Skip to main content

Full text of "Xenophon's minor works"

See other formats 


I3S0Cp 


This  book  n 


only  and  is 
a  day  thei 
indicated    L 


BOHN'S   CLASSICAL   LIBRARY 


XENOPHON'S   MINOR  WORKS 


G.   BELL   AND   SONS,  LTD. 

LONDON  :  PORTUGAL  ST.,  KINGSWAY 
CAMBRIDGE  :  DEIGHTON,  BELL  AND  CO. 
NEW  YORK  :  THE  MACMILLAN  CO. 
BOMBAY;    A.     H.     WHEELER  .AND    CO. 


HH1M 

XENOPHON'S  .ftH 

MINOR    WORKS      \VH 


LITERALLY  TRANSLATED   FROM  THE   GREEK 


WITH   NOTES  AND   ILLUSTRATIONS 


BY   THE 


REV.   J.    S.   WATSON,    M.A.,    M.R.S.L. 


LONDON : 

G.    BELL    AND    SONS,    LTD. 

19 14. 


-frfrfr 


___ 


[Reprinted  from  Stereotype  plates.] 


/  3Q0G 


PREFACE. 


This  volume  completes  the  "  Classical  Library " 
Translation  of  Xenophon's  Works. 

To  each  piece  are  prefixed  a  few  critical  or 
illustrative  remarks  ;  and  notes  are  appended  to  all 
passages  where  obscurity,  or  the  conflicting  opinions 
of  commentators,  appeared  to  render  them  necessary. 

J.  S,  W. 


CONTENTS. 


MSI 

Agesilaus,  Eulogy  of        .  ■  .  1 

Hiero,  a  Dialogue  on  Royalty         .  .  .43 

ceconomicus,  on  the  management  of  a  farm  and  household    71 
The  Banquet         .......     148 

Apology  of  Socrates  .....  192 

On  the   Lacedaemonian  Government     ....     202 

On  the  Athenian   Government  .  231 

On  improving  the  Revenues  of  Athens  .  .  .     247 

On  Horsemanship        ....  .  266 

Hipparchicus,  or  the  Dutizs  of  a  Commander  of  Cavalry      302 
On  Hunting     .......  330 

Fragments  of  Letters  374 


REMARKS 


THE  AGESILAUS  OF  XENOPHON. 


As  Xenophon  had  been  for  several  years  the  companion  and 
familiar  friend  of  Agesilaus  in  Asia,  and  also,  after  the  machina- 
tions of  Tithraustes,  in  Greece,  it  is  not  surprising  that  he  desired 
to  honour  him  after  his  death  with  a  distinguished  eulogy.  That 
the  "  Agesilaus"  was  written  with  this  view  is  stated  by  the  author 
himself  at  the  commencement  of  the  treatise  ;  and  that  Xenophon 
wished  to  present  the  example  of  an  excellent  king  and  general  for 
imitation  is  signified  in  the  tenth  chapter. 

The  panegyric  begins  with  a  brief  narrative  of  the  military  exploits 
of  Agesilaus,  which  is  followed  by  an  equally  concise  account  of  his 
manners  and  character.  Xenophon  did  not  make  it  his  object  to 
give  a  detail  of  the  life  of  Agesilaus  in  precise  conformity  with 
historical  exactness  ;  for  to  write  a  panegyric  is  a  far  different  task 
from  writing  a  biography  :  the  biographer  writes  not  only  for  his 
contemporaries,  but  for  posterity ;  but  the  panegyrist  merely  re- 
capitulates to  the  people  of  his  own  day  what  they  have  themselves 
seen  or  known,  and  consequently  thinks  it  sufficient  to  touch  on 
many  of  his  facts,  and  to  recall  them  to  the  memory  of  his  readers, 
in  very  few  words ;  and  hence  it  happens  that  various  particu- 
lars in  this  little  treatise  are  related  with  great  brevity,  and,  though 
well  known  in  the  time  of  Xenophon,  are  obscure  to  us.  Such 
are  those  which  we  read  in  the  second  chapter,  sect.  25.  seqq. ; 
nor  would  those  which  are  told  in  sect.  6  and  20  be  sufficiently  in- 
telligible, if  we  had  not  a  knowledge  of  them  from  other  sources. 

But  the  greatest  difference  between  the  biographer  and  the  en- 
comiast is,  that  the  biographer  has  to  relate  everything  that  is  of 
importance  to  be  known,  for  whatever  reason,  whether  as  deserving 

VOL-    Ill  s 


2  REMARKS    ON 

of  praise  or  of  censure,  while  the  encomiast  merely  selects  such 
facts  as  may  render  the  character  of  the  person  whom  he  praises 
most  worthy  of  admiration  and  most  agreeable  to  contemplate. 
Bearing  this  in  mind,  we  shall  not  wonder  that  many  circumstances 
are  omitted  in  the  Agesilaus  which  are  related  in  the  Hellenica ; 
for  Xenophon,  in  composing  the  eulogy  of  Agesilaus,  has  com- 
prised in  it  whatever  would  exhibit  to  advantage  the  character  of 
an  excellent  king  and  able  general,  but  has  passed  over  whatever 
would  contribute  nothing  to  the  praises  of  his  hero.  He  has  ac- 
cordingly made  no  mention  of  the  envy  with  which  Agesilaus  is  said 
to  have  annoyed  Lysander,  Hellen.  iii.4.  7 ;  of  the  Spartan  cavalry 
routed  by  that  of  Pharnabazus,  iv.  3.  13;  of  the  disaster  of  the 
Spartans  described  iv.  6.  10 ;  or  of  the  fact  that  the  seizure  of  the 
Cadmeia  was  not  disapproved  by  Agesilaus,  v.  2.  32 ;  since  these 
particulars  could  have  no  place  in  a  panegyric. 

