions. The Democratic party in the inte- 
rior and in the great and rising West, and in the 
South ...is right and will stand ...by the free and un- 
limited coinage of both gold and silver.-^ 

Another issue of concern to westerners in 1894 was 
that of irrigation and arid lands. Coffeen delivered a sig- 



57. Congressional Record. 53rd Cong., 2nd sess., 24 August 1894, XXVI, Part 18, 
pp. 10345-49. 

58. Wid. 



Fall 1994 



43 



nificant speech on the subject in the House on August 
15. Affirming that government-supported irrigation could 
be a source of revenue. Coffeen demanded congressional 
appropriations to purchase a site and then erect a govern- 
ment building in Cheyenne for the accommodation of fed- 
eral business. He then wanted the federal government to 

enter upon the reclaniation of the avid lands of 
the West, and for the time being control the distribu- 
tion of the reclaimed lands to the actual settlers.... 
We should not be denied justice for our States in the 
West because our population is small. We ore grow- 
ing in the West, and sooner or later we will be able 
to nuike our power felt more strongly than now in 
the Halls of Congress.... So long as I shall be sent to 
represent Wyoming on this floor I shall work and 
vote against all measures that would in any maimer 
permit land-holding corporations to come between 
the people and the ownership of land so necessary 
to their welfare and the safety of our Republic... 
There is an undeveloped empire sleeping in the West 
and awaiting the touch of wisdom and strength to 
awake it and call it into a life of beauty and gran- 
deur.... You call it a desert now; but then the desert 
shall blossom as the rose and the waving fields of 
yellow grain and the fatteiung cattle on a thousand 
hills shall be the heritage of our children in the great 
ami farther West of the future.-'^ 

In 1 894 Coffeen sought seek re-election to another two- 
year term in the House. During his service in Congress he 
had secured the passage of a bill establishing a federal court 



59. Ibid., 28 August 1894, pp. 10421-26. Also, Henry A. Coffeen, The Irngntkvi 
Problem: Should the Arid Lands be Ceded to the Stntes? (Washington: Congressional 
Printing Office, 1894). The Carey Act was passed on August 18, 1894 and 
authorized the president to grant each pubHc lands state a maximum of one 
million acres within its boundaries for irrigation, reclamation, cultivation and 
settlement. It was named for Joseph M. Carey, Wyoming Senator from 1890 to 
1895 and Governor of Wyoming from 1911 to i915. See George W. Paulson, "The 
Congressional Career of Joseph Maul! Carey, "/lim«/so/' Wi/onim^ij XXXV (1963);53- 
63, and Betsy R. Peters, "Joseph M. Carey and the Progressive Movement in 
Wyommg" Ph.D. dissertation (Laramie: University of Wyoming, 1971). Wyo- 
ming was the first state to accept the government's offer under this law. Coffeen, 
who endorsed most of the ideas incorporated into the act, suspected that land 
syndicates and powerful cattlemen wanted to use it for their own benefit. See 
Larson, History of Wyoming, p.303. An era of rapid settlement commenchig in the 
1880s resulted in a 300 per cent increase in V\/yoming's population withm ten 
years. The federal census of 1890 listed the state's population as 62,555. Wi/omi}ig 
A Guide to its History, Highzvays, and People (New York: Oxford University Press, 
1956), p. 74; T. A. Larson, Wi/oming: A Bicentennial History (New York: W.W. 
Norton & Company, 1977), p. 100. 

60. Rawlins Republican, 13 September 1894; Gould, Wyoming, pp. 199-200. 

61. This subject has been covered in Carlos A. Schwantes, Coxei/'s Armi/: An 
American Odyssey (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1985). 

62. Books on the Pullman Strike include Almont Lindsey, The Pullman Strike: The 
Story of a Unique Experiment and of a Great Labor Llpheai'al (Chicago: University of 
Chicago Press, 1942); William H. Carwardine, The Pullman Strike, 4th ed. (Chi- 
cago: Published by C.H. Kerr for the Illinois Labor History Society, 1973). 

63. Warren to T. A. Kent, 16 June 1894, Warren Papers. Also, Gould, Wi/oming, 
ppA93-94 arMi Larson, History of Wyoming, pp.295-9S. 

64. New to Cleveland, 27 September 1894, Cleveland Papers; New to Cleveland, 
16 July 1894, 15 August 1894, Cleveland Papers. 



in Sheridan, advocated free coinage of silver and gold with- 
out an international agreement, supported tariff reform, 
endorsed a graduated income tax and fought for patronage. 
Coffeen was justifiably proud in serving as a spokesman 
for the West. Relegated to relatively unimportant commit- 
tees and holding office during a sound money administra- 
tion that disavowed most of his positions. Coffeen must 
have felt frustrated at times in his inability to accomplish 
many of his goals. Wyoming residents desperately wanted 
federal aid but Coffeen belonged to a Congress which, in 
an era of hard times, kept tight purse strings. As a result he 
encountered enormous obstacles in trying to obtain projects 
and subsidies for the region."" Moreover, a series of swift- 
moving events in two years had dramatically turned the 
tide against the Democracy. 

The year 1 894 was not a good one for Democratic 
office holders. The nation was in the midst of a 
severe depression that had begun with the Panic 
of 1 893. Legions of unemployed workers contributed to 
the national malaise. Ohio Populist Jacob S. Coxey gath- 
ered scattered groups of jobless men during the winter of 
1 893 and 1 894 for a march on Washington to demand a 
public works relief program of road construction and lo- 
cal improvements."' The Pullman Strike called by the 
American Railway Union under the leadership of Eugene 
V. Debs occuned in the summer of 1 894. When violence 
broke out President Cleveland, over the protest of Illinois 
Governor John Peter Altgeld, sent federal troops to re- 
store order."- It seemed as if political protest, economic 
distress and social tension had gripped the nation. An 
unpopular chief executive, losing control of his party, 
remained virtually closeted in the White House. Wyo- 
ming suffered as did other sections of the country during 
the Depression. Francis E. Warren, former governor and 
senator, whose personal business failed, painted a bleak 
picture when he reported empty stores, quiet business 
streets, and unpainted houses in Cheyenne."^ 

Ominous signs in Wyoming indicated that national 
problems had infiltrated state politics, placing regional 
Democrats in a precarious position. "The Wyoming De- 
mocracy .seems to have utterly gone to pieces," A.L. New 
related in a portentous letter to Cleveland, "and unless 
heroic measures are adopted there will be not the remot- 
est chance of any kind of a victory for the Democracy." 
New elaborated on how a "gang of disorganizers" had 
concocted a systematic and determined scheme to betray 
the Democratic state ticket into the hands of the enemy 
whom he identified as "the land steal and cattle ring ad- 
vocates." He emphasized that he had been in the right 
from start to finish and could not foresee the slightest 
chance for anything excepting an overwhelming defeat."'' 
In addition to his association with the Cleveland ad- 
ministration, several other factors put Coffeen's re-elec- 



Wyoming Annals 



tion in jeopardy. These problems mounted as the year 
1894 progressed. First, the Congressman's vote for free 
wool in the Wilson-Gorman Tariff angered Wyoming 
sheepraisers who wanted protection from foreign com- 
petition. Second, Coffeen's waning popularity nosedived 
in July when news broke of a scandal involving Perry 
Bickford. the person he wanted for Surveyor General. A 
Laramie sexagenarian with a wife and family, Bickford 
used his position to support a Cheyenne prostitute who 
committed suicide. Republicans quickly exploited the 
issue but Coffeen pleaded with Cleveland, whose use of 
patronage had divided Wyoming Democrats, to suspend 
rash judgments on the case and to remember that "...a 
few reactionary democrats" had "political points to gain 
through other than regular and reliable democratic 
means. "''■'^ Third, groups of roving unemployed men 
started capturing trains in the West in a plan to travel to 
Washington to present their grievances. Train stealing in 
the West, coming on the heels of the Pullman Strike, con- 
vinced many in Wyoming that social upheaval had tran- 
spired under the Democrats and that restoration of law 
and order was necessary.^" Finally, Wyoming Populists 
hoping to win on their own refused to accept fusion with 
the Democrats in 1 894 because of Cleveland's anti-silver 
and anti-Populist policies. This anti-fusion attitude de- 
livered still another setback to Coffeen and his plan to 
retain a House seat.*^ 

The beleaguered Coffeen encountered additional ob- 
stacles in 1894. At the Democratic State Convention in 
August, A.L. New's blocking of a resolution condemn- 
ing the Cleveland administration sharpened differences 
among intraparty factions.'''* Coffeen obtained renomina- 
tion without opposition or enthusiasm at the convention 
but he had to carry heavy baggage during the campaign. 
In the past he had the support of John F. Carroll, editor of 
the Cheyenne Daily Leader, a Democratic newspaper. 
Frustrated by Coffeen's treatment of Wyoming Democrats, 
Carroll shifted his allegiance, defecting to the Republi- 
cans. Although the newspaper became independent, 
Carroll concentrated his wrath on Coffeen and his alleged 
disservices to Wyoming.'''' Moreover, in September the army 
closed Fort McKinney at Buffalo after Coffeen helped in- 
fluence Secretary of War Daniel S. Lamont to move the 
fort to Sheridan. The astute Francis E. Warren, Wyoming 
Republican senator ( 1 89 1 - 1 893, 1 895- 1 929 ) considered the 
relocation a mistake. "It has long been known by men of 
sense," he noted, "that to intimate to the War Department a 
desire to change the location of a post, or to cut down a 
reservation, is to invite its destruction."™ 

On election day November 6, 1 894, Coffeen ex- 
perienced a resounding defeat. His Republican 
opponent, Franklin W. Mondell, Newcastle 
mayor, miner and oilman, overwhelmed him 10,068 votes 



to 6,152. Populist candidate 
Shakespeare E. Sealey received 
2.906 votes. ^' Even the com- 
bined Democratic-Populist vote 
registered below Mondell's to- 
tal. Mondell carried all Wyo- 
ming counties except two: 
Johnson, which Coffeen won by 
six votes, and Sheridan, which 
went to its favorite son by 
twenty-one votes. Other Demo- 
crats fared as badly as Coffeen. 
Republicans William A. 
Richards. Charles W. Burdick 
and William 0. Owen were 
elected Governor, Secretary of 
State, and State Auditor, respec- 
tively. Moreover, Republicans 
swamped the Democratic oppo- 
sition in the state legislature by 
taking 48 of 55 seats. 

The Democratic drubbing in 
Wyoming mirrored off-year con- 
gressional results across the na- 
tion. The Republican revolution 
cost Democrats 113 seats in the 
House and five in the Senate, en- 
abling the GOP to control the 
House with 244 members to 1 04 
Democrats, of whom many were 
southerners. Moreover, in 24 
states Democrats failed to elect 
a single person to the lower 
chamber. Republican gains rep- 
resented the largest turnover 
since the Civil War.^- The GOP 
resurgence in 1 894 signaled a po- 



65. Coffeen to Cleveland, 27 July 1894, Cleve- 
land PiipK'fs; Perry Bickford to Cleveland, 5 
January 1895, Cleveltjjid Papers; Gould, IVi/o- 
miiig, pp. 213-14. 

66. The overriding issues in 1894 were eco- 
nomic. For an excellent account of the 1894 
campaign in Wyoming see Gould, Wi/onuiig, 
pp. 193-229. 

67. Warren to J. S. Clarkson, 13 October 1894, 
Warren Papers; Gould, Wi/onung, p. 215. 

68. Ibiii. Also, Denver Roek\f Mountain News, 
10 August 1894, 






Above: Frank Mondell 

Middle: Charles Burdick 

Bottom: W.O. Owen, 1927 



69. Van Devanter to J. W. Babcock, September ZO, 1894, Van Devanter Papers; 
Gould, Wyoming, pp. 217-18; New to Cleveland, 27 September 1894, Cleveland 
Papers; Hunton to John F. Carroll, 27 September 1894, Hiinton Papers. 

70. Letters of Warren to Fred Bond, C. H. Parmelee, and E. H. Smock, 22 
September 1894, Warren Papers; Gould, Wyoming, p. 216. 

71. Erwin, Wi/oming Historieal Blue Book, p. 1184. 



Fall 1994 



45 



litical realignment that for the most part would last until 
the Great Depression of the 1930s.^' 

Following the election Coffeen was a lame duck con- 
gressman. In February, 1895 he delivered his last 
major addresses before the House on the subjects 
of debts, bond issues, the misery of depression-engulfed 
people and the currency question. Coffeen emphasized 
that "instead of relief for the country our cuckoo Demo- 
crats, by following the demonetizing Republicans, have 
brought our country to the lowest prices on record on our 
great and staple products."^"* He queried why Americans 
should follow the Republicans "in 
their mad career after the gold stan- 
dard."^' Coffeen claimed that gold 
monometallism was a failure, that 
Americans would not tolerate much 
longer the crisis of confidence that 
had long plagued them, and with a 
stern reprimand recalled Abraham 
Lincoln's prophecy about the dan- 
gers of big business: "So, now, ye 
Republican jumping jacks operated 
by a Wall street string, and ye 
Democratic cuckoos, ever anxious 
to call out the plausible sophist- 
ries of the money power, take warning in time."^^ His 
words, except for their antique flavor, have a familiar ring 
one hundred years later. 

We must prove ourselves men and patriots and 
true to the trust the people have placed in our hands.... 
From what I have witnessed ...I must conclude that it 
is exceedingly dijficult for many ...but ...arises from 
either ignorance or cowardice. No others will sur- 
render to this money power in this great crisis. Stand, 
then, for your people and the right. '''' 

And 1 shall close with a warning and a chal- 
lenge to the money power that if it shall not curb its 
selfishness and greed and realize that its votaries 
are but part of the great struggling mass of human- 
ity ...then the people must rise up, and, if need be. 



crush their enemies by whatever means are lawful 
in defense of the life and libert}' of this country and 
its people. ''" 

Upon his return to Sheridan in 1895 Coffeen resumed 
an active role in the community. An avid reader whose 
library contained numerous volumes, Coffeen sought to 
advance education and learning. He rented halls in Sheridan, 
paid for his own lectures and delivered some seminars.™ 

Even though he was retired from politics Coffeen took 
an active interest in the presidential campaign of 1896 
and the free silver crusade, a milestone in the conflict 
between agrarian and industrial America. At the Demo- 



The Aquarian Gospel 



0/ 



Jesus the Christ 



TAe Philosophic and Practical Basis of the Religion 

of the Aquarian Age of the If^or^d and 

of the Church Universal 

TRANSCRIBED FROM THE BOOK OF GODS 
REMEMBRANCES, KNOWN AS THE AKASHIC RECORDS. 



LEVI 



cratic National Convention in Chi- 
cago that July, Wyoming's six del- 
egates voted unanimously on the 
first ballot for free-silverite Sena- 
tor Joseph C. S. Blackburn of Ken- 
tucky. On the second tally their 
vote went to William Jennings 
Bryan of Nebraska, and they re- 
mained loyal to the former con- 
gressman through the next four 
ballots which culminated in his 
presidential nomination."" The 
Wyoming delegation also voted to 
ostracize the Cleveland administra- 
tion and endorse a free silver platform. Wyoming's C. 
W. BruiTiel secured a place on the Committee on Resolu- 
tions while William H. Holliday, the unsuccessful 1894 
gubernatorial candidate, served on the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Democratic National Committee. 

Although Coffeen was not one of Wyoming's three 
presidential electors in 1896, he would have relished the 
role. His good friend William Jennings Bryan, who also 
obtained the Populist Party's nomination for president, 
championed the same causes as Coffeen. Bryan had great 
respect for the Wyoming Democrat and the two men of- 
ten conferred on strategy and issues while serving in Con- 
gress.'^' Bryan's nomination in 1896 disrupted the De- 
mocracy nationally but he carried Wyoming by 790 popu- 
lar votes over his Republican opponent William McKinley, 



72. Richard E. Welch, Jr., The Preshiencks ofGrovcr Cleivlaml (Lawrence: Univer- 
sity Press of Kansas, 1988), p.202; Walter D. Burnham, Prcsnicntinl Ballots, 1S36- 
1892 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1955), p. 155. 

73. James B. Weaver to William Jennings Bryan, 9 November 1894, WiUiam 
Jennings Bryan Papers, Division of Manuscripts, Library of Congress. Also, 
Joseph W. Babcock and Charles J. Faulkner, "The Meaning of the Elections," The 
North American Rcvieio, CLIX (December, 1894):742-54. 

74. Congressional Record, 53rd Cong., 3rd sess., 7 February 1895, XXVII, Part 4, 
p.237. 

75. Unit, 

7b. Ibid.. 8 January 1895, p. 94. 
77. Ihiil., p.87. 



78. Ibid., 6 February 1895, Part 3, p.l873; 25 January 1895, Part 2, pp.1385-88; 
Henry A. Coffeen, The Currency (Washington: Congressional Printing Office, 
1895). 

79. The Slieridan Post, 10 December 1912; The Wyoming Tribune, Cheyenne State 
Leader, 12 December 1912; The Laramie Republican, 11, 14 December 1912. 

80. William Jennings Bryan, The First Battle (Chicago: W. B. Conkey Company, 
1896), pp.214-18; Samuel Pasco of Florida to Cleveland, 15 April 1896, Cleveland 
Papers; Robert F. Durden, "The 'Cow-Bird' Grounded: The Populist Nomination 
of Bryan and Watson in 1896," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, L (Decem- 
ber, 1963):397-423. 

81. Laramie Daily Boomerang, 14 August 1896. The contest has been covered in 
Robert F. Durden, The Climax of Populism: The Election of 1896 (Lexington: 
University of Kentucky Press, 1966), and Stanley L. Jones, The Presidential 
Election of 1896 (Madison University of Wisconsin Press, 1964). 



Wyoming Annals 



a sound money Ohio Republican who won the election. " 
In Wyoming ex-Govemor Osborne defeated Congressman 
Mondell to regain Coffeen's former House seat for the 
Democrats.*-' Ironically Coffeen probably would have done 
better running for Congress in 1 896.**^ Moreover, had Bryan 
captured the presidential chair Coffeen no doubt would have 
received an administrative appointment. Both men saw 
silver as the paramount issue in 1896. For them it was a 
panacea and sacred dogma. Like Bryan, Coffeen not only 
excavated the money issue in all its ramifications but also 
embedded it within his own political experience. 

After Bryan's unsuccessful forays into presidential 
politics in 1896 and 1900, the return of prosperity under 
President McKinley, and the enactment of the Gold Stan- 
dard Act in 1900, Coffeen's interests moved in other di- 
rections. He spent his final years mostly in business and 
literary pursuits. In 1908 he wrote an introduction to 
The Aquarian Gospel of Jesus the Christ, a book on the 
philosophical and practical basis of religion.^"' He main- 
tained the copyright for that edition of the book whose 
author was Levi H. Dowling, an Ohio medical doctor, 
preacher and prohibitionist. From 1908 until 1911 
Coffeen served as a member of the University of Wyo- 
ming Board of Trustees. He died at Sheridan of a stroke 
on December 8, 1912, one month after the presidential 
triumph of Democrat Woodrow Wilson and three years 
before John B. Kendrick, who revived the Wyoming De- 
mocracy, occupied the governor's mansion.** Following 
funeral services Coffeen's body was interred in the 
Sheridan Cemetery.*^ 

Coffeen was a Gilded Age political figure committed 
to political, economic and social reform. He was in politi- 
cal philosophy a Jeffersonian Democrat who favored strict 
enforcement of laws regulating trusts and he exhibited a 
passion for helping people. He saw the income tax as a 
means to advance the common man and viewed free silver 
as a tool for economic justice and redistribution of the 
nation's wealth. Regrettably, however, he was not a con- 
summate politician and stumbled through the electoral 
minefields of 1894. In Congress Coffeen was a prophet 
without honor in his own party. The Wyoming vote of no 
confidence in Cleveland's leadership was also a negative 

82. Goldinger, Presidential Elections Since 1789, p. 110. 

83. Osborne, chairman of the Wyoming delegation to the Democratic National 
Convention in 1896, served in Congress until 1899. He was First Assistant 
Secretary of State under President Woodrow Wilson from 1913 to 1917. 

84. For information on the campaign of 1896 in Wyoming see Gould, Wyoming, 
pp.230-61. 

85. Levi H. Dowling, The Aquarian Gospel of Jesus the Christ (Los Angeles: Henry 
A. Coffeen and DeVorss & Company, 1908). 

86. Kendrick was Governor from 1915 to 1917 and United States Senator from 
1917 to 1933. 

87. The Sheridan Post, 10 December 1912. 

88. The Sheridan Enterprise, 11 December 1912. 



referendum on Coffeen. Fortunately, the Sheridan politi- 
cian was active in the Masons, Shriners and the Old Set- 
tlers' Club and reestablished much of his reputation during 
his post-congressional years. His loyalty to Wyoming can- 
not be doubted, and he remains in history as a founder of 
Sheridan city and county, an author of the state constitu- 
tion, a Democratic Party builder and a representative of his 
state. He was a fascinating figure in Wyoming history. In 
an editorial eulogy on Coffeen's life the Sheridan Enter- 
prise offered several observations on the grand old man. 

"Mr. Coffeen was a man who won his place in the pub- 
lic eye because he was a thinker. And he was a thinker with 
the power of originality and individuality behind him. While 
in political life he studied the great problems of his country 
because he wanted to best serve that country.... Mr. Coffeen 
was a faithful and loyal member of the democratic party, 
and there was never a man who had the temerity to ques- 
tion the intensity of his devotion to his party.... His politi- 
cal party loses a shrewd, discerning worker, while his friends 
and his family will feel keenly the loss of a loyal, warm-hearted 
and honorable gentleman."** 




Born IN Ohio, Leonard ScHLUP (1943- ) 

DEVELOPED AN EARLY INTEREST IN HISTORY 
WHILE ATTENDING KeNMORE HiGH SCHOOL IN 

Akron and learning about his genealogy 

FROM FAMILY MEMBERS. He EARNED DEGREES 

FROM THE University of Akron (B.A.), Kent 
State University (M.A.), Indiana University 
(M.L.S.) and the University of Illinois at 
Champaign-Urbana (Ph.D.). He received a 
fellowship from the illinois state histori- 
CAL Society for his dissertation on Adlai E. Stevenson, 
WHOSE biography he IS completing. 

Dr. SCHLUP'S RESEARCH INTERESTS RELATE MAINLY TO 

Gilded Age and Progressive Era politics. His published 
works include book reviews, newspaper essays and more 
than i 50 articles for history and political science jour- 
NALS. He HAS BEEN COMMISSIONED TO WRITE SEVENTY BIO- 
GRAPHICAL ENTRIES FOR THE American National Biography, A 
MULTI-VOLUME WORK TO BE PUBLISHED BY OXFORD UNIVER- 
SITY Press under the auspices of the American Council 
OF Learned Societies. Dr. Schlup's interest in Henry 
Coffeen grew from his dissertation research and from 

work on articles relating to other western POLITICAL 

leaders. He authored "A Taft Republican: Senator 
Francis E. Warren and National Politics," which ap- 
peared IN the Fall, 1982 issue 0¥ Annals. 

Dr. Schlup's career includes prep school and univer- 
sity history teaching and reference LIBRARY WORK. CUR- 
RENTLY HE IS History' Bibliographer and Reference Librar- 
ian AT THE Akron-Summit County Public Library in Ohio. 
Among his many outside interests are travel, writing, 
gardening, cars, sports and the Men's Movement. 

Photos : Cuckoo on p. 30, 43: John James Audubon, The Birds of 
Americo (New York: MocMillan Co,, 1942) plate 169. 



Fall 1994 



n 



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w 



OMING 




LITICIANS 




APING OF UNITED 



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ICY, 1949 TO 



48 



Wyoming Annals 



f 



.«'^1 

"•5^ 



^*«w^ 






fE^ 




AND THE 

STATES 

1980 



elations between Native Americans and 
the federal government in the period 
following the World War II era have 
only recently been subjected to serious 
scholarly research. Scarcer yet are 
studies which contain an analysis of a 
particular state's relationships with 
Indians. What you will read in this ar- 
ticle is an assessment of the factors that 
influenced the behavior of Wyoming 
politicians who played particularly 
active roles in the formulation and 
implementation of federal Indian policy 
since World War II. You will learn 
something about the motivations of the 
politicians who were active in Indian 
affairs in light of their own Western 
and Wyoming values. 

-Steven C. Schulte 



Opposite: O'Mahoney for 5ena /or posf card, n,d. Caption on the reverse 
side reads: "This striking photograph of Senator Joseph C. O'Mahoney 
shows him at the window of the private office in the Capitof Buifding 
which was assigned to him..." 

Unless otherwise noted, all photos in this article are courtesy of the Wyoming 
State IVIuseum; drawings taken from The Book of Indians by Moiling C. Moiling 
(Chicago: The Piatt & Munk Co., Inc., 1935). 



Fall 1994 




k 



I 



%. 



PROLOGOf: 

itics and the Rejection of the 
Indian New Deal 



A; 



Map by Jack Studley 









., ,1 








Wind River 






Reservation 

I, 


• Casper 












Cheyenne ■ 



The Wind River 
Reservafion in 
fhe sfafe of 
Wyoming (nof fo 
scafe) 



W Y M! N G 



brief sketch of federal Indian policy 
in the present century is necessary 
to be able to understand post- 1 945 
developments. From the enactment of the 
Dawes Allotment Act in 1887, the federal 
government emphasized assimilation of In- 
dians through individualized landholding 
patterns. Until 1934 when the Allotment Act 
was officially repudiated, Indians lost more 
than ninety million acres of land to Whites.' 
The Wind River Reservation was reduced 
by one-third following Wyoming's imple- 
mentation of the allotment program in 1906. 
The years from 1887 to 1934, constituted, 
in one observer's words, the era of "the Great 
Indian Depression," the most tragic and dif- 
ficult years of re-adjustment within Indian 
memory. In addition to tremendous land 
losses, forced Americanization programs 
ifieradicated many vital tribal customs, the 
cement that held Native cultures together- 
The Depression years of the 1930s 
^brought radical changes to the direction of 
federal Indian policy. Commissioner of In- 
dian Affairs John Collier believed the Indian 
-New Deal, embodied in a cumbersome piece 
, of legislation known as the Wheeler-Howard 
or Indian Reorganization Act (I.R.A.). had 
two overarching goals: economic and spiri- 
tual rehabilitation of Indian peoples. Eco- 
nomically, the I.R.A. ended the disastrous 
allotment policy while making loans avail- 
able so tribes could start to rebuild their di- 
minished land bases. Spiritually the 



1. Arrell M. Gibson, The American Indian: Prehistory to 
the Present (Norman: tjniversity of Oklahoma Press, 
1978), p. 506. Figures for total acres alienated during this 
era vary by source, but Gibson argues that the total 
Indian land estate was reduced from 150 million acres 
in 1887 to 48 million in 1934. Much of what remained, 
according to Gibson, was desert. A concise description 
of the opening of the Wind River Reservation to White 
settlement in 1906 is contained in T. A. Larson, A History 
of Wyoming, Second Edition, Revised (Lincoln: Univer- 
sity of Nebraska Press, 1978), pp. 351-353. 

2. Herbert T. Hoover, "Yankton Sioux Experience in 
the Great Indian Depression, 1900-1930," in Ronald 
Lora, ed.. The American West: Essays in Honor of W. 
Eugene Hollon (Toledo: The University of Toledo, 1980), 
p. 53. Hoover quotes a 1969 interview with a Sisseton 
Sioux that was originally published in Herbert T. Hoover 
and Joseph H. Cash, To Be An Indian (New York: Holt, 
Rinhart, and Winston, 1971), p. 109. For a more optimis- 
tic appraisal of these years see Frederick Hoxie, "From 
Prison to Homeland: The Cheyenne River Indian Reser- 
vation Before World War One," South Dakota History 10 
(1979):l-24. 



Wyoming Annals 



Wheeler-Howard Act dismantled the 
government's forced assimilation program. 
Under the Indian New Deal, the Bureau of 
Indian Affairs began encouraging cultural 
revitalization. It also provided for tribal re- 
organization, an optional program that al- 
lowed tribes to incorporate and take over the 
reins of self-government. Collier outlined 
the I.R.A.'s spiritual goals: "...awakening of 
the racial spirit must be sustained, if the re- 
habilitation of the Indian people is to be suc- 
cessfully carried through." - 

Wyoming's Wind River tribes, the 
Arapahos and the Shoshones, rejected the 
tribal reorganization provisions of the I.R.A. 
despite the fact that Collier had worked tire- 
lessly to convince Northern Plains tribes to 
ratify it. From the start of Collier's cam- 
paign, the Wind River tribes seemed predis- 
posed against the self-government proposal. 
The Shoshones and Arapahos had lost more 
than one and a half million acres during the 
allotment era, but the tribes managed to ad- 
just as well as could be expected to this di- 
sastrous policy. It is no exaggeration to say 
that they entered the 1930s as economically 
healthy as any Indian tribes in America. 
While their economy and lifestyle were by 
no means thriving, a growing conservatism 
encouraged by local influential whites and 
state politicians worked against their accept- 
ing the Wheeler-Howard Act.^ 

The tribes refused to organize under 
the provisions of the Wheeler- 
Howard Act. In an early, non-bind- 
ing poll of tribal members the Shoshones 
voted 153 to 5 against the measure while 
the Arapahoes trounced it 115-1. The offi- 
cial vote for organization on June 15, 1935, 
saw a high turnout. This time the Arapahoes 
defeated the bill 238-117. The Shoshones 
responded to a strong Bueau of Indian Af- 
fairs I.R.A. publicity onslaught by voting to 
organize by 175-174. The BIA ruled that 
both tribes would have to accept the act to 
implement it on the reservation. So, unlike 
the majority of Northern Plains tribes, 
Wyoming's Native Americans did not ac- 
cept political reorganization under the 
Wheeler-Howard Act. When the bill first 
appeared in February, 1934 Arapaho Chief 
Henry Lee Tyler reacted favorably to some 
of its provisions, especially cultural revital- 
ization. But shortly thereafter local white 
newspaper editors, ranchers, and politicians 
began agitating against the program. 
Lander's W)/oming State Journal reported 




Wyom ng State Museum 



ffenry Lee Tyfer, "N^qhf Horse,' 
Arapahoe Chief, Ocfober 1932. 



3. Annual Rqjori of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 
1 934, reprinted in Francis Paul Prucha, ed., Documents of 
United States Indian Policy (Lincoln: University of Ne- 
braska Press, 1975), pp 225-228. 

4. Larson, Histori/ ofWyoming, p. 351; W.R. Centerwall 
to Martin Overgaard, 14 November 1934, Records Con- 
cerning the Wheeler-Hoivard Act, National Archives, 
Record Group 75 (hereafter cited as RG 75, NA); Ken- 
neth R. Philp, John Collier's Crusade for Indian Reform, 
1920-1954 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1977), 
p. 139. 



Fall 1994 




Vincent Carfer 



several weeks later that most of Wyoming's 
Indians had already decided against the bill. 
The paper revealed that the Indians had 

been free to consult their while friends 
regarding the proposals and have seen 
to it that their [white] friends hare been 
supplied with copies of the Collier plan 
so that they might study out the details 
and be in a position to advise them re- 
: garding the outcome should they make 
the drastic changes proposed.' 

Other factors influenced the Indians to 
not accept the I.R.A. One Indian reported 
the tribes were being urged to reject the act 
by outsiders. "Also." according to William 
D. Boyd, "civil ser\'ice employers are urg- 
ing Indians not to accept the bill ...[and] the 
employees in the Indian Service are nearly 
all opposed to the plan and are quietly work- 
ing against it." A highly effective propa- 
ganda campaign waged by local whites and 
politicians stressed the bill's alleged "com- 
munistic" features. Others argued that the 
Indians would lose their land allotments." 

In such an atmosphere it is hardly sur- 
prising that the Wind River tribes rejected 
the act. Yet. it is unfortunate that white poli- 
ticians, local newspaper editors and influ- 
ential citizens could not leave the Shoshones 
and Arapahos alone to decide whether to 
accept or reject the legislation. It is clear that 
Whites throughout the nation who lived ad- 
jacent to Indian reservations feared the 
I.R.A. They were wary of its land purchase 
program, believing quite correctly that it 
might threaten their interests in Indian land. 
Whites also feared the legislation's cultural 
and tribal revitalization provisions. A 
well-organized tribe could conceivably 
threaten the comfortable status quo which 
made the leasing and purchase of Indian land 
inexpensive. The rejection of the 
Wheeler-Howard Act brought sighs of re- 
lief from neighboring Whites as well as 
praise for the tribes' "wise" decision. As the 
Wyoming State Journal paternalistically 
phrased it. Collier's program was flawed and 
ni-suited to "Our Indians." 

It would appear that he [Collier] would 
return the Indian to the blanket, place 
him in villages, put him under a com- 
munistic plan of government and deal 
with him as a child and forever a ward 
of the government. Our Indians have 
advanced much in fifty years of contact 
with the white... They believe in educa- 
tion. They are beginning to see that a 



legal marriage is far better than a cus- 
tom marriage....^ 

The editorial concluded that the deci 
sions to reject the I.R.A. "have been 
arrived at by careful consideration 
among themselves and by conference with white 
friends whom they have reason to regard as 
friends. No pressure has been brought."** 

The reasons for rejection offered by the 
Shoshone Tribal Council echoed local 
whites' reasons for opposing the bill. It is 
also evident that the Wind Ri\ er tribes were 
generally satisfied with the status cpio. Part 
of the reason was that the tribes rarely, if 
ever, were presented with the full story of 
the Indian Reorganization Act's potential 
benefits. The Superintendent of Fort 
Washakie Indian School continuously lob- 
bied against the bill. The tribal council of 
the Shoshones concluded: "the plan does not 
create or promote the individual initiative 
that is necessary to make our members 
self-reliant and self-supporting." Interest- 
ingly, the Shoshones demonstrated little in- 
terest in tribal cultural revitalization in their 
reasons for opposition. They believed that 
the net sum of Collier's plan would be to 
segregate Indians from Whites, thus retard- 
ing Indian socioeconomic progress." 

Wyoming Republican Congressman 
Vincent Carter was one of the few repre- 
sentatives to offer strenuous objections to 
the Wheeler-Howard bill from the floor of 
Congress. Carter clearly believed his posi- 



5. Wyoming State tournah February 28, 1934. Other 
expressions of local white and Indian opinions regard- 
ing the Wheeler-Howard Act may be found in Stale 
jminwl issues of March 8 and 22, April 12, and April 19, 

1934. 

6- William D. Boyd to John Collier, 22 March, 1934, 
Records Concerning the Wheeler-Howard Act, RG 75, NA. 

7. Wyoming State journal, 1 March, 1934. 

8. Ibid. Local whites worked against tribal ratification 
of the IRA on other Northern Plains reser^■ations. See 
Ste\-en C. Schulte, "Indian And White Politics in the 
American West: Sioux and White Leadership in South 
Dakota, 1920-1965," (Ph.D dissertation. University of 
Wyoming, 1984), 87-98; see also numerous letters in 
Records Concerning the Wheeler-Howard Act. RG 75, 
NA. 

9. "Report bv Shoshone Tribal Council on 
Wheeler-Howard Bill," 13 April. 1934, Records Concern- 
ing llie Wheeler-tioivard Act, RG 75, NA; Loretta Fowler, 
Arapahoe Politics, 1S5}-197S: Symbols in Crises of Author- 
ity (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982), p. 175; 
In a vote on June 15, 1935 the Arapahos again defeated 
the bill 238-117. Bv contrast, the Shoshone \'0te against 
it was 467-339. Thus, neither tribe could take advantage 
of the opportunit\' for political reorganization under 
the I.R.A.; W.R, Centerwall to John Collier, 18 Decem- 
ber, 1934, Records Concerniw^ the Wheeler-Hoivard Act, 
RG 75, NA. 



Wyoming Annals 



tion translated into votes from both white 
and Indian Wyomingites who followed In- 
dian affairs. Carter summarized the objec- 
tions of many Wyomingites when he called 
the bill a "back to the blanket" scheme. "I 
am opposed to any measure that has a ten- 
dency to retard their [the Indians] develop- 
ment and advancement, and that is what this 
bill will do." Carter lectured.'" 

This prologue to post- 1945 Wyoming 
Indian relations offers several in- 
sights into Wyoming politician/In- 
dian relationships. Wyomingites had learned 
to accept their Indian neighbors by the 1 930s 
because they no longer felt physically threat- 
ened by them. Furthermore, Whites had 
learned how to dominate the tribes as well 
as how to profit from Indian lands and re- 



sources. The Wheeler-Howard bill posed a 
severe threat to the status quo and Wyoming- 
ites rallied to help convince the state's Indi- 
ans that the bill would undermine their best 
interests. Elements of paternalism mark 
Wyoming politician-Indian relationships. 
This is somewhat ironic because politicians 
like Congressman Carter and Wind River 
area Whites gave lip service to the great In- 
dian self-advancement that had taken place 
since the early reservation era. The greatest 
irony of all is that the I.R.A. was a bill for 
Indian self-government. If these white op- 
ponents of the act truly believed that the In- 
dians had advanced so far. why did they 
lobby so strenuously against a bill that would 
have given the tribes greater self-detennina- 
tion and political freedom? 



INDIAN POLITICS IN A POSMVAR IVORLD 



Wyoming Indian politics in the 
post-World War II era has several important 
characteristics. First, it is important to rec- 
ognize that some politicians had only a pass- 
ing interest in Indian affairs, perhaps cham- 
pioning an issue if it related to the interests 
of white constituents. On the other hand, 
other politicians chose to become very ac- 
tive in Indian policy making on a national 
scale. Several Wyoming politicians made a 
significant impact on federal Indian policy 
after 1945. At that time Indian affairs no 
longer seemed to be a pressing political is- 
sue to Wyoming's Congressional delegation. 
Yet most state politicians managed to be- 
come embroiled in some aspect of Indian 
affairs, if for no other reason than one or 
two per cent of their constituents were Na- 
tive Americans. With few exceptions, the 
primary motivation of Wyoming politicians 
regarding Indian issues was to gamer votes, 
mostly votes of white constituents. Several 
politicians took courageous stands on issues 
of interest to Indians, at some risk to their 
standing with white voters. 

To most members of Congress, Indian 
policy after 1945 remained solely a West- 
ern issue, an obscure field of legislation 
settled primarily in Congressional commit- 
tee rooms. In a region and state where po- 
litical party lines are at best blurred, the role 
of personality and experience in Indian mat- 
ters is helpful in understanding the issues 
and stands advocated by Wyoming politi- 
cians. In general, Wyomingites emerged 
from World War II alienated from the fed- 
eral government and tired of massive New 



Deal spending. White Wyomingites gener- 
ally favored reducing welfare spending, cut- 
ting governmental regulation of business and 
reducing taxation. Simultaneously. Wyo- 
mingites and Westerners in general emerged 
from the war convinced that the American 
way of life was the best in the world. Ameri- 
can society had become more integrated and 
homogeneous than at any other time in its 
history. In Indian policy the question be- 
came: why should the Indian continue to re- 
ceive special treatment as a ward of the fed- 
eral government?" 

Wyoming politicians after World War 
II jumped on the bandwagon of what was 
called the "termination movement." Termi- 
nation occurred from 1945 to the 1960s 
when official government Indian policy ad- 
vocated ending the federal trust relationship. 
Several factors made termination appealing 
to white Westerners who had little tolerance 
for cultures which deviated from their nar- 



10. Wyoming State journal, 28 June, 1934. The 
V\/heeler-Howard Act was signed into law by President 
Franlclin D. Roosevelt ]une 18, 1934. Philp traces its 
legislati\'e journey in ]ohn Collier's Crusade for Indian 
Reform, pp. 135-160. 

11. Gerald D. Nash, The American West in the Tavntieth 
Century: A Short History of an Urban Oasis (Albuquerque; 
University of New Mexico Press, 1977), p.224; B. Oliver 
Walter, "V\/yoming: Conservative and Republican ~ 
But Not Always So," Social Science journal 18 (October 
1981):137; Clayton R. Koppes, "From the New Deal to 
Termination; Liberalism and Indian Policy, 1933-1953," 
Pacific Historical Review (November 1977); 543-566. 
Koppes does a particularly good job of analyzing 
post-World War II changes in Indian policy in light of 
Cold War intellectual currents. 









Buifdings af Forf Washakie, 
Wind River Reservafion 

fop: shop buifding 
middfe: former BtA Buifding 
boftom: Head Sfarf Buifding 

1986 photos by Richard Collier, SHPO 




k.-.«^.- 



ii^7:<y-«.*c>jaaK*'S'.v.yj-L'--!.:-.-:'!fr:Al-^.-. 



Fall 1994 



row definition of Americanism. Termination, 
with its rhetoric advocating freeing the Indian 
from the shackles of the paternalistic Indian 
Bureau, appealed to a Western sense of indi- 
vidualism, liberty and equality. The 
movement's chief proponent, Utah Republi- 
can Senator Arthur V. Watkins, summarized 
the tenets of the termination philosophy: 

With the aim of equalit}- before the law 
in mind our course should rightly be no 
other Firm and constant consideration 
for those of Indian cmcestiy should lead 
us all to work diligently and carefully 
for the full realization of their national 
citizenship with all other Americans. 
Following in the footsteps of the Eman- 
cipation Proclamation...! see the follow- 
ing words emblazoned in letters of fire 
above the heads of the Indians— THESE 
PEOPLE SHALL BE FREE!" 



Termination also appealed to white 
Westerners" less altruistic senses. By remov- 
ing the restrictions of the federal trust rela- 
tionship it would become easier to gain ac- 
cess to Indian lands. The 1950s was a de- 
cade that witnessed a Western economic and 
population boom. Indian land again offered 
an outlet for economic expansion by 
land-hungry Westerners. In states where ter- 
mination of tribal status occurred, Indians 
were quickly victimized. Unable to pay taxes 
or meet the welfare needs of their commu- 
nities, they were reminded that they now had 
rights as citizens to dispose of their lands 
and resources as they wished. Once again, 
by purchase and trickery. Whites acquired 
large amounts of Indian land." 



LESTER C. HUNT: "THE INDIAN HAS LOST 
HIS GLAMOUR AS A SHOIVMAN' 



With the notable exception of Senator 
Joseph C. O'Mahoney, Wyoming politicians 
of the 1940s and 1950s supported the ter- 
mination idea. Governor Lester Hunt's view- 
point toward Indian affairs is highly repre- 
sentative of post- 1945 Wyoming views. Af- 




ter World War 11 the newly-appointed chair- 
man of the Senate Committee on Indian Af- 
fairs, Joseph O'Mahoney, asked his old 
friend and Democratic colleague Hunt to 
take some time and write down his views 
about federal Indian policy. Hunt was a con- 
servative Democrat from a conservative 
state and expressed views entirely in line 
with those of most of his white constituents. 
A highly successful and able politician, he 
knew his political survival as a Democrat in 
a largely Republican state depended on how 
well he reflected the wishes of the people 
who elected him. Hunt was bom in Illinois 
and in 1917 moved to the reservation border 
town of Lander after having spent many pre- 
vious summers in the Cowboy State. His first 
contact with the Wind River tribes occurred 
in 1911 when he witnessed their Sun Dance. 
From that time forward he maintained a close 
association with individual Indians and Bu- 
reau of Indian Affairs officials. Hunt's views 
on Indian policy merit close scrutiny as they 
reflect the thinking of many 



12. Arthur V. Watkins, "Termination of Federal Super- 
vision: The Removal of Restrictions Over Indian Prop- 
erty and Person," Aunah of the Amerkmi Academy of 
Political ami Social Science 311 (May 1957): 55. 

13. Nash, The American West in the Tzrentieth Centunj, 
pp. 213-299; Alvin Josephy, Now That the Buffalo's Gone: 
A Study of Today's American Indians { New York: Alfred 
A. Knopf, 1982), p.l32. 



Wyoming Annals 



reservation-border Wyoming citizens about 
the "Indian problem."'^ 

Hunt anticipated the arguments of the 
1950s termination advocates by several 
years. To him the central dilemma in Indian 
affairs was the Indians' startling lack of 
progress toward civilization. The reason for 
it seemed clear: "keeping the Indian the ward 
of the government." Hunt suggested that the 
Bureau of Indian Affairs immediately begin 
withholding .services to its wards and, in a 
time span of about ten years, entirely abol- 
ish itself. The happy result of such a policy 
would be that "the Indian as we know him 
today would soon lose his identity and would 
rapidly acquire the American way of living." 
Hunt believed, as later temiinationists did, 
that individual states should take over many 
of the Bureau's functions. For example, In- 
dian schools could be made into public 
schools and law enforcement functions 
could be transferred to the states. Finally. 
Hunt suggested that tribal lands could be 
divided among individual Indians, "giving 
them an outright deed without any strings 
whatsoever." True, he admitted, many tribes- 
men would immediately sell their lands to 
the first bidder but "that would be their bad 
luck, and rather than starve they would find 
something to do somewhere." Hunt's can- 
did assessment of the Indian situation ended 
with one final plea for the government to 
quit making the Indian a "showman." 
Rather, they should make American citizens 
out of the Indians. Hunt believed the gov- 
ernment had served as "wet nurse" to the 
Indians long enough." 

In 1948 Hunt was elected to the United 
States Senate, defeating conservative 
Republican E.V. Robertson by a sizeable 
margin. After several years of grappling with 
national problems. Hunt's perspective re- 
garding the Indian situation had by that time 
changed noticeably. The movement for ter- 
mination had gained momentum in the late 
1940s, peaking in popularity during the 
mid- 1 950s. Conversely, Hunt's enthusiasm 
for a cause that he had once championed 
had dampened considerably. Hunt argued 
in 1952: "it would be folly to abruptly abol- 
ish the Bureau of Indian Affairs and give 
the Indians full responsibilities of citizen- 
ship." Hunt, however, believed that elimi- 
nation of the Bureau could still be sched- 
uled for fifteen or sixteen years hence. In 
the meantime the government's withdrawal 
or termination program was making, in 



Hunt's words, "considerable progress in 
working toward full citizenship for the In- 
dians." He argued that Wyoming's Indians 
might be ready for full citizenship well be- 
fore some of the more poverty-stricken 
tribes of the nation. The Wind River tribes, 
according to Hunt, looked forward with 
anticipation to becoming full citizens. 
Several years in the senate provided Hunt 
an opportunity to familiarize himself with 
national Indian problems and broadened 
his perspective."' 

The real reasons for Hunt's abrupt po- 
sition change were detected in 1953. Hunt 
still favored, at least in principle, the termi- 
nation of federal trusteeship. But he real- 
ized that termination of federal wardship 
would only be an additional burden upon 
the state's welfare and administrative ma- 
chinery. The fear of losing votes in a fis- 
cally conservative state whose people hated 
taxes of any sort awakened him. He did not 
want to be made a political scapegoat for 
straining the state's budget with expensive 
Indian problems as long as the federal gov- 
ernment was willing to keep paying their 
welfare tab. In 1953 one of the legislative 
cornerstones of the termination movement 
— Public Law 280 — passed Congress, al- 
lowing states to extend law enforcement ju- 
risdiction over Indian reservations. As gov- 
ernor. Hunt once believed this would con- 



14, Ralph Jerome Woodv, "The United States Senate 
Career of Lester C. Hunt," (M.A. Thesis, University of 
Wvoming, 1^64), pp. 72-78; Lester C. Hunt to JosepliC. 
O'Mahoney, 30 March, 1945, Box 104, /osfji/i C. 
O'A4(7/;0M('i/ Papers, Western History Research Center, 
Uni\'ersity of V^yon\ing, Laramie (hereafter cited as OM 
Piipas, w'hRC, UW. All references to the Western His- 
tory Research Center will be cited as WHRC, UW). 

13. All the Himt material is from Hunt to O'Mahoney, 
30 March, 1945, OM Papcn, WHRC, UW. 

16. Quoted material from Douglas Baldwin, "Wyoming 
Congressman William Henry Harrison," Bits and Pieces 
4 (1968):9; Lester C. Hunt to Cecil A. Price, 9 December, 
1952, Lester C. Hunt Papers. Box 13, WHRC, UW. 



,' Top: Joseph O'Mahoney, 1941 

^^^ Middfe: Losfer Hunf 

Bof fom: Edward V. Roberf son 



Photos from the Wyoming State Museum 






■'^ 



Fall 1994 




Wiffiam Mcnry Harrison 




Frank Barreff 

Photos from the Wyoming State tvluseum 



17. "News Release, August 25, 1953," Box 13, Hunt 
Papci-f, WHRC, UW. 

18. Interview with William Henry Harrison, 10 July, 
1983; House Concurrent Resolution 108, 83rd Congress, 
1st Session (1953); "Wyoming ...Harrison," Bits and 
Pieces 9; Vine Deloria, Jr., Custer Died Fof Your Sins: An 
Indum Manifesto (New York: Avon Books, 1969), p.67; 
William A. Brophy and Sophie Aberle, comp.. The hi- 
dian: America's Unfinished Business - Report of the Coin- 
niissioii on tlie Rights, Liberties, and Responsd^ilities of the 
Anwrican Indian (Norman: University of Oklahoma 
Press), pp. 22-23. 

19. Congressional Record, 83rd Congress, 1st Session, 27 
July, 1953, pp.9968-9969; for the standard study of ter- 
mination see Donald L. Fixico, Terminatuvi atui Reloca- 
tion: Federal Indian Policy, 1945-1960 (Albuquerque: 
University of New Mexico Press, 1986); also see Larry 
W. Burt's Tribalism in Crisis: Federal Indian Policy, 1955- 
1961 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 
1982); Interview with William Henry Harrison, 10 July, 
1983. 

20. "Frank Barrett Vertical File," Historical Research 
Unit (HRU), Parks and Cultural Resources Division, 
Department of Commerce, Cheyenne, Wyoming. Dee 
Linford's assessment is found in Ray B. West, Rocky 
Mountain Cities (New York: W.W.' Norton, 1949), 
pp. 105-140. Barrett previously served as a Wyoming 
governor and U.S. representative. 



stitute an important step toward ending fed- 
eral trusteeship over Indian peoples. But 
with a reelection campaign looming in 
1954. he asked the state to "look cautiously 
at the invitation extended by the act. for it 
would require additional state and local ex- 
penditures for its administration." Finally. 
Hunt recommended that the state totally 
forget Public Law 280 until Indian lands 



were on the tax rolls. Thus ended Hunt's 
intellectual journey from rabid advocate of 
termination to qualified terminationist. 
Hunt's motivations for changing positions 
can be ascribed not to humanism or a con- 
cern for his many Indian friends, but rather 
to political pragmatism, a trait highly im- 
portant for any politician's survival.'' 



HARRISON AND BARRETT: TERMINATION IN ACTION 



Noted Sioux author. Vine Deloria. Jr. 
credits Wyoming Congressman William 
Henry Harrison with firing "the first shot of 
the great twentieth century Indian war." On 
June 9, 1953 Harrison introduced House 
Concurrent Resolution 108, considered to- 
day one of the six landmarks of Indian Law. 
Though HCR 108 did not eventually become 
a statute, and was commonly referred to as 
the "termination resolution." it became a 
declaration of official government policy 
reversing most of the pluralistic principles 
of the I.R.A. Its purpose was to free Indians 
from federal supervision, end their wardship 
and make them subject to the same laws and 
entitled to the same rights and privileges as 
other citizens. Harrison recalled the days of 
the 83rd Congress as 

a glorious period for Republicans. It 

was the first Eisenhower Congress and 
we had a consensus not only on Capi- 
tol Hill but on the other end of Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue. ..the 83rd was a milestone 
for the passage of progressive 
Republican-oriented legislation. 

ouse Concurrent Resolution 108 
represented the culmination of the 
conservative Western politicians' 
counterattack upon New Deal Indian policy."* 
The resolution was the apogee of ter- 
mination sentiment, representing a close 
collaboration between the Eisenhower Ad- 
ministration and the House and Senate In- 
dian Affairs subcommittees. Harrison's 
resolution, in his words, was intended "as a 
directive from Congress to the Bureau of 
Indian Affairs to start working itself out of 
a job - which, after all, was the original in- 
tent when the Bureau was created." 
Harrison, descendant of the nineteenth cen- 
tury Indian fighter and president of the same 
name, argued that rather than working to- 
ward withdrawal the Bureau had become 
"more complex, more expensive, and the 
restrictions [upon the individual Indian] 




more stringent through the years." 
Harrison's policy declaration remained the 
ostensible goal of the Eisenhower 
Administration's Indian policy through the 
1950s. The very word "termination" to In- 
dian peoples became anathema. Termina- 
tion often meant the wages Indian peoples 
were forced to pay to receive per capita 
judgments from the Indian Claims Commis- 
sion that had been established in 1946. The 
termination legacy lives as a grim reminder 
of the nation's ability to revert to a unilat- 
eral Indian policy. But termination had a 
great appeal to Hamson. Hunt and Senator 
Frank Barrett. It promised political rewards 
by easing the tax burden: it appealed to 
Western politicians' sense of individualism 
and freedom from government paternalism; 
and finally and most importantly it promised 
easier access to Indian lands and resources.''' 

Frank Barrett, who served Wyoming as 
United States Senator from 1952 through 
1958, took little interest in Indian affairs 
except where they touched the larger con- 
cerns of his white constituents. A lawyer 
from Lusk, Barrett was known as a leading 
Congressional spokesman for the livestock 
industry. As one student of Wyoming poli- 
tics wrote, it is easy to compare Barrett with 
early day Wyoming politician Frances E. 
Warren. The latter was called "the most no- 
torious special interest representative in the 
West." This, Dee Linford qualified, is a dis- 
tinction that Warren must share with Barrett. 
Senator Barrett worked to liberalize trust 
restrictions concerning Indian lands in or- 
der to make it easier for Whites to lease or 
buy them.-" 

The best example of Barrett's involve- 
ment in Indian legislation occurred in 1956 
when he co-sponsored Senate Bill 332 vali- 
dating existing land titles and liberalizing 
future land sales on the Crow Indian Reser- 
vation of southern Montana. Barrett's inter- 
est in the bill stemmed from the fact that 
several large northern Wyoming ranchers 



56 



Wyoming Annals 



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Johf Bushess CouncM of Shoshone and 

Arapaho fndians. Wind River Indian 

Reservation, Wyoming, 1937 




Manviffe Kendrick, c. 1927 

Hoff Collection. Trail End State Historic Site, Stieridan 



•*«i^^V'- 



Wyoming State Museum 



had land holdings on the Crow Reservation. 
The controversy which prompted introduc- 
tion of the bill was a 1920 law restricting 
the amount of acreage that could be held 
within the reservation. During the years fol- 
lowing 1920 the law was ignored or not en- 
forced. However, in 1956 the law was called 
to the attention of the Interior Department 
whose solicitor ruled that the act was still 
operating and valid. White ranchers in vio- 
lation of the law formed the Crow Reserva- 
tion Association to lobby for revising the law 
and validating their land holdings. They also 
wanted to clear the way for allowing future 
land purchases on the reservation. Because 
of the involvement of large Wyoming ranch- 
ers as well as the interest of several Wyo- 
ming banks and loan associations, Barrett 
agreed to work for the measure.-' 

At first Barrett became an unofficial 
advisor to the landowners" association. He 
urged caution because of the criticism the 
New Dealers were throwing at the Interior 
Department about Indian and public land 
matters. During the Eisenhower Adminis- 
tration, liberals constantly criticized the ad- 
ministration for lax enforcement of land 
regulations. Barrett advised that Senator 
O'Mahoney might cooperate in the matter 
because one of the landowners was Manville 
Kendrick, son of O'Mahoney's political 
mentor, John Kendrick. Manville Kendrick 
soon contacted Barrett for assistance in the 
matter, explaining to Barrett that the ranch- 
ers were innocent of any wrongdoing. They 
were unaware "whether the limitation [on 
acreage] was a law of the land or merely a 



Bureau of Indian Affairs ruling." Kendrick 
explained that following the 1 920 law ranch- 
ers continued to bid on Crow lands when- 
ever any came up for sale, and that the Sec- 
retary of the Interior always issued land pat- 
ents on any successful bids. Kendrick ad- 
vised repealing the law, as not only white 
ranchers but also an Indian rancher owned 
Crow land in excess of the acreage limit." 
In Congress S.B. 322 met stiff resis- 
tance. Land grabs of this type were com- 
monplace during the 1950s. After passing 
the Senate the bill died on the House Calen- 
dar in mid-summer. Florida Democrat James 
Haley accomplished this legislative handi- 
work. Apparently he sensed the political 
machinations behind the special interest leg- 
islation. Barrett remarked to a Sheridan law- 
yer who served as counsel for the reserva- 
tion association, 

/ certainly agree with you that it is un- 
fortunate that a fellow pvm Florida could 
exeitsuch an influence on legislation that 
affected people a couple of thousand 
miles away from (Haley's) home. 

After all, said Barrett. Haley "knew 
nothing of the local situation."-' 

The legislative battle continued for sev- 
eral years. During continuing debate over 
the bill, the Secretary of the Interior sus- 
pended all land sales on the Crow Reserva- 
tion. Later he lifted the suspension provided 
that 1920 restrictions would be followed. In 
1957 the bill again was introduced, receiv- 
ing a favorable report from the Interior De- 
partment. This prompted Secretary of the 
Interior Fred Seaton. a man extremely sen- 
sitive to charges of Interior Department mal- 
feasance, to call for a re-examination of the 
favorable report. Such action was equiva- 
lent to a vote of no confidence in the deci- 
sion of his own department. Earlier, in 1956, 
under extreme pressure from the Crow Res- 
ervation Association, the Crow Tribal Coun- 
cil went on record favoring validation of 
white land titles. But by 1958 the tribe re- 
versed its earlier decision, advocating reten- 



21. A.W. Lonabaugh to Joseph C. O'Mahoney, 17Janu- 
arv, 1956, copy in "Indian Files," Frniik Barrett Papers, 
WHRC, UW. ' 

22. Manville Kendrick to Frank Barrett, 7 February, 
1956, "Indian Files," Frank Barrett Papers, WHRC, UW. 

23. Burt, Tribalism in Crisis, pp.95-123; D.P.B. Marshall 
to Frank Barrett, 27 July, 1956; Barrett to Marshall, 30 
July, 1956, "Indian Files," Frank Barrel! Papers, WHRC, 
UW. 



58 



Wyoming Annals 



tion of the 1920 law but with a difference: 
stricter enforcement of its provisions. As a 
Sheridan resident and friend of the Crows 
assessed the situation. 

f^' do believe that the opponents of 
this 'last land steal from the Indi- 
ans' have a point in terming it as 
such. ..while at the [Crow] agency last 
winter I noticed from the contracts the 
ridiculously low cost of leasing the land. 
In a sense, therefore, the white ranch- 
ers already have possession of the In- 
dian land ill many cases. 

Indian land legislation was the type of 
Indian issue that interested Barrett. Otherwise, 
he showed little concern for the welfare of 
Indians as tribes or individuals. The Crow bill 
offered a chance for Barrett to score political 
points with a wide variety of people. For ex- 
ample, the Crow Reservation Association con- 
stantly thanked him for his efforts on their 
behalf. In fact, letters frequently arrived from 
Montana saying that Ban"ett was more reli- 
able than Montana's "liberal" Congressional 
delegation in such matters. -■* 

JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY: 
A LIBERAL INDIAN POLICY 

11'- he diverse Wyoming political atti- 
i tudes toward Native Americans 
s seemed to coalesce in the ideas and 
actions of one of Wyoming's greatest and 
most respected politicians. Senator Joseph 
O'Mahoney. From 1933 to 1960 he spent 
only two years out of the the Senate, fol- 
lowing a narrow defeat in 1932 at the hands 
of Barrett. O'Mahoney played an important 
role in shaping the course of federal Indian 
policy during his many years in office. More 
than any Wyoming politician he used Indian 
issues effectively to achieve both political 
and personal goals. A liberal Democrat, 
O'Mahoney displayed a tremendous empa- 
thy for Indians as people and appreciated 
their unique culture — something lacking in 
the policies of many of his western col- 
leagues. While he generally supported the 
New Deal Indian program, O'Mahoney 
knew how to make it palatable to conserva- 
tive Western Whites. A master politician, he 
was also a friend and confidant of Western 
termination advocates, though he rarely 
embraced their policies. Several examples 
of O'Mahoney's approach to Indian policy 
demonstrate his ability to capture the sup- 
port of Indians and Whites alike on such is- 



sues. O'Mahoney's sympathy for the Native 
American may stem from his Irish-Catholic 
background, making him sympathetic to the 
plight of other ethnic Americans.-' 

O'Mahoney's ability to straddle politi- 
cal fences allowed him to help establish the 
Indian Claims Commission which was cre- 
ated by Congress in 1946. For more than 
twenty years Congress wrangled with the 
idea of creating a board to hear Indian treaty 
claims and to make a final settlement on 
lands taken at grossly undervalued prices 
obtained in broken treaties. O'Mahoney be- 
came interested in the legislation when he 
was appointed chairman of the Senate In- 
dian Affairs Committee in 1945. The idea 
of creating a commission in 1946 had di- 
verse appeal. To those who believed that 
Indians had legitimate claims because of past 
wrongs, the proposed commission was a 
means of redress. Significantly, many poli- 
ticians who favored termination also favored 
the claims commission idea because tribal 



24. The quote is taken from correspondence, Jacob 
Brouwer to Roger Ernst, 7 May, 1958, "Inciian Files," 
Frank Bnrrelt Papers, WHRC, UVV. Seaton was extremely 
concerned o\'er adverse public reaction to the termina- 
tion program. In 1958 he dealt termination a blow by 
publicly declaring that no tribe would be terminated 
unless their full consent had first been obtained. 
Theodore W. Taylor, Tiw States and Their Indian Citizens 
(Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1972), 
pp. 64-65; Department of the Interior News Release, 13 
No\'ember, 1957, "Indian Files," Frank Barrett Papers 
WHRC, UW. 

25. Short introductions toO'Mahoney are in: Carl Moore, 
"Joseph Christopher O'Mahoney: A Brief Biography," 
Annals of Wyouung 14 (October 1969), 159-186; Thomas 
R. Ninneman, "Wyoming's Senator Joseph C. 
O'Mahoney," /liiiirt/s q/Wi/OHims 49 (Fall 1972), 193-209. 



THE FETTERMAN "MASSACRE 



WYOMING 




"M^yomfn^" magazine, Spnng Issue, 1958 



Fall 1994 




f-r: unidentified, Joseph O'Mahoney, 
Lesfer Munf, Tracy McCraken 



26. The only full length study of the Indian Claims 
Commission is Harvey D. Rosenthal, "Their Day in 
Court: A History of the Indian Claims Commission," 
(Ph.D. Dissertation, Kent State University, 1976). For 
analysis of Congressional motivations behind its cre- 
ation see Rosenthal, pp. 63-64. 

27. William A. Brophy to John Provinse, 8 July, 1946, 
Box 2, Willinm A. Brophy Papers, Harry S. Truman Li- 
brary, Independence, Missouri (hereafter cited as HST 
Library); Rosenthal, "Their Day in Court." pp. 173-174. 

28. Source of Truman quote is: Harry S. Truman to 
Director of the Budget, 25 February, 1946, Box 64, Harry 
S. Truman Papers, Official File, (hereafter cited as HST 
Papers) HST Library; Source of Krug's quote: Julius 
Krug to Harry S. Truman, 1 August 1946, Box 64, "In- 
dian Claims Commission," HST Papers, Official File. 



Wyoming State Museum 



legal claims represented the biggest obstacle 
in the path of trust severance. They favored 
the creation of the commission as a way of 
cleaning the slate of government legal and 
moral obligations before terminating the fed- 
eral trust. Thus, congressional support for 
the Indian Claims Commission bill repre- 
sented a strange alliance of conservative 
Westerners who saw it as a positive step to- 
ward temiination and liberals, who desired 
to right past wrongs.-'' 

Because Indian Claims Commission 
bills had suffered defeat so many 
times in the past, the framers of the 
1946 bill moved carefully. While the legisla- 
tion appeared to have the requisite Congres- 
sional support, the disposition of President 
Truman toward the bill remained a mystery. 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs William 
Brophy feared that the Bureau of the Budget 
or the Justice Department might recommend 
a presidential veto. House managers for the 
bill included Karl Mundt of South Dakota, 
Anthony Fernandez of New Mexico, Charles 
Robertson of North Dakota, and Henry Jack- 
son of Washington. The Senate conferees for 
the legislation included O'Mahoney, Robert 
LaFollette, Jr. of Wisconsin, and Elmer Tho- 
mas of Oklahoma. All came from Western 
states or states with large Indian populations.-' 
O'Mahoney worked tirelessly for the 
bill's passage until he had Truman's word 



that the bill would be signed on August 13, 
1946. Advocates carefully steered away 
from controversial language in drafts of the 
legislation and, were careful to avoid giv- 
ing the impression that the bill might open a 
pandora's box for expensive claims against 
the federal government. As early as Febru- 
ary, 1 946 Truman seemed to favor the bill, 
but in a memorandum to the Director of the 
Budget said he wanted to make sure "that 
we are not unloosening a Frankenstein." 
Truman seemed inclined to favor the bill by 
the recommendations of his Secretary of the 
Interior, Julius "Cap" Krug, who advised 
against a veto on the grounds that the bill 
would demonstrate America's commitment 
to fair dealings "toward little nations" and 
"strengthen our moral position in the eyes 
of many other minority peoples." Neverthe- 
less, the fear of presidential veto lingered 
during the summer of 1946. House confer- 
ees received a cold reception from Truman, 
who announced that he had yet to make up 
his mind on the bill because he wanted to 
know how much the commission's awards 
would cost the United States.-'* 

O'Mahoney was chosen by his col- 
leagues to represent the Senate conferees in 
conference with Truman on the bill. After 
meeting with the president, O'Mahoney tele- 
graphed interested parties that he was "Glad 
to report white House advises me Indian 
Claims bill will be signed next week." Ap- 
parently. O'Mahoney reassured Truman — 
the two men were old senatorial col- 
leagues — that the bill would serve the in- 
terests of both the United States and the 
American Indians. In an interview follow- 
ing an impressive White House signing cer- 
emony O'Mahoney, recognized as the lead- 
ing Congressional spokesman for the bill, 
explained the purpose of the commission in 
layman's terms. 

Here we are dealing with the 
simple proposal to establish what will 
amount to a fact-finding commission, 
the duty of which will be to hear all 
outstanding Indian claims, to make a 
complete search for all evidence affect- 
ing them through investigation of gov- 
ernment records and visits to Indian 
areas. All existing claims must be filed 
within five years, and after action by 
the commission, a report is to be filed 
with Congress containing a.. .recom- 
mendation of the commission. 



6o 



Wyoming Annals 



O'Mahoney again reassured Truman 
and other fiscal watchdogs that the commis- 
sion would never become a Frani^enstein. 
"If the government is dissatisfied with the 
recommendation," he said, "...it may appeal 
any case to the Court of Claims."-'' 

In later years the commission's work pro- 
ceeded slowly, and talk of ending its 
work flourished among Congressional 
conservatives who criticized it for taking too 
much time and money. Each time the com- 
mission suffered a Congressional attack. 
O'Mahoney rose to its defense. O'Mahoney. 
however, did not work hard on Indian is- 
sues or any other problems out of sheer phil- 
anthropic joy. He expected to receive politi- 
cal rewards. In 1947 when the commission 
of three members was being appointed, 
O'Mahoney expected to be able to name one 
of the members. When he heard that his 
candidate for the job, Wyoming Attorney Gen- 
eral Louis O'Marr, would not get the desired 
position, the angry O'Mahoney exploded. He 
called the executive director of the Democratic 
National Committee to complain that his 
nominee had unjustly been ignored. Execu- 
tive Director Gael Sullivan quickly contacted 
Truman's assistant, telling him that Senator 
O'Mahoney was "really hot under the 
collar.. .and that it would be a dire mistake to 
alienate such a powerful man." O'Mahoney 's 
anger won the day and his nominee O'Marr, a 
man with few qualifications concerning In- 
dian matters but nonetheless a loyal Demo- 
crat, replaced the person originally slated for 
the three man commission.'" 



29. Ernest L. Wilkinson to Joseph C. O'Mahoney, 1 
August, 1946, Box 104, OM Pnpcn, WHRC, UW; Joseph 
C. O'Mahoney to Charles E. Lane, 8 August, 1946, Box 
104, OM Papvrs, WHRC, UW; "WOL Broadcast Inter- 
view," 14 August, 1946, Box 117, OM Papcrf, WHRC, 
UW. The bill creating the Indian Claims Commission 
was signed by President Harry S. Truman on August 13, 
1946. 

30. Gael Sullivan to George J. Schoeneman, 4 March, 
1947, HST Papers, Official File, Box 64, HST Library; 
Joseph C. O'Mahoney to Gael Sullivan, 3 March, 1947, 
Box 64, HST Papers, HST Library; George J. Schoeneman 
to harry S. Truman, 6 March, 1947, Box 64, HST Papers, 
HST Library. 

31. Joseph C. O'Mahoney to Walter Mitchell, 5 May, 
1945, Box no, OM Papers, WHRC, UW; Joseph C. 
O'Mahoney to P.M. Johnston, Box 125, OM Papers, 
WHRC, UW. 

32. On the Pick-Sloan Project and its devastating effect 
upon the Upper Missouri River Basin Indian tribes see 
Michael L. Lawson, Dammed Indians: The Pick-Sloan Plan 
and the Misouri River Sioux, J 944- J 9S0 (Norman; Univer- 
sity of Oklahoma Press, 1982); Harold L. Ickes to Joseph 
C. O'Mahoney, 22 December, 1949 and Joseph C. 
O'Mahoney to Harold L. Ickes, 27 December, 1949, Box 
137, OM Papers, WHRC, UW. 



Another epi.sode which offers an insight 
into O'Mahoney's conception of Indian af- 
fairs relates to his position on the termina- 
tion issue. He served as Chairman of the Sen- 
ate Indian Affai s Subcommittee -'. : r ex- 
tremely difficult tinie. The New De"] Indian 
policy was under steavj;, attack froiii a grow- 
ing body of termination advocates. While 
O'Mahoney in no way agreed with their 
ideas, his political instincts told him to ac- 
commodate the attacks to a certain degree. 
He skillfully undercut their offensive by ad- 
vocating a general review of Indian policy, 
hoping that a thorough review of Indian ad- 
ministration could short circuit the termina- 
tion movement. In 1948 he gave notice that 
he would work to block two blatantly 
terminationist bills; H.R. 1113 "to Emanci- 
pate United States Indians in Certain Cases," 
and H.R. 4725 "to Confer Jurisdiction on the 
Several States for Offenses Committed by 
or Against Indians on Indian Reservations."" 

This early stand against termination 
marked O'Mahoney as one of the few hold- 
overs from the Roosevelt era still willing to 
take a stand on the postwar offensive against 
the Indian New Deal. One manifestation of 
the tenninationist land grab of the late 1940s 
was the Pick-Sloan Missouri River Basin 
reclamation project in which thousands of 
acres of Indian lands would be inundated 
by dams. Former Secretary of the Interior 
Harold Ickes, always a staunch watchdog 
on Indian rights, correctly sensed that the 
rights of Native Ainericans were again be- 
ing trampled by the federal government. The 
dams would flood Indian lands without ad- 
equate compensation for the tribes affected. 
Writing to O'Mahoney for an explanation, 
Ickes lauded the senator as "an outstanding 
member of the Senate who has no axes to 
grind at the expense of the Indians, either 
on his own behalf or because friends have 
some axe to grind." O'Mahoney assured 
Ickes that he had fought hard to include pro- 
visions in the Garrison, North Dakota, dam 
bill to protect Indian rights. "I insisted that 
before anything was done to take the Indian 
lands or make their holdings untenable," 
O'Mahoney responded, "definite language 
should be written in requiring agreement. "" 



O'Mahoney was acclaimed by both 
Indians and white friends for his 
decisive stand in support of Indian 
rights in the Missouri River dam controversy. 
O'Mahoney's sense of justice is obvious. 




Fall 1994 



"ThE IsdlANS ARE 
WARds of ThE 
GOVERNMENT of tUe 

UNIT Ed States. ThEy 

ARE ThE bENEfic'lARIES 
of A TREATy." 



The Indians are wards of the government 
of the United States. They are the ben- 
eficiaries of a Treat}-. The United States 
stands before the world urging justice 
to all people. It seems to me it cannot 
support a moral position upon that is- 
sue unless it deals justly with its wards, 
the Indians of the United States." 