On  the  other  hand,  as  many  things  are  found  in  the  Hellenics 
which  could  not  be  included  in  the  eulogy,  so  many  are  men- 
tioned in  the  eulogv  which  Xenophon  regarded  as  having  no 
concern  with  the  history  of  Greece.  Of  this  sort  are  the  accounts 
of  the  descent  and  birth  of  Agesilaus,  and  of  the  power  of  the 
Spartans,  c.  1,  sect.  2;  of  Agesilaus's  singular  contrivance  for  en- 
riching his  soldiers,  c.  17  ;  of  his  mode  of  exercising  and  improving 
his  troops,  c.  2,  sect.  7>  and  of  several  other  matters. 

The  other  portion  of  the  treatise  contains  praises  of  the  virtues 
and  merits  of  Agesilaus  ;  and  here,  as  elsewhere,  Xenophon  writes 
as  a  disciple  of  Socrates.  He  first  treats  of  the  piety  of  Agesilaus, 
2.  3,  without  a  foundation  in  which  no  other  virtue  can  be  imagin- 
ed ;  and  then  of  three  other  virtues,  which  always  hold  a  chief 
place  in  the  moral  teaching  of  Socrates,  justice,  c.  4,  temperance, 
c.  5,  and  fortitude,  c.  6;  with  fortitude  is  coupled  patriotism,  c.  7, 
which,  in  a  panegyric  on  a  Spartan  king,  required  particular  notice  ; 
and  after  having  enumerated  the  virtues  of  which  every  one  who 
would  be  a  man  of  integrity  and  honour  must  be  possessed,  he 
touches  on  those  which  are  a  credit  to  men  of  power  and  dignity, 
as  modesty,  readiness  to  do  services,  cheerfulness,  kindness,  disre- 
gard of  assumption  and  mere  wealth,  good  faith  towards  allies, 
contempt  of  external  splendour  and  ostentation,  and  simplicity  in 
dress  and  living,  c.  8.  That  the  nature  of  this  simplicity  may  be 
more  clearly  exhibited,  a  comparison  is  then  made,  c.  9,  between 
Agesilaus  and  the  king  of  Persia ;  and  in  the  tenth  chapter,  Xeno- 
phon sets  forth  Agesilaus  as  an  example  in  every  way  deserving  of 
imitation. 

The  panegyric  being  thus,  as  is  evident,  properly  and  excellently 
brought  to  a  conclusion,  it  may  seem  strange  that  an  eleventh 
chapter  is  added.  A  glance  at  the  contents  of  this  chapter  will 
show  that  they  want  connexion  and  proper  arrangement ;  but 
what  was  the  origin  or  object  of  the  fragmentary  sentences  of 


THE   AGESILAUS   OF   XENOPHON.  3 

which  it  is  composed  no  critic  has  as  yet  clearly  discovered.  That 
Schneider  is  greatly  mistaken,  in  supposing  that  the  principles  and 
sources  of  virtues  are  indicated  in  the  chapter,  is  very  plain.  The 
hypothesis  adopted  by  Heiland  is  of  a  different  nature,  but  not  at 
all  nearer  the  truth :  for  he  imagines  that  Xenophon  thought  of 
correcting  the  Agesilaus,  and  noted  down,  for  that  purpose,  the 
sentences  contained  in  this  chapter,  intending  to  substitute  them 
for  what  is  now  contained  in  the  second  portion  of  the  panegyric. 
These  two  points  he  has  not  made  clear,  as  he  ought  to  have  done ; 
he  has  not  shown  why  Xenophon  should  have  meditated  a  cor- 
rection of  the  treatise,  nor  proved  that  what  he  thinks  Xenophon 
would  have  substituted  is  better  than  what  we  now  find.  Sauppe 
has  given  a  more  plausible  opinion,  as  he  felt  persuaded  that  the 
sentences  forming  the  eleventh  chapter  were  written,  not  after, 
but  before,  the  treatise  was  composed.     Breitenbach. 

After  some  further  remarks,  Breitenbach  gives  it  as  his  opinion 
(agreeing  in  this  point  with  Sauppe  and  Heiland)  that  the  sen- 
tences or  memoranda  constituting  the  eleventh  chapter  were  found 
after  Xenophon's  death,  and  that  somebody  composed  an  additional 
chapter  out  of  them,  placing  at  the  head  of  it  the  few  introductory 
words  that  now  stand  there. 

Valckenaer,  on  Herod,  ix.  27,  and  some  other  critics,  have  ex- 
pressed a  suspicion  that  the  "  Agesilaus  "  is  not  Xenophon's,  as  the 
style  of  it  is  more  sustained  than  that  of  a  great  portion  of  his  other 
writings ;  but  it  can  hardly  be  taken  from  him  on  this  account,  for 
there  are  in  the  Cyropaedia,  as  Breitenbach  observes,  and  in  other 
parts  of  Xenophon's  works,  many  passages  not  less  elevated  in 
diction,  and  some  even  more  so,  than  any  parts  of  the  Agessiiau* 
Both  Weiske  and  Schneider  agree  in  opposing  Valckenaer. 


XENOPHON'S 
EULOGY  OF  AGESILAUS. 


CHAPTER  I, 

The  birth  of  Agesilaus  and  his  personal  merit,  for  which  he  was  made  king 
His  expedition  to  Asia ;  his  truce  with  Tissaphernes,  which  the  satraj 
violates;  his  successful  invasion  of  Phrygia.  His  clemency  to  his  prisoners, 
xle  raises  a  body  of  cavalry,  defeats  Tissaphernes,  and  lays  waste  the 
territory  o*  Sardis.  He  is  recalled  to  the  defence  of  his  country,  and  is 
attended  by  many  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks,  whom  he  had  attached  to  himself 
by  his  kind  and  judicious  conduct. 