O'Mahoney, while taking an 
anti-termination stand, probably tempered 
his position because of political expediency. 
Clearly, he was aware that a majority of his 
Wyoming white constituents favored termi- 
nation. As a result O'Mahoney maintained 
the sound and politically safe position of de- 
fending Indian treaty rights through adjudi- 
cation by the Indian Claims Commission. He 
also argued that when termination questions 
arose, Indian rights should be recognized 
through bilateral consent agreements. For 
example, at the height of the termination con- 
troversy O'Mahoney went against the pre- 
vailing attitude by arguing that ending "fed- 
eral guardianship in its responsibility for the 
welfare of Indians should not be effected 
before the Indians have had an oppor- 
tunity.. .to reach as a minimum the standard 
of living of their non-white neighbors." He 
worked hard in the 83rd Congress to alter 
Public Law 280, the termination bill that 
transferred to certain states the responsibil- 
ity for law enforcement on reservations. In- 
dians greatly feared this bill, reasoning that 
if states took over law enforcement they 
would be subjected to gross local discrimi- 
nation in the distribution of justice. 
O'Mahoney and other Congressional liber- 
als argued that Indian consent, not just con- 
sultation, should be obtained before transfer- 
ring legal jurisdiction to the states in ques- 
tion. The Republican Administration required 
only consultation with tribes, a semantic 
subtlety enabling terminationists to force 
state jurisdiction over unwilling tribes. '■* 

If O'Mahoney's background as an eth- 
nic American seemed to rule his overall at- 
titude toward Indian affairs, by contrast, fel- 
low Democrat Lester Hunt took a more jaun- 
diced and dogmatically conservative view 
of the Indian situation. Undoubtedly, Hunt's 
lengthy residence in the reservation border 
town of Lander conditioned him with fron- 
tier prejudices and perhaps some negative 
stereotypes about Indians, Maybe the 
clearest statement of O'Mahoney's Indian 
viewpoint came near the end of his long 
Senatorial career in I960. It serves as a fit- 



ting rejoinder to termination advocates: "I 
am of the opinion, however, that nothing 
should be done to force Indians off the res- 
ervations against their will."''' 

THE 1960s and 1970s: NEW 
DIRECTIONS 

American Indian policy changed drasti- 
cally in the late 1960s and 1970s as Indians, 
like other American minority groups, de- 
manded a greater voice in their own desti- 
nies. Likewise, Wyoming politicians sensed 
the change and most of them altered their 
views accordingly. William Henry Harrison, 
who introduced the termination resolution in 
1953. showed no sign of wanting to renew 
his fomier crusade to liberate Indians from 
the federal trust. Rather, during his final ternis 
in the House of Representatives in the 1960s, 
HaiTison seemed content to introduce routine 
legislation to help increase per-capita Indian 
payments or sponsor bills to induce industry 
to establish itself on the Wind River Reser- 
vation. Wyoming Governor Stanley 
Hathaway (1967-1975) and Congressman 
Teno Roncalio ( 1 965-67, 1 97 1 -79). on oppo- 
site sides of the political fence, offer excel- 
lent examples of how Indian politics has 
changed in recent years."" 

hough Hathaway is considered a 
■4? conservative, his attitude toward 
H Wyoming Indian people was one of 
the most forward looking of all state politi- 
cians. For personal reasons Hathaway mani- 
fested a great interest in the plight of the 
Wind River tribes. He took the traditional 
Republican stance that the state could be 



33. O'Mahoney quoted in Iiidiiin Truth 22 (194S), pp. 1-2, 
copy in OM Papers, Box 101, VVHRC, UW. 

34. Joseptv C. O'Mahoney to Mrs. Wilham Barnes, 7 
April, 1955, Box 203, OM Piiperf, WHRC, UW; Joseph C. 
O'Mahoney to George E. Wesaw, Sr., 3 March, 1955, Box 
203, OM Pnpi-rf, WHRC, UW. 

35. Joseph C. O'Mahoney to L.D. Guilford, April 7, 
1960, Box 295, OM Papers, WHRC, UW. 

36. Examples are scattered throughout the William 
Henry Harrison Papers, WHRC, UW. 

37. Mrs. Stanley Hathaway to Cathie Windheim, 19 
September, 1973, Box 94, Stanley K. Hathaway Papers, 
Wyoming State Archives, Cheyenne (hereafter cited as 

WSA). 

38. Interview. Stanley K. Hathaway hy Steve Schulte 23 
July 1981, 

39. Interview. Stanley K. Hathaway by Steve Schulte 23 
July 1981; Casper Star-Tribune, 30 August, 1968. 



62 



Wyoming Annals 



more efficient than the federal government, 
and attempted to show that even though In- 
dians were federal wards they were still state 
citizens. Roberta Hathaway explained her 
husband's philosophy to a constituent: "The 
people living on our Wind River Reserva- 
tion are citizens of the state of Wyoming and 
are entitled to the services of the stale just 
as any other citizen."" 

Hathaway, who was bom in Nebraska 
but grew up in Huntley. Wyoming, 
never had much interest in or con- 
tact with Indian affairs before his election 
as governor in I %8. His interest was spun'ed 
through his wife's deep feelings for the prob- 
lems of the state's tribes. To Hathaway, es- 
tablishing a political relationship with the 
tribes took some time. He followed an ex- 
cellent trail already blazed by his wife who 
made several trips to the reservation in or- 
der to assist the tribes in marketing their arts 
and crafts. Hathaway understood the Wind 
River Indians' instinctive mistrust of white 
politicians. They have good cause, 
Hathaway remarked, "to be wary of white 
politicians. ..there have been many people 
who haven't been forthright with them."" 
Hathaway appointed a Governor's Indian 
Advisory Council in August. 1 968. which be- 
came the cornerstone of his Indian policy. 
"You have to have a communication mecha- 
nism," Hathaway argued in defense of his 
council. Largely composed of Wind River 
Indians, the council met periodically with the 
governor and state officials who had frequent 
contact with reservation citizens. Hathaway's 
desire for increased state involvement amelio- 
rated Indian fears of state discrimination which 
dated back at least to the termination era of the 
1950s. Nevertheless, Hathaway's justification 
for more involvement argued that it was a "se- 
rious mistake" for the slate to "sidestep its re- 
sponsibilities" toward Wyoming's Indian citi- 
zens, as "they are very much a part of 
Wyoming's society and economy.""" 

Hathaway attempted to bridge the gap 
of Indian mistrust by presiding over council 
meetings between state officials and tribal 
representatives. "That's where the dialogue 
developed," he said in an interview, and 
where they learned how far apart the slates 
and tribes had been in the past. Through his 
council Hathaway tackled such issues as 
promotion of tourism on the Reservation, the 
denial to Indians of the use of state medical 
facilities, and legal jurisdiction problems on 
the Reservation. He also worked with Uni- 
versity President William Carlson to develop 



a far-reaching scholarship policy to encour- 
age Native American students to attend the 
University of Wyoming. Hathaway tried to 
convince Carlson to waive fees for the state's 
Indian population, although he recognized 
thai the University's Board of Trustees might 
feel such action would demonstrate favorit- 
ism toward one minority group. But 
Hathaway reasoned, "I presume that other 
universities have considered this same prob- 
lem. The Indian people are in a unique posi- 
tion because they were in Wyoming before 
the University was founded."'"' 

While Hathaway's Indian Council did 
not revolutionize communication between 
state government and the Wind River tribes, 
it was considered a significant innovation 
that kept a vital channel of communication 
open at a time when federal Indian policy 
was under attack from Indian peoples. For 
example, the governor of South Dakota 
moved to appoint a state commission for 
Indian affairs but only after several years of 
severe Indian- white conflict had forced him 
to take such a step. Hathaway did not es- 
cape criticism from white Wyomingites for 
his seemingly sympathetic stand on Indian 
matters. Several times Whites believed he 
sympathized with the Indian activist or radi- 
cal segment. Hathaway also suffered criti- 
cism for championing "Indian self- deter- 
mination," the phrase which became the In- 
dians' rallying cry against federal domina- 
tion. When the Wind River tribes consid- 
ered starting an Indian high school Fremont 
County taxpayers became alamied and cas- 
tigated the governor for his self-deter- 
mination stand. Hathaway argued that the 
matter clearly was one which the Indians had 
a right to decide free from outside interfer- 
ence. One angry citizen accused Hathaway 
of "playing politics with the Indian vote." 
After all, the Lander resident reasoned, "this 
may be the fourth time the tribes have been 
paid for their lands. ..the Indians prefer to be 
wards of the government with all of the 
privileges of an American citizen - but none 
of the responsibilities." To such charges 
Hathaway typically replied 

//' the majority of the residents of the 
ReseiTcitioii desire to have their own 
school district. I believe they are eii- 



40. Interview. Stanley K. Hathaway by Steve Schulte 23 
July 1981; Stanley K. Hathaway to'William D. Carlson, 
24 August, 1970, Box 50, Hathaimnj Papers, WSA; 
Hathaway to Robert N. Harris, Sr. and Jesse Miller, 5 
March, 1971, Box 50, Hathaway Papers, WSA. 



■ 




V^^^^^^^H 


Mi 




nl 


1 


^ jr> 


u 



Sfanfey Hathaway 



Fall 1994 



63 




fop to boffom: 
Teno Roncafio, 1964 

Dick Cheney 
Ed Merschfer, 1984 

Photos from the Wyoming State Museum 



tirled to do so. In any event. I do not 
intend to inflict my opinions or judg- 
ment on the residents of the Reserva- 
tion other than to support their right 
of self-determination.^' 

Wyoming Congressman Teno Roncalio 
also advocated Indian self-determination. 
The five term United States Representative 
paid less attention than Hathaway to the 
Wind Ri\ er tribes but worked on important 
national Indian legislation from the mid to 
late 1970s. Roncalio summarized his posi- 
tion on Indian policy. 

// seems to me that ours is a nation 
where even' person can assimilate and 
intermingle and be treated as an equal, 
hut also where one. who so chooses, can 
he different and have that difference re- 
spected. It appears to me that our Na- 
tion is great enough to be able to ac- 
commodate within our borders the 
semi-sovereign Indian tribes with their 
desire to retain their culture and their 
self-detennination. I would hope so.''- 

Roncalio believed that Indian affairs 
had been treated in Congress like 
an orphaned child, pushed from one 
member of that body to another. Few repre- 
sentatives wanted to serve on the Indian Sub- 
committee because of the particularly com- 
plicated legislation and slight prospect of po- 
litical reward. In his final term during the 
95th Congress Roncalio. generally consid- 
ered a liberal Democrat in the Kennedy tra- 
dition, served as chairman of the House In- 
dian Affairs Subcommittee. He observed that 
an "anti-Indian m.ood of disturbing propor- 
tion" clouded those years, as Congress once 
again seemed to be neglecting its responsi- 
bilities to the Indian people. Roncalio felt 
that one of his greatest accomplishments as 
head of the Indian Affairs Subcommittee was 
pushing through to law a particularly tough 
piece of legislation, H.R. 12533 (S.B. 1214) 
the Indian Child Welfare Act. Its primary 
Senate advocate, James Abourezk of South 
Dakota, remarked: 

For the past nio hundred years, the 
children of American Indians have been 
the innocent victims of a cultural war 
waged against them by American 
society.. .Christian missionaries. Indian 
agents, school teachers and politicians 
have all argued that Indian children 
must be taught to be something other 
than Indian.... 



64 



The House bill, championed and 
co-sponsored by Roncalio, contained un- 
precedented guarantees that an Indian tribe 
can intervene on behalf of a child in court 
custody proceedings and required full rec- 
ognition of tribal laws and tribal court or- 
ders in such matters. In short, the bill recog- 
nized Indian cultural integrity and the sov- 
ereignty of tribal-generated laws in matters 
concerning their own children.^' 

Wyoming politicians by the late 1970s 
had come full circle in their attitudes toward 
American Indians: from the meddling be- 
havior of politicians who influenced the 
Wind River tribes to reject the Indian Reor- 
ganization Act, to the termination advocates 
of the 1950s, and finally to advocacy of In- 
dian self-determination. Later Wyoming 
politicians, such as Congressman Dick 
Cheney and Senator Malcolm Wallop, also 
expressed commitment to the rhetoric of 
Indian self-determination, though Wallop 
believed that government paternalism 
caused the Indians "to become unnecessar- 
ily dependent on the tax dollar." Wyoming 
Governor Ed Herschler chose not to con- 
tinue Hathaway's Indian Council, but made 
himself available for consultation whenever 
necessary. Herschler, like many Wyoming 
and Western politicians before him. believed 
in the eventual termination of the federal 
trust and the integration of Indians into the 
state system. To accomplish this he main- 
tained that "friendship and trust must be es- 
tablished within the minds of the Indians." 
Herschler also sounded a typical western 
Indian political note by arguing that one of 
the greatest hindrances to Native American 
progress was the Bureau of Indian Affairs, 
It was not, he said, perfomiing its job prop- 



41. Stanley K. Hathaway to Mrs. James E. Nirider, June 
26,1972, Box 94, Hathaimy Papers., WSA; Lloyd E. Deala 
to Hathaway, 9 June, 1972, Box 94. Hathaway Papers, 
WSA; Dorothy Connell to Hathaway, 13 June, 1972 and 
Hathaway to Connell, 26 June, 1972, Box 94, Hathaway 
Papers, WSA. 

42. Congressional Record, 95th Congress, 2nd Session, 14 
October, 1978, pp.E5738-E5740. 

43. Congressional Record, 14 October, 1978, pp.E5738- 
E5740; inter\-iew with Teno RoncaUo, 3 September, 
1981; American Indian Lawyer Training Program, Inc., 
Imlian Child Welfare Act of 1978: A Law for Our Children 
(Oakland: American Indian Lawyer Training Program, 
Inc., 1979), pp.i-ii. 

44. Congressman Dick Chenev to Steven C. Schulte, 7 
April, 1983; Senator Malcolm Wallop to Steven C. 
Schulte, 11 March, 1983; Governor Ed Herschler to 
Steven C. Schulte, 19 April, 1983. All letters in author's 
collection. 



Wyoming Annals 



eriy because of the maze of rules and regu- 
lations enforced by bureaucrats "who could 
care less about Indians."" 

By the 1980s Wyoming politicians 
maintained an active interest in Indian policy 
and Indian affairs. But clearly, issues affect- 
ing Native Americans no longer held as 
much interest and importance for the state 
as they did earlier Most Wyoming citizens 
seemed content to consider the Native 
American as an interesting relic from the 
past, though cities bordering the Wind River 
Reservation remain beset by the same prob- 
lems of discrimination and racial tension that 



characterize most Western, off-reservation 
towns. Since the 1930s most Wyoming poli- 
ticians have reflected continuing and often 
prejudicial frontier attitudes toward Native 
Americans by supporting legislation to mini- 
mize federal restrictions on Indian life and 
property, making it easier for Whites to ac- 
quire and exploit Indian land. This rapa- 
ciousness has been tempered by some state 
politicians who have managed to overcome 
prejudice toward Native Americans and take 
political chances in order to advocate real- 
istic and constructive programs for Indian 
self-determination. 

r 



:{t<r 






<l 



Ob 



■Of 



lUi 



Steven C. Schulte ( i 95 5- ) is the Chairman of the Department of 
Social and Behavioral Sciences at Mesa State College in Grand 
Junction, Colorado. He teaches and researches the American 
West, focusing upon Native Americans and environmental issues. 

Steve Schulte was born in Minneapolis, Minnesota, and raised 
IN River Falls, Wisconsin. He received his B.S. in history and 
journalism from the University- of Wisconsin-River Falls, his M.A. 
IN history from Colorado State University' and his Ph.D. in history 
FROM the University' of Wyoming in 1984. 

Schulte's interest in Native Americans began at the age of six 
when he picked up arrowheads at the "Mound," a local River Falls 
landmark. That interest was bolstered by his mentor, James T. King, an 
undergraduate professor. Schulte eventually received an assistant- 
ship IN history at CSU, where he met Wyoming historlan, Peter Iverson, 
who influenced his decision to attend the Universiti' of Wyoming. 

Schulte's en-vironmental interests are reflected in his publica- 
tions AND work experience OUTSIDE OF ACADEME. He HAS BEEN A NATIONAL 

Park Service ranger at Mesa Verde National Park (Colorado) and a 

FIELD historian FOR THE WYOMING STATE HISTORIC PRESERVATION OFFICE 

(Cheyenne). 

Apart from the usual committee work and administrative respon- 
sibilities inherent in a Division Chairman's position, he has written 
papers and book reviews for various Western journals. His article, 
"Indians and Politicians: The Origins of a 'Western' Attitude Toward 
Native Americans in Wyoming, 1867-1906" appeared in the July, 1981 
issue of Annals. Currently he is writing two books, one on modern Sioux- 
white politics in South Dakota and a biography' of CoNGRESS^L\N Wa^'ne 
AspiNALL (D) of Colorado. 

Steve, his wife Tracy, and their three children, Anders, Inge and 

KiRSTIN, ARE heavily INVOLVED IN COMMUNITi' LIFE, PARTICIPATING IN 
ORGANIZATIONS SUCH AS THE MuSEUM OF WESTERN COLORADO, THE MESA 

County Historical Society', and Grand Junction's youth soccer and 

LITTLE league BASEBALL PROGRAMS. 




■% 
* 



>&. 









Fall 1994 



65 



.J<-tf^ 







-*>-.- 



\ 



Book 
Reviews 



Lincoln Highway Association ' 

A Complete Official Road 

Guide of the Lincoln 

Highway 

Review by Randall A. Wagner 



John D. McDermott 

Dangerous Duty 

A History of Frontier Forts in 
Fremont County, Wyoming 

Review by Larry D. Ball 



David M. Wrobel 

The End of American 
exceptionalism 

Frontier Anxiety from the Old 
West to the Ni:w Deal 

Review by Rick Ewig 



R. McGreggor Cawley 

Federal Land, 
Western Anger 

The Sagebrush Rebellion and 
Environmental Politics 

Review by Dr. Maggi Maier Murdock 



Orrin H. Bonney 
WITH Lorraine G. Bonney 

The Grand Controversy 

The Pioneer Climbs in the 

Teton Range and the 

Controversial First Ascent of 

the Grand Teton 

Review by Mikel Vause 



Barbara Love and Frances Love 
Froidevaux, editors 

Lady's Choice 

Ethel Waxham's 
Journal & Letters 

and 

Katherine Harris 

Long Vistas 

Women and Families on 
Colorado Homesteads 

Review by Lynne M. Getz 

Robert Utley 

The Lance and the Shield 

The Life and Times 

OF Sitting Bull 

Review by J. Daniel d'Oney 



Photo opposite: 

Jeanette Clark, 

Billy Walcott Residence, 

January 1943 

J.E. Stimson Collection, Wyoming State Museum 



Jermy Benton Wight 

Frederick W. Lander and 
THE Lander Trail 

Review by Todd R. Guenther 



Carl Abbott 

The Metropolitan Frontier 

Cities in the 
Modern American West 

Review by David G. McComb 



Terry G. Jordan 

North American Cattle- 
Ranching Frontiers 

Origins, Diffusion and 
Differentiation 

Review by Patricia Ann Owens 



Teresa Jordan 

Riding the White 

Horse Home 

A Western Family Album 

Review by Celeste Colgan 

George W. Hufsmith 

The Wyoming Lynching of 
Cattle Kate, 1889 

Review by D.C. Thompson 



T.A. Larson 

Wyoming's War Years, 
1941-1945 

Review by Gerald D. Nash 



Fall 1994 



67 



BOOK 



This road guide, originally pub- 
lished by the Lincoln Highway Asso- 
ciation in 1924, has recently been re- 
printed in facsimile by Patrice Press of 
Tucson. It was the last of a series of Lin- 
coln Highway guides to be issued by 
the Association, which was founded in 
1913, and is by far the most complete 
and interesting. 

The Lincoln Highway extended 
approximately 3,300 miles from 
Times Square in New York City to 
San Francisco's Lincoln Park. It rep- 
resents the first attempt to tie the 
nation together with, "...a continu- 
ous, connected, improved highway 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, open 
to lawful traffic of all descriptions 
without toll charges...." It should be 
noted that in 1924 the phrase "im- 
proved highway" referred to any 
road on which some attempt had 
been made at grading, draining and 
surfacing with rock or gravel. Con- 
crete paving was always a goal of the 
Association but was seldom realized, 
especially west of the Mississippi. 

Still, the privately-sponsored Lin- 
coln Highway was an instant success 
and became an object lesson for state 
and federal government development 
of public road building and mainte- 
nance programs. The Guide points out 
that "$750-million will be invested in 
proper highway improvements" in 
1924 and that half of the projects will 
be under the supervision of federal 
government engineers. Also noted is 
the fact that "the Federal Bureau of 
Public Roads has been given wide 
powers over the disposition of the 
people's money." 

Shortly after the 1924 Guide was 
published, the Bureau of Public Roads 
took control of all interstate highway 
systems and the Lincoln Highway, as 
such, ceased to exist. Most of it became 
U.S. 30 and sections in Utah, Nevada 
and California were renamed U.S. 40 
and 50. Thus, the Guide gives us a 
good look at a transition in the history 
of motorized transportation, as roads 
and highways began to serve a grow- 



ing number of private and commercial 
American vehicles. 

What the Guide does best is give us 
an insightful, and sometimes humor- 
ous, glimpse of long-distance automo- 
bile travel in the first quarter of the cen- 
tury. A lengthy chapter on transconti- 
nental tourmg offers these tips: 

-West of Cheyenne, Wyoming always 
fill your tank at every point gasoline can 
be obtained, no matter how little you have 
used from your previous supply. This 
costs nothing but a little time and it may 
save a lot of trouble. 

-Do}i 't drink alkali water. Serious 
internal cramps result. You can quickly 
tell whether water is alkali or not by 
tasting it. 

-Don't carry loaded firearms 
in the car. Nothing of this kind 
is in the least necessan/ except for 
sport, anyhow. 

-Don 't ford 'water -without first 
wading through it. — Don't allow 
your canteen (west of Cheyeime, 
Wyo.) to be full of anything other 
thanfi-esh water. 

The Guide makes many ref- 
erences to the conditions that 
changed once the Lincoln High- 
way left Cheyenne, but also notes 
that improvements were being 
made. "Wyoming will this year 
complete her entire 425-mile section 
of the Lincoln Way, a boulevard of 
red granite gravel from Cheyenne, 
out over the Continental Divide and 
across the Great Plains where, ten years 
ago, the chance traveler picked out 
any pair of ruts on the range his judg- 
ment or his fancy dictated." A chart 
points out that as of May 1, 1924, only 
74.6 miles of the entire Lincoln High- 
way remains as "natural earth." 

Chapters in the Guide deal with the 
structure, purpose and membership of 
the Lincoln Highway Association, the 
history of the overland trails that pre- 
ceded the Lincoln, information on early 
attempts at transcontinental automobile 
travel, details on how the highway is 



A Complete and 
Official Road 
Guide of the 
Lincoln Highway 

Fifth Edition 



THE COMPLt:i E OhFICI/VL 
KOAH GUIDE 



LINCOLN HIGHWAY 



nrni EDmov 



THF PATRICX PRESS 



BY THE Lincoln Highway 
Association. 

Tucson, Arizona; The Patrice 
Press, 1993. Photographs and 
illustrations, maps, index, fore- 
word AND 540 pp. 

Paper $17.95 



Wyoming Annals 



REVIEW 



fifnB 



THE 

LINCOLN HIGHWAY 

WYOMING 

UTAH- 

-NEW YORK 

SAN FRANCISCO- 








top: Lincoln Highway 
state line sign 

Mark Junge 

middle: Lincoln Highway 
concrete post marker 

Mark Junge 

bottom: gas pump, 
Rock River, 1987 

Richard Collier, SHPO 



signed and marked, a discussion of the 
"Ideal Section" of tfie Lincoln in Indi- 
ana, an account of the 1919 U.S. Army 
convoy that traveled the length of the 
Lincoln, a description of western tour- 
ist attractions, and state-by-state traffic 
rules and regulations. 

From pages 191 through 526 the 
Guide does, in fact, become a guide- 
book: a detailed state-by-state, town-by- 
town, mile-by-mile, description of the 
Lincoln Highway. It includes such 
things as the location of free camp- 
grounds, the local Lincoln Highway 
"control" point in every town, the loca- 
tion of all filling stations, garages, 
dealerships, hotels, cafes, telephone and 
express companies, and water holes for 
both human and radiator use. 

Tips on road condition and railroad 
grade crossings are included as well as 
hints about local attractions such as 
Cheyenne Frontier Days. 

Each state is introduced by a discus- 
sion of its history, geology, economy, cli- 
mate and general character Accurate 
and detailed maps are included for ev- 
ery section of the highway and for most 
towns and cities. Most of the Wyoming 
towns or control points named still ex- 
ist in some form and will be recognized 
by today's reader although a few, such 
as Archer, Carbon, Parco, Tipton and 
Bryan may be less familiar. Several of 
the Lincoln Highway waysides are 
listed as "stations" and the Guide points 
out that, "...the old Union Pacific road- 
bed, constructed of Sherman Hill gran- 
ite, available for long distances at sev- 
eral points across the state, makes the 
construction of a perfect road possible 
at minimum expense." 

The Lincoln Highway Association 
Road Guide contains 324 photographs 
that present a visual cross-section of 
American automobile transportation in 
the 1920's, and hundreds of advertise- 
ments for virtually every product avail- 
able to the 1924 motorist. Cadillac, Ford, 
Chevrolet and Chrysler are there along- 
side HupmobUe, Jewett Six, Reo, Jordan, 
Packard and Rickenbacker. Auto parts, 
everything from frames and bodies to 



piston rings, carburetors and modern 
disc wheels, are all listed. Camp- 
grounds, auto camps and hotels (the 
Plains, the Virginian, the Ferris, the 
Wamsutter, the Tomahawk, the 
Evanston) are all promoted as are ga- 
rages and service stations. 

The book is well-bound under a 
paperback cover that is a faithful re- 
production of the original leatherette 
cover. My copy has already seen a lot 
of use and abuse and shows no ill ef- 
fects. I recently used it as a guide for a 
650-mile motorcycle trip to the Lincoln 
Highway Association's annual con- 
vention in Ames, Iowa. It led me across 
a lot of back roads and forgotten high- 
ways in Nebraska and Iowa and made 
the trip interesting ...something that a 
blast down 1-80 never is. 

A publisher's foreword by Gre- 
gory M. Franzwa and a brief essay by 
Drake Hokanson, author of The 
Lincoln Highway, Main Street Across 
America, help put the 1924 Guide in 
perspective. The editors have avoided 
correcting obvious errors (the crossing 
of the Continental Divide is listed at 
both the Sherman Summit and at 
Creston Station) and have presented 
the Guide as originally printed. My 
only criticism is that the facsimile re- 
production technique doesn't do jus- 
tice to the half-tone photographs, 
many of which tend to lose detail in 
the dark areas. 

Randall A. Wagner 

Wyoming Director 

Lincoln Highway Association 

Cheyenne 



Fall 1994 



69 



BOOK 



As pioneers trekked across the vast 
western wilderness in tlie nineteenth 
century they did not wander aimlessly. 
They followed main frontier thorough- 
fares, moving from fortified place to 
fortified place along well-traveled 
routes. Such posts could be either ci- 
vilian or military installations. The oc- 
cupants of wagon trains who braved 
the great central route to the Far West 
on the Overland and Oregon Trails and 
their branches were very fortunate. 
Even in such remote areas as Wyoming 
there were places of temporary repose. 
In this volume author McDermott cata- 
logs the services provided by posts 
along one section of this important 
road during the period from 1857 to 
approximately 1880. 

Fremont County is astride the Or- 
egon Trail and its residents are keenly 
aware of trail history. In 1990 the Fre- 
mont County Historic Preservation 
Commission began an assessment of 
their nineteenth century trail sites, with 
a view toward assisting tourists and 
placing them on the National Register 
of Fiistoric Places. 

As a former historian at Fort 
Laramie National Historic Site and one 
who participated in the National Sur- 
vey of Historic Sites and Buildings, 
McDermott is well-qualified to per- 
form the research. He is the author of 
numerous articles concerning the fur 
trade and the United States Army on 
the western frontier. Currently he is 
an historical consultant and resides in 
Sheridan, Wyoming. 

At the height of overland migra- 
tion in the mid-nineteenth century 
numerous fortified places were spaced 
along the trail in Fremont County, an 
area encompassing much of central 
Wyoming . McDermott divides the 
posts into three groups: 1) Fort Thomp- 
son (1857-58) and Fort Aspen Hut 
(1858); 2) three small stations -Three 
Crossings, Rocky Ridge and South 
Pass- which served to protect the trans- 
continental telegraph line between 
1862 and 1867; and 3) forts that pro- 
tected the Shoshoni and Arapaho 



(Wind River) reservation, including 
Camp Brown (No.l, 1869-71, and No.2, 
1872-1909) and Camp Stambaugh (1870- 
81). The author briefly describes the cir- 
cumstances that led to establishment of 
the posts, narrates the most important 
Indian engagements at or near them, 
and pro\'ides the reasons for their aban- 
donment. While McDermott adds noth- 
ing new to the story, he presents a 
lively account that tourists and 
other readers in the popular au- 
dience will appreciate as they 
search out these historic places. 
Chapter notes and a helpful bib- 
liography supplement the text. 



Larry D. Ball 

Professor of History 
Arkansas State University 
State University, Arkansas 



Dangerous Duty 

A History of 
Frontier Forts in 
Fremont County, 
Wyoming 




ijIfiftTJjflsr-;.^^:; 




JoKnD.' McDermott 



By John D. McDermott 

Lander: Fremont County Historic 
Preservation Commission, 199^. 11 
and 145 pages. Maps, illustra- 
tions, NOTES, bibliography, INDEX. 

Paper $6.95 



Wyoming Annals 



REVIEW 



The End of 

American 

exceptionalism 

Frontier Anxiety from 

THE Old West to the 

New Deal 



m 



H' 



DimMBEi'-. - n^^Jjj. 



MPTONALSM 

FBONTIElUNlllETyFfiOHIflt 
OlDWBITOTIIENfWDMl 




By David M. Wrobel 

Lawrence: University Press of 

Kansas, 199^. Notes, selected 

bibliography, index. x and 233 pp. 

Cloth, $27.50 



Signs of the western frontier can be 
seen today throughout Wyoming. Tour- 
ists are encouraged to see what America 
was, to experience Cheyenne Frontier 
Days and to visit frontier forts and fron- 
tier prisons. It is difficult, if not impos- 
sible, to separate Wyoming from the 
idea of the frontier, and we cannot un- 
derstand the history of Wyoming if we 
do not understand the perception of the 
frontier and its significance. That is ex- 
actly what David Wrobel has done on 
a broader scale in his new book, 
The End of Auwrican Exccption- 
alism. Wrobel believes that the 
idea of the frontier and the anxi- 
ety aroused by its supposed clos- 
ing in 1890 helped shape the na- 
tion from the nineteenth century 
to the New Deal and that the re- 
sults can even be seen today. 

"American Exceptionalism" 
refers to the viewpoint that the 
country's development, which 
was based upon the frontier, was 
unique, beneficent, and excep- 
tional. Today that development 
is seen by many historians as an 
unheroic conquest, although it 
once was seen as a positive experience. 
It was believed that when the frontier 
closed, the nation's uniqueness would 
fade and we would have to deal with 
such problems as urbanization and the 
lack of agricultural land to feed the 
growing population. 

Wrobel's work is an intellectual look 
at the frontier. His purpose is not to de- 
termine when and if the frontier closed, 
but how the perception of a closing fron- 
tier influenced people's thoughts. He 
traces ideas from 1870 to the 1930s 
through the works of contemporary writ- 
ers, politicians, intellectuals, historians 
and commentators. He allows the 
"voices of people from the past"(p. 146) 
to be heard, for example, the voices of 
John Steinbeck, Theodore Roosevelt, 
Owen Wister, Frederick Jackson Turner, 
and even Laramie's Bill Nye, who la- 
mented the closing of the frontier in his 
article, "No More Frontier." 

Wrobel sees the anxiety caused by the 



closing of the frontier taking shape 
during the 1870s and 1880s, not sud- 
denly after the 1890 census reported 
the frontier officially closed. Anxiety 
was more acute, however, during the 
1890s. Turner's famous 1893 paper on 
the closing of the frontier was, Wrobel 
states, "not just an original synthesis 
of the American past, but a classic ex- 
pression of frontier anxiety"(p. 36). 
The theme of a closed frontier contin- 
ued during the Progressive Era of the 
early 1900s even though there were shU 
significant tracts of Western land for 
settlement. However, in the complex, 
urbanized post-frontier era there 
would be no more safety valve to re- 
lieve the country of growing tensions. 
There was class conflict and polariza- 
tion of the workers, and the country 
needed to foster cooperation instead of 
frontier individualism. In this new age 
government needed to play an active 
role as the "guarantor of opportun- 
ity"(p. 84) since the frontier no longer 
fulfilled that function. The argument 
about the role of government versus 
that of the individual was prevalent 
during public policy debates in the 
1930s, as well. Some believed that 
with the safety-valve gone, govern- 
ment would need to step in and com- 
pensate for its loss. Others believed 
the frontier would never close so 
long as the frontier spirit remained 
and that spirit would get the coun- 
try through the Depression. 

As he explores these periods in 
American history, the author looks at 
the solutions which arose in respcnse 
to the perception of the closing of the 
frontier. He cites internal solutions 
such as irrigation which reopened the 
frontier; conservation to preserve our 
natural resources; and immigration 
restriction as an alternative to open 
immigration. The nation also looked 
for external solutions such as expan- 
sion to new territorial frontiers includ- 
ing Canada and the Philippines. 

The closing of the frontier, accord- 
ing to Wrobel, helped create the mythic 
West which became part of American 



Fall 1994 



BOOK 



culture. Frederic Remington captured 
the last remaining moments of the he- 
roic, romantic frontier while "Buffalo 
Bill" Cody exhibited it as an entertain- 
ment spectacle. The cowboy, described 
by Wrobel as "a rootless vagrant"(p. 
23), became the popular symbol of the 
frontier, replacing the noble pioneer 
whose roots were firmly established in 
the land. During the postfrontier era 
the country felt nostalgia for the pass- 
ing of the frontier and the cowboy. 
"The image of the cowboy was a cre- 
ation of the postfrontier mind and in- 
cidentally one that bore little resem- 
blance to the grim realities of that 
character's existence"(p. 92). Popular 
magazines and literature of the twen- 
tieth century increasingly sold the im- 
age of the mythic frontier. 

Wrobel views his work more as 
intellectual history than Western his- 



tory, but his book nevertheless is an im- 
portant contribution to the growing vol- 
ume of work on the American West. His 
arguments are convincing. The book is 
well written and can be understood by 
both scholars and the general public. It 
should be read by anyone wishing to 
gain a better understanding of how the 
West has developed. Wrobel concludes 
by writing that frontier anxiety "may 
no longer exist, but the frontier mythol- 
ogy it spawned, the 'frontier heritage 
of the mind,' is still with us today and 
probably will be for generations to 
come"(p. 146). 

Rick Ewig 

Manager, Reference Services 
American Heritage Center 
University oe Wyoming 
Laramie 



Federal Land, 
Western Anger 

The Sagebrush 
Rebellion and 
Environmental Politics 



The Sagebrush Rebellion seems a 
distant memory to most people: the 
players are only vaguely remembered, 
the issues jumbled or forgotten. A 
book about the Sagebrush Rebellion 
thus seems to represent an odd, even 
anachronistic, subject at this time. R. 
McGreggor Cawley's work entitled 
Federal Land, Western Anger: The Sage- 
brush Rebellion and Eninroninental Poli- 
ties is not an anachronism, however. It 
helps remove the cobwebs in most of 
our memories which cover the episode 
termed the "Sagebrush Rebellion." 

While this work ostensibly focuses 
on the Sagebrush Rebellion, it provides 
much more. For those urifamiliar with 
environmental politics it contains three 
important elements. First, Cawley pro- 
vides definitions of terms used in en- 
vironmental issues, as well as an ex- 
planation of how those terms are 
viewed differently by different groups 
and at different times. Second, Cawley 
provides historical perspective. Us- 
ing the Sagebrush Rebellion as a ve- 
hicle he takes the reader on a histori- 
cal tour of the conservation movement 



which helps us understand the 
Sagebrush Rebellion, but which 
also helps us understand the 
broader issues of conservation, 
preservation and development. 
Third, Cawley explains why the 
Sagebrush Rebellion: what it was, 
why it happened when it did and 
who were the players. 

For those knowledgeable 
about environmental politics, Fed- 
eral Land, Western Anger provides 
analysis. Cawley sets the Sage- 
brush Rebellion into historical 
context, tying diverse political 
threads together to provide mean- 
ing for the Sagebrush Rebellion 
and environmental politics of the 1970s 
and 1980s. Thus, Cawley not only pro- 
vides various perspectives on events, 
discussions, theories and players, he ties 
these perspectives into a whole and ana- 
lyzes the impact of the Rebellion. 

Two criticisms of this study are in 
order. First, at times Cawley is too pre- 
cise in his narration of the Sagebrush 
Rebellion and environmental politics of 
the 1970s and 1980s. There are some 



^ii^fWAr 



LAND 




t^^l"""""! 



R. McfiREOCOR CAWIEY 



BY R. McGreggor Cawley 

Lawrence: University Press of 
Kansas, 1993. Illustrations, 
bibliography, index. 168 pp. 
Cloth, $29.95 



Wyoming Annals 



REVIEW 



The Grand 
Controversy 

The Pioneer Climbs in 

THE Teton Range and 

THE Controversial First 

Ascent of the 

Grand Teton 



Q ran d 

CONTROVERSY 



By Orrin H. Bonney with 
Lorraine G. Bonney 

New York: The AAC Press, 1992. 

Illustrations, notes, appendix, 

bibliography, index, xvii and 457 

PP. Paper $28.50. 



redundancies in the discussion and at 
times he seems compelled to find more 
than one meaning for every decision or 
action. Second, there is little discussion 
of contemporary environmental politics 
or how the contemporary scene is af- 
fected by 1970s and 1980s policy de- 
bates and battles over political influ- 
ence. Taking that final step to provide 
a tie to contemporary life w^ould have 
finished nicely the historical analysis ii"i 
this work. 

However, the book does not suffer 
seriously from either of these draw- 
backs. It is well-written, well-researched 
and thorough. It contains historical con- 
text which eiiliances our understanding 
of the issues, motives and results of the 
Sagebrush Rebellion. It produces a thor- 
ough understanding not only of this 
phenomenon, but also of the develop- 
ment of environmental politics from the 
turn of the twentieth century through 



the Reagan administration. The reader 
leaves the book with an understand- 
ing that the Sagebrush Rebellion and 
environmental decision-making went 
beyond simple conflict over preserva- 
tion or development. In fact, the com- 
plicated set of players and perceptions 
that gave rise to the Rebellion funda- 
mentally changed the political arena. 
For western readers. Federal 
Land, Western Anger is a reminder of 
the reality of life in states with large 
federal holdings. It helps us imder- 
stand contemporary discussions on 
grazing fees and why Westerners feel 
they are under attack from the 
Clinton administration. 

Dr. Maggi Maier Murdock 

Professor of Political Science 
University of Wyoming 
Laramie 




Twenty-three years ago I made my 
first trip to Jackson, Wyoming. I'll 
never forget my visit to Jackson 
Hole Mountaineering, a little 
shop just opposite the southwest 
corner of the town square. 1 
couldn't help but think of the his- 
tory connected to that little climb- 
ing shop, enhanced as it was by 
the ice axe door handle and the 
swinging sign complete with a 
coil of Goldline rope. I came 
away with a fascination for Teton 
mountaineering that has lasted 
over twenty years and has led me 
to the summits of several of the 
Teton peaks, including the 
Grand. I also came away from 
that shop with two things: a copy 
of Leigh Ortenburger's A 
Climber's Guide to the Tetons, and 
a souvenir poster, a free one, that car- 
ried the shop logo. The poster was on 
brown paper, an enlargement of an old 
text entitled Tiie Ascent of Mount Hayden. 
With the text was a drawing of climb- 
ers negotiating an extremely difficult 
piece of mountain climbing. Curiously, 



the drawing appeared to illustrate 
James Stevenson's description of one 
of the hazards he and his companions 
faced on the first ascent of the Grand 
Teton in 1872. As it turned out, the 
poster was a facsimile of a page from 
the famous June, 1873, Scribner's ac- 
count of the ascent, and the drawing 
was, in fact, entitled "The Narrow Es- 
cape of Mr Hamp." 

In the mid-1970s Orrin Bonney 
began working on the first draft of 
something he loosely called 'Begin- 
nings of Teton Climbing to 1934,' 
which eventually became Tiie Grand 
Controversy. After Orrin died in 1979, 
Lorraine Bonney took over the task. 
And thank heaven she did. Because 
of the efforts of both Orrin and 
Lorraine Bonney, the American Alpine 
Club Press has been able to provide an 
excellent and very important histori- 
cal work. The research is meticulous 
and the text is delightful reading, no 
small thing considering such a com- 
plex history. 

I had always believed that the 
first ascent of the Grand Teton was 



Fall 1994 



BOOK 



done in 1898 by William Owen, 
Franklin Spaulding, Frank Peterson 
and John Shive via the famous Owen- 
Spaulding Route. It pleased me that a 
fellow Utahan had the honor and good 
fortune to be the first to reach the mag- 
nificent summit of the Grand, but I 
must admit that I am now more than a 
little convinced that Owen and 
Spaulding were not the first men on 
top. The Bonneys do not believe they 
were, either, and it was the Bonneys' 
purpose to set the record straight. 

The Bonneys have done a fine job 
of story telling, and I like Orrin 
Bonney's point of view. I am also glad 
Lorraine Bonney convinced the pub- 
lishers to keep it that way. The 
Bonneys have done an amazing job of 
incorporating letters and articles to 
support the book's conclusions, all of 
which are excellent sources now made 
easily accessible for other scholars. 

Obviously, the central purpose of 
Tlic Grand Controversy is to deal with 
the first ascent controversy, but the 
Bonneys have also provided a strong 



overview of the evolution of Teton 
climbing since the early climbs. Names 
familiar to Teton history jump off the 
pages of this work, names like: Fryxell, 
Smith, Petzold, Underbill, Exum and 
many others that have played important 
roles in the exploration and ascent of the 
Teton Range. 

In the last paragraph Orrin Bonney 
states: "I dedicate this book to the deeply 
maligned spirits of N.R Langford and 
James Stevenson. May it serve in lieu of 
the plaques, the honors, and recognition 
they were never accorded"(p. 188). I have 
come away with a new perspective re- 
garding the first ascent and who should 
get credit for that honor. The Bonneys 
have made, at least for me, a very con- 
vincing argument in favor of James 
Ste\'enson and Nathaniel P. Langford. 

MiKEL VaUSE 

Professor of English 
Weber State University 
Ogden, Utah 



These two books are valuable ad- 
ditions to a growing patchwork quilt 
on the history of Western women. 
Katherine Harris' Long Vistas, and 
Ethel Waxham's journal and letters 
edited by her granddaughters in Lady's 
Choice, contribute something unusual 
to current historical discussion about 
women in the West. Harris suggests 
that homesteading on the northeastern 
Colorado plains was ultimately posi- 
tive for the women who participated 
in the endeavor. Waxham's words re- 
mind us that women on the frontier 
had unprecedented choices to make 
about the direction of their lives. Taken 
together, these two books offer a pic- 
ture of women as active and ambitious 
participants in the economic and so- 
cial life of the West. 

In Long Vistas Katherine Harris ex- 
plores how homesteading women and 
their families fared in northeastern 



Colorado from the 1880's to the 
1920's. She argues that contrary 
to the usual dismal conclusions 
drawn about homesteading, the 
opportunities encountered by 
women outweighed the hard- 
ships. Under federal homestead 
legislation single women could 
stake out claims on public lands 
and become landowners in their 
own right. And indeed, eigh- 
teen per cent of all homestead- 
ers in northeastern Colorado af- 
ter 1900 were single women. 
Homesteading allowed single 
women to achieve a measure of 
economic autonomy not easily avail- 
able to them otherwise. Married 
women, although unable to file for 
homesteads, participated in joint ven- 
tures of home-building, parenting, and 
farming with their husbands. Harris' 
homesteading wives did not view 



Long Vistas 

Women and Families on 
Colorado Homesteads 



OotBrnAB J-fpiuiSUttAs 




T^fttAcnue }-lnrns 



By Katherine Harris 

NiwoT: University of Colorado 
Press, 1993. Illustrations, tables, 
maps, notes, bibliography, index. 
XVI. AND 2 16 PP. Cloth S24. 95 



Wyoming Annals 



REVIEW 



Lady's Choice 

Ethel Waxham's Journal 
& Letters, T905-1910 




Compiled and edited by 

Barbara Love and 

Frances Love Froidevaux 

Albuquerque: University of 

New Mexico Press, 1993. 

Illustrations, notes, index, xx 

AND 394 pp. Cloth $29.95 



themselves as lonely wretches con- 
demned to lives of drudgery as they 
are so often depicted in Western litera- 
ture. Using diaries and family histo- 
ries, Harris shows that many women 
willingly took an active part in farm 
and household chores, and that their 
ambitions to succeed matched their 
husbands'. Single or married, 
these women participated in mak- 
ing decisions about their eco- 
nomic destiny. 

It would be a mistake to gen- 
eralize too much on the evidence 
of homesteaders on the northeast- 
ern Colorado plains. It is also im- 
portant to recognize that much of 
Harris' evidence comes from the 
family histories and reminiscences 
of people who succeeded in home- 
steading rather than those who 
busted and moved on. With these 
limitations in mind we can, how- 
ever, conclude from Harris' study 
that the role of women in home- 
steading families changed in subtle yet 
significant ways. Wives continued to take 
primary responsibility for domestic 
work, but they also worked in the fields 
and cared for livestock. Girls often did 
non-traditional work under the super\'i- 
sion of fathers, thus learning from both 
male and female role models. A sense of 
what women were capable of doing ex- 
panded as a result of homesteading. 

The life of Ethel Waxham also illus- 
trates the wider opportunities for 
women in the West, while at the same 
time underscoring the limits they con- 
tinued to face. Lady's Choice chronicles 
Waxham's experiences as a teacher in 
Wyoming, Wisconsin and Colorado 
from 1905 to 1910. A recent graduate of 
Wellesley College, Ethel Waxham went 
to live with a ranching family in Wyo- 
ming in 1905, where she taught in a one- 
room school. She also made the ac- 
quaintance of a bachelor sheep rancher, 
John G. Love, who proposed marriage. 
Though Waxham turned him down and 
left Wyoming in 1906, the persistent 
Love courted her through letters and 
visits until she finally agreed to marry 



him in 1910. 

Waxham's granddaughters, Bar- 
bara Love and Frances Love 
Froidevaux, entitled this collection 
Lady's Choice with good reason. 
Waxham made deliberate choices about 
her life. For example, she consciously 
sought adventure in going to an isolated 
ranch in Wyoming to teach. Like other 
college-educated women of her genera- 
tion Waxham had many opportunities 
not previously available to women, and 
she understood that she had an obliga- 
tion to work for social good. As a col- 
lege student she worked in a New York 
settlement house, and after graduation 
she continued to correspond with class- 
mates who devoted themselves to so- 
cial work and suffrage. And yet as a 
woman her choices remained limited 
and ultimately difficult as she had to 
choose between teaching and marriage. 
She chose marriage and life as a 
rancher's wife in Wyoming. 

Both books, each highly entertain- 
ing and delightful to read, contribute 
to an on-going discussion about the 
role of women in the West. Neither 
Harris' evidence nor Waxham's story 
reveal dramatic changes in the tradi- 
tionally prescribed roles for women, 
and yet it is clear that these Western 
women increased their sense of au- 
tonomy and responsibility. Their ex- 
periences changed not only the image 
they had of themselves, but the percep- 
tion that men had of women as well. 
It was men, after all, who voted to give 
women the right to vote in Colorado 
and Wyoming. Harris' observation 
that men knew that women were ca- 
pable of responsibility and thus de- 
serving of the vote speaks to the dif- 
ference that the Western experience 
made for women's lives. 

Lynne M. Getz 

Assistant Professor of History 
Appalachian State University 
Boone, North Carolina 



Fall 1994 



BOOK 



There are certain figures who ap- 
peal to the general public, people in 
whom historical fact and personal mys- 
tique are combined into an intriguing 
whole. Sitting Bull is one of those fig- 
ures, as the large number of works de- 
voted to him attest. Though certainly 
not the first examination of the 
Hunkpapa Lakota Sioux chief, Robert 
Utley's is the best in its technique, fo- 
cus and style. Tlie only work which can 
compare is Stanley Vestal's Sittiiti] Bull: 
Chief of tlie Sioux, which is more litera- 
ture than history. Vestal's original 
sources are valuable, especially the 
1920s and 1930s oral interviews with 
warriors who had known Sitting Bull 
intimately, but Utley does more than 
provide a new interpretation of old 
material. He buttresses previous 
sources with detailed research of Cana- 
dian and American government docu- 
ments, periodicals and personal papers. 

Son of a prominent chief by the 
same name. Sitting Bull achieved war- 
rior status at the early age of fourteen 
and became a chief at twenty-six. This 
rapid rise was due mainly to his ob- 
ser\'ance of the four cardinal virtvies for 
Lakota men: bravery, humility, wis- 
dom and generosity. He stood apart 
in his ability to combine the qualities 
of a fighter, statesman and wicliasirwa 
ivakan (holy man) and realized at an 
early age that, though these gifts might 
bring him personal glory and honor, 
they were also to be used for the good 
of his tribe. In Sittiiig Bull's youth this 
meant warfare with surrounding 
tribes, but as he grew older it increas- 
ingly meant the ability to maintain a 
united culture in the face of white sol- 
diers, preachers and educators. Thus, 
Little Big Horn was not the crescendo 
of a life filled with conflict, but merely 
one part of it. Rather than submit to 
the white military, he and his follow- 
ers sought refuge in Canada. He re- 
turned to the U.S. reluctantly, and only 
then after many of his followers had 
entered reservations and his family 
was starving. Sitting Bull always 
maintained that he came back as a ges- 



ture to his supporters, not as a personal 
surrender. On the reservation his life was 
a constant battle with the agents and his 
one-hme supporters who had submitted 
to the whites. His experiences as a mem- 
ber of Buffalo Bill's Wild West Show re- 
veal him as a man who, though he might 
find white culture repugnant, was quite 
adept at using it for the good of his 
tribe. The book ends with Sitting 
Bull's death in 1890, when he was 
killed during an attempted arrest by 
Indian police, men who had once 
been his followers. Utley maintains 
the arrest was unjustifiable but the 
shooting was not premeditated. 

The book's facts are sound, 
but its real strength lies in new 
interpretation. Despite the claim 
by some that Sitting Bull and 
Custer were mortal enemies, ac- 
cording to Utley the chief never 
really payed much attention to 
"Long Hair" and was much more 
concerned about "Bear Coat" 
Miles. Far from his portrayal in 
earlier works as a broken man who 
fought reservation whites in a futile at- 
tempt to maintain his waning power. 
Sitting Bull enjoyed the confidence of 
the majority of his people, both as a 
statesman and wichaksa ivakan, until his 
death,. Indeed, the image of a broken 
chief seems to have been fostered by 
Indian agent James McLaughlin. Un- 
able to bring all the Lakotas under his 
sway and realizing in Sitting Bull a 
threat to his authority, McLaughlin de- 
liberately tried to undermine Bull's pub- 
lic image in the hope that his loss of sta- 
tus would make reservation Indians 
more willing to listen to their agent. 

Utley has written an excellent book. 
It is one of the few examinations of Sit- 
ting Bull from both the white and Lakota 
viewpoints, and also contains a descrip- 
tion of the Hunkpapa Lakota culture. 
The depiction of Sitting Bull shows a 
man whose qualities allowed him to 
achieve a high status within his own 
tribe and maintain that status and dig- 
nity in the face of American expansion. 
Sitting Bull was a traditional who held 



The Lance and 
THE Shield 

The Life and Times of 
Sitting Bull 




By Robert Utley 

New York: Hhnry Holt and 
Company, 1993. Illustrations, 
notes, bibliography, index. xvii 
AND 41 3 PP. Cloth, S2 5. 00 



76 



Wyoming Annals 



Camping Out in the Yellowstone, 1882 
Mary Bradshaw Richards 

Edited by William W. Slaughter 



Traveling along routes still used today, 
Mary Richards painted a vivid picture of 
an unspoiled Yellowstone Park. Editor 
William Slaughter places her and the park 
in historical context and augments her 
accounts with a number of previously 
unpublished photographs. 
Paper $10.95 

"Well written and illuminating . . . 
recommended for the true and 
total Yellowstone fan. . . ." 

—Library Journal 



Camping OvilXnih it 



^*''* 



w Richards 



INTO THE 

WILDERNESS 
DREAM 







"'^^ '.rtM*^ l^Bt^ 



Exploration Narratives of the 
American West, 1500-1805 



Edited by Donald A. Barclay, 
James H. Maguire, and Peter Wild 




Into the Wilderness Dream 

Exploration Narratives of the 
American West, 1500-1805 
Barclay, Maguire, Wild 

Into the Wilderness Dream draws from the 

best of three dozen accounts by the 

adventurers who came before Lewis and 

Clark, recounting the most exciting 

documented endeavor of this millennium— the 

exploration of the North American West. 

Cloth $45.00, Paper $17.95 



Available at bookstores everywhere, or order direct from the publisher 
toll-free (800) 773-6672. Free catalog available on request 




''Ol ^^® University of Utah Press 

- ^ 101 University Services BIdg. 

Salt Lake City, Utah 84112 




BOOK 



strongly to the old ways, but was re- 
markably astute in taking things from 
white culture to help his people while 
maintaining tribal beliefs. Historically 
sound and pleasant to read, this book 
maintains the standard of excellence in 
Utley's earlier books and has an im- 



portant place in the history of the Ameri- 
can West. 

J. Daniel d'Oney 

History Ph.D. candidate 
Arizona State University 
Tempe 



At last an amateur historian has 
stepped in to fill a void long neglected 
by professionals. Only a few journal 
articles and research papers refer to 
Frederick W. Lander, and the Lander 
Cutoff of the Oregon Trail, which 
crossed portions of Wyoming, Idaho, 
and Nevada. Though Wight's book is 
short, it includes new information 
about Lander, the history of western 
exploration, mid-nineteenth century 
politics and personalities, engineering 
and road construction, and Lander's 
service during the Civil War. The book 
also includes se\'eral appendices of 
primary source material. 

In 1857 Congress authorized the 
Interior Department to construct sev- 
eral emigrant wagon roads in western 
territories. Lander was a wealthy aris- 
tocrat from Massachusetts who, as 
chief engineer on the 1853 Northern 
Pacific Survey, searched for a possible 
railroad route to the coast. He filled 
the same position on the centrally lo- 
cated Fort Kearny, South Pass and 
Honey Lake Wagon Road project in 
1858. Lander was appointed to replace 
the incompetent project superinten- 
dent. In spite of all obstacles he com- 
pleted the project in 1860. His road 
was shorter than the old route via Fort 
Bridger, provided better water and for- 
age for stock, and kept emigrants away 
from hostile Mormon communities. 
The outbreak of the Civil War and sub- 
sequent completion of the transconti- 
nental railroad precluded the new road 
receiving heavy use like that on the 
Oregon Trail, thus decreasing its na- 
tional significance. 

When he sticks to his topic, Wight 
provides us with a useful tool. The book 



is well-researched and contains a large 
amount of good information. Often, 
however, the text includes unnecessary 
information and obserxations as well as 
lengthy digressions on peripheral top- 
ics which interrupt the flow of the his- 
torical narrative. Chapter organization 
is sometimes disjointed. For ex- 
ample, between two chapters 
dealing with road construction is 
one describing emigrant experi- 
ences before and after construc- 
tion, anci on other trails. This 
chapter would have been more 
appropriate elsewhere, perhaps 
even as an appendix. Rigorous 
editing could have solved these 
problems and provided correc- 
tions for numerous spelling and 
typographical errors. Wight's edi- 
torializing is, variously, amusing 
("If there was ever a man who will 
fry in hell at the judgement day, it 
will be Lansford W. 
Hasting, "...p. 9) and annoying, 
such as when he discusses a pro- 
posed name change for Star Valley on 
the Wyoming-Idaho border. In this lat- 
ter issue of questionable relevance he 
wastes even more time discussing his 
personal favorite, then concludes: "But 
nobody asked him"(p.78). 

Tlie book is written in a familiar style 
directed toward a popular, rather than 
professional, audience. At the end of one 
chapter, for example, he advises readers 
to examine certain appendices, closing 
by saying, "I will wait for you at Chap- 
ter Five"(p.51). In reference to the ap- 
pendices, his sources include biographi- 
cal dictionaries and encyclopedias, but 
these dubious documents are balanced 
by a number of primary documents. 



Frederick W. 
Lander and the 
Lander Trail 



THE OREGON TRAIL 
Book One 



FREDERICK W. LANDER 




LANDER TRAIL 



Jermy Benton Wight 



BY Jermy Benton Wight 

Bedford, Wyoming: Star Valley 
Llama, 1993. Illustrations, 
NOTES 102 pp. Paper $12.00 



78 



Wyoming Annals 



REVIEW 



The 

Metropolitan 

Frontier 

Cities in the Modern 
American West 



In places Wight leans toward hero- 
worship, sprinkling liberally through- 
out his text terms such as "Lander the 
man of destiny"(p.l9), and statements 
such as "After Lander was made they 
had broken the mold"(p.47). Neverthe- 
less, Wight makes a case for Lander as a 
man worthy of admiration who sur- 
mounted great personal difficulties to 
earn the nation's respect, and then gave 
his life while serving as a Union gen- 
eral in the Civil War. 

In spite of its weaknesses the book 
is a valuable contribution to Wyoming 
and Western history. It contains the 
most in-depth examination available 



on Lander and the road project named 
for him. Appendices are especially 
useful. Mr. Wight should be com- 
mended for undertaking "Book One," 
in what is evidently a planned series 
of volumes. I hope he intends to re- 
search and publish histories of other 
previously undocumented trails in the 
West. 

Todd R. Guenther 

Assistant Superintendent 
South Pass City 
State Historic Site 
South Pass City, Wyoming 




By Carl Abbott 

Tucson: University of Arizona 
Press, 1993. Illustrations, tables, 

NOTES, bibliography, INDEX. XXIII 

AND 244 pp. Cloth $29.95 



This book is the first in a series ed- 
ited by Gerald D. Nash of the Univer- 
sity of New Mexico called "The Mod- 
ern American West." The editor 
promises further studies of twen- 
tieth-century economics, culture, 
politics, environment, natural re- 
sources, and urbanization. TJie 
Metropo!itan_Frontier is a good 
start, although it is not clear who 
was meant as audience. As a re- 
sult every reader will experience 
a certain amount of discomfort. 

Carl Abbott is a professor of 
urban studies and planning at 
Portland State University who 
teaches urban policies, regional 
planning and downtown revital- 
ization. He is interested in eco- 
nomic developments and has 
written widely about contempo- 
rary urban issues. This volume 
reflects those interests within the param- 
eters of the American West since 1940, 
from which time rapidly growing west- 
em cities emerged into national and glo- 
bal prominence. Abbott concentrates 
mainly upon the "big four" -Los Ange- 
les, San Francisco, Dallas-Fort Worth 
and Houston- but comments exten- 
sively on other places for comparative 
purposes. He sees the western experi- 
ence as unique where towns and cities 
demonstrate an openness for business. 



people and thought. 

The distinctiveness of western cit- 
ies is not to be found in sprawl or au- 
tomobile numbers, according to 
Abbott, since statistics indicate that this 
is a common phenomenon for cities. 
What is different for the West is low- 
rise housing, wide urban vistas, a his- 
tory of annexation, strong suburban 
governments, and polycentric spread. 
The author muses, however, about the 
lack of recognition given to western 
cities by popular writers and scholars. 
They have preferred to follow themes 
of open spaces and aridity in the West 
rather than look at the role of western 
cities in culture, politics, recreation, 
and employment. The famous "Sage- 
brush Rebellion," a demand by west- 
ern politicians for federal lands, for 
example, was resisted by western ur- 
ban environmentalists. 

Although Abbott provides much 
to think about, readers will feel some 
frustration. If you are a scholar you 
will be irritated by the lack of citations 
for many statistics and statements. 
Your irritation will be salved some- 
what by a few endnotes and an excel- 
lent bibliographic essay. If you are not 
a scholar you may be excluded by the 
author's casual comments. Abbott 
writes, for example, "As far as Eugene 
Hollon could see a decade later, Bill- 



Fall 1994 



BOOK 



ings was indistinguishable from 
Odessa or Amarillo" (p. 160). There is 
no explanation about Hollon and no 
endnote. Most western historians will 
recognize the name as a distinguished 
writer about the West, but others may 
not. Yet, at the same time Abbott is 
careful to define terms such as "re- 
gional" and "network" cities, 
Kondratieff waves, and Donald 
Meinig's use of "core," "domain," and 
"sphere." Urban historians and geog- 



raphers probably would know these 
definitions; others might not. The in- 
consistency indicates a confusion about 
audience. Future volumes of the series 
could provide a clearer focus. 



David G. McComb 

Professor of History 
Colorado State University 
Fort Collins 



With the insight only a geographer 
could offer, Terry G. Jordan, professor 
at the University of Texas at Austin, pre- 
sents an enlightening history of cattle- 
ranching in North America. His exper- 
tise allows him to argue convincingly 
that cattle ranching on this continent 
was a process more complex than mod- 
els suggested by Frederick Jackson 
Turner and more complex than expla- 
nations of environmental determinism 
described by Walter Prescott Webb. Jor- 
dan warns the reader "...against facile 
generalizations, against the assumption 
that a monolithic cattle-ranching fron- 
tier swept through the New World, that 
a single Old World prototype existed, 
that a particular physical environment 
or condition of market access housed 
and fostered ranching in North 
America"(p. 308). 

The popular image of cattle-ranch- 
ing encompasses herds of cattle rang- 
ing freely across the wide open spaces 
of the American western plains with 
yearly round-ups by white cowboys. 
This image has been perpetuated in 
movies and on television so that the 
myth has taken on a life of its own. 
However, the reality of this enterprise 
is a colorful blending of ranching and 
herding techniques from Europe and 
Africa adapted for use in a variety of 
North American locales. 

Professor Jordan examines four re- 
gions that exported their particular 
methods of cattle-ranching to North 
America: the British highlands, 
Extremadura in western Spain, 



Andalusia in southern Spain and tropi- 
cal West Africa. African and Spanish in- 
fluences spread from the Caribbean to 
Mexico and then northward to what 
would become the United States. The 
English herding style filtered through 
their North American colonies and was 
carried west as the young nation crossed 
the Appalachians, then the Missis- 
sippi and spread towards the 
Rockies. Each of the European re- 
gions offered something unique 
whether it was saddle designs, 
herding and feeding methods, or 
fencing styles. American cattle 
ranchers borrowed from all Euro- 
pean models, modifying and 
adapting them to meet their par- 
ticular geographic needs. Jordan 
examines these emerging Ameri- 
can styles: the Californian, the 
Texan, and the midwestern. 

Organized into ten chapters 
including an introduction to the 
nature of cattle-ranching and a 
conclusion, this volume narrates 
the American cattle ranching 
styles. Each chapter contains to- 
pographic details and explana- 
tions about native plant life and weather 
conditions, all of which were determin- 
ing factors in the type of cattle ranching 
to emerge successfully region by region 
across North America. Enhancing this 
cornucopia of information are well cap- 
tioned maps and black and white pho- 
tographs. The author's writing style is 
clear and the chapters are well orga- 
nized using subheadings. 



North American 

Cattle-Ranching 

Frontiers 

Origins, Diffusion and 
Differentiation 



North American 

Cattle-Ranching 

Frontiers 

Terry G. joidan 




BY Terry G. Jordan 

Albuquerque: University of New 
Mexico Press, 1993. Illustrations, 
maps, notes, bibliography, index. 
XIIAND439PP. Cloth $35.00. 
Paper $17.95. 



Wyoming Annals 



REVIEW 



Riding the White 
Horse Home 

A Western Family Album 



BY Teresa Jordan 

New York; Pantheon Books, 1992. 
219 pp. Cloth $21.00 



This volume, part of the "Histories 
of the American Frontier" series, is out- 
standing for its extensive bibliography. It 
could stand alone as a lasting contribu- 
tion to the study of the American West. 
Scholars and lay readers alike will wel- 
come this book and be er\riched by a fresh 
understanding and new appreciation of 
North American cattle-ranching. 



Patricia Ann Owens 
Instructor of History 
Wabash Valley College 
Mt. Carmel, Illinois 




Most western authors regret the 
waning of rural economic and commu- 
nity life and, predictably, regret the pass- 
ing of fierce pride in hard work, cour- 
age and grit. What is being mourned is 
the loss of those conditions that en- 
abled pioneer families to make 
something of themselves on the 
land and to have the fellowship 
of good friends and neighbors. 
Teresa Jordan, in this important 
new book, goes beyond describ- 
ing loss. She confronts directly 
the idea of loss, discovering its 
beginnings in legend and expec- 
tation, its growth in accommoda- 
tion and denial. Ultimately, she 
suggests ways that the tragedy 
associated with loss can be some- 
what redeemed. 

Although Riding the White 
Horse Home can be described as a 
collection of lively essays about 
ranch life near Iron Mountain in south- 
eastern Wyoming, it is more. It is partly 
a personal memoir about the Jordan fam- 
ily, whose roots in Wyoming began in 
1886 when Teresa Jordan's great-grand- 
father left Maryland for opportunities in 
the West. It is partly a social history that 
describes work, gender roles, modes of 
behavior, and class distinctions that char- 
acterize ranch life. But it is mostly an 
extended meditation on a sense of place 
and finding and coming home. 

The Jordan family members are 
carefully remembered as people set 
down in a place. Sunny, Teresa Jordan's 
grandfather, appears as a man of the 



West who, as is common with the 
strong and silent, quarreled with his 
father and reserved mostly criticism 
for his son. Chain-smoking unfiltered 
Camels pinched between his thumb 
and middle finger. Sunny chuckled 
with delight when Larry, Teresa 
Jordan's father, or any of the ranch 
hands were stomped under a mean 
horse. He made sure his gruffness dis- 
guised the tenderness that Westerners 
are bred never to show. 

Teresa Jordan's great aunt Marie 
is the favorite portrait. Having spo- 
ken in her own voice in Jordan's ear- 
lier work of oral histories. Cowgirls, 
Marie emerges in this work as the em- 
bodiment of commitment to land and 
animals. Marie's idea of heaven was 
seeing all of the dogs and horses she 
loved in life come running to greet her. 
She was the mainstay of her own ranch 
(her husband was generally travelling 
somewhere, making deals) and could 
not fathom anyone giving up on ranch 
life. Her days were joined by persis- 
tence and collegiality with friends 
(some of whom were once employees), 
neighbors of the Iron Mountain com- 
munity and, importantly, family. 

The rural economy that made 
ranch life viable from the end of the 
nineteenth century through the first 
half of the twentieth was based on 
skills connected with nature. It re- 
quired men and women who could do 
things. Jordan analyzes that social con- 
struct and its activities. Skinning bea- 
ver, making noodles, sharpening sick- 



Fall 1994 



81 



BOOK 



les, performing a caesarian on a cow, 
making perfect pie crusts and catching 
bull snakes to rid the granary of mice 
were all necessary to the elemental 
world of life on the lancl. If men had 
to be rugged and skilled, women had 
to be constant and skilled. It was very 
much a mutually dependent enter- 
prise, each ranch a community unto 
itself and each ranch a member of a 
larger community of ranch folk. 

The theme of finding community 
and home gives a satisfying coherence 
to the work, however. Tlie title's "ghost 
horse" appears in great aunt Marie's 
thoughts as a gift from her dying father 
which she could never have, but it is the 
motif the author uses as she examines 
ways of returning to one's fundamen- 
tal being. Riding the white horse be- 
gins as a way of seeing. Marie, though 
nearly blind in her last years, could dis- 
tinguish -better than a sighted person- 
bulls from boulders on the ridge. Great- 
grandmother Nana could pick out fos- 
silized snails and Indian artifacts as she 
walked the hogbacks. 

Education and reflection are also 
part of the route to one's inner self. In 
a chapter titled "How Coyote Sent the 
White Girl Home," Jordan thinks about 
her work as a scholar and writer, and 
ironically how it has pointed her to- 
ward a deep and rich understanding 
of her roots. In another chapter Jor- 



dan focuses on bones, broken ones as 
evidence of calamities common to 
strenuous outdoor life, and bones as re- 
mains, reminders of life lost. 

Ranchers walk up to most bones. 
They look pln/skal danger right in the 
eye and don 't blink. But there are other 
bones that scare them. For my family, 
the pile we shied away from was grief. 

The narrative reaches its apex in the 
sadness associated with the devastating 
losses of mother, ranch, and place. But 
the final chapter, "My Life as a Bride," 
provides a classic, comedic denouement, 
a happy wedding attended by a wealth 
of friends and community well-wishers. 
With the memory of her mother's 
encouragement in her ear ("It's all right. 
I've been watching you. You're getting 
better everyday."), young Teresa Jordan 
found the courage to remount the horse 
that threw her. In reflecting on a sense 
of place, author Teresa Jordan gives to 
her readers the means -insight, personal 
enrichment, knowledge, persistence- to 
ride the white horse home. 



Celeste Colgan 

Former Deputy Chairman 

National Endowment 
FOR THE Humanities 
Cheyenne 



Ellen Watson, who was never 
known as Cattle Kate until after her 
death, has become a mythic figure in 
Wyoming history. Unfortunately the 
myth contains rather less than the 
usual amount of historical fact, por- 
traying its heroine as a brazen-voiced 
prostitute who traded her favors for 
stolen cattle with the connivance and 
approval of her lover, Jim Averell. In 
The Wyoming Lynchinq of Cattle Kate. 
1889, George Hufsmith sets out to ex- 
plode the myth and rehabilitate Ellen 
Watson's reputation. Hufsmith has 
done an impressive amount of re- 



search, scouring courthouse 
records across two states and in- 
terviewing Watson family descen- 
dants extensively. 

Ellen (or Ella) Watson and 
James Averell were lynched on 
July 20, 1889, by a group of local 
ranchers who wanted their land 
which, since it contained water, 
controlled a large section of the sur- 
rounding range. Pro-cattleman newspa- 
pers sought to justify the action by 
blackening the characters of the mur- 
dered couple. Other newspapers in the 
state, unfriendly to the cattlemen's in- 



The Wyoming 
Lynching of Cattle 
Kate, 1889 




BY George W. Hufsmith 

Glendo, Wyoming; High Plains 
Press, 1993. Illustrations, notes, 
bibliography, index. 367 pp. 



Wyoming Annals 



REVIEW 



Wyoming's War 
Years, i 941 -1945 



WYOMING'S 

W/Am 

YimiAiiii 



f^i^ #' 



terests, rose to the defense, but they 
were nearly as harmful, merely point- 
ing out that even if Ella was a prosti- 
tute and a rustler, it was ungentlemanly 
to lynch a woman. 

The murderers were arrested, and 
some inquiry was made into the inci- 
dent; but time, good lawyers and dis- 
appearing witnesses destroyed the case, 
and the defendants were released. Be- 
cause the story of the cattle-rustling 
prostitute and her lover was more in- 
teresting than the facts, the Cattle Kate 
myth eventually became embedded in 
the history books and has been widely 
accepted ever since. 

Hufsmith's exposure of the 
cattlemen's conspiracy is detailed and 
convincing. His research into the early 
lives of Ella Watson and James Averell 
puts them into context, explains their 
presence on the Sweetwater, and makes 
a strong case that they were, in fact, mar- 
ried. However, Hufsmith becomes so in- 
volved in the defense that he loses the 
neutral perspective of the historian. Too 
often sources are accepted or re- 
jected according to whether or not 
they agree with his thesis rather 
than on their intrinsic merits. 

This weakness would be less 
important if it were not for an- 
other. Hufsmith uses notes to 




comment and expand on the text in- 
stead of citing the location of his 
sources. He refers to government and 
legal records in many different counties, 
but future historians will have to dupli- 
cate his own searches to find them 
again. He draws heavily on Watson fam- 
ily tradition. Certainly family tradition 
has a place in a story like this, but oral 
history is not always reliable. If there are 
written records in the family's posses- 
sion, Hufsmith fails to cite them, and if 
they remain in private hands they may 
soon be lost. The result is that future 
historians will not be able to build from 
Hufsmith's research; they will have to 
do it over again. 

To the general reader. The Wyoiiiinq 
Lynchuu] of Cattle Kate should be both 
interesting and satisfying. To the seri- 
ous scholar, it will be a disappoint- 
ment. If the author had shifted the in- 
formation buried in his notes into the 
text and cited the location of his 
sources, there is no reason why the 
book could not have satisfied both 
kinds of readers. 

D. Claudia Thompson 

Senior Archivist 
American Heritage Center 
University oe Wyoming 
Laramie, WY 



BY T.A. Larson 

Reprint edition. Riverton, 

Wyoming; State Historical 

Society in association with Big 

Bend Press, 1993. xi and 400 pp. 

Illustrations, appendices, notes, 

bibliography, index. Paper $18.95 



This book is not a new edi- 
tion to the literature about World 
War 11, but a reprinting of a vol- 
ume first published forty years 
ago. At that time it was one of 
the first efforts by a historian to 
chronicle the impact of the war on 
a single state. And since then few stud- 
ies about Wyoming in World War II have 
appeared. Professor Larson single- 
handedly rescued the state's World War 
II history. 

The book provides a thorough nar- 
rative about the war's impact on many 
aspects of Wyoming's life. It encom- 
passes a full accounting of the work- 



ings of the Selective Service System m 
the state, and how it affected 
Wyoming's young men. He pays at- 
tention to the workings of civil defense 
and problems on the home front such 
as rationing, bond drives and housing. 
Larson also surveys politics during 
these years and the sometimes strained 
relations between the state and the fed- 
eral government. One-third of the 
work deals with the economic influ- 
ence of the war. Chapters about mili- 
tary installations, agriculture and live- 
stock are illuminating, as are descrip- 
tions about manufacturing, mining 
and oil production and industrial de- 



Fall 1994 



83 



Book Review 

coniinued from previous page 

velopments. In his final section Larson 
touches on education, evacuation of 
Japanese-Americans, and postwar 
planning. 