1.  I  am  well  aware  that  it  is  not  easy  to  write  an  ade- 
quate eulogium  of  either  the  virtues  or  glory  of  Agesilaus. 
But  the  attempt  must  nevertheless  be  made ;  for  it  would  not 
be  right,  that  because  he  was  a  thoroughly  good  man,  he  should 
on  this  account  fail  of  obtaining  any  praises,  though  even 
less  than  he  deserved.1 

2.  With  respect  then  to  his  nobility  of  birth,  what  could 
any  one  say  of  it,  greater  or  more  honourable,  than  that  even 
to  the  present  day,  when  his  ancestors  are  mentioned,2  it  is 

1  OvSe  fiHoviov  liraiv^v.']  Ne  inferiores  quidem  virtutibus.  Breitenbach. 

2  To?e  'jrpoyovoig  bvofxa^o^kvoiQ  a7ro[i.v7ifM)V£iitTai.~\  Etiam  nunc,  quum 
w.ajores  enumerantur ,  una  commemoratur  Agesilaus,  quotus  ab  Herculefuerit. 
Breitenbach.  He  observes  that  such  datives  generally  have  a  reference  to 
time  in  connexion  with  the  nominative  case  to  the  verb  on  which  they  de- 


,„jXa<jav.     Xen.  Anab.  v.   1.   10,  Aevo(pu>vTi  eta  rng  ^Jtror/waj 
■jropevoix4vo3   (i.e.  when  he  was  going)  o\  imrtie,  TrpoKaraOtovTic,   isivy- 


§  3,] 


DESCENT    OF    AGESILAUS. 


recounted  how  far  removed  he  was  in  his  descent  from  Hercu- 
les j1  and  these  ancestors  being,  not  private  individuals,  but 
kings  the  descendants  of  kings.  3.  Nor,  indeed,  as  to  this 
point,  could  any  one  possibly  disparage  them,  by  saying  that 

Xavovm  7rpf<r€evraTg  7ropevofievoiQ,  k,  t.  \.  On  this  use  of  the  dative  lie 
adds,  consult,  above  all,  Bernhardy,  Synt.  p.  82  ;  Matth.  Gr.  Gr.  §  562, 
2;    Rost.  §  131,3  j    Buttm.  §  145,  5  ;   Kiihn,  $  669. 

1  The  Lacedaemonians  had  always  two  kings,  of  the  two  families  of  Pro- 
clus  and  Eurysthenes,  who  were  the  first  kings  of  Sparta,  and  descendants  of 
Hercules.  See  G.  Nep.  Ages;  c.  1.  The  subjoined  table  shows  the  descent 
of  Agesilaus  from  Hercules. 

HERCULES 

Married  (1)  Dejanira,  (2)  Auge,  daughter  of  Aleus  king  of  Arcadia,  famed 

for  his  skill  in  building  temples. 


1.  Ctesippus.     2.Telephus, 
king  of  Lycia. 


1.  Hyllus,  who  defeated  and     1.  Antilochus. 
slew  Eurystheus,  married  Iole, 
daughter  of  Eurystheus. 

i 1 ! 

Cleodaeus.  He  endeavoured  to  recover  the  Peloponnesus  after  his  father's 
death,  but  to  no  purpose. 

i ' 1 

Aristomachus,  with  his  three  sons,  conquered  the  Peloponnesus. 


Aristodemus 
becomes  king  of  Sparta ; 
married  Argia,  daughter 
to  Autesion. 


Cresphontes, 
king  of  Messenia, 
married  Merope, 
daughter  of  Cypselus, 
king  of  Arcadia. 


Procles.  His  descend-  Eurysthenes.  His  de- 
ants  were  called  Pro-  scendants  were  called 
cleidae.  Eurysthenidae,  after- 

wards Agidae. 


Temenus 

becomes  king  of  Argos, 
having  expelled  the  reign- 
ing sovereign  Tisamenes. 

Twin  brothers,  they  both 
reigned  together,  by  order 
of  the  oracle  of  Delphi. 


Sous. 


Eurypon. 


Prytanis. 

i ! 1 

Eunomus. 


His  reign  was  so  glorious  that  his  descendants  were  called 
Eurypontidae. 


Polydectes.    Lycurgus,   the  celebrated  lawgiver,   was  the  guardian  of 
Charilaus,  who  was  a  posthumous  child. 

i ' 1 

Nicander. 


Theopompus.     He  established  the  Ephori. 

r ' 1 

Anaxandrides.    Archidamus,  died  before  his  father. 


6  EULOGY   OF    AGESILAUS.  "CH.   1- 

they  were  indeed  kings,  but  kings  of  an  ordinary  state ; 1 
for,  as  their  family  is  the  most  honourable  of  their  native  land, 
so  their  state  is  also  the  most  renowned  in  Greece  ;  so  that  they 
are  not  first  amongst  the  second,  but  chief  amongst  the  chief.2 
4.  On  this  account,  assuredly,  it  is  right  to  eulogize  alike  3 
both  his  native  country  and  his  family;  for  neither  did  the 
state  at  any  period,  through  envy  of  their  preeminence  in 
honour,  attempt  to  overthrow  their  authority ;  nor  did  the 
kings  ever  aim  at  greater  power  than  was  consistent  with  the 
terms  on  which  they  received  the  kingly  authority  at  first.4 
Accordingly  no  other  government  is  known,  whether  democratic, 
or  oligarchic,  or  tyrannic,  or  hereditary,  that  has  continued 
constantly  uninterrupted,  but  this  government  alone  maintains 
an  unbroken  succession. 

.  5.  That  Agesilaus,  however,  even  before  he  began  to  reign, 
was  thought  worthy  of  the  throne,  the  following  circumstances 
are  proofs.     For  when  Agis,  who  was  king,  died,  and  when 


Archidamus, 

i ' 1 

Anaxilaus. 

i ' , 

Leoty  chides. 

i ' 1 

Hippoci-atides. 