Obviously, perspectives in the 
1990s are different than they were half 
a century ago. A volume on the sub- 
ject today might have a different focus. 
It would include some treatment of mi- 
norities, much more on women, and 
Native Americans and Asians. It prob- 



ably would have more on the environ- 
mental impact of wartime activities, and 
it might expand discussion of cultural 
and intellectual trends. It probably 
would utilize new sources that have 
become available in the intervening pe- 
riod. Yet it is a great credit to the author 
that his comprehensive coverage has 
stood up well over the years and that 
he delineated so many of the major top- 
ics that needed to be considered. The 



Wyoming Historical Foundation is to be 
commended for making this solid vol- 
ume available to another generation 
which will read it with profit. 

Gerald D. Nash 
Profhssor of History 
Univkrsity of New Mexico 
Albuquerque 



From UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS PRESS 



"Of all the dramas of the American West, none has needed fresh treatment 
more than the romance of the Butterfield Trail. And now A.C. Greene . . . has 
brought the old trail to vivid life. Thank you, A.C." —DEE BROWN 

"The story of the Butterfield Overland Mail is one of the great sagas of 
America's westward expansion, full of exciting drama as well as genuine 
significance. With the other transcontinental trails, the Butterfield Trail can be 
traced both in the documents of the past and in the 'outdoor archives' of 
today's landscape. A. C. has done both, has given us a fine mix of past and 
present. . . ." —ROBERT M UTLEY 
ISBN 0-929398-73^. Cloth. $24.95 

Catch Rope 

The Long Arm of the Cowboy 

by John R. Erickson 

"Part history, part explanatory descriptions, and part anecdotes, this volume 

covers the watershed of wrangling . . ." 

—BOOKS OF THE SOUTHWEST 

ISBN 0-929398-66-1. Cloth $26.50 

Legendary Ladies of Texas 

" Francis E. Abemethy and the Texas Folklore Society have compiled a 
superb book." —DALE WALKER 
ISBN 0-929398-75-0. Paper $17.95 

To order: University Consortium. Drawer C, College Station TX 77843-4354. Call 1-800-826-8911 



900 Miles . 

ON THE 
BUTTEREIELD T II M L 



A. C. Greene 




84 



Wyoming Annals 



Book 
Notes 



The American V^cft in tlie Tu'eiitieth Ceu- 
tury: A Bibliognipln/. edited by Richard W. 
Etulain. Norman: University of Oklahoma 
Press, 1994. viii and 456 pages. Cloth, 
$60.00 Reference guide to books, essays, 
articles and dissertations written before 
late 1993 about the trans-Mississippi West. 

Cheyenne Meinoiies of Ihe Ciifter Fi^;lit: 
A Source Book. By Richard G. Hardorff. 
Spokane: The Arthur H. Clarke Company, 
1994. Illustrations, maps, bibliography, 
index. 200 pages. Cloth, $32.50. Twenty- 
five unpublished interviews with fourteen 
Cheyenne who participated in the battle. 

Covered Wngon Women: Dinries and Let- 
ters from the Western Trails, 1840-1890. 11 
volumes. Edited and compiled by Ken- 
neth L. Holmes. Spokane: The Arthur H. 
Clarke Company, 1994. Illustrations, notes, 
bibliography, index. 300 pages per vol- 
ume. Cloth, $35.00 each, volumes 1-10; 
$40.00, volume 11. $350.00 set. Unpub- 
lished diaries and letters of 19th century 
women migrating westward. 



French Fur Traders and Voyageurs in the 
American West: Twenty-five Biograpliicnl 
Sketclies. Edited by LeRoy R. Hafen. Spo- 
kane: The Arthur H. Clarke Company, 1994. 
Introduction, index. 350 pages. Cloth, 
$26.50. Reprints from the Arthur H. Clarke 
10 volume series The Mountain Men and tlie 
Fur Trade of the Far West. 

Hero of Beechcr Island: The Life and Mili- 
tary Career of George A. Forsyth. By David 
Dixon. Lincoln: University of Nebraska 
Press, 1994. Illustrations, maps, notes, in- 
dex. XX and 257 pages. Cloth, $32.50. The 
life and military career of General George 
A. Forsyth and a look at the U.S. Army 
during the post-Civil War years. 

Lakota and Cheyenne: Indian Vicivs of the 
Great Sioux War, 1876-1877. Edited by Jerome 
A. Greene. Norman: University of Okla- 
homa Press, 1994. Illustrations, notes, in- 
dex, xxvi and 164 pages. Cloth, $24.95. A 
complication of Indian perspectives about 
the Great Sioux War. 



Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock: Treaty Rights 
and Indian Law at the End of the Nineteenth 
Century. By Blue Clark. Lincoln: Univer- 
sity of Nebraska Press, 1994. Illustrations, 
maps. 256 pages. Cloth, $37.50. A study of 
a landmark case in which the plenary 
power of the United States government 
was enunciated and the consequent effect 
this had on tribal lands. 

Wyoming Historical Markers At 55 
MPH: A Guide to Historical Markers and 
Monuments On Wyoming Highways. By 
Susan Carlson. Cheyenne: Beartooth Cor- 
ral, 1994. Illustrations, maps, index, vi and 
104 pages. Paper, $12.00. Transcriptions of 
historical markers. Historical information 
may follow some markers. 



NOW AVAILABLE IN PAPERBACK/REPRINT. 



The Battle ofBeecher Island: The Indian 
War of 1867-1869. By John H. Mormet. 
Niwot: University Of Colorado Press, 1994. 
248 pages. Paper, $17.50. Originally pub- 
lished in 1992. 

Command of the Waters: Iron Triangles, 
Federal Water Development and Indian Wa- 
ter. By Daniel McCooI. Tucson: University 
of Arizona Press, 1994. 321 pages. Paper, 
$16.95. Originally published in 1987. 

Cowboys of the Americas. By Richard 
W. Slatta. New Haven: Yale University 
Press, 1994. 494 pages. Paper, $20.00. Origi- 
nally published in 1990. 

Discovered Laiuls, Invented Pasts: Trans- 
formi)jg Visio)is of the Ainericn)i West. By 
Jules David Brown, et al. 256 pages. Paper, 
$25.00. Originally published in 1992. 

Earth and Sky Visions of the Cosmos in 
Native American Folklore. Edited by Ray A. 
Williams and Claire R. Farrer. Albuquer- 
que: University of New Mexico Press, 1994. 
312 pages. Paper, $16.95. Originally pub- 
lished in 1992. 



Folloiving the Guidon: Into the Indian Wars 
With Gc}icral Chaster and the Second Cavalry. 
By Elizabeth B. Custer. Introduction by Jane 
R. Steward, forward by Robert M. Utley. 
Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 
1994. xl and 341 pages. Paper, $12.95. Origi- 
nally published 1890. 

Folloioing the Guidon: Into the Indian Wars 
With General Custer and the Second Cavalry. 
By Elizabeth B. Custer. Introduction by 
Shirley A. Leckie. Lincoln: University of 
Nebraska Press, 1994. xxxii and 346 pages. 
Paper, $12 95. Originally published 1890. 

Ghost Towns of the American West. By 
Robert Silverberg. Athens: Ohio University 
Press, 1994. Illustrations, bibliography, in- 
dex. 309 pages. Paper, $12.95. Originally 
published 1968. 

The Indian War of 1864. By Captain Eu- 
gene F. Ware. Introduction by John D. 
McDermott. Lincoln: University of Nebraska 
Press, 1994. xii and 483 pages. Paper, $14.95. 
Originally published in 1911. 



Mormon E}hgma: Ennjia Hale Snnth. By 
Linda King Newell and Valeen Tippetts 
Avery. 2nd Edition. Champaign: University 
of Illinois Press, 1994. Illustrations, charts, 
notes, bibliography, index, xxii and 394 
pages. Paper, $16.95. First published in 1984. 

The Oregon Trail. By Francis Parkman. 
Illustrations, notes, biblio-graphy, index. 
Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 
1994. Ixxxi and 758 pages. Paper, $22.50. 

War-Path Or Bivouac Or, The Conquest 
of the Sioux. By John F. Finerty. Introduc- 
tion by Oliver Knight, foreword by Charles 
E. Rankin. Norman: University of Okla- 
homa Press, 1994. Illustrations, map, ap- 
pendix, index, xl and 359 pages. Paper, 
$12.95. Originally published 1890. 

West From Fort Bridger: The Pioneering of 
the Immigrant Trails across Utah, 1846-1850. 
Edited by J. Roderick Koms and Dale L. 
Morgan. Revised and updated by WU] Bagley 
and Harold Schindler. Logan: Utali State 
University Press, 1994. xxviii and 328 pages. 
Cloth, $29.95. Originally published 1951. 



Fall 1994 



85 



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Wyatt Earp and the gunfight at the 
O. K. Corral have become ingrained in 
popular culture and western lore. 
Films such as John Sturges' Gunfight 
at the O.K. Corral and John Ford's Mi/ 
Dnrlijig Cleiiwutiiie and even the tele- 
vision series Star Trek repeat the myth 
and offer opinions on what happened 
that day in Tombstone, Arizona. Re- 
cently the film Toiiibstoiie, with its comic 
book approach to the story, joined the 
list. Now comes Kevin Costner in the 
epic western, Wifatt Earp. 

Costner 's Earp is a complex indi- 
vidual with strong notions about law 
and order dri\'en into him by a stern 
but fair father. Gene Flackman, who is 
given a role with which he can do little. 
The young Wyatt Earp is well suited 
to the frontier. He is comfortable fend- 
ing off villains and robbers with an 
aplomb beyond his years. He recog- 
nizes the violence of the West and man- 
ages to avoid it but, as depicted in a 
memorable scene Ln which he is capti- 
vated by a revolver taken from an ad- 
versary, it also fascinates him. 

Kasdan's mo\'ie captures the epic 
west of wide vistas, frontier towns, 
wagon trains, railroads and shootouts. 
His is a motion picture of images, in 
which steely-eyed, mustached lawmen 
defend cowtown streets with sawed off 
shotguns. The film has the look of the 
West, but strangely it lacks passion. 
True, the central character is a cold, 
unyielding man whose vision of the 
West is black versus white, good ver- 
sus evil. But the character has no depth 



and therefore inspires no commitment 
or interest in the audience. 

The onlv character with any spark is 
Doc Holliday, played with a certain de- 
generate cockiness by Dennis Quaid. 
Holliday stands out because there are no 
moral issues invoh'ed in his existence. He 
is an intriguing combination of a gentle- 
man and a cold-blooded gunman with a 
death wish. 

While the film keeps viewers 
at an emotional distance, it is still 
a motion picture well worth see- 
ing. Kasdan's West is more real- 
istic than that presented by John 
Ford or Howard Hawks. There is 
still romance but Kasdan has 
identified it for what it was -an 
illusion based on sunsets or im- 
agery conjured up by flawed 
memories. In Wyatt Earp, the 
West is a place of contlict and con- 
fusion where happiness is as 
ephemeral as the distant clouds 
and as illusionary as mirages in 
the desert. 

Steven Wilson 
Former Director, 
Old West Museum 
Cheyenne 



Wyatt Earp 




Warner Bros., 1994 
Warner Home Video, 1994 



Wyoming Annals 



Review 




Batjac Productions, Inc., 

1953 
MPI Home Video, 1994 



The West and John Wayne are in- 
extricably tied to one another. Few care 
that Marion Michael Morrison (John 
Wayne) was from Iowa. His physical 
presence on the screen overshadowed 
everything - stories, directors, actors 
and history. For most people, 
John Wayne was the West. 

For much of the 1930s Wayne 
was locked into a long series of 
what is best described as 
"oaters," mass-produced West- 
erns with insubstantial or no 
plots, cardboard cutout charac- 
ters, and Hollywood backlot 
scenery. The best of the old for- 
mula plots can be found in the 
series, "The Three Mesquiteers," 
in which Wayne was a regular 
alongside "Crash" Corrigan and 
various third actors. Wayne's 
bearing in these oaters stood out, 
however, and he attracted the 
notice of John Ford who persuaded 
potboiler director Raoul Walsh to cast 
him in his 1930 western, Tlic Big Trail. 
Stardom remained elusive for al- 
most ten years until Ford cast him as the 
Ringo Kid in the early, definitive west- 
ern. Stagecoach (1939). The film was sig- 
nificant in the genre of Hollywood films 
for its sharply defined, three-dimen- 
sional, western characters who were 
products of their environments rather 
than the imagination of some Holly- 
wood writer. The plot itself was noth- 
ing unusual: a conglomeration of stars 
and characters, each with a separate 
story. It was brought to the screen ear- 
lier in Grand Hotel and driveled off into 
an endless series of imitations that still 
appear today. 

Important for Wayne was his defi- 
nition of the Ringo Kid. Even if he 
wanted to, he could not shake the dual 
identity of John Wayne and the Ringo 
Kid for the rest of his career. In fact, 
Wayne fed and thrived upon it, adding 
new dimensions to the Kid, who was 
somewhere between the law and the 
lawless, the man who represented the 
illogical, disruptive force that brought 
civilization to the chaotic wilderness of 



the West. Wayne came to represent the 
man of violence who, ironically, was a 
force for order. 

It was an endless series of films 
which brought the "Duke" -a nick- 
name Wayne owned before creating 
his acting persona- to the screen. Two 
of his films are the best representatives 
of the illogical, schizophrenic extremes 
of "Western Man." 

One, Hondo (1953), nearly faded 
into obscurity but has been rescued 
and returned to the small screen via 
videotape. Discussed in film classes 
and texts on western film, Hondo ex- 
perienced brief, meteoric success in 
theaters before hitting the late-night 
movie circuit on local television net- 
works. A brief television series led to 
renewed interest, but the film dropped 
back into obscurity. 

The second film. The Searchers 
(1956), is a John Ford classic that has 
never been out of fashion. It also ran the 
gauntlet of late night movie circuits, but 
was distributed on 16mm rentals before 
the advent of the home video market. 
Wliile not a competitive video rental, it 
still holds its own in video sales. Some- 
thing in the film continues to fascinate 
viewers. When I use it in my film class, 
the John Wayne character of Ethan 
Edwards -an atypical name for Wayne 
with an overtone recalling Ethan Allen 
furniture- draws an emotional response 
from my students. 

Hondo is a film by John Farrow, an 
Australian who attended the British 
Royal Naval Academy and the father 
of Mia Farrow. In a career that began 
as early as 1927, he directed some ex- 
ceptional films, one of which was the 
definitive crashed plane saga. Five 
Came Back (1939), and the horrific sus- 
pense thriller. The Big Clock (1948). That 
he could make a remarkable western 
film with the John Wayne persona, 
however, is perhaps more a tribute to 
Wayne's development of his own char- 
acter than anything Farrow himself 
might have developed. 

In Hondo Farrow gives Wayne con- 
siderable freedom to develop the char- 



Fall 1994 



87 



Video 



acter of the cavalry courier/scout who 
finds himself without a horse on an iso- 
lated ranch in the middle of hostile 
Apache territory. To Hondo, the entire 
en\'ironment is a threat. As he walks 
toward the ranch and Nancy Loe 
(Geraldine Fitzgerald) and her small 
son, he looms up out of the landscape 
as threatening as the dominant butte 
that serves as a backdrop to his charac- 
ter. He is every bit as suspicious look- 
ing and unyielding as the landscape: 
dirty, dry and bristling with thorns. 
Even worse, he is followed by a loyal, 
mangy cur with which he maintains an 
uneasy alliance of mutual indepen- 
dence. It is, in fact, the same relation- 
ship he has with the wilderness. 

Hondo immediately enters into a 
contentious and long-running dis- 
agreement of the heart with Nancy 
Loe. In response to Mrs. Loe's state- 
ment about someone needing someone 
else, Hondo utters the words which 
lend distinction to one image in an 
endlessly mirrored series of reflections: 
"Yes ma'm, too bad, isn't it?" Hondo 
insists that Mrs. Loe needs a man to 
take care of her crumbly little ranch. 
He then proceeds to shoe the horses 
and carry out assorted other chores. 
Mrs. Loe, for her part, insists that she 
manages quite well with her husband 
off on long trips. Their roles are ironic 
in their poignancy and in that they pro- 
vide the foundation for a future ro- 
mance which does not develop fully 
in the film. He is the independent man 
who demands that she gi\e up her in- 
dep'endence for dependence on a man. 
She, on the other hand, insists on her 
ability to thrive independently while 
asserting that people really do need to 
depend on one another. 

The film has two wild cards that 
move the plot forward. The first is 
Nancy Loe's malicious, back-shooting 
husband, Ed Loe (Leo Gordon) who 
never stays home. Not knowing of 
Hondo's relationship with his wife, Ed 
Loe tries to ambush Hondo following 
a barroom fight. The ambusher is in- 
stead ambushed by the Apaches. Only 



after Hondo has saved his life does the 
ambusher trv to kill him again. The sec- 
ond is Vittorio (Michael Pate), the proud 
Apache chief who enters an uncertain 
truce with Nancy Loe after ten year-old 
Johnny Loe (Lee Archer) tries to kill liim. 
When his presence is no longer neces- 
sary to push the plot, he is quickly dis- 
posed of. 

In retrospect Hondo should 
have remained on the shelves. 
Age has not improved the slant 
that Farrow put on the story. It 
has movement and interest but 
is full of uncomfortable flaws. 
The worst one is director 
Farrow's fault. Near the Loe 
ranch is a small river. Unfortu- 
nately, neither Farrow nor any- 
one else involved in making the 
picture seems to ha\'e been both- 
ered by filming a river scene at 
three, separate and disconcert- 
ingly different locales. 

The most serious fault in 
Ho)ido is its closure. Good films 
demand satisfactory wrap-up of 
film details. At the film's conclusion the 
Indians withdraw because Hondo has 
defeated the Chief, but it is clear that 
they will be back. However it provides 
a slight breathing space for Hondo and 
surviving cavalry troops to reach safety. 
The relationship between Hondo and 
Mrs. Loe is not certain, either. And the 
final scene is a pell-mell flight of wag- 
ons as the small party races off to the 
fort. Not much has been resolved. 

The reissue of Hondo on \'ideo 
comes from the Wayne estate, the Batjac 
Corporation. Whoever mastered this 
copy ought to be shot. The fades to black 
are poor and uneven, some blacks last- 
ing an unsettling four seconds. The 
sound is choppy with cuts of music be- 
ginning several notes into a bar. 

Unlike Hondo, John Ford's movie 
TJic Searchers maintains the quality of 
images and characters. In it John 
Wayne's Ethan Edwards character dis- 
plays a sinister twist to his indepen- 
dence. Edwards is at the borderline be- 
tween the law and lawlessness, civiliza- 



The Searchers 




C.V. Whitney Pictures, 1956 
Warner Home Video, Inc., 
1990 



Wyoming Annals 



Review 



tion and wilderness. In fact, the film' 
opens, literally, with an open door to 
the bright light of wilderness and 
Edwards in the distance. The film ends 
on the same note with Edwards at the 
border of the open doorway. He turns 
back to the wilderness from which he 
came and the door is shut. Here the in- 
dependence and even uncivilized vio- 
lence of the principal character is nec- 
essary for a return to order and con- 
trol, what most people call civilization. 
On one level the film is about the en- 
croachment of civilization upon the 
violent ways of the wilderness, just as 
in Slmne the civilizing influence of 
farmers pushes the recklessness of the 
saloon up against the wilderness of the 
Tetons. In short, the wilderness could 
not be settled without independent 
people like Hondo, Ethan Edwards, 
and Shane. But the message is always 
clear at the end: civilization has no 
place for them once peace has been re- 
stored. Ethan Edwards is shut out from 
a civilized existence, and Shane rides, 
wounded and bleeding, back up into 
the mountains. 

In The Searchers a homestead be- 
longing to Ethan Edwards' brother is 
attacked by Comanche Indians under 
the leadership of the chief "Scar" 
(Harry Brandon). Everyone on the 
homestead is killed except adopted son 
Martin Pawley (Jeffrey Hunter), who 
was with Ethan at the time, and the 
Edwards' daughter Debbie Edwards 
(Natalie Wood). Assuming that the girl 



was taken by Scar for adoption and 
eventual marriage, Ethan Edwards be- 
gins a long seven-year search for the girl. 
His quest is just as much for revenge as 
it is to kill his niece, for Edwards is an 
Indian-hater first class. Having learned 
their ways he uses their methods to de- 
stroy them. The abduction of his niece 
means that part of him will become an 
Indian, and the thought of the wilder- 
ness winning is intolerable for him. 

The Indians in both films represent 
disorder and chaos, the wilderness in- 
carnate, and diametrically opposed to 
civilization. The Indians survived with 
the land and adapted to it. Civilization, 
on the other hand, shaped the wilder- 
ness into its own image. Thus, the Indi- 
ans -particularly for films of the 50s- 
were at once savage and noble, just as 
the wilderness was at once uncompro- 
mising yet beautiful. Both ultimately 
have their ways which are mysterious 
to the white man (i.e., civilization). Thus, 
it was inevitable that, as civilization 
moved forward into the wilderness, it 
would lose some of its soldiers to seduc- 
tive savagery. 

An interesting facet of both films is 
the appearance of Ward Bond, a peren- 
nial favorite of John Ford. In Hondo Bond 
plays Hondo's friend, the wizened "Buf- 
falo." In Tlie Searchers Bond plays the 
dualistic Captain and Reverend Samuel 
Clayton. A minor character stooped 
with age in Hondo, Bond in The Search- 
ers is a tall, erect, young figure who 
maintains an uneasy alliance with Ethan 



Edwards. His role speaks directly to the 
theme of the film. Clayton represents 
two forces of civilization: the Texas 
Rangers (order) and Christianity (spiri- 
tual). In the person of Ward Bond both 
stand mightily for forward movement, 
and both are hampered by a sense of 
fairness that the wilderness does not 
understand. Therefore, Clayton, the 
man who represents both the social and 
spiritual needs of society, needs Ethan 
Edwards exen though each is a threat 
to the other In fact, throughout the film, 
the two men continually toss objects 
back and forth as if to exorcize the ten- 
sion between them. 

One last note: Wayne wears the 
same type of hat in most of his films. It 
is the one he wears in Hondo, light col- 
ored and short-brimmed. The hat he 
wears in The Searchers is dramatically 
different; it is black and broad- 
brimmed. In fact, it is so broad- 
brimmed that it often shades his face, 
hiding features that are ordinarily well- 
lit for the scrutiny and trust of the char- 
acters around him as well as of the 
audience. Thus, in one stroke Ethan 
Edwards is less John Wayne and more 
the unknown quantity. 

Roger Taylor, Jr. 

Associate Professor of English 
Western Wyoming College 
Rock Springs 



"...let him now speak, or else 
hereafter forever hold his peace. 



"^f 



How do you feel about what you've read in ANNALS? Is there some historical matter you have been 
wanting to talk to someone about? Do you want to comment? 

Wyoming ANNALS is soliciting letters to the editor on any topic appearing in the magazine or relating 
to the history of Wyoming and the West. Letters should be approximately 250 words, preferably typewrit- 
ten, and must be signed by you. They may be published in ANNALS at the discretion of the editor. 

Direct your letters to: Editor. Wyoming ANNALS. 2301 Central Avenue. Cheyenne. WY 82002. 

'Solemnization of Matrimonv, Book of Common Pra\er 



Fall 1994 



89 



Conrad Schwiering's 



Autumn Magic 



I 



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Proceeds from sales 
of the print benefit 
Wyoming History 
Day, an academic 
competition tfiat 
promotes ttie 
learning of fiistory 
by Wyoming's 
young people and 
historic preservation 
projects. 

Act now to receive 
your print from this 
Wyoming Centen- 
nial project! 



^^^'^:src- 



Image size 23.5" x 19 5" Overall size: 26 5" x 23 5" 



•J^/.ut^« 



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This liiuited editicvifull color print showing a view of Wyoming 's Teton 
Mountains in radiant fall colors is signed by five W\onung governors: 
the late Milward Simpson and Ed Herschler, Cliff Hansen, Stan 
Hathaway and Mike Sullivan. 



^lYes! Enclosed is my check or money order made payable to the Wyoming Historical Foundation, c/o Lucille Dumbrill. 203 Grandview Drive, 
Newcastle. Wyoming 82701 . in the amount of S260.00. Please ship my copy of the limited edition print "Autumn Magic" by Conrad Schwiering 
signed by five Wyoming governors. For more information call Dumbrill at (307) 746-2268. 



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City 



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(Cheyenne) Bell Telephone Board, "Hello Girls" 1906 



Wifoniiiig Annals continues to be a standard reference on the 
shelves of Wyoming and Western Uterature devotees. For only $9 
a year ($12 couples, $20 institutions) you can add a year's worth 
of Annals to someone's history collection. 

Think about giving the Annals to someone who loves history. 
It is a unique Wyoming gift that keeps on giving to family, friends 
or customers. 

With the Annals you'll receive the Wyoming Historical Society's 
newsletter History News ten times a year. What's more, your sub- 
scription automatically enrolls you as a member of an organization 
which supports the preservation Wyoming history. You'll be entitled 
to the full benefits of membership. 

In order to obtain a subscription and membership, or for fur- 
ther details on the benefits of Society membership, contact: 

Ms. Judy West, Coordinator 

Wyoming State Historical Society 

Barrett Building 

Cheyenne, Wyoming 82002 

Phone:(307)777-7015 

FAX: (307) 777-6005 



The 1995 Wyoming Historical 
Society Calendar 

This year's Wyoming Historical Society cal- 
endar celebrates the centennial of the Wyoming State 
Museum. The calendar features rare items from the 
vaults containing our treasures, some of which will 
be on display at the State Museum throughout 1995. 
A limited number of 1995 calendars remain for 
purchase. For those of you who have been collect- 
ing this annual publication, don't be left out in the 
Wyoming cold! Order yours now! The price is $5.9,5 
($6.31 including tax for Wyoming residents). If you 
need calendars (1-3) mailed, add $1.75 for postage 
and handling. Four to ten calendars, add $5.50 for 
postage. Checks should be made out to W\i>iiiini; 
Slate Historical Society. 

For info: 

Ms. Judy West, Coordinator 

Wyoming State Historical Society 

Barrett Building • Cheyenne, Wyoming 82002 

Phone: (307) 777-7015 • FAX: (307) 777-6005 



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Winter '94-'95 
Volume 66, No. 4 



EDITOR NOTES 



I'll bet you didn't know Wyoming had a State Historian. 
Or a State Archivist. Or a State Librarian. Or a State Mu- 
seum Curator. Even if you work in the executi\'e branch of 
state go\'ernment, I'll bet you didn't know that those titles 
existed or what they imply. Myself, I'm especially curious 
about the State Historian. I guess my curiosity was piqued 
when the Wyoming State Museum began celebrating its 100- 
year history. That's because the person who probably de- 
served the title of State Historian was collecting history when 
:artifacts -began accumulating in the Museum (1871), e\'en 
, though State Historian was not written into Wyoming statute 
.until later. (1919, Fifteenth State Legislature). 

Wliat is the State Historian, an\T\'ay? Does he guard and 
dispense Wyoming history? Is his job — a la 
Gene Gressley (former Director of the Ameri- 
can Heritage Center), whose inter\'iew ap- 
pears in this issue oi Annals — to collect docu- 
ments? Or is he a peculiar type of person? 
Perhaps an idiot sa\'ant with a photographic 
memory? Somebody you'd want to help you 
count cards in Las Vegas? If so, a good candi- 
date would be 97 year-old Ralph McWhinnie 
(the legendary registrar who, it was said, 
could remember the name of every student 
who matriculated at the University of Wyo- 
ming during his 65 year career; by the way, 
Ralph still has his own office at UW). Maybe 
people perceive the State Historian as a 
friendly soul like the scarecrow (Ray Bolger) 
in the Wizard of Oz who, after receiving his 
certificate of intelligence from the wizard 
(Frank Morgan) in the palace in Emerald City, 
began spouting geographic data and Einstein's theory of rela- 
ti\'ity (E=MC-). Is the State Historia)i obligated to remember 
everything that ever occurred in Wyoming? If he doesn't re- 
member every obscure fact, should he bear the opprobrium 
of not knowing? Is he obligated to endure the snide remark 
of some niggling researcher: "Surely you know the name of 
the Governor who served m 1919. You are the State Historian, 
are you not?" (There were two: Frank Houx and Robert D. 
Carey). 

There shall be no excuses. On record is a full listing of 
State Historian duties {Annals of Wyoming, October, 1930). 
Among other obligations, he or she shall "travel from place 
to place, as the requirements of the work may dictate," in 
order to collect, compile, file and publish materials rele\'ant 
to state history, procure narratives from pioneers, and to "col- 
lect by solicitation or purchase fossils, specimens, of ores and 
minerals, objects of curiosity connected with the historv of 
the State and all such books, maps, writings, charts and other 
material as will tend to facilitate historical, scientific and an- 
tiquarian research." Actually, it does sort of read like a Gene 
Gressley job description. 

Does the title of State Historian carry with it any special 




LolaHomsher, 1950 



privileges? With absolutely no research I found that the title 
plus a nickel, will get you a cup of coffee (only at Wall Dru^ 
in South Dakota). However, it did take a little research to lean 
that it's erroneous to use the pronoun "he" exclusively whei 
referring to the State Historian. That's because all of the Stati 
Historians from 1919 until 1965 were women (list availabl( 
on demand). In fact, if you go further back, when the Stati 
Librarian was doing the work of the State Historian — clear bad 
to territorial days when E.R Johnson became the first Librar 
ian (1873) — only three men occupied the position (E.I 
Johnson, John Slaughter, C.G. Coutant). Why? Probably be 
cause the job of State Historian involved negligible recom 
pense. Women, after all, were supposed to be tending to thei 
knitting, raising their families, and doinj 
community service work while their hus 
bands were acting as breadwinners. No on( 
could reasonably expect that the job of Stat^ 
Historian was valuable enough to deser\'e ; 
living wage. Women u'ere the only ones whi 
could afford to accept the title. 

Ne\'ertheless, if you know anything a 
all about the women who served as State His 
tor ian you kiiow they took the responsibil 
ity seriously. Even as they described the ex 
ploits of pioneers, these women were in 
volved in their own pioneering work, con 
tributing to the preser\'ation and develop 
ment of Wyoming history. Agnes Wrigh 
Spring (1917-1921), who was the only per 
son to hold the title of State Historian in tw( 
states (Wyoming and Colorado), authorec 
23 books and 600 articles and, incidentalh 
won the Wyoming Women's Golf Championship (1916). LoL 
Homsher worked as a historian for the Wyoming State His 
torical Department for 25 years (1951-1965). She also was it 
first director. Homsher founded the Wyoming Historical So 
defy (1953), endowing it with a $100,000 trust fund befon 
she died (1986). Katherine Hah-erson, never given the title o 
State Historian although she did the work, was Editor of Wyo 
ming Annals for fifteen years (1965 to 1980). These people wen 
serious about their jobs even if their titles didn't pri\'ilegi 
them to front row seats at concerts (Cheyenne Symphony 
and sporting events (Cowboy basketball, football). 

If Wyomingites still think history is important, maybi 
we ought to give more serious thought to the position of Stat 
Historian. On the other hand, that could mean the death knel 
for the position, particularly now when government is un 
der scrutiny, when consideration for historical resources i: 
not foremost on go\'ernment's agenda, and at a time whei 
major cultural resource agencies (NEA, NEH, Corporatioi 
for Public Broadcasting) are experiencing a frontal assault 
But why should I care? Furthermore, how do I know all thes( 
so-called "facts?" I guess because I have a personal iiiterest ( 
am the State Historian). - MJ 



Wyoming Annau 



Governor of Wyoming 

Jim Geringer 

Director, Department of Commerce 

Celeste Colgan 

Interim Director, Cultural Resources Division 
John Keck 

Parks and Cultural Resources Commission 

Jere Bogrett, Riverton 

Michael Devine, Laramie 

William Dubois, Cheyenne 

Herb French, Newcastle 

Jeanne Hickey, Cheyenne 

Hale Kreycik, Douglas 

Edre Maier, Sheridan 

David Peck, Lovell 

Pam Rankin, Jackson 

Wyoming State Historical Society 
Officers, 1994-1995 

Ruth Lauritzen, President, Green River 

Maggi Layton, 

First Vice President, Riverton 

Glen Morris, 

Second Vice President, Kemmerer 

Sherry Taylor, Secretary, Casper 

Rick Ewig, Treasurer, Laramie 

Sally Vanderpoel, Past President, Torrington 

David Kathka, Executive Secretary, Rock Springs 

Judy West, State Coordinator, Cheyenne 

Staff 

Mark Junge, Editor 

Melinda Brazzale, Associate Editor/Designer 

Carl Hallberg, Book Review Editor 

Assistants: Larry Brown, 

Paula Chavoya, Richard Collier, 

Linda Fabian, Priscilla Golden, Cathy Lujan, 

Char Olsen, Craig Pindell, Shelley Sackett 

Editorial Advisory Board 
Michael Cassity' 

Rick Ewig 
Gene Gressley 

Roy Jordan 

David Kathka 

William H. Moore 

Robert L. Munkres 

Philip J, Roberts 



In 1 895 Wyoming established a department 
to collect and preserve state history. Today 
those responsibilities belong to the Division 
of Cultural Resources of the Wyoming 
Department of Commerce.. located in the 
Barrett State Office Building in Cheyenne. 
Within this division are the State 
Archaeologist, State Archives, State Museum, 
Wyoming Arts Council, and the State Historic 
Preservation Office. Wyoming ANNALS, 
established in 1923 to disseminate historical 
information about Wyoming and the West, is 
published by the Office of Special Projects & 
Publications, WyomingDepartmentofCommerce. 

Copyright 1995 by the Wyoming Department of Commerce 



Winter 1994-1995 
Volume 66, No. 4 



WYOMING 




c 



o 



N 



N 



T 




.'■' B R 



Cover: Dell Burke, qa. iqi', 

LoRAiNE A. Fisher Collection, Harrison, MicftAjAf" f ' C" i ,' 
Do;/j crocheted BY Arlene Kuenni;n, Northwood, Iowa - I \f 






%1"0'^ING 



Editor Notes 2 

Focus What's New About the New Western History? zj. 

by Sherry Smith 

In Old Wyoming: "One-Shot Brammar" 6 

by Larry K. Brown 

Dell Burke: The Lusty Lady of Lusk 8 

by Larry K. Brown 

Conversations with Historians: Gene Gressley 22 

An interview by Mark Junge 

Cows All Over the Place:The Historic Setting for 

the Transmission of Brucellosis to Yellowstone 
Bison by Domestic Cattle 42 

by Lee H. Whittlesey 

Book Reviews 58 

Book Notes 73 

Video Reviews 75 

Index 78 

The editor of ANNALS welcomes manuscripts on every aspect of Wyoming and Western history. 
Authors should submit manuscripts on diskettes utilizing WordPerfect or ASCII text, and double- 
spaced, hard copy to: Editor Wyoming ANNALS, Wyoming Department of Commerce, Barrett 
Building, Cheyenne, Wyoming 82002. Manuscripts should conform to A Matiunl of Style (University 
of Chicago Press). They are reviewed by members of an editorial advisory board and the editor makes 
decisions regarding publication. 

ANNALS is received by members of the Wyoming State Historical Society and is the Society's 
principal publication. Current membership is 2,329. Membership dues are: Single $9, Joint $12, 
Institutional $20. Copies of ANNALS may be purchased from the Wyoming Department of Com- 
merce. ANNALS articles are abstracted in Historical Abstracts and America: Histor\/ and Life. 



FOCUS 



What's New About 
The New Western History? 




By 

Shhkr'i- Smith 



« n 



A few years ago something 
fairly unusual happened. 
The New York Times pub- 
lished an article on a debate 
dividing historians of the American 
West. The Times' attention was unusual 
for two reasons: Western history rarely 
warrants much Eastern attention and 
academic issues seldom inspire much 
excitement beyond the halls of ivy. Evi- 
dently editors decided, however, that 
the New Western History warranted 
some scrutiny. Ever since, all kinds of 
non-academic publications — even 
People Mii\^nziiie — have devoted space 
to a most unglamorous, unsensational 
topic: how acaclemic historians are 
scrapping sacred American myths 
about the Old West, or as the Nezv York 
Times put it, how "historians are bad- 
mouthing the American frontier"' 

What is the "New Western His- 
tory"? Is it really "new"? Why does it 
elicit such interest and arouse rage? 
Finally, why should Aiiiuils readers 
give a hoot about any of this? 

In a nutshell, New Western Histo- 
rians define the West as a region or 
place and discard Frederick Jackson 
Turner's 1893 emphasis on the frontier 
as a process. They emphasize relation- 
ships among diverse etlinic groups and 
economic interests. They discuss inter- 
actions between men and women. 
They examine the impact of humans 
on the natural environment. Finally, 
New Western Historians call for stud- 
ies which examine twentieth century 



developments and which de-emphasize 
the importance of western myth. They 
don't deny the validity of myth as a le- 
gitimate area of stuciy, but their schol- 
arship doesn't demonstrate much en- 
thusiasm for it. 

Turner, the founding father of West- 
ern History, believed that the westward 
movement across the continent was the 
defining national experience, one which 
left its imprint on both national charac- 
ter and institutions. One major problem 
with Turner's thesis, according to New 
Western Historians, is its hopeless eth- 
nocentrism. It slights, when it does not 
completely ignore, the experiences of 
Indians, Mexicans, Asians, and women. 
It promotes a triumphal story of 
progress which belies the West's com- 
plexities. Finally, it ends the story at 1890 
when the Census Bureau announced 
there was no longer a distinguishable 
frontier, and thus denies the West a 
twentieth century history. 

For these reasons and others, then. 
New Western Historians abandon the 
frontier concept and define the West as 
a distincti\'e place, although its exact 
boundaries remain debatable, particu- 
larly the eastern edge. Does the West 
begin at the Mississippi River? The 
100th meridian? Richard White's It's 
Your Misfortune ami Noue of My Own, the 
best synthesis of New Western History 
scholarship, argues that the region's dis- 
tinction is based not on precise geo- 
graphical boundaries or enxironmental 
factors, but on an assortment of relation- 
ships that set it apart from any other 
section of the cciuntry." 

Especially important is the region's 
relationship with the federal govern- 
ment. From the beginning of United 
States jurisdiction the federal govern- 
ment has promoted some westerners' 
economic interests and hindered others, 
dictated policy regarding land use and 
natural resources, and poured national 
taxpayers' money into regional devel- 



opment projects. This is a scenario 
Wyoming residents will recognize. 
Long before 1990's arguments over "big 
government," Newt Gingrich, and the 
Republicans' "Contract With America," 
westerners understood the problem of 
government intrusion into their lives. 
Yet westerners have also benefited 
from federal investment in their region. 
The result historically has been a 
schizophrenic regional reaction to gov- 
ernment: love it when it provides 
money, resent it when it taxes to pay 
for the projects and wants to exercise 
control over its expenditures. 

New Western Historians also em- 
phasize the relationships among vari- 
ous ethnic groups in the West. They 
don't just focus on Anglo-American 
male experiences. Certainly race and 
ethnicity have proved crucial in all cor- 
ners of the country, but the New West- 
ern History underscores the signifi- 
cance of relationships between Anglo- 
Americans on the one hand, and Mexi- 
cans, Asians, Indians and to a lesser 
extent African Americans on the other. 
It also incorporates womens' experi- 
ences. Adding these long-overlooked 
peoples into the story decidedly alters 
the tone. More often than not, the mi- 
norities experienced loss of power, 
land and autonomy. Womens' fates 
proved more complicated, although 
generally women of color fared poorly. 
Historically, as White puts it, these 
groups have been the losers. 

So is any of this "new"? Yes and 
no. Certainly the media attention gar- 
nered by some scholars is new. It rep- 
resents the determination and skill of 
scime academics to attract such atten- 
tion.^ But their purpose is less to feed 
the historians' hunger for publicity 
than it is to reach a broader audience, 
get more members of the general pub- 
lic to think analytically about the past, 
and reach beyond the ivory tower. 
Admirable goals! Moreover, the 



Wyoming Annau 



phrase "New Western History" 
signals recent efforts to synthe- 
size scholarship produced since 
the 1960's. 

White's book reflects the 
work not of just one historian or 
even the handful of scholars 
whose names keep popping up 
in the popular media. Rather, it 
is a distillation of about thirty 
years' worth of work, the toil of 
dozens of historians who have 
attempted to answer the ques- 
tions that have interested the na- 
tion as a whole since the 1960s: 
who does exercise economic and 
political power? Who benefits 
from political decisions and who 
loses? How does inclusion of In- 
dians, Mexicans, Asians and 
women alter our understanding 
of the past? What are the environ- 
mental consequences of develop- 
ment anci growth? These ques- 
tions and historians' answers to 
them do not reflect the agenda of 
one group. They represent the in- 
terests and concerns of many individu- 
als and groups during the last thirty to 
forty years of the twentieth century. In 
that respect then. New Western History 
scholarship is not new. 

So why all the controversy? Some 
historians object to discarding the 
"frontier" process as an analytical tool, 
arguing that the concept still has va- 
lidity. This debate has been spirited 
and healthy. Other critics of the New 
Western History, however, claim the 
new historiography reflects the politi- 
cal point of view of "Sixties," anti- Viet- 
nam War, counter-culture types who 
emphasize the negative. This criticism 
is absurd. The books listed in White's 
bibliography, for example, represent 
the work of at least several generations 
of scholars, individuals who most as- 
suredly do not all share the same po- 
litical inclinations. To suggest their 
work is politically-motivated, knee- 
jerk liberalism or even radicalism is 
insulting. This large body of work rep- 
resents the careful labor of profession- 
als who represent an increasingly di- 
verse collection of scholars, people of 
both genders and various ethnicities 




WvtiMiNt. Si AIL Ml) 



Duesse DeMandge, n.d. Dozens of phiotographic 

images of Black Americans exisr in the Meyers 

Collection of thie Wyoming State Museum. 



and political persuasions. 

Moreover, this scholarship does not 
address only issues of ethnicity or gen- 
der. White and his contemporaries con- 
clude that Indians and other minorities 
are not the only ones to see their power 
ebb. Rural westerners, particularly those 
engaged in farming and ranching, have 
also lost economic and political power. 
The twentieth century West is a compli- 
cated world where ranchers are feeling 



1. Richard Bernstein, "Unsettling the Old West," New 
York Times Miigiiziiw, 18 March 1990, p. .14. 

2. Richard White, It's Your Misforltnw and None of My 
Own: A New Historif of the Ainerietm West (Norman: 
University of Oklahoma Press, 1991), 

3. Patricia Nelson Limerici<, autitor of The Lemuel/ of 
Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the Ameriean West (New 
York: WW. Norton & Co., 1987) stands out as a 
particularly effective spokesperson for the New Western 
History and is often featured in print media stories. For 
a criticism of the "Limerickean press agentry," see William 
H. Goetzmann, "Crisis of the New — West?," Continuity: 
A journal of History no.l7 (Fall, 1993): 29. 

4. See Peter Iverson, Wlh-n liniians Beeanw Cowi>oifs: 
Native Peoples anti Cattle Ranehin^ in the Anu'riean West 
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994), 182-224. 

5. For criticisms of the New Western Histtiry see 
"Symposium: The New Western History," Contnnuty: A 
lournal of History (Fall 1993): 1-32; Trails: Toward a Neiv 
Western History ed. by Patricia Nelson Limerick, Clyde 
A. Milner il, and Charles E. Rankin (Lawrence: University 
Press of Kansas, 1991), 89-102; and Gene Gressley, ed.. 
Old West/New West: Quo Vadis? (Worland, Wyoming: High 
Plains Publishing Company, 1994). 



as embattled today as Indians felt 
one hundred years ago.^ 

It is noteworthy that critics 
never take issue with the conclu- 
sions of the New Western Histo- 
rians regarding Indians, for ex- 
ample. Complaints focus not on 
facts or even interpretation but 
on emphasis. Why spend so 
much time on the "losers?'"^ It is 
possible that the new synthesis 
overcompensates for past omis- 
sions, which were glaring, but 
such complaints might fall upon 
more sympathetic ears had the 
complainants been as vigilant 
about "balance" and "equal 
time" when so many other 
groups were systematically ig- 
noreci in past versions of Ameri- 
can and Western History. 

There is no doubt, however, 
that recent historiographical 
trends represent efforts to fill in 
the blanks and to address previ- 
ously ignored elements of the 
story. Historians have been 
drawn to these stories because they 
were fresh, unexplored, iiiteresting and 
relevant to contemporary concerns. At- 
tempting a clear-eyed view of 
America's past, one that is inclusive of 
all groups and interests, is not nega- 
tive but will prove in the long term to 
be a most positive development. In the 
process some topics probably will be 
slighted because they are neither new 
nor trendy. We have not reached "bal- 
ance" yet. That goal may prove elusive 
and, besides, will we even be able to 
agree on a definition of "balance"? Yet 
it does seem that New Western Histo- 
rians are closer to that goal than histo- 
rians were thirty years ago. 

We live in contentious times. Not 
the least of our contentions is deciding 
how we tell our stories about the past, 
whose voices are heard, and how much 
space each group will be accorded in 
textbooks. Who gets to make these 
choices and decisions? Who gets to 
shape the sense of our collective past 
and, not coincidentally, of ourselves? 
Readers of Atitinls need to be in- 
forrhed about the New Western His- 
contlniicd page 77... 



Winter ■94-95 




I n Old W yomin 



bv l.arrv K. Brown 




He Chronicled Cheyenne for 50 Years with his Camera 



Cne 



-Shot'B 



ammar 



Liice 'Chicken Man." radio hero of 
vestenear, he was "E\'em\"herel E\"- 
er\"\vherel" It is difficult to find any- 
one who was at least twent\' \"ears old 
in the late 1970s \vho does not remem- 
ber the gaimt, gangling "Bram" — wWd, 
■svhite hair weathenaning in the wind 
as he lugged his camera down the 
street enroute to a shoot. Others recall 
his dail\" treks, sans coat and hat, to the 
Ma\-flo%ver Cafe ^vhe^e, like a \vinter- 
wom cornstalk, he slouched over tea 
and toast. Despite his celebrit\', ho'sv- 
e\er, even those ^vho claim friendship 
ackno\\'ledge that thev never reallv 
kne\v him. 

VNTiat thev do know is that for 
nearly a half centur\" photographer 
Francis 5. Brammar, like the le2;endar\' 
Tom Swift and his Wizard Camera, 
trapped the images of Chevenne 
-ivithin his magic box. Presidents and 
generals ...pinup beauties and cow- 
pokes ...sociaUtes and clerks ...kids 
^\"ith their pets. Their smiles and warts 
>vere frozen by his lens. His finest work 
also caught their spirit, their compas- 
sion, their joie de vivre. The sheer 
scope of one man's vast \TSual historv 
of the community' — fort\" four thou- 
sand negatives — astonishes even those 
^vho admire his work.- But much of 
Brammar 's life "svas neither so memo- 
rable nor so successful. 

The bushy-bro^ved Brammar was 
a ver\" private person despite his high 
\Tsibilit}'. Some claim, unkindlv, that he 
had no choice; he usuallv reeked of the 



acrid photo processing chemicals in 
which he worked.- E\en most of his in- 
timates did not kno%v the basic details 
of his life. Francis was bom on .April 23, 
1900, in \Vadsworth, Xevada, to 
.Archibald and Svdia Steele. His parents 
separated, however, and nine vears later 
Svdia married Ritner G. Brammar, a 
traveling salesman. The familv moved 
to Denver ^vhere Francis attended el- 
ementarv school and South Denver 
High School. In 1916 the familv mo\'ed 
to Che\'enne, Wvoming, where the bo\''s 
stepfather managed the Jewel Tea Com- 
pany from his home.' 

After graduation from Chevenne 
ITigh School in 1919, Bram apparently 
clerked in a local paint store \\'here he 
earned enough to buv a camera, a 4x5 
Grallex, and began taking pictures as a 
hobbv.' That fall he enrolled at the Uni- 
versity' of Wvomino; in Laraniie, but the 
puckish prankster quit after one year.'^ 

Brammar spent at least part of the 
next three vears working; for the Union 
Pacific Railroad, but in 1924 he went 
East to school, enrolling at the Chicago 
Branch of the Xew "i'ork Institute of Pho- 
tography. He found his niche. So quickly 
did he learn %%"hat he had not already 
taught himself that the facult\- asked 
him to join their staff. His responsibili- 
ties included teaching still and motion 
picture photography. In 1926, while cov- 
ering a convention in the Windv Cit\", 
he -ivas offered a job %vith the famed 
Hearst-Pathe Company of Holl\-\vood. 
Accepting the offer, Brammar packed 



his bags and returned to Che\-enne to 
visit his family before mo\"in2; to the 
movie mecca in California. Once back 
on the High Plains, however, his love of 
the great open spaces \vas re\-i\'ed. At 
the same time, a fateful turn in his par- 
ents' tortured relationship dramatically 
changed his life. His stepfather deserted 
his mother in Juh', 1928." 

Faced with supporting himself and 
his mother, Brammar struggled as a 
clerk until 1928, when he landed a proof- 
reading job with the Tribune Publishing 
Company. About a year later he joined 
the Wyoming Tribune reportorial ranks 
and also married a gorgeous redhead 
named Dolores. Although nothing is 
kno^vn of her background or ho%v they 



1. Telephone inteniew: Red Kelso by Lam' Browti, 
Chevenne. Wvoming 15 Januai^- 1995. 

2- "A celebration of 50 "i'ears of Chevenne Historv 
through the photos of Francis Brammar," exhibit bro- 
chure (Cheyenne: Cheyenne Old West .\lusemn in co- 
operation \sith the Wvoming State Museum and Chev- 
enne Newspapers, Inc., October, 19&4)- 

3. Telephone inter^^ew: Red Kelso, Cheyenne, 5 
December i 994; also, interview with Mark Junge, Chev- 
enne, 5 Xovember 1994. 

4. "Superintendent's Card," LaramieCounhSchool 
District No.l, Cheveime, n-d.; alsol918 Cheyenne City 
Directorj (Salt Lake CiU- R.L. PoUc & Co., 1918), p.35; 
1920 Cheyenne City Directory. (Salt Lake Citi,-: R.L. Polk 
& Co., 1920), p.3S; "Action for Divorce," Sydia Brammar, 
Plaintiff v. Ritner G. Brammar, Defendant, Docket No. 
178-145, Laramie Countv- First District Court, filed 28 
-.\ugust 1929, p.l45. 

5. Kirk Knox, "A Tribute Profile ...Brammar: A Man 
of Many Parts," Wyoming (Cheyerme) State Tribune , 11 
June 1961, p.8; also Wanda Oldham, "Francis Brammar," 
Csrntol (Chevenne) Times, 1983, p. 7. 

6- Telephone interview: Rebeca Macon, Student 
Records, Universir*- of Wvoming, Laramie, 7 DecerrJ>er 
1994. 

7. Knox, "Brairunan Man of Many Paris,"; also "Ac- 
tion for Divorce"; also telephone inteniew: Margaret 
Layboum, Cheyenne, 11 January 1995. 



Wyoming Axn.\u 



met, given Brammar's unabashed pas- 
sion for posing beautiful women, she 
may have been one of his many cheese- 
cake models.** 

His next job was with a local etch- 
ing and engraving company which was 
taken over in 1932 by Tracy McCraken 
to support his fledgling Wyoming Eagle 
newspaper." In return for his work 
Brammar received a small weekly sti- 
pend plus lab space and supplies.'" 

Despite the lack of information 
about Brammar's life during the next 
six or seven years, apparently it was 
relatively uneventful. Recollections 
from business associates such as Ber- 
nard Horton, however, provide irisight 
into Brammar's character and work 
ethics. The Wyomiiig Eagle editor once 
recalled: "We never quite figured out 
Bram's working hours. Once when we 
asked him about them, he replied, 'I do 
not believe in working hours for news- 
papermen. I don't believe anv newspa- 
per man who is worth a damn should 
be confined by set working hours.'"" 

Little is known of the personal life 
of the enigmatic Brammar during this 
period except that Dolores left him 
about 1941 because of his roving eve 
and suspected philandering. He ap- 
parently found solace, howe\'er, in his 
spartan apartment on Carey Avenue. It 
became the focal point in his own 
Walden Pond. Resembling a tvpe of 
Henry David Thoreau — who actually 
was his philosophical mentor and 
muse — Brammar stoicallv v\'itnessed the 
next twenty years of Cheyenne history 
through the viewfinder of his camera. '- 

By 1960 Brammar had became a 
devotee of the minature camera and 
began shooting almost exclusivel\' with 
a Leica. It seems clear to students of his 
work that he emulated pioneer photo- 
journalists Alfred Eisenstadt and Henri 
Cartier Bresson in honinghis spot news 
skills. His friend and associate. Red 
Kelso, said Brammar was one of the first 
press photographers to switch to the 
35mm format at a time "when e\en the 
slickers in the big cities were still using 
Speed Graflexes."'^ The small-format 
camera was not only more con%'enient, 
it increased the speed with which he 
worked. Dubbed "One-shot Bram," a 




Wyoming State Ml sel m 

Photographer Francis S. Brammar, 
who was called "the man without a hat" 
by humorist Will Rogers, earned that so- 
briquet for a reason . Brammar went rab- 
bit hunting one day and shot a small rab- 
bit. As it lay dying, the bunny's sad, 
brown eyes seemed to ask, "Why?" 
Weeping in remorse, Brammar left his hat 
at the scene and swore never to replace 
it or shoot a gun again. 



nickname which seemed to give him 
satisfaction, he boasted of his penchant 
for snapping only one photograph: "I 
ne\'er had to take it but once." Although 
his technique was unorthodox, it did not 
detract from the qualitv' of his work. He 
would set the camera for the estimated 
distance, hold it abo\'e his head and click 
the shutter ...once." His methodology 
did not prevent positive recognition by 
his peers. Ln 1976 he was honored by the 
National Press Photographers Associa- 
tion with the "Bert Williams Award. "'"^ 

Alone and aging, Bram slowly de- 
teriorated until, in the summer of 1980, 
he was brought down by an infection 
that ravaged his frail frame. Police 
found him ill in the doorway of a local 
business and took him to DePaul Hos- 
pital. Less than two weeks later he was 
moved to his final home at the Chev- 
enne Health Care Center.'"' 

More fortunate than many photog- 
raphers, Brammar reaped public 



praise for his professional work 
while he was alive, thanks to his 
friend and long-time Cheyenne resi- 
dent, Margaret Laybourn. She res- 
cued more than 44,000 film and glass 
plate negahves from the chaos of his 
photo lab and encouraged Brammar 
to donate the mass of materials to the 
Wyoming State Museum. Volunteers 
subsequently sorted and arranged 
his pictorial treasury' of Cheyerme 
histoPv' into a permanent collection.'' 

Although age and health halted 
his favorite hobbies of fishing, hik- 
ing, bike riding, and boomerang 
throwing, Brammar continued to find 
joy in prose and poetr\'. Friends re- 
call, for instance, his recititation of a 
passage from William Cullen 
Bryant's poem Thanatopsif: "...ap- 
proach thy grave, like one who wraps 
the draper}' of his couch about him, 
and lies down to pleasant dreams."'" 

Those sweet reveries came to 
Francis Brammar on Saturday, April 
19, 1986, four days before his eight}'- 
sixth birthday.''' 



-i. 1926 Cheyenne Citif Directory, 1926, p. 54; alsol928 
uenne Citii Directory. 1928, p!41; 1929-30 Cheyenne 
i.::i/ Directory, 1929, p. 55: Knox, "Brammar: Man of 
Manv Parts." Brammar, claims Knox, readilv admitted 
that gorgeous gals were one of his favorite pictorial 
subjects. 

9. "A Celebration of 50 'iears of Chevenne His- 
tor\". .."; also RosieHart\'," For Fall Photo Exhibit: Bram's 
'Living Histon.' Preser\ed," Cheyenne Engle-Trihime 
SiinDAY Magazine, Cheyenne, 31 July 1983. 

10. Telephone inter\'ie\v: Red Kelso. 

11. Bernard Horton, "Bram has 'Gone Fishing'," 
Stindav Eilgle-Trihune 27 April 1986. 

12! 1933-34 Cheyenne City Directory (Salt Lake Cit\': 
R.L. Polk & Co., 1933, p. 51). 

13. Knox, "A Tribute Profile...": also telephone inter- 
\iew: Red Kelso, 5 December 1994. 

14. Telephone interview: Margaret Lavboum. 

15. Rosie Hart\-, "For Fall Photo Exliibit..."; also 
Wanda Oldham, "Francis Brammar"; Bett\" Rath, "Pho- 
tographer Francis Brammar..." Onlv photographers who 
work for more than fortx' years at their craft are eligible 
for the Bert Williams Award. 

16. Telephone interviews: Red Kelso; also Sue 
Grigsbv, Patient Records Department, DePaul Hospi- 
tal, Chevenne, 6 Januar\' 1995. 

17. Rosie Hart^^ "For Fall Photo Exhibit...'; also "50 
Years of Chevenne Histor)'..."; "Francis Brammar Will 
Be Honored Sept. 24," Wyoming State Tribune, 12 Sep- 
tember 1985. 

18. Bernard Horton, "Bram has 'Gone Fishing'." 

19. "Graveside Rites Tuesday for Francis Brammar," 
Wyoming State Tribune, 21 .April 1986. 



Larry K. Brown is a 

\olunteer writer and researcher 

for Wyoming ANNALS. 



Winter ■94-95 




The 

usjy lady 
lusk 



by Carry X. Brown 

The rich scent of fast food, plus the happy hum of 
the crowd with its cojifettf faces barkhicj bids to the 
auctioneers, gave the sale a carnival air. But for the 
friends of TDell Burke, it was anything but festive, 
father, it was a sad. sordid little wake. 

^{ost of those who shopped beneath the bright 
broad sky the warm two days of August. 1981 in Cusk 
once were so shy of Dell that they crossed the street to 
avoid her shadow. T^ow they sought her shade so that 
they could peek behind her red velvet drapes. The brass 
room keys, naughty -nighties and pastel silk hose were 
there. The Dell they had hoped to find, however, was 
dead. She had been gone, in fact, for nearly a year} 



^lu the Beginning'^ 

The petite, auburn-haired beauty en- 
tered life as Mary Ada Fisher on July S, 
1888, in Somerset, Ohio, about thirty miles 
southeast of Columbus.^ The only daugh- 
ter of John and Almeda (nee Cotterman) 
Fisher and the youngest of their four chil- 
dren, she was baptized by a pastor of the 
Somerset Lutheran Parish.* 

In the winter of 1897 Mary's family 
learned that her uncle Charles, who had 
settled in Dakota Territory, had died in a 
blizzard. It was while her parents were 
settling his estate that they, too, became 
infected by the homesteading fever. The 
following spring John Fisher and his fam- 
ily boarded a westbound train-their 
household goods in one car and their 
livestock in another-and headed for Da- 
kota. Stopping first on Tongue River at 
Cavalier, they lived briefly in one of the 
boxcars provided by the railrfiad to aid 
in their resettlement. Dell remembered 



1 . Ron Franscell, "Last Bawdy hiouse Trinkets Gone, 
But Memories Linger," Casper Star-Tribune, Casper, 
Wyoming, 17 August 1981, pp. Al, A12. An estimated 
3,000 antique dealers and curiosity seekers from as tar 
as Florida, New York and California attended the sale 
which lasted more than seventeen hours during August 
14-15. 

2. Letter. Loraine A. Fisher, Harrison, Michigan, to 
Larry K. Brown, Cheyenne, Wyoming, 29 December 
1993. 

3. Letter, Pastor O.E. Doesken, St. Paul Lutheran 
Church, Somerset, Ohio, to the Fisher family, 14 Febru- 
ary 1942. According to Pastor Doesken, the minister 
who baptized Mary was Rev, L.H. Burry. Mary's broth- 
ers were Burl, Charles and Herbert. 

Opposite: Demure, refined and elegant 

^(ary Ada fisher, whose family 

believed she was widowed and had used 

her inheritance to buy and manage "a 

hotel out west'.' Indeed, she might have 

been that gentle woman had she not 

stumbled on the way and become 'Dell 

Burke'.' the lusty lady of Cusk. (ca. 

1915>. Unless otherwise noted, all photos 

are from the Coraine A. .Fisher 

Collection, garrison. ^ (ichigan. 








with pride that her mother kept that 
home-on-wheels as "neat as a pin."' 

Tlie family subsequently went west, 
arriving at RoUa on April 7, 1898. There 
were no accommodations at the hotels 
so Rolette County officials boarded them 
and other passengers in the local court- 
house. Stoves were installed for cooking 
and to ward off the spring chill. Several 
days later the Fishers mo\'ed on to Wolf 
Creek, a small township in Dakota Terri- 
tory roughly 23 miles south of the 
Manitoba, Canadian border. There John 
bought 160 acres for himself pkis an ad- 
ditional 160 acres in his wife's name. The 
cost? A grand total of S 5 1.20 or sixteen 
cents an acre. Money for the transaction 
\\ as loaned to John, who had little col- 
lateral, by a trusting man in the area. 
Having been a merchant in Ohio, Mary's 
dad btiilt the Fisher Store and Post Of- 
fice later that year at what would be 
known during the brief time it existed as 
Fisher, North Dakota. 

ary, the apple of her 
daddy's eye, was sent at 
about age thirteen to St. 
Bernard's Academy. At that 
Catholic school in Grand Forks, North 
Dakota she received an elementan- edu- 
cation from Mother Stiperior Stanislaus 
Rafter and her Ursuline nuns." The op- 
portunity to lea\e home and stretch her 
wings must have seemed exciting at first 
to Man' as she and her girlfriends spent 
much of their free time standing on the 
convent fence calling to boys at the nearby 
college. But \\ ith the passage of puberty 
Marie, as she preferred to be called, ap- 
parently found the strict religious envi- 
ronment too confining and welcomed the 
chance to rejoin her family." 

The Fishers in the meantime hatl sold 
their property to the v.hat was known as 
the Soo (Minneapolis, St. Paul and Sault 
Ste. Marie) Railway about 1903. After a 
brief visit back East to see their relatives 
they returned to North Dakota, this time 
to Bottineau County. They settled in 
Omemee about rwent)' miles west of their 
previoLis home in Fisher.'' Seventeen year- 
old Marie took a jt)b filling out weigh 
bills and handling other papenvork at 
the local depot, and there she met 
Stephen J. Law who was seven years her 
senior. The Canadian railrcxid freight con- 





. -IfrtT niLwhuj into an area near 'Wolf Creek. Uakata Territory in 

April. 189$. John J^isher built a combination store-post otYice. 

Vurinij the brief time it existed the small eompoimd ivas known as 

fisher. 7\'orth Dakota, (ca. 190Z) 



ductor and his young kne, who stretched 
the tnith and swore she was a legal eigh- 
teen years old, were wed November 12, 
1905, in Grafton, North Dakota." Mo\'ing 
into her new home in that small t<nvn, 
she met the sister with whom her hus- 
band had long shared the house. But she 
was soon ovei^whelmed by her husband's 
strong-willed sibling. Fed up with her 
jealous spouse's l3c:)asts that "Canadians 
are better than Americans," Marie left the 
following year to seek a life on her tn\n."' 

^ Marie liivns •^ 
Professional 

Traveling northwest to Calgary, 
Alberta Marie went to work at the famed 
resort hotel at Banff. There she endeared 
herself to the local police chief and his 
son who protected her from Stephen's 
pursuit. She claimed, however, that it was 
easier to rid herself of her husband than 
it was \o deflect the amorous ad\'ances 
of the officer's son. With a limited in- 
come and faced with a relationship as 
untenable as the one she left in North 
Dakota, Marie made a decision that 
would lead her into the demimonde." 

Although it is not clear wJiy Marie 



chose the course she did, probably she 
needed money. She also was attracti\'e and 
found men unusually xiilnerable to her 
dark charms. Taking a wider perspecti\e, 
one ma\' tinderstand how the environment 



4. Loraine Fisher li^iicr, 1993. The uncle was a brother 
of her mother, Almeda. See also Douglas A. Wick, 
North Dakota Place Names, (Bismarck, North Dakota; 
Hede Markan Collectibles, 1988), p. 65. Fisher was situ- 
ated in the northwest quarter ot Section 26, Township 
160N, Range 72W in RoUette County. 

5. Wick, North Dakotn Place Nnmes, 1988. 

6. Mi'inous (tape recording) of Bnwc Bei'gt^trom, 
Greybull, Wyoming, n.d.; also, Fr. William Sherman, 
Scattered Stecftles, (Fargo, North Dakota: BL&L Publish- 
ing Co., 1988), pp. 51-59. 

7. Sherman, "Scattered Steeples...", 1988. 

8. Loraine Fisher letter with transcript of Lutheran 
Herahi, believed to have been printed in Omemee, North 
Dakota, n.d.; also Wick, Norllt Dakotn Place Names, p. 145. 
Although Omemee no longer exists, the original townsite 
was in Section 4, Township 160N, Range 75W. The 
Fishers ex'ontualiy mo\'ed to nearby Rollette, where 
thev owned and managed the Imperial Hotel. They 
died in Rollette and are buried there in the cemetery. 

9. State of North Dakota, County Court, Walsh 
County, Grafton, North Dakota, App^lication for a Mar- 
riage License, 11 No\'ember 1905; Marriage License, 11 
November 1905; and Certificate of Marriage, 12 Novem- 
ber 1905. Marie and Stephen were married by Presbyte- 
rian minister CD. McDonald in the presence of J.C. 
McDonald and H. McLean. Coincidentally, her brother 
Charles also was married on November 12, 1905 in 
Omemee. 

10. Telephone interview, James Fagan, Casper, 
Wyoming bv Larry K. Brown, Cheyenne, Wyoming, 14 
January 1994. 

W. Memoirs of Bruce Bergstroin, n.d. Sinceshe was the 
wife of a railroad employee, Mary undoubtedly had a 
rail pass and probably made the trip via train. 



Wyoming Annals 



of early twentieth-centiiiy st)ciety contrib- 
uted to her fall from grace. An ambitious 
woman of that time, regardless of her 
station, had few options for personal or 
professional self-expression and indepen- 
dence. If a woman was affluent she could 
bask in the accomplishments of her hus- 
band or son. A lucky few gained celeb- 
rity as hostesses, sponsors of artists and 
musicians, or promoters of charitable 
catises. But for a single female, especially 
one still in her teens without indepen- 
dent means of support, sui-vival was a 
challenge. Her options were few unless 
she was skilled, for instance, in sewing 
or the crafts. With special training she 
could aspire to teach or nurse. Lacking 
those choices she might be faced \\ ith 
such extreme options as entering either 
a religious order or the "world's oldest 
profession": prostitution. Marie chose the 
latter. It required little or no in\'estment. 
A low-watt lamp and wrought-iron bed 
could be transformed almost magically 
with a look and a smile into cold, hard 
cash. Being a quick study in her trade, 
Marie assumed the first of many stage 
names and followed the call of the wild 
to Alaska.'- 

^On to Alaska^ 

Her decision to leave the States and 
move to the far north was made at a pro- 
pitious time. The seeds of mid-nineteenth 
centuiy English socialism which were 
brought across the Atlantic during the last 
quarter of the centuiy took rcx)t in the 
urban unrest of America's northea.stern 
seaboard cities. The proponents of the 
Progressive Movement, as historians call 
the wave of reform, were determined to 
introduce a system of community guilds 
and settlements that they hoped would 
correct the class distinctions and social 
ills they believed had been brought about 
by urbanism and industrialization. To- 
ward that end, they organized such pro- 
grams as the National Child Labor Com- 
mittee, the National 'Women's Trade 
Llnion League, the National Association 
for the Advancement of Colored People, 
the Playground Association, the National 
Conference on City Planning and the 
National Conference on Charities and 
Corrections. They lobbied for a federal 
investigation of women and children in 
the industrial workforce. Their ideas and 



initiatives were so forceful that from their 
numbers and influence the Progressive 
Party was born.'' 

The Progressives believed that they 
could achieve their broad objectives by 
.stamping out such vices as gambling, al- 
cohol abuse and prostitution that exac- 
erbated other, larger problems. They be- 
lie\ed that this could be done, in part, 
by making social centers out of .schools, 
parks and libraries so that they, in turn, 
coLild supplant saloons and brothels. 
Thus, what 'Victorians had discreetly re- 
garded as the necessary evils of human 
nature, turn-of-the-century Americans 
came to view as social evils, moral prob- 
lems and national menaces. They also 
believed that a strong connection existed 
between low wages and lax moral con- 
ditions among yotmg women. Public 
anxiety over promiscuity' and other un- 
acceptable behavior peaked during the 
years 191 1-1916 as prostitution was 
linked to eveiy imaginable form of indi- 
\idual and public corruption. Pro- 
gressives were con\'inced that prostitu- 
tion was closely related to the saloon and 
the dance hall, and began a campaign- 
ing to presene and impro\e htiman re- 
sources and pre\'ent the exploitation of 
women and children by establishing ad- 
equate play spaces and social centers, 
and by criisading for prohibition. Under 
those circumstances America was no 
place for Dell or her ilk. Alaska, how- 
ever, was another story. 

It was in Juneau, a hub of traffic mo\'- 
ing to or from the rich gold fields, that 
Marie learned a lesson in life that served 
her well: nature hates a vacuum. No void 
of women was ever more nearly complete 
than Alaska where, in the early 1900s, 
there was but one woman for every one 
hundred men.' ' Gi\en her unhappy mari- 
tal experience, Marie must have felt ex- 
traordinarily special in a land where... 
.4 white woman is treated eren'wbere on 
the Pacific slope, not as man 's equal and com- 
panion, but as a strange and costly creature, 
irhich by virtue of its rarity is freed from the 
restraints and penalties ofordinaiy late. '^ 




Six year-old ^(ary Ada .Fisher 

poses precociously at her father 

Johns knee. This fattiily 

portrait with her mother 

Almeda and brothers (from left* 

Jierben. Charles and Burl tvas 

taken in a Somerset. Ohio 

studio, it a. 189 4 > 




12. Charles Hillinger, '"A Sporting House' Madam 
for 54 Years," LoiAngcki Tunes, 26 March 1973, pp.3, 30; 
also Red Fenwick, "Buyers to Bhtz Bordello Booty," The 
Denver Post, 2 August 1981, p.4. 

13. Allen F. Davis, Spearhead for Reform (New 
York:Ox(ord University Press, 1967), pp. 3-8. 



J\(arie and Canadian railroad 

freight conductor Stephen C. 

Caw were married on 7\'ovember 

IZ. 1905 in Crafton. 7\'orth 

Dakota. The seventeen year-old 

bride stretched the rriith about 

her age when she swore she 

was eighteen, the legal age to 

wed. <ca. 1905> 



Winter '94-'95 




Ill one of the feiv reunions ivirh 

her t'amilv after she entered 

professional life. Dell (upper 

right) shares this happy time 

with her brothers Burl <left> 

and Charles. Tier sister-in-law 

7^'ora (center) moved to Lusk 

in 1931 where she worked for 

Dell after her husband Charles 

disappeared mysteriously on a 

business trip. (ca. 1PZ9> 



She remembered well that Saturday 
nights were especially grand as the gov- 
ernor and members of the Alaska Legis- 
lature visited the establishment where she 
worked to drink and scx'ialize. Some were 
even known to engage in more than ver- 
bal intercourse."' 

So it was in that far away land of the 
midnight sun that Marie staick pay dirt 
big time. Success was swift and within 
one year she made $10,000.'" An aggres- 
sive, unwanted suitor even gave her a 
gold and diamonci ring. But in a fit of 
petulance, Marie declared her indepen- 
dence by throwing his gift into the icy 
Yukon River.'** 

J^etuvn to the States 

Soon thereafter, as the boom went 
bust and the hostile cold took its toll, Marie 
and a girlfriend moved south in 1914 to 
Seattle. Washington.'" It was not long, 
however, before puritanical pressure ex- 
erted by proponents of the Progressive 
movement, as well as the girls' own quest 
for the best, drove them toward Portland, 
Oregon. Following a brief stay they con- 
tinued to Butte, Montana, where they 
learned of America's entry into "World "War 
I. "While Marie was in Butte she claimed 
that she was nearly kidnapped by a 
wealthy stockgrower from Dixon, North 
Dakota, who had taken a shine to her 
Apparently, without telling Marie he paid 
her madam a handsome price to take the 
young prostitute away to his ranch. She 






J 




probably believed, when he took her from 
the house where she worked, that they 
were simply going out on a date. Instead, 
he led to her to the train depot where the 
deal he made was explained. Marie, how- 
ever, refused to go. "When he tried to pull 
her aboard the train, she became so up- 
set that she broke from his grasp and ran 
to nearby police for protection.-" 

Learning of the famed Salt Creek 
Field boom, Marie and her girlfriend fol- 
lowed the trail of oil and money in late 
1917 or early 1918 to Casper, "Wyoming. 
They were able to set up shop in time to 
celebrate the "Worid War I armistice in 
the notorious vice-ridden Sandbar dis- 
trict.-' "When they first arrived at that new 
addition to the east edge of the city, its 
wild and wooly lifestyle must have ri- 
valed that of heyday Alaska. But the Pro- 
gressive wave of moral reform that was 
sweeping America finally reached Wyo- 
ming in the form of prohibition. In 1918 
"Wyoming adopted the Eighteenth 
Amendment by a vote of more than three 
to one. The state became bone dry after 
July 1, 1919." Regardless of whether or 
not they felt encouraged or threatened 
by that impending statewide legisla- 
tion, Casper city fathers met in closed 
session in February, 1919, and declared 
that the Sandbar 

...is and has been for some time a ren- 
dezvous for all manner of crooks and crimi- 
nals a breeding ground for i ice ofei ivy char- 
acter, where state statutes are violated with 
impunity, iiito.xicating liquors beiiigsold with- 
out license in illegal resorts practically ei 'eiy 
form of vice flourishing without restraint.--" 



14. Cy Martin, Wliiskev and Wild Women (New York: 
Hart Publishing Company, 1474), pp,24b-249. 

15. Earl F. Nation, M.D., "Fallen Angels of the Far 
West," Ttie Branding Iron (Westerners, Los Angeles Cor- 
ral), 143 (June, 1981): p.3. 

16. Telephone interview. Bob Darrow, Denver, Colo- 
rado, by Larry K. Brown, Cheyenne, Wyoming, 19 Janu- 
ary 1994. 

17. Charles Hillinger, "Everybody Likes Dell — hut 
Most Avoid Her," Tlw Los Angeles Times, 26 March 1973, 
pp. 3,20. 

18. Letter, Bruce Bergstrom, Greybull, Wyoming to 
Larry K. Brown, Cheyenne, Wyoming, 16 January 1994. 

19. Hillinger, "Everybody Likes Dell...." 

20. Memoirs of Bruce Bergstrom, n.d.; also Robert 
Darrow interview, 1994. Marie described the travels she 
made following her stay in Alaska. Interviewees con- 
firmed she visited France and Hawaii as well as Hong 
Kong, Japan, Shanghai and Singapore. In Paris she 
encountered fascinating military officers and their wives 
who shared her hotel. Dell also told several different 
individuals she had married a wealthy Malta, Montana, 
rancher but his family never accepted her so she moved 
on. A search of available records has not confirmed her 
claim. 



Wyoming Annals 




DiJtiiiij frcvri the Cauce Creek Oil field boom dtnrs. the infamous \'eUoiv Jiotel jt 219 Grir'firh 
Boulevard in Cusk catered to politicians, cattle barons, national guardsmen and oil patch 
iporkers. Since Dell's death in A'ovember. 1980. the once brightlv-colored buildiinj has been 

abandoned and nearly forgotten. 1984. 



The next month the city council cie- 
clared a war on vice by passing an ordi- 
nance making it illegal for a prostiaite to 
be on the streets, in doorways or win- 
dows or anywhere else subject to public 
view between the hours of 7:00 A.M. and 
7:00 P.M. By the end of March, 224 ar- 
rests had been made as a result of the 
new law, the greatest number of appre- 
hensions for any single month in Casper's 
history.-' Spurred that summer by the lo- 
cal mavens of morality, the council deter- 
mined that nine Sandbar 'resorts selling 
liquor without a license should be shut 
down. In the first bootlegging raid made 



21. Memoirs of Bruce Bergslrom, n.d. 

22. T.A. Larson, History of Wyoming (Lincoln: Uni- 
versity of Nebraska Press,'l978),'p.409. 

23. Walter Jones, The Sandbar, (Casper, Wyoming: 
Baso Inc., 1981), pp.24-25. 

24. Jones, The Sandbar, pp. 77-78. It was City Ordi- 
nance #77A. According to Jones, prostitution was the 
Sandbar's greatest attraction. 



in Natrona County, police found stills 
from which they confiscated thousands 
of gallons of wine, beer and whiskey. 

Cance Creek Boom 
TDrarus Dell to Cusk 

Although Wyoming's weather was 
warmer than the bitter clime of the Far 
North, Marie was feeling too much heat 
and knew from experience she must 
pack and leave again. So it was east to 
Lusk, 'Wyoming where a populace of 
10,000 was bobbing on the crest of the 
Lance Creek oil wave. Arriving in early 
1919 at the age of thirty with her health 
and good looks, she found herself in 
the midst of more men than she could 
easily count. "Lusk is what Casper was!" 
she may have thought. In fact, with a 
hearty laugh she told a reporter in later 
years: "I thought the name of the place 



was 'Lust.' That's one of the reasons I 
came."-^ Sporting her latest alias, 'Dell 
Burke," she and her girlfriend set up a 
tent where they sened their customers.-" 
It was not long, howexer, before Dell 
rented a house from Lusk Mayor I.E. 
Mayes where, as madam, she and her 
soiled doves went to work that same af- 
ternoon.-" Apjoroximately a year later on 
January 5, 1920 Dell and Bessie Housley 
bought a stucco, two-story staicture at 
219 West First St.-" 

Dell showed her flair for marketing 
by introducing her new girls to the com- 



25. Hillinger, "Everybody Likes Dell...." 

26. Sue F. Ellis, "Dell Burke's Yellow Hotel," unpub- 
lished manuscript. Stagecoach Museum, Lusk, Wyo- 
ming, 5 January 1989, p. 2. 

27. Telephone interview, James Griffith, Peoria, 
Arizona, by Larry K. Brown, Cheyenne, Wyoming, 8 
December 1993. 

28. Telephone interview, former sheriff Harold E. 
Rogers, Lusk, Wyoming by Larry K. Brown, Cheyenne, 
Wyoming, 30 December 1993. 



Winter ■94-'95 



niunity by having them stroll down the 
street, her beloved Pekingese in their 
arms. Dell was a "real good-hearted old 
giri," one Lusk man was fond of saying. 
"The girls weren't too shiny when she 
got hold of them. She cleaned them up 
and dressed them." he said, "and made 
them look like real-good looking la- 
dies.""' Their accommodations included 
ten liedrooms on the top floor of the 
freshly painted, yellow bagnio. It was 
from its paint that the building derived 
the "Yellow Hotel" nickname. Acc<5rding 
to a patron it Vvas a rather long building 
divided by a hall through the centei- with 
rooms on both sides. Dell's modest apart- 
ment, consisted of parlor, living room, 
bath and bedroom, which were joined 
like the cars of a train along the ground 
floor on the east side of the building. 
Because of the hotel's location southwest 
from the depot that was across the tracks 
and .street, the locals indicate, sometimes 
little old ladies would come to town for 
a convention, see the sign and knock on 
the front door for a room. Dell, always 
polite, simply told them there were no 
vacancies and sent them on down the 
street. Kids enroute to the local swim- 
ming hole found the hotel along their 
path. One oldtimer recalled, "'When I was 
a kid. ..it was just an atitomatic detoLir to 
see what was going on at Dell's. It Vvas 
fascinating because it was a no-no. Dell 
would see us and say, 'You boys ought 
not be here!' and she'd chase us off."^" 

Despite pa,ssage of the 'Volstead Act 
in October. 1919, and the subsec[uent 



pressure of Prohibition, liquor continued 
to be as indispensable in the foreplay of 
the brothel business as cigarettes and 
sleep are to some following sex. "When 
this place was booming," Dell said, 
"money w^as plentiful, so were women, 
booze and gambling."'' To insure an 
ample supply of containers for her moon- 
shine, Dell hired boys to scavenge the 
area around local halls such as the "Merry 
'Vv'hirl" following Saturday night dances. 
She paid five cents for each empty, half- 
pint liquor bottle. Unfortunately, one 
youngster took advantage of what he 
knew about her business to sneak some 
hootch from her stash. 'When she dis- 
covered the theft she called the suspect 
at school and asked him to stop by her 
hotel after class. 'When he arrived Dell 
served the Lmsuspecting lad a soft drink 
before spending the next half hour prais- 
ing his potential and telling him how- 
much she admired his parents. As he 
started to leave she called him back and 
said, "never steal from your friends." 
Nothing more was said, but for the young 
man the lesson was never forgotten.'" 



^ 



The Tower of 
Vrohibition 



9^. 



2*-^ "Dell Burke Hsttite Auction is i'eatured in 'Stars 
and Stripes/" Link Hcriild, 3 September 1981, p. 8. 

30. Mark Bagne, "Red Light Days are Recalled at 
Auction/' WifoniingTribiiiw-Eaglc, 16 August 1981, p.l. 

31. Hiliinger, "Ex'erybody Likes Dell..." 

32. Telephone interview, anonymous interviewee 
by Larrv K, Brown, Chevennc, Wyoming, 14 January 
1994. 

33. John Kobler, AiLient Spirits: The Rise tiini Fall of 
Proliihilion, (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1973), p.28i 

34. John Kobler, Ardent Spirits: Tlie Rise nnd Fall of 
Proliihilion, (New York: G.P. Puhiam'sSons, 1973), p.283. 



■While Dell understood the golden 
rule, she failed to heed laws regarding 
illegal possession and sale of alcoholic 
beverages. She paid dearly when she 
failed to heed the following warning by 
John F. Kramer, the nation's first Prohibi- 
tion Commissioner: 

This law will be obeyed in cities, large 
and small, and in villages, and where il is not 
obeyed ii will be enforced. W'i' shall see to it 
that it (licinor) is not mannfactnred. nor sold, 
nor given away, nor hauled in anything over 
the surface of the earth or under the earth or 
in the air'' 
In support of such political postur- 
ing, one ardent Prohibition advocate 
added, "The putting of the fear of God in 
the minds of the )se who fear neither God 
nor man is the chief function of good 
government,"'' It was in this "Roaring 
Tvv'enties" environment that federal pro- 
hibition agents arrested approximately 
577,000 suspects. It was a problem, too, 
for Lusk and Dell Burke. Her stubborn- 
ness was tested by loyal, patriotic 'Wyo- 
ming officials, who, like their federal coun- 
terparts, were determined to punish those 
whom they perceived had flagrantly vio- 
lated federal liquor laws. From August, 
1928 to March, 1929, Dell and her estab- 
lishment were busted with regtilarity. 
Charges ran the gamut from illegal pos- 
session and sale of whiskey to allegations 
of lewdness, prostitution and gambling, 








M'CdUL^ 



liut tlic lawmen clearly were targeting al- 
cohol-related crimes. She paid fines rang- 
ing from $25 to $300 per offense." 

The Light & 
"^ Tower Loan ^ 

Determined to survive in the face of 
what she must have believed was ha- 
rassment, Dell concocted a scheme, pos- 
sibly v^ith the help of her lawyer, that 
would offer relief. She learned that the 
Lusk Light and Power Department was 
confronted in 1929 with the necessity to 
replace equipment. A 200-kilowatt en- 
gine and generator had to be installed 
immediately to supply the inhabitants of 
the town with light and water. As the 
leaders of Lusk were stmggling to finance 
the replacement of $22,300 worth of vi- 
tal equipment, Dell apparently came to 
the rescue with a personal loan to be 
repaid at sLx per cent interest.* Although 
Dell's name does not appear in public 
records, more than one scjurce confirmed 



that she "bailed us out when we were 
about to go under."" 

Mayor T.A. Godfrey and his city 
council members were grateful, too. But 
that did not prevent authc:)rities beyond 
their influence and jurisdiction from en- 
forcing Wyoming law. On March 11, 1930 



35. Niobrara County District Criminal Casv File #5- n2 , 
6 December 1929 with Precipe for Summons and Injunc- 
tion, undated; Niobrara County District Criminal Case File 
#C-II9, 8 January 1924, "Possession"; #C-102 & #C- 
1232 "Possession" 23 July 1929; Lusk justice of Peace 
Combined Civil and Criminal Docket, Vol.1, Niobrara 
County Courthouse, December 1919-1925, p.456; Vol. 
11, 1926-1932, p. 85. According to the Precipe, since No- 
vember 25, 1923, Dell had "given away and sold and 
delivered intoxicating liquors in and about the pre- 
mises including moonshine whiskey" on at least twelve 
occasions from August, 1928, through mid-February, 
1929. 

36. Council Proceedin;,^s, City of Lusk, Wyoming, Vol. 
3, June 14, 1929, pp. 100-101,104,148. The city gained 
$8,700 from the sale of surplus equipment, and pre- 
served that amount for the purpose of equipment re- 
placement, so Dell's loan may have been as much as 
$14,600. Records indicate that a total of 48 payments of 
$280.00each and totaling $22,140 were made to the Lusk 
State Bank in order to pay off the note. 

37. Hillinger, "Everybody Likes Dell...." 




fblloiving her success cis ct 

prostitute during gold rush days 

in the Yukon. Dell ivorked in a 

series of brothels in 

l/Vashington. Oregon and 

.^(ontana before settling in 

Wyoming in 1917. <ca. 1P18) 



Below left: Veil's Vellotp Jiotel is the second structure t'rom the Tar left in 

the comple.x of buildings near Chicago and T^orth llVestern (Burlington 

'Northern^ rails that extend east totvards T^ebraska. <ca. 1908> 






Judge CO. Brown of the Sixth Judicial 
Dit-trict Court authorized an injunction that 
closed the Yellow Hotel to all but private 
dwelling purposes until the end of that 
year* Chastised, Dell decided to mend 
her ways and play the game. But with 
new rules. Although she left no paper trail, 
it is popularly accepted that Dell lost no 
time in reminding cit>' fathers tliat she held 
their loan and that if they did not want 
her to "shut off their water" -literally as 
well as figuratively since electricity pow- 
ered the pump that supplied the town's 
water- they would be wise to allow her 



.Ihiwt^- Dell and her uiirhful 

Vekingese companion "Chi Chf 

share the running board of this 

vintage sedan. Girls hired by 

Dell to work in her YeHoip 
Tiotel introduced themselves to 
the community by walking the 
street with Dell's pet in their 
arms. (ca. 1P35> 
Cet't: Stylish in her short- 
sleeved dress and ermine muff 
and collar. Dell loved to pose 
in her finery, (ca. 1940) 



^•^ 



to reopen the Yellow Hotel without inter- 
ference when the injunction ended De- 
cember 31-^'' 

Although she encountered no more 
official interference with her business, 
those who saw Dell's little black books 
detailing three generations of clients 
claimed that the Depression hurt her as 
much as anyone. "In 1933, there was a 
day when she only took in $4 and the 
next day she only took in $3. But she 
always got cash -no checks, " said Helen 
E. Bnimmell, a Torrington resident who 
later helped prepare Dell's estate for 



sale.^" Even the end of Prohibition that 
year did not immediately end the tiying 
times for Dell or other people of Wyo- 
ming because at first only 3.2 per cent 
beer was a\ailable. It was not until April, 
193^ that "Wyoming officials finally passed 
legislation that legalized stronger alco- 
holic drinks.'' Dell's success and ability 
to operate with relati\e impunirs' were 
not hurt by the fact that she knew many 
prominent people in Wyoming, includ- 
ing politicians, public officials and busi- 
nessmen. With a bit of an edge to her 
voice Dell said. "Oh. ha\'e I knciwn 
people — have I known hypocrites." One 
civic leader confided that she had the 
town in the palm of her hand for years. 
"Maybe its because I knov.- too much 
for everybody's good," Lusk's madam 
once said. "There are ten churches in 
town. But not a minister or a priest has 
ever preached against me so far as I 
know. And r\e known them all on a first 
name basis." Obviously, Dell felt com- 
fortable with the communiry"s live and 
let li\e attitude. ^- 



38. Niobrara County Criminal Case File #5-112. Dell 
took advantage of the forced respite to visit her sister- 
in-law and other relatives in Michigan, the only time 
she returned to her birthplace. 

3^. Harold E. Rogers inter\'iew, 1993. Dell appar- 
ently made her point because, as Rogers explains, dur- 
ing the eleven years (1967-1978) that he was sheriff in 
the community he and his men responded to only one 
disturbance at the Yellow Hotel. It involved a U.S. 
Armv National Guard soldier who was drunk and 
disorderly. 

40. Telephone interview, Helen E, Brummell, 
Torrington, Wyoming, bv Larrv K. Brown, Chevenne, 
Wyoming, 26 January 1994. Mrs. Brummell described 
the "small, diarv-tvpe books, the kmd \ ou might get in 
a dimestore" as one that contained only dates, amounts 
received and the girls' names. No clients were identi- 
fied. 

41. T.A. Larson, History of Wijoming, p. 443. 

42. Telephone interx'iew, Charles Hillinger, Rancho 
Palos Verdes, California bv Larry K. Brown, Chevenne, 
Wyoming, 13 December 1993. Although she did not 
mention customers by name, Dell made it clear that she 
felt nothing but contempt for the hypocrites who were 
ser\'iced bv her girls. Mt'ntoirs of Bruce Bergstrom, n.d. 

43. Telephone interview, William H. Smith, Chey- 
enne, Wyoming, by Larry K. Brown, Cheyenne, Wyo- 
ming, 24 January 1994. Smith and Archie Lauer, who 
were responsible for collecting funds for billboards 
publicizing Lusk, solicited business people in the com- 
munity including Dell. Smith said Dell would do any- 
thing to promote Lusk and paid for several signs and 
their upkeep. Although the signs were not intended to 
promote any particular enterprise, the sponsor's name 
was included as a courtesy. 

44. Ron Franscell, "Last Bawdy House Trinkets 
Gone...", 1981. 

45. Telephone interview, anonymous interviewee 
by Larry K. Brown, Cheyenne, Wyoming, 1 March 1994; 
also, Sue. F. Ellis, "Dell Burke's Yellow Hotel," 1989. A 
local anecdote details how a father and son unexpect- 
edly met in the hotel's narrow stairway. No words were 
exchanged then or later about the chance meeting. 



i6 



Wyoming Annals 



•^TTi^ Clover Years*^ -^^ules by which to Live and Cust *^ 



As word of Dell's bordello spread, 
thanks in part to billboards posted on 
roads leading to Lusk, the rooms in 
which she kept her stable of eight 
women became filled with "Johns.'"*' 
They came from all points of the com- 
pass for flings on the well-worn mat- 
tresses of her wrought iron beds. In the 
early years the girls did business with 
oil-patch workers or well-heeled specu- 
lators for as little as $2.00 for a session 
lasting from twenty minutes to an hour, 
depending upon what Dell decided, of 
course.'^ The madam always answered 
the front door herself. Drunk and disor- 
derly clients were rejected. To avoid at- 
tention men usually entered the back 
door before walking down the hall mid- 
way to the largest room in the 
house. There they picked a part- 
ner before heading upstairs to 
the rooms. Their progress was 
monitored with a unique me- 
chanical system that identified 
the clients' rooms. She used an 
electric timer with bells that sig- 
nalled when it was time for a 
customer to leave."''' 



Despite her success, Dell was not 
known to have breached her self-im- 
posed bounds of propriety and was as 
tough on employees as she was on her- 
self. In response to a local curfew she 
shut down her business promptly at mid- 
night Monday through Saturday. Out of 
respect for churchgoers she also kept the 
hotel closed each Sunday. "That's so none 
of the boys come here instead of going 
to church, " Dell once said. "I certainly 
wouldn't want any of my girls compet- 
ing."^ She also did not want them in- 
fected by venereal disease nor did she 
want the girls to harm their customers. 
As a precaution Dell hired local physi- 
cians such as Dr. 'Walter E. Reckling to 
inspect and treat the girls on a regular 



?HuA4^ 




basis. Tlie long-time Lusk physician later 
credited Dell's operation in limiting sex- 
related abuse and crimes that might have 
otherwise affected "respectable" ladies 
and their daughters. The mother of Lusk 
resident Ed Ryder said she agreed. She 
supported Dell because, according to 
Ryder's son, the men "knew where they 
could go, and the women and young girls 
were safe to walk the streets. ■" 



48. "Wyoming Town Finds Bonanza in Bordello," 
New York Times, 16 August 1981, p.28. 

49. Telephone inter\'iew, Thelma Jean Bales, Laramie, 
Wyoming by Larry K. Brown, Chevenne, Wyoming, 12 
January 1994; also Bagne, "Red Light Days are Re- 
called...", 1981, p.l. 




a^tJi^ 



w-^ 




ransient railroaders, hunters 
and servicemen also visited the ho- 
tel where they danced with the girls 
ind munched what Dell called the 
best steaks in "Wyoming. "I had an or- 
chestra in my place for years," she 
claimed. "Had a Chinese cook, who 
served the best meals in the country."** 
As her clientele's greenbacks circulated 
in the local economy they sometimes had 
a most peculiar effect. A former local 
bank employee recollected: 

You know most money is dirty. But Dell 
and her girls always wore perfume and the 
money they brought into the bank alirays 
made the place smell wonderful. The smell 
would last until the money had been with- 
drawn. It was alieays a rush in the morning 
to open up the rault and get the first whiff of 
perfume.^' 



This unique mechanical device 

of timers and arraips. once 

located on the wall at the 

foot of the stairs in the 

YelloiP J-(otel. identified rooms 

in which DelFs clients were 

visiting her girls. A hell 

signalled when it was time for 

each customer to leave. The 

knob at the base of the timer 

was pulled to reset the clock. 

1PP4 



46. Charles Hillinger, "Everybody Likes Dell. ..",1973. 

47. Telephone interview, Mildred Ladwig, Lance 
Creek, Wyoming, by Larry K. Brown, Cheyenne, Wyo- 
ming, 25 January 1994. 




Winter 94-95 




Veil loved to 

travel and 

made treks to 

maiii,' parts of 

the world. 

Jiere she 

enjoys 

. leapiilco. 

.^(exico. ltd. 



Dell was as strict as she was caring 
in managing her workers. If one of the 
girls visited a bar in town and became 
intoxicated and obnoxious, the next day- 
she was no longer employed at the Yel- 
low Hotel.* Dell regularly visited the XL 
Cafe for afternoon coffee and took her 
well-groomed girls there for an occasional 
meal and an informal lesson in table 
manners. Her protegees always followed 
the boss's example by never speaking to 
anyone away from work unless spoken 
to first. "They all know me," Dell once 
said with a touch of sadness in her voice, 
"but all they do is nod and smile. '"^' An- 
other inviolate rule was that one never 
divulged the identity of a customer. Nev- 
ertheless, Dell confided that one of her 



best patrons was an eighty-year-old man 
from out of town.^' 

Although Dell kept a tight rein on 
her girls she took them on trips to her 
4l5-acre ranch about three miles east of 
Liisk. There they lounged on the flag- 
stone patio in the shade of birch and 
pine trees. ^-^ As the sun set they ate steaks 
that Dell grilled on the barbecue in her 
large backyard. Memories of similar 
kindnesses are recalled in letters found 
in her home following her death. "Ap- 
parently she was always giving them 
money, helping them when they were 
sick and urging them on to a better life," 
explained Helen Brummell. "I also found 
boxes of toys that she had kept for her 
girls' kids," she added. ^"' 



The Oell few JCnerv 

An air of care and concern veiled 
the almost painfully private and guarded 
woman whom few ever really knew well. 
Those who made the effort to know Dell, 
however, were rewarded. Stnick by her 
beauty and sen.se of style, one columnist 
wrote: "Her hair was done up... not fan- 
ciful but well, and her face was 
unwrinkled. She dressed stylishly, but not 
gaudy. She wore no jewelry." Others re- 
member her as being about 5'3" tall and 
small-boned, but stocky with a lovely, 
round face.'"' According to her hairdresser, 
Dell tried to arrive for hair-care appoint- 
ments either before or after the main part 
of the business day. Following each visit 
to the beauty parlor she took pains to 
inquire if any of the other customers had 
been offended by her presence.^" Al- 
though she was always subtly coiffured 
and modestly clad, Dell especially loved 
nice clothes, furs and jewelry. Her clos- 
ets attested to that fact." In the mid-1970s 
a we.st cc:)ast writer who interviewed Dell 
found her paradoxically prudish in some 
ways. "Everything is sex now," she mut- 
tered with disgust. "You see much more 
on TV and in the movies than yc^u see in 
my place. I don't care for it that way. Sex 

50. Sue F. Ellis, "Dell Burke's Yellow Hotel," 1989 

51. ibid. 

52. Ron Franscell, "Last Bawdy House Trinkets 
Gone..." 1981. 

53. Memoirs of Bruce Bcr^stroin; also Franscell, "Last 
Bawdy House Trinkets Gone.... According tc^ an adver- 
tising flyer. Dell's ranch properties were in "Township 
32N, Range b3W of the 6th P.M., Sec. 16, E-1/2, S-1/2, 
SW-1 /4 containing 4(10 acres more or less. Sec. 9: part of 
Sec. 9." According to Niobrara County Assessor records 
(Book 108, p. 139), Dell bought 18.5 acres, which in- 
cluded the ranch and outbuildings, in Section 9 from 
Florence Brown on October 20, 1945. It was not until 
December 29, 1950, that she added 480 acres to her 
holdings by purchasing a portion of Section 16 from the 
State of Wyoming. Sections 16 and 36 of every township 
are normally owned by the State of Wyoming. These 
"school" sections" were reserved for educational pur- 
poses. 

54. Helen E. Brummell interview, 1994. 

55. Charles Hillinger, "E\'erybcidy Likes Dell...", 
1973. 

56. Telephone interview, Mary Engebretsen, Lusk, 
Wvoming by Larry K. Brown, Cheyenne, Wyoming 30 
December 1993. Prior to her first appointment Dell was 
so anxious to avoid damage to Engebretsen's business 
and reputation that she offered to enter the shop through 
the back door. It was a precaution never required by tlie 
beautician. 

57. Following Dell's death these items as well as 
expensively fashioned dresses and hats with designer 
labels, plus lOOpairsof size 6A A shoes, lined her closet. 
One old cowboy described it this way: "If 1 know Dell, 
there ain't no poor stuff in that pile. She didn't put up 
with no poor stuff." Ron Franscell, "Last Bawdy House 
Trinkets Gone.. .",1981. 



Wyoming Annals 



should be a private matter, not a public 
affair. Something beliind closed doors, 
not in the open," she sniffed.^** 

m t was a sense of responsibility and 
M her management style that perhaps 
m set Dell apart from the peers in her 
M profession. She was committed to the 
ethic that you should share some of what 
you earn with those who were the source 
of your gain. Faigal to the point of sav- 
ing old newspapers, shopping bags and 
assorted clutter, she nevertheless gave 
money anonymously and generously to 
poor families, churches and nearly every 
civic project.^" Dell took under her wing 
two young men who e\entually earned 
Ph.D.s at Stanford and U.C.L.A. Each 
Christmas they sent her cards 
and thanked her for funding 
their educations. There may 
have been others like them."" 
On New Year's Eve, without 
fanfare, she arranged for a 
corsage to be given to each 
woman who visited local 
bars."' She even helped pay 
for a stone memorial dedi- 
cated to another Niobrara 
County madam, Mother 
Featherlegs."- On at least one 
occasion Dell let compassion 
slip beyond mere charitable 
concern when Bronson 
"Jerry" Dull, a local oilfield 
worker, lost his right leg in 
an accident while off-load- 
ing a tnick in 1930. Down 
on his luck, Jerry got help 
from Dell, who helped set 



him up as partner of the Oasis Bar and 
Club billiards hall on the main floor of 
Lusk's Ranger Hotel. They remained com- 
panicjns and, according to Dell, had 
planned to wed but Dull died of a heart 
» attack on June 4, 195S, shortly before the 
ceremony."' 

Thanks to her business acumen and 
the popularity of her Yellow Hotel, Dell 
continued to prosper while many of those 
around her succumbed financially to the 
stock market crash of 1929, the subse- 
quent ravages of the Great Depression 
and the lean years of Worid War II. "Mrs. 
Burke," as she increasingly was called, 
became a member in absentia of the Lusk 
Chamber of Commerce and the Wyoming 
Farm Bureau. She also joined the local 




As a tribute to "Mother featherlegs 
Shephard. an early Tsliobrara County madam. 
Dell helped pay for her native stone 
memorial. It was dedicated May 16. 1965 
southwest of Cusk along the old Cheyenne- 
Black Jiills stage road. 1965 



In the "Wake of 
^ IVovld War 11 ^ 

As the banner days of the oil boom 
v/aned in the late 1940s, then faded, 
Lusk's population slipped to fewer than 
1,600. The dwindling economy and the 
lack of free-spending men had a decid- 
edly adverse affect on Dell's business. 
The jazz band was replaced by a juke- 
box. Gourmet meals were replaced with 
snacks. Her bevy of beauties dwindled 
by the late 1970s to one or two who, like 
circuit riders, came to service the occa- 
sional paying customer during hunting 
season and annual national guard en- 
campments. "■" The mahogany-paneled 
main room of the Yellow 
Hotel, its walls lined with 
reproductions of paintings 
by Charles Russell and other 
western artists, by that time 
was usually without custom- 
ers.''^ 

However, having com- 
fortably feathered her nest 
by investing smartly in real 
estate, oil and blue chip 
stocks Dell seemed to en- 
joy her leisure. And she 
earned it, having managed 
one of the most celebrated 
brothels in the state for 
nearly sLxt^' years. She spent 
more and more of her time 
traveling or entertaining 
friends or an occasional 
relative at her ranch. "^ In 
retrospect it seems that she 
had finalK' found a home to 



58. Ctiarles Hillinger, "Everybody 
Likes Dell...", 1973. 

59. Ron Franscell, "Last Bawdy Llouse Trinkets 
Gone...", 198L 

bO. Charles Hillinger, "Everybody Likes Dell...", 
1973. 

61. Telephone interview, Margaret Lee, Torrington, 
Wyoming by Larry K. Brown, Cheyenne, Wyoming, 5 
November, 1993. ' 

62. Bob Darrow and James Griffith interviews. Dur- 
ing the mid-1870s the infamous, flame-haired madam 
with whom Dell obviously felt kinship operated a place 
of entertainment in a dugout along the Cheyenne-Dead- 
wood stage route between Rawhide Buttes and Run- 
ning Water (Lusk). According to Griffith, Dell did not 
attend the Featherlegs memorial dedication. During a 
subsequent trip to the site and nearby Darrow ranch, 
Griffith let Dell's Pekingese out of the house and the dog 
ran away Dell was distraught. Because the animal had 
been trained to come when summoned with a whistle, 
Dell scoured the surrounding area for every available 
whistle, giving them to friends and customers who 
helped search for the pup. 



country club, although she was never 
known to have played the golf course. 
Some claim that you could find her name 
at the top of nearly eveiy charity' drive 
donor list."' 



63. "Jerry Dull Badly Hurt in Accident at Casper July 
24," Lii^k Free Lance, 31 July 1930, p.l. Dull was injured 
when a 1,600-pound oil well baler slipped from his 
truck, pinning his leg to the ground. Two bones were 
broken above the ankle, the joint was fractured and his 
foot required twenty stitches. The injured leg subse- 
quently was amputated below the knee. Also, "Jerry 
Dull Dies of Heart Attack While Driving Sat.," Lusk 
HeraU 28 August 1955, p.l. 

64. Ron Franscell, "Last Bawdy House Trinkets 
Gone...", 1981. 



65. Red Fenwick, "Dell's Profession no Embarrass- 
ment ...the Madam was a Well-heeled Lady," Denver 
Poft, 21 December 1980, p. 51. 

66. Charles Hillinger, "Everybody Likes Dell...", 
1973; also Mark Bagne, "Red Liglit Days...", n.d. Dell's 
last paying customer, according to Bagne, came through 
the door in 1978, just three vears before her death at age 
93. 

67. Loraine Fisher, Letter, 1993. Dell confined her 
travels to states in the American southwest and Mexico. 
She knew that her family, although suspicious of her 
activities, was nex'er fully aware of her professional 
history or the scope of her business until they visited her 
in the hospital in 1980. During their previous visits Dell 
was always careful to shelter them from downtown 
Lusk, where they might learn about the true nature of 
her occupation. In fact, wrote Fisher, members of her 
family entered the Yellow Hotel only once prior to 
Dell's death. That occurred years earlier when Fisher's 
father -Dell's nephew- and his wife spent their honey- 
moon there, but only after Dell had cleared the estab- 
lishment of girls and telltale signs. 



WiNTHR ■94-'9!) 



19 







Dell. left, with her brother Charles' son's wife. Thyllis. at the Texas 
Trail Monument just east of Cusk and near Dell's ranch, n.d. 



replace the one she left left in North 
Dakota. Dell had but one regret: she 
never had a child of her own.''" 

The finale 

On August 4, 1979 the aging Dell 
tripped and fell on the sidewalk in front 
of her hotel and broke a hip. Following 
treatment at a Scottsbluff, Nebraska, hos- 
pital, she was returned to Lusk two 
weeks later where Dr. Kenneth Turner 
cared for her at the Niobrara County 
Memorial Hospital.*' Once her health sta- 
bilized she was moved from her room 
in the medical ward into the nursing 
home wing where the staff described her 
as a model patient highly respected and 
warmly accepted."" But Dell had not lost 
her snap, and those who forgot that fact 
felt her sting. One well-intentioned ma- 
tron who stopped by to read the Bible to 
her was told: "Get the hell out of my room 
...and turn on the TV as you leave!"^' 

Despite the occasional flash of iras- 
cibility, Dell claimed in her clover years, 
"I wouldn't trade my life for anything. 
I'm glad of it. I've made a lot of money. 
Traveled the world. For me it's been a 
good life.""- Good, indeed! Her estate 



was valued at nearly $1.3 million, mak- 
ing her one of the wealthiest self-made 
women in "Wyoming."* But it ceased 
when the venerable madam succumbed 
to age in her small hospital room on elec- 
tion day, No\ember 4, 1980. She was 
ninety-three. There was no memorial 
service. No one sent flowers. Her body 
was simply cremated and her ashes 
strew n in the vvinds that blew across the 
ranch land she lo\'ed so much."'' 

Lusk will never be the same; 
our hearts will nerer mend. 

God has gained an angel. 

Wyoming's lost a friend. " 



68. Red Fenwick, "Dell's Profession no Embarrass- 
ment...," 1980. 

69. Telephone interview. Dr. Ken Turner, Lusk, 
Wyoming, by Larry K. Brown, Cheyerme, Wyoming, 1 1 
February 1994. 



70. Inter\ievv, Wyommg Supreme Court Justice 
William A.Taylor, Cheyenne, Wyoming, by Larry K. 
Brown, Cheyenne, Wyoming, 24 January 1994. 

71 . ibiit.: also telephone inter\'iew ot Bruce Bergstrom 
by Larry K. Brown, Chevenne, 3 January 1994, Bergstrom, 
who visited her in the hospital in 1980 said: "She did not 
recognize me, 1 had to tell her who I was. I tried to pry 
open her mind of memories of times gone by. About the 
time I thought I was making some progress, she an- 
nounced to me -quite loudly- 'When does Bingo start?' 
End of conversation." 

72. Charles Hillinger, "Everybody Likes Dell...", 1973. 

73. Last Will nndTeslamciit of DcllBurke, 20December 
1979, Niobrara County Probate Docket #3-164, Lusk, 
Wyoming. 

74. "Obituaries: Del |sic) Burke," Lusk Herald, 13 
No\'ember 1980, p,4; Ct'rtifkateof Death, Man/ Fisher Lazu 
aka Del IsicI Burke, Niobrara County Probate Docket #3- 
164, Lusk, Wyoming 4 November 1 980, Dell's death was 
attributed to pneumonia as a consequence of arterio- 
sclerotic cardiovascular disease with congestive fail- 
ure. According to the certificate, the interx'al between 
disease and death was two years. 

75. "Local Songwriter Pens Ode to Dell," Wyoming 
Tribune-Eagle, Cheyenne, Wyoming, 16 August 1981. 
Steve Codv, Nashville songwriter, wrote the Ivrics and 
music to the tune entitled, "Dell Was a Ladv," as a 
tribute to the madam. The song was recorded and 
released in October, 1981 bv High Plains Records. 



' YDURE ON WYD, | 
AN HISTORIC ROUTE 

- DELL S HOTEL 




-^ 



//; response to the Cusk booster 

club's efforts to promote their town. 

Dell donated money to raise 

billboards alorig the highway. 

Though signs were not intended to 

promote individual businesses, town 

fathers felt that those who donated 

should receive recognition. 



Wyoming Annals 



POSTSCRIPT: Shortly after the sale of Dell 's per- 
sonal possessions and properties in 1981, a group of 
good-humored Cheyenne ladies initiated an informal 
social group which they call the "Dell Burke Memo- 
rial Aii.xiliary. " In honor of her spirit andjoie de vivre. 
they lunch together each month and t^ke at least one 
out of town shopping trip each year Tl.ieir most cel- 
ebrated get-together in honor of Dell is the Frontier 
Days Buckoff which they hold each Jan uaiy. For ad- 
ditional itiformatioti about the "Dell Burke Memo- 
rial Auxiliary. " you are invited to ivrite: Sandy 
Pederseiu 420 Cherokee: Cheyenne, Wyoming 82001 . 







liaudwritten excerpts from a June 9. 

1930. letter irr/treii by Veil (.'Atarie Caw) 

to her cousin Isomer Cotterman. 




Larry K. 
Brown ( 1 936-), 

A FOURTH gen- 
eration JOUR- 
NALIST, EARNED 
A B.A. IN JOUR- 
NALISM FROM 

THE University' 
OF Nebraska IN 

i960 BEFORE 

entering the U.S. Air Force where he 
spent the next twenty years as public 
Affairs Officer. During his military 
career he graduated from boston uni- 
VERSITY IN 1970 WITH AN M.S. IN Public 
Relations and Mass Communications 

AND later completed A SPECIAL GRADUATE 

PROGRAM IN Mass Communications at the 
University of Oklahoma. 

In 1980 Brown joined Sun Explora- 
tion and Production Co., the oil and 



GAS ARM of Sun Company, Inc., as Direc- 
tor of Public Relations and Communi- 
cations. While working for Sun in Dal- 
las HE earned graduate CREDITS IN HIS- 
TORY AT THE University' of Texas at Dal- 
las. Eight years later Brown went to 
work for the american heart associa- 
tion (aha) and in 1988 moved to chey- 
enne where he was the executive di- 
RECTOR, AHA-Wyoming, Inc. 

His WRITING credits include more 
than 800 newspaper, magazine and en- 
cyclopedia ARTICLES. He wrote THE 

scripts for a Today show aired in 1979 
BY NBC-TV and a Prime Time Sunday 
broadcast the following year by ABC- 
TV. Since 1992 he has written exclu- 
sively about Western history includ- 
ing TWO books to be published by High 
Plains Press. The Hog Ranches of Wyoming: 
Liquor. Lmt and Lies U nder Sagebrush Skies ^\Lh 



BE published this spring and "Yo/i are Re- 
spectively Invited to Attend My Execution" IS 
planned for late 1995. The latter con- 
tains little-known stories of seven 
men who were legally executed in 
Wyoming Territory. 

Brown's interest in Dell Burke 

CAME AS A result OF CONVERSATIONS WITH 
people who knew the LuSK MADAM, OR 
KNEW OF HER. 1t IS HIS INTEREST IN PEOPLE, 
PARTICULARLY THOSE WHO USUALLY ARE 
NOT GIVEN SPACE IN THE CHRONICLES OF 
HISTORY, THAT DRIVES HIM TO RESEARCH 
AND RECONSTRUCT THEIR LIVES. A WYO- 
MING State Department of Commerce 

VOLUNTEER, HE IS THE AUTHOR OF "In OlD 

Wyoming," a regular Annals feature on 

HISTORICAL personalities. LaRRY AND HIS 

WIFE Florence have four grown chil- 
dren AND RESIDE IN ChEYENNE. 



''. ..let him now speak, or else 
hereafter forever hold his peace. 



^^^ 



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Wyoming ANNALS is soliciting letters to the editor on any topic appearing in the magazine or relating 
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Direct your letters to: Editor, Wyoming ANNALS, 2301 Central Avenue, Cheyenne, WY 82002. 

•Solemnization of Matrimony, Book of Common Prayer 



Winter '94-95 




South' 




• 



t 




Conversations 
with l-iistorions 



This is file second in a series of interviews wifii WyorDing 
historians. The iast issue of Annais (Faii, i994) featured Univer- 
sity of Wyoming Professor Emeritus, Dr. T.A. Larson. This inter- 
view v\/as conducted by\Nyom\rig Annals editor l\/larl<Junge, 
on February 23, 1989 at the University of Wyoming Founda- 
tion Office on the campus in Laramie. The transcription was 
made by Kathy Rooney, Computer Programmer Anaiysf for 
the Computer Technology Division of the Wyoming State De- 
partment of Administration and information. 



Wyoming Annals 



m 




I ; I 

*-» OAI^ON RD. 



•v't; 



i^- 



li 



[MMWiilTi 



Richard Collier, Wyoming State Histohk" Preservaiion Oeek.e 



Gene Gressley (1931 -) is controver- 
sial, to say the least. Currently involved 
in Utigadon wherein Gressley claims he 
was unlawfully terminated by the Uni- 
versity of Wyoming, the former director 
of the University's American Heritage 
Center is fighting for his professional ca- 
reer and reputation. There is not much 
middle ground in the debate: you are ei- 
ther a Gressley supporter or detractor. 



Apart from his current legal battle, 
Gressley has been a controversial figure 
at the University. He has been criticized 
for his penchant to collect everything. 
The documents and artifacts gathered 
during his 32-year, peripatetic search for 
history are seen as an eclectic assort- 
ment, not necessarily apropros of the 
history of Wyoming or even the West. 
Why, for example, is Robert Bloch's 



original screenplay for "Psycho," in the 
AHC? Or an audition recording by Bing 
Crosby? Even more bizarre is an urn con- 
taining the ashes of Jean "Babe" London, 
the fat girl in Laurel and Hardy movies. 

Not only the tons of material he 
brought to the University in semi trucks, 
but also the methods Gressley used dur- 
ing his collecting frenzy, have come un- 
der fire from those who claim he helped 



Winter ■94-"95 



23 



obtain generous tax breaks for donors. 
He also has been criticized for amass- 
ing material without facilitating its ac- 
cess to researchers. 

But he has his supporters. If it were 
not for Gressley there would be no 
American Heritage Center as we know 
it. The AHC building itself, containing 
74,000 cubic feet of paper and 13,000 
collections unearthed by 
Gressley from all over the 
country, could not have been '*"""*«»■'' 
built without him. His mul- 
titudinous contacts with in- 
fluential and wealthy do- 
nors were crucial not only to 
obtaining a wealth of docu- 
mentary material, but also to 
completion (1993) of the 
nineteen million dollar com- 
plex housing that trove. De- 
signed by internationally- 
recognized architect An- 
toine Predock, the avant- 
garde building itself is con- 
troversial, a perfect match to 
the brouhaha and legal 
battle stirred up by the re- 
moval of Gressley from his 
position as director. 

Drawing researchers 
from all over the world, the 
AHC is a stimulus to the 
Wyoming economy. In 198S 
Gressley told interviewer 
Robert Bond: "We've 
achieved critical mass in a number of 
areas. No one can do a thorough job of 
research in the fields of livestock indus- 
try history, western literature, the history 
of aviation, conservation, the develop- 
ment of dude ranches or economic geol- 
ogy without consulting our archives."' 
A' though no study of economic benefits 
has been conducted, researchers work- 
ing in the areas of Wyoming and the 
West, mining, water development and 
popular culture recognize the impor- 
tance of visiting the Center. 

Ultimately, the documents and ar- 
tifacts housed in the AHC will bear tes- 
timony to Gene Gressley's career and 
its importance to American history. As 
Gressley himself put it: "We're trying 
to collect for the future. One cannot 
know what will be useful. A lot of the 



material we have collected at Wyoming 
will end up being worthless. There is 
going to be a lot of it, which is referred 
to now as 'dross,' that I bet will be ex- 
tremely useful."" 

Among the records of foremost 
importance to Wyoming are 
those of the Wyoming Stock 
Growers, the American National 




Cattlemens Association, and the Wyo- 
ming Wool Growers and National Wool 
Growers Associations. The papers of 
Wyoming attorney and F.D.R. 
"trustbuster" Thurman Arnold are also 
stored in its cavernous concrete rooms. 
The mining industry is so well-repre- 
sented that the collection has been 
called the most comprehensive history 
of oil exploration and production in the 
world. Oil dexelopment can be traced 
from the drilling of the first American 
well atTitusville, Pennsylvania in 1859, 
through the dissolution of the Standard 
Oil Trust in 1911, up to the present day. 
In 1987 the ARCO Coal Company do- 
nated fifty-six tons of Anaconda Min- 
erals Company records valued at ten 
million dollars. Included among nearly 
two million documents are 56,000 geo- 



logical maps. It is reputed to be the larg- 
est mining collection on the planet. 
Aviation, dude ranching, mountaineer- 
ing, performing arts — these and many 
other subjects are boxed and shelved at 
the AHC. 

Ultimately, Gene Gressley is a collec- 
tor. It is what he enjoys most. Technically 
an archivist by profession, he is actually 
an historian by training and 
interest. His B.S. (Manches- 
ter College, Indiana, 1952), 
his M.A. (Indiana University, 
1956) and his Ph.D. (Univer- 
sity of Oregon, 1964) are all 
history degrees. His employ- 
ment as Colorado Assistant 
State Historian (1954-56) and 
his work as Director of the 
American Heritage Center 
reflect a historical career. The 
awards he has won are his- 
torical awards. His eight 
books and more than two 
dozen articles relate to his- 
tory. His professional affilia- 
tions are almost exclusively 
with history organizations, 
and in some he has served 
leadership positions, most 
notably that of President of 
the Western History Associa- 
tion (1985). One membership 
listed on Gressley's vita that 
stands apart from the others 
is the Cosmos Club in Wash- 
ington, D.C. Begun in 1878 by John 
Wesley Powell, second director of the 
U.S. Geological Survey, the club limits its 
members to those chosen nationally. 
How appropriate for Wyoming's ubiq- 
uitous collector of curiosities. 

It will take years for Wyoming citi- 
zens to realize what treasures are lo- 
cated within "Gressley's empire" as it 
has been called. Realization of their sig- 
nificance may not come in Gressley's 
lifetime. Regardless, the institution 
stands as an important repository for 
Wyomingites and others who labor in 
historical vineyards. 

1 . Robert Bond, "Bare Legs and Pinafores: The Ameri- 
can Heritage Center," Wilson Library Bulletin (January, 
1488): 54. 

2. Bond, "Bare Legs and Pinatores," p. 56. 



24 



Wyoming Annals 



# So, Goic, I've always found you to bo an articulate, iiiteUigcnt and 
witty person. Would you agree? Silence, Mark, silence. What can I say? We don't need 
the interview! (laughter) What do you want? Do you want when this was founded? 
The archives and all this? 

•Yes, let's do that. When did you first come back here? Was it '5b? It 
was '56, summer of '56 and the archives had been founded in September of '45. 

•Bi/ whom? The first people to work here were Lola Homsher 
and Henryetta Berry. And the reason they established it was that Milward Simpson 
wanted a department of archives and western history at the University of Wyo- 
ming. He was chairman of the Board of Trustees and got hold of Duke Humphrey 
and said, "Let's get something going in western history down there." So Duke said 
"Fine, we'll do it." That's when it began. The department was under the library. 

%How did Lola come into the picture? They advertised. And her 
uncle was Percy Metz. Does that mean anything to you? He was a district judge, 
and he recommended Lola and she got the job. I've forgotten what Lola did before 
she came here. 

%Did she have a degree in history? Yes, she had an M.A. in history. 

9So she -was sharp, in other loords. Oh yes, Lola was a bright lady. I'll tell you about 
it. Lola was an antiquarian, frankly, but in my estimation Lola was a first-rate archivist. She was very 
interested in local history. 1 would say even further she was interested in state history, but she really was 
fascinated with Albany County history. She was very much a local historian. She got some very valu- 
able collections: a lot of Francis Warren's papers, the first section of George Washington Thornton Beck's 
papers, J. P. Schwoob who owned the Cody Trading Post. She got a lot of things like that. She and Henryetta 
Berry together accumulated about eighty collections during her five years here, and then Dean [Krakel] 
finished up with about another two hundred collections over his six or seven years. 

• W/;o (i'(7S this? Dean Krakel. He came in '49. Lola and Henryetta left in '49. 
•Ht' -urns working for Lola? No, excuse me. Lola worked with the librarian, N. Orin 

Rush, at the time. There was an uproar and she left and went over to Cheyenne. There was another 
uproar and she left there, as you remember, and went up to Alaska. There was an uproar there and she 
retired. By that time Percy had willed her one ranch and Lola didn't need to work any more. 

%Would you say, Gene, that she urns the first person in Wyoming to really do any serious... 
Collecting? Yes, I think that's probably true. Now, I say that without knowing the history of the growth 
of the Wyoming State Historical Society. But they did very little, as 1 recall, still do. 1 don't know who 
was collecting for them in the '30s, if anybody. I'm not even sure if I know who was collecting for them 
in the '40s till Lola went over there. 

•/ believe that their publications used to be called "Collectioiis of the Historical Society. " I 
don't know about the physical material. They obviously acquired things over the years. They had them when they 
were in the Capitol bnUding before the turn of the century. But we're talking about rock collections and things that 
were donated, that came down from loorld fairs, expositions ami whatnot. That's another story in itself. But was 
Lola put into the library as sort of a western histonj acquisitions head? Yes, she was to form the department. 
They had nothing. So she began the department by taking trips. In fact, her travel budget was the same 
as mine, interestingly enough. 

%Which was...? $400 a year. It never changed up through Krakel's tenure. I'll tell 
what changed it. That's another story. It changed in 1960. A donor changed it. Anyway, by 1956 when I 
arrived here there were 284 collections, and when I left the AHC in 1988 there were over 13,000. When 
I arrived the best one was the Wyoming Stock Growers Collection. Still is one of the best. They had Joe 
O'Mahoney's papers which took one room. There were three rooms in all. You know where the Rocky 
Mountain Herbarium is today? In the Aven Nelson Building? That's where we were. We had half of 
those quarters, in one corner. 

%What about the libran/? The library was below us or around us. The Law School 
moved out just as we moved into the third floor. Jim Ranz was the librarian. He later became Vice 
President of Academic Affairs. He and (President) William Carlson fell out and Ranz left, became a 
librarian, just retired a year ago at Kansas. Extremely able person I think. And I always thought Bill 
Carlson was very competent. 

9Ho'w did Lola and Ranz get along? Lola was gone before Ranz came. Krakel was 
here. Krakel came in '49. Ranz came in '55 and I came in '56. Ranz was a very powerful influence on my 




Winter ■94-'95 



life because he taught me how to get along in the academic world. And believe me, I've learned a lot more 
since. Ranz also did something else that I didn't recognize at the time. Ranz protected me and at the same 
time gave me freedom to do what I wanted to. He tried to give me as much support as he could, although 
he couldn't get any more travel budget out of Duke until 1 proved that I could get more collections. 

In the first year we received something like eighty collections, which was one-third 
of what had been accomplished from 1945 to '56. I discovered that the great technicpe was to start 
writing letters, and 1 wrote letters like crazy. I wrote letters to everybody, (laughter) Another thing I did 
in collecting, which so many people don't do, is to pay attention to people's grandchildren. Now what 
I mean by that is, thev're going to write about what Susie's doing. And if you don't reply and say that 
Susie's done a great job in the eighth grade they're going to be upset because they think you've ignored 
Susie. And if you've ignored Susie why would you want Grandfather's papers? 

What you do is de\'elop a friendship with each of these donors. You write them and 
you keep up the contact. To this day I will send clippings to people. 

You have to become a friend. If you don't become a friend of 

potential donors they aren't interested in the University, and if they aren't inter- 

"Whot you do is ested in the University obviously they aren't going to give anything to it. People 

rlawalrtn n frionrlchin §^^'^ *° people! They don't give to institutions. This is something many do not 

^ ^ understand. In many, many institutions they think collections should walk in the 

With &OCn of door. They don't. People are not going to give you something just because you're 

th&SG donors VOU ^^^^ university of Wyoming, but if you cultivate them, work with them, or write 

* 1- them and plead with them to help you build, they will. 

nOVG TO D&COm& j remember the first years I went off to New York in '57 and 

Of fri&nd... " '58. That was one of the loneliest feelings in the world because you had to pound 

those streets asking for material and the constant question was, "Where the hell's 
Wyoming?" ..." University of Wyoming?" You're talking to Yale graduates. 
Harvard graduates. 

9Tliis brings its to the point I zuns hoping we coiihi get to, and if took us a lohile. Cnn \jou 
remember, Gene, the very first thing you ever collected? Yes, I remember the first thing I ever asked for. It 
was a photographic collection. It was Frank Meyer's collection in Rawlins. I went in to see Frank Meyer, 
and I was so insecure that I didn't quite know how to come out with: "Would you give us the photos?" 
So we had a nice visit, (laughter) I walkeci around the block and I think Frank wondered what was 
going on. But that was all right. We visited some more but I never did get around to asking him for the 
collection. So I walked out, had lunch, and came back after lunch and said: "You know what I really 
came in here for?" He said, "No tell me." I saici, "I really want your photos!" He said, "WHAT!! (Laugh- 
ter). I said, "I mean your historic photos." ..."Oh," he said "yeah, I'll think about that." He thought 
about it and we ended up getting them twenty years later from his son! (laughter) 

•/f tool< you tliat long to court liim? Oh, yes. Now, this is another thing. This is a 
major point that people do not understand. For many donors it takes a lot of courting. They must feel 
that you're a friend, that you can walk in the door anytime. They aren't going to turn it over to you the 
first day that you walk up to them. This is one trouble with a lot of foundation work. Too many people 
in the foundation world — and I'm not speaking of Wyoming, I'm speaking in general — I listen to 
fundraisers say: "We want a check." The response is "So does everyone!" (laughter) It just doesn't work 
that way. You've got to cultivate them. They've got to be interested in your program. Where's your 
market? Why should anybody give to the University? Al Gordon gave us $250,000 for the American 
Heritage Center. Why did he? Because at one time his father grew up on the Laramie Plains. Further- 
more, Al Gordon in the late '40's owned the Laramie electric light plant. That's why he gave us the 
money. He had an attachment to Wyoming. He was Chairman of the Board of Kidder-Peabody. Why 
should the chairman of the board of Kidder Peabody give us anything? He shouldn't! There has to be a 
connection when you go for money. 

Not so much for papers. You can sell an archive as a repository for papers because 
you're doing about as much for them as they're doing for you. They realize that when they die their files 
are just going to be tossed. They might wish Harvard had asked for them, but Wyoming asked for them 
so ..."we'll send them to Wyoming." That's another thing that I come back to time and again. Harvard 
isn't going to get them, even with their prestige, if they don't go out and ask. I mean. Harvard may not 
give a damn. As one man said to me when he gave his files, "So nice to deal with a University that writes 
me for something besides money!" 



Wyoming Annals 



You talk about a long courtship. This is one of my hitchhiking stories. I went back 
East for the first time in the fall of 1958. Well, it was really the winter. I went by train, first to Chicago, 
then I hitchhiked in the Midwest. The reason I wanted to hitchhike in the Midwest is pretty obvious. I 
thought it would be a lot easier to hitchhike in the Midwest in December than it would be in the West. I 
mean I'm not that dumb, (laughter) And we had to stretch that travel budget of $400.00. 

•Poo/-, nitu/bc, but not dumb. I was picked up by a semi truck on Route 20, 1 never 
will forget. I took Route 20 because it goes through Bellevue, Ohio, my hometown. We were going 
through western New York and hit something like I hit this morning — dense fog — only it was a bliz- 
zard. He went off of the road into the ditch and 1 crawled out of the cab, stood around and half froze to 
death trying to get him out oi there. Well, I couldn't do anything, of course. We had to get a wrecker and 
I went on my way. Got to New York. But where did I stay in New York? I stayed at the Plymouth Hotel. 
You never heard of the Plymouth Hotel? I hope you haven't. I think it was on 44th and 7th. As I always 
say to everybody, it took me years to figure out why the girls were so friendly in the lobby, (laughter) 
That's what I was in! I shall never forget George Rentschler who had the Henry Farny Collection which 
we now have in the AHC. That's the first time I saw One Sutton Place, South. He said to me, "Gressley, 
you're where?" And I said "At the Plymouth Hotel." I got this roar: "I'll be damned!" (laughter) 1 didn't 
understand what he meant. The Plymouth wasn't elegant and it kinda smelled, but I thought, "What 
the heck." I ate at the Brass Rail or something like that. You remember the Brass Rail? 

%'No. I ate there, it was about like Horn and Hardart's. (coin-operated cafeteria) 
Well, you see, in those days we had $9.00 in-state and $11.00 out-of-state per diem, and nobody got 
expenses. And I mean nobody, not even the coach! Jacoby (UW Athletic Director, Red Jacoby ) and I were 
the first two from the University to go on expenses. 

%You're back at the the Ph/uioutli Hotel. I think it's gone now, but I'm not sure. I'll tell 
you how I got to know George Rentschler. You'll know this book, I'll bet, by Robert Taft: "Artists and 
Illustrators of the Old West"?It was put out by Scribners, but it's been reprinted since. It's still one of the 
best \'oIumes on that subject. In there is a chapter on Henry Farny and in a footnote in that chapter it 
states: "The largest privately held collection of Henry Farny in the United States is in George Rentschler 's 
home at One Sutton Place, South, New York". Well I came to that footnote. I thought: "Hah!" So I wrote 
him and said, in essence: "Would you like to place your Farny Collection at the University of Wyo- 
ming?" I got back this charming little note which said, "I never thought about it." ...I wonder why? 
(laughter) ..."But when you come East sometime, come visit me." Now, George recognized someone 
trying to do something, and who had brass. Yes, he recognized both. I had caught his curiosity. No one 
had ever done this to him before, (laughter) I went back oxer there 
to see him that evening for cocktails. 

^Describe One Sutton Place, South. OK, 1 can 
describe it. The room I went into is like the one that used to be my 
office. It's a reproduction of One Sutton Place, South. All those 
paintings in that room are what I first saw as a kid in 1958. Now, 
those paintings did not arrive until 1978, almost two decades later. 
That is the point I have been making. It takes time. I would see 
George Rentschler — and I still go east in December — every time I 
went East. First of all it was for cocktails. I can still see him on all 
fours, going through those covered bookshelves trying to find 
Scotch! (Laughter). George was delightful, really a very wonder- 
ful person and, incidentally, a remarkable person. There were three 
Rentschler brothers that all came out of Lima, Ohio. George ended 
up chairman of the board of Baldwin Locomotive. Another, 
Frederick, became the founder of United Aircraft. And the last, 
Gordon, was the first president of the First National City Bank of 
New York, which is now Citibank. Incredible family who, inci- 
dentally, personally never had any records. They all threw them 
out. George said: "I don't want some damn nosey historian look- 
ing through what I did." (laughter) He made sure. "Farny's, that's 
fine, but not my records, Gressley. You'll never get them and no- 
body else will either!" That was that. He made that very clear to 
begin with, because I later asked about them again. 




The Sutton Place "look-alike" office at 
University of Wyoming, 1989 



the 



Winter '94-95 



Over the years there followed cocktails, then dinner and cocktails, then stories. 
George hunted in the Wind Rivers tor twenty-one years and that was why he was interested in Wyo- 
ming. As I say, there's got to be a connection, usually with the West or with Wyoming some way, 
especially when you get into this league. He hunted in Wyoming until he had heart trouble and couldn't 
come out any more, but he loved to hear Wyoming stories. That's all he wanted me to talk about. His 
poor wife would travel off to bed about 10:30 and he would insist, and I mean insist, on my staying. I 
would try to back out of there about 9:30 or 10:00, and I wouldn't get out, the last few years of his life, 
until one, two, sometimes three in the morning. 

•Hi' imiild jiift dnini i/oii. He'd drain me. He would tell some of his hunting stories. 
Then he would tell some army stories, I mean the First World War, and on, and on and on. You just 
became a buddy at that point. I was one of several. His sons still remark that they knew when Gressley 
came to town it would be a long evening. 

•Vof/ know it seciiif to iiic. Gene, that the umij you deseribe the story, iftliis is a typical or 
soiiiezvJmt typical.... It is typical of the length of time is what I'm saying. It takes a decade or two. Most 
collections don't just come in the first time you ask. Some you can acquire the first day or the first time 
you walk in if people are interested. The Moncrieffe Papers are an example. 1 wrote to Oliver Wallop. 
That was one of our first collections. By the time I got to Sheridan I was a little more forceful. Besides, I'd 
written to Oliver and said: "Would you gi\'e the Moncrieffe Papers to us?" It was during the first field 
trip I took. And he said, "Sure." 

1 wrote to forty people on mv first field trip and got answers from about six. I 
thought, "What goes here? Doesn't anybody write in Wyoming? Don't they like me? What is going on?" 
I discovered later why no one nobody bothered writing. 1 mean, you let them know you are coming. 
That's fine. That's all that is necessary. 

9Biit tlic latclistriii^ is nlivays out? Yes. They weren't unfriendly. They just didn't see 
any reason to reply: "We'll be glad to see you." (laughter) 

%That was taken for granted. Yes. I didn't know that at the time. I didn't think that 
was the way you did it. 1 was much more formal, believe it or not. 

•'^ ou must iiave Iiad a lot of patioice because in this situation you were a young man, you 

were after something, and you must have been constantly tempted to sny: "Let's talk about, you know, what I'm 

here for. " I have patience with donors. I didn't ha\'e patience with my colleagues at 

the University, (laughter) No, I always wanted to push faster than anybody else 

/ WrOtO to forty POOPIG around here wanted to. I remember Ranz shaking his head one day at me saying, 

,.,,.,.,. . "Gene, we can't do everything overnight." I wanted to double the staff. I wanted 

on my first field trip and „,y ^^,^ ^^^^^^^ ^,^g„,, ^r traN ei 

got answers from about in those days you used to be able to go over and see the Presi- 

Six I thouatlt "What '"^'^"* directly. When I was a lowly employee in the library that impressed me. 

" ' Ranz went o\er with me the first three or four times. The last time — you'll love 

QOeS nere f UOeSn l this — he said "Gresslev, I'm tired of being frustrated in there. You go by yourself." 

anybody write in daughter) 

... . ^ -J ,. it^ •W//0 was president? Duke Humphrey. He was president 

VVyuiTiiny . UUn l in&y when I arrived in '56, to about '65. He was very formative for me, too. I liked 

lil^e me? Duke, a lot of people didn't. But Duke was one to give you your head. If he 

Whiat K Ciainn on?" thought you were doing something, and basically were shooting very straight 

" " ' with him, he'd support you as much as he could. He groused a lot about it but he 

would give you the support. 

I remember one time when I had a job offer — this is neither here nor there — he 
asked what the difference was. I've always said I went from $8,800 to $11,000 in fifteen minutes. Now in 
a sense it incensed me because, you see, that's the only way you got money, and still do a lot of times, is 
"blackjacking" people. It seems to me that they should recognize their people and try to bring them 
along. It's one thing to offer a person $1,000 difference, but that doesn't happen either. I mean, let's face 
it, if Harvard had called I wouldn't be at Wyoming. 

•Gt';/t', have you ever heard of a boss going to the employee and saying, "Hoiv would you 
like a raise?" Oh no, no. What I mean is that they should bring you along without asking whether you 
want a raise or not, but raise-wise they should make sure that you're at market level. 

•/f they want you. If they want you. If they don't want you, no. But you see, if he 
valued me so much in fifteen minutes (laughter) obviously I was more valuable before. 



Wyoming Annals I 



•Li'f's get back to i/oiir collecting. You said in the first year you 
increased the collections by eighty or something like that. Yes, in other words, we increased 
the size of our entire archive by a third the first year I was here. 

9Was it in the job description that Gene Gressley shall go out and 
be this indefatigable collector? They had no idea what could be accomplished, and 
neither did I. 

9Well where did it come from then? Inside of yon? I mean, did yon 
just see some opportunities and went... Basically I am a collector. I guess that's all you 
have to say. I like collecting. I like people. You put the two together and you're 
gonna build. I can't say that I came here with a vision to build a major archive. 1 
didn't. 1 do recall standing, when 1 first came here, looking out of my office win- 
dows to the west as the sun was setting. It was beautiful! It still is one of the most 
beautiful sights overlooking the Snowies [Snowy Range]. But I thought to myself, 
"Well Gressley, you've got no place to go but up." And that was true, (laughter) 

•// was an emotional scene? Yes, it was an emotional scene. On 
the other hand, everybody says "Boy, what a gamble you took coming to Wyo- 
ming!" 1 reply, "I didn't take any gamble. The University took as much of a gamble as I did." I was a 25 
year-old kid who'd done nothing. The University didn't have much to offer, admittedly, but it was 
equally matched. 

%Wlmt -was your first acquisition as a collector? The first actual acquisition, 1 think, 
was the Moncrieffe Papers. 

9Where you could actually see souiething? Yes. Anci 1 never will forget that, either. 
Oliver Wallop was up in the attic of the Polo Ranch house — you know, these holes that they have in the 
attic — tossing boxes down. Well these were orange letter boxes, and they had been up there for years. So 
they had layers of dust over them. And as each box came down I caught it and the dust rolled up over 
me. Oliver got tickled. He thought this was the funniest thing to see me in a suit with all this dust rolling 
over me. He had jeans on. He got to laughing and damned near came down through the hole, (laughter) 
1 was laughing below. 1 could hardly stand up to catch them. Oh, it was a scene! We had thirty some 
boxes down, and then 1 went back to Sheridan which was then seventeen, eighteen miles, took a shower, 
put on another suit and came back for dinner. 

%Did i/ou know when you first started out what "papers" meant? Ifsoiuebod\/ said "Yes, 
I'll give yon mi/ "papers," 'when you got this stuff were they papers? I mean, 'were they memoirs? Journals? 
Diaries? Well, for instance, the Moncrieffe Collection was practically all ledgers and correspondence. 
But sure. You know, the golden idea Ln my mind was a 1849-50 overland diary. This is what 1 had in 
mind as the piece de resistance of Western Americana. 

•T/;/s /s like the guy 'who goes to an auction, buys a picture, hopes to take the back off ami 
fiiui an old... OK, 1 see. 1 haven't really thought about that question, but I can tell you the emotional thing 
that happened to me when 1 first came here. 1 kept hearing about the Coe collection and how we'd lost 
it. 

9WilIiam Robertson Coe. Yes. We lost it because Coe offered it to Wyoming, but 
Wyoming refused to build a $75,000 building to house it. And this was, you see, 1938, 1939. Well, 1 don't 
chastise Wyomiiig as a lot of people did. After all, $75,000 was a hell of a lot of money in the Depression. 
And they had needs: dormitories, classrooms. $75,000 for a rare book library was a lot of money. Doesn't 
sound like much today. 

It would have been extravagant. Nevertheless, the Coe Collection at Yale is really 
Wyoming history. The basic portion of the Coe Collection is the Nathaniel Thomas Collection. He was 
Episcopal Bishop of Wyoming. Nathaniel Thomas collected early Wyomingana, and particularly West- 
ern Americana, for thirty years before Coe bought the Thomas Library. And that collection today is 
worth, what? Several million? It's priceless, really priceless. There's the Withington Catalog of the Coe 
Collection. I don't know if you've ever seen it. 

I sat down with it one evening and looked through it. I was almost in tears when I 
completed it because it's magnificent! Here you have the Isaac Bard diaries, Henry Freeman material, 
on, and on, and on and on. This is priceless Wyomingana, and I knew enough Wyoming history at that 
point to realize what we had really missed. Now that's the kind of thiiig I really wanted. But obviously 
we couldn't get it. 

So what do you go after? You go after twentieth century material because that's 




Winter ■94-95 




available. And that's what archivists, in collecting in this nation, are still missing. They're not collecting 
the present. Fifty years from now someone will be wondering why they didn't. 

•>r' lliis i>... Yes, this is a basic premise of my collecting. I headed for what I could 
get. We had the Wyoming Stock Growers Association, but we didn't have many individual ranches. 
Well why not? Well, they're twentieth century, most of them. So what? You've got the Diamond Ranch 
and all ...it goes on, and on and on. An enormous number. 

•Do i/ou think you're one of the first people to recognize titat pvejudiee in eoUectuig? Yes I do. 
I'm one of the first western historians, frankly, to emphasize the twentieth century in Western Americana. 

•'1 l'// niufit hnrc eiicoiintcrcil sonic opposilion, tltcn, in iviiat i/oii uvrc collecting. Oh, yes. 
I always said I started building a head of steam but nobody quite realized it until it really broke loose. 
Then's when all the jealousy began, all the backbiting and "Gressley's empire's gonna topple." The 
common thing I hear today, and I've heard it for years, is: "We've got to control Gressley someway." I've 
often wondered, "Why do you have to control anybody if they're doing their job?" ..."Well, because 
they get in everybody else's way," or ..."He spends too much money." How can I spend money I don't 
have? I mean, either they give you the budget or they don't give you the budget. 

%Didn't tlmt stick in somebody's craw in the librmy? The fact that they had to break apart 
some of their budget for yon? Actually, what happened is, the department outshone the library. When the 
librarian would go to conventions he would hear about the collections here but he wouldn't hear any- 
thing about the library. Well, there's no reason he should have. There wasn't any library here. Now 
that's much different today. We've been pouring in millions for the last several years. I'm thinking we're 
well on our way to a decent library. We don't have a great one — they keep telling where we are in 
comparison to everybody else — but we have a significant one. For instance, we're taking a lot more 
periodicals than Boulder is [as of 1989]. That people don't realize. 

• lVt'>t' getting off the track. I ivant to go back a little bit to your collecting days because 
these have akoays been my favorite stories. There is a story you tell about carrying a suitcase, a satchel... Oh yes. 
Let me tell you. This was because we didn't have any money for travel in those days. It was about 1958 
or '59 when I went down to Texas. This is another aspect of collecting in my estimation. What do you 
collect when you come to Wyoming? You collect twentieth century history. But we were basically col- 
lecting what I would call a "cowboy and Indian archive" then. 

I wanted to expand it and I wanted to get more cattle material, but I wanted to 
"discover" oil. I wanted water. I didn't think about journalism, and performing arts and all that. That 
came later. But I wanted to obtain the economic history of this region. No one had collected any history 
on the oil industry, if you can imagine that. No one! No one in this region had. To this day that AHC 
archive in petroleum history is way ahead of everybody in the nation. We have the letters of George 
Henry Bissell. Did you ever hear of George Henry Bissell? 

•-Wi He financed the first well in the United States. In Pennsylvania. The Drake 
Well in 1859. We bought the Bissell Papers for $15,000 by calling Frank Prior who had been Chairman of 
the Board of AMOCO, well. Standard of Indiana. His first job was In Midwest [Wyoming]. He was out 
of Stanford and in the '60s was living in Palm Beach. I asked him for $7,500 — I became a lot more brazen 
later— and he said, "Gressley, I'll give you $7,500 if you get $7,500 out of the AMOCO 
Foundation." So I called the AMOCO Foundation. I can still hear the \'oice of the 
public relations man at the other end of the line saying "Gressley, I'm getting so 
tired of this." This had been the third one I had propositioned, (laughter) 

• VV(7s anybody in the nation collecting od stuff? Nobody still is, 
really. In any significant way. Now, there are oil museums. There's a marxelous one 
at Titusville. The Permian Basin in Texas has a wonderful oil museum: drilling rigs, 
and displays and all of that sort of thing. But actual archival material, we're still 
one of the few that are really collecting in a major way, or we were. 

For instance, we have the 1911 dissolution records of Standard 
Oil Trust. I mean, that is one of the major archival collections in oil history! They 
were sitting in New York, there for the asking. Just sitting in the warehouse. 

•Horc did you find out about it? I just wrote. I wondered where 
they were. It wasn't hard to obtain petroleum material because you had little com- 
petition. Ordinarily it should have never come to us. 

•Were the oil men sort of flattered by the fact that you shotdd even 

• isk? Not really. They weren't very interested, to be honest. I discovered most busi- 



WvoMiNG Annals 



nessmen do not become interested in archival material until they're in their sixties and can appreciate it. 
Because before that they're too interested in economically surviving, keeping their company going. Percy 
Spencer was a perfect example of that. When I first saw Percy Spencer he was in his, oh, 1 think mid- 
sixties. He came out of Cody, Wyoming. He was Chairman of the Board of Sinclair Percy was the head of 
the Republican Party in Wyoming during the '30s. He was an extremely able lawyer and a very charming 
man. He came out of his office to greet me and you would have thought you were the King of Siam. I can 
see why he got where he was. He just flattered you. I was bug-eyed, and he brought me in and sat me 
down. 1 remember at the time him saying "Gene, come to me ten years from now. 1 

haven't got time to consider whether you should have the Sinclair records at this ,j^^ . „ , 

time, but then I'll consider it." I did, but by that time they'd thrown out the files. GTeSSley, nQ SQIu 

That's another story. That's what happens. "O// / COfl toll yOU IS If 

But back to your Texas hitchhiking story. When you had $400 wi^i i awar rtat m it r\f n 

in the travel budget you had to go out and stay out because the biggest expense / " _ 

was travel fare. So I went for six weeks at a time, two years in a row. One time I left lOO Ot ttlQ UniVOfSlty Of 
Joyce with a five year-old who had chickenpox, and a newborn baby. She's never WvOmlnO LOHG SfOf 

forgiven me or forgotten that one, either. c* i ^ 

%Did that bother you 7 It didn't bother me as much as it should Steel COD UO O 

have bothered me. 1 wasn't mature enough. 1 was too interested in what might be hellUVQ lot 

in Texas. The only guy that ever went to Texas with great anticipation for paper. Hatter fr\r \rr\tt\" 

(laughter) ^ 

9WIiere 'uvrc i/ou headed? Dallas, Texas. 1 went through Kan- 
sas, stopped off and incidentally interviewed the man that did the first drilling for the British in the Salt 
Creek Oil Field. He died three years later, but that's why 1 had this tape recorder along. 1 had an old 
Ampro, forty-pound tape recorder, one of these old accordion brief cases — you know the old type that 
bulge out the bottom — and two suitcases. This is the way 1 traveled. You're gone for six weeks, you 
gotta have a lot of stuff, especially then because I was doing oral history. 1 later quit that — which is too 
bad — just because 1 didn't have the time. But 1 taped many pioneers of the early oil industry. The big 
problem was that 1 didn't know enough to ask them the right questions. 1 let them tell their stories 
when, if I'd known enough, 1 could have interjected more questions and collected more history. 