Agis.     He  attempted  to  restore  the  laws  of  Lycurgus  at  Sparta,  and  was 
strangled  by  order  of  the  Ephori. 

i — ' —i 

Menares. 

i ' i 

Leoty  chides.     He  defeated  the  Persians  at  the  famous  battle  of  Mycale. 
, 1 _ , 

Zeuxidamus.     Lampito. 

i ' , 

Archidamus  II. 

f~       — — ' -n 

Agis  II.  Agesilaus  II.  (Agesilaus  I.  was  of  the  family  of  Eurysthenidae.) 

1  n6\eu>g  da  ttjq  zTnTvxov(sriQ.~]  Such  a  state  as  may  easily  be  met 
with ;  i.  e.  small  and  of  no  account. 

2  They  were  not  the  leaders  of  the  second-rate  powers  of  Greece,  but 
the  chief  of  the  first-rate  powers. 

3  Kotry,  in  the  sense  of  una,  pariter,  simul,  as  Sturz  very  properly 
takes  it  in  his  Lexicon. 

*  ObSiiriltiroTE  fxuZ,6vu)v  topkxQnoav,  k.  r.  \.]  Nunguam  majora  con- 
wpiverunt,  quam  fervent  conditioner,  quibus  initio  regnum  accelerant. 
Sauppe. 


§    6,  7.]  HE   PREPARES    TO   INVADE    ASIA.  7 

Leotychidas  on  the  one  hand,  as  son  of  Agis,  Agesilaus  on  th8 
other,  as  son  of  Archidainus,  contended  for  the  throne,  the 
state,  having  decided  that  Agesilaus  was  more  free  from  objec~ 
tion,  both  as  to  birth  and  merit,1  appointed  him  king.  And,  in 
truth,  when  he  was,  in  a  most  powerful  state,  deemed  by  the 
most  honourable  worthy  of  the  highest  honour,  what  furthei 
proof  is  required  of  his  merit,  at  least  before  he  began  to- 
reign  ? 

6.  It  is  the  actions,  however,  which  he  performed  during 
his  reign,  that  I  shall  now  2  relate  ;  for  from  his  actions  I 
consider  that  his  character  also  will  be  best  shown.  Agesilaus, 
then,  while  he  was  still  in  the  prime  of  life,3  obtained  the 
kingly  authority;  and,  when  he  was  but  just  established  in 
the  government,  news  was  spread  that  the  king  of  the  Persians 4 
was  collecting  a  large  naval  and  land  force,  as  if  intending  to 
make  an  attack  upon  the  Greeks.  7.  But  while  the  Lacedae- 
monians and  their  allies  were  deliberating  on  these  tidings, 
Agesilaus  offered,5  if  they  would  give  him  thirty  Spartans,6 
and  two  thousand  neodamods,7  and  the  complement  of  allies, 
to  the  number  of  six  thousand,  to  crossover  into  Asia,  and 

1  What  is  here  attributed  solely  to  the  birth  and  merit  of  Agesilaus,  was 
due  in  a  great  measure  to  the  influence  of  Lysander.  See  Plutarch,  Ages. 
c.  3;  Nep.  Ages.  c.  1.  Pausan.  iii.  8,  fin.  Nor  has  Xenophon  in  the 
Hellenics,  iii.  3.  3,  failed  to  notice  this  point,  which  however  he  did  not 
think  fit  to  introduce  in  a  eulogy.     Breitenbach. 

2  ~Nvv  jj^q.]  Anab.  vi.  32,  'Qg  icai  vvv  AkZnnroQ  ijdi)  distaXXtv  abrov. 
Breitenbach. 

3  "En  fist'  vfog  <ov.]  From  c.  2,  sect.  28,  it  appears  that  Agesilaus  died 
when  he  was  about  eighty  years  old,  b.  c.  360  or  36],  and  as  he  became 
king  b.  c.  398,  he  must  then  have  been  about  forty-three  years  of  age. 
Breitenbach.  See  Plutarch,  Ages.  c.  II.  Juvenis  in  Latin  is  used  in  as 
extended  a  sense  as  vkoq  here.     Schneider. 

4  Artaxerxes.  The  commencement  of  the  war  is  mentioned  by  Xenophon, 
Hell.  iii.  3.  4;  4.  1. 

5  Agesilaus  is  said  by  Xenophon,  Hellen.  iii.  4.  2,  to  have  undertaken 
this  expedition,  and  the  command  Gf  it,  by  the  persuasion  of  Lysander ; 
see  also  Plutarch,  Ages.  c.  6  ;  Lysand.  c.  23.     Heiland. 

•  The  thirty  Spartan  nobles  are  meant,  who  used  to  accompany  the  king 
when  he  took  the  field,  and  act  as  counsellors  to  him.  Plutarch  calls 
them  thirty  riyefLoveg  and  ovfx€ov\ot.  Schneider.  See  Xen.  Hellen.  iii.  4 
20,  v.  2.  7,  vii.  2,  3  ;  Plutarch,  Ages.  c.  6  ;  Lysand.  c.  23 ;  Diod.  Sic.  xiv. 
79. 

7  The  veodafiojSeig,  or  "  newly  enfranchised,"  were  freedmen,  but  dis- 
tinct from  the  Helots  who  had  obtained  their  freedom,  as  appears  from 
Thucyd.  v.  34,  and  Athen.  vi.  102.     That  the  Spartans  themselves  were 


5  EULOGY    OF    AGESILAUS.  j  CH.   I. 

endeavour  to  make  peace ;  or,  if  the  barbarian  preferred  fight- 
ing, to  allow  him  no  leisure  for  marching  against  the  Greeks 
8.  Immediately,  then,  many,  since  the  Persian  had  formerly 
crossed  over  into  Greece,  greatly  admired  this  desire  of  going 
over  against  him,  as  well  as  the  resolution  to  fight  with  him 
by  attacking  rather  than  waiting  to  be  attacked,  and  the  wish 
to  carry  on  the  war  by  consuming  his  resources,  rather  than 
allowing  those  of  the  Greeks  to  be  consumed ;  and  it  was 
judged  the  most  honourable  of  all  things  to  make  a  stiuggle 
for  the  dominion,  not  of  Greece,  but  of  Asia. 

9.  But  after  he  took  his  army  g.nd  set  sail,  how  can  any  one 
more  plainly  show  how  he  acted  as  commander,  than  by 
narrating  the  actions  themselves  which  he  performed  ?  10, 
The  following  was  his  first  action  in  Asia.  Tissaphernes  2  took 
an  oath  to  Agesilaus,  that  if  he  would  make  a  truce  until  the 
messenger  whom  he  was  sending  to  the  king  should  return, 
he  would  procure  for  him  that  the  Greek  cities  in  Asia  should 
be  left  independent ;  and  Agesilaus  took  an  oath  on  his  part, 
that  he  would  observe  the  truce  faithfully,  prescribing  three 
months  for  the  completion  of  the  matter.  1 1 .  Tissaphernes,  how- 
ever, immediately  violated  the  conditions  to  which  he  had 
sworn  ;  for,  instead  of  keeping  peace,  he  sent  for  a  large  force 
from  the  king,  in  addition  to  that  which  he  had  before  ;  while 
Agesilaus,  though  he  was  aware  of  this,  nevertheless  adhered 
to  the  terms  of  the  truce.  12.  To  me,  then,  he  seems  to  have 
done  this,  first  of  all,  with  great  honour,  as,  by  showing 
Tissaphernes  to  be  perjured,  he  caused  him  to  be  distrusted 
by  all ;  and  by  showing  himself  on  his  own  part,  first,  as  an  ob- 
server of  oaths,  secondly,  as  no  violator  of  agreements,  he  in- 
duced all,  both  Greeks  and  barbarians,  to  enter  with  him 
confidently  into  any  compact  that  he  wished  to  make. 

13.  But  when  Tissaphernes,  greatly  elated  at  the  army 
which  came  down  to  hinij  declared  war  against  Agesilaus, 
unless  he  should  withdraw  from  Asia,  the  rest  of  the  allies, 

not  sent  out  in  those  times  to  carry  on  war  in  distant  countries,  but  the 
perioRci  and  neodamods,  is  rightly  interred  by  Heiland  from  Thucyd.  vii. 
58  ;  Xenoph,  Hellen.  hi,  1.  4;  v,  2.  24.     Breitenbach. 

1  It  is  to  the  expeditions  of  Darius  and  Xerxes  that  allusion  is  made, 
Breitenbach, 

8  Chief  of  the  king's  satraps  ;  an  unprincipled  man,  and  eminently  hos- 
tile to  the  Greeks.     Plutarch,  Ages.  c.  10.     Breitenbach. 


§    14 — 18.]       PROCEEDINGS    AGAINST    TISSAPHERNES.  9 

and  the  Lacedaemonians  who  were  present,  became  mani- 
festly much  troubled,  considering  that  the  force  then  with 
Agesilaus  was  inferior  to  the  force  of  the  king  ;  but  Agesi- 
laus,  with  a  very  cheerful  countenance,  ordered  the  ambassa* 
dors  to  report  to  Tissaphernes  that  he  was  under  a  great  ob- 
ligation to  him  ;  because,  by  committing  perjury,  he  had  got 
himself  the  gods  for  enemies,  but  had  made  them  allies  to  the 
Greeks.  14.  Immediately  after  this  he  gave  orders  to  his 
soldiers  to  make  preparations  as  if  for  an  expedition  ;  and 
he  sent  notice  to  the  cities,  to  which  it  was  necessary  for  him 
to  go  in  marching  into  Caria,  to  prepare  provisions  for  sale  ; 
he  also  directed  the  Ionians,  jEolians,  and  dwellers  near  the 
Hellespont,  to  send  to  him  at  Ephesus  the  troops  that  were 
to  march  with  him.  15.  Tissaphernes,  on  his  part,  thinking 
—as  well  because  Agesilaus  had  no  cavalry,  and  Caria  was 
unsuited  for  horse,  as  because  he  considered  that  he  was  en- 
raged with  him  on  account  of  his  deceit — that  he  would  cer- 
tainly march  into  Caria  to  make  an  attack  upon  his  palace 
there,  transported  thither  the  whole  of  his  infantry,  and  led 
round  his  cavalry  to  the  plain  of  the  Mseander,  supposing  that 
he  was  strong  enough  to  trample  down  the  Greeks  with  his 
horse  before  they  could  reach  the  parts  that  were  difficult  for 
cavalry.  16.  But  Agesilaus,  instead  of  advancing  towards 
Caria,  turned  in  the  opposite  direction,  and  proceeded  straight 
towards  Phrygia ;  and,  taking  the  forces  that  met  him  on  the 
march,  he  led  them  on,  and  reduced  the  towns,  and,  as  he  fell 
upon  them  unexpectedly,  took  a  vast  quantity  of  booty. 
17.  He  was  thought  also  to  have  acted  in  this  respect  in 
a  manner  worthy  of  a  general,  namely,  that  when  war  was 
declared,  and  to  deceive  became  from  that  time  just  and 
right,  he  showed  that  Tissaphernes  was  a  mere  child  in  deceit ; 
and  he  was  considered  to  have  prudently  enriched  his  friends 
on  the  occasion.  18.  For  when  everything  was  sold  at  almost 
next  to  nothing,  in  consequence  of  so  much  booty  having  been 
taken,  he  gave  notice  to  his  friends  to  buy,  saying  that  he 
should  shortly  go  down  to  the  sea,1  taking  down  with  him 
his  army ;  and  he  ordered  those  that  sold  the  spoil  to  write 
down  at  what  price  his  friends  bought  anything,  and  to  de- 

1  To  some  place  of  trade  on  the  coast,  where  they  might  sell  what  they 
had  bought  to  advantage.     Schneider, 


10  EULOGY  OF   AGESILAUS.  fCH.  1. 

liver  up *  the  property  to  them ;  so  that  his  friends,  without 
paying  ready  money  for  anything,  or  causing  detriment  to  the 
public  treasury,  all  amassed  large  sums  of  money.2  19.  Be- 
sides, when  deserters,  as  was  common,  went  to  the  king,3  and 
offered  to  guide  him  to  treasures,4  he  took  care  that  these 
also  should  be  captured  by  his  friends,  that  they  might  at 
once  get  money,  and  become  more  distinguished.  By  these 
means,  accordingly,  he  soon  rendered  many  desirous  of  his 
friendship. 