9Biit maybe that was the best waif to approach it in the long run. 1 think if we read 
these oral history guide books, 1 did what a lot of amateurs do, which is, 1 took the easy way out. 1 just 
set the mike up saying, "Begin at the beginning" and went from there. You know what secondary 
recovery is, and what tertiary recovery is. I learned this from them. Oil people were very good to me. 
People were, in general, but they were extremely good in educating me in geology. 1 didn't know one 
formation from another. 1 learned them, but 1 didn't know them at that time. 

Anyhow, 1 was outside Dallas. 1 had this little row of luggage and 1 was standing 
at the head of it hitchhiking. This '57 Chevy — 1 remember it had those fins on it — pulled up and the 
driver loaded all this luggage in his trunk. That's why, he said, he picked me up. He said, "God, 1 
couldn't be scared of a man that's got four major pieces of baggage and dressed in a suit." He said, "1 
was just curious what the hell this was." (laughter) So we were going down the highway and 1 told him 
what I was doing. He was intrigued and kept asking questions. He poked at me on this, and he poked 
at me on that, and my background, and he asked me as many questions as Mark Junge has. It went on 
and on. When we came to some second-rate, fleabag hotel in Houston — 1 can't remember the name of 
it but we couldn't afford anything else — he got all that baggage out on the sidewalk and shook my ^ 

hand. 1 shall never forget his parting words: "Gressley," he said "all 1 can tell you is if you ever get out 
of a job at the University of Wyoming, Lone Star Steel can do a helluva lot better for you!" (laughter) 
And he was right. They could have, up until the depression of the oil industry a few years ago. He had 
recognized another thing about collecting: what you've got to be if you're a collector is a salesman. You 
always have to sell in life, in anything you do. 

9"Keep talking" is the motto. Yes, keep it going. That's in labor negotiations, too. I 
asked the vice president of Illinois Bell once what his advice was to kids growing up. 1 was just curious, 
just throwing out a question. He looked at me and said, "Gene, when you get in labor negotiations, the 
thing you do is always keep talking. Don't let the conversation pause. If you hit a dead end try to run 
it, and just keep going and keep going, and keep confrontation out if it if you can. You often can't, but 
try to just get the other party to respond, constantly. Constantly work, work." He said, "It wears you 
down, it wears them down, but eventually you do find some common ground that you can wiggle 

Winter ■94-95 




through, and once you hit it you grab it." 

9You had n proclivity for talk. You were glib. And you're an oppor- 
tunist. I don't mean that in a derogatory sense at all. I'm not defensive at all. 

0So you had the two qualities it took to build up what some peopile have 
referred to as, and you're probably aware of it: "Gressleifs Empire." (laughter) Oh, yes. 

•/'// tell you right now. This is my point of view and this will go 
down for posterity, too. I think you've done the State of Wyoming a great service. Of course, 
in the paper you've been lauded for doing that very thing. But I think it takes, don't you — 
after looking back at all this — a person zvho not only is talkative and "hail fellow -well met," 
but someone who sees opportujiity? Oh, sure. And also a certain amount of guts. To 
put yourself out on a limb. I mean, let's face it, it was presumptuous to walk into 
George Rentschler's Sutton Place apartment asking for his collection. 

•/f 's like going to Mars! Yes, well, it's very intimidating. What's 
an archivist from Wyoming trying to pull? And that's why, as 1 look back, Rentschler 
wasn't about to do anything for me that first visit. By the end of those visits he 
would not only have given me that collection, 1 think he would have given the 
University a lot more. This is where 1 was stupid in not realizing it. 
•J'»; kiini of curious — this is for my personal interest only — ivere you proud of the fact 
that after a xvhile you could approach these bigshots, these giants of the industry, and ask them point blank: 
"Listen, this is what I'd like" ...? No, I don't think I ever really felt proud. What I did feel after a while was 
extremely confident. You know, I would literally walk up to anybody and ask for almost anything. 1 
don't like raising funds and that's a problem. But I think even that, eventually, 1 could do. I'm not 
interested, really, in doing it. I'm doing it because I've got to, to preserve the Center if we can keep it 
afloat. But it's not because I like doing it. It is uncomfortable, frankly. 

%\Nhat's the difference between collecting dollars and collecting collections? I've always 
figured that when you collect collections you're doing maybe as much for the person you ask as you're 
doing for the University. I've never yet figured out how you're doing anything for a person when you 
take a check, especially if there is no tax advantage. 

9Aiu1 also, isn't yours a historical request? Yes. Everybody's asking for dollars from a 
donor but not everybody's asking for papers. This is why 1 told you about the donor who said, "Thank 
god, it's nice to talk to somebody from a University that just doesn't want a check from me." 

9You told me a story one time about going up to the door and a woman answered the door 
in a bathrobe. Yes, and do I remember that one. (laughter) This occurred in Great Falls, Montana. I was 
after the papers of a political figure who Montanans will know, who was quite a liberal in his day. Later 
he became a conservative and married this young gal who I didn't know was a young gal. 

%\Nho was the guy, by the way? 1 would rather not say. I went out to see her one 
Saturday morning, called her up, asked if I could come out to see her and set an appointment for 10 
o'clock. There was a sprinkler system on the front lawn. I went over the hose, came up to the door and 
rang the bell, and she appeared in what I shall best describe as a very frilly negligee, (laughter) Well, 
you may not believe this, but Gressley's not that worldly, never has been. 1 simply don't know how to 
handle situations like this, (laughter) 

%Never known as a philanderer? Nope, never. I don't expect anybody to believe this, 
but I never even thought of it. Anyway, 1 took one look and I was so aghast — at ten o'clock on Saturday 
morning — all I could do was say, and I gasped out, "I'll come back when you get dressed!" (laughter) I 
bolted down the stairs, tripped on the sprinkler, slid across the grass in the mud, fell on my face, got up 
...and she was roaring. I could hear laughter behind me. 1 was laughing, too. I stumbled around the car, 
got in and went back to the hotel to clean up. Yes, that was one visit I shall never forget. Needless to say, 
1 never called her again. And that was a mistake because I think probably 1 could have had the files, 
(laughter) 

•/n other words, not only ivere you not a philanderer, you stayed away fivm it like the 
plague. Yes, because I always ...here's one thing: I never got drunk on the road. I always tried to conduct 
myself properly because I was representing the University. 

9Well what's wrong with that? I think that's good. I don't think it's bad. But I don't 
think anyone would believe it. It sounds too Boy Scoutish. Too, I think you destroy yourself when you 
do that. 1 didn't want anybody to say, "I saw Gressley with some gal up in a Sheridan Motel or I saw 
Gressley...." Nobody's ever been able to say this. 



Wyoming Annals 



9TeU me tlie story about Babe. Babe London. Why do we have her ashes? 

•Y(?s. Hozv did her urn of ashes, her last mortal remains end up on your shelf? What I'm 
saying is, you collected everything from soup to nuts. Right there it is! 

•r/;/s copper, brass looking box? Yes, yes, that's an urn. Jean London. Well, that was 
her last married name. • 

9"L.J.E. Boutclli... (reading the name on the urn). Yes, she was married to Boutelli. 

•(continues reading) "...Boutelli, age 79 years, 3 months, 1 day, cremated December 5, 
1980 at Chapel of the Pines Crematorium, 1604 South Catalina Street at Venice Boulevard, Los Angeles, Califor- 
nia, zip code. " Why are these in your office? OK, I'll tell you about Babe. Babe London is a fun story. When 
we started collecting performing arts one of the people 1 ran onto was Babe London. She used to be the 
"fat girl" in Laurel and Hardy comedies. She had fallen on hard times. I don't want to make it into a 
tragic story, but by the age of 35 or 40 she was through acting because there's only so many roles for 
corpulent actresses. She just ran out of roles. But it isn't one of these morbid decline stories. She worked 
in a department store as a sales clerk, and I don't what all, but she kept herself alive. She didn't have 
much money but she wasn't impoverished. She got into the Motion Picture and Country Home which 
is a retirement home in Los Angeles where you don't have to pay if you've been in the motion picture 
industry. I wrote for her papers so she sent a whole raft of stuff in. She said, "I'll will you everything. 
Gene, when I die." She did! We were her only family. That's why we ended up with her ashes. She 
didn't want them buried Ln Forest Lawn. She wanted somebody to have them that would care for her. 

We have another, a famous couple, who went out shopping for urns to put their 
ashes in — bookend urns so their ashes would be useful. Just wouldn't be sitting 

up there. You'd know them if I told you. They're in performing arts, too. And for t,^ . , , 

the same reason: they have no children. What the University becomes for them is y^l&SSI&y, yUU !& OUT 

sort of a surrogate family. fierO COllQCting OlI tfllS 

Babe London, incidentally, never saw the University of Wyo- ii injlr nn nil (inH WClf^f 

ming. But this illustrates again how you have to build. Now, not with all of them ' 

do you build up an emotional connection. She willed us everything. The $1,800 Wny OT&n I yOU 

dollars she had left, her purses, her shoes, her dresses — everything came Ln. COllOCtiDQ mOtOrlOl 

%That brings up another point. Gene. You started getting away ... _„ 

from the cowboy and Indian, Western Americana stuff. You said you went to oil. You zoent ^' ' '"' ' ' ■ 

into things like water, reclamation, mining. The mining thing urns big. Mountaineering, 
the performing arts, journalism. 

%How did you you get into performing arts? I got into performing arts this way. Maybe 
you knew Jim Welke. He was head of our film program for a while. Now he's at Central Florida Univer- 
sity. Incidentally, he really fell into it because Disneyland began expanding when he went there and 
now Disney is using their program. Their sound stage is incredible. They would do Hollywood proud. 
And it's right at Orlando, right next to EPCOT Center. Disney is just using Central Florida as their lab. 
They're financing professors, financing travel, financing everything. He's got it made. Five people he's 
adding next year and they've got thirty in the department already. Couldn't happen to a better person, 
incidentally. He's a very able administrator and a very decent human being. 

He came over to my office one day — this was about 1965 — and said: "Gressley, 
you're out here collecting all this junk on oil and water. Why aren't you collecting material on film?" I 
said "Well, I never thought of it." So one afternoon I met with Irving Wallace. You know who that is, of 
course, or do you? 

9He's an author. Yes. And Mike Kanin who brought Rashomon to the United States. 
Fay Kanin, who was his wife, became president of the Academy of Motion Pictures. Composers and 
lyricists Alan and Marilyn Bergman and four or five others — they were all in Wallace's poker game. 
This is how it began. I just said, "We would like to collect in the performing arts." The response was, 
"Well, you know there are a couple of other universities out here, UCLA and USC, who are doing this." 
Then they laughed and said, "Gene, they're not doing a very good job. The material is in their backyard 
so they aren't very interested." That afternoon there were twenty contacts suggested as potential do- 
nors and we got half of them. Now that has never happened to me before or since. You never hit fifty per 
cent. From my letters, mailings and personal contacts I used to run about eighteen to twenty per cent. 
Everybody said that was fabulous. Direct mail usually brings about six to seven per cent. But direct mail 
is usually asking for money. You don't get that high a rate. Collecting is just like anything else: wealth 
begets wealth. One producer or writer heard of us, then another, and it went on and on until today we 

Winter ■94-95 




have, what? — over three hundred collections. 

The music collection side of the performing arts was another tale. Henry King was 
a director. He directed Tyrone Power pictures, etc., etc. I can still see him standing in his home on Carla 
Ridge overlooking L. A. It was a beautiful spot. We were talking about the composer who wrote Hi Lilli, 
Hi Lo, Bronislaw Kaper. I met Kaper at a party and King said, "Oh Brownie's a marvelous guy." Then, as 
I was discussing this further with him. King was saying what a great talent Kaper had. I thought: "Why 
aren't we collecting film music?" So I started collecting film music, and between Kaper and Bill Lava we 
were in contact with some sixty film composers in a short time. You never heard of Lava, but he was a 
"B" grade film composer. The best one of all was Adolph Deutsch. Adolph Deutsch's last film score was 
for Tlic Apartment. Do you remember The Apniiiiient with Jack Lemmon? 

That was his last score. Deutsch used to come over to Old Baldy Club in Saratoga. 
So I wrote to Deutsch who was then in Palm Desert anci said, "Would you be willing to contribute your 
material?" No response. This is another clue. I wrote him about a year later. No response. I wrote him 
six months later and said: "You've ignored my first two letters so I don't expect you answer this one, but 
I'm trying to get to you." Response: he was almost laughing in the letter. He said "Gressley, OK, come 
out and see me. We'll discuss this." And we got his whole collection. Adolph Deutsch had such a repu- 
tation out in the film music colony that it attracted others to us. 

They had a party for Wyoming at their home in Palm Desert. I shall never forget. 
They brought in all the people that I wanted to talk to. I've never forgotten Adolph or Diane Deutsch for 
their graciousness and generosity to this day. Remarkable people. Very interesting. One of the few people 
that we ever contacted this way. Vve gone to breakfasts, I've gone to brunches, I've gone to dinners 
where people will select friends of theirs to come and hear the Wyoming story. 

•/'// bet your ei/es got big as you saw tliese pieople, and were introdueed to tiiem, going 
"Oh, my goodness! This is a gohi mine. " Maybe //fa' a kid in a candy store. (Quietly) I can't really say I did. My 
point in all of this is that I became very comfortable with "reputations" because you don't let them 
overawe you. I learned that very quickly. They did overawe me when I began. I was scared. I told you 
about Frank Meyer. 

The first Fortune 500 businessman I ever saw was Frank Prior in his office at 910 
South Michigan in Chicago. I never will forget it. Frank was Chairman of the Board, or President 
then — I don't know which — of Standard of Indiana which later became AMOCO. In the middle of my 
spiel to him all of sudden Frank shot a stream of tobacco juice from his mouth to his cuspidor. I com- 
pletely froze. I never will forget Frank's amused look at me. He said, "Haven't you seen anybody 
expectorate?" (laughter) 

I don't want to say that when I was a kid I wasn't scared to death. I was. But it 
wasn't being scared to death of donors as people. It was, rather, being too self conscious, afraid that I 
wouldn't know what to say to them, being insecure that I wouldn't know how to make the best presen- 
tation, that I wouldn't be able to sell them on the Uni\ersity. That's what I was scared to death of. Not 
the fact that he was Frank Prior. You see what I'm saying? 

It didn't take many years for me to realize that there weren't many competitors 
out there. People used to ask, "who do you compete with?" The one I competed 
most with was Howard Gotlieb at Boston University. Howard is a genius. I dearly 
love Howard and I used to sav to ex'erybody who had given their papers to Bos- 
ton that they were in extremely good hands, that he runs a first class archive. And 
he does. Furthermore he's a genius. Donors forwarded my letters to Gotlieb. Af- 
ter about the tenth one that hit his desk, he wrote me and said "Gressley, you jerk, 
you know I can't get at you now!" (laughter) 

%What did you find, after talking witli liim and being around Inm, 
loas liis modus operandi? How was lie different from you ? I've never quite understood 
that, to be honest with you. I've read letters he's written to people, as he's read 
mine, and I'm sure he's said the same thing. I can't understand what he possesses. 
You don't understand what he has until you meet him, and there's where his modus 
operandi is. Howard Gotlieb is just downright charming. Somehow his personal- 
ity comes across that you're the most important person he's every talked to. I 
don't know how he does this, but he does it. 

And this is another aspect of collecting: there's chemistry to 
it. I think that sounds horsey. I don't say this to anybody very often, but there is 



Wyoming Annals 



something in collecting that is undefinable. You have to like it, but 1 think you also 
have to be able to get it across. I really enjoy most people 1 see. I really think people 
are a helluva lot of fun! But you have to be able to enjoy them. You adjust yourself 
to each person you talk to, and that is where the chemistry and the talent, if any, 
comes in. You have to, in the first thirt5' seconds of a conversation, almost assess 
them personality-wise. 

There was a very gracious man in Old Baldy who was an heir 
to the Scott Paper Company. He was also, in fact, the director of First National Bank 
of Palm Beach, enormously wealthy. His demeanor was always very formal. Very 
proper and very gracious. I adopted a formal, proper manner when talking to him. 
You've got to adjust to people like this. 

• /'/H woiideriiig about your background. You certainly were adapt- 
able. Yes, and I was also raised with adults. That's another thing I hadn't thought of 
for years. I was at church conferences when I was eight, nine, ten years old. Adults 
were my associates. 

•/ think maybe titis was enjoyable for you Gene, just as you said. 
And I think that's a pretty important tiling. If you're going to convince anybody that you're 
sincere, that you're genuine in your intentions, I think tliat you iiave to enjoy it. Sure. 

9Has being able to enjoy it been an important part of this whole job over thirty-one years? 
Yes. Thirty-two years. And I really miss it! The thing I didn't realize when I left that job is that I would 
miss the people as much as 1 do. I'd said for years I wanted to do research in the materials 1 collected. I 
do. But 1 want to be free to also walk out that door and go after a collection. It's pained me the last year 
to see some of the collections lost that I know we could have gotten. No one's going after them. 

•/4rt' you saying where is this headed? I'm not sure where it's headed. That's what 
I'm saying. I've never tried to sit down to write a history of the AHC which, incidentally, I'm going to 
do someday. 

• Yoi/'/Y a historian. You've got some historical perspiective. They say that a person liznng 
the history doesn't really understand it. 1 think that's bunk. I think a good historian understands exactly what his 
contribution is. Do you feel that you have made a significaiit contribution? Have you felt all along that what you 
were doing was important? Yes. But allow me to qualify that. I told you I stood and looked out that 
window one night toward the Snowy Range and said: "Gressley, you've no place to go but up." About 
1965 or '66 I began to realize that we could make this a major archive, quite frankly, with a lot of help. 
This is another thing I have not emphasized enough. No one — and I sincerely believe this — no one does 
anything by themselves! Over the years the Center has had a talented, dedicated staff. Esther Kelley, 
Eunice Spackman, Jodi Riedesel, Chuck Roundy and Jim Herrold come to mind, among others. When 
we got the Anaconda Collection, the number of people that helped was enormous! I found the collec- 
tion. I orchestrated the effort. 1 found the official in Denver to contact. But Ed Herschler, Stan Hathaway, 
Cliff Hansen, Tom Stroock, Win Hickey, John Simons — who was the major force behind the acquisi- 
tion — and many, many more were involved. 

• W/ri was the official? Mike Bowlin (President of Atlantic Richfield Co., 1995). He 
was being shielded. He was making the decision, and I didn't find that out until a friend of his told me 
on a golf course, (laughter) I mean that's how I found out. All our competitors were dealing with his 
assistants. I told Governor Herschler: "You know, we don't want to do that." And Ed quite agreed. After 
I explained he said, "That makes sense." That didn't take two seconds. 

I've had a lot of support throughout Wyoming. Wyoming has supported this op- 
eration and this archives has state visibility. Can you think of an archive in another state that has this 
kind of state visibility? It doesn't! This does. And it's because of the smalkiess of the state that we were 
allowed to surface. This is a very important part to the growth of this archive. That we were able to get 
bankers, sheepman and cattlemen interested. We had support. I could go into the Stock Growers today 
and get support, or the Wool Growers. This has been very important to the whole success of the opera- 
tion. Again, it's meeting people. It's being able to relate, to sell. I can sit down with the cattleman and 
relate to him, and he senses I don't feel superior to him. And I don't. God knows, I don't feel superior to 
anybody. I don't feel inferior to many, either, (laughter) Go ahead. 

%You were talking about recognizing the significance of what you've done. Oh yes. I got 
off there, but I wanted to be sure I got that point in. Because I don't want this to sound like — which I 
don't really feel it is — a monologue or a Gressley egomania. This archive was developed throvigh a 




Winter ■94-'95 



tremendous amount of support by loads of people, and I always emphasize that. 

•i fed that now what you 're saying is that Gene Gressley is actually a very humble person, 
that it takes all kinds... No, not humble. I'm a point man. 

%Point man? Yes. I pointed the direction. On Anaconda. This state would never 
have obtained the Anaconda Collection if I hadn't known it was there. 

9You're the tiy of the spear? Yes, I'm the tip of the spear. I'm the point man. But boy, 
it takes troops! 

•M'// everybody knows that, Gene. What I'm getting at is that, in a way, 1 sort of believe in 
this "great man theory." Where would tliis archival repository be without Gene Gressley? And I'm not trying to 
get you to brag on yourself No, no. I know what you're saying. 

^Somebody came along in 1956 and said "I'm goium do tliis" and, by god, they went out 
and did it! I think, having been in state government for twenty-odd years, it takes ...there's certain balls of fire, 
there's certain bright lights in the system that cause things to happen. Oh yes, I would buy all of that, Mark. 
I'm not trying to be that modest about it. But what I'm saying is, I had a lot of support or that bright light 
wouldn't have come on. It would have been extinguished. 

9You don 't think that, by hook or by crook, Gene Gressley could have gotten what he wanted 
to get? No. I think, by hook or by crook, if I hadn't had support Gene Gressley couldn't have gotten 
what he got for the University. I really believe that. 

•W/;o (('(7S your biggest supporter? Duke Humphrey? Oh, there were so many sup- 
porters. It would be impossible to name them all and dangerous to name a few, for you are always 
going to risk missing someone, or in this case, many. Of course, the presidents of UW. The ones that 
stand out were Duke Humphrey, Hugh McFadden, Jack Fey and Bill Carlson. Carlson 
"Tfy^n if Hrtwn^ci nn worked awfully hard for the program, traveled with me, and was responsible for a 

number of collections coming to the University. 
me thOt this could b& joe and Arlene Watt— their dedication and philanthropy over the 

Q notionol OrChiVO. " decades has been a major force in the growth of the ARC. Eleanor Chatterton Kennedy, 

who first shared the dream of a new American Heritage Center building back in 1972 
over a delightful lunch at the Denver Club. Win Hickey — without her imaginative, 
persistent leadership in obtaining state matching grant the AHC could not have happened. Clara Toppan 
gave the AHC a priceless rare book collection. It's the foremost hunting and fishing rare book collection 
in the U.S. She also, by the way, gave a handsome endowment to preser\'e the collection. Then there's 
the "Friends of the American Heritage Center," a group organized in 1975 to build the program and a 
new facility. People like C.E. Brimmer, Bob Darrow, Kim Krueger, Thyra Thomson. So many of the 
Friends helped the AHC grow: Cliff Hansen, Stan Hathaway, Teno Roncalio, Larry Woods, Dave True, 
Bill Curry, Wilson Walthall, Lloyd Taggart, Bob McBride — ^just to name a few. 

%\\'hat about Dave Love? Yes, Dave and Jane Love. Dave Love never quits! I mean 
never quits! John and Lynn Simons. Do you know John at all? One of the most decent, honorable men I 
know, just downright decent. Doesn't have a mean bone Ln his body. He couldn't believe there was so 
much politics in the university until he was appointed to a couple of committees. He was just shocked! 

OK, what I was going to say was, about 1966 I realized for the first time that Wyo- 
ming might be able to build the most important archive between Chicago and the Pacific Coast. Up to 
that time we were just going to build a good archive, a good regional archive. Then it dawned on me 
that this could be a national archive. 

%Wliy? It was growing so darn fast, and I began to realize we had the skills to do it. 
I began to be confident that we could go for the major collections in the country and hope to get them. 
The only reason I hadn't tried before was I didn't think we could get them. The last few years we were 
competing with the Library of Congress, the Smithsonian, on and on. One of the first ones was the 
Standard Oil Trust material. I didn't dream we could get that, but after we got it I began to think, "Huh, 
maybe I can retire," as everybody does in their life. I also thought: "Maybe you can take the next step." 
And this is what I did. 

•Do you think that Wyoming — being a place where a person can be a big fish in a little 
po)ui — environmentally was right, or ready, or allowed you to do what you did? Oh sure. That's what I'm 
saying. And nobody ever ridiculed the fact that an archivist had done this. You might ask: "Why would 
they?" Well, why would they feel it was pretty important, either? 

•Ybi/ knexv when you got into this, that people don't generally feel themselves or even 
their fathers to be all that historic, perhaps. They think history and historical significance goes back two hundred 

36 Wyoming Annals 



years to colonial America. You realized that when you were getting into this, didn't i/ou? That i/on were up 
against an attitude? Oh yes, but over the years that attitude's also changed. Quite bluntly, 1 don't have to 
introduce myself anymore. I do, but people know the name. And this is because of thirty-two years of 
letter writing and door-to-door contacts. Personal contacts are crucial! 

9What has been your most embarrassing moment in collecting, do you tliink? Well that 
incident up in Montana was one of them. My most embarrassing moment in collecting ...1 think it was 
...well, I don't know the most embarrassing moment. 

9lust an exauiple. There was a judge in Chicago whose papers I was after 1 realized 
after I wrote to him describing his career that I had described the wrong career! That left me kinda 
gasping! (laughter) It did him, too. He said: "I don't know Gressley, I hope you find the guy you're 
after." (laughter) 

^Somebody told mc one time that you used to go through the New York Times obituaries. 
Not only the New York Times but the Washington Post, L.A. Times. 

9How did you do that? 1 just went through them and looked at the ones I thought 
were interesting or that fit into the areas we were collecting. 

^Somebody told me one time that you actually got the name of a dog. The person turned 
out to be a dog. Is that correct? 1 don't remember, it could have been. But you know, what 1 did more than 
once is write to somebody who was already dead. I remember one because a woman wrote back. I 
should have kept that envelope. I was so embarrassed 1 threw it in the wastebasket immediately. She 
wrote in green ink on the back of it: "Shame, shame, shame!" And she made an exclamation mark! 
Anyhow, I shall never forget that. 1 was so embarrassed because he'd been dead five years and 1 had 
written to him for his papers. 

%Did you feel compelled to xerite another letter of explanation? 1 felt compelled to apolo- 
gize. This is another thing I've always done. You talk about technique. This is one thing 1 always do. 
Always. When somebody turns us down 1 write and thank them for considering us. Because at the next 
cocktail party they will say: "You know, I didn't give John's papers to Wyoming, but maybe I should 
have. They were gracious and wrote and thanked me for even thinking of them. But it was nice to get a 
letter of appreciation." I've always done that. It's almost like an insurance salesman, I suppose. You 
always want to leave these people as friends. Now this whole ethos I'm sketching for you, of Gressley's 
personality and approach, is something the University would never let pass, (laughter) Well, let's men- 
tion the major mistake 1 made. The major mistake 1 made in the development of my career was not 
getting the University faculty to back this program. 

•Do you thi)ik, speaking of your critics, that there is a feeling on their part that your 
success, in a way, is a reflection of their fadure? Yes. And I think that's true with everybody. It's not only in 
the archival world. Anyplace. Business. Everywhere else. I know faculty members around here and I'm 
not going to name them — you know them, too — that have never done anything in their life. And I think 
really they feel very guilty at age fifty. I used to tell my kids this. I said, "1 don't want to wake up at fifty 
and wonder what I've done with my life. 1 want to wake up at fifty and say: "It's been a good race." If I 
drop over dead tomorrow I gave it my all. But as far as I'm concerned it's sure as hell not ended, either. 
Because the minute you say that, it is ended. 

•W//1/ did)i't you take the time to go out and cidtivate the neces- 
sary... OK, I will tell you the assumption that I made which I think was a major 
mistake. I thought it was hopeless. I remember talking to Jim Ranz — I don't re- 
member the date but '62 -'63, somewhere in that period — and complaining that we 
were gathering a lot of material nobody was using. He said: "Gene that will change. 
You just get the material." And that's another belief you have to have, that eventu- 
ally this material will be used. It may not be used this century even, but it will be 
used the next century. He was smarter than I was in that. He said: "Don't worry 
about the fact that they don't want to use it. It will get used." We've got a mining 
collection second to none. 

For years we were the "farm club," as I used to call it, of the 
University of Illinois. There's a mining historian there by the name of Clark Spence. 
He sent out all his graduate students to do their dissertations in our collections. We 
have yet to get a twentieth century economic historian in the (UW) History Depart- 
ment. Now that is crazy! When we've got the archival resources we've got? That 
doesn't make any sense. 




Winter ■94-'95 



37 




•/ don't know zohetlier i/ou want to talk about this or }iot but the 
two biggest criticisms that I've read about in the paper, and that I've heard from otJier 
people, are: number one, Gressley collects, collects, collects and never sorts and cata- 
logues or doesn't do it adequately; and the other is that Gressley is more interested in 
obtaining tax breaks for individuals than he is in... I can answer those. Doesn't even 
bother me. I have heard them so much. First of all, Gressley does collect and 
collect, but as far as organizing is concerned and making it available, you can 
have the finest inventories — even computerization of collections — and you v^on't 
get people interested in doing research in them unless they're interested in do- 
ing research. It's that simple. The other thing about the processing side: it's very 
simple to solve that problem. You give Gressley enough people and he'll get 
those things catalogued. Our acquisitions always outran our processing svip- 
port. It takes a lot fewer people to get collections than it does to process them. 
And it's very simple to do it. 

• W//1/, if you knew that, didn't you try to get that support? I 
tried. Our staff grew to twenty people, but they would never give us profes- 
sional archivists. And twenty people is not enough to catalogue that collection 
and keep up. You see, we did make inventories for about 9500 out of 13,000 collections. That's a lot. But 
we didn't do them as well as we should have done them. We ciidn't keep up with the inflow because we 
didn't have the staff. But I kept trying to increase the number of staff. You ought to see the letters to 
Elliot Hayes, Jim Ranz, Duke and other administrators for thirty years, pleading for staff. We did get 
increases. After all, when I arrived here in 1956 there was one person beside myself. 

9You've got a great structure of support out there inside the state and without. Why couldn 't 
you have tapiped into that structure of support saying, "Look, I love getting this stuff but I gotta have some help to 
sort and catalog?" I was always interested in the hunt more than I was in processing, in all justice. I had 
to be. We had an empty archive! And what interests me is, it's like any fight: how little people change! I 
mean, they're with you or they're against you, and from year to year they're with you or they're against 
you. The same people that were with me ten years ago are still with me. The same people that were my 
enemies ten years ago are still my enemies. It's amazing how codified, polarized this gets. It really is 
amazing. 

9What about the ta.x isstie? The tax issue is a phony one. First of all, I have never 
given a formal appraisal in my life! Now, everybody says, "Oh nonsense!" What I have done is say: "In 

my opinion the following collection should be valued at ." That is an opinion. I'm not endangering 

the University and I'm not endangering myself. If I were doing something illegal I would have been in 
jail. That's why I say the tax thing is purely a red herring. 

9They'd be do'ioii your throat. They'd be down my throat. I have had twelve or thir- 
teen IRS contests out of 12,000, 13,000 collections. And they weren't after me or the University. You don't 
put yourself or your university in a position where you can get attacked. 

•/s what hurts the fact that the university that you're working for, and have worked 32 
years so Iiard for, has sort of rejected its oum baby? You know, you aren't going to believe this Mark. What 
really hurts is that I can't go ahead and do it. It isn't the fact that they're rejecting that archive, because 
they can't do away with that archive. That's there. And this too will pass, and in ten or fifteen years that 
archive will still be sitting there. It's the fact that they're losing the opportunity of increasing the wealth 
of that archive for this university and Wyoming. That's what hurts. And my own enjoyment of collect- 
ing. I love collecting. I've been offered collections that no one here accepts. So we are losing, week after 
week, material that we should have, that I've worked on hard to get to come here. Now, some of the 
donors have died, and it's in their wills, or whatever. What I don't expect you to believe, Mark, which is 
really true, is that I don't get very emotional about that archive being my personal baby. What I get 
emotional about is not being allowed to be in the process, not to be able to add to it. That's what hacks 
me off! Because we're missing opportunity after opportunity. And that's the nature of the hunter, the 
collector. Wyoming is simply losing out! 

• Do you think that you will be justified in the end? Oh, sure. You see, this is another 
reason I'm not down. Because — and this is going to sound like an egotist — basically I know I'm right. I 
am so confident that I'm right. I know what I've done and haven't done! Sure, I've done some things 
that embarrass me. It isn't any more than the faculty, or the president or anybody else has done. We all 
have things in our past we'd just as soon forget, (laughter) Everybody does. If you haven't then there's 

3^ Wyoming Annals 



something wrong. You aren't human. 

9Not inc. Yes. (laughter) Well, I've talked an awful lot. If you want more you can 
get more from me. Wait till you digest all this, (laughter) 

^You've been really open on this, and I can promise yon I'm not going to use anytliing here 
to discredit yon. Oh, I know. But I'm not so much interested in you discrediting me. I don't worry much 
about that. I'd just as soon you wouldn't tell some of it. 

•/ suppose that as you went out and collected, all sorts of tilings were 
revealed unto you that you never planned. You might have thought, "Oh my god! I never 
realized all oftliis was out liere!" Well, one of tire things that 1 realize after talking to people 
like Larry Birlejfi, you, and a few others is that there's sonw issues in this state that are really 
important. And I'd love to get at the heart of them. Bohbi Birleffi's interested in doing some- 
thing on the "Black 14. " Noze that ivas a significant event in the history of Wyoming, whether 
or not it's just related to sports. But there's so much out there. I think this crisis with you and 
the University has been pretty well-publicized. I'd like to get iiito that more. But the more I 
get into it, the more responsibUiti/ 1 have to assuuu\ The "Black 14" I think you could 
investigate now. But this is a little raw because we're right in it. Maybe ten years 
from now or five years from now you could take ten issues in contemporary Wyo- 
ming history or ten turning points in Wyoming history and do those. I'm not saying 
this is one of them. For instance, there's been a tremendous metamorphosis in the 
livestock industry since I arrived in this state. Tremendous! I mean that way of life 
has changed. You could do something on that. The role of the Stock Growers, frankly, is going down and 
has gone down. Because other interests are coming in and competing. But the whole transformation of 
that industry is worth getting out to the public. The water situation in this state is a very dynamic one that 
needs to be investigated. 

9That's another thing that you've probably come across that could be loritten on from now 
to eternity, and you've got all the raw material over there. It's amazing. I 'want to ask you this question. You're a 
historian. A hundred years fivm now, what's this collection going to be like and what's it goitig to be worth? Not 
in terms of money, necessarily, although I'd be interested in that. But, say Gene Gressley could conw back here one 
Innulred years from nmo. God grants him this favor and says: "Gene, here i/ou are, it's iio~ii' the year... " That's 
awfully hard to say. I just think it'll be one of the priceless collections in America. Because we have 
collected things that nobody else will have. And you never know what's worthwhile. It's the old story 
of one man's dessert is another man's poison. My perfect example of this is — this happened in just the 
last two years — we acquired an enormous collection of mine machinery blueprints. 

%The Anaconda Collection? No, this was before that. Blueprints 
of nineteenth and twentieth century mining machinery from the Gould Company 
in California. It was sent to me almost under protest. I didn't say I didn't want it, but 
what are we going to do with this ton of material? It was full of junk, rat filings, etc. 
Geez, I looked at that and have to admit I was not very excited about it. Several 
years later the wife of a mining engineer on our faculty, Ruth Gardner, was writing 
all over this country to find out where the Gould records were and discovered that 
they were sitting over here in our archives. I got a big bang out of that. 

There was a professor giving a talk on Clementine Churchill. 
Margaret Ankeny. I don't know if you've ever heard of her or not. Professor here at 
the College of Education. I wrote: "Dear Margaret, up in the archives in the safe 
there's three hundred letters of Clementine Churchill. I doubt that they'll give them 
to you to show." "But" I said, "I bet they'll Xerox off a a few copies of them." Here is 
Clementine Churchill sitting in Laramie, Wyoming. Why? Because Lewis Einstein, 
whose collection we have, was a great friend of Clementine's and they wrote back 
and forth. What's this collection going to be worth one hundred years from now? I 
have no idea. I think it's worth — just being conservative — thirty or forty million 
today. What it will be worth then I don't know. 

%Tliat much? Oh yes, easily. Well, the Anaconda Collection's ten (million). Its ap- 
praised at ten. But not by me! 

%I'vegot to get this on tape and then we'll go. There's a conflict in my mind about this. You 
know as well as I do that a lot of people you collect from, or a lot of people out there hi the -world — let's put it that 
way — don't understand the value of the history we have. Sure. 



"...we have collected 

things that nobody 

else will have. And 

you never know 

what's worthwhile. It's 

the old story of one 

man's dessert Is 

another man's 

poison. " 




Winter ■94-'95 



39 



•/\// right, so one hundred years from lurw you've got nil this stuff. Gressley's probably 
telling liiiuself: "Someday this is going to be really valuable. " Is that true? Will it really be valuable to anybody? 
And for what reason ? Well, of course, you don't know what kind of society or intellectual interests you're 
going to have one hundred years from now. Maybe we won't have a society that's interested in the past 
at all. If that's true, then of course this collection is worthless. But if we do have a society that is inter- 
ested, yes, it's going to be very valuable. 

9 As a research tool? As a research tool. Because we have done something very few 
archives in the United States have done. We have collected the twentieth century. 

%Venri^\ni. Anything else? Or should we get out of here? Why don't we get out? 





Mark Junge has been 
EDITOR OF Wyom;//fi Annah 
SINCE 1992. He has worked 

FOR ONE STATE AGENCY OR AN- 
OTHER EVER SINCE HE AND HIS 
WIFE, ArDATH, ARRIVED IN 

Wyoming in 1967 with their 

SON, Andy. Another son, Dan, was 

BORN in Sheridan in 1969. This issue 

OF Annah IS HIS LAST BECAUSE HE WILL 
be retiring from STATE GOVERNMENT 

this fall. 

While in the employ of state 
government juncie has authored 
THREE BOOKS: Wyiimmg: A Gnidi' to His- 
torii Sites (Basin, Wyoming: Big Horn 
Book Co., icij6y,J.E. Stimson: Photogra- 
pher of the West (Lincoln: University 
of Nebraska Press, 1985); and Wyo- 
ming: A Pictorial History (NORFOLK, VIR- 
GINIA: Donning Co., 1989). Cur- 
rently HE is completing A Wyoming 

Album, A BOOK FEATURING PHOTO- 
GRAPHS AND INTERVIEWS OF THE 
state's CITIZENS. 




All photos, except 

pp. 22-23, 27 taken by 

Craig Pindell, 1995. 



40 



Wyoming Annals 



Hard Traveling 

A Portrait of Work Life 
in the New Northwest 

Carlos A. Schwantes 

The nearly two hundred rare and 
dramatic photographs in Hard 
Traveling depict life at work in 
Oregon, Washington, Idaho, and 
Montana in the late nineteenth 
and early twentieth centuries. 
The author's essays and commen 
tary on the photographs 
demonstrate that, from the 
beginning of U.S. control, wage 
labor was crucial to integrating 
the Pacific Northwest into 
national and international 
networks of trade, commerce, 
and industry. 
$45 cloth 

A Conspiracy 
of Optimism 

Management of 
the National 
Forests since 
World War Two 

Paul W. Hirt 

A Conspiracy of Optimism 
describes the unprecedented 
controversy now raging over the 
U.S. Forest Service's management 
of America's national forests. 
Focusing on the ideas of 
"sustained yield," "multiple use," 
and "intensive management," 
Paul W. Hirt describes how the 
first two of these ideas represent 
the admirable objertives of 
achieving balance and 
sustainability in the management 
of our publicly owned forest 
lands. 
$40 cloth - • 



The Mountainous 
West 

Explorations in 
Historical Geography 

Edited by William K. Wyckoff 
and Lary M. Dilsaver 

This volume focuses on the green 
islands of the Mountainous West 
that have witnessed patterns of 
settlement and development 
distinct from their lowland 
neighbors.The focus ranges from 
California's Sierra Nevada to the 
Rocky Mountains of Colorado, 
Utah, and Montana. 
$25 paper 




Fur Traders, 
Trappers, and 
Mountain Men of 
the Upper Missouri 

Edited by LeRoy R. Hafen 
Introduction by Scott Eckberg 

Fur Traders, Trappers, and 
Mountain Men of the Upper 
Missouri focuses on eighteen men 
who represented the American 
Fur Company and its successors 
in the Upper Missouri trade. 
$8.95 paper 



An Unspeakable 
Sadness 

The Dispossession 
of the Nebraska 
Indians 

David J. Wishart 



Working from primary 
documents, and 
including American 
Indian voices, David I. 
Wishart tells the story of the 
dispossession process as it 
affected the Nebraska Indians — 
Otoe-Missouria, Ponca, Omaha, 
and Pawnee — over the course of 
the nineteenth century. 
$50 cloth 

Lone Wolf V. 
Hitchcock 

Treaty Rights and Indian 
Law at the End of the 
Nineteenth Century 

Blue Clark 

The importance of the Lone Wolf 
case of 1903 resides in its 
enunciation of the "plenary 
power" doctrine — that the 
United States could unilaterally 
act in violation of its own treaties 
and that Congress could dispose 
of land recognized by treaty as 
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As he recounts the Lone Wolf 
case, Clark reaches beyond the 
legal decision to describe the 
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struggles to cope 
with Euro- 
American 
pressure. 
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Winner of the Ray Allen 
Billington Prize awarded by the 
Organization of American 
Historians 

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The United States 
Government and the 
American Indians 

(Unabridged Volumes 1 and 2 

combined) 

Francis Paul Prucha 

"The author's detailed analysis of 
two centuries of federal policy 
makes The Great Lather indis- 
pensable reading for anyone 
interested in understanding the 
complexities of American Indian 
policy. " — Journal of American 
Llistory 
$50 paper 




^w; 



Available at bookstores. University of Nebraska Press publishers of Bison Books 312N 14- Lincoln NE 68588 • 800-755-1105 



cows 

All 




Wyoming Annals 



\ 



The bison of Yellowstone National 
Park today number approxi- 
mately 4200 animals.' They are a 
nationally-recognized resource in 
an international biosphere area that de- 
pend upon the wellness and wholeness 
of the entire Greater Yellowstone Eco- 
system (GYE) for their health.- In recent 
years, as they learned to use groomed 
snowmobile roads for walking routes 
out of the park in winter, more and more 
bison have migrated from Yellowstone 
via the west entrance. At the north en- 
trance some bison have left, and still 
routinely leave, Yellowstone in winter 
by following the often snowless Yellow- 
stone River valley, a migration that has 
probably occurred in some fashion for 
hundreds if not thousands of years.' 

Because some Yellowstone bison 
carry brucellosis, a disease which can 
cause the calves of domestic cattle to 
abort, Montana stockmen are immedi- 
ately concerned whenever bison leave 
Yellowstone Park.^ The state of Mon- 
tana regulates the migration by shoot- 
ing stray animals. This causes contro- 
versy when animal rights groups and 
other interested persons complain to the 
media or physically disrupt the 
shootings. Animal rights people and 
others concerned about bison ask: 

Why should a magnificent ivihi 
and free animal that is an important 
part of America's historical landscape 
be killed simply to protect domestic 
cattle herds of a special-interest indus- 
try that may have given the disease to 
the bison in the first place? 



On the other hand, others ask: If only 
individual bison are involved, why not pro- 
tect cattle from brucellosis? At times the 
controversy has become heated and an- 
gry, and physical confrontations have 
occurred.' 

Yellowstone bison are very much in 
the public eye. And for that reason the 
origins of their brucellosis are of great 
interest to park managers, area residents, 
Wyoniingites, Montanans and an entire 
nation concerned with protecting the in- 
tegrity of the world's first nahonal park. 

The importance of history in scien- 
tific investigations cannot be overem- 
phasized. All too often scientists do not 
utilize historians to help them form con- 
clusions. If they believe their projects 
are the first such ever done, the history 
of the subject can be ignored. Con- 
versely, when writing about a scientific 
subject, historians must utilize the exper- 
tise of scientists in order to thoroughly 
understand their subjects. Reciprocity is 
desirable in a world that increasingly re- 
quires cross-disciplinary thinking. 

Knowing the historic origins of 
brucellosis in Yellowstone bison has 
ramifications for park managers and 
everyone interested in protecting 
Yellowstone. Cattlemen may be more 
sympathetic to the problems of park 
managers and may not be so quick to 
yell "Foul!" when bison leave the park 
if they know that cattle may have initi- 
ated the problem. On the other hand, 
park managers may be more likely to 
manage bison herds by vaccinating and 
treating them for the disease if they 



^OR THE Transmission of 

TONE Bison by Domestic Cattle 







know that the disease was introduced 
by man rather than having occurred 
naturally. National Park Service man- 
agement practice allows for some ma- 
nipulation of ecosystems to compensate 
for problems caused by man. Finally, 
an aware public may become more sym- 
pathetic to the complexity of the 
Yellowstone bison situation and thus 
give stronger support to the National 
Park Service in its drive to preserve the 
nation's only wild buffalo herd surviv- 
ing from ancient times. 

No one knows positively how 
brucellosis got into the Yellowstone bi- 
son herd. It may have occurred natu- 
rally or it may have been introduced at 
some time through unknown processes. 
Whether or not the disease is native is a 
matter for scientists to debate and re- 



1. While it IS not technically correct to call bison 
"buttalo" it is accepted, the same as it is acceptable to 
call Native Americans "Indians." A major reference 
work by F.G. Roe is entitled The North Ameriam Buffalo 
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970). 

2. In turn, it is necessary for the GYE to be healthy in 
order for park bison to make their biological contribu- 
tions to its continued well being, a "Catch-22" situation. 
The GYE is an undefined area that includes the 3,472 
square miles of Yellowstone National Park and ap- 
proximately 8,500 square miles of surrounding national 
forests in one of the nation's largest, relatively intact 
wilderness ecosystems. For discussions on the GYE 
boundaries see Tim W. Clark and Steven C. Minta, 
Greater Yellowstone's Future: Prospects for Ecosystem Sci- 
ence. Maimi^emeiit, ami Polici/ (Moose, Wyoming: Home- 
stead Publishing, l'^94), or the more conservative John 
A. Baden and Donald Leal, eds.. The Yellon'stonc Primer: 
Laud ami Resource Manas^emeut in the Greater Yellowstone --^j 
Ecosi/stem (San Francisco: Pacific Research Institute for 
Public Policy, 1994). 

3. That bison have occupied Yellowstone Park since 
at least the last ice age is apparent from archaeological 
and paleontological studies. See Mary Meagher, The 
Bison of Yellowstone National Park (Washington: Na- 
tional Park Service, 1 ^73), pp. 1 3-25,70-71 . See E. Hadiey, 
"Late Holocene Mammalian Fauna of Lamar Cave...," 
M.S. thesis. Northern Arizona University, 1990; and 
Meagher, "Winter Recreation-Induced Changes in Bi- 
son Numbers and Distribution in Yellowstone National 
Park", unpublished manuscript, March, 1993, YNP Li- 
brary, Mammoth. 

That bison occupied the Park from 1830 to 1881 is ^ 
definite according to recent records. See Paul Schullery 
and Lee Whittlesey, "The Documentary Record of 
Wolves and Related Wildlife Species in the Yellowstone 
National Park Area Prior to 1882", in V^olves for 
Yellowstone?: A Report to the United States Congress, vol. 
IV {Yellowstone: YNP Research Division, 1992), passim '^ 
andp.1-153. 1 

4. Also called undulant fever or Bang's disease when 
it occurs in humans. Sophisticated dairy methods now 
make transmission to humans relati\ely rare. There 
were about ninety human cases in the United States in 
1993 through direct contact. Dr. Mary Meagher, Speech 
to Members of Division of Interpretation at Mammoth Hot 
Springs, YCC Camp. 4 June 1994, Yellowstone National 
Park, Wyoming. 

5. The best summary and discussion of the history 
and the law of this controversy are in Robert B. Keiter 
and Peter H. Froelicher, " Bison, Brucellosis, and Law in 
the Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem," (University of 
Wyoming) Landatid Water LawReiuew , 28, no,l (1993):1- 
75. 



Winter '94-9^ 



43 



solve. But there may be an historical 
explanation. Many experts are begin- 
ning to lean toward the theory that the 
disease was introduced. One possibil- 
ity is the intermingling of park bison 
with infected domestic cattle. Domes- 
tic cattle can transmit brucellosis to bi- 
son just as the reverse can occur by di- 
rect contact of cattle with aborted bison 
calves or afterbirth, cattle nursing on 
bison milk or feeding on contaminated 
pasture, or by cattle licking the repro- 
ductive organs of an infected bison. It 
is even possible that elk just south of 
Yellowstone in Jackson Hole contracted 
brucellosis from cattle.'' Even if the dis- 
ease acts slightly differently in bison 
than it does in cattle, even if abortions 
in bison may be shown to be rare in the 
wild, the possibility exists that contact 
occurred sometime, someplace on the 
Yellowstone Plateau and that the disease 
was thus transmitted from domestic 
cattle to Yellowstone bison.^ 

For a long time there was disagree- 
ment among authorities concerning 
whether or not Yellowstone bison, and 
bison in general, could have contracted 
brucellosis from domestic cattle. But 
now several authorities that were for- 
merly in disagreement are on the same 
side. Dr. Mark Johnson, Park wildlife 
research veterinarian, considers the link 
between cattle and Yellowstone 
brucellosis "likely if not probable."" Dr. 
Donald Ferlicka, formerly of the Mon- 
tana Department of Livestock, although 
believing that Yellowstone bison were 
infected by park importation of outside 
buffalo around 1902, also believes that 
Great Plains bison were infected by do- 
mestic cattle." In recent months Drs. 
Mary Meagher and Margaret Meyer, 
nationally known experts on Yellow- 
stone bison, have adopted the domestic 
cattle theory after fierce debate with 
other biologists. For awhile Meagher 
considered the connection 
between domestic cattle 
and brucellosis in 
Yellowstone to have 
been unlikely because of 
park geography, bison be- 
havior and organism be- 
havior, but she has 
changed her mind.'" 

Although brucellosis was 
not reported in Yellowstone 




10 20 30 
Miles 



Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem, from Greater Yellowstone's Future: Prospects for 
Ecosystem Science. Management, and Policy (Moose, Wyoming: Homestead 
Publishing Compcmy. 1994), p. 1 5. Photo by Mark Junge: Bison crossing Swan Lake 
Flats, Yellowstone National Park. 1994. 




National Park until 1917, some bison bi- 
ologists believe the disease could have 
been present in the Park herd prior to 
that date." Dr. Don Davis of Texas A & 
M University believes that the organism 
could have been latent or unknown for 
many years before 1917. Davis avers 
that prior to the American brucellosis 
eradication programs of the 1930s, at 

6. Margaret E. Meyer, "Brucella Abortus in the 
Yellowstone National Park Bison 
Herd", unpublished report to De- 
partment of Interior, 1 8 March 1 9*^2, 
p.l, YNP Library; author's inter- 
view with Dr. Mark Johnson, Wild- 
life Veterinarian, YNP, Wyoming, 
18 February 1992. 

7. Mary Meagher and Marga- 
ret E. Meyer, "On the Origin of 
Brucellosis in Bison of Yellowstone 
National Park: A Review", unpub- 
ished manuscript, Y'NP, Wvoming, 
n.d. [1994], p. 11. The final version of 
this article is published under the 
^j same title in Conservntion Biologi/ 
:y 8:645-653, September, 1994. 



least forty per cent of all American do- 
mestic cattle had brucellosis, indicating 
that the chances of GYE cattle hax'ing 
had the disease in early days were 
high.'- Dr. Donald Ferlicka notes that 

8. Johnson inter\-iew, 18 February 1992. 

9. Dr. Donald Ferlicka, State Veterinarian, Montana 
Department of Li\estock, Helena, Montana, letter to 
author, 26 May 1992. 

10. Meagher and Meyer, "On the origin...," unpub- 
lished draft [1994], p. 18; Scott McHillion, "Butting Heads 
0\er Brucellosis", Bozemtvi Daily Chronuic, 28 April 
1992, p. 11. When I finished this article in August, 1992 
Dr. Meagher told me that she disagreed vehemently 
with the idea that Y'ellowstone bison could ha\'e con- 
tracted brucellosis from domestic cattle and that I was 
completelv on the wrong track. So 1 held the article for 
a year. But Dr. Meagher's new paper, produced in the 
interim and cited abo\'e, indicates that she has changed 
her mind and has upgraded cattle contacts to first place 
in the list of possibilities for transmission of brucellosis. 
However, she provides little documentation on park 
conditions that accommodated transmission of the dis- 
ease. That is the purpose of this article. 

11. J.R. Mohler, as cited in Margaret Meyer, "Bru- 
cella Abortus...," p. 19 . 

12. Author's telephone con\'ersation with Dr. Don 
Davis, Texas A & M University, 11 May 1992. 



Wyoming Annals 



the disease "could well have and prob- 
ably did go 'unnoticed' for quite some 
time in Yellowstone."''' 

A key scientist agrees. Dr. Winthrop 
C. Ray is a brucellosis epidemiologist in 
Charlottesville, Virginia, and the re- 
searcher who, according to his peers, has 
done the most in tracing the history and 
origins of the disease. Dr. Ray says 
brucellosis was imported by domestic 
cattle from Europe into the Mississippi 
Valley about the time of the Civil War. 
He does not think the disease spread 
west before 1900 although he empha- 
sizes that no one is sure of this. Dakota 
veterinarians mentioned it during the 
period 1903-1912 and, most significant 
for Yellowstone, bulletins and reports 
from Montana Experiment Stations 
mentioned it about 1903.''' 

I A w hile it cannot be proven by 

w\/ s'^is'^'^^ or history that 
* w transmission of brucellosis 
to Yellowstone bison occurred through 
contact with cattle, the historic environ- 
ment for that possibility can be docu- 
mented. It is possible and even likely 
that there were individuals or small 
groups of Yellowstone bison which wan- 
dered west or north of the park to be- 
come infected by cattle and which then 
returned to transmit the disease to other 
Yellowstone bison.''' The possibility of 
that very thing occurring inside the park 
is even greater, especially considering 
the period of time in which park bison 
were not observed by humans."' 

The history of domestic cattle in the 
Yellowstone country is fragmentary.''' 



13. Letter to author from Dr. Donald Ferlicka, State 
Veterinarian, Montana Department of Livestock, Hel- 
ena, Montana, 26 May W92. Ferlicka's claim that the 
disease was not identified in the U.S. until 1897 has 
apparently been modified by Dr. Winthrop Ray's re- 
search. 

14. Author's telephone conversation with Dr. 
Winthrop C. Ray, Charlottesville, Virginia, March, 1994. 
The results of Dr. Ray's research will soon be published. 
His comments square with, and expand upon, those of 
Keiter and Froelicher, "Bison, Brucellosis, and Law," 
footnote #125, p.21. 

15. The chances of bison having wandered east or 
south are much less likely because the Absaroka Moun- 
tains on the east and Big Game Ridge on the south 
provided natural barriers. Also, there were far fewer 
ranches in those areas until later. A slightly greater 
chance of bison-cattle contacts existed to the southwest 
where park bison could conceivably have ranged onto 
the Idaho ranches of Mormon settlers, but even there 
the distances are greater than to ranches north or west 
of the Park. 

1 6. A recent bison history for Yellowstone is Schullery 
and Whittlesey, "Documentary Record," see pp. 
51,71,90,124,171,176,211-212,250. 



There were cattle in the 
Greater Yellowstone Ecosys- 
tem as early as 1869. Thus, 
if domestic cattle were re- 
sponsible for brucellosis 
transmission, conditions for 
it were in place from earliest 
days. The Bottler brothers- 
Frederick, Phillip, and 
Henry-settled in Paradise 
Valley, Montana, in 1868. 
They set up a hay, cattle and 
dairy ranch almost immedi- 
ately. In September, 1869, 
David Folsom's party saw 
cattle there. According to 
Folsom a dozen head of 
cattle had free access to a 
stack of wheat on the pre- 
mises. The Earl of Dun- 
raven, a hunter who passed 
through in 1874, noted that 
the Bottler dairy was in op- 
eration when he visited the 
place. The following year 
General W.E. Strong, on his 
way to the Park, also re- 
corded seeing cattle on the 
Bottler ranch. "^ These were 
probably the first cattle in 
Paradise Valley but others 
would quickly follow. 

There are two possible 
scenarios for the spread of 
brucellosis involving cattle: 
1) infected, free-ranging 



17. See Kenneth N. and Sally Owens, 
"Buffalo and Bacteria," Montana Maga- 
zine of Western History 37 (Spring, 
1987):65-67, who use the Yellowstone 
bison situation as a springboard for dis- 
cussion of diseases in bison and cattle in 
nineteenth century America, However, 
they do not document specific instances 
in which these two animals could have 
encountered each other in the Greater 
Yellowstone Ecosystem. 

18- William H. Jackson, The Pioneer 
Pliotographer (New York: World Book 
Company, 1929), p. 106. A biography of 
Frederick Bottler appears in Progressive 
Men of the State of Montana (Chicago: A.W. Bowen and 
Company, n.d.), p. 542. See also W.H. Jackson, Deserip^- 
tive Catalogue of the Photograplis of the United States Geo- 
logical Survey of the Territories for the Years 1S69 to 1S75, 
Inclusive. (Washington: GPO, 1875), 1871 series, photo 
caption #203, p. 24. The Folsom account is in Aubrey L. 
Haines, ed.. Valley of the Upper Yellowstone (Norman: 
University of Oklahoma Press, 1965), p. 15. The Earl of 
Dunraven's account is in hisTlie Great Divide... (Lincoln: 
University of Nebraska Press, 1967), p. 347. General 
Strong's account is in Richard A. Bartlett, ed., A Trip to 
the Yellowstone National Park m July. August, and Septem- 
ber, 1S75 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1 968), 
p. 33. He says: "We saw in the fields adjoining the house 
a large number of horses and cattle, many of them fine 
animals." 




Buffalo Riiiuh. Lciniar Valley. ca.l')2Saml 192^. Sam 

Woodring, photographer. All three photos; 

Yellowstone National Park Museum Collection. 



Winter ■94-'95 



45 



cattle could have contacted wild bison, 
or 2) captured bison placed with in- 
fected cattle could have returned to the 
wild taking the disease with them to 
other bison. Tlie Bottler brothers cap- 
tured bison and commingled 
them with their cattle herds by P""* 
1875. Captain William E. 
Ludlow and a military party 
which included scientist George 
Bird Grinnell arrived at Bottler's 
in August of that year, and both 
men stated that bison were 
mingled with Bottler cattle. 
Ludlow noted: "Bottler's Ranch 
was reached at 5 PM, and very 
good meals and lodging ob- 
tained. We observed a small 
herd of cattle near by, with 
which three young buffalo were 
apparently domesticated."'" 
Grinnell corroborated Ludlow: 
"Near Bottler's we saw young 
buffalo feeding with the 
cattle."-" But the most dramatic 
proof of bison commingling 
with cattle at Bottler Ranch is in 
photographer John Pouch's 
1876-78 catalogue. Photo num- 
ber forty-four is captioned, 
"Half Breed Buffalo at Bottler's 
Ranch, Montana Territory, " in- 
dicating that actual breeding be- 
tween bison and domestic cattle 
had occurred in the late 1870s. This was 
definitely close contact, close enough to 
spread brucellosis if the disease was 
present in the cattle.-' 

Another cattle ranch in Yellowstone 
country was that of F.D. Pease. In No- 
vember, 1870 Pease was appointed In- 
dian agent at Crow Agency near 
Livingston, Montana. He found cattle 
already a part of the scene. Arriving at 



19. William Ludlow, Report of a Reavvwissnnce from 
Carroll, Montana Tcrritoi-y, on the Upper Missoitri lo the 
Yellowstone National Park and Return, Made in the Summer 
of 1875 by William Ludlow. (Washington; GPO, 1876), 
p.31. While science has not definitively answered the 
question of whether or not brucellosis can be transmit- 
ted from wildlife to cattle in the wild, it is interesting to 
note that the only confirmed case of brucellosis trans- 
mission from bison to cattle outside of a rigidly con- 
trolled setting occurred on a ranch where domestic 
bison were being raised with cattle. Keiter and Froelicher, 
"Bison, Brucellosis, and Law," footnote #179, p.28. 

20. Grinnell in John F. Reiger, ed.. The Passing of tlie 
Great West: Selected Papers of George Bird Grinnell 
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1985), p. 117. 

21. James S. Brust, "John H. Fouch, First Post Pho- 
tographer at Fort Keogh," Montana Magazine of Western 
History 44 (Spring, 1994): 10. No copies of this photo are 
known to be extant. 



46 





.. Si Alt Museum 



Bottler's Ranch (Montana), 1871. Wm. H. Jackson. Inset.- William Ludlow (1843-1901). n.d. 



the primitive agency on the north end 
of what was to become the Greater 
Yellowstone Ecosystem, Pease found 
nine head of oxen, one cow, one horse, 
and one pair of mules.-- Sometime 
shortly after that. Pease appears either 
to have greatly increased the stock at the 
agency or to have started his own ranch 
at the north end of Paradise Valley. Dr. 
A.C. Peale stopped at the ranch in 1872 
with some of the Hayden survey party 
to Yellowstone Park and saw buffalo 
commingled with Pease's cattle. Peale 
noted on September 30, after traveling 
north from Bottler's: "We are near 
Pease's ranch not far from the 
[Yellowstone] river... There are 5 elk, a 
moose and some buffalo there also."-'' A 
couple of days later Peale stated: "I 
stopped at the ranche [sic ...Pease's] this 



22. Merrill G. Burlingame, The Montana Frontier 
(Bozeman: Big Sky Books, 1980), pp. 182-183. 

23. A.C. Peale, 1872 Diary, typescript at University 
of Wyoming, July 21 October 24, 1872, p.53. 



morning. ..They have five young elk, a 
young moose and 4 buffalo calves at the 
ranche [sic]. We saw the elk and the 
moose there and the buffalo on the road. 
The latter are ugly and are allowed to 
run with the cows."-'' This indicates 
some freedom of movement by the bi- 
son in and out of the cattle ranch and 
introduces us to the possibility that 
brucellosis, if it existed in Pease's cattle, 
could have been transmitted to the bi- 
son which, in their fundamentally no- 
madic character, could have carried the 
disease back to the wild." 

William H. Jackson, the Hayden Sur- 
vey photographer, documented bison 
with cattle at the Pease Ranch, noting: 
"large droves of cattle are herded here." 
He took photographs of four young buf- 
falo calves at the ranch, noting that the 
bison had been captured in Yellowstone 

24. Ibid., p. 54. 

25. Dr. Mary Meagher, Speech to Members..., 4 June 
1994, YNP. 

Wyoming Annals 





-y'^ 



s, 



irP 



ouvenir rrogram 

ror tne 

Centennial Birtnclay Party 

Wyoming State Museum 

^3 ^;(*' p 



CeleDrating 100 Years or History 
on FeDruary 16^ 1995 



j^^ 



M 



iiis 



Is: 




John Wesley Hoyt, Territorial Governor, Art Collection 



SOm^NIR PROGI^AM 

FOR THE 

CEiYTENNIAL BIRTHDAY PART\^ OF THE 

W^'OMLNG STATE MUSEUM 



Jotin A. Campbell's Civil 
War uniform and saber 





Statenood 



Territorial Era ^^ 1871 - 1888 

1871 - Tlie Territorial Legislature established a 
Territorial library and cabinet (museum), 
providing for the care and custody of books, 
maps, papers, objects, engra\'ings, paintings, 
natural history specimens and 
other things rele\ant to the 
history of the TerritoPi'. "Cabinet"" 
is an early term for a persona 
collection or museum; many 
nineteenth century collectors had 
"cabinets of cm-iosities,"" the 
source for many early museums 
in Europe and iVmerica. 



1882 - The Territorial Cabinet 
(Territorial Museum) was mo\ed 
into the newly built Cheyenne 
Opera House. It is not Ivnown 
where the collections were housed 
before this date. Reflecting this 
era are objects relat- 
ed to .John A. (Camp- 
bell, first Territorial 
Governor of Wyom- 
ing who sen'ed from 
1869 - 1875. 

— ~~^ _ - --& 



Basket, Frank L Lusk Collection 



The First \\Voming State Legislature continued 
the Territorial library and cabinet. The Territorial 
Cabinet was moved from the Cheyenne Opera 
House to the newly completed Capitol Building in 
ISSS. Representing the celebration of Wyoming's 
entrance into the LTnion as the 44th State on July 
10, 1890 is the Statehood Flag, a gift from Wyo- 
ming women. 



state Museum in ttie Capitol Building, 1922, J.E, Stimson photograpti 




On cover; 

Sketch of ttie Ctieyenne Opera House 

and Stotetiood Flog. 1890 



Capitol Building Era ^^ 1888 - 1937^^ --^ 

In 1895, the Wyoming Historical Society was created and became 
the repositor>' of the Territorial and State cabinet (museum) ''^ -.- 
collections. This enactment, created by the 3rd State Legislature 
and signed into law by Governor William A. Richards on February 
16, 1895 ga\'e separate recognition to the historical collections 
and the library collections. Much of the information about the 
early exhibitions is learned from J.E. Stimson"s photographs of the 
museum on the third floor of the Capitol Building. 




L 



Oovemor s Ait Award 

Governor Jim Geringer presented the 

Wyoming State Museum with a Wyoming 

Arts Councils' "Governor's Arts Award," 

January 13, 1995. 



t==f 



Mission Statement 



fc==? 




The purpose of the Wyoming State Museum 

is to collect, preserve, interpret and exhibit the 

historical and cultural material of the state in 

an educational manner for the benefit of 

Wyoming citizens and its visitors. 



state Museum in rhe Supreme Court Building 1041 



"Pacidiig Up, CO. :vj.l. L!^.J bpear Edwards Byron. 
Historical Photographic Collection 





Supreme Court Era ^^ 1937 - 1953 

With the completion of the Supreme Court building in 1937, the 

State Museum was moved to its basement level. 

Some of the major donations which came in 

during this period include the Wyoming Stock 

Grower's Association Collection through Russell 
Thorp, the Emma Jane and Gertiaide 
Wyoming Dobbins Collection, a collection 
of original photographs of Wyoming by 
W.H. Jackson and a collection of hand- 
tinted photographs by Elsa 
Spear Edwards (later Byron). 



Crystal Falls, Yellowstone, co. 1895, W,H. 
Jackson, Historical Photographic Collection 



Meonea Saddles, Russell Thorp Collection 



;^ 




Barrett Building Era 



fc==? 1953 - Present 



Doorway to old District 
Court, Cheyenne 




, Crossing Wyoming, 1906 
Historicoi Plnotographic 



In 1953 the Wyoming State Museum was moved to its current home in the 
Barrett State Ot'fiee Building. Each decade since has 
seen outstanding collections come to the museum 
and the collections now number more than a mil- 
lion artifacts, art works, historical photographs and 
historical documents. Some of this vast collection is 

on exhibit at the state historic sites or 

on loan to other Wyoming museums, but 

much goes unseen because of the lack of 

adequate exhibition space. 

The 1950s saw the acquisition of the 

J.E. Stimson collection, a photographic 

treasure of more than iS, ()()() Wyoming scenes from the the late 

180()s to 1942. - - -Ji! 

The 196()s saw the creation of the State Art 
Gallery under the sponsorship of First Lady 
Roberta Hathaway in 1969. The collection, with 
the continuing support of the State Museum 
Volunteers, now numbers 2,000 plus works. Since 

its founding, the State Art Gallery has pro\'ided an important 

venue for contemporary Wyoming artists. 





^ 


^ivT^r^' 


1 


V 




M 


^IH 


Hg-ij?! 


1 






p 


^^^P 


€ 




■1 


-^^^asi 


m 



Borrett Building, ca. 1953 



"Wild Horses.' ca. 1910, M,D (Dorothy) Dolph, 
Art Collection 




The 1970s saw the donation of the 
Shangrcaux Family (Collection of Native 
American materials. 



n 1973 the Wyoming State Musevmi became the first 
museum in the state to receive national accreditation 
from the American Association of Museums. 

Governor Mike Sullivan donated 
his campaign hat in 1994. It is a 
good reminder that history is 
happening today and that the 
museum needs to be collecting 
for Wyoming's next 100 years of 
history. We look forward to 
your help. 

-^^^ Wyoming's People Gallery Wyoming State Museum, 1995 

I' 





: aign Hat 



Pipe and Pipe Bag, Jotin and Lillie 
Shongreaux Collection 



Funding for this 

souvenir piihlic((tio)i 

provided by the Wyoming 

State Historical Society 

and the State Museum 

Vohmteeis, Inc. 




People or Wjoming; 
• Lives, I.ixclihdoils, 



Historical Reseorchi Collection material 



Color Photographs by Craig Pindell, Wyoming State Museum 




ill 



Park near the head of Lamar River and 
that they adapted easily to the cattle. He 
stated: "Turned in with the cows of the 
cattle-herd, they very readily took up 
with the new regime."-" 

A third cattle herd in the Greater 
Yellowstone Ecosystem was located east 
of Point of Rocks, Montana, just north 
of the Park on a property owned by the 
Black family. This herd, too, had bison 
in it. Traveler H.B. Leckler passed the 
ranch in 1881 and observed it from the 
road west of the Yellowstone River. "On 
our right, across the river, a large herd 
of cattle were [sic] grazing, with a buf- 
falo in their midst. He had probably 
been caught when young and put 
among the cattle."-' 

*" M fourth cattle ranch was located 
^1 on Trail Creek southeast of 
^^ \. Bozeman, along the hitherto 
usual tourist route to Yellowstone Park. 
The Bozeman Avaiit Courier noted in 1876 
that Mr. James A. Farrell had a ranch 
there with "plenty of stock roaming hill 
and valley the year round."-" His cattle, 
apparently free-ranging, no doubt had 
opportunities for contact with bison. 

At a fifth ranch, located in Paradise 
Valley and owned by Andrew Dailey, 
bison were contained in pens and pos- 
sibly intermingled with cattle as early 
as 1879. A recently discovered photo by 
Montana photographer John Fouch 
shows three buffalo in a pen at Dailey's. 
In Pouch's 1876-78 photograph cata- 
logue the entry is described as "Group 
of three buffalo at Dailey's Ranch, Mon- 
tana Territory."-' 

Thus, at an early date on at least 
these five ranches cattle were exposed 
to bison from Paradise Valley and pos- 
sibly Yellowstone National Park because 
bison are nomadic animals that roam 
great distances. The opportunity existed 



26. Clarence S. Jackson, Picture Maker of the Old West 
(New York and London: Charies Scribner's Sons, 1947), 
p.n8. William H. Jackson, Descriptive Catalogue. ..,1875, 
1872 series, photo caption #469, p. 44; caption numbers 
504-507, p. 46. Jackson placed Pease's ranch "three miles 
above the First [Rock] Canyon", or about six miles south 
of Livingston, Montana. 

27. Author interview with Carleen Chase, Point of 
Rocks, Montana, August 29-30, 1993; H.B. Leckler, "A 
Camping Trip to the Yellowstone National Park", Ameri- 
can Field 2:382, 19 April 1884. 

28. Bozeman Avant Courier, 14 July 

29. Brust, "John H. Fouch...," Montana Magazine of 
Western History 44 (Spring, 1994):10. Dr. Brust gra- 
ciously allowed me to publish this photo. Pouch's #47, 
with this article. 




•^^^ 



, '-Jk-'-'-.V 






Groups of four young buffalo calves, William H. Jackson, 1872. The full 
citation from an 1872 descriptive catalogue listing for this photo is: "...domes- 
ticated on Major Pease 's rancli. Tliey are aliout four inonliis old. and oftlw 
real mountain-lyison type. Iieing cauglu high up in tlw mountains. alMmt lite 
head of East Foik. Turned in with tlie cows oftlie cattle-herd, they veiy readily 
took up with the new regime. " 



Right: William H. Jackson, n.d. Hairison 
Crandall. photographer. 
Below: Nordi Geyser Basin, the Camp. 
Hayden Sun'ey E.xpedition. William H. 
Jackson, n.d. 





Winter ■94-'95 




Cattle Herds in Yellowstone National Park. Map by Eileen Skibo. 



for brucellosis to be transmitted to bi- 
son from cattle, and Dr. Peale's descrip- 
tion of bison on the road offers thie pos- 
sibility that Pease bison could have car- 
ried it to other wild bison. Even if cap- 
tured bison from the Bottler, Pease, 
Farrell, Black and Dailey herds were not 
released back to the wild, it is possible 
that cattle from those places made con- 
tact with wild bison while either species 
roamed. There are other early examples 
of possible contact, some of them even 
closer to the park.'^^ 

If Dr. Winthrop Ray's research is 
correct, brucellosis did not arrive in the 
Yellowstone country until about 1900, 
and in his theory the disease was not 
spread until later. Regardless, earlier 
opportunities, as well as many later 
ones, existed in the GYE. Moreover, 
numerous other possibilities for trans- 
mission of brucellosis to bison from 
cattle existed inside Yellowstone Park 
before 1917. 

While it is known that cattle were 
introduced into the park before 1886, 
good record keeping began with Army 
administration that year.'' In August, 
1886, Acting Superintendent Captain 
Moses Harris discussed, and subse- 
quently prohibited, the practice of turn- 
ing stock loose to graze in certain parts 



30. Several other early cattle herds are known for the 
Gardiner, Montana area. A local newspaper stated in 
1873 that "Ruffner's, Dailey's, and Beatty's herds are 
near Gardiner's River, and are in good condition with 
good feed." These cattle probably grazed in Yellowstone 
Park proper, but that was not necessary in order to have 
contact with migratory bison that traditionally moved 
in and out of the Park. The Dailey family later had a 
creek named after them in the Park and the Beattys a 
lake. Their herds probably had opportunities for con- 
tacts with Yellowstone Park bison. Bozemati Times, 16 
February 1875, c.4, p. 2, "Gardiner's River."; Lee H. 
Whittlesey, YcUowstonc Place Nauit's (Helena: Montana 
Historical Society, 1988), pp. 13,43. At least one cattle 
ranch,and probably many others at various times, ex- 
isted on the head of Boulder River northeast of the Park. 
In a letter dated November 9, 1907, W.F. McLeod, whose 
ranch at the head of that river resulted in the naming of 
the town of McLeod, Montana, wrote to the Park Super- 
intendent asking for information on his lost cattle which 
had strayed over the divide and into the Park. McLeod 
stated that some of them had been seen during the last 
storm near the Park line on Slough and Buffalo creeks. 
This represents an opportunity for cattle to have con- 
tacted Yellowstone bison which had long lived in that 
area. W.F. McLeod to Major [Pitcher], 9 November 1907, 
Document 7563, YNP Archives, Mammoth. 

31. Park superintendent Patrick Conger complained 
to the Secretary of the Interior in 1883 about the 
Yellowstone Park Improvement Company's stock, say- 
ing, "They have over-run the Park with their herds of 
horses and cattle. " Moreover, the head of the YPI Com- 
pany, Carroll Hobart, stated to the Secretary that his 
company that year had thirty horses and 110 cows at 
Mammoth Hot Springs. Conger to Secretary, 6 Novem- 
ber 1883; Hobart to Secretary, 30 November 1883, both 
in NA, RG 48, no. 62, roll 2 (hard copy at YNP Library). 



48 



Wyoming Annals 



of the park.-*' Although Harris was un- 
able to discover how many cows had 
been brought into the park before the 
army arrived, he began keeping records. 
Archival correspondence indicates that 
the Yellowstone Park Association,^ a 
Northern Pacific Railroad subsidiary 
which operated Park hotels and restau- 
rants, brought ninety-one beef cattle and 
three hundred sheep into Yellowstone 
in 1887 for purposes of milk and meat." 
The Yellowstone Park Association, 
known as "the company," began to oper- 
ate hotels and restaurants in the park in 
1886 under the managership of St. Louis 
entrepreneur Charles Gibson. For many 
years land leases were granted to it by 
the Secretary of the Interior. Often ac- 
companying the leases was written per- 
mission to pasture cows, horses, mules, 
sheep, beef cattle "and such other live 
stock and fowls as may be necessary to 
supply and accommodate its guests and 
employees in the Park." These permits 
were granted every year from 1889 to at 
least 1905, and the company grazed cattle 
at five to seven different locations around 
the park depending on the year. For ex- 



ample, YPA General Manager B.C. Wa- 
ters noted in 1889 that seventy-eight milk 
cows were pastured in the park and 
driven out in the fall, and that 113 beef 
cattle were pastured and slaughtered. In 
1890 two men named Harvat and Klamer 
slaughtered 210 cattle in the park for 
YPA. By 1900 the superin- 
tendent had fixed the num- 
ber of YPA beef cattle at one 
hundred parkwide.'^ That 
was a lot of cattle which 



32. Moses Harris, Circular, 21 
August 1886, Army Records, Volume 
21 3, p.l, YNP Archives. Harris did not 
specify if the stock was cattle or horses 
or both, but this letter indicates that 
domestic animals had been routineh 
allowed to roam in tlie Park before tht' 
Armv arri\'ed. See alsi> Harris to Act- 
ing Secretary of Interior, 29 Novem- 
ber 1886, Volume 2 13, p. 61, The possi- 
bility that Park bison got brucellosis 
from fistulous withers -there were 
thousands of horses in the Park be- 
fore 1917- has not been well re- 
searched. Dr. Mary Meagher men- 
tioned it in her recent draft with Mar- 
garet Meyer. Meagher and Meyer, "On 
the origin...," n.d. |1994]. 

33. Charles Gibson to Moses Har- 
ris, 13 October 1887, Army Records, 
Letter Box 3, Document 642, YNP Ar- 
chives. 




Above: E.J. Sawyer feeding buffalo calf "grunt" with 
bottle. 1925. photographer unknown. Below: Group 
of Three Buffalo at Daileys Ranch. M.T.. {Montana 
Territoiy), stereo photograph by John H. Pouch, 
ca.l877. 




Winter '94-'95 




The Fountain Hotel. 1907 



lINt. ^TATH Ml:SEUM 



could mix with Yellowstone bison. 

Apparently company cows were 
not always carefully tended, notwith- 
standing the army's restrictions on their 
roaming. That added to the prospect of 
their encountering bison or other park 
wildlife." In 1900 YPA grazed at least 
sixty cows arouiid the park: twenty at 
park headquarters in Mammoth, twelve 
at Foimtain, nine at Yellowstone Lake, 
twelve at Canyon, three at Norris, and 
two each at Old Faithful and West 
Thumb. Visitor Charles Taylor saw at 
least one unsupervised cow meander- 
ing along the roadway at Old Faithful 
that year. A permit was issued in May, 
1904 to drive sixty-three cows and four 
bulls to various YPA facilities around the 
park. Commingling of cattle and bison 
could have occurred anytime during 



such drives when cattle were out of the 
herders' sight or roamed unsupervised."" 

YPA kept large numbers of cattle at 
its Fountain Hotel in Lower Geyser Ba- 
sin. In 1907, for example, a herd of one 
hundred cows was corralled there. Even 
if they were corralled, the possibility ex- 
isted that individuals could escape and 
make contact with park bison, or that 
park bison could get into the corral.'' 

Park cattle permits were also issued 
to W.W. Wylie's tent camp operations, 
E.C. Waters' boat company, butchers 
Van Dyck and Deever, and probably to 
others. Establishing cattle numbers be- 
comes difficult when these numerous 
documents are examined. W.W. Wylie 
ran a tent camp and transportation busi- 
ness in the park from 1884 to 1905. He 
was allowed by the Department of In- 



terior, at the discretion of the Park Su- 
perintendent, to keep milk cows at his 
camps during some years. From 1900 
to at least 1904 he was permitted to keep 
five cows at each of his permanent camps 

34. The quote in the paragraph is from: "1889. Lease 
to Yellowstone Park Association.", Concession Record 
Series, Box C-16, National Park Service Records, YNP 
Archi\'es. See also E.C. Waters to F.A. Boutelle, 5 July 
1890, Army Records, Letter Box 3, Document 607; Wes 
Johnson to Boutelle, 1 November 1890, Document 614; 
Oscar Bro\vn to J.H. Dean, 5 May 1900, Bound Volume 
221, p.261, YNP Archives. 

35. J.H. Dean to Superintendent, 14 May 1900, Army 
Records, Letter Box 10, Document 4750, YNP Archives; 
Charles M. Taylor, Jr., Touring Alaska ami ihe Yellowstone 
(Philadelphia: George W. Jacobs Company, 1901), p. 360. 
The army tried to restrict stock from roaming at large 
upon the formations or about the sources of water 
supplies. Oscar Brown to J.H. Dean, 19 May 1900, Vol- 
ume 221, p.282. 

36. Oscar Brown to J.H. Dean, 5 May 1900, Army 
Records, Volume 221, p.261; Pitcher to YPA "bearer", 26 
May 1903, Volume 225, p.l30, YNP Archives. 

37. H.E. Farrow to S.B.M. Young, 16 August 1907, 
Document 6488, YNP Archives. 



Wyoming Annals 




Old Faithful Inn, Y.N.P.. 1907 



J-E, Stimson Collection, Wyoming State Museum 



in the park. He, too, was routinely 
granted permits to travel through the 
park with large numbers of loose cows 
and horses.'* 

In the northern part of the park, 
cattle were grazed on Swan Lake Flat. 
We know that a herd of dairy cattle was 
placed there in the 1890s by some park 
concessionaire, probably YPA . A report 
from that year stated: "Dairy conve- 
niences were constructed in Swan Flat, 
4 miles distant [from Mammoth] and 
out of sight from [the] road, where grass 
is plentiful."''' A permit was issued in 
1900 for Lewis H. Van Dyck and a man 
named Deever to drive one hundred 
cattle over the Mount Holmes Trail from 
Madison Basin to Swan Lake Flat, ap- 
parently to stock the dairy. At least two 
photos of that dairy herd exist. ^" Begin- 

WlNTER '94-'95 



38. Oscar J. Brown to W.W. Wylie, 6 January 1900, 
Armv Records, Volume 221, p.ll8;]ohn Pitcher to W.W. 
Wylie, 1 1 May 1903, Volume 225, p.90; Pitcher to Wylie, 
18 May 1903, Volume 225, pp. 105-106; Pitcher to Wylie, 
21 March 1904, Volume 226, p.lll; First Lieutenant to 
Wylie "hearer", 10 June 1904, Volume 226, p. 241. See 
also documents 5793,5795,6434,all of 1904-05, YNP Ar- 
chives. 

39. George S. Anderson, Report of the Acting Supertn- 
lendent of the Yellowstone National Park. ..1896... (Wash- 
ington: GPO, 1896), p.5. 

40. F.J. Haynes photo H-4653, Montana Historical 
Society, 1905. The other photo was taken between the 
years 1890-1900. See D.B. Houston, The Northern 
Yellozustone Elk, pmrts 111 and IV, Vegetatiotj and Habitat 
Relations (unpublished. May, 1976), YNP Library, p. 146. 
Oscar J. Brown to "bearer"'L.H. Van Dyck, 5 July 1900, 
Army Records, Volume 221, p.377, YNP Archives. 

41. E.A. Hitchcock to John Pitcher, 25 June 1901, 
Document 3961, YNP Archives. See also Van Dyck and 
Deever to Pitcher, 25 August 1905, Document 6297, 
YNP Archives. For general reference see Gardiner Won- 
derland, 18 June 1903; Bill and Doris Whithorn, Photo 
Histon/ of Aldridge (Minneapolis; Acme Printing, n.d., 
ca. 1966), p. 87. Regarding cattle permits see, for ex- 
ample, John Pitcher to bearer, 23 May, 10 June, 24 June, 
1903; 6-7 June, 1904; all in Army Records, Volume 226, 
pp. 125,173,222,235-236, YNP Archives. 



ning in 1901 the same cattle herd was 
slaughtered for meat. The herd, at least 
during part of the period, belonged to 
Van Dyck and Deever. They ran slaugh- 
terhouses at Gardiner and Aldridge, 
Montana, in addition to the one on Swan 
Lake Flat, and park superintendents 
routinely issued them cattle permits to 
drive fifteen to seventy-five cows 
through Yellowstone.^' While histori- 
cally there were fewer bison in Swan 
Lake Flat than in other places, there is 
no doubt that bison travelled to that part 
of the park. 

Near Tower Junction "Uncle" John 
Yancey maintained his Pleasant Valley 
Hotel and mail station, complete with 
cattle, from 1882 to 1903. Cattle were 
there at least part of that time because 
stagecoach driver Herb French remem- 











Sp^^ 







"Uncle" John )tnicey ami his Jo;-;. E.J. Sa\\>er. photographer, n.d. 




4S03 HUtRTY CAP 3t NQTEL MAMMOTH HOT yR'NGS 



Liberty Cap Hotel. Mammoth Hot Springs. Stereo view by F. Jay Haynes, n.d. 



bered them being driven at iiiter\'als to 
Van Dyck's Gardiner slaughterhouse 
sometime before 1903: 

Uncle John Yancey used to raise 
steers out there that would take him four 
or five dai/s..(iimybe five or six steers) 
to get them to Gardiner They were just 
so darn fat that they would only go so 
far, then they'd lay down. Well, the 'ac- 
companying] rider would ride back to 
Yancey's and stay all night and get up 
the next morniii'jand come down, chase 
'em a little bit farther (early in the 
morning before it got hot), but they 
wouldn't go, they'd just lay down, and 
it 'd take them five days to come through 
Turkey Penn [Pass] to get 'em down to 
Van Dyck's to sell 'em. 



Obviously these cows v^ere some- 
times loose in the park even if they were 
supposed to be tended. When loose 
they were free to contact bison. 

A dairy herd was maintained at 
Mammoth Hot Springs. Army scout Ray 
Little remembered the dairy during his 
tenure in the Park from 1908 to 1922. A 
1904 map documents the location of the 
dairy approximately 3500 feet west of 
Liberty Cap on Primrose Creek. Al- 
though it is not known when the dairy 
began or ended, probably it was run by 
the Yellowstone Park Association."" 

The feeding of wild bison on dairy 
cow milk is a practice which has been 
mentioned by Dr. Margaret Meyer as a 
possible cause for brucellosis transmis- 



sion.-" An 1899 letter from Acting Park 
Superintendent Wilber Wilder to Secre- 
tary of the Interior E.A. Hitchcock is es- 
pecially revealing with regard to that 
practice at Yellowstone Lake. Wilder 
stated that he intended to capture four 
or five bison calves and transport them 
to Lake, "where Mr. [E.C.] Waters, who 
runs the boat on Yellowstone Lake, has 
some milk cows. They can be fed there 
on fresh milk until the wagon road is 
open."'''^ If this letter reveals only the in- 
tent to feed bison on cows' milk, a 1903 
letter reveals something close to practice. 
Superintendent John Pitcher requested 
fifty dollars from the Department of the 
Interior to purchase one milk cow 

for maintenance of buffalo in 
Yellowstone National Park. We have 
on hand tivo buffalo calves that were 
captured last spring from the 'wild herd 
in the Park, that have to be fed on fresh 
milk and it is therefore necessary to have 
a cow for this purpose. ■"• 

Pitcher stated that an attempt 
would be made to catch more bison 
calves and feed them cows' milk. A 
photo in park archival collections shows 
a picture of Charles J. "Buffalo" Jones, 
the buffalo keeper from 1902 to 1905, 
with two bison calves -probably the 
same ones mentioned by Pitcher- pre- 
paring to nurse on a domestic cow. Al- 
though the location of the photo is un- 
certain, apparently it was made in 
Yellowstone during the years Jones was 
buffalo keeper."*^ 

Overwhelming evidence for the 
practice of feeding Yellowstone bison 
calves on domestic cow milk is found 



42. Herb Frencti in Henry "Society Red" Mallon, 
interview by Aubrey L. Haines, 5 July, 1961, audiotape 
61-2, YNP Library. " 

43. Interview, Raymond G- Little by Aubrey L. 
Haines, Gallatin Gateway, Montana, 12 April, 1961, 
audiotape, YNP Library; Arnold Hague, /5f/<is to Accom- 
pany Monograph XXXU on tJw Gcologi/ of the YeUoivstonc 
Nnlional Park (Washington: GPO, 1904), Topography 
Sheet XVIII. Cattle permits are Oscar Brown to ).H. 
Dean, 5 May 1900; Brown to Dean, 19 May 1900, Army 
Records, Volume 221, pp. 261,282; Pitcher to "bearer", 
26 May 1903, Army Records, Volume 225, p.l30, YNP 
Archives. 

44. Interview, Dr. Mark Johnson by author, 18 Feb- 
ruary 1992; Margaret Meyer, "Brucella Abortus," p. 11. 

45. Wilbur E. Wilder to Secretary of Interior, 20 April 
1899, Army Records, Volume 220, p.282, YNP Archives. 

46. John Pitcher to Secretary of Interior, 3 July 1903, 
Army Records, Volume 225, p. 257, YNP Archives. 

47. Photograph number 3799.125, YNP Museum 
Collection. For background on Jones in Yellowstone, 
see Paul Schullery, "'Buffalo' Jones and the Bison Herd 
in Yellowstone: Another Look", Montana Magazine of 
Western History lb Ouly, 1976):40-51. 



Wyoming Annals 




C.J. "Buffalo" Jones with bison calves and domestic 
cow. ca. 1902. 

in a magazine article by scout Peter Holt 
entitled "Catching Buffalo Calves." The 
article detailed a May, 1903, trip Holt 
made into Hayden Valley with C.J. 
Jones, scout James Morrison, and an- 
other man for the purpose of catching 
bison calves and bringing them to 
Yellowstone Lake to be fed on "mother's 
milk." Holt described the difficult op- 
eration of trapping two bison calves- 
probably the two mentioned by Pitcher 
and shown in the photo with Jones- 
and their transport on a dogdrawn 
toboggan to Lake. Their attempts 
to bottle feed the bison calves were 
unsuccessful, but the wLnterkeeper 
for E.C. Waters' boat company in- 
formed them "that he had a fresh 
milk cow at his place" and that the 
calves could be taken there. The 
calves were turned loose in Waters' 
animal pens near Lake Hotel and 
the strange experiment began. 
Holt's fascinating description of the 
process tells us that the bison calves 



took readily to cow's milk 
and that the process contin- 
ued for months afterward: 

one [calf] zvas taken out 
[of the pen] and the experi- 
ment of having a wild buf- 
falo calf suck a domestic cozv 
was tried. To our surprise 
the calf started to suck vo- 
raciously, butting with great 
force. The cow glared at him 
with a look of mingled sur- 
prise and suspicion, but for- 
tunately made no attempt to 
kick him. His sides slowly 
filled out, and just before lie 
reached what ive considered 
the bursting point, we 
pulled him away, kicking 
and struggling, and re- 
turned him to his stall, and 
the other calf was given the 
same treatment with the same result. 
They were so pleased after their feed that 
they danced around in their stall with 
joy, tlien lay down, and grunting with 
satisfaction, went to sleep. We had no 
further worry about their future. They 
were fed three times a day and gained 
rapidly in size. During the first few 
days of their captivity ive assisted at 
their feeding and watched them care- 



fully for any unfavorable symptoms, 
due to a change of milk and environ- 
ment, but in spite of the great change 
in their condition from the bright snow 
fields to a dark stall in a stable, from 
their mother's milk to that of a domes- 
tic cow, they throve and greiv.*^ 

^ t ^ olt added that the two bison 
/■ y calves were later taken to 
^/ i. park headquarters where 
mey were placed with a domestic cow 
and, after being weaned, were placed 
with the Mammoth bison herd. Here is 
mouth-to-teat documentation of wild 
bison fed directly upon the milk of a 
domestic cow for extended periods of 
time and then placed back into the 
Mammoth buffalo herd to associate with 
other bison. Transmission of brucellosis, 
if the domestic cows had it, was prob- 
ably quite direct in this fashion. 

In the task of artificially increasing 

48. Peter Holte (sic), "Catching Buffalo Calves, IL," 
Forest and Stream 75:490, 24 September 1910. Interest- 
ingly, the practice of feeding cows' milk to park bison 
had been thought of as early as the 1870s. According to 
historian Aubrey Haines, in approximately 1877 Park 
Superintendent P.W. Norris gave permission to James 
Beatty to keep cows in Lamar Valley, because Norris 
wanted to use some of the milk for buffalo calves there. 
He wanted to do this in order to domesticate bison, but 
the record does not indicate if it was ever done. Aubrey 
L. Haines, typescript of his five day tour of Yellowstone 
Nadonal Park, 10-15 August 1993, YNP Library, pp.21,35. 



Yellowstone Lake Boat, Leaving 
Thumb, Yellowstone National 
Park, 1907 




Winter '94-95 



the numbers of Yellowstone bison, Jones 
brought Montana and Texas bison into 
Yellowstone Park to breed them with 
bison. It is thus possible that park bi- 
son could have contracted brucellosis 
from alien bison. Nevertheless, even if 
Yellowstone's initial brucellosis trans- 
mission occurred that way, numerous 
cattle contacts were in place to make 
sure the disease was well spread. 

rhe existence of several herds of 
cattle at Yellowstone Lake is 
corroborated by numerous let- 
ters in Yellowstone Park archives. Lake 
cattle were lo- 
cated near the 
otherwise iso- 
lated Pelican Val- 
ley bison herd. 
Documents show 
that E.C. Waters, 
first a manager 
for YPA then 
President of the 
Yellowstone Lake 
Boat Company, 
kept cattle at his 
facility near Lake 
Hotel during 
many of the years 
he was iii charge 
of the boats (1892- 
1907). In some 
years Waters kept 
his cattle there 
year-round. Late 
in 1900 the park 
superintendent 
ordered him to re- 
move twenty cah'es and one milk cow 
from Lake and to keep only two head 
for the winter. In May, 1902 he wintered 
two cows and twelve calves and in 
March of 1904 he had ten cows, several 
calves and three bulls. A similar num- 
ber was permitted in 1905, and in 1906 
Waters asked permission to leave two 
cows at Lake that winter. 

Daniel Miles, son of A.W. Miles, 
who ran businesses for a long time in 
Livingston and Yellowstone Park, re- 



49. Oscar Goode to E.C. Waters, 27 October 1900, 
Army Records, Volume 222, p.92; Thomas Ryan to 
Waters, 24 May 1902, Document 5254; Ryan to Acting 
Superintendent, 17 March 1904, Document 5786; Ryan 
to Acting Superintendent, 1 1 May 1905, Document 578S; 
Waters to Acting Superintendent, 11 October 1906, 
Document 6333, YNP Archives. 



membered the milk cows that boatman 
Waters kept at Lake from 1903 to 1907 
because Miles purchased some of them. 
Miles also remembered that they were 
kept there in the winter.^' 

I had a few dealings with him [Wa- 
ters] but the one I remember the best 
was a time when I bought some milk 
cows from him. Father called me on the 
phone and said that he had bought 15 
milk cozos from him and I was to pick 
them out. He had paid 35 dollars a head 
for them. He [Waters] had a winter 
keeper at the Lake and he had a few cows 
which he kept there all winter. I went 




CXFrrRING .\ND LO.\DIXO BUFFALO 



"Ccipturini( and Loading Buffalo, " Baker Co. engraving, from Historic Skctclics of the 
Cattle Trade of the We.st and Southwest, by Joseph G. McCoy (Kansas City: Ramsey, 
Millett & Hudson. 1874). 



up and had a talk with hhn and he told 
me the best cows of that number.'''- 
Some of these cattle were kept by 
Waters from 1896 to 1907 on Dot Island 



50. Daniel N. Miles, unpublished letter /reminis- 
cence to Mr. Kennedy, 21 January 1962, Montana His- 
torical Society, no. SC-69, p. 3. 

51. George W. Goode to E.C. Waters, 27 October 
1900, Army Records, Volume 222, p.92; Pitcher to Secre- 
tary of Interior, 14 May 1903; Pitcher "Circular", 16 May 
1903; Pitcher to "bearer", 29 May 1903; Pitcher to Wa- 
ters, 4 June 1903; Pitcher to Waters, 22 June 1903, Army 
Records, Volume 225, pp. 103,144,157,213, YNP Archives. 

52. Aubrey L. Haines, The Yellowstone Story, U (Boul- 
der; University of Colorado Press, 1977), pp. 75-77; 
Pitcher to Secretary of Interior, 14 May 1903, Volume 
225, p. 96, YNP Archives. An inspection of Waters' ani- 
mal pens at Lake Hotel in June, 1907 revealed filthy 
pens and mistreated animals. Four pens contained four 
buffalo cows, two bulls and one calf, while a fifth, 
adjacent pen contained cattle stables. Chester A. Lindsley 
to S.B.M. Young, 13 June 1907, Exhibit L, in item 33, 
folder 1, YNP Archives. 



where he also kept bison. Contacts be- 
tween bison and domestic cattle could 
certainly have occurred there. '^ Follow- 
ing the removal of Waters in 1907 the 
bison were released into the park, pre- 
sumably to mingle with other bison and 
possibly taking brucellosis with them. 
Waters also wintered his Dot Island bi- 
son in corrals at Lake Hotel near, or with, 
his cattle herd. In 1903 the park super- 
intendent noted that the "large number 
of them [cattle] is what has constituted 
a nuisance in the past."^-^ All of these 
cattle could have had contact with park 
bison, a herd of which lived in nearby 
Pelican Valley. 

Mr. Waters' com- 
plained that his cattle 
were required to be 
penned while other 
cattle at Lake were 
not, an indication 
that the latter were 
allowed to roam 
free, at least in 1903 
and probably dur- 
ing other years as 
well. This would 
have provided op- 
portunity for con- 
tact with park bison, 
including the near- 
by Pelican herd. A 
friend of Waters de- 
scribed in a letter 
the free-ranging na- 
ture of YPA and 
Wylie Company 
cattle herds at Lake 
during the season 
of 1903. 

/ talked with Philip Segelstrom, the 
cowboy who cares for the cows of the 
Yellowstone Park Association, in regard 
to his instructions about herding their 
COIL'S. He stated in reply to my ques- 
tion that he had no histructions [from 
YPA] as to -where or how he shoidd herd 
his 12 head of cozos only that he must 
keep them off the main traveled road. ..I 
also talked ivitli Mr. Rush, one of the 
employees of Mr Wylie' s at Yellozostone 
Lake in regard to the handling of the 
cozos belonghig to the Wylie Camping 
Co. He stated to me that they did not 
have to herd their cozos and that they 
could run anyzuhere. I knoiv Mr. 
Wylie' s employees do no herding and 






54 



Wyoming Annals 



that his COIL'S are allowed to run at 
will. ..I also ajfirui that the Hotel cows 
have been allowed to rui} at will nights 
and days the most of the sftison." 
Pelican Valley bison also could have 
contacted at least one other cattle herd 
known to have been at Yellowstone 
Lake. In 1908 the corporal in charge of 
Lake Soldier Station stated: 

a uinn whose name he did not knoiu 
had requested permission to herd some 
cattle on the flats near the lake. The 
Corporal could not communicate with 
[headquarters] so he permitted the man 
to herd the cattle on ground back from 
the road until the Acting Superinten- 
dent's decision could be obtained.^^ 
These cattle apparently roamed free 
in the Lake area for an unknown length 
of time and could have made contact 
with Pelican Valley bison. 

There were other possibilities for 
cattle-bison contacts in the Greater 
Yellowstone Ecosystem. The existence 
of domestic cattle west of Yellowstone 
Park awaits definite documentation, but 
Gilman Sawtell and his partner Levi 
Wurtz were at Henry's Lake by 1871 and 
probably had cattle. Ranchman Dick 
Rock kept buffalo in pens near West 
Yellowstone, Montana prior to 1902, and 
their exposure to cattle there was cer- 
tainly possible. ^'^ The owner of Dwelle's, 
a stage station and hotel west of West 
Yellowstone in operation from the mid- 
1890s to about 1907, kept cattle, accord- 
ing to Del and Henry Jenkins, who 
wrangled them. Jenkins reported that 
another excellent stock ranch was located 
halfway between Dwelle's and Monida, 
Montana, on the far western fringe of the 
GYE.^" Finally, ranchman Joseph 
"Frenchy" Duret is known to have kept 
as many as forty cows on his ranch be- 
tween 1914 and 1922 and probably be- 
fore that period, as well. Duret's ranch 
was just north of Yellowstone's north 
boundary and close to. park bison in the 



53. Lila G. Camp in Explanation and Argument of the 
Yellowstone Lake Boat Co. Yellowstone National Park b]/ 
E.C. Waters ami Copy of Affidavits and Contracts Pertaining 
to the Same {Ripon, Wisconsin: E.L. Howe, 1903), p. 28, in 
Item 33, folder 1, YNP Archives. 

54. E.L. Grisell to Adjutant, 1 7 June 1908, Document 
7087, YNP Archives. 

55. See Nolie Mumey, Rocky Monntain Dick (Richard 
W. Rock). Stories of His Adventures in Capturing Wild 
Animals (Denver: Range Press, 1953). 

56. Interview, Henry Del Jenkins by Aubrey L. 
Haines, Jackson, Wyoming, 3 July 1961, audiotape at 
YNP Library. 




Top: Buffalo Cow.s on Dot Island. Y.N. P. (via) Union Pacific, 1907 
Below: Buffalo on Dot Island. Y.N.P. (via) Union Pacific. 1907 



Winter '94-'95 




Devillies (sil I Inn. 1907. Probably Dwelle's stage station and hotel. West Yellowstone 



Lamar and Slough Creek areas. This in- 
formation is corroborated by Warren 
Hutchings, a resident of Livingston, 
Montana whose father. Peck, was 
Yellowstone's assistant buffalo keeper in 
the early 1920s. Warren remembered that 
Frenchy purposely grazed cattle inside 
the park until his death in 1922. 
Hutchings said that whenever someone 
from the park would show up there, 
Frenchy would pretend to be "just start- 
ing to look for them." Frenchy's cattle 
had many years to make contact with 
Yellowstone bison.^^ 

7n summary, although no one 
knows for sure how Yellowstone's 
bison contracted brucellosis, bi- 
ologists now believe domestic cattle car- 
ried the disease to them. They also think 
that cattle played a similar role in regard 

56 



to brucellosis found in other western bi- 
son herds. And they agree that the dis- 
ease could have laiii unnoticed in 
Yellowstone bison for some, even many, 
years. Although the disease was first 
documented in Yellowstone in 1917, 
neither scientists nor historians know 
when it arrived in the park. Dr. 
Winthrop Ray believes it arrived in the 
American West by 1900, and states that 
it was reported in Montana by 1903. 
Documentation makes it clear that 



57. William Marshall Rush, Wild Animals of the Rockies, 
Adventures of a Forest Ranger (New York and London: 
Harper and Brothers, 1942), pp. 20-21; Inter\'iew, War- 
ren Hutchings by author. Mammoth Hot Springs, Wyo- 
ming, 1 September 1993. 

58. Meagher and Meyer, "On the origin of 
brucellosis...," unpublished draft [1994], p. IS. Meagher 
says the alien bison brought into the park are known to 
ha\'e been uninfected with brucellosis. 

59. Author's conversation with Tom Tankerslev, 5 
June 1992, YNP, Wyoming. 



bison in Yellowstone haci numerous op- 
portunities for contact with possiblv in- 
fected domestic cattle during early park 
history from 1872 to 1885, and during 
the army's period of administration 
from 1886 to 1918. It was in the latter 
period, accord- 
ing to the best 
information 
available, that 
brucellosis ar- 
rived in the 
West. The 
practice of 
feeding bi- 
son calves 
on domestic 
cows' milk is 
significant in 
tracing pos- 
sible trans- 

Wyoming Annals 




mission routes. 

There is one other possible origin of 
the disease in Yellowstone bison. The 
manipulation of the park herd in 1902 
through importation of Montana and 
Texas cattle for interbreeding purposes 
is one. Dr. Mary Meagher suggests the 
less likely possibility that Yellowstone bi- 
son contracted brucellosis through fistu- 
lous withers on horses. That possibility 
awaits further in 
vestigation by 



scientists and historians."* 

Certainly there was no shortage of 
cattle in the Greater Yellowstone Ecosys- 
tem during the years 1869-1917, nor was 
there a shortage of opportunities for bi- 
son and cattle to intermingle. Tom 
Tankersley, historian at Yellowstone, 
says flatly: 

"There were cows all over the 
place!'"' 




For a person whose 
first work experience with 
THE National Park Service 

WAS PICKING UP GARBAGE A- 
LONG THE ROAD, LeE H. 

Whittlesey (B.1950) has 
COME a long way. During 
the twenty years he 
worked for yellowstone 
National Park he held 
various jobs including tour 
bus driver and tour guide, 
law enforcement ranger, park natural- 
ist, and communications specialist for 
THE Park concessionaire. Sandwiched 

INTO THOSE years WERE STINTS AS A COM- 
MERCLVL BROADCASTER IN TEXAS, OKLAHOMA 

AND Montana and the completion of a 
law degree from the university of 
Oklahoma. In 1992 he b£Gan his current 
JOB AS Historical Archivist for the park 

THAT has been CALLED THE CENTERPIECE 

OF THE National Park system. 

Whittlesey is author of Yellowstone 
Place Names (Helena: Montana Histori- 
cal Society' Press, i 988) and its longer, 
sister version Wonderland Nomenclature: A 
History of the Place Names of Yellowstone Na- 
tional Park. 2 ro/j- (Helena: Montana His- 
torical Society microfiche, 1988). He 

Winter '94-'95 




" Brucellosis controversy and great 
debates among Yellowstone bison man- 
agers, federal and state officials, Mon- 
tana and Wyoming stockmen, and ani- 
mal rights activists will no doubt con- 
tinue for years to come. The historic role 
of domestic cattle in the controversy is 
a piece in a complex puzzle, and its 
study gives rise to the need for collabo- 
ration between scientists and historians. 




co-authored, with Yellow- 
stone Senior Editor, Paul 
schullery, a history of 

large ANIMALS IN THE 

Yellowstone region, "The 
Documentary Record of 
Wolves and Related Wild- 
life Species in the Yellow- 
stone National Park Area 
Prior to 1882." The study 
is part of a report to Con- 
gress, Wolves for Yellow- 
stone (Yellowstone: Yellowstone Re- 
search Division, 1992). Whittlesey and 
Schullery currently are expanding, 
the study for eventual puhi ic atidniI: 
book form. ^^ 

Whittlesey's recent wcirks 
Death in Yellowstone: Accidents. Foolhardlness. 
and Murder in the World's First NationaN 
scheduled for publication BY Rob 

RiNEHART (NlWOT, COLORADO) IN 
1995, AND ANOTHER PLANNED PUBLIC ATIGN 

Touring in Old Yellowstone: Interpretatijjri a>id 
Visitor Education in the National Pa/hiD/iring y 
Stagecoach Days. i8j2-ig2o. Several ar\J^ 
TiCLES BY Whittlesey have appeared inV 
Montana the Magazine of Western History. 

Lee Whittlesey is married to 
Tamela and they have a daughter 



NAMED Tess. Whittlesey's office and 

the park archives are LOCATED IN THE 

Horace Albright Visitors Center at 
YNP headquarters in Mammoth. 




C J 11 



pede, THfi^fiti&E^XJ^upAh 

IN TflF U.S. and CaWAD. 



jHRRY/EtLEJf ILlllS'feATOR OF "C6«'S AlL 

over THE Place," is the au thor of Stam- 
cartoon series 

iiDA. RjMSED near 
CHEYiiNNE, WYOMING»J41i.JS A PARTNER IN 
THE PUBLISHING COMPANY, LaFFING COW 

Press, located in 'Saratciga, Wi^^oMiNG. 

In ADDp'Ifgsl ^10 SIGNING HIS BOOKS AND 

greeting people at trade SHo^jiS, Pam;n 

PEND HIS TIME ENTERTAINING ALiDIENCES 





Dr. Edward Lauzer Ranch, Interior of Library, Cora, Wyoming, 1937 



Johii W. Davis 

A Vast Amount of Trouble: 

A History of the 

Spring Creek Raid 

Review by Gene M. Gressley 

Jim Garry 

This Ol' Drought Ain't Broke 

Us Yet (But We're All Bent 

Pretty Bad): Stories of the 

American West 

Review by Steve Wingate 

James 0. Gump 

The Dust Rose Like Smoke: the 

Subjugation of the Zulu and 

THE Sioux 

Review by Gerald Thompson 



John C. Jackson 

Shadow on the Tetons: David 

E. Jackson and the Claiming 

of the American West 

Review by Tamsen Hert 



Keith and Rusty McNeil 

Cowboy Songs 

and 

Western Railroad Songs 

Review by Chris Kennedy 



Katherine J ellison 

Entitled to Power: Farm 
Women and Technology, 

191 3-1963 
Review by Sarah E. Sharbach 



Carlos A. Schwantes 

Railroad Signatures Across 
THE Pacific Northwest 

Review by Keith L. Bryant, Jr. 



John J. Killoren 

Come Blackrobe: DeSmet and 

the Indian Tragedy 

Review by Dr. Bobbalee Schuler 



Bri/ce Hampton 

Children of Grace: the Nez 

Perce War of 1877 

Review by Steven C. Schulte 



Mary Lou LeCompte 

Cowgirls of the Rodeo: 

Pioneer Professional 

Athletes 

Review by Ron Briley' 



Thomas T. Smith, editor 

A Dose of Frontier 

Soldiering: the Memoirs of 

Corporal E.A. Bode, Frontier 

Regular Infantry, 1877-1882 

Review by John D. McDermott 



Ferenc Morton Szasz. editor 

Great Mysteries of the West 

Review by Barbara Allen Bogart 



REVIEW 



A Vast Amount of 

Trouble: A History 

OF THE Spring 

Creek Raid 




By John W. Davis 

Boulder: University Press of 

Colorado, 1993. xi and 289 pages. 

Illustrations, bibliography, 

INDEX. Cloth $22.50 



Violence in America today is a per- 
petual preoccupation of Americans, a 
statement as uncontestable as it is un- 
original. Whether one views the six 
o'clock news or reads the front page of 
the Denver Post, his senses are accosted 
by the latest drive by shooting or rob- 
bery of a Mini-Mart. In the perpetual 
media poll, crime has moved ahead of 
the economy as the number one soci- 
etal obsession. 

Nor has violence been neglected by 
historians. In the recent past several 
books have appeared including the 
monumental Nation by Richard Sloktin 
and the sophisticated No Duty to Retreat 
by Richard Maxwell Brown, plus a 
plethora of publications on sub- 
jects ranging from violence in the 
1960s to Robert Utley's primal 
Billy the Kid. 

Yet for all the attention given 
by historians to the American 
psyche and heritage of violence, 
whether on 42nd Street or the 
frontier, surprisingly little histori- 
cal attention has been focused on 
cattleman-sheepman conflicts. For 
instance, in their overviews of vio- 
lence neither Slotkin nor Brown 
mentions the cattle-sheep wars. So 
few are the books, even of a gen- 
eral nature, in any bibliography 
that the titles fairly leap to the 
readers attention: Edward N. 
Wentworth's America's Sheep Trails and 
Shepherd's Empire; Bill O'Neal's Cattle- 
men vs. Sheepherders . Historians have left 
the sagebrush fields of gore to the manu- 
facturers of blood and thunder such as 
Zane Grey, Max Brand, William 
MacLeod Raine and Will Henry to name 
a few. Nor have the creators of celluloid 
fantasy been left behind as the names of 
directors such as John Ford, Delmar 
Daves and Samuel Peckinpaugh affirm. 
This historical neglect is even more mys- 
tifying when you read Bill O'Neal's vital 
statistics of the cattleman-sheepman 
wars. O'Neal notes that between 1873 
and 1921 there were 128 incidents that 
resulted in the deaths of 28 sheepmen, 
16 cattlemen and 53,254 sheep. 



All the above underscores the sig- 
nificance of A Vast Amount of 
T/'o/z^/t'. Combining his legal training, in- 
tensive research in primary sources- es- 
pecially grand jury minutes- and so- 
phisticated insights into human nature, 
John W. Davis has removed the Spring 
Creek raid from the folklore of the West 
and brought it front and center on the 
historical stage. We now know as much 
as we probably ever will of what hap- 
pened on that fateful night of April 2, 
1909 when three sheepmen were mur- 
dered, their wagons burned and over 
2,000 sheep were destroyed. 

The source which made possible 
removal of the heavy fog of myth en- 
veloping the events on Tensleep Creek 
was Davis' discovery of grand jury 
minutes in the Lola Homsher Collec- 
tion at the American Heritage Center. 
In 1979 Homsher bequeathed to the 
Center her "Uncle Percy's" (Big Horn 
County Prosecuting Attorney, Percy 
Metz) legal and historical files, and 
John W. Davis was the first researcher 
to explore what has became the pri- 
mary source for the Tensleep raid. 

There were several pivotal events 
precluding the November 10, 1909 
guilty verdict in the Tensleep raiders 
case. First, the young twenty-five-year- 
old county prosecuting attorney Percy 
Metz had the wisdom or good fortune 
to realize that such a complex case was 
beyond his legal expertise. Therefore 
he obtained the help of three experi- 
enced and talented attorneys: his father 
W. S. Metz, E. E. Enterline of Sheridan 
and William Simpson of Cody. These 
three masterminded the prosecution's 
legal strategy. Foremost in their tactics 
was an imaginative use of the grand 
jury. As Davis observes, "A grand jury 
will intimidate the boldest of wit- 
nesses." (p. 76) Enterline and Simpson 
issued over a hundred subpoenas. Wit- 
ness after witness and neighbor after 
neighbor were paraded before the 
grand jury. Bereft of counsel, the wit- 
. nesses faced the stern prosecutors. Un- 
aware of what a neighbor had testified, 
several witnesses became unnerved or 



Winter ■94-'95 



BOOK 



decided that forthrightness was the 
better part of valor. Their testimony, es- 
pecially that of Fred Greet, W. H. 
Goodrich and Bounce Helmer, placed 
all seven of the raiders at the scene. 
Indeed, their recollections along with 
those of two raiders to turn state's evi- 
dence, Charlie Paris and Billy Keyes, 
constructed a solid, if not an air-tight, 
case for the prosecution. 

Another gift was handed the pros- 
ecution by the defense when the lat- 
ter, attempting to shoehorn cattlemen 
onto the jury panel, repeatedly chal- 
lenged the first list of jurors. The re- 
sulting jury was basically a group of 
farmers. Especially devastating to the 
defense's cause was W. H. Packard. 
Packard was a bee-keeper, a bishop of 
the Mormon community of Burlington 
and a natural leader. The jury selection 
process highlighted a major problem 
for the defense. Simply put, the major- 
ity of the residents of the Big Horn 
Basin did not endorse the vigilantism 
of the raiders. 

By the time the trial opened on No- 



vember 4th the prosecution's case was 
almost anticlimactic. Herbert Brink, one 
of the most vulnerable of the seven raid- 
ers and one who had done more than the 
rest to entrap himself both by testimony 
and braggadocio, was tried first. Six days 
later the jury convicted him of first de- 
gree murder. The Brink conviction, plus 
realization by the cattlemen of their un- 
tenable position with the public, moti- 
vated a settlement conference. As a re- 
sult, all the raiders were sentenced to a 
variety of charges including second de- 
gree murder. By 1914 none of the raiders 
was in the penitentiary at Rawlins. 

The Greek tragedy on Spring Creek 
had been played out. With felicitous 
style, intensive research and a conser- 
vative yet imaginative use of his evi- 
dence, John W. Davis has made a major 
contribution not only to the history of 
Wyoming but to the historiography of 
the American West. 

Gene M. Gressley 
Historian 
Laramie, Wyoming 



It has been said that history is 
never more important than when it is 
being lost. If this is true, then the tim- 
ing of Jim Garry's book could not be 
better. As the Rocky Mountain West 
becomes increasingly suburbanized by 
an influx of newcomers and overdevel- 
opment, its residents have one, final 
opportiinity to preserve the life and lore 
that is quickly being effaced by techno- 
logical progress. The Sheridan-based 
storyteller has assembled his tales into 
a coherent and readable book, equal 
parts entertainment and education, as 
the best oral histories always are. 

Garry does not succumb, as many 
storytellers might, to the temptation of 
mere translation. He easily could have 
limited himself to telling story after 
story, shifting vernacular and point of 
view in an attempt to paint a panorama 
of the region's history. But Garry un- 



derstands that this approach 
would lead to confusion and ties 
together tales from his own broad 
and well-considered perspective. 
The chapters "A Man on Foot" 
deals with the all-important horse, 
"Come Technology" treats the ar- 
rival of the automobile, and "It 
Ain't Fatal" represents an attempt 
not simply to replicate old-timers' 
stories, but to follow their subjects' 
history and changing place in 
Western culture. This unifying ap- 
proach amplifies the significance of 
tales that might, in a less structured book, 
have been lost in an entertaining mix. 

"The West is our mythic landscape," 
Garry writes in his chapter on cowboys, 
"and people have trouble perceiving 
myth accurately." The stories in this 
book are not necessarily all true. Some 
are presented as purposely ambiguous 



This Ol' Drought 
Ain't Broke Us Yet 
(But We're All 
Bent Pretty Bad): 
Stories of the 
American West 




BY Jim Garry 

New York: Orion Books, 1992. xii 

AND 228 PAGES. Cloth $18.00 



60 



Wyoming Annals 



REVIEW 



The Dust Rose 

Like Smoke: The 

Subjugation of the 

Zulu and the Sioux 



THE DUST 



TKESUIlUCITJOIIOrTIIE 



BY James O. Gump 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska 

Press, 1994. Maps, illustrations, 

notes, bibliography, index. xii 

AND 178 PAGES. Cloth $25.00 



or out-and-out tall tales. But their truth 
quotient matters less than their emo- 
tional value to the individual who hears 
or reads them. Knowing how to perceive 
myth, instructs Garry, is something we 
must learn. Only then can we under- 
stand the lesson hidden beyond the face 
value of stories. 

A sense of autobiography pervades 
This OV Drought and adds to its depth. 
Garry speaks throughout of his own, 
western mythic education which began 
in Texas and continues today. It does not 
seem possible, in Garry's way of think- 
ing, to have too close an Linderstanding 
of nature or how humans interact with 
it. As the book progresses we hear not 
only the stories recounted, but the in- 
ner voice of a man who listens carefully 
to his own surroundings. Garry picks up 
his subjects-law and order, rodeo, 
government-like geodes and examiiies 
them as light reflects from them at a va- 
riety of angles. 



In his opening chapter Garry re- 
counts a moment from college days 
when he looked tip the word "ecology" 
(from oikos, the Greek word for house). 
"Suddenly, clearly, I knew the mean- 
ing of the word and what would actu- 
ally be required to imderstand ecology, 
to understand not just one room of the 
house or just the plumbing or the elec- 
trical system, but the whole house." 
This OV Drought deals with that group 
of people whose house is closer to the 
land than any other. The ranchers and 
cowboys of the Rocky Mountain West 
may be the last Americans who will 
have the opportunity to build their 
commmiity in and around nature, and 
Garry presen'es their lore at time when 
we need to remember it most. 

Steve Wingate 

Director, International Film Series 

University of Colorado 

Boulder 



ROSE LIKE 

ZULU iND THE SIOUI : 

» M K E 




"A major purpose of this 
study," writes James O. Gump, "is 
to issue another challenge to 
American 'exceptionalism.'" (p. 
2) Throughout this impressive 
book the author, a specialist in 
African history, demonstrates that 
nineteenth-century United States 
history should be viewed as part 
of an international phenomenon 
in which imperialistic powers 
subjugated native peoples. The 
opening phase of a global eco- 
nomic system used technology 
and wealth to establish hegemony over 
less technologically developed peo- 
ples. Some academic readers will surely 
think that they've heard all this before, 
but Gump makes a strong case for his 
theoretical framework. Moreover, he 
takes his study far beyond simple ste- 
reotypes of evil imperialists and saintly 
native victims. Tlie Dust Rose Like Smoke 
rightly shows how indigenous people 



played a significant part in their own 
history and even helped determine the 
ultimate outcome. 

While the author emphasizes the 
commonality of the British colonial ex- 
perience in Africa and the American 
experience in the Far West, the differ- 
ences he observes may be the most im- 
portant contribution of his work. He 
notes that both Sioux and Zulus were 
imperialistic in their own right, and 
their expansions in power and domain 
came at the expense of other native 
peoples. But there the similarity seems 
to end. Sioux expansion to the west 
and southwest in the eighteenth and 
nineteenth centuries fostered an eco- 
nomic and geographical independence 
of the various Lakota bands that made 
authoritarian control by an individual 
Sioux leader impossible. In contrast, 
the Zulu kingdom was created in the 
early 1800s by King Shaka (c.l787- 
1828) who consolidated formerly inde- 



WlNTER ■94-95 



BOOK 



pendent clans under the absolute con- 
trol of a centralized state. Zulu life 
henceforth would be regimented in 
almost every aspect. However, both 
peoples continued to share one over- 
riding characteristic: a pre-industrial 
status which prevented them from be- 
ing able to compete with their Ameri- 
can and British conquerors. The latter 
nations possessed industrial econo- 
mies with the ability to supply a seem- 
ingly endless quantity of sophisticated 
manufactured weapons. 

Of course, the goals of the United 
States and Great Britain differed mark- 
edly and affected the course of Sioux 
and Zulu history. U.S. Indian policy fos- 
tered Native American removal to iso- 
lated places where tribes would exist 
outside of mainstream society. The res- 
ervation policy permitted millions of 
pioneers to utilize former hidian lands 
for the production of food supplies and 
raw materials needed by industrial 
America. Reservations marginalized 
native peoples and kept them from 
blocking the march of progress. 

British colonial policy Ln southern 
Africa was very different. Colonial of- 
ficials realized that for the develop- 
ment of natural resources, they needed 
Zulus and other tribes brought into the 
economy as laborers. To achieve this 
end the British developed a sophisti- 
cated approach that relied heavily on 
the cooperation of Zulu leadership 



which had already developed a complex 
agricultural labor system. Once indi- 
vidual Zulus and other indigenous 
people made the transition to wage la- 
borers it was not difficult to kick over 
the hollow shell of tribal independence. 
Much of The Dust Rose Like Smoke 
concentrates on the battles of Little Big- 
horn (1876) and Lsandhlwana (1879), to- 
tal defeats for regular military forces. 
But this book is far more than a com- 
parison of the e\'ents surrounding two 
battles. Both academics and general 
readers will be fascinated by the 
author's insights. A sure sign that Gump 
has achieved success is that many will 
wish that he had written a longer study. 
In only 139 pages of text, some aspects 
of comparative history could only be 
mentioned in passing. Nevertheless, 
Gump's superb work will surely serve 
as a model for additional comparative 
studies. With the publication of The Dust 
Rose Like Smoke: The Subjugntioii of the 
Zulu ami the Sioux, historians of Ameri- 
can history, and particularly historians 
of the American West, can enjoy an ana- 
lytical book that admirably fulfills the 
highest expectations of compara- 
tive history. 



Gerald Thompson 
Professor of History 
The University of Toledo 
Toledo, Ohio 



Children of Grace: 
The Nez Perce War 

OF 1877 



i?y:?:^;^T^i??g:?g;=:??:^^?-^?:?i??l?ISg^??^^ 




The Story of the Nez Perce War and 
flight toward Canada has been told in 
many places. Cutting a swath through 
the American Northwest for four 
months during 1877, the Nez Perce 
battled the United States Army for 1200 
miles across some of the most rugged 
terrain in North America. From Or- 
egon to Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, 
then back to Montana, several bands 
of Nez Perce Indians outfought, eluded 
and generally embarrassed a foe which 
had the benefit of both superior num- 



bers and teclmology. 

Bruce Hampton has retold 
this dramatic story in what surely 
will be regarded as one of the fin- 
est studies of this tragic episode 
in nineteenth century Indian- 
White relations. Using a fast-paced writ- 
ing style that will broaden its appeal 
beyond specialists in American Indian 
history, Hampton tells his story with 
verve and color. Yet Chihiren of Grace re- 
mains anchored within the standards of 
the best recent scholarship in American 



3iJ PI'- 



BY Bruce Hampton 

New York: Henry Holt and 
Company, 1994. 407 pages. Maps, 
illustrations, notes, 
biblioc;raphy, index. Cloth $27.95 



Wyoming Annals 



REVIEW 



Western history. 

Children of Grace is much more thart 
a retelling of a familiar story. Hamp- 
ton challenges standard interpretations 
of the war's unfolding. A compelling 
portrait of American military leader 
Oliver Otis Howard emerges. Stubborn 
to a fault, Howard made his decisions 
based upon a desire to rehabilitate his 
tarnished Civil War military reputa- 
tion. He and other white military au- 
thorities utterly underestimated their 
Nez Perce foes. It even may be argued 
that Howard's misreading of Nez Perce 
intentions fanned a relatively minor 
conflict into a major Indian war. 
Howard made the mistake that thou- 
sands of white leaders had previously 
made by assuming that all Indian de- 
cisions emanated from one, powerful 
and charismatic leader, in this case 
Chief Joseph. Hampton successfully 
argues that the legend surrounding 
Chief Joseph's leadership was created 
early in the conflict by Howard to am- 
plify his own military feats. It looked 
far better to defeat a cunning and 
skilled genius than to try to understand 
and depict in official reports the real- 
ity of Indian leadership. Decentralized 
and faction-riddled, Nez Perce leader- 
ship suffered from some of the same 
internal squabbles that plagued 
Howard's own army. 

Hampton's analysis of interaction 
between the Nez Perce and the Anglo- 
American civilian population is also 
fascinating. White attitvides toward In- 
dians are usually characterized as one 
of universal scorn and disdain. Hamp- 
ton demonstrates that the Nez Perce 
and other tribal groups often had repu- 
tations somewhere between the usual 
good or bad Indian stereotypes. In 
short, Childrcii of Grace contains a plea 
to analyze the complexity behind both 
white and Indian racial attitudes more 
carefully. Hampton also demonstrates 
how ambitious Western politicians 
seized upon the white population's 
fear of Indians to build or revive 
political careers. Indian conflicts 
could be good political news to an 



ambitious politician. 

Hampton incorporates into the nar- 
rative a commentary on his sources, 
noting strengths, weaknesses and the 
political coloration of his major refer- 
ence works. In several cases, significant 
acts of whitewashing occurred in key 
memoirs inspired by the Nez Perce War, 
and most twentieth century interpreta- 
tions of the event have uncritically re- 
lied upon these Anglo-American ac- 
counts. Hampton carefully sifts through 
both Indian and white accounts, giving 
the book a balance rarely found in stud- 
ies of frontier warfare. Using Indian ac- 
counts Hampton is able to argue con- 
vincingly that General John Gibbon's 
command indiscriminately killed 
women and children at the Battle of the 
Big Hole, a claim that most published 
accounts of the war have either denied 
or not addressed because of their reli- 



ance upon white authorities. 

Just when the Western book-buy- 
ing public had reached the conclusion 
that little more could be written about 
nineteenth century Indian-White war- 
fare, books like Robert Utley's The 
Lance and the Shield, James Welch's re- 
cent Killing Custer, and Children of Grace 
have appeared, adding depth and per- 
spective to topics that seemingly had 
reached saturation. Hampton's study 
proves that a good story combined 
with excellent research and lively writ- 
ing will never go out of style. 

Steven C. Schulte 
Associate Professor of History 
Mesa State College 
Grand Junction, Colorado 




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Winter ■94-95 



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BOOK 



With this, his first book, John C. 
Jackson has filled a void in the history 
of the American fur trade. The accom- 
plishments of David E. Jackson have 
largely been overlooked by most histo- 
rians even though a beautiful valley in 
northwestern Wyoming bears his name. 
Examining the experiences of one indi- 
vidual, the author demonstrates that 
the fur trade between 1822 and 1830 
was a business ventiire rather than the 
aimless adventuring of trappers. 

David Edward Jackson was raised 
in Virginia in a family whose members 
ranged from Congressional Represen- 
tative, George Jackson, to Civil War 
General Stonewall Jackson. He grew 
up listening to family discussions con- 
cerning the future of the nation and 
watching the world changing before 
him. After he left Virginia at age 33 and 
headed to the Rocky Mountains, he 
would play a significant role chang- 
ing the landscape. David Jackson 
made the acquaintance of Andrew 
Henry during the Panic of 1819 when 
Jackson's western investments were 
nearly worthless. These economic dif- 
ficulties, coupled with the lure of 
Henry's mountain adventures, enticed 
Jackson to team up with Henry and 
his partner William Ashley in a joint 
venture in the fur trade. Ashley 
handled the business end in Missouri, 
while Henry supervised upstream ac- 
tivities. David Jackson was recruited 
for his experience in handling men. 

The lure of federal land in Mis- 
souri, the lucrative business of the fur 
trade, and the opportunity to buy 
mules and horses in California and sell 
them at a profit in the south are all in- 
terwoven in this biography. But this 
book is primarily an account of the in- 
tricate business dealings of David Jack- 
son. He spent eight years supervising 
field operations and planning trapping 
strategies for the trading firms of 
Smith, Jackson and Sublette. After 
leaving the mountains Jackson re- 
turned to Missouri to settle his late 
brother's financial estate. Next he was 
off to try his hand in the compelling 



Santa Fe trade and Taos trade. 

Interwoven into the fur trade 
economy involving American and Brit- 
ish trappers is the story of an 
individual's dissatisfaction with home 
life and his need to secure financial sta- 
bility for the family he left behind. For 
all of his tra\'els across the continent and 
all of the business ventures, David Jack- 
son did not turn as great a profit as he 
had hoped. 

John C. Jackson completes the 
work begun by David Jackson's 
great-grandson, Carl D.W. Hays. 
According to the author. Hays 
"devoted his life to collecting ev- 
ery scrap of information on his for- 
bearer and pressed his research 
into areas where less committed 
scholars had not ventured" (p. xi). 
Carl Hays passed away in 1979 
leaving his research unfinished. 

Jackson's research includes 
new evidence from the archives of 
the Hudson's Bay Company. The 
fact that David Jackson left little 
written evidence about his busi- 
ness dealings or his life in the 
Rocky Mountains makes this 
documentation quite valuable. Many of 
author Jackson's previous articles focus 
on Canadian aspects of the fur trade. In 
this book he utilizes that research to pro- 
vide a balanced picture of the fur trade 
when boundaries of the American West 
were still in dispute. 

This book is well written and well 
documented. It should be of value to 
anyone with an interest in the Ameri- 
can fur trade. 

Tamsen Hert 

Reference Librarian and History 

Bibliographer 

CoE Library, University' OF Wyoming 

Laramie 



Shadow on the 
Tetons: David E. 
Jackson and the 
Claiming of the 
American West 



SHADOW 
tSS TETONS 




BY John C. Jackson 

Missoula: Mountain Press 
Publishing Company, 1993. Illus- 
trations, maps, notes, bibliogra- 
phy, INDEX. XII AND 24 I PAGES. 

Cloth $24.00 



64 



Wyoming Annals 



REVIEW 



Entitled to Power: 

Farm Women 

AND Technology, 

TQT 3-1963 




BY Katherine Jellison 

Chapel Hill: The University of 
North Carolina Press, 1993. 
Illustrations, tables, notes, 

index. XXII and 217 PAGES. ClOTH 

$39-95 Paper S13.95. 



The mechanization of the family 
farm during the twentieth century was 
a process nothing short of revolution- 
ary. With the affordability of the auto- 
mobile and tractor, the advent of radio, 
and rural electrification there came a 
transformation of rural life that not only 
increased agricultural production but 
also kept the patriarchal structure 
of the small farm intact. 

In Entitled to Power, Katherine 
Jellison examines the impact of 
the "New Agriculture" on farm 
women from Indiana to North 
Dakota. Jellison effectively argues 
that, while rural women wel- 
comed the modernization of farm 
life, thev resisted the notion that 
such ad\'ancements would make 
them full-time homemakers. 
Farm women have always been 
producers or integral contributors 
to the success of the family farm, 
Jellison argues, despite the fact 
that women's field work has long 
been considered to be merely 
"helping out" their male counterparts. 
As she so gracefully concludes: "For the 
farm women of 1963, as for their grand- 
mothers in 1913, the scope of their work 
ranged far beyond the farmhouse 
threshold." 

Using oral histories, popular publi- 
cations such as Wallaces' Farmer, appli- 
ance advertisements and government 
records, Jellison offers a comprehensive 
portrait of the heartlanci's rural women 
from the Progressive era to the postwar 



years. Her study is a fascinating ex- 
ample of the intersection of women's 
history, rural life and the culture of 
work. The true \alue of Jellison's book 
is that it successfully deflates the con- 
cept of "separate spheres" that women 
anti men supposedly inhabited in the 
past. 

As a 1935 advertisement for a mo- 
tor-driven Maytag washer declared; 
"Farm women are also entitled to 
power." By the early 1940s many of 
those women did, indeed, enjoy the 
advantages of labor-saving devices in 
their homes. However, despite such 
domestic ad\'ancements most women 
continued to contribute to farm pro- 
ducti\'ity and showed little interest in 
increasing their housebound actixities. 

From 1913 on, agricultural reform- 
ers promised rural women that mecha- 
nization would free them from farm- 
task drudgery. While women sought 
more independence as farm life 
changed, Jellison points out that the 
New Agriculture functioned within 
the structure of the old patriarchv. 

A solid and engaging study of dra- 
matic change. Entitled to Power offers 
many insights about the enticements 
of the new, and the durability of the 
old, in American rural life. 

Sarah E. Sharbach 
Assistant Professor of History 
Salisbury State University 
Salisbury, Maryland 




Peter John De Smet's story is set 
against the backdrop of momentous 
changes when White Americans re- 
placed Native Americans as masters of 
the Great Plains. Although it is ostensi- 
bly a biography, John J. Killoren uses the 
missionary's life as a vehicle to explore 
the "Indian tragedy," the end of a way 
of life. This well-organized work traces 
the history of Indian-White relations at 
a time when private citizens and the 



United States government le\'ied upon 
Indians the price of western expansion. 
De Smet was born in Belgium in 
1798. Assigned to the Jesuit commu- 
nity based in St. Louis, his arrival in 
1823 coincided with the first large-scale 
invasion of the Great Plains by White 
Americans when trappers traveled up 
the Missouri River and its branches in 
search of fur riches. De Smet partici- 
pated in the last rendezvous Ln 1840, 



Winter '94-95 



65 



BOOK 



and the following year joined an emi- 
grant wagon train led by Thomas 
Fitzpatrick to the Pacific. It was then 
that he gained firsthand experience in 
the problems Indians faced. However, 
his greatest contribution to missionary 
work was not ministering to Indians, 
but in Catholic fund-raising and re- 
cruiting efforts. He made nine trips to 
Europe, returning each time with re- 
cruits and money. 

From his initial foray into the 
Plains at a time when the Indians were 
enjoying the golden years of the buf- 
falo culture, to his last trip up the Mis- 
souri River in 1870 after that lifestyle 
had become untenable, De Smet de- 
voted his life to working with Native 
Americans. He was honored as an au- 
thority on, and advocate for, Native 
Americans. Widely publicized, his 
writings reveal sympathy for the In- 
dian plight. He expressed dismay at 
the loss of their cultures, and concern 
for the future of a people under siege 
by famine, war, disease and the vices 
of civilization which carried them off 
by the thousands. In recognition of his 
accomplishments, the king of Belgium 
in 1865 made De Smet a Kiiight of the 
Order of Leopold. 

The fifty years he spent in the 
American West saw important 
changes, and De Smet was a partici- 
pant in that change, working as a dedi- 
cated activist for his beloved Indians. 
A virtual "Who's Who" in nineteenth 
century Plains history parades through 
the pages of this book, for De Smet 
crossed the paths of Jim Bridger, Tho- 
mas Fitzpatrick, John C. Fremont, 
Marcus Whitman, John James 
Audubon, Brigham Young and Edwin 
Denig, as well as important Native 
American leaders like Red Cloud and 
Spotted Tail. 

Killoren concludes the west was 
not "won". Rather, conditions on the 
Plains changed so radically that Indi- 
ans were unable to maintain their 
dominance. Settlers migrating to Or- 
egon, miners traveling to California 
and Colorado, and Mormons moving 



to Utah were joined in the 1860s by the 
transcontinental railroad. All seriously 
affected the buffalo herds and the Indi- 
ans who depended upon them, under- 
mining Native American ability to sus- 
tain themselves. Their culture destroyed, 
Indians were no longer an impediment 
to Manifest Destiny. As early as 1858 De 
Smet had become convinced that the In- 
dians had to assimilate or be extermi- 
nated, and he tried to 
convince them of the 
benefits of assimilation. 

Retired from St. 
Stephens Mission on the 
Wind River Reservation, 
Killoren shares De 
Smet's sensitivity for the 
Plains Indian experience 
during westward expan- 
sion. He provides details 
on treaties offering pro- 
tection against bad 
White men which the 
government failed to 
enforce, atrocities com- 
mitted by scheming :.;,;: ,y. .,4;:-: 
Whites who stole Indian 
lands, and corrupt Indian agents who 
swindled their charges out of promised 
annuities. Killoren traces the disposses- 
sion of the Indians, portraying them as 
victims of White prejudice and land 
hunger. The Indian Office, he charges, 
took no steps to protect Indians or to 
fulfill the terms of numerous treaties 
which the government had negotiated 
with Native Americans. 

Nicely illustrated, the book features 
clear prose and a wealth of historic de- 
tail. Killoren's impressive bibliography 
includes De Smet's published and un- 
published writings, biographies, gov- 
ernment documents, theses, disserta- 
tions, newspapers, and a host of books 
and articles covering a wide range of 
topics relating to the nineteenth century 
West. The result is an impressive 
amount of research and an effective use 
of primary sources. 

If there is a fault with the book it 
lies in Killoren's neglect of Indian moti- 
vations. We understand what drove De 



"Come, Blackrobe": 
De Smet and the 
Indian Tragedy 



^^-VT* y|-|7i De Smet and llie 
V/VyiVlJl/j Imllmi Trageily 

BLACKROBE" 

BY JOHN J. KILLOREN. S. .1. 




BY John J. Killoren 

S.J. Norman: University of 
Oklahoma Press, 1994. xv and 
448 PAGES. Illustrations, maps, 
notes, bibliography, index. 
Cloth $2ci.c)', 



] 



Wyoming Annals 



REVIEW 



Cowgirls of the 

Rodeo: Pioneer 

Professional 

Athletes 






Smet to minister to his flock, but why 
did the Native Americans seek out De 
Smet and other Catholic missionaries? 
What drove them to establish alliances 
with these Whites? Why did they choose 
to be baptized by the thousands, to par- 
ticipate in rituals foreign to their tradi- 
tional religions? Did De Smet and the 
Indians share a common understanding 
of baptism and conversion, or did Indi- 
ans incorporate aspects of Christianity 
while retaining much of the faith of their 
forefathers? What must the Indians have 
thought in 1858 when De Smet arrived 
as a Major of the Army of Utah, preach- 
ing non-violence to warriors and coun- 




BY Mary Lou LeCompte 

Urbana: University of Illinois 

Press, 1993. xii and 272 pages. 

Illustrations, appendixes, notes, 

bibliographic essay, index. 

Cloth, $22.50 



Mary Lou LeCompte, Associ- 
ate Professor of Kinesiology and 
Health Education at the University 
of Texas at Austin, should be con- 
gratulated for writing this volume 
about women rodeo athletes. 
Much like the women who partici- 
pated in the All-American Girls 
Professional Baseball League, the 
achievements of the Girls Rodeo 
Association (now the Women's 
Professional Rodeo Association) 
have been ignored by historians. 
However, LeCompte has resur- 
rected female stars such as Lucille 
Mulhall, Lulu Belle Parr, Vera McGinnis, 
Florence Hughes Randolph, Tad Lucas 
and Mabel Strickland from the dustbin 
of history, arguing: "Rodeo cowgirls 
proved that women could compete in a 
rough, physically demanding, and theo- 
retically macho sport, endure falls, 
breaks, and bruises, and still earn the re- 
spect and admiration of millions." (p. 4) 
The story of professionalism of 
women on the rodeo circuit was not one 
of linear progress. LeCompte notes that 
lost was the one thing that made them 
"exceptional among all female athletes 
in American history, the ability to com- 
pete as equals with men in an otherwise 
all-male contest." (p. 196) Initially, rigid 
gender Imes were often blurred on the 



seling tribes to forego armed rebellion 
against Lnvadmg Whites who were de- 
stroying their game and appropriating 
their land? Did they believe that De 
Smet, the emissary of an enemy band 
of warriors, remained their friend, ad- 
vocated their rights, and represented 
their best interests? Perhaps the an- 
swers to these questions can form the 
basis of Killoren's next book. 

Dr. Bobbalee Schuler 
Hay Springs, Nebraska 



ranches of the American frontier, as in 
the Wild West shows and rodeo con- 
tests (such as the Cheyenne Frontier 
Days and Calgary Stampede) of the 
late nineteenth and early twentieth 
centuries when women competed on 
an equal basis for prize money in 
bronco-busting, roping and relay races. 
While the 1920s witnessed gender 
separation in rodeo competition, the 
position of cowgirls was well estab- 
lished. Athletes were accepted by East- 
ern audiences in major arenas during 
the golden age of sport, but changes 
were looming in the 1930s. The death 
of Bonnie McCarroll at the Pendleton 
Roundup led most rodeos in the West 
to discontinue bronc riding events for 
women, while the formation of the pro- 
motional Rodeo Association of 
America, and the Cowboys Turtle As- 
sociation in which female rodeo per- 
formers were non-voting members, led 
to a reduced role for women on the ro- 
deo circuit. The segregation process 
was completed by singing cowboy and 
film star Gene Autry who gained a vir- 
tual monopoly over the big-time rodeo 
business in the early 1940s and pre- 
ferred that rodeo cowgirls be "mere 
props, whose primary purpose was to 
make the cowboys look good" (p. 137). 
In the final section of her book 



Winter ■94-'95 



67 



BOOK 



LeCompte relates how in 1947 rodeo 
stars such as Jackie Worthington, Fern 
Sawyer and Dixie Reger Mosley, a 
group better educated than the first 
generation of female rodeo competi- 
tors, formed the Girls Rodeo Associa- 
tion which evolved into the Women's 
Professional Rodeo Association 
(WPRA). LeCompte describes the 
WPRA as "an organization of women, 
governed entirely by women, and de- 
signed to meet the distinctive needs, 
iiiterests, and abilities of women." (p. 
196) It advocated professionalism for 
female rodeo athletes through the ve- 
hicle of all-cowgirl rodeos and insisted 
that the popular barrel racing events 
be properlv compensated and in- 
cluded in the National Finals Rodeo. 
LeCompte tells her story in a 
straightforward, easy to follow, narra- 
tive approach, although one must read 
carefully in order not to become con- 
fused with the acronvms for rodeo as- 



From Owen Wister's Tlic Virginian 
in 1902, through John Wayne and the 
heyday of the Hollywood western, to 
the big-hatted country music stars of 
the 1990s, America has had an endur- 
ing love affair with cowboy culture. 
This tradition continues with the re- 
lease of Keith and Rusty McNeil's 
Cowboy Songs. The fifty-song, two cas- 
sette anthology chronicles cowboy his- 
tory through song and narration. 

The songs are primarily from the 
years 1865 to 1890, the boom years for 
western settlement, open range ranch- 
ing and the cowboys. The McNeils in- 
clude many classic cowboy songs such 
as Home on the Range, Goodbye Old 
Paint, and Streets of Laredo as well as 
lesser-known songs such as The Zebra 
Dun and ]uan Murray. These are au- 
thentic songs from the trails and camp- 
fires originally sung by working cow- 
hands in the nineteenth century. The 
songs are broken down into four cat- 
egories: The Beginnings, Cowboy Life, 
From Texas to Kansas, and On the 



sociations or by the many biographi- 
cal sketches includeci in this volume. 
The historical context of rodeo cowgirls 
within women's sport history is well 
established, but some readers might 
prefer more consideration of how 
women's rodeo history fits into the 
broader historiography of the 
America West. Well-documented 
and researched, the book is based 
upon newspaper accounts, the 
archives of the WPRA, rele\'ant 
secondary material and inter- 
views with many of the cowgirls. 
LeCompte has made an impor- 
tant contribution to the growing 
literature in the too long-ne- 
glected field of women and sport. 



Ron Briley 
Assistant Headmaster 
Sandia Preparatory School 
Albuquerque, New Mexico 



Cowboy Songs 



Keith &' Rusty McNeil 

Cowboy 
Songs 




Trail. Concise narrati\'e transitions effec- 
tively tie the songs together. The narra- 
tions are clear and direct, aimed at an au- 
dience with little or no background in the 
topic. The musical arrangements are 
simple and folksy, as they should be, fea- 
turing vocals, guitar, banjo and 
other acoustic instruments. 

The project is an ambitious 
one: to inform us about the his- 
tory, hard work, brave deeds, lost 
loves and everyday life of the 
cowboy. These songs remind us 
that the cowboy's life was marked 
by long, lonely hours of body- 
punishing tasks at low pay. In the 
twentieth century we were lured 
by popular songs and western 
serials into romanticizing and 
nostalgizing the cowboy's life. 
These folksongs, unattached to 
Nashville's Music Row and New York's 
Tin Pan Alley, give a realistic picture of 
the cowboy. 

However, in their quest to inform 
and educate, the McNeils perform many 



BY Keith and Rusty McNeil 

Riverside, California: WEM 
Records, 1994. Set of two audio 
CASSETTES Si 9.95 



Western 
Railroad Songs 



Keith y Rusty McNeil 

Western 
Railroad 
Songs 




BY Keith and Rusty McNeil 

Riverside, California: WEM 
Records, 1994. Set of two audio 
cassettes $19.95 



Wyoming Annals 



NEW IN PAPERBACK 



INDIAN SCHOOL DAYS 
By Basil H. Johnston 

"This bittersweet memoir, one of the few to be written by a 
student at a residential school for Indians, should be read by 
anyone interested in the education of native American 
youth." — Journal of the West. 

$12.95 

A CENTURY OF DISHONOR 

A Sketch of the United States Government's 
Dealings with Some of the Indian Tribes. 
By Helen Hunt Jackson 

Foreword by Valerie Sherer Mathes 

A classic account of the U.S. government's flawed Indian 
policy and the unfair and cruel treatment afforded North 
American Indians by expansionist Americans. 

$14.95 

RED MAN'S LAW/WHITE MAN'S LAW 
The Past and Present Status 
of the American Indian 
By Wilcomb E. Washburn 

With a new Preface and Afterword by the author 

"A brilliant analysis of the Indian's legal status, especially in 
regard to the land. . . . Certainly no serious student of Indian- 
white relations can overlook this significant volume." — 
Pacific Historical Review. 