20.  But  being  well  aware  that  a  country  which  has  been 
ravaged  and  desolated  could  not  possibly  support  an  army  for 
a  long  time,  but  that  one  which  is  inhabited  and  cultivated 
might  afford  never-failing  sustenance,  he  made  it  his  object 
not  only  to  subdue  his  enemies  by  force,  but  to  win  them 
over  by  mildness.  21.  He  often,  indeed,  desired  his  soldiers 
not  to  ill-treat  those  whom  they  took  prisoners,  as  if  they 
were  dishonest  characters,  but  to  take  care  of  them  as  human 
beings  ;  and  frequently,  when  he  moved  his  camp,  if  he  ob- 
served that  any  little  children  belonging  to  the  traders,  (child- 
ren that  many  used  to  sell,5  because  they  thought  that  they 
should  be  unable  to  carry  them  about  and  keep  them,)  had 
been  left  behind,  he  took  care  also  of  these,  that  they  might  all 
be  conveyed  to  some  place  together.6  He  directed  also  such  of 
the  prisoners  as  were  left  behind  on  account  of  their  age,  to 

1  UpoteoOai.]  Arbitrio  permittere  ;  emptori  res  venditas  tradere.  Brei- 
tenbach. 

2  They  made  their  profits  without  apparent  detriment  to  the  public 
treasury,  because  they  paid  (after  they  had  sold  the  property)  what  they 
had  engaged  to  give  for  it  when  it  was  offered  for  sale,  as  recorded  against 
them  in  the  accounts  of  the  XavpoirwXac,  or  commissioners  who  sold  it ; 
what  they  actually  sold  it  for,  beyond  what  they  had  promised  to  give, 
was  their  profit.  All  booty  taken  in  war  among  the  Lacedaemonians  was, 
as  Breitenbach  observes,  public  property. 

3  Agesilaus. 

4  Xprffiara  tSkXotev  vtprjyeiaSai.']  To  point  out  hidden  treasures,  or 
sums  of  money,  and  to  act  as  guides  to  the  places  where  they  were  de- 
posited.    Schneider. 

*  Children,  which  the  soldiers  had  seized  as  a  portion  of  spoil,  are 
mentioned  as  having  been  bought  by  the  camp-followers,  in  the  Cyrcpae- 
dia,  iv.  5.  42 ;  vi.  2.  38.  Breitenbach.  The  ifiiropoi  in  the  text  are,  as 
Schneider  observes,  the  camp-followers. 

6  "07TWC  (TvyKOfiiZoivro  7roi.]  Might  be  brought  together  into  some  safe 
place  without  the  camp  where  the  older  prisoners  might  keep  them  under 
their  charge.     Sch?ieidei. 


§    22 — 26. J  HE   IMPROVES   HIS   ARMY.  J 1 

take  charge  cl  them,  that  they  might  not  be  destroyed  by 
dogs  or  wolves.  So  that  not  only  those  who  heard  of  this 
conduct,  but  even  the  very  prisoners  themselves,  became  well- 
disposed  towards  him.  22.  And  whatever  cities  he  gained 
over,  exempting  them  from  such  services  as  slaves  perform  for 
their  masters,  he  imposed  upon  them  only  such  obedience  as 
the  free  pay  to  their  rulers  ;  and  some  of  the  fortresses  which 
could  not  have  been  taken  by  force,  he  brought  into  subjection 
by  his  humanity. 

23.  When,  however,  he  could  not  pursue  his  marches  through 
the  plains,  even  in  Phrygia,  on  account  of  the  cavalry  of 
Pharnabazus,  it  became  evident  to  him  that  he  must  raise  a 
body  of  cavalry,  so  that  it  might  not  be  necessary  for  him  to 
carry  on  the  war  like  a  fugitive.  24.  He  therefore  made  a  list  of 
the  richest  men  in  all  the  cities  in  those  parts,  to  keep  horses  ; 
and  he  gave  notice  that  whoever  should  supply  a  horse 
and  arms,  and  an  approved  rider,  should  be  exempted  from 
serving  in  person ;  and  he  thus  made  every  one  do  this  as 
readily  as  if  he  were  eagerly  seeking  for  a  man  to  die  in  his 
stead.  He  pointed  out  towns  also,  from  which  it  would  be 
proper  to  procure  horsemen,  thinking,  that  among  the  horse- 
breeding  towns  soldiers  would  be  raised  immediately,  and  such 
as  most  prized  themselves  on  their  equestrian  skill.  He  was 
considered,  too,  to  have  done  this  with  admirable  success, 
since  not  only  was  a  body  of  cavalry  prepared  for  him,  but 
one  that  quickly  became  efficient  and  fit  for  service. 

25.  As  soon,  then,  as  spring  appeared,  he  collected  all  his 
forces  at  Ephesus ;  and  wishing  to  exercise  them  well,  he 
offered  prizes  to  the  troops  of  horse,  for  such  as  should  ride 
best,  and  to  those  of  the  heavy-armed  infantry,  for  such  as 
should  present  their  men  in  the  best  condition.  To  the  tar- 
geteers  and  archers  he  also  proposed  prizes,  for  such  as  should 
appear  best  at  their  respective  duties.  In  consequence,  any 
one  might  have  seen  the  places  of  exercise  crowded  with  men 
practising,  and  the  horse-course  full  of  horsemen  riding  about, 
and  javelin-men  and  archers  aiming  at  marks.  26.  He  made, 
indeed,  the  whole  city,  in  which  he  was,  worth  seeing ;  for 
the  market-place  was  full  of  all  kinds  of  arms  and  horses  for 
sale,  and  the  workers  in  brass,  the  carpenters,  the  black- 
smiths, the  curriers,  and  decorators,1  were  all  engaged  in  pre- 

1  Tpatp tip.]     Those  who  decorated  the  arms  and  other  equipments. 


12  EULOGY   OF    AGESILAUS.  [CH.   1. 

paring  arms  ;  so  that  you  would  have  thought  the  city  in 
fact  a  workshop  of  war.  27.  And  a  spectator  would  have 
been  cheered  at  seeing  also  Agesilaus  first,  and  after  him 
the  rest  of  the  soldiers,  crowned  with  chaplets  whenever  they 
returned  from  the  places  of  exercise,  and  dedicating  their 
chaplets  to  Diana;  for  wherever  men  reverence  the  gods, 
practise  warlike  exercises,  and  observe  obedience  to  their 
commanders^  how  can  it  be  otherwise  than  natural  that  all 
things  there  should  be  full  of  good  hopes  ? 

28.  Thinking,  too,  that  contempt  for  their  enemies  might  in- 
spire some  courage  for  fighting,  he  ordered  the  heralds  to  sell 
the  barbarians,  who  were  taken  prisoners  by  their  foraging 
parties,  in  a  state  of  partial  nudity  ;  and  the  soldiers  accordingly, 
seeing  that  their  skins  were  perfectly  white,  in  consequence  of 
never  stripping  themselves,  and  that  they  were  fat  and  unfit 
for  labour,  from  always  going  about  in  carriages,  thought 
that  the  war  would  be  of  no  other  nature  than  if  they  had  to 
fight  with  women.  He  gave  notice  also  to  his  soldiers,  that 
he  would  immediately  lead  them  by  the  shortest  route  to  the 
strongest  parts  of  the  country,  that  they  might  straightway  l 
prepare  themselves  for  him  both  in  body  and  mind,  with 
the  prospect  of  coming  to  a  contest.  29.  Tissaphernes,  how- 
ever, was  of  opinion  that  he  said  this  with  the  intention  of 
deceiving  him  again,  and  that  he  would  now  in  reality  advance 
into  Caria.  He  therefore  sent  over  his  infantry,  as  on  the 
former  occasion,  into  Caria,  and  his  cavalry  he  posted  in  the 
plain  of  the  Masander.  But  Agesilaus  used  no  deceit  ;  but, 
as  he  gave  out,  advanced  at  once  into  the  territory  of  Sardis, 
and  marching  for  three  days  through  a  part  of  the  country  free 
from  enemies,  procured  his  army  abundance  of  provisions.  30.  On 
the.  fourth  day  the  cavalry  of  the  enemy  appeared  ;  and  their 
commander  told  the  officer  in  charge  of  the  baggage  to  cross 
the  river  Pactolus  and  to  encamp  ;  the  cavalry  themselves, 
seeing  the  men  in  the  rear  of  the  Greeks  2  dispersed  in  searcli 
of  plunder,  slew  many  of  them.  Agesilaus,  perceiving  what 
was  taking  place,  ordered  the  cavalry  to  advance  to  their 
succour  ;   and  the  Persians,  on  their  side,   when   they  saw 

1  AvroOtv.']     Statim.  Comp.  vi.  2.  31 ;   Memorab.  ii.  8.  1 ;  ubi  vide 
Kiihn.     Breitenbach. 

2  TovQT&v'EWrjvwv  aico\ov9ovg.]  Aristides,  793,understands  tovq  re- 
XttTaiovg  twi>  'EWtjvojv,  i.  e.  the  rear-guard.   Breitenbach. 


£    31 — 33.]  HE    DEFEATS    TISSAPHERNES.  13 

the  reinforcement  coming  up,  collected  themselves  together, 
and  drew  up  against  them  with  the  whole  of  their  numerous 
troops  of  horse.  31.  Upon  this,  Agesilaus,  knowing  that  the 
enemy's  infantry  was  not  yet  come  up,1  and  that  on  his  side 
no  part  of  the  preparations  which  he  had  made  was  deficient, 
thought  it  a  favourable  opportunity  to  come  to  a  battle,  if  he 
found  it  possible.  After  having  sacrificed,  therefore,  he  im- 
mediately led  his  main  body  against  the  cavalry  arrayed 
in  front  of  him,  and  ordered  those  of  the  heavy-armed  men  who 
were  past  twenty-seven  years  of  age,2  to  hurry  forward  at 
the  same  time  with  them,  and  told  the  targeteers  also  to  ad- 
vance running.  He  then  ordered  the  cavalry  also  to  charge, 
as  he  and  all  the  rest  of  the  army  would  follow  close  upon 
them.  32.  The  bravest  of  the  Persians,  indeed,  stood  the 
charge  of  the  cavalry  ;  but  when  every  species  of  danger 
menaced  them  at  the  same  time,  they  gave  way  ;  and  some  of 
them  immediately  met  their  fate  in  the  river,3  while  the  rest 
fled.  The  Greeks  pursue  and  take  their  very  camp  ;  and 
the  targeteers,  as  was  to  be  expected,  betook  themselves  to 
plundering  ;  while  Agesilaus,  taking  possession  of  all  the 
neighbouring  parts,  both  friendly  and  hostile,  extended  his 
camp  round  about.4 

33.  But  when  he  heard  that  the  enemy  were  thrown  into 
disorder  in  consequence  of  blaming  one  another  for  what  had 
happened,  he  immediately  led  his  army  against  Sardis.  There 
he  at  the  same  time  burned  and  ravaged  the  lands  around  the 
city,  and  also  gave  notice  by  proclamation,  that  those  who 
v/ere  desirous  of  liberty  should  come  to  him  as  to  an  ally  ; 
but  that  if  any  were  for  making  Asia  their  own,  they  should 

1  They  had  been  sent  into  Caria,  sect.  29.     Breitenbach. 

2  Td  tUa  a<f  rfirtQj]  Those  who  were  at  least  eight  and  twenty  years 
of  age,  rj€ri,  or  puberty,  being  fixed  by  the  Spartans  at  eighteen.  An 
abbreviation  for  rovg  rd  deKa  Ittj  a<p'  ijtrjg  yey  ovorag.  Compare  Hellen. 
hi.  4.  15. 