$14.95 




THE LOST TRAPPERS 
By David H. Coyner 

Edited and with an Introduction and a 
new Afterword by David J. Weber 

"A rip-corking book — one that is fun to read, exciting and 
informative." — Albuquerque Journal. 

$9.95 

THE COMPLETE HORSESHOEING GUIDE 

Second Edition 

By Robert F. Wiseman 

"If not the best book on the subject, only another farrier 
would know." — The Westerners. 
$16.95 




University 

of Oklahoma 
Press 



(( ;ill l-SOO-r)27-7.^77. or wrilc) 

Dipt. MAM) 

1(105 Asp Am.— N(irm:in. OK 73019-0445 

\(l(l: s:.5(» I'osI hiiiui. 

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BOOK 



of these songs with little passion or en- 
thusiasm. Contrasted to recent cowboy 
collections bv Ian Tyson and Michael 
Martin Murphey, or older recordings by 
Woody Guthrie and Ramblin' Jack Eliot, 
the McNeils sound uninspired. These 
renditions are missing the heart and 
soul of the bunkhouse, trail and saloon. 

The sixth and latest installment of 
the McNeils' series is Wester)i Railroad 
Songs. Once again, this installment con- 
tains two cassettes with three hours of 
music and narration. Several other 
musicians join the McNeils in this col- 
lection, adding some fiddle, bass, man- 
dolin, vocals and harmony. 

The songs are organized into four 
categories: The Builders, The Golden 
Spike, The Railroaders anci Five Trans- 
continental Railroads. Most of the 
songs, which date back to the nine- 
teenth century, chronicle the decades of 
frantic railroad development and star 
the financiers, engineers, pioneers, ho- 
boes, laborers and outlaws of the era. 

The McNeils' song collecting and 
research efforts are commendable. This 
project reminds me of the blood, sweat 



It is hard to imagine any scholar 
more qualified to write a history about 
the impact of railroads on the Pacific 
Northwest than Carlos Schwantes. The 
author of numerous books and articles 
on the political economy of the area, rn- 
cluduig state arid regional histories and 
studies of labor unrest and transporta- 
tion, Schwantes brings to the subject 
over two decades of research and writ- 
ing on related topics. The end result is 
neither a coffee table book nor a schol- 
arly monograph, but a lavishly illus- 
trated volume based on a wide range 
of primary and secondary materials. 
Scholars of the Pacific Northwest may 
not discover new or original interpre- 
tations, but they and general readers 
will find a well-written narrative syn- 
thesized from existing literature as well 
as enlightening, fresh material based on 
primary research. 



and hard work required to join 
America's two coasts by rail. Included 
among the fifty songs are many stan- 
dards such as 900 Miles, Rock Island Line, 
Jesse James, and Casey Jones. Many over- 
looked cuts are included as well such 
as The Handcart Song, Subsidy, and The 
Harvey Girls. 

In these tapes as well as those of Cow- 
hoy Songs, the McNeils' main goal is to 
instruct rather than to entertain. They 
cover the songs accurately and profes- 
sionally but without much joy or vigor. 
What should be an exciting ride through 
one of the most colorful chapters of 
American history often becomes dry and 
laborious. Contrast this recording to re- 
cordings by Utah Phillips, Larry Perm 
and Johnny Cash to hear what I mean. 

Chris Kennedy 

Assistant Professor of Communications 
Western Wyoming Community College 
Rock Springs 



Railroad 
Signatures 
Across the Pacific 
Northwest 



Railroad Signatures ncrois the Pacific Northwest 



In the absence of ma- 
jor navigable waterways 
east of the Pacific coast and 
Puget Sound, European 
and American settlers of 
the region improvised 
with shallow draft boats, 
portages, wagons, carts, 
pack animals and their 
backs to move goods into 
the hinterland. Such 
means of conveyance sim- 
ply could not transport to 
market the lumber, miner- 
als, wheat and other extractive products 
that flowed from mines, farms and 
ranches. The development of the area 
depended on the coming of economical 
and efficient transportation: the railroad. 
Schwantes shows how railways opened 
the territories, then the states of Mon- 
tana, Idaho, Oregon and Washington, to 








f \R10S A. SCHWANTES 



BY Carlos A. Schwantes 

Seattle: University of 

Washington Press, 1993. 

360 pages. Illustrations, maps, 

NOTES, bibliography, INDEX. 

Cloth $50.00 



Wyoming Annals 



REVIEW 



A Dose of Frontier 

Soldiering: The 

Memoirs of 

Corporal E.A. Bode, 

Frontier Regular 

Infantry, 1877- 1882 



settlement by large numbers of immi- 
grants from the East and abroad. Scat- 
tered and isolated communities were 
joined to national and international ar- 
teries of commerce by iron and steel 
rails. By the 1870s the Pacific Northwest 
had entered a global economy with all 
its opportvmities and perils. 

Railroad Signatures is business and 
economic history, but it is also social his- 
tory in the best sense of the term. One 
of the many strengths of the book is the 
focus on not only famous people like 
James J. Hill and E. H. Harriman anci 
their properties such as the Great North- 
em and Union Pacific railroads, but also 
on small-scale entrepreneurs, shortline 
railroads, and places such as Oregon's 
Sumpter Valley and the Camas Prairie 
of Idaho. Schwantes has a good sense 
of regional society and his pages are 
populateci with lumberjacks, fruitgrow- 
ers, ranchers and small town 
businesspeople who created commodi- 
ties the railways hauled. The railroad- 



ers themselves are major actors as well. 
Many readers will be surprised to dis- 
cover the large number of Japanese la- 
borers used to construct and maintain 
the railways. Schwantes also discusses 
the rise of tourism and the coming of 
the luxury passenger train, which he 
juxtaposes against the arrival of the au- 
tomobile in the 1920s and the rise of 
airline traffic after 1945. 

Thanks to a generous grant from 
Burlington Northern Railroad, the Uni- 
versity of Washington Press has pro- 
duced a beautiful, color-filled, large 
format book that enhances Schwantes' 
narrative. Both the author and the 
Press can be proud of this successful 
collaboration. 

Keith L. Bryant, Jr. 
Professor of History 
The University of Akron 
Akron, Ohio 



A DOSe OF FRONTIER 

mum 




.jiLnuMJii runijHii 



EDITED BY ThOMAS T. SmITH 

Lincoln: University of 

Nebraska Press, 1994. x and 237 

PAGES. Illustration, notes, 

bibliography, index. 

Cloth $29.95 



Born in Schonhagen, 
Hanover, in 1856, Emil George 
Adolph Bode enlisted in Com- 
pany D, Sixteenth Infantry on 
March 1, 1877. For the next five 
years he served in Louisiana, In- 
dian Territory, New Mexico and 
Texas. Home was, in turn. Fort 
Sill, the Kiowa-Comanche Reser- 
vation, Fort Gibson and Fort 
Davis. His only venture on the 
war trail was in May, 1880, when 
his regiment participated in the 
last phase of the Victorio Cam- 
paign, failing to engage the 
Apaches in combat but logging endless 
miles in the pursuit. A few days after 
promotion to sergeant in February 1882 
Bode received his discharge, forsaking 
the army for what apparently was a 
career in surveying and operating out 
of Chicago and Dayton. Evidence indi- 
cates that sometime between 1884 and 
1889 he authored the manuscripts that 



appear in revised form in this volume 
as his military memoirs. 

Accounts written by enlisted men 
are rare, especially those who served in 
the infantry. This memoir is even more 
unusual in its descriptive power and for 
the information it contains about top- 
ics not ordinarily found in its genre. As 
expected, the reader will find much 
practical advice on how to survive in 
the frontier army: how to remove the 
salt from pork by slight boiling, mak- 
ing what was called Cincinnati chicken; 
how to hunt turkeys at night by firing 
at roosting silhouettes; and how to ar- 
range a comfortable tent utilizing bayo- 
nets for candle stick holders. 

Especially interesting is a view of 
the army underworld, the less than ad- 
mirable, often ingenious system that 
evolved to exact personal gain at the 
expense of the public and one's com- 
rades. While not a participant. Bode 
adeptly recounts in detail how soldiers 



Winter ■94-95 



BOOK 



gambled in darkened outhouses after 
taps, how they stole federal arms and 
clothing to sell for liquor, and how as 
guards and inmates they overpow- 
ered and robbed the newest prisoner. 
Officers, too, were involved. First 
among those having the opportunity 
for graft was the post quartermaster, 
controlling as he did much of the 
Army's property and livestock. A lar- 
cenous overseer might use the same 
dead mule in successive daily reports 
on the demise of three mules, selling 
two to passing civilians. Bode also 
provides e\aluations of officers with 
whom he was acquainted. He named 
Col. Ranald S. Mackenzie as the only 
man fit to command against Indians 
and dismissed Col. Benjamin H. 
Grierson with the terse comment that 
he "preferred the safe side." (p. 41) 



Some historians will frown on the 
methodology used in creating a pub- 
lished text out of Bode's original draft, 
a revision covering the 1887-1880 pe- 
riod, some material apparently prepared 
for later insertion, and his complete jour- 
nal for the years 1881 and 1882. In com- 
bining these documents Smith changed 
punctuation, did away with phonetic 
spellings, and reconciled tenses. Never- 
theless, supplied with an excellent in- 
troduction and ample footnotes that ex- 
plicate the memoir and place it in con- 
text, A Dose of Frontier Soldiering ranks 
as one of the best enlisted men accounts 
yet published. 

John D. McDermott 

Chairman, Old West Trails Association 

Sheridan, Wyoming 




Liquor, Lust, & Lies 
Under Saqebrush Skies 

BY Larry K. Brown 

The frontier "hog ranch" was a rural den of booze, gambling, dancing and 
loose women often found outside military camps. Why were they called hog 
ranches? How did they start up? Read about the Six Mile, the Three Mile, 
Anderson's, the Hog Ranch at Fetterman, and other short lived Wyoming 
sties of liquor, gunplay, lust and lies. 

Hear stories of familiar frontier citizens like Sheriff Malcolm Campbell, 
Alferd Packer, Calamity Jane, the Sagebrush Dentist, the Sundance Kid, 
Mother Featherlegs, plus meet some new colorful characters — Goldie, 
Tousant Kensler, John Boyer and plenty of nameless Cyprians. 

"Vou. . . will feel satisfied when you finish Larry Brown's Hog Ranches of 
Wyoming that you learned something about history that doesn't find its way into 
textbooks. " MarkJunge, Editor, Wyoming Annals 

ISBN 0-931271-30-4: traae paperback, 128 pps, 14 photos, index, bib, $10.95 
ISBN 0-931271-31-2: hardcover limited edition of 200, signed/numbered, $23.95 



At DooRstores or direct from the publisher. 

Mail orders add $2 per book shipping. 

Wyoming residents add 5% tax. 

High Plains Press 

Box 123, Glendo Wyoming 82213 

Ph. (307) 735-4370 



72 



Wyoming Annals 



REVIEW 



Great Mysteries of 
THE West 




edited by 
Ferenc Morton Szasz 

Golden, Colorado: Fulcrum 

Publishing, 1993. xxi and 266 

PAGES. Photographs, 

bibliography, index. 

Paper $19.95 



This anthology of fourteen essays 
explores a wide range of natural, cul- 
tural and historical mysteries in the 
Western United States. Although none 
of the mysteries is set in Wyoming, we 
certainly have our own analogies. 

The mysteries fall into five cat- 
egories: creatures unknown to sci- 
ence such as sea serpents and 
sasquatch figures in the Pacific 
Northwest; enigmas surrounding 
Native American groups including 
the cjuestion of pre-Columbian con- 
tact between whites and natives, and 
the fate of the Anasazi; unexplained 
phenomena such as the apparition of 
a seventeenth century Spanish nun 
in New Mexico, and twentieth cen- 
tury reports of flying saucers at 
Roswell, New Mexico; historical leg- 
ends about the Battle of the Little Big- 
horn, and the origin of Turkey Red 
wheat in Kansas in the nineteenth 
century; and lost mines and treasures 
including stories about Rocky Bar, Idaho 
and Spanish explorers in California. 

The purpose of the volume is to pro- 
vide a scholarly balance to the usual sen- 
sationalized treatment of these subjects. 
The authors are scholars in oceanogra- 
phy, history, astronomy, folklore, antliro- 
pology and American studies. Each pro- 
vides a historical survey of the mystery's 



account and possible explanations 
without drawing conclusions. The es- 
says are all written for a general rather 
than an academic audience. 

In some cases the mystery is a prob- 
lem of interpretation of eyewitness ac- 
counts or material evidence, and in oth- 
ers it boils down to the question of be- 
lief. But in spite of their widely differ- 
ent topics, each author draws some- 
what similar conclusions. They agree 
that mysteries are more significant in 
themselves than they would be as 
solved puzzles. The value of mysteries, 
says Michael Welsh in the final essay, 
isn't in their solution but rather in the 
process of seeking the truth. All of the 
mysteries give people something to 
ponder, allowing them to use their 
imaginations to devise explanations 
without the reward of ever really know- 
ing the answers. Indeed, all these au- 
thors argue, something valuable would 
be lost if everything was known. 

Barbara Allen Bogart 

folklorist 

EvANSTON, Wyoming 



American Indian Treaties: The 
History of a Political Anomaly by 
Francis J. Paul Prucha. Berkeley: 
University of California Press, 1994. 
Cloth $45.00. 

A comprehensive examination of 
Indian treaties in American history 
from the standpoint that Indians were 
put into a position of dependence and 
inequality. 

The Dream Seekers: Native 
American Visionary Traditions of the 
Great Plains by Lee Irwin. Norman: 



Book 
Notes 

University of Oklahoma Press, 1994. 
Cloth $26.95. 

A study of the role of visioimry 
dreams in Plains Indian society. 

Early Mormon Documents: Volume 
One edited by Dan Vogel. Salt Lake 
City: Signature Books, Inc., 1995. 800 
pages. Cloth $34.95. 

First in a three-volume, a)uwtated 
reference series of all known primary 
documents relating to the origins of the 
Mormon church. Volume One relates to 
the Vermont and New Hampshire period. 



Fur Traders, Trappers and Moun- 
tain Men of the Upper Missouri ed- 
ited by LeRoy R. Hafen. Lincoln: 
University of Nebraska Press, 1995. 
152 pages. Paper $8.95. 

Eighteen biographies compiled 
from the ten-volume Mountain Men 
and the Fur Trade of the Far West se- 
ries edited by LeRoy R. Hafen. 



In the World: The Diaries of Reed 
Smoot edited by Havard S. Heath. 

conti)uied next page 



Winter ■94-'95 



Book 
Notes 



...continued from previous page 

Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 
Inc., 1995. 800 pages. Cloth $95.00 
Diaries of Senator Reed Siiioot (1903- 
1933) and iiisiglit into Iiis political cousei-- 
vatism, Jiis cultural background and his 
iniage of modem America. 

Indians a)ui tlie American West in 
the TwentietJi Centuri/hy Donald L. 
Parman. Bloomington: Indiana 
University Press, 1994. Cloth 
$29.95, paper, $12.95 

A concise overview of tzucntietli 
century lndia}i iiistory. 



Tlie Pliotograpli and the American 
Indian by Alfred L. Bush and Lee 
Clark Mitchell. Princeton: Princeton 
University Press, 1994. Cloth $79.50 

A pictorial history of Indians from 
1S40 to the present. 



River of Promise, River of Peril: The 
Politics of Managing the Missouri River 
by John E. Thorson. Lawrence: Uni- 
versity Press of Kansas, 1994. 284 
pages. Cloth $29 .95 

Management and development 
of the Missouri River Basiji from 
1944 to the present. 



Rooted bi Dust: Surviving Drought 
and Depression hi Southwester)i Kaii- 
sas by Pamela Riney-Kehrberg. 



Lawrence: University Press of Kan- 
sas, 1995. 264 pages. Cloth $25.00 

The impact of drought and de- 
pression upon the cultural life of a 
southern plains community. 

The U.S. Army in the West, 1870- 
1880: Uniforms, Weapons, and Equip- 
ment by Douglas C. McChristian. 
Norman: University of Oklahoma 
Press, 1995. 384 pages. Cloth $34.95 

McChristian e.xamines the devel- 
opment of army uniforms, equipment 
and arms, arguing that the frontier ex- 
pericjice shaped and staiuiardized ma- 
teriel. 



NOW AVAILABLE IN PAPERBACK/REPRINT... 



American Indian Tribal Govern- 
ments by Sharon O'Brien. Norman: 
University of Oklahoma Press, 1994 
(originallv 1989). 368 pages. Paper 

$17.95 



The Far Western Frontiers, 1830- 
1860 by Ray Allen Billington. Albu- 
querque: University of New Mexico 
Press, 1995 (originally 1956). 368 
pages. Paper $16.95. 



A Century of Dishonor: A Sketch 
of the United States Government's 
Dealings with Some of the Indian 
Tribes by Helen Hunt Jackson. 
Norman: University of Oklahoma 
Press, 1995 (Originally 1881). 552 
pages. Paper $14.95. 



The Great Father: The United States 
Government and the American Indians 
by Francis Paul Prucha. Lincoln: 
University of Nebraska Press, 1995 
(originally 1984). Unabridged Vol- 
umes 1 and 2 combined, 1334 pages. 
Paper $50.00. 



Red Man's Laud/White Man's 
Law: The Past and Present Status of 
the American Indian by Wilcomb E. 
Washburn. (2nd edition) Norman: 
University of Oklahoma Press, 1995 
(originally 1971). 320 pages. Paper 
$14.95. 



The Winiiing of the West by 
Theodore Roosevelt. Lincoln: Uni- 
versity of Nebraska Press, 1995 
(originally 1905). 4 vols., 1576 
pages. Paper, each volume $15.00. 



Converting the West: A Bibliog- 
raphy of Narcissa Whitnian by Julie 
Roy Jeffrey. Norman: University of 
Oklahoma Press, 1994 (originally 
1991). 256 pages. Paper $12.95 



Hell on Horses and Women by 
Alice Marriott. Norman: University 
of Oklahoma Press, 1994 (originally 
1953). 304 pages. Paper $14.95 



Custer's Last Stand: The Aiiatoun/ 
of an American MytJi by Brian W. 
Dippie. Lincoln: University of Ne- 
braska Press, 1994 (originally 1976). 
214 pages. Paper $8.95. 



Jackson Hole. Crossroads of the West- 
ern Fur Trades 1807-1840 by Merrill J. 
Mattes. Jackson, Wyoming: Jackson 
Hole Museum & Teton County His- 
torical Society, 1994 (originally 1987). 
95 pages. Paper $5.95. 



Yellowstone Command: Colonel 
Nelsoti A. Miles and the Great Sioux 
War, 1876-1877 by Jerome A. 
Greene. Lincoln: University of Ne- 
braska Press, 1994 (originally 1991). 
333 pages. Paper $13.95 



Wyoming Annals 



Video 
Reviews 




Unforgiven 




Warner Brothers, 1992 

Warner Home Video, 1993 

130 minutes, Rated R 



Clint Eastwood's Unforgiven, his 
first western since Pale Rider in 1985, is 
a lean and provocative film. It is a 
graceful meditation on the Old 
West, courage, bravery, and re- 
spect. It is also Eastwood's hom- 
age to the Sergio Leone spaghetti 
western films which made him 
infamous as the "Man With No 
Name," the avenging guardian. 
In Unforgiven Eastwood deliber- 
ately blurs the lines between vir- 
tue and villainy. By the end of the 
fikn the viewer is left wondering 
if the bad guys are the policemen 
or the killers, or if the difference 
between the two is no more sig- 
nificant than a character flaw. 

Unforgiven opens with a long 
shot of a lonely ranch in 1 880. The 
hero, William Munny (Clint 
Eastwood), stands in silhouette by a 
leafless auttmuial tree beneath which his 
wife is buried. He credits her with hav- 
ing tamed him, single-handedly trans- 
forming him from a vicious, soulless 
drunk who admits to having killed 
women and children, into a sober up- 
right citizen able to accept responsibil- 
ity for recognizing the difference be- 
tween right and wrong. He is now a 
mediocre hog farmer eking out a liveli- 
hood for himself and his two small chil- 
dren. Any delusions of outlaw grandeur 
have been replaced by the realities of his 
retired life. 

All this changes with the news of a 
$1,000 bounty for two cowboys who 
mutilated a prostitute in Big Whiskey, 



Wyoming. The situation is set up slowly 
and elaborately. Big Whiskey is a town 
controlled by Little Bill Daggett (Gene 
Hackman), a sheriff who exudes the 
same, barely controlled brutality as 
Munny. Firearms are not permitted by 
ordinance in Big Whiskey and Daggett 
takes great pains to settle arguments 
peacefully. When a cowboy slashes a 
prostitute for mocking his Manhood, 
Daggett fines him and his partner seven 
horses, payable to the saloon owner as 
compensatory damages despite the 
protests of Strawberry Alice (Frances 
Fisher), the eldest and most maternal 
whore. Enraged, she raises $1,000 
bounty for the two cowboys' heads. 

Enter The Schofield Kid (Jaimz 
Woolvett), myopic virgin in the killing 
game. He's smart enough to know that 
information is power and he is among 
the first to learn of the $1,000 reward. 
He is also smart enough to realize he 
needs experienced help to accomplish 
his goal. Of course, each time the tale 
is retold it grows more exaggerated 
and gruesome. He catches Munny vul- 
nerable and bored, and though Munny 
resists at first, he eventually reasons 
that the violence which will befall the 
two cowboys is vindication of the de- 
fenseless. This is morally defensible 
and consistent with Munny's oath to 
the memory of his wife. What they did 
was not "wickedness in a regular 
way", but rather so unforgivable as to 
resurrect the outlaw in him. Munny 
recruits his old partner, Ned Logan 
(Morgan Freeman), another housebro- 



WlNTER ■94-'95 



Video 



ken ex-outlaw living in domesticity. 
The two philosophize about death and 
violence and the danger they are court- 
ing by risking a return to their old 
ways. "We done stuff for money be- 
fore, Will," Ned reminds him. After 
learning of the cruelty and brutality of 
the cowboys' deed, it is with great re- 
lief that he exclaims, "Bingo. Well I 
guess they got it coming then." Will 
sums up the situation for both of them 
when he says, "I'm just a fella now. I 
ain't no different than anyone else." 
Just a couple of guys trying to deny 
their dark pasts who believe that their 
character flaws were temporary and 
changeable rather than indelible. 

The remainder of Unforgivcn fol- 
lows the tracks of the bounty hunters. 
They include Richard Harris as English 
Bob, the famous gunfighter whose ne- 
farious reputation for amorality and 
savagery belies his elegant veneer and 
accent. He is followed puppy fashion 
by an obviously Eastern, pulp Western 
magazine writer, W.W. Beauchamp 
(Saul Rubinek), a bespectacled leech 
whose presence uncomfortably fore- 
shadows the coming of civilization to 
this undisciplined land. Sooner or later 
they all end up in Big Whiskey. Little 
Bill has ample opportunity to display 
the violent and sadistic side of his per- 
sonality which he legitimizes by wear- 
ing a badge. And this is truly the point 
of the film: what happens, Eastwood 
seems to ask, when people live in a 



society where killing is permitted? What 
does it mean to actually kill a man? Is 
there justifiable homicide? "It's a 
helluva thing, killing a man," Will tells 
the Kid after he is deflowered. "You take 
away all he's got, all he's ever gonna." 
..."I gviess he had it comin'," the Kid says 
hopefully. "Kid," replies Will, "we all 
got it comin'." The frontier was hardly 
an idyll; it was dirty, violent, uncultured 
and rough. Those who peopled it were 
not heroes; they were just trying to sur- 
vive as best they could. 

Uiifoygivcn, directed and produced 
by Eastwood, was nominated for nine 
Academy Awards. It won four, includ- 
ing Best Picture, Best Director, Best Sup- 
porting Actor (Gene Hackman) and Best 
Editing. Eastwood also was named Best 
Director by the Directors Guild of 
America. The most lucrative attraction 
to filmgoers for the last 20 years, Clint 
Eastwood finally gained artistic credibil- 
ity and respect with this thoughtful, 
well-executed and certainly successful 
film. Even those not usually susceptible 
to his appeal or the lure of Westerns will 
be affected and entertained by the tale 
of the self-deprecating good guy with 
the natural propensity to be bad. 



Shelley A. Sackett 
Video Review Editor 
Cheyenne 



I 



From its opening horizon of 
shadow-shrouded mountains lying 
darkly under the distant heavy over- 
cast and the empty, two-lane highway 
running off into the gloom. Red Rock 
West virtually oozes with director John 
Dahl's own flavor oi film iioir. Tradi- 
tionally, ///;/; noir depicts the dark, wet 
streets of an urban night for its setting, 
but John Dahl has taken the 
labryinthine criminal plotting of the big 
city and placed it squarely in the de- 
cayed, fictional, eight building com- 



munity of Red Rock, Wyoming, 
which is supposed to sit on high- 
way 489 West (489 runs north and 
south). 

The trapped hero of this mo- 
rality play is Michael Williams 
(Nicholas Cage) an ex-Marine 
who is a victim of his own sense 
of honesty. Losing out on a oil rig 
job on highway 489, he spends his last 
$5.00 for gas to take him to the commu- 
nity of Red Rock, where continued em- 
ployment opportimities have been sug- 



Red Rock West 




Red Rock Films, Inc 
Columbia Tristar 
Home Video, 1993 
98 minutes, no rating 



1992 



76 



Wyoming Annals 



Review 



gested. In the Red Rock Bar, he meets 
the bartender, Wayne (J.T. Walsh), who 
immediately confronts him with "I 
thought you were supposed to be here 
last Friday. I was beginiiing to think I'd 
have to find somebody else!" Taken 
aback and thinking that a job is in the 
offing, Michael lets Wayne think he is 
"Lyle from Dallas." It doesn't take 
Michael long to learn, however, that 
Wayne has hired "Lyle" to kill his wife. 
To Michael's empty wallet, the $5,000 
is an overwhelming temptation ..."I 
hate to see an innocent woman get ... 
but it's an awful lot of money" and his 
thought is to take the money, inform 
the wife, then split. Matters start to 
convolute, however, when Wayne's 
wife, Suzanne (Lara Flynn Boyle), 
doubles the offer — to kill her husband. 
Soon after, Michael discovers that 
Wayne is really the sheriff of Red Rock. 
Many surprises await. The plot has 
more twists and turns than a two-lane 
blacktop through the Big Horn Moun- 
tains. And Suzanne, moderate by most 
film noir standards, like most femmes 
fatales, is dangerous to the end. 

Focus continued from page 5... 

tory and its critics because the issues 
these historians raise relate directly to 
broader cultural issues. They need to fa- 
miliarize themselves with the work and 
participate in discussions provoked by 
new versions of their past. History is a 
dynamic discipline and historians see 
the past in dialogue with the present. 
They want to engage the public in dis- 
cussion regarding issues of great impor- 
tance such as defining who we are as 
Westerners ...and as Americans. 

Finally, Annals readers need to ques- 
tion journalists, political pundits and aca- 
demics who decry debate and insist on 
one, official interpretation of history for 
the American public. Most upsetting to 
me was the recent conflict over a 
Smithsonian Institution exhibit called 
"The West as America." Some people 
believed the exhibit's interpretation was 
too polemical, too negative about impor- 
tant American ideas — and yes, myths — 
regarding the West. The real tragedy was 

Winter '94-95 



Red Rock West is a surprising and 
complex thriller which reshapes the film 
noir tradition with a strong western fla- 
vor Set in fall, its images are of death, 
decay and rust reflecting the moral and 
even spiritual decay of the town's isola- 
tion. The ancient wrought-iron signs 
which announce the entrance and exit of 
the bare community erupt with blood- 
like rust through failing white paint just 
as personal hate and greed seep through 
its characters. In tfiis small, isolated west- 
ern town secrets have long been buried, 
but now they rise to the surface and burst 
forth in murder and blackmail. 

Surprisingly, the film was originally 
released on cable, making its first ap- 
pearance on the Showtime channel in 
1993. It was destined for obscurity until 
Roxie Releasing spotted it, recognized 
its unusual qualities and contracted for 
its distribution in theaters across the 
country. John Dahl's previous film. Kill 
Me Again (1989), did not fare well in the- 
aters so Dahl, with brother Rich, moved 
into cable production. The brothers' 
theme has been consistent, however. Kill 
Me Again was another subtle film noir 



not in the Smithsonian's interpretation, 
but rather in the successful efforts of 
some politicians to shut down the exhibit 
altogether. It was slated for Denver but 
the exhibit never made it to the Rockies. 
We were deprived of an opportunity to 
examine, discuss, or possibly challenge 
its interpretations and implications. Re- 
cently the turmoil over the Enola Gay 
concluded in the same fashion: the ex- 
hibit was essentially stripped of any in- 
terpretation whatsoever. Debate and dia- 
logue ended with the muzzling of 
Smithsonian historians. To barken back 
to a New Western History term, we are 
all "losers" when that happens. 

Dr. Sherry L. Smith (1951-) is an 
Associate Professor of History at the 
University' of Texas, El Paso, and part- 
time RESIDENT OF MOOSE, WYOMING. SHE 

WAS A Survey Historian for the 
Wyoming State Historic Preservation 
Office (1980-81) and taught at the 
University of Wyoming (1982-84) and 



with a desperate ft'H//;/t'/nto/t'. The Dahl 
brothers' most recent film, again first 
released on cable (and thus out of the 
running for an Academy Award), is an- 
other shocking film noir to horrify the 
staid male concept of normality. In the 
now widely seen The Last Seduction, 
Linda Fiorentino, as a true femmefatale, 
emasculates the men in her life with 
the power of her sexuality. 

This is a film set in Wyoming. Un- 
fortunately, most of it was filmed ei- 
ther in Montana or Arizona despite its 
references to Laramie and Rawlins. 
What the viewer sees may be mistaken 
for Wyoming but it is not. Most is shot 
in Arizona, the community of Wilcox, 
and the train shots were done in Mon- 
tana. While the film has its rewards, 
Wyoming residents can not somehow 
escape feeling cheated. 

Roger Taylor, Jr. 

Associate Professor of English 
Western Wyoming College 
Rock Springs 



the University of Colorado, Boulder 
before moving to UTEP in 1985. She has 
written two books: The View From Officers' 
Row. Army Perceptions of Western Indians (U. Of 
Arizona Press, 1990) and Sagebrush Soldier: 
Private William Earl Smith's View of the Sioux 
Warofi8j6(l]. Of Colorado Press, 1989). 
The principal figure in the latter is her 
great-grandfather. Last year Smith 
RECEIVED a Lola Homsher Research 
Grant from the Wyoming State 
Historical Society for a project she is 
co-authoring with Robert Righter on 
"The Women of Jackson Hole." An 
article derived from that work, "A 
Woman's Life in the Teton Country: 
Geraldine Lucas," was published in 
Montana, the Magazine of Western History 
(Summer, 1994). 



INDEX 



A Complete Official Road Guide of the Lincoln High- 

way by the Lincoln Highway Association .. 

66:3:68-69 

A Dose of Frontier Soldiering: The Memoirs of Corpo- 
ral E.A. Bode, Frontier Regular Infantry, 1877- 

1882 by Tliomas T. Smith 66:4:71-72 

A Fexv Interested Residents by Mike Jording 

66:l&2:55-56 

A Hunt in Wyoming (see Fine ]agd in Wyoming) 

A Room of One's Oiim by Virginia Woolf 66:3:4 

A Vast Amount of Trouble: A History of the Spring 

Creek Raid by John W. Davis, 

review 66:4:59-60 

A West of One's Own by Virginia Scharff ..66:3:4-5 

Abbott, Carol, Metropolitan Frontier: Cities in the . 

Modern American West, review .... 66:3:79-80 

ABC-TV 66:4:21 

Abingdon College (Indiana) 66:3:31 

Abourezk, James 66:3:64 

Academy of Motion Pictures 66:4:33 

Acapulco, Mexico 66:4:18 

Adams, Charles "Charlie" M 66:l&2:8-9; 

photo 9 {see Masked Rider) 

Aero Service Station (Casper, Wyoming) 

66:1&2:29; 

sketch 29 

African Americans 66:1&2:36,48; 

66:3:11-13,21:66:4:4 

AHC (see American Heritage Center) 

AIDS (auto-immune deficiency illness) ...66:3:17 

Akashic Records by Levi H. Dowling ... 66:3:46-47 

Akron, Ohio 66:1&2:73;66:3:47 

Akron-Summit County Public Library (Ohio) 

66:3:47 

Alaska 66:3:16;66:4:11-12,25 

Alaskan Legislature 66:4:12 

Albany County (Wyoming).. 66:3:10,24,34;66:4:25 
Albany County Attorney and Prosecutor 

Albany County Historical Society 66:1&2:49 

Albany County [ail 66:1&2:9 

Albany County United Way 66:3:10 

Albuquerque, New Mexico 66:3:5 

Aldridge (Montana) 66:4:9 

Altamont Pipeline 66:1&2:73 

Altgeld, John Peter 66:3:44 

Alumni University of Wyoming Association 

Medallion Service Award 66:3:10 

Ampro (tape recorder) 66:4:31 

American Association of Retired Persons (AARP) 

66:3:10,27 

American Bureau of Shipping 66:1&2:44 

American Council of Learned Societies ... 66:3:47 

American Heart Association 66:4:21 

American Heritage Center (Laramie) 

66:1&2:11,23,49; 66:3:41; 

photo 45;66:4:2,23-24,26,30,32,35-36 

American National Biography 66:3:47 

American National Cattlemen 66:4:24 

American Railway Union 66:3:44 

American Revolution 66:3:31 

American Studies Program (Univ. of Wyoming) 

66:1&2:25,37,66:3:24 

Americanism 66:3:54 

America's Largest Wooden Vessel: The Six Masted 

Schooner Wyoming by Francois M. Dickman 

" '. 66:l&2:38-49 

Ammersee 66:1&2:2,75 

78 



AMOCO 66:4:32,34 

AMOCO Foundation 66:4:30 

Amundson, Michael A., The Rise and Fall of Big 

Horn City 66:l&2:ld-25 

Anaconda Collection 66:4:35-36,39 

Anaconda Minerals Company 66:4:24 

Ankeny, Margaret 66:4:41 

Anthony, Susan B 66:3:13 

antislavery crusade 66:3:13 

Apartment (film) 66:4:34 

Aquarian Gospel of Jesus the Christ 

by Levi H. Dowling 66:3:46-47 

Arab 66:3:18 

Arabian Peninsula 66:1&2:49 

Archaeology. Histoty and Custer's Last Battle by 

Richard Allan Fox, Jr., review 66:l&2:54-55 

architecture 66:l&2;26-37 

ARCO (see Atlantic Richfield Company) 

ARCO Coal Company 66:4:24 

Arizona 66:4:78 

Armstrong, Debbie 66:3:5 

Arnold, Thurman 66:4:24 

Artists and Illustrators of the Old West by Robert 

Taft '. 66:4:29 

Ash Street (Casper, Wyoming) 66:1&2:36 

Asian-American women 66:3:4 

Asians 66:3:11; 66:4:4-5 

Aspinall, Wayne 66:3:65 

Atkinson, William 66:l&2:8-9 

Atlantic Ocean 66:1&2:48;66:4:11 

Atlantic Coast 66:3:42 

Atlantic Richfield Company 66:4:25,35 

Atlas Theater 66:1&2:31 

Audubon, John James 66:3:47 

Aven Nelson Building (Univ. of Wyoming) 

66:4:25 

Avoca Street (Sheridan, Wyoming) 66:1&2:36 



B 



B Street (Casper, Wyoming) 66:1&2:36 

Babcock and Hanna Dry Goods 

(Big Horn, Wyoming) 66:1&2:17 

Backley, Dick (see Peyton, Jao.) 

Baco Raton (Florida) 66:1&2:75 

Baldwin Locomotive 66:4:27 

Ball, Larry D., review of Dangerous Duty: 

A Histon/ of Frontier Forts in 

Fremont County, Wyoming 66:3:70 

Banff, Alberta (Canada)" 66:4:10 

Barber, Amos W. 66:3:6,34 

Bard, Isaac (see Isaac Bard diaries) 

Bartlett, I.S. History of Wyoming 66:3:30 

Barrett, Frank ". .". 66:3:56,58-59; 

photo 56 

Bath (Maine) 66:l&2:38-39,42-44,46 

Baxter, George W. 66:3:32,39 

B.B. Brooks & Company 66:1&2:42 

Beaux arts 66:1&2:28 

Beck, George Washington Thornton 66:4:25 

Beck,J.B 66:1&2:20 

Becker, E.H 66:1&2:15,17-18,20 

Behan, Johnny 66:1&2:69 

Bellevue (Ohio) 66:4:27 

Bellingham (Washington) 66:1&2:2 

Benevolent & Protective Order of Elks 

(BPOE), Casper 66:l&2:34-35; 

photos 34-35 



Bergman, Alan 66:4:33 

Bergman, Marilyn 66:4:33 

Bemardston (Massachusetts) 66:1&2:42 

Berry, Henryetta 66:4:25 

Bert Williams Award 66:4:7 

Berthoud (Colorado) 66:3:6 

BIA (see Indians: U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs) 

Biberstein, Franz 66:1&2;2 

Bicentennial (American Revolution) 66:3:14 

Bicentennial history of Wyoming .... 66:3:22,24,27 

Bickford, Perry '. 66:3:36,38,45 

Bierstadt, Albert 66:1&2:2 

Big Goose Creek (Wyoming) 66:1&2:13,20 

Big Horn (Wyoming) 66:1&2:4,11;66:3:6,32 

Big Horn (Wyoming) newspaper 66:1&2:17 

Big Horn baseball team 66:1&2:18 

Big Horn Basin 66:1&2:5 

Big Horn Brick Yard 66:1&2:17 

Big Horn Building 66:1&2:17 

Big Horn cemetery 66:1&2:20 

Big Horn City 66:l&2:10-25; 

plat 14 

Big Horn City Board of Trustees 66:1&2:17 

Big Horn City first cabin site, 

photo 66:lc§!:2:21 

first hotel 66:1&2:21 

first plowed field 66:1&2:21 

first settler 66:1&2:21 

first sawmill 66:1&2:13 

Big Horn Dramatic Club 66:1&2:18 

Big Horn Mercantile and Post Office ...66:1&2:25 
Big Horn Mercantile Building 66:1&2:15,16; 

photos 15,18 

Big Horn Mountains 66:l&2:4-5, 12-13,24; 

66:3:32;64:4:77 

Big Horn Nafional Forest 66:1&2:72 

Big Horn Post Office 66:1&2:16 

Big Horn Saloon 66:1&2:20 

Big Horn School District 66:1&2:15 

Big Horn Sentuiel newspaper 

66:lc&2:16-17-18,20; 

masthead 16-17 

Big Horn Sentinel Building photo 66:1&2:15 

Big Horn Town Site Company 66:1&2:17 

Billings (Montana) 66:3:26 

Bilyeu, Marilyn S. 

(see Marilyn S. Bilyeu Collection) 

bimetalism , 66:3:39 

Bioisi, Thomas, Organizing the Lakota, 

review 66:1&2:52 

Birleffi, Bobbi 66:4:39 

Birleffi, Larry 66:4:39 

bison (see Cows All Over the Place) 

Bissell (George Henry) Papers 66:4:30 

Black family .'. 66:4:47-48 

Black Fourteen 66:4:39 

Black, John Charles 66:3:31,39 

Blackburn, Joseph C.S 66:3:46 

Blacks (see African Americans) 

Bloch, Robert 66:4:23 

Bloody Bozeman 66:1&2:12 

(see Bozeman Trail) 

Bloomington, Illinois 66:3:31,34-35 

BIy, Robert 66:1&2:5 

Boer War 66:1&2:25 

Bogart, Barbara Allen, review of 

Great Mysteries of the West 66:4:73 

Boise (Idaho)". '. 66:1&2:2,75 

Bologna (Italy) (see Palazzo Palavicini) 

Wyoming Annals 



Bond, Robert 66:4:24 

Bonney, Lorraine and Orrin H., The Grand Contro- 

versy: The Pioneer Climbs in the Teton Range 

and the Controversial First Ascent of the Grand 

Teton, review 66:3:73-74 

Book of Indians by Holling C. Holling 66:3:49 

Boston (Massachusetts) 66:1&2:42 

Boston Public Library 66:1&2:28,32 ' 

Boston University 66:4:2L34 

Boston Weather Bureau 66:1&2:49 

Bottineau County (North Dakota) 66:4:10 

Bottler bison herd 66:4:48 

Bottler brothers (Frederick, Henry, Phillip) 

66:4:45-46 

Bottler dairy 66:4:45 

Bottler Ranch (Montana) 66:4:45(photo) 

Boulder (Colorado) 

66:1&2:37;66:3:10,13-14,22;66:4:6,32,77 

BouteUi, L.J.E 66:4:33 

Bowlin, Mike 66:4:35 

Boyd, William D 66:3:52 

Boyle, Laura Flynn 66:4:78 

Bozeman (Montana) 66:4:47 

Bozeinan Avant Courier (Montana) newspaper 

66:4:47 

Bozeman Trail 66:l&2:map 12,13,72; 

66:3:6; photo 66:1&2:7 

Bozeman Trail Inn 66:1&2:16 

Bragg, Bill 66:3:2 

Brammar, Dolores (Mrs. Francis S.) 66:4:6-7 

Brammar, Francis S 66:4:6-7, 

photo 7 

Brammar, Ritner G 66:4:6 

Brand Book 66:1&2:42 

Brandenburg, Jim 66:1&2:25 

Brass Rail 66:4:27 

Bratislava (see Pressburg, Czechoslovakia) 

Bresson, Henri Cartier 66:4:7 

Bridger, Jim 66:1&2:5 

Briley, Ron, review of Cozugirls of the Rodeo: 

Pioneer Professional Athletes 66:4:67-68 

Brimmer, C.E 66:4:36 

Brininstool, E.A 66:3:7 

British Columbia (Canada) 66:1&2:30 

British Royal Naval Academy 66:3:87 

Brooks, Abby 66:1&2:43,45 

Brooks, Bryant B 66:1&2:32,34; 

photo 42 

Brooks, John 66:l&2:42,45-46 

Brooks, John B., photo by 66:1&2:45 

Brooks, Lena 66:1&2:45 

Brooks, Mary Willard (Mrs. Bryant B.) 

photo 66:1&2:42,43,45 

Brophy William 66:3:60 

Brown, CO 66:4:16 

Brown, Florence (Mrs. Larry K.) 66:4:21 

Brown, Jerry 66:3:11 

Brown, Larry K., 

In Old Wi/ommgiCttarles Adams .. 66:l&2:8-9, 

photo ._. 8; 

In Old Wyoming:Grace Raymond Hebard 

66:3:6-7, 

photo 6; 

In Old Wyoming: Francis S. Brammar 

66:4:6-7, photo 7; 

Lnsty Lady ofLnsk 66:4:8-21, 

photo 21 

Brown, Mabel, First Ladies of Wyoming, 

1869-1990 '. .' 66:3:2 

Brown, Melville C 66:3:32 

brucellosis (see Coios All Over the Place) 

Brumel, C.W. 66:3:46 

Brummell, Helen E 66:4:16,18 

Winter '94-95 



Brust, James (see Dr. James Brust Collection) 

Bryan, William Jennings 66:3:46-47; 

photos 66:3:35 

Bryant Jr., Keith L., review of Railroad Signatures 

Across the Pacific Nortliiuest 66:4:70-71 

Bryant, William Cullen 66:4:9 

buffalo calves (photo) 66:4:7 

Buffalo (Wyoming) 66:1&2:4-5,15-18,20-21,72; 

66:3:33,45 

Buffalo Bill Historical Center (Cody, Wyoming) 

66:1&2:6 

Buffalo brass band 66:1&2:20 

Buffalo Ranch 66:4:45 

Bulfinch, Charles 66:1&2:30 

Burdick, Charles W. (photo) 66:3:45 

Burke, Dell 66:4:8-21, 

photos 8,11-12,15-16,18,20,21 

Burlington and Missouri Railroad survey crew 

66:3:32 

Burlington Northern Railroad 66:1&2:75; 66:4:15 

Bumham, Daniel 66:1&2:66:1&2:28 

Butler University 66:3:31 

Butte (Montana) 66:4:12,15 

Byrd, Elizabeth 66:3:11 



Cadillac 66:3:2 

Calgary, Alberta (Canada) 66:4:10 

California 66:1&2:4,36,75; 66:3:21,26; 66:4:6,39 

California factor 66:1&2:4 

California State University 66:1&2:37 

Cambodians 66:3:21 

Campbell, A.C 66:3:32,39 

Canada 66:1&2:9 

Canadian Pacific Railroad 66:1&2:2 

Canadian Rockies 66:1&2:2 

Cannon, Joseph G 66:3:31 

Cantonment Reno (Wyoming) 66:1&2:12 

Canyon (Yellowstone National Park) 

' 66:3:14;66:4:50 

Cape Cod (Massachusetts) 66:1&2:48 

Cape of Good Hope 66:1&2:48 

Capitalism on the Frontier by 

Carroll Van West, review 66:l&2:64-65 

Capitol Hill (Washington, D.C.) 66:3:56 

Capturing and Loading Buffalo engraving .. 66:4:54 

Carey Avenue (Cheyenne, Wyoming) 66:4:7 

Carey Joseph M 66:3:24 

Carey Robert D.) 66:4:2 

Carey William D 66:1&2:2 

Carla Ridge (Los Angeles, California) 66:4:36 

Carlson, William 66:3:63;66:4:25,36 

Carroll John E 66:3:45 

Carter, Vincent) 66:3:52-53 

Casper (Wyoming) 66:l&2:26-37; 

66:3:6,19; 66:4:12-14 

Casper Chamber of Commerce 66:1&2:27 

Caspwr Daily Tribune newspaper 66:1&2:34 

Casper Daily Tr/fuoit' buildmg 66:1&2:31 

Cassidy "Butch" 66:1&2:6 

Catching Buffalo Calves by Peter Holt 66:4:53 

Catlin, George 66:1&2:2 

cattle industry 66:3:16-17,19 

Cattle Kate (seeWyoming Lynching of Cattle Kiite, 
3S6'9; Watson, Ella) 

Cavalier (Dakota Territory) 66:4:9 

Cawley, R. McGreggor, Federal Land, Western An- 
ger: The Sagebrush Rebellion and Environmen- 
tal Politics, review 66:3:72-73 

Central Florida University 66:4:33 

Certifed Local Government program ....66:1&2:7 



(see Wyoming SHPO) 

Champaign County (Illinois) 66:3:31 

Champaign-Urbana (Illinois) 66:3:47 

Champion, Nate 66:3:33 

Chapel of the Pines Crematorium (Los Angeles, 

California) 66:4:33 

Charleston (Illmois) 66:3:31 

Charlottesville (Virginia) 66:4:45 

Chatham (Massachusetts) 66:l&2:47-48 

Cheney, Richard 66:3:64; 

photo 64 

Chesapeake Bay 66:1&2:43,46 

Cheyenne (Wyoming) ....66:1&2:4,13,16,31,42,73; 

' 66:3:6.19,25,33,44-45,65; 66:4:6-7,21,25 

Cheyenne-Black Hills stage road 66:4:19 

Cheyenne Daily Lt'mft'mewspaper 66:3:45 

Cheyemie Health Care Center 66:4:7 

Cheyemie High School 66:4:6 

Cheyenne Multi-List Service 66:1&2:66:1&2:4 

(see Weppner, Linda) 

Clici/cnne State Leader newspaper 66:1&2:45 

Cheyenne Symphony 66:4:2 

Cheyenne Union Pacific Depot 66:1&2:6 

Chi Chi (dog) 66:4:16 

Chicago and North Western Railroad 

(see Burlington Northern Railroad) 
Chicago (Illinois) 66:1&2:42,75; 

66:3:12,29-31,46; 66:4:7,27,34,36-37,40 

Chicago Times newspaper 66:1&2:12 

Chicago World's Fair (1893) 66:lcS!:2:28,36 

child labor (see Wyoming child labor bill and law) 
Children of Grace: Nez Perce War of 1877 by Bruce 

Hampton, review 66:4:62-63 

Chinese cook 66:4:17 

Christensen, Don, photo by 66:4:16 

Christianity 66:3:89 

Christian Scientist 66:1&2:46 

Chrysler 66:3:14 

Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints 

Museum (Salt Lake City Utah) .... 66:1&2:75 

Churchill, Clementine 66:4:39 

Citibank (New York) 66:4:29 

(see First National Bank of New York) 
Civic Center Park (Denver, Colorado) . 66:1&2:28 

Civil War 66:1&2:2,13,39;66:3:31,36,45;66:4:45 

Clark, Champ 66:3:41 

Clark, Clarence D 66:l&2:33-35 

Clark, Gibson 66:3:33 

Classicism in A Boomtoum: The Architecture of 

Garbutt, Weidener, and Sweeney in 1920s 

Caspcrhy Patrick Frank 66:l&2:26-37 

Clear Creek (Wyoming) 66:1&2:12 

Cleveland, Grover 66:3:34-36,38-46 

Cleveland Indians 66:1&2:73 

Clinton (Iowa) 66:3:6 

Cloud Peak Chapter (see Daughters of Rebekah) 
Clough, Wilson 66:3:22,27 

(see Wilson Clough Collection) 

coal industry 66:3:17 

Cody (Wyoming) 66:1&:2:72;66:4:33 

Cody Trading Post 66:4:25 

Coe Collection 66:4:29 

Coe, William Robertson 66:3:10; 66:4:29 

Coffeen Avenue and A\'oca Street street signs 

(Sheridan, Wyoming) 

photo 66:3:32 

Coffeen Block 

photo 66:3:32,42-43 

Coffeen, Harriet Newell (Mrs. Henry A.) 66:3:31 
.Coffeen, Henry A 66:1&2:20; 

/ Am Not a Cuckoo Democrat I The Congressional 

Career of Henri/ A. Coffeen) 66:3:30-47, 

photos: ". 30,33,36; 

79 



Coffeen Improvement Company 66:3:32 

Coffeen, John 66:3:31 

Coffeen, Michael 66:3:31 

Coinage Act (1873) 66:3:38 

Coleman, Samuel 66:1&2:2 

Colgan, Celeste review of Riding tlic Wliite Horse 

Home: A Western Family Album ... 66:3:81-82 
Collections of the (Wyoming) Historical Society 

'. .". .'; 66:4:25 

Collector, Stephen, Lizo of the Range, review 

66:1&2:53 

Collier, John 66:3:50-52 

Collier, Richard photos by 66:1&2:26- 

27,28,29,30,31,32-33,34,35,36,37; 

66:3:32,36,42,53;66:4:22-23; 

review oi Laze of tlie Range 66:1&2:53; 

Colorado .' 66:3:13,16,29,65 

Colorado Assistant State Historian 66:4:24 

Colorado College 66:1&2:70 

Colorado homesteads (see review of Long Vistas: 

Women and Families on Colorado Homesteads) 
Colorado State Historian 

Colorado State University 66:1&2:27; 66:3:65 

Columbia University (New York) 66:1&2:32 

Columbus (Ohio) 66:4:9 

Come Blael<robe: DeSmet and the Indian Tragedy by 

John J. Killoren, review 66:4:65-67 

Committee on Resolutions (Democratic National 

Committee) 66:3:46 

communism 66:3:13 

Computer Technology Division (Wyoming State 

Department of Administration and 

Information) 66:3:8,18;66:4:22 

Conger, Dean, photo by 66:4:2 

Congregational missionaries 66:3:6 

Congregational Missionary Society 66:1&2:15,21 
Consolidated Royalty (Con-Roy) Building 

(Casper, Wyoming) 66:1&2:32 

Contract With America 66:4:4 

Converse County 66:3:34 

coon dance 66:1&2:18 

Cora F. Cressy (sailing ship) 66:l&2:47-49 

Corporation for Public Broadcasting 66:4:2 

Cosmos Club (Washington, D.C.) 66:4:24 

Cotterman, Almeda (see Fisher, Almeda) 

Cotterman, Homer 66:4:12,21 

Coutant, C.G 66:4:2 

Coii'girls of the Rodeo: Pioneer Professional Athletes 

by Marv Lou LeCompte, 

review 66:4:67-68 

Cowboy Songs and Western Railroad Songs by Keith 

and Rusty McNeil, review 66:4:68 

Cowboy State (Wyoming) 66:1&2:6; 66:3:54 

Coius All Over the Place 

by Lee H. Whittlesey 66:4:42-57 

Coxey, Jacob S 66:3:44 

Crandall, Harrison photo by 66:4:47 

Creighton Street (Big Horn, Wyoming) 66: 1&2: 16 

Crook County (Wyoming) 66:3:34 

Crosby Bing .'. 66:4:23 

Curry Bill 66:4:36 

Curt Teich & Co., Inc. postcards 66:1&2:4,5 

Custer, Elizabeth Bacon (Mrs. George Armstrong; 

see Elizabeth Bacon Custer and the Making of 

a Myth) 
Custer, George Armstrong (see review 

oiArchacologt/, Histonj and Custer's Last Battle) 
Custer (Montana) 66:1&2:17 



Dahl, John . 

8o 



, 66:4:77-78 



DaW, Rich 66:4:78 

Dailey, Andrew 66:4:47 

Dailey bison herd 66:4:48 

Dailey's Ranch (Montana) 66:4:49 

Dakota Territory 66:4:7,10 

Dakota veterinarians 66:4:45 

Dakotas 66:3:16,22 

Dallas (Texas) 66:4:21,31 

Dana Hall 66:1&2:45 

Dangerous Duty: A History of Frontier Forts in Fre- 
mont County, Wyoming by John D. 

McDermott, review 66:3:70 

Daniels and Fisher Tower (Denver, Colorado) 

66:1&2:31 

Danville (Illinois) 66:3:31-32,50 

Darbicss Around Us is Deep: Selected Poems of 

William Stafford 66:1&2:5 

Darrow, Bob 66:4:36 

Daughters of Rebekah 66:1&2:24 

(see International Order of Odd Fellows 

Auxiliary) 

Davis, Don 66:4:44 

Davis, Jennie (Mrs. William F) 66:1&2:13 

Davis, Jolin W.,Vast Amount of Trouble: A History of 

the Spiring Creek Raid, review 66:4:59-60 

Davis, William "Bear" R (and family) .66:1&2:13 

Dawes Allotment Act (1887) 66:3:50 

Dayton (Wyoming) 66:1&2:20 

Dean of Wyoming History 66:3:8 

(see Larson, T.A.) 

Debs, Eugene V. 66:3:44 

Deck Hunter Collection 66:1&2:13,18,21 

Deer Creek (Wyoming) 66:1&2:42 

Deever (see Van Dvck and Deever).... 66:4:50-51 

Dell Burke Memorial Auxiliary 66:4:21 

Dell's Hotel (Lusk, Wyoming) 66:4:18 

Deloria, Vine, Jr 66:3:56 

DeMandge, Duesse photo 66:4:5 

Democratic State (Wyoming) 

Central Committee 66:3:38 

Democratic National Committee 66:3:34,46,61 

Democratic National Convention (1895) .. 66:3:46 

Democratic Party 66:3:18-20,31-47 

Democratic Party platform 66:3:40 

Democratic-Populist merger 66:3:34 

Democratic State (Wyoming) Convention 

(1894) 66:3:45; 

(1889) 66:3:32 

Denmark 66:1&2:30 

Denver (Colorado) 66:1&2:4,28,31,70; 

66:3:13,16,26,29:66:4:6,8,35,40 

Denver Club 66:4:36 

Denver Terra Cotta Company 66: 1 c§c2:34-35 

DePaul Hospital (Cheyenne) 66:4:7 

Depot McKinney 66:1&2:12 

Depression ... 66:4:16 (see also Great Depression) 

Desert Storm 66:3:25 (see Gulf War) 

Deutsch, Adolph 66:4:34 

Deutsch, Diane (Mrs. Adolph) 66:4:34 

Devillies [sic] Inn photo 66:4:56 

(see Dwelle's) 

Diamond Ranch 66:4:30 

Dickman, Christine 66:1&2:49 

Dickman, Francois, M., America's Largest Wooden 

Vessel: The Six-Masted Schooner Wyoming 

66:"lcS!;2:38-49 

Dickman, Margaret Hoy 66:1&2:49 

Dickman, Paul 66:1&2:49 

Directors Guild of America 66:4:77 

Disneyland 66:4:33 

Dixon (North Dakota) 66:4:12 

Donahue, Jim, review of 

To Reclaim a Divided West 66:1&2:61 



donkey steam engine 66:l&2:40,45-46 

Dot Island (Yellowstone National Park) ... 66:4:54 

Douglas (Wyoming) 66:3:34 

Dow, Jack 66:1&2:16 

Dowling, Levi H 66:3:46-47 

Doyle, Don Harrison 66:1&2:24 

Dr. James Brust Collection 66:4:49 

Drake Well (Titusville, Pennsylvania) 66:4:30 

Dubois (Wyoming) Chamber of Commerce 

66:1&2:66:1&2:5 

Dubois, William 66:1&2:31;66:3:2 

Dukes, FK 66:1&2:9 

Dull, Bronson "Jerry" 66:4:19 

Dull Knife Battle 66:1&2:12 

Duluth (Minnesota) 66:1&2:2 

Dunraven, Earl of 66:4:45 

Duret, Joseph "Frenchy" 66:4:55-56 

Duret's Ranch (Montana) 66:4:55 

Dust Rose Like Smoke:Tlie Sid'jugation of the Zulu 

ami the Sioux by James O. Gump, 

review 66:4:61-62 

Dwelle's (sic) stage station and hotel 66:4:55 

(see De\'illies' Inn) 
D'Oney, J. Daniel review of The Lance and the Shield: 

The Life and Times ofSittnig Bull .. 66:3:76,78 



Earp, Wyatt 66:1&2:69; 66:3:86 

Eastern Illinois College 66:3:31 

Eastwood, Clint 66:45:76-77 

E.G. Waters animal pens: 66:4:53; 

Boat Company: 66:4:53 

Edens, Walter, review of Letters of Mart Sandoz 

66:1&2:64 

Editor Notes by Mark Junge 66:1&2:4- 

'. 5;66:3:2;66:4:2 

Eight Seconds, video review 66:1&2:68,70 

Eighteenth Amendment (to the U.S .Constitution) 

66:4:12 

Eighty-Third Congress 66:3:56,62 

Einejagdin Wyoming 66:1&2:2 

Einstein, Lewis 66:4:39 

Eisenhower Administration 66:3:58 

Eisenhower Congress 66:3:56 

Eisenhower, Dwight David 66:3:56 

Eisenstadt, Alfred 66:4:7 

E.J. Sawyer photo 66:4:12 

Election of 1892 66:3:34-25 

Elizabeth Bacon Custer and the Making of a Myth by 

Leckie, Shirley A., review 66:1&2:59 

Elks Club (Casper, Wyoming) 

(see Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks) 

Elsom, Dottie 66:1&2:5 

Emancipation Proclamation 66:3:54 

End of American Exceptionalism: Frontier Anxiety 

from the Old West to the New Deal by David 

M. Wrobel, review 66:3:71-72 

England 66:3:16,19,21 

Enola Gay 66:4:6 

Entitled to Po'wer: Farm Women and Technology, 1913- 

1963 by Katherine Jellison, review ... 66:4:65 

EPCOT Center (Florida) 66:4:33 

Equality State (Wyoming) 66:1&2:6; 66:3:13 

Ernest L. Ives (Mrs.) Collection 66:3:34-35 

Eureka College (Illinois) 66:3:31 

Europe 66:1&2:35,49; 66:3:11, 19,39,66:4:45 

euthanasia 66:3:20 

Evanston (Illinois) 66:1&2:75 

Evanston (Wyoming) 66:3:33 

Everett General Hospital 

(Washington) 66:1&2:75 

Wyoming Annals 



Ewig, Rick, review of The End of Aincriam 

Excepticnalism: Frontier Anxiety from the Old 
West to the Neiv Deal 66:3:71-72 



Farrell bison herd 66:4:48 

Farrell, James A 66:4:47 

Farwell, Charles (Mrs.) 66:1&2:20 

Father of Wyoming Flistory 66:3:24 

Federal Land, Western Anger: The Sagebrush Rebel- 
lion and Environmental Politics by R. 

McGreggor Cawley, review 66:3:72-73 

FD. Pease Ranch (Montana) 66:4:46 

Ferlicka, Donald 66:4:44 

Fernandez, Anthony 66:3:60 

Ferrara (Italy) 66:3:35 

Fery, Jofmand Maria 66:1&2:2 

Fery, Carl 66:1&2:2 

Fery Family Collection (see paintings:Fo.v and 

Grouse, Grand Tetons and fackson Lake) 

Fery, Fiammetta 66:1&2:2 

Fery John 66:1&2:75 

Fery, John (grandson of John Fery) 66:1&2:75 

Ferv, Lucienne 66:1&2:2 

Fetterman, Captain W.J 66:1&2:12 

Fey Jack 66:4:36 

Finerty, John F. 66:1&2:12 

Fiorentino, Linda 66:4:78 

FIRSTS: 
first ascent of the Grand Teton 

(see Grand Controversy review) 
first Wyoming person to help foreigners apply 

for U.S. citizensfdp 66:3:7 

(see Hebard, Grace Raymond) 
first state library association 66:3:7 

(see Hebard, Grace Raymond) 
first woman laywer licensed to practice Ln 

Wyoming 66:3:7 

(see Hebard, Grace Ravmond) 
first woman singles tennis champion.... 66:3:76 

(see Hebard, Grace Ravmond) 
first woman state golf champion 66:3:7 

(see Hebard, Grace Raymond) 
first woman to earn Bachelor of Science degree 

in Civil Engineering from the State Univer- 
sity of Iowa 66:3:7 

(see Hebard, Grace Raymond) 
First National Bank of Palm Beach (Florida) 

66:4:35 

First National City Bank of New York 66:4:27 

(see also Citibank) 

First Street (Big Horn, Wyoming) 66:lc&2:16 

First World War (see World War I) 

Fisher, Almeda (Mrs. John) 66:4:9,11, 

photos 10-11 

Fisher, Burl 66:4:11-12, photos 11-12 

Fisher, Charles (brother of John Fisher) 66:4:9 

Fisher, Charles (son of John Fisher) .... 66:4:11-12, 

photo 11-12 

Fisher, Frances 66:4:76 

Fisher, Herbert 66:4:11, 

photo 11 

Fisher, John 66:4:9-11, 

photo 11 

Fisher, Loraine A. (see Loraine A. Fisher Collection) 
Fisher, Mary "Marie" Ada (see Burke, Dell) 
Fisher, Nora (Mrs. Charles) 66:4:12, 

photo 12 

Fisher (North Dakota) 66:4:10, 

photo 10 

Fisher, Phyllis 66:4:20 

Winter '94-95 



Fisher Store and Post Office 66:4:10, 

photo 10 

Fitger Brewery 66:1&2:2 

Fitzgerald, Geraldine ... 66:3:88 (see Loe, Nancy) 
Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy 

66:1&2:49 

Florence (Italy) 66:1&2:36 

Florida 66:3:11,21,58 

Florida Atlantic University 66:1&2:75 

Folsom, David 66:4:45 

Forest Lawn cemetery 66:4:35 

Fort Phil Kearny /Bozeman Trail Association 

' 66:1&2:6 

Fort Washakie Indian School Superintendent 

(see Indians) 
FORTS AND CAMPS: 

Bridger (Wvoming) 66:1&2:6 

Collins (Colorado) 66:1&2:27 

Custer (Montana) 66:1&2:13 

Dangerous Duty: A Histon/ of Frontier Forts in Fre- 
mont County, Wi/oniing, review 66:3:70 

Fetterman (Wyoming) 66:1&2:12 

McKinney (Wyoming) .. 66:1&2:12-13; 66:3:33; 

66:3:45 

Phil Kearny (Wyoming) 66:1&2:12-13 

Washakie (Wyoming) building photos 66:3:53 

Fouch, John H 66:4:46, 

photos by 47,49 

Fountain (Yellowstone National Park) 66:4:50 

Fountain Hotel photo 66:4:50 

Ri.v and Grouse painting by 

John Fery 66:lc&2:cover 

Fox, Richard Allan, Jr., Archaeolog\/, History and 

Custer's Last Battle, review 66:l&2:54-55 

France 66:3:4 

France and Canada Steamship Company 

66:1&2:48 

Frank Meyers (photo) Collection 66:4:5,26 

Frank, Patrick, Classicism in A Boomtozim: The Ar- 
chitecture ofGarbutt, Weidener, and Sweeney in 

1920s Casper 66:1&2:25,37 

Frederick W. Lander and the Lander Trail 

by Jermv Benton Wight, review.. 66:3:78-79 

Freeman, Henrv 66:4:29 

Freeman, Morgan 66:4:76 

Fremont County (Wyoming) 66:3:34,36 

Fremont County Historic 

Preservation Board 66:1&2:73 

French, Herb 66:4:51 

Frenzeny, Paul 66:1&2:2 

Freudenthal Nancy 66:l&2:4-5 

Friends of South Pass 66:1&2:73 

Froidevaux, Frances Love, Lady's Choice: Ethel 
Waxham's Journal & Letters, 1905-1910, 

review 66:3:75 

FronherDays Backoff 66:4:21 

Frost, A.W 66:1&2:48 

Frost, Lane photo 66:1&2:69 



Gallia County (Ohio) 66:3:31 

Gallipolis (Ohio) 66:3:31 

Garbutt, Arthur M 66:1&2:27,37 

Garbutt, Weidener and Sweeney ... 66:l&2:26-27, 

1... 29,31,34,36-37 

Gardiner (Montana) 66:4:51-52 

Gardner, Ruth 66:4:39 

Garfield, James A 66:3:31 

Garrison (North Dakota) 66:3:61 



Garry Jim, This Of Drought Ain't Broke Us Yet (But 

We're All Bent Pretty Bad): Stories of the Ameri- 
can West, review 66:4:60-61 

gemman of color 66:1&2:18 

General Federation of Womens' Clubs of the 

United States 66:1&2:42 

George "Duke" Humphrey Outstanding 

Faculty Award 66:3:10 

George Washington Universitv (Washington, 

D.C.) .'. 66:1&2:37 

German immigrant artists 66:1&2:2 

German U-Boat 66;1&2:48 

Geroniino: An American Legend, video review 

66:l&2:68-69 

Getz, Lynne M., review of Long Vistas: Women 
and Families on Colorado Homesteads 

66:3:74-75; 

review of Lady's Choice 66:3:75 

Gibson, Charles 66:4:49 

Giedion, Sigfried 66:1&2:36 

Gifford, Sanford 66:1&2:2 

Gilded Age 66:3:35,47 

Gilded Age Democrat 66:3:40 

Gill, Irving 66:lc&2:36 

Gingrich, Newt 66:4:4 

Girton (English women's college) 66:3:4 

Glacier National Park (Montana) 66:1&2:2.75 

Glaesel, Charles 66:l&2:47-49 

Glenrock (Wyoming) 66:1&2:42 

Godfrey Ta' 66:4:15 

gold standard 66:3:39 

Gold Standard Act (1900) 66:3:47 

Golden Age of Greece 66:3:10 

Goodman, Doug, photo by 66:1&2:23 

GOP (see Republican Party) 66:3:45 

Gorbachev, Mikhail 66:3:25 

Gordon, Al 66:4:26 

Gordon, Leo 66:3:88 

Gottlieb, Howard 66:4:34 

Gould Company 66:4:41 

Governor Brooks (schooner) 66:l&2:43,45-46 

Governors' (Wyoming) Mansion 66:1&2:6 

Governor's (Wyoming) Indian Advisory 

Council 66:3:63 

Gowans,Alan 66:1&2;29 

Go West...Yoxing Man: Conversations With 

Historianshy Markjunge 66:4:22-40 

Grafton (North Dakota) 66:4:10-11 

Grand Central Station (New York Cit>') 66:1&2:28 
Grand Controversy: The Pioneer Climbs in the Teton 

Range and the Controversial First Ascent of the 

Grand Teton by Orrin H. Bonney and 

Lorraine G. Bonney, review 66:3:73-74 

Grand Forks (North Dakota) 66:4:10 

Grand Junction (Colorado) 66:3:65 

Grand Master Workman 66:3:31 

Grand Teton National Park (Wyoming) 66:1&2:72 

Grand Tetons, ]ackson Lake, painting 66:1&2:75 

Grant, Ulysses S 66:3:42 

Great American Outlaw by Frank Richard Prassel, 

review 66:l&2:61-62 

Great Depression 66:1&2:28,37,70; 

66:3:10,13-14,20-21,28,46,50; 66:4:16,19 

Great Falls (Montana) 66:4:32 

Great Lakes Naval Training Center 

(Chicago) 66:3:12 

Great Mysteries of the West edited by Ferenc Morton 

Szasz, review 66:4:74 

Great Northern Railway 66:1&2:2,75 

Great Plains 66:4:44 

Great Republic (clipper ship) 66:1&2:42 

Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem (GYE) 

66:4:43-48,55,57 

81 



Green River knives 66:1&2:5 

Greenback Party 66:3:31 

greenies 66:3:29 

Greetings from Old Wyoming postcard photo 

'. ! 66:1&2:4 

Gressley, Gene, (see Go West. ..Young Man: Conver- 
sations With Historians 66:4:22-40,60; 

review by: A Vast Amount of Trouble: A His- 
tory of the Spring Creek Raid 66:4:59-60 

Griffith Boulevard (Lusk, Wyoming) 66:4:13 

Grinnell, George Bird 66:4:46 

Guenther, Todd R. review of Frederick W. Lander 

and the Lander Trail 66:3:78-79 

Gulf War 66:3:16 

(see Desert Storm) 
Gump, James O. Dust Rose Like Smoke: The Subju- 
gation of the Zulu and the Sioux, 

review 66:4:61-62 

Gunnison (Colorado) 66:4:40 

Guthrie, Mary 66:3:2 



H 



Hackman, Gene 66:3:86; 66:4:76-77 

Haiti 66:3:11 

Haley, James 66:3:58 

Halliburton, Richard 66:3:21 

Halloween Day (Buffalo, Wyoming) ...66:1&2:20 

Hals, Franz 66:3:5 

Halverson, Katherine 66:4:2 

Hamilton, Alexander 66:3:24 

Hampton, Bruce, Children of Grace: The Nez Perce 

War of 1S77 , review 66:4:62-63 

Hand, Jim, The Six-Masted Schooner Wyoming, 

poem 66:1&2:47 

Hanna Creek (Wyoming) 66:1&2:21 

Hanna, Dora Myers 66:1&2:13 

Hanna, Jesse ....'. 66:1&2:13 

Hanna, Laura 66:1 &2: 13 

Hanna, Oliver Perry 66:l&2:10-25, 

photos 11,13;66:3:6 

Hanna family 66:1&2:13 

Hanna Sundial, photo 66:1&2:21 

Hanna, Tressie Merle 66:1&2:13 

Hansen, Clifford 66:3:19; 64:35-36 

Hanson, Bant 66:1&2:43 

Hardy Deborah 66:3:2 

Harper, John S 66:3:36 

Harris, Katherine, Long Vistas: Women and 

Tamilies on Colorado Homesteads, 

review 66:3:74-75 

Harris, Moses 66:4:48-49 

Harris, Richard 66:4:77 

Harrison (Michigan) 66:4:11 

Harrison, William Henry 66:3:35, 

piioto 56,62 

Harrity, William E 66:3:34 

Harvard University (Massachusetts) ...66:4:26,28 

Harvat 66:4:49 

Hathaway, Roberta (Mrs. Stanley) 66:3:63 

Hathaway, Stanley 66:3:10,62, 

photo 63,64;66:4:35-36 

Hayden Survey 66:4:46, photo 47 

Hayden Valley (Yellowstone National Park) 

66:4:53 

Hayes, Elliot 66:4:38 

Hayes, W.H 66:1&2:9 

Haynes, F. Jay 66:4:52 

Head Start Building 

(Fort Washakie, Wyoming) photo .... 66:3:53 

Hearst-Pathe Company 66:4:6 

Hebard, Alice 66:3:6 



Hebard, Fred 66:3:6 

Hebard, George Diah Alonzo 66:3:6 

Hebard, Grace Raymond, //; Old Wyoming: First 

Lady of Wyoming Histon/ 66:3:6-7, 

photo 6;66:3:10,12,16,24,27 

Hebard, Lockwood 66:3:6 

Hebard, Margaret (Mrs. George Diah Alonzo) 

66:3:6 

Helvey, Robert E. 

(see Robert E. Helvey Collection) 

Henry Famy Collection 66:4:27 

Henry's Lake (Montana) 66:4:55 

Herculaneum (Italy) 66:1&2:30 

Herrold, Jim .'. 66:4:35 

Herschler, Ed 66:3:10,64; 66:4:35 

Hert, Tamsen, review of Shadoco on the Tetons: David 

£. Jackson and the Claiming of the American 

West '.... 66:4:64 

Hi Lilli, Hi Lo 66:4:34 

Hickey, Win 66:4:35-36 

High Street (Big Horn, Wyoming) 66:1&2:16 

Hill, James J 66:1&2:2 

Hill, Walter 66:1&2:68 

Hiram College (Ohio) 66:3:31 

(a.k.a. Western Reserve Eclectic Institute) 

Hispanic 66:3:11,21 

historic preservation 66:l&2:6-7 

(see Wyoming State Historic 

Preservation Office) 

History of Wyonung by I.S. Bartlett 66:3:30 

History of Wyonung by T.A. Larson 66:3:10,22,24,26 

Hitchcock, E.A. ..". 66:4:52 

Hoff Collection 66:3:58 

Hog Ranches of Wyoming 

bv Larry K. Brown 66:4:21 

Holliday, William H 66:3:46 

Holling', Holling C, sketches 66:3:48-56,58-65 

Hollywood (California) 66:4:6,35 

Homestead Publishing Company 66:4:44 

Homsher, Lola 66:3:2; 66:4:2,25,77 

(see also Lola Homsher Research Grant) 

Hondo video review 66:3:87-89 

Hoover, Herbert 66:1&2:70;3:13 

Horace Albright Visitors Center (YNP) .... 66:4:57 

Horn and Hardart 66:4:27 

horse races 66:1&2:20 

Horton, Bernard 66:4:7 

Hotel Utah (Salt Lake City) 66:3:14 

hotels (see Occidental Hotel,Oriental Hotel, 

Townsend Hotel) 

Houghton, Merritt Dana 66:1&2:25 

House of Commons 66:3:19 

House of Lords 66:3:19 

Housley, Bessie 66:4:13 

Houston (Texas) 66:4:33 

Houx, Frank 66:4:2 

Howdy from Old Cheyenne 

postcard photo 66:1&2:5 

Hudson River School of Art 66:1&2:2 

Hufsmith, George W. Wx/oming Lynching of Cattle 

Kate, 18S9, review 66:3:82-83 

Humphrey, George "Duke" 

6:4:25-28,30,32,36,38,40 

(see George Duke Humphrey 
Outstanding Faculty Award) 
Hunt, Lester C 66:3:54,56,60,62; 

photos 55,60, 

Hunter, Deck 66:1&2:13, 

watercolors by 15,18, 

photo of 21 

(see Deck Hunter Collection) 

Huntley (Wyoming) 66:3:63 

Hutchings, Peck 66:4:56 



Hutchings, Warren 66:4:56 

Hynds, Harry 66:1&2:42 

/ Am Not a Cuckoo Democrat! The Congressional 

Career of Henry A. Coffeen 

by Leonard Schlup 66:3:30-47 



I 



Ickes, Harold 66:3:61 

Idaho 66:1&2:4;66:3:13,29 

Idaho State University 66:1&2:25 

Illinois 66:1&2:21;66:3:16,31,44 

Illinois Bell 66:4:31 

Illinois State Historical Society 66:3:47 

immigrants 66:3:17,21 

III Old Wyoming by Larry K. Brown 66:1&2: 

.' .' 8-9; 66:3:6-7; 66:4:6-7 

In the White Sky 

poem by William Stafford 66:1&2:5 

Indiana .' 66:1&2:75; 66:3:31,38 

Indianapolis (Indiana) 66:3:31 

Indiana University 66:3:47;66:4:24 

INDIANS: 66:l&2:73;66:4:4-5 

Agent (see Crow Agency) 

Apache 66:1&2:68;66:3:88 

Apache territory 66:3:88 

Arapaho 66:3:51-52 

Arapaho chief photo (see Tyler, Henry Lee) 
Book of Indians by Holling C. Holling ... 66:3:49 

Chiricahua (Apache) 66:1&2:68 

Comanche 66:3:89 

Crows 66:1&2:18;66:3:59 

Crow agency 66:3:59;66:4:46 

Crow bill ....'. 66:3:59 

Crow Indian Reservation 66:3:56,58 

Crow lands 66:3:58 

Crow Reservation Association 66:3:58-59 

Crow Tribal Council 66:3:58 

Fort Washakie Indian 

School Superintendent 66:3:52 

Great Indian Depression 66:3:50 

Indian Affairs subcommittees 

(House and Senate) 66:3:56,64 

Indian Child Welfare Act 66:3:64 

Indian Claims Commission ... 66:3:56,59-60,62 

Indian Claims Commission Bill 66:3:60 

Indian reser\ations 66:3:52,61 

Indian Reorganization Act (IRA, 

Wheeler-Howard Act) 66:3:50-53,56 

Indian Service 66:3:52 

Indian Subcommittee 66:3:64 

Joint Business Council of Shoshone and 

Arapahoe Indians, photo 66:3:58 

Lakota (see Organizing the Lakota) 

Native Americans 66:3:11 

Native American women 66:3:4 

New Deal Indian policy 66:3:56,61 

New Deal Indian program 66:3:59 

Organizing the Lakota, review 66:1&2:52 

politics 66:3:53 

Sacagawea (Shoshone woman) 66:3:12 

Saenjaiuea by Grace Raymond Hebard ... 66:3:7 

Sioux 66:3:56,65 

(see review. Organizing the Lakota) 

Sioux Country 66:1&2:12 

Sioux hunting ground 66:1&2:12 

Sioux Wars of 1870s 66:1&2:11 

Sitting Bull (see review, T/;t' Lance and the Shield) 

Shoshone 66:3:51-52 

(see also Joint Business Council of Shoshone .. 
and Arapahoe Indians, photo) 

Shoshone Tribal Council 66:3:52 

Wyoming Annals 



Sun Dance 66:3:54 

U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) 

66:3:51,54-56,58,64 

U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs Building 

photo 66:3:53 

U.S. Senate Committee on Indian Affairs 

66:3:54,59 . 

INDIANS: continued from previous page 

Vittorio (Apache chief) 66:3:8 

wars 66:1&2:13 

Wheeler-Howard (Indian) Reorganization Act 

66:3:50-52,64 

Wind River Indians 66:3:63 

Wind River Reservation (Wyoming) 

66:l&2:6;6:3:62-65; 

maps 66:3:50; 

Wind River tribes 66:3:51-52,54-55,62-64 

Wi/oming Politicinns and the Shaping of United 
' States Indian Policy, 1945 to 19S0 

by Steven Schulte 66:3:48-65 

Industrial Revolution 66:1&2:23 

Information Age 66:3:17 

Inter-Ocean Hotel 

(Cheyenne, Wyoming) 66:3:32 

Inteniationiil Marine Engineering 

(magazine) 66:1&2:40 

International Order of Odd Fellows 

(I.O.O.F.) 66:l&2:23-24 

(see also Odd Fellows Hall) 

Iowa 66:1&2:21; 66:3:22,87 

Ireland 66:3:31 

IRS (see U.S. Internal Revenue Service) 

Isaac Bard diaries 66:4:31 

Italy 66:1&2:30 

Iverson, Peter 66:3:65 

Ives, Ernest L. (Mrs.) 

(see Ernest L. Ives Collection) 
Ivinson, Edward A. photo 66:3:35 



J 



Jackson (California) 66:1&2:37 

Jackson, Henry 66:3:60 

Jackson Hole (Wyoming) 

66:1&2:4,5,75;66:3:14;66:4:44 

Jackson, John C, Shadou' on the Tetons: David E. 

Jackson and tlie Claiming of the American West, 

review 66:4:64 

Jackson Lake 66:1&2:2; 

painting 66:1&2:75 

Jackson Street (Big Horn City) 66:1&2:16 

Jackson, William H. photos by 66:4:46-47 

Jackson, W. E 66:1&2:13,16 

Jacoby, "Red" 66:3:43; 66:4:27 

J.C. Jackson store photo 66:3:43 

J.E. Stimson 

photos 66:l&2:24-25;66:3:5,43; 

66:4:50-51,53,55-56 

J.E. West and Company :...; 66:3:32 

Jefferson, Thomas 66:3:24 

Jeffersonian Democrat 66:3:47 

Jellison, Katherine, Entitled to Power: Farm Women 

and Technology, 1913-1963, review .... 66:4:65 

Jenkins, Del "." 66:4:55 

Jenkins, Henry 66:4:55 

Jewel Tea Company 66:4:6 

J.C. Willits Horse Grower 66:1&2:18 

John Eery: Artist of the Rockies 

byPeter C. Merrill 66:1&2:2,75 

John Fouch photo catalogue 66:4:46-47 

Johnson County (Wyoming) 

66:1&2:4-5,17,20; 66:3:34,45 

• Winter '94-'^^ 



Johnson County Agricultural 

Association 66:1&2:20 

Johnson County Assessor's Office 66:1&2:5 

Johnson County Fair 66:lcfe2:20 

Joluison County War 66:3:34,45 

Johnson, Daniel 66:3:11,45 

Johnson, E.P 66:4:2 

Johnson, Mark 66:4:44 

Johnson Street (Big Horn, Wyoming) ..66:1&2:16 

Jones (Mr) 66:1&2:20 

Jones, Charles J. "Buffalo" 66:4:52-54; 

photo 53 

Jordan, Teresa, Riding the White Horse Home: A 

Western Family Allnini, 

review '. 66:3:45,81-82 

Jordan, Terry G., North American Cattle-Ranching 

Frontiers: Origins, Diffusion and Differentia- 
tion, review 66:30:80-81 

Jording, Mike, A Fexv Interested Residents, 

review 66:l&2:55-56 

Jordon, Roy 66:3:2:45 

Jordan, Ruth (Mrs. Mike Massie) 66:1&2:73 

Josephine (see Delaney, Dana) 66:1&2:69 

Juneau (Alaska) 66:4:11 

Junge, Andy 66:3:29; 66:4:40 

Junge, Ardath (Mrs. Mark) 66:3:29; 66:4:40 

Junge, Daniel 66:3:29;66:4:40 

video reviews 66:l&2:68-70 

Junge, Mark, TA: Conversations with Historians 

(T.A. Larson) 66:3:8-29; 

photo 42; 

Go West Young Man: Conversations with His- 
torians (Gene Gressley) 66:4:22-40, 

photo 40 

photos by 66:1&2:7-8,18,21,69,72 

66:3:4,9,11,21,22,25, 

66:4:13,17,27,44,57 

(see also Editor Notes) 
Jost, Loren 66:1&2:73 



K 



Kanin, Fay (Mrs. Mike) 66:4:33 

Kanin, Mike 66:4:33 

Kansas 66:3:22; 66:4:27,31 

Kansas City 66:4:54 

Kaper, Bronislaw 66:4:34 

Karlsruhe Academy (Germany) 66:1&2:2 

Karpan, Kathy 66:3:2,19 

Kaycee (Wyoming) 66:3:33 

Kelley, Esther 66:4:35 

Kelso, "Red" 66:4:7 

Kendrick, John B 66:3:47,58 

Kendrick, Manville photo 66:3:58 

Kenmore High School (Akron, Ohio) 66:3:47 

Kennebec River (Maine) 66:1&2:45 

Kennedy, Chris, review of Cowboy Songs 

and Western Railroad Songs 66:4:68 

Kennedy, Eleanor Chatterton 66:4:36 

Kennedy, John F. 66:3:64 

Kent State University (Ohio) 66:3:47 

Kentucky 66:1&2:20 

Kidder-Peabody 66:4:26 

(see also Gordon, Al) 
Killoren, John J. Come Blackrobe 

review 66:4:65-67 

King, Harriet NeweU 66:3:31 

(see also Coffeen, Harriet Newell) 

King, Henry 66:4:34 

King, James T 66:3:65 

Klamer 66:4:49 

Klein, Maury 66:3:26 



Knights of Labor 66:3:31 

Korean 66:3:14 

Korean War 66:1&2:49;66:3:16,24 

Kraemer, Mary Rose 66:1&2:2 

Krakel, Dean 66:4:25 

Kramer, John F. 66:4:14 

Krueger, Kim 66:4:36 

Krug, Julius "Cap" 66:3:60 

Kuwait 66:1&2:49 



Laclede Stage Station (Wyoming) 

photo 66:1&2:72 

Lady's Choice: Ethel Waxham's Journal & Letters, 

1905-1910 compiled and edited by Barbara 

Love and Frances Love Froidevaux, 

review 66:3:75 

LaFolIette, Robert, Jr 66:3:60 

Lake DeSmet (Wyoming) 66:1&2:12 

Lake Hotel (Yellowstone National Park) 

66:4:53-54 

Lake Soldier Station (Yellowstone National Park) 

66:4:15 

Lamar River 66:4:7,56 

Lamar Valley (YNP) 66:4:45 

Lamb, F Bruce, Tlie Wild Bunch, 

review 66:1&2:58 

Lamont, Daniel L 66:3:45 

Lance and the Shield: The Life and Times of Sitting 

Bull by Robert Utley, review 66:3:76,78 

Lance Creek Oil Field (Wyoming) 66:4:13 

Lander (Wyoming) 66:3:51,62 

Lander, Frederick W 66:3:78-79 

(see review, Frederick W. Lander and the 

Lander Trail) 
Lander Trail 66:3:78-79 

(see review, Frederick W. Lander and the Lander 

Trail 
Laramie (Wvoming) 66:1&2:11,49,73; 

'. 66:3:6,8,32,41,45;66:4:6,8,22,39,78 

Laramie Boomerang newspaper 66:3:10 

Laramie Chamber of Commerce 66:3:10 

Laramie Club of Rotarv International 66:3:10 

Laramie electric light plant 66:4:26 

Laramie Peak 66:l&2:8-9 

Laramie Plains 66:4:26 

Laramie Plains Museum 66:1&2:49 

Laramie Plains Museum Association 66:3:10 

Larson, Dorothy (Mrs. T.A.) 66:3:10 

Larson, T.A. (Taft Alfred) 

66:l&2:36;66:3:8-29, 

photos 1,3,9,11,14,18, 21,22,25,92; 

signature 29; 

Wyoming's War Years ,1941-1945 , 

review 83-84; 66:4:22 

Last Chance Saloon 

(Big Horn, Wyoming) 66:1&2:16 

Latin homily 66:3:2 

Laurel and Hardy movies 66:4:23,33 

(see London, Jean "Babe") 

Lava, Bill ^, 66:4:34 

Law, Marie (see Burke, Dell) 

Laie of the Range by Stephen Collector, 

review 66:1&2:53 

Law, Steven J 66:4:10-11, 

photo 11 

Laybourn, Margaret 66:4:7 

Lebhart, FredC 66:1&2:9 

Leckie, Shirley A., Elizabeth Bacon Custer and the 

Making of a Myth, review 66:1&2:59 

Leckler, H.B. ..'. 1 66:4:47 

83 



LeCompte, Mary Lou, Coiugirls of the Rodeo: 

Pioneer Professional Atliletes, 

review 66:4:67-68 

Lenvmon, Jack 66:4:34 

Letters ofMari Saiidoz by Helen Winter Stauffer, 

review 66:l&2:63-64 

Lewis and Clark expedition 66:3:7 

Leyster, Judith 66:3:5 

Liberty Cap (Yellowstone National Park). .66:4:52 

Liberty Cap Hotel photo 66:4:52 

Liebs/Chester 66:1&2:29 

Lima (Ohio) 66:4:29 

Lincoln (Nebraska) 66:3:10 

Lincoln, Abraham 66:3:46 

Lincoln Highway 66:3:14; 

sign and marker photos 66:3:69 

Lincoln Highway Association, A Complete Official 

Road Guide of the Lincoln Highum/, 

review 66:3:68-69 

Linford, Dee 66:3:56 

Linford, Velma 66:3:2 

Literary Magazine 66:3:22 

Little Goose Creek (Wyoming) 

66:1&2:11-13,16,20,24 

Little Goose Creek Valley 

66:i&2:4,ll,13,24-25;66:3:32 

Little, Ray 66:4:12 

living wills 66:3:20 

Livingston (Montana) 66:4:46,54,56 

Lola Homsher Research Grant 66:4:6 

Lombard Street (New York City) 66:3:40 

London, Jean "Babe" 66:4:23,33 

Lone Star Steel 66:4:31 

Lone Star School (Wyoming) 66:1&2:17 

Long Beach (California) 66:3:21 

Long Vistas: Women and Fanulies on Colorado 

Homesteads by Katherine Harris, 

review 66:3:74-75 

Loomis, John 66:1&2:16 

Loraine A. Fisher Collection photos 

66:4:9,8,10-12,15-16,18-20 

Los Angeles (California) 66:4:33 

Los Angeles Times (California) newspaper 66:4:37 

Lotto (lottery) 66:1&2:4 

Loucks Street (Sheridan, Wyoming) 66:3:32 

Louisiana 66:3:16 

Lo\'e, Barbara, Lady's Choice: Ethel Waxham's jour- 
nal & Letters, 1905-1910, review 66:3:75 

Love, Christy 66:1&2:23 

Love, Dave 66:4:36 

Love, Jane (Mrs. Dave) 66:4:36 

Loveland (Colorado) 66:1&2:25 

Lower Geyser Basin 

(Yellowstone National Park) 66:4:50 

Ludlow, William E 66:4:46 

Lusk (Wyoming ) 66:3:56;66:4:13-21, 

photos 13-15 

Lusk booster club 66:4:20 

Lusk Chamber of Commerce 66:4:19 

Lusk Light and Power Department 66:4:15 

Lusty Lady of Lusk by Larry K. Brown ... 66:4:8-21 
lynchings 

(see review The Wyoming Lynching of 

Cattle Kntc, 1889) ' 



M 



Madison, James 66:3:24 

Madison Basin 

(Yellowstone National Park) 66:4:51 

Main Street (Big Horn, Wyoming) 66:1&2:16 

S4 



Main Street (Sheridan, Wyoming) 66:3:32 

Main Streeters 66:3:28 

Maine 66:1&2:43,45,48 

Maine Maritime Museum 66:1&2:38,44 

Mammoth (Yellowstone National Park) 

66:3:14;66:4:50-51,53,57 

Mammoth Hot Springs 66:4:52 

Manchester College (Indiana) 66:4:24 

Manitoba (Canada) 66:4:10 

Manlius School (New York) 66:1&2:46 

Marilyn S. Bilyeu Collection 66:3:6 

Mariners' Museum 

(Newport News, Virginia) 66:1&2:43 

Martha's Vineyard (Massachusetts) 66:1&2:48 

Martin Luther King Day 66:3:11 

Masked Rider 66:l&2:8-9 

(see also Adams, Charles M.) 

Masons 6:3:47 

Massacre Hill (Wyoming) 66:1&2:12 

Massey, Mike Focus: What Are We Going to do About 

This Love Affair? 66:l&2:6-7,73, 

photo 6 

Massie, Jedediah 66:1&2:73 

Massie, Kara 66:1&2:73 

May berry. Matt, 

review of Mill & Mine 66:1&2:63 

Mayes, J.E 66:4:13 

Mayflower Cafe (Cheyenne, Wyoming) .... 66:4:6 

McBride, Boh 66:4:36 

McComb, David G. review of The Metropolitan 

Frontier: Cities in the Modern American West 

66:3:79-80 

McCraken, Tracy 66:4:7; 

photo 66:3:60 

McDermott, John A 66:3:36,38 

McDermott, John D., Dangerous Duty: A History of 

Frontier Forts in Fremont County, Wyoming, 

review 66:3:70; 

re\'iew of A Dose of Frontier 

Soldiering 66:4:70-71 

McFadden, Hugh 66:4:36 

McGee, Gale 66:3:2 

McKav, Donald 66:1&2:42 

McKim, Charles 66:1&2:32 

McKim, Meade and White 66:1&2:28,32 

McKinley Tariff 66:3:40-41 

McKinley, William 66:40,46; 

photo 41; 

campaign buttons and ribbons 35 

McKinley, William (Mrs.) photo 66:3:41 

McKinleyism 66:3:40 

McLeod, Angus 66:1&2:46 

McLeod, Norman 66:1&2:46 

McMicken, Andrew 66:3:38 

McMillan, Benton 66:3:40 

McNeil, Keith and Rusty, Cowboy Songs and West- 
ern RaUroad Songs, review 66:4:68 

McWhinnie, Ralph .." 66:3:10; 66:4:2 

Mead, Elwood 66:3:24 

Meagher, Mary 66:4:44,57 

Mechanics Institute (Rochester, New York) 

66:1&2:27 

Medici family 66:1&2:35 

Medicine Bow Range (Wyoming) 66:3:29 

Medicine Wheel (Wyoming) 66:1&2:72 

Medieval English history 66:3:10,16 

Meem, JohnGaw 66:1&2:36 

Merrill, Ausma (Mrs. Peter C.) 66:1&2:75 

Merrill, Peter C, John Fery, Artist of the Rockies 

" 66:1&2:2,75; 

photo 75 

Merrill, Thomas 66:1&2:75 

Merry, Barbara 66:1&2:5 



Merry, Miles M 66:1&2:43,46 

Merry Whirl (Lusk, Wyoming 66:4:16 

Mesa County (Colorado) Historical Society 



.66:3: 



65 
65 
65 



Mesa State College (Colorado) 66:3:f 

Mesa Verde National Park (Colorado) 66:3:f 

Metropolitan Frontier: Cities in the Modern Ameri- 
can West by Carol Abbott, 

review 66:3:79-80 

Metropolitan Museum of Art (N.Y.C.) 66:3:5 

Metz, Percy 66:4:25 

Mexican American women 66:3:4 

Mexican immigrants 66:3:21 

Mexicans 66:4:4-5 

Meyer, ErwinE 66:3:12-13 

Meyers, Erank 66:4:34 

(see also Frank Meyers Collection) 

Meyer, Margaret 66:4:44,52 

Miami (Florida) 66:1&2:75 

Michelangelo 66:1&2;31 

Michigan 66:1&2:75 

Midwest Building (Casper, a.k.a Wyoming 

National Bank Building 66:l&2:32-34 

Miles, A.W 66:4:14 

Miles, Daniel (son of A.W. Miles) 66:4:14 

Mill & Mine hy H. Lee Scamehom . 66:l&2:62-63 

Milwaukee (Wisconsin) 66:1&2:2,75 

mining (see review. Mill & Mine) ... 66:l&2:62-63 

Minneapolis (Minnesota) 66:3:65 

Minnesota 66:1&2:75 

Minneapolis, St. Paul and Sault Ste. Marie 

Railroad (see Soo Line) 

Mississippi River 66:1&2:27; 66:4:4 

Mississippi Valley 66:4:45 

Missouri 66:1&2:12; 66:3:41 

Missouri River 66:3:6:3:2 

Missouri River Basin reclamation project (see 

Pick-Sloan Missouri River Basin 

reclamation project) 

Missouri River dam controversy 66:3:61 

modem art 66:lc&2:37 

Modernism 66:1&2:36 

Moncrieffe Collection 66:4:31 

Moncrieffe, Malcolm 65:lc&2:25 

Moncrieffe Papers 66:4:28-29 

Moncrieffe Ranch (Wyoming) 66:l&2:24-25 

Moncrieffe, William 66:1&2:25 

Mondell, Frank W. photo 66:3:45,47 

Monida (Montana) 66:4:55 

monometallism 66:3:39,46 

Montana 66:1&2:2,12,18;66:3:16,29,56,59; 

66:4:39,43,54,56-57,78 

Montana Department of Livestock 66:4:44 

Montana experiment stations 66:4:45 

Montana goldfields 66:1&2:5 

Montana stockmen 66:4:43 

Montana Territory 66:4:7 

Montana, the Magazine of Western History 

66:1&2:25;66:4:6,57 

Moonlight, Thomas 66:1&2:20 

Moose (Wyoming) 66:4:44,77 

Moran, Thomas 66:66:1&2:1&2:2 

Moriarity (Mr.) 66:3:29 

Morris, Esther 66:3:2 

Morrison, James 66:4:53 

mother of woman suffrage 66:3:2 

(see Morris, Esther) 

Mother Featherlegs Memorial 66:4:19 

mother of Wyoming history 66:3:24 

(see also Hebard, Grace Raymond) 

Mother Superior Stanislaus Rafter 66:4:10 

Motion Picture and Country Home 

(Los Angeles, California) 66:4:33 

Wyoming Annals 



Mound (Wisconsin) 66:3:65 

Mount Holmes Trail (Yellowstone National Park) 

66:4:51 

Mount Hope Cemetery (Big Horn, Wyoming) 

.'..66:1&2:20 

Muddy Gap (Wyoming) 66:1&2:5 

Mundt, Karl 66:3:60. 

Munich (Germany) 66:1&2:2,75 

Munich Academy 66:1&2:2 

Munkres, Robert L., review of Organizing tlic Lakota 

.'66:1&2:52 

Munoz, Jr., Franklin photo by 66:4:4 

Murdock, Maggi Maier review of Federal Land, 
Western Anger: The Sagebrush Rebellion and 

Environmental Politics 66:3:72-73 

Museum of the Mountain Man (Pinedale, 

Wyoming) 66:1&2:6 

Museum of Western Colorado (Grand Junction) 

66:3:65 

museums (see also Church of Jesus Christ of Lat- 
ter Day Saints Museum (Salt Lake City, 
Utah); Maine Maritime Museum (Bath, 
Maine); Metropolitan Museum of Art (New 
York City);Mariners' Museum (Newport 
News, Virginia);Mystic Seaport (Mystic, 
Connecticut) 

Mystic (Connecticut) 66:1&2:45,48 

Mystic Seaport Museum 

(Mystic, Connecticut) 66:1&2:41,45,48 



N 



Nantucket Island (Massachusetts) 66:1&2:49 

Nanhacket (Maine) 66:1&2:47 

Nantucket shoals 66:1&2:49 

Nash, Gerald D. review of Wyoming's War Years, 

1941-1945 ". 66:3:83-84 

Natchez Trace 66:3:66:3:2 

Nathaniel Thomas Collection 66:4:29 

National Association for the Advancement of 

Colored People 66:4:11 

National Child Labor Committee 66:4:11 

National Conference on City Planning 66:4:11 

National Conference on Charities and 

Corrections 66:4:11 

National Education Association (NEA) 66:4:2 

National Endowments for the Humanities 

(NEH) 66:4:2 

National Finals (rodeo) 66:1&2:70 

National Historic Preservation Act 66:1&2:7 

National Organization For Women 

(NOW) 66:3:10,12 

National Park Service 66:l&2:72-73; 

66:3:65;66:4:43,57 

National Press Photographers Association 66:4:7 
National Register of Historic Places .66:1&2:7,32 
National Women's Trade Union League .. 66:4:11 

National Wool Growers Association 66:4:24 

Natrona County (Wyoming) . 

66:1&2:42;66:3;34;66:4:15 

Natrona County Courthouse 66:1&2:35 

Naylor, David .'. 66:1&2:31 

NBC-TV 66:4:23 

Nebraska 

66:1&2:4,21,30;66:3:12,16,19,22,25,46,63; 

66:4:15 

Nelson, Mark, review oi Elizabeth Bacon Custer and 

the Making of a Myth 66:1&2:59 

Nevada 66:3:16 

New, A.L 66:3:34,38-39,44-45 

(see Wyoming Democratic Party Chairman) 

New Deal 66:3:50-51,61 

Winter ■94-'95 



(see reviewEmf of American Exceptionalism) 
New Deal Indian policy (see Indians) 

New Dealers 66:3:58 

New England 66:1&2:40,43,46,48;66:3:4,40 

New Mexico 66:1&2:36; 66:3:60 

New Western History 66:4:46 

New York (state) 66:l&2:27,46,48-49,75; 

66:3:5,10,43;66:4:26-27,29 

New York City 66:4:29,32 

New York Institute of Photography 66:4:6 

Neu' York Times newspaper ...66:1&2:42; 66:4:4,39 

Newcastle (Wyoming) 66:3:5,45 

Newnham (English women's college) 66:3:4 

Newport News (Virginia) 66:1&2:43 

Nicolaysen art collection 66:1&2:30 

Nicolaysen Lumber Company 66:1&2:30 

Nicolaysen, Mary (Mrs. Peter) 66:lc&2:30,32 

Nicolaysen, Peter 66:1&2:30,32 

Nicolaysen Residence: 

sketches and photo 66:1&2:30-31 

Niobrara County (Wyoming) 66:4:19 

Niobrara County Memorial Hospital 66:4:20 

Noble, Bruce J., Jr., review of 

A Feu' Interested Residents 66:1&2:56 

Norfolk (Virginia) 66:l&2:46-48 

Norris (Yellowstone National Park) 66:4:50 

North American Cattle-Ranching FrontiersiOrigins, 

Diffusion and Differentiation 

by Terry G. Jordan, review 66:3:80-81 

North Dakota 66:3:60;66:4:10,20 

North Geyser Basin (Yellowstone National Park) 

photo 66:4:47 

North Platte River (Wyoming) 66:1&2:12 

North Second Street (Big Horn) 66:1&2:16 

North Third Street (Big Horn, Wyoming) 

66:1&2:16 

Northern Pacific Railroad 66:4:99 

Northern Plains tribes 66:3:51 

Northavstern Live Stock Journal 66:1&2:42 

(see Wyoming Stock Growers Association) 

Nova Scotia 66:1&2:46 

nuclear energy 66:3:20 

Nusshaum, Fred 66:3:2,24 



O 



Oasis Bar and Club billiards hall 

(Lusk, Wyoming) 66:4:19 

Occidental Hotel (Buffalo, Wyoming) .66:1&2:16 
Odd Fellows Hall 

(Big Horn, Wyoming) 66:1&2:23,25 

Ohio 66:lc&2:2;66:3:40,44,47;66:4:10 

Ohio Oil Company 

(Casper, Wyoming) 66:1&2:31 

oil boom 66:l&2:26-27,36-37 

oil industry 66:3:17-19 

Oklahoma 66:1&2:36; 66:3:16,60; 66:4:57 

Old Baldy Club (Saratoga, Wyoming) 66:4:34-35 
Old Faithful (Yellowstone National Park) 

66:3:14; 66:4:50 

Old Faithful Inn photo 66:4:51 

Old Settlers' Club (Sheridan, Wyoming) .. 66:3:47 
Olga-Doe Bay Cemetery 

(Orcas Island, Washington) 66:1&2:75 

Olympic games 66:3:5 

Omaha (Nebraska) 66:3:28 

O'Mahoney, Joseph 66:4:25,54,58,60,61,62; 

photos 66:3:48,55,60; 

sketch 59 

O'Marr, Louis 66:3:61 

Omemee (North Dakota) 66:4:12 

one hundredth meridian 66:4:4 



One Sutton Place, South 

(New York City) 66:4:27,32 

OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting 

Countries) 66:3:18 

Orange County (California) 66:3:21 

Orcas Island (Washington) 66:1&2:2,75 

Oregon 66:1&2;13,44; 66:3:6;66:4:15 

Oregon pine 66:1&2:40 

Oregon Trail 66: 1&2: 12,72-73 

Oregonians 66:1&2:5 

Organizing the Lakota by Thomas Bioisi, 

review 66:1&2:52 

Oriental Hotel 66:3:16-17,20 

Orlando (Florida) 66:4:33 

Osborne, John E 66:3:33,35,38-39,47; 

photo 66:3:33 

outlaws (see review. The Great American Outlaw) 

66:l&2:61-62 

Overland Trail stage station (Wyoming) 

66:1&2:72 

Owen, William O. photo 66:3:45 

Owens, Patricia Ann review of North American 

Cattle-Ranching Frontiers 66:3:80-81 

Oxford University Press 66:3:47 



Pacific Coast 66:4:36 

Pacific Northwest 66:lcSc2:75 

Pacific slope 66:4:11 

Palazzo Palavicini (Bologna, Italy) 66:1&2:35 

Palazzo Roverella (Ferrara, Italy) 66:1&2:35 

Palen, Jerry, cartoon art by 66:4:42-44,56-57 

Palladio, Andrea .' 66:1&2:31 

Palm Beach (Florida) 66:4:30,35 

Palm Desert (California) 66:4:34 

Panic of 1893 66:1&2:23; 66:3:39,44 

panoramists 66:1&2:66:1&2:2 

Panza, Sancho 66:1&2:8 

Paradise Valley (Montana) 66:4:45-47 

Parker, W.J. Lewis 66:1&2:41,45,48 

Patrick Brothers Livestock 66:1&2:18 

Peale, A.C 66:4:46,48 

Pease bison herd 66:4:48 

Pease, FD. ranch (Montana) 66:4:6-7 

Pedersen, Sandy 66:4:21 

Pekinese dogs 66:4:16,18 

Pelican Valley (Yellowstone National Park) 

66:4:54-55 

Pennsylvania 66:3:34; 66:4:30 

Pennsylvania Avenue (Washington, D.C.) 66:3:56 

People Magazine 66:4:4 

People's Party 66:3:34 

Percy and Small Shipyards (Bath, Maine) 

' 66:l&2:39,42-43,46,48 

Permian Basin (Texas) 66:4:30 

Person, H.T 66:3:24 

Peruzzi family 66:1&2:35 

Peter, George 66:1&2:2 

Petroleum Association of Wyoming .... 66:1&2:73 

Peyton, Jao. (a.k.a. "Dick Backley") 66:1&2:20 

Phantom (a.k.a. "Masked Rider'') 66:l&2:8-9 

Phi Beta Kappa 66:3:21 

Philadelphia (Pennsylvania) 66:3:31 

Pick-Sloan Missouri River Basin reclamation 

project 66:3:61 

Pindell, Craig, photos by 

66:1&2:6; 66:3:6,29,35,39; 66:4:6,23,40 

Pinedale, (Wyonung) 66:l&2:4-6 

Plney Creek (Wyoming) 66:1&2:12 

Pisani, Donald J., To Reclaim a Divided West, 

review 66:1&2:60-61 

85 



Pitcher, John 66:4:52-53 

Piatt, Charles 66:1&2:28 

Playground Association 66:4:11 

Plaza of St. Mark's bell tower (Venice, Italy) 

66:1&2:31 

Pleasant Valley Hotel (Yellowstone National Park) 

66:4:51 

plutocracy 66:3:39 

Plymouth Hotel (New York City) 66:4:27 

Pocatello (Idaho) 66:1&2:25 

Point of Rocks (Montana) 66:4:47 

political campaign buttons, photos of . 66:3:35,39 
Political Economy Department (University of 

Wyoming) 66:3:24 

Political Science Department (University of 

Wyoming) 66:1&2:49 

Pollock Rip Lightship (Massachusetts) 

66:l&2:48-49 

Polo Ranch house (Big Hom,Wyommg) .. 66:4:29 

Pompeii (Italy) 66:1&2:30 

Pope, John Russell (architect) 66:1&2:28 

Populism 66:3:34 

Populist Party 66:3:34,35,38,44-46 

Populist Party platform 66:3:40 

Portage County (Ohio) 66:3:31 

Porter, Edwin S 66:1&2:68 

Portland (Maine) 66:l&2:47-48 

Portland (Oregon) 66:4:12,15 

Postmaster (Big Horn, Wyoming) 66:1&2:13 

Powder River (Wyoming) 66:1&2:12 

Powder 1-Jiver Basin 66:1&2:4,5;66:3:29 

Powder River Crossing (Wyoming) 66:1&2:12 

Powderly, Terence V 66:3:31 

Powell, John Wesley 66:4:24 

Power, Tyrone 66:4:34 

Prairie Dog (Wyoming) 66:1&2:17 

Prassel, Frank Richard, TJic Great Anwricnn 

Outlaw, review 66:l&2:61-62 

Predock, Antoine 66:4:24 

PresidenHal Executive Order No.ll593, 66:1&2:7 
Pressburg (Bratislava, Czechoslovakia) 66:1&2:2 

Prime Time Sunday 66:4:21 

Primrose Creek 66:4:52 

Prior, Frank 66:4:30,34 

Progressive Era politics 66:3:47;66:4:11-12 

Progressive Movement 66:4:11-12 

Progressive Party 66:4:11 

Prohibition 66:4:14 

prostitute 66:3:45 

Psyclio (film, see Bloch, Robert) 

Public Law 280 66:3:55-56,62 

Publicover, C.N. (Captain) 66:l&2:48-49 

Pullman Sttike 66:3:44-45 



Quixote, Don 66:l&2:8-9 



R 



racism 66:3:11 

Radovich, Moe 66:3:2 

Rafter, Stanislaus 

(see Mother Superior Stanislaus Rafter) 

Railroad Signatures Across the Pacific Northwest by 
Carlos A. Schwantes, review 66:4:70-71 

ranching 

(see review, Norf/j American Cattle- 
Ranching Frontiers) 

Randolph, Edmund, photo by 66:1&2:23 

Ranger Hotel (Lusk, Wyoming) 66:4:19 



Rankin, Charles E., review of Capitalism on the 

Frontier 66:1&2:65 

Ranz, Jim 66:4:25-26,28,37-38 

Rapid City (South Dakota) 66:3:26 

Rapp, George 66:1&2:31 

Rashosmou (film) 66:4:33 

Rawlins (Wyoming) 66:1&2:5,16; 66:3:33; 

.' 66:4:26,78 

Ray, Nick 66:3:33 

Ray, Winthrop C 66:4:45,48,56 

Reckling, Walter E 66:4:17 

Red Rock West video review 66:4:76-77 

Redcross and Turkey Red Wheat, photo 66:3:5 

Reed, W.P " 66:1&2:9,28 

remittance men (see also Moncrieffe, Malcolm and 

William; Wallop, Oliver H.) 66:1&2:25 

Renaissance 66:l&2:35-36 

Renaissance Man 66:3:10 

Renaissance style 66:l&2:28-29,31-32,35 

(see also architecture) 
Rendezvous site (1838) (Riverton, Wyoming) 

66:1&2:73 

Rentschler, Frederick 66:4:27 

Rentschler, George 66:4:27-28,32 

Rentschler, Gordon 66:4:27 

Republican Party (GOP) 

.' 66:3:13,31,34,42,45-47:66:4:4 

Republican Party of Wyoming 66:4:31 

Review and Compliance process 66:1&2:72 

(see also Wyoming State Historic 

Preservation Office) 
Rex Theater (Casper, Wyoming) 

'. 66:1&2:31,35, 

sketches 31 

Richards, DeForest 66:1&2:42 

Richards, William A 66:3:45 

Riding the White Horse Home: A Western Family 

Album by Teresa Jordan, review . 66:3:81-82 

Riedesel, Jodi 66:4:35 

Righter, Robert 66:4:6,77 

Rise and Fall of Big Horn City by Michael A. 

Amundson 66:l&2:10-25 

River Falls (Wisconsin) 66:3:65 

River Street (Big Horn, Wyoming) 66:1&2:16 

Riverton (Wyoming) 66:1&2:73 

Roaring Twenties 66:4:14 

Robert E. Helvey Collection 66:1&2:11 

Roberts, Phil ....' 66:3:26-27 

Robertson, Charles 66:3:60 

Robertson, Edward V. photo 66:3:55 

Rochester (New York) 66:1&2:27 

Rocinante (horse) 66:lc&2:8 

Rock Creek Station (Wyoming) 66:1&2:13 

Rock, Dick 66:4:55 

Rock River (Wyoming) gas pump photo . 66:3:69 

Rock Springs (Wyoming) 66:3:33,78 

Rockefeller, John D 66:1&2:69 

Rockies (mountains) 66:4:6 

Rocky Mountain Herbarium (University of 

Wyoming) 66:4:25 

Rocky Mountain landscapes 66:1&2:75 

Rocky Mountain News (Denver, Colorado) 

newspaper 66:3:54 

Rocky Mountain region 66:1&2:27 

Rogers, Will 66:4:7 

Rolette County (North Dakota) 66:4:10 

RoUa (Dakota Territory) 66:4:12 

roller skating rink (Big Horn, Wyoming) 

66:1&2:17-18 

Roman Altar of Peace 66:1&2:31 

Roman empire 66:1&2:32 

Roman style 66:l&2:28,30-32 

Roman Temple of Vesta 66:1&2:31 



Romans 66:3:17 

Roncalio, Teno 66:3:62, 

photo 64; 66:4:36 

Rooney Kathy 66:3:8;66:4:22 

Roosevelt, Franklin Delano 66:3:13,61 

Roosevelt Lodge (Yellowstone National Park) 

66:3:14 

Roosevelt, Theodore 66:1&2;28 

Rosenthal, Jack 66:3:2 

Roseville (Illinois) 66:3:31 

Rotary International (see Laramie Club) 

Roundy, Chuck 66:4:35 

Route 20 66:4:27 

Royal Road to Romance by Richard Halliburton 

.' 66:3:21 

Rush, N. Orin 66:4:25 

Russell, Charles 66:4:19 

Russia 66:3:21,25 

Rybolt, Robert, review of Archaeologi/, History and 

Custer's Last Battle 66:1&2:55 

Ryder (Mrs.) 66:4:17 

Ryder, Ed (son of Mrs. Ryder) 66:4:17 



Sacagawea 66:3:12 

Sackett and Skinner 66:1&2:20 

Sackett and Skinner Store (Big Horn, Wyoming) 

66;1&2:16-18 

Sackett, John Henry 66:1&2:16,20 

Sackett, John W. 66:1&2:15 

Sackett, Leroy 66:1&2:21 

Sackett, Shelley A., video review 66:4:76-78 

Sagebrush Soldier: Private William Earl Smith's Vieio 

of the Sioux War of 1876 by Dr. Sherry 

L. Smith, review 66:4:6 

Saikaly, Margo, photo by 66:3:47 

sailing ships {see America's Largest Wooden "Vessel: 

The Six Masted Schooner Wyoming 

'. 66:l&2:38-49 

Saint John (New Brunswick, Canada) 

66:l&2:47-48 

Saint Nazaire (France) 66:1&2:48 

Salt Creek (Wyoming) 66:1&2:36 

Salt Creek Oil Field (Wyoming) 

.'. 66:1&2:27;66:4:12,31 

Salt Lake City (Utah) 66:1&2:2,75;66:3:14,26 

San Francisco Chronicle (California) newspaper 

66:3:26 

San Francisco Civic Center 66:1&2:28 

San Pedro (CaHfornia) 66:4:49 

Sancho 66:3:2 

Sandbar District (Casper, Wyoming) 

66:1&2:36;66:4:12-13 

Sandoz, Marl 66:l&2:63-64 

(see also Letters ofMari Sandoz) 

Sansovino, Jacopo 66:1&2:31 

Santa Fe (New Mexico) 66:3:2 

Sarajevo (Yugoslavia) 66:3:5 

Saudi Arabia 66:1&2:5 

sawmill (see Big Horn, Wyoming) 

Sawtell, Gilman 66:4:55 

Sawyer, E.J. photo by 66:4:52 

Scamehom, H. Lee, Mill & Mine, 

review 66:l&2:62-63 

Scar (Comanche chief) 66:3:9 

Schade, Robert 66:1&2:2 

Scharff, Virginia, Focus: A West of One's Own 

'. 66:3:4-5, 

photo 4 

Schechter, Jonathan 66:1&2:5 

Schindler, Rudolph 66:1&2:36 

Wyoming Annals 



Schlup, Leonard, / Am Not a Cttckoo Democrat'. The 
Congressional Career ofHenn/ A. Coffeen 

' 66:3:30-47, 

photo 47 

Schuler, Dr. Bobbalee, review of Come Blackrobe: 

DeSmet and the Indian Tragedy 66:4:65-67 

SchuUery, Paul " 66:4:57 

Schulte, Anders 66:3:65 

Schulte, Inge 66:3:65 

Schulte, Kirstin 66:3:65 

Schulte, Steven C, Wyoming Politicians and the 
Sliaping of United States Indian Policy, 1945 to 

1980 ...'. 66:3:48-65; 

review of Children ofCrace:T!ie Nez Perce War 

of 1877, 66:4:62-63 

Schulte, Tracy 66:3:65 

Schwantes, Carlos A., Railroad Signatures Across the 

Pacific Northwest, review 66:4:70-71 

Schwoob! J.P. 66:4:25 

Scots (see Moncrieffe, Malcolm; Moncrieffe, 
William) 

Scott Paper Company 66:4:37 

Scottshluff (Nebraska) 66:4:22 

Scrihners 66:4:29 

Sealey, Shakespeare E 66:3:45 

Searchers video review 66:3:87-89 

Seaton, Fred 66:3:58 

Seattle (Washington) 66:1&2:2; 66:4:12,15 

Second Street (Casper, Wyoming) 66:1&2:32 

Segelstrom, Philip 66:4:54 

Seminoe (Wyoming) sand dunes 66:1&2:5 

Seneca Falls (New York) 66:3:3 

Shadow on the Tetons: David E. Jackson and the Claim- 
ing of the American West by John C. Jackson, 

review 66:4:64 

Shane video review 66:3:89 

Sharbach, Sarah E., review of Entitled to Power: 
Farm Women and Technology, 1913-1963, 

review 66:4:65 

Sheldon, Ben 66:3:36 

Shelton, Everett 66:3:2 

Shepard, Mother Featherlegs (see Mother 

Featherlegs) 
Sheridan (Wyoming) 

66:1&2:5,11,17-18,20-21,25; 

66:3:32,34,44,46-47,58, 

photos 42-43, 

Sheridan Cemetery 66:3:47;66:4:29 

Sheridan Chapter, International Order of Odd 

Fellows 66:1&2:24 

Sheridan College 66:3:2 

Sheridan County 66:1&2:4,13,16,20-21,24; 

66:3:32-34,45 

Sheridan Enterprise newspaper 66:3:47 

Sheridan High School 66:1&2:23 

Sheridan Motel 66:4:34 

Sherman Silver Purchase Act (1890) 66:3:38-39,42 

Shriners 66:3:47 

Sierra Club 66:3:9 

Sierra Nevada foothills (California) 66:1&2:37 

Silverites 66:3:38 

Simons, John 66:4:35-36 

Simons, Lynn (Mrs. John) 66:4:36 

Simpson, Al 66:3:2 

Simpson, Milward 66:4:27 

Simpson, Pete 66:3:2 

Sinclair (oil company) 66:4:31 

Six-Masted Schooner Wyoming, 

poem by Jim Hand 66:1&2:47 

Sixth Judicial District Court (Wyoming) .. 66:4:16 

S.J. Clarke Publishing Company 66:3:30 

Skibo, Eileen, maps by 66:1&2:12;66:4:44,48; 

Big Horn plat by 14 

Winter '94-'95 



Skiraier, Charles William 66:1&2:15-16,20 

Slaughter, John 66:4:2 

Sloan (see Pick-Sloan Missouri River Basin 

reclamation project) 

Slocum, Tom, photo by 66:1&2:25 

Slough Creek (Yellowstone National Park) 66:4:46 

Smith, C.F 66:1&2:13 

Smith, Hoke 66:3:36 

Smith, James Edward 66:3:4 

Smith, James Morton 66:3:14 

Smith, Nels 66:3:19 

Smith, Nels (grandson of Governor 

Nels Smith) 66:3:19 

Smith, Sherry L. What's New About the New 

Western History? 66:4:4-5,77, 

photo 4 

Smith, Thomas T.,A Dose of Frontier Soldiering: The 

Memoirs of Corporal E.A. Bode, Frontier 

Regular Infantry, 1877-1S82, 

review 66:4:71-72 

Smithsonian Institution 66:4:6,36 

Snowy Range (Wyoming) 66:4:29,35 

socialism (see also Thomas, Norman) .66:3:13,20 

Somerset Lutheran Parish (Ohio) 66:4:9,11 

Somerset (Ohio) 66:4:9,11 

Soo Railroad (Minneapolis, St. Paul & Sault Ste. 

Marie Railroad) 66:4:10 

South Dakota 66:3:60,63-65 

South Denver High School (Colorado) 66:4:6 

South Michigan Street (Chicago, Illinois) 66:4:34 
South Pass (Wyoming) 66:1&2:73; 66:3:16; 

' 66:1&2:6 

South Pass City State Historic Site (Wyoming) 

66:1&2:73 

South Second Stieet (Big Horn, Wyoming) 

66:1&2:16 

South Third Street (Big Horn, Wyoming) 66:1&2:16 

Southern California 66:3:11 

Southwest 66:1&2:75 

Spackman, Eunice 66:4:35 

Spanish 66:3:21 

Spanish Flu (1918) 66:3:28 

Speed Graflex 66:4:8-9 

Spence, Clark 66:4:37 

Spence, Gerry 66:3:29 

Spencer, Percy 66:4:31 

Spiegel, Sydney 66:3:2 

Spring, Agnes Wright 66:4:2 

St. Bernard's Academy 66:4:10 

St. Joseph (Missouri) 66:3:2 

St. Louis (Missouri) 66:1&2:69; 66:3:7; 66:4:49 

St. Paul (Minnesota) 66:1&2:2 

St. Peters (Roman cathedral) 66:1&2:31 

Stafford, William poem In the White Sky 66:1&2:5 

Standard (Oil) of Indiana ' 66:4:34 

Standard Oil Trust 66:4:24,30,36 

Stanford University (California) 66:4:19 

Stanford University Press 66:3:10 

Star of the West Saloon (Big Horn, Wyoming) 

66:1&2:17 

State (Wyoming) Register of Historic Places 

66:1&2:73 

Stauffer, Helen Winter, Letters ofMari Sandoz, 

review 66:l&2:63-64 

Steckel William 66:3:2 

Steele, Archibald 66:4:8 

Steele, Sydia (Mrs. Archibald; also Brammar, 

Mrs. Ritner G.) 66:4:8 

Stein, R.L 66:3:54 

Stem (Reed and Stem, architects) 66:1&2:28 

Stephens, Uriah S 66:3:31 

Steven Schulte Collection 66:3:54,59,65 

Stevenson, Adlai E 66:3:31,47 



Stimson, Joseph Flam (see J.E. Stimson Collection) 

Strasswalchen (Austria) 66:1&2:2 

Strong, W.E 66:4:45 

Stroock, Tom 66:4:35 

Studley, Jack map by 66:3:50 

Stijrgeon, Sid 66:1&2:8 

Sublette County (Wyoming) 66:1&2:4 

Sullivan, Gael 66:3:61 

Sullivan, Louis 66:1&2:36 

Sim Dance 66:3:54 

Sun Exploration and Production Company 66:4:21 
SK))if(7iia'Gi7;('ffi' (Wyoming) newspaper 66:1 &2:20 

Sundance (Wyoming) 66:3:38 

Swan Lake Flats (Yellowstone National Park) 

66:4:44,51 

Sweden 66:3:12,27-28 

Swedish language 66:3:27 

Swedish Mission Convenant Church 66:3:27 

Swedish peasants 66:3:28 

Sweetwater County (Wyoming) 66:1&2:72 

Szasz, Ferenc Morton, Great Mysteries of the West, 

review 66:4:73 



TA. Larson Collection photos 

66:3:front cover,14,18,back cover 

TA. Larson: Conversations with Historians interview 

by Mark Junge 66:3:8-29 

Taggart, Lloyd 66:4:36 

Tankersley, Tom 66:4:57 

Taylor, Charles 66:4:50 

Taylor, Roger, Jr., video reviews: 

Hondojhe Searchers;Shane 66:3:87-89; 

Red Rock West 66:4:76-77 

Tenth Legislative Assembly (Wyoming Territory) 

66:1&2:20 

Territorial Engineer's office (Cheyenne, Wyoming) 

66:3:24 

Territorial Prison (Laramie, Wyoming) . 66:1&2:6 

Teton County (Wyoming) 66:1&2:4 

Teton Range 66:1&2:2,4;66:3:14 

(see review,r//t' Grand Controversy) 

Texas 66:1&2:36,70; 66:3:16; 66:4^7,30,54,57 

Texas A&M University 66:4:44 

Texas cattle 66:4:17 

Texas Rangers 66:3:89 

Texas Trail Monument 66:4:20 

Theosophical Society of Chicago 66:3:31 

r;;(S or Drought Ain't Broke Us Yet (But We're All 

Bent Pretty Bad): Stories of the American West 

by Jim Garry, review 66:4:60-61 

Thomas, Elmer 66:3:60 

Thomas (Nathaniel) Library 66:4:29 

Thomas, Nathaniel ... 66:4:31 (see also Nathaniel 

Thomas Collection) 

Thomas, Norman (see socialism) 66:3:13 

Thomas W. Laioson (schooner) 66:1&2:42 

Thompson, D. Claudia review of Wyoming 

Lynclnng of Cattle Kntc, 18S9 ....'..... 663:82-83 
Thompson, Gerald, review of Dust Rose Like Smoke: 

The Subjugation of the Zulu and the Sioux 

review 66:4:61-62 

Thompson, Jolm Charles 66:3:34,36 

Thompson, Thyra 66:3:9; 66:4:36 

Thoreau, Henry David 66:4:7 

Thurber, Henry T 66:3:36,39 

Titusville (Pennsylvania) 66:4:24,32 

To Reclaim a Divided West by Donald J. Pisani 

66:1&2:60-61 

Today Show 66:4:21 

Tond^stone video review 66:l&2:68-69;66:3:86 

Tombstone (Arizona) 66:1&2:69; 66:3:86 

87 



Tongue River (Wyoming) 66:1&2:12; 66:4:9 

Toppan, Clara 66:4:36 

Torrington (Wyoming) 66:4:16 

Tower Junction (Yellowstone National Park) 

66:4:51 

Townsend Hotel (Casper, Wyoming) 

.' 66:1&2:31,35 

Trabing, Gus 66;1&2:13 

Trail Creek (Montana) 66:4:47 

Trail End State Historic Site (Sheridan, Wyoming) 

66:3:58 

Trail End Lodge (Cody, Wyoming) 66:1&2:72 

trapping 66:3:17 

rrt't'/t'ss);css photo 66:1&2:10-11 

Tremper, Peg, review of Wild Bunch 66:1&2:58 

Tribune Publishing Company 66:4:6 

(see Wyonii)tg Tributw) 

Troy Laundry (Casper, Wyoming) 66:1&2:29, 

drawing and photo 66:1&2:28 

True, Dave 66:4:36 

Truman, Harry 66:3:60-61 

Turkey Penn Pass (Yellowstone National Park) 

66:4:52 

Turner, Frederick Jackson 66:4:4 

Turner, Kenneth 66:4:20 

Tyler, Henrv Lee "Night Horse" photo ....66:3:51 



U 



UCLA (University of California-Los Angeles) 

66:4:19,21,33 

Unforgwcn, video review 66:4:76-78 

Uinta County (Wyoming) 66:3:33 

unicameral legislature 66:3:19 

Union Pacific Depot 

(see Cheyenne Union Pacific Depot) 

Union Pacific history 66:3:26 

Union Pacific Railroad 66:1&2:13; 66:4:6,55 

Union Pacific streamliner train photo 66:3:55 

United Aircraft 66:4:27 

United Arab Emirates 66:1&2:49 

United Nations 66:3:21 

United Wav (see Albanv County) 

University of Akron (Ohio) 66:3:47 

University of Colorado .... 66:3:10,12,21; 66:4:6,77 

University of Colorado football team 66:3:14 

University of Illinois 66:3:7,10; 66:4:37 

University of Iowa 66:3:24 

University of Nebraska Press 66:3:10 

University of Nebraska-Lincoln ...66:3:25;66:4:21 

University of New Mexico 66:3:5 

University of Oklahoma 66:4:17,21 

University of Oregon 66:4:24 

University of Southern California 66:4:33 

University of Texas-Dallas 66:4:21 

University of Texas-El Paso 66:4:4,6 

University of Wisconsin-River Falls 66:3:65 

University of Wyoming 

66:3:9-10,12,16,25-26,29,31,37,49,65,73; 

66:4:26-40,77 

University of Wyoming Arts and Sciences 

Building 66:3:2 

University of Wyoming Athletic Director 

(see Jacobv, "Red") 
University of Wyoming basketball coaches 

(see Radovich, Moe; Shelton, Ev) 
University of Wyoming Board of Directors 66:4:27 
University of Wyoming Board of Trustees 

66:3:6,24,47,63 

University of Wyoming College of Arts and 

Sciences Dean 66:3:25 

University of Wyoming College of Education 

66:4:39 



University of Wyoming Cowboy Ball 

photo 66:3 

University of Wyoming football coach 

(see Wyatt, Bowden) 

University of Wyoming Foundation 66:4:22 

University of Wyoming Foundation Director 

66:3:2 

University of Wyoming History Department 

66:l&2:73;66:3:2,710,24-25; 66:4:37 

University of Wyoming Law School 66:4:25 

University of Wyoming Librarian 66:3:7,24 

University of Wyoming Library 66:4:25,30 

University of Wyoming President 66:4:27 

University of Wyoming Registrar 

(see McWhinnie, Ralph) 
University of Wyoming School of American 

Studies Director 66:3:10 

Uni\ersity of Wvoming Vice President of 

Academic Affairs 66:4:27 

Ursuline nuns 66:4:10 

U.S. Air Force 66:4:23 

U.S. Army 66:1&2:12,49; 64:4:8 

U.S. Bureau of the Budget 66:3:60 

U.S. Bureau of the Census 66:4:4 

U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA, see Indians) 

U.S. Bureau of Land Management 66:1&2:73 

U.S. Bureau of Reclamation 66:1&2:73 

U.S. Capitol Building photo 66:3:48-49 

U.S. Cavalry 66:3:33 

U.S. Commissioner of Indian Affairs 

(see Brophv, William; Collier, John) 

U.S. Commissioner of Pensions 66:3:31 

U.S. Congress .. 66:l&2:40;3:26,30-31,33,39-42,44, 

46-47,53,55-56,59,64; 66:4:57; 

53rd Congress 66:3:33,36 

U.S. Congressional Recoicl 66:3:26,31 

U.S. Court of Claims 66:3:61 

U.S. Department of Justice 66:3:60 

U.S. Department of the Interior ... 66:3:58; 66:4:50 

(see also Bureau of Land Management, 

Bureau of Reclamation) 
U.S. Department of State 66:1&2:49 

(see Dickman, Francois) 

U.S. Department of War 66:3:45 

U.S. District Attorney 66:3:38 

U.S. Experiment Station (Newcastle, Wyoming) 

photo 66:3:5 

U.S. Federal Energy Regulatory Commission 

.' 66:1&2:73 

U.S. Foreign Service 66:1&2:49 

U.S. Forest Service 66:l&2:72-73 

U.S. Geological Survey 66:4:24 

U.S. House of Representatives 

66:3:31,34,39,41,44-46,60,62 

U.S. House of Representatives Bill 1113 .. 66:3:61 
U.S. House of Repesentatives Bill 12533 

(S.B. 1214) 66:3:64 

U.S. House of Representatives calendar ... 66:3:58 
U.S. House of Representatives Concurrent 

Resolution 108 66:3:56 

U.S. House of Representatives Ways and 

Means Committee 66:3:40 

U.S. hiternal Revenue Ser\dce (IRS) 66:4:40 

U.S. Marshal (for Wyoming) 66:3:36,38 

U.S. Navy '. 66:3:10-11 

(see Great Lakes Naval Training Center) 

U.S. Senate 66:3:19,41,45,55,59-60 

U.S. Senate Bill 332 66:3:56,58 

U.S. Supreme Court 66:3:34 

U.S. Surveyor General 66:3:36,38,45 

U.S. Surveyor General Land Office 66:3:6 

U.S. Treasury 66:3:38 

Utah 66:3:13-14,29,54 



Utley, Robert Tlic Lincc and the Sliield: Tlie Life and 
Times of Sitting Bull, review 66:3:76,78 



Van Dyck and Deever 66:4:50 

Van Dyck, Lewis H 66:4:51-52 

Van Dyck's slaughter house 66:4:52 

Van West, Carroll Capitalism on the Frontier, review 

66:l&2:64-65 

Vause, Mikel review of Grand Controversy: The Pio- 
neer Climbs m the Teton Range and the Contro- 
versial First Ascent of the Graiui Teton 

.'. 66:3:73-74 

Venetian Renaissance buildings 66:1&2:31 

Venice (Italy) 66:1&2:31 

Vermilion County (Illinois) 66:3:31 

Vermont 66:3:16 

Vermont marble 66:1&2:34 

Vermont state legislature 66:3:31 

Viennese 66:1&2:2 

Vietnam 66:3:16,21 

Vietnam War 66:4:5 

Virginia 66:1&2:48 

Volstead Act 66:lc&:2:36;66:4:14,48 

Von Luerzer, Feodor 66:1&2:2 

V-V Brand 66:3:42-43 



W 



Wadsworth (Nevada) 66:4:6 

Wagner, Charles 66:1&2:8 

Wagner Ranch (Wyoming) 66:1&2:9 

Wagner, Randall A., review of A Complete Official 

Road Guide of the Lincoln Highway 66:3:68-69 

Wakefield (Nebraska) "...66:3:10,12 

Wall Street (New York City) .. 66:3:39-40,42-43,46 

Wallace, Irving 66:4:35 

Wallop, Malcolm 66:3:19,64 

Wallop, Oliver 66:l&2:25;66:4:28-29 

Walthall, Wilson 66:4:36 

Warren and Wetmore 66:1&2:28 

Warren, Francis E 66:4:27 66:3:44-45,47,56; 

photo 66:3:32 

Washington, D.C 66:3:39,44,60;66:4:24 

Washington, George 66:3:31 

Washi}igtflii (D.C.) Post newspaper 66:4:37 

Washington (state) 66:4:15 

WASPS (White Anglo Saxon Protestants) 66:3:11 

Waters, E.C 66:4:49-50,52,54 

Watkins, Arthur V. 66:3:54 

Watson, Ella (see review, Wyoming 

U/nclung of Cattle Kate, 18S9) 

Watt, Arlene (Mrs. Joe) 66:4:36 

Watt Cabin (Big Horn National Forest, upcoming) 

66:1&2:72 

Watt, Joe 66:4:36 

Weaver, James B 66:3:31,34 

Weidener, Charles 66:1&2:28 

(see Garbutt, Weidener and Sweeney) 

Welke, Jim 66:4:33 

Wellesley (Boston, Massachusetts) 66:1&2:45 

Weln, George 66:1&2:9 

Weppner, Linda 66:1&2:4 

Wergeland, Agnes M 66:3:6-7 

West as America (exhibit) 66:4:6 

West Coast 66:3:17 

West First Street (Lusk, Wyoming) 66:4:15 

West Indies 66:1&2:48 

West, J.E. (see J.E. West and Company) 
West Thumb (Yellowstone National Park) 

66:4:50,53 

West Virginia 66:3:40 

Wyoming Annals 



West Yellowstone (Montana) .. 66:3:14;66:4:55-56 

Western Americana 66:4:29-30,33 

Western History Association (WHA) 

'. 66:3:10; 66:4:24 

Western History class (University of Wyoming) 

."...., 66:3:2 

Western Railroad Songs by Keith and Rusty McNeil, , 

review 66:4:68 

Western Reserve Eclectic Institute (Ohio, a.k.a. 

Hiram College) 66:3:31 

Western State College (Gunnison, Colorado) 

66:3:29 

Western women's history 66:3:4 

Western Wyoming College 66:4:78 

Weston County (Wyoming) 66:3:34 

W.F. Davis Livestock 66:lc&2:18 

Wharton, Edith 66:1&2:32 

What's New About the New Western Hlstor\/ 

by Dr Sherry L. Smith 66:4:4-5,77 

Wheatland (Wyoming) 66:1&2:8; 66:3:11 

Wheatland Times newspaper 66:1&2:9 

Wheeler-Howard Indian Reorganization Act 

(IRA) 66:3:50-53,56 

White House 66:1&2:28,30; 66:3:36,44,60 

White, Laura 66:3:24 

White, Richard 66:4:4-5 

Whittlesey, Lee H., Cozes All 

Over the Place 66:4:42-57, 

photo 57 

Whittlesey, Tamela (Mrs. Lee H.) 66:4:57 

Whittlesey, Tess (daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Lee H.) 

' 66:4:57 

Who's Who in America 66:3:2 

Wight, Jermv Benton Frederick W. Lander and the 

Lander Trail, review 66:3:78-79 

Wilcox (Arizona) 66:4:78 

Wild Bunch by F. Bruce Lamb, review ..66:1&2:58 

Wilder, Wilber 66:4:52,54 

William Robertson Coe Distinguished Prof, of 

American Studies 66:3:10 

WilIits,J.0 66:I&2:18 

Willow Street (Big Horn, Wyoming) ....66:1&2:16 

Wilson Bill 66:3:41-42 

Wilson Clough Collection 66:1&2:11 

Wilson-Gorman Tariff 66:3:41,45 

Wilson, Steven M. video review Wi/att Earp 66:3:86 

Wilson, William L .' 66:3:40-41 

Wilson, Woodrow 66:3:47 

Wind River (Wyoming) 66:3:53 

Wind Rivers 66:4:28 

Wingate, Steve, review of This OV Drought Ain't 

Broke Us Yet (But We're All Bent Pretty Bad): 

Stories of the American West 66:4:60-61 

Winnetka (Illinois) 66:1&2:75 

Wisconsin 66:1&2:75;66:3:60 

Withington Catalog 66:4:29 

Wolcott Street (Casper, Wyoming) 66:1&2:32 

Wolf Creek (Dakota Territory) 66:4:10 

woman suffrage amendment 66:3:7 

Woman Suffrage Movement ...... 66:3:10,12-13,32 

Woman's Club of Wyoming 66:1&2;42 

Womens Rights Convention (Seneca Falls, New 

York, 1849) 66:3:13 

Womens Rights Movement (see also Morris, 

Esther; Woman Suffrage Movement) 

66:3:12-13 

women's history (see A West of One's Oum) 

Woodring, Sam, photos by 66:4:45 

Woods, Larry 66:4:36 

Woolvet, Jaimz 66:4:76 

Woolf, Virginia, A Room of One's Oum 66:3:4-5 



Winter "94-95 



Work Projects Administration Wyoming: A Guide 
to Its History. Highways, and People 

.". ' 66:1&2:25 

World War I 66:1&2:48; 66:3:16,28; 66:4:12,28 

World War II 66:1&2:6,49; 

66:3:11,16,24,49,53; 66:4:19 

(see Wyoming's War Years. 1941-1945) 

World's Fair (1904) 66:3:7 

Wright, Frank Lloyd 66:1&2:28,36 

Wrobel, Dax'id M., End of American Exceptionalisni: 

Frontier Anxiety from the Old West to the Neio 

Deal, review 66:3:71-72 

Wurtz, Levi 66:4:55 

Wyatt, Bowden 66:3:2 

Wyatt Earp video review 66:3:86 

Wylie Camping and Cattle Companies 

(Yellowstone National Park) 66:4:54 

Wylie, W.W 66:4:50 

Wyoming: A Guide to Its Histon/, Highwai/s. and 

People by the Work Projects Administration 

66:1&2:25 

Wyomingana 66:4:331 

Wyoming congressional delegation 66:3:53 

Wyoming Governor's Office 66:1&2:4 

Wyoming (magazine) 66:3:59 

Wyoming (schooner) 66:l&2:38-49, 

sketch 40, 

photos 41,43,44,45,46,47,48,49 

Wyoming Annals editor 66:3:29 

Wyoming Association of Professional Historians 

(WAPH) 66:1&2:6 

Wyoming Bicentennial (see Bicentennial History 

of Wyoming) 

Wyoming Bicentennial Committee 66:3:10 

Wyoming child labor bill and law 66:3:7 

Wyoming Collegiate Institute (Big Horn, 

Wyoming) 66:l&2:15,21,23-24 

Wyoming Consulting Committee on Nominations 

to the National Register 66:3:10 

Wyoming Council for the Humanities 

66:1&2:6,25,73; 66:3:10 

Wyoming Democratic Party Chairman .... 66:3:34 

(see New, A.L.) 

Wyoming Department of Commerce 66:4:23 

Wyoming Deputy State Engineer 66:3:6 

Wyoming Eagle (Chevemie, Wyoming) newspaper 

....'. .' '. ' 66:4:9 

Wyoming Farm Bureau 66:4:19 

Wyoming Highway Department 66:1&2:73 

Wyoming Historic Presen'ation Citation 66:1&2;73 

Wyoming History Nezcs 66:1&2:73 

Wyoming House of Representatives 66:3:10 

Wyoming Lynching of Cattle Kate, 18S9 by George 

W^ Hufsmith, review 66:3:82-83 

Wyoming National Bank (Casper) 66:1&2:37 

Wyoming National Bank Building (a.k.a. Midwest 

Building) photo and sketches. .66:l&2:32-34 

Wyoming Outdoor Council 66:3:29 

Wyounng Politicians and the Shaping of United States 

Indian Policy, 1945 to 19S0 by ^ 

Steven Schulte 66:3:48-65 

Wyoming Recreation Commission 66:1&2:73 

Wyoming Secretary of State (see Karpan, Kathy; 

Thompson, Thyra) 

Wyoming Senate 66:3:35 

Wyoming State Archivist 66:4:2 

Wyoming State Attorney General 

(see O'Marr, Louis) 

Wyoming State Bar 66:3:7 

Wyoming State Board of Equalization Director 

66:1&2:4 

Wyoming State Capitol 66:3:32, 

photo 33;66:4:25 



Wyoming State Constitutional Convention 

66:3:7,39, 

photo 33 

Wyoming State Department of Administration 

and Information 66:3:8; 66:4:22 

(see also Computer Technology Division 
Wyoming State Department of Commerce 66:4:21 
Wyoming State golf championship (see Firsts) 

Wyoming State Historian 66:4:2 

Wyoming State Historic Preservation Office 

(SHPO) 66:l&2:7,26,72-73; 

66:3:29,32,42,53,65,69:66:4:6,40,77 

Wyoming State Historic Preservation Office Re- 
view and Compliance Program ...66:1&2:73 
Wyoming State Historic Preservation Officer 

66:1&2:73 

Wyoming State Historical Department 66:4:2 

Wyoming State Historical Society 

66:1&2:6,73;66:4:2,25 ,77 

Wyoming State Historical Society trek...66:l&2:6 
Wyoming State Journal (Lander) newspaper 

....' 66:3:51-52 

Wyoming State Legislature 66:4:2 

Wyoming State Librarian 66:4:2 

Wyoming State Library Association President 

' 66:3:7 

Wyoming State map 66:3:50 

Wyoming State Museum 66:4:2,7 

Wyoming State Museum Collection, political cam- 
paign buttons and ribbons 66:3:35,39 

Wyoming State Museum Collection photos 

66:1&2:4-5,16-17,42; 

66:3:5,32-33,35,46,51-52,55-56,60,63-64; 

66:4:2,6-7,9-13,15-17,25 

(see Meyers Collection) 
Wyoming State Superintendent of Public 

Instruction (see Linford, Velma) 
Wyoming Stock Growers Association 

.... 66:l&2:42;66:3:33-34; 66:4:24,30,30,35,40 

Wyoming Stock Growers Collection 66:4:25 

Wyoming Supreme Court 66:3:7 

Wyoming Territorial Librarian 66:4:2 

Wyoming Territorial Park 66:1&2:49 

Wyoming Territory 66:1&2:12,16,20,42; 

'. 66:3:31-32;66:4:21 

Wyoming Tribune (Cheyenne, Wyoming) 

newspaper 66:4:8 

(see also Tribune Publishing Company) 
Wyoming Women's Golf Championship (1916) 

66:4:2 

Wyoming Wool Growers Association .. 66:4:24,35 
Wyoming's War Years, 1941-1945 by T.A. Larson, 

review '... 66:3:10,83-84 



Xerox machine 66:3:25 

XL Cafe (Lusk, Wyoming) 66:4:18 



Yale University 66:4:26-29 

Yancey, Uncle John 66:4:51, 

photo 52 

Yellow Hotel (Lusk, Wyoming) 66:4:13-21, 

photos 13,15 

(see Dell's Hotel) 

■ Yellowstone country 66:4:45-46 

Yellowstone Lake 66:4:50,52-55 

Yellowstone Lake boat photo 66:4:53 



89 



Yellowstone Lake Boat Company 

(see Waters, E.C.) 
Yellowstone National Park 

66:l&2:5;66:3:4,16;66:4:42-47, 

maps 44,48 

Yellowstone National Park Archives ...66:4:54,57 
Yellowstone National Park Museum Collection 

photos 66:4:45-46,49,52-53 

Yellowstone National Park wildlife veterinarian 
Yellowstone National Park Association 

66:4:49-50,52 

Yellowstone Plateau 66:4:44 

Yellowstone River 66:1&2:13; 66:4:46-47 

Yellowstone River Valley 66:4:43 

YNP Association 

(see Yellowstone National Park Association) 
You Are Respectfully Invited to Attend My 

Exectitiou. ..hy Larrv K. Brown 66:4:21 

Your Misfortune and None of My Own by 

Richard White .' 66:4:44 

Yukon River (Alaska) 66:4:12-13,15 



Zion's Canyon 66:1&2:2 



Wyoming Annals 




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>W •.;'.".v.-jSi&-.fe.S*-/ fe •■•■■■•■•■■ - 













Theodore Roosevelt 

The Winning of the West 



Volume 1 : From the 
Alleghanies to the 
Mississippi, 1769-1776 

Introduction by 

John Milton Cooper Jr. 

$ 1 5 paper 

Volume 2: From the 
Alleghanies to the 
Mississippi, 1777-1783 
Introduction by 
Daniel K. Richter 
$1 5 paper 



Theodore Roosevelt began 
writing his ambitious history 
of the conquest of the 
American West in 1888. He 
projected a sweeping drama, 
well documented and filled 
with Americans fighting 
Indian confederacies north 
and south while dealing with 
the machinations of the 
British, French, and Spanish 
and their sympathizers. By 
force and by treaty the new 
nation was established in the 
East, and when the explorers 
and settlers pushed against the 
Mississippi, it was inevitable 
that everything to the west 
would be part of that nation. 



At bookstores. University of Nebraska Vkss publishers of Bison Books Lincoln NE • 800-755-1 105 



Volume 3: The 
Founding of the Trans- 
Alleghany Common- 
wealths, 1784-1790 

Introduction by 
Michael N. McConnell 
SI 5 paper 

Volume 4: Louisiana 
and the Northwest, 
1791-1807 

Introduction by 
James P. Ronda 
$ 1 5 paper 













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