3  '2i'  rip  irorayug  a-rraffov.']  Ceciderunt  in  flumine,  non  inciderant  in 
Jlumen.    Dindorf  ad  Hellen.  hi.  4.  24 

4  Occupying  all  the  circumjacent  country,  as  well  what  belonged  to 
his  friends  as  what  had  just  been  taken  from  the  enemy,  he  extended  his 
encampment  round  about  it.  This  he  did  to  prevent  the  enemy,  though 
dispersed,  from  making  any  attack  on  the  booty  which  he  had  taken  ;  but 
hearing  that  the  enemy  were  in  perturbation,  he  found  that  his  precaution 
was  unnecessary,  and  accordingly  broke  up  his  camp  and  advanced  to 
Sardis.     Breitenbach.   Schneider  aptly  refers  to  Cyrop.  hi.  1.  6. 


1 4  EULOGY   OF    AGESILAUS.  [CH.   1. 

come  in  arms  to  decide  the  matter  with  those  who  were 
seeking  to  liberate  it.  34.  As  no  one  came  out  against  him, 
however,  he  afterwards  proceeded  fearlessly,  seeing  the 
Greeks,  who  were  before  compelled  to  worship  the  Persians, 
honoured  by  those  by  whom  they  had  been  insulted ;  and 
having  made  those  who  thought  themselves  worthy  to  en- 
joy the  honours  paid  to  the  gods  unable  to  look  in  the  face  of 
the  Greeks  ;  securing  the  territory  of  his  friends,  also,  from 
being  ravaged,  and  reaping  such  fruits  from  the  territory  of 
his  enemies,  that  in  two  years  he  made  an  offering  to  the  god 
at  Delphi  of  a  tenth  part  of  the  spoil,  to  the  amount  of  more 
than  a  hundred  talents. 

35.  The  king  of  the  Persians,  however,  thinking  that  Tis- 
saphernes  was  the  cause  of  his  affairs  being  in  an  ill  state,  sent 
down  Tithraustes,  and  had  his  head  cut  off. 

After  this  the  condition  of  the  barbarians  grew  more  de- 
pressed, whilst  that  of  Agesilaus  became  stronger  ;  for  em- 
bassies came  to  him  from  all  nations  to  solicit  his  friendship, 
and  many,  eager  for  freedom,  revolted  to  him  ;  so  that  Age- 
silaus was  no  longer  leader  of  the  Greeks  only,  but  also  of 
many  barbarians.  36.  It  is  but  right,  also,  to  feel  extraordin- 
ary admiration  for  him  for  this  reason,  that  he  who  was  ruler 
ef  several  states  on  the  continent,  and  ruler  also  of  the  islands, 
since  his  country  put  the  fleet  too  into  his  hands,  and  who  was 
exalted  both  in  reputation  and  power,  having  the  privilege 
moreover  of  availing  himself  of  many  and  excellent  advantages 
Cor  whatever  object  he  desired,  and,  in  addition  to  this,  enter- 
taining, what  was  the  greatest  of  all,  the  design  and  the  hope 
of  overthrowing  the  empire  which  had  before  invaded  Greece, 
was  nevertheless  overcome  by  none  of  these  distinctions,  but, 
when  a  despatch  came  to  him  from  the  authorities  at  home, 
calling  on  him  to  come  to  the  support  of  his  country,  he  obeyed 
the  orders  from  the  state  with  no  less  readiness  than  if  he  had 
been  standing  alone  in  the  court  of  the  Ephori  before  the  five  ;  * 
making  it  quite  evident  that  he  would  not  receive  even  the 
whole  earth  in  exchange  for  his  country,  or  newly  acquired 
friends  in  the  place  of  his  old  ones,  or  advantages  that  were 
disgraceful  and  free  from  danger,  in  preference  to  such  as 

1  In  the  presence  of  the  five  Ephori.  "  He  obeyed  the  orders  of  the 
absent  magistrates  with  as  much  respect  as  if  he  had  been  a  j  rivate  person 
in  the  court  at  Sparta."    Corn.  Nep.  Ages.  c.  4 


§    37 — 38.]  POPULAEITY   OF    AGESILAUS.  15 

were  honourable  and  just,  even  though  attended  with  danger. 
37.  As  long,  however,  as  he  continued  in  authority,  did  he  not 
exhibit  also  the  following  part  of  his  conduct  as  that  of  a  king 
worthy  of  praise  ?  for,  having  found  all  the  states  to  which  he 
sailed  to  take  the  government  of  them,  divided  into  factions, 
on  account  of  their  constitutions  having  been  disturbed  when 
the  Athenians  ceased  to  rule,1  he  made  those  states,  as  long  as 
he  himself  was  present,  continue  to  be  governed  with  unani- 
mity and  prosperity,  without  having  occasion  to  resort  to  the 
punishment  of  exile  or  death.  38.  The  Greeks  in  Asia,  there- 
fore, grieved  for  him  when  he  departed,  not  merely  as  a  com- 
mander, but  as  a  father  and  a  friend  ;  and  they  showed  in  the 
end  that  they  offered  no  feigned  friendship  ;  at  least  they 
voluntarily  joined  in  rendering  him  assistance  on  behalf  of 
Lacedsemon;  and  that,  too,  though,  they  were  aware  that  they 
would  have  to  fight  with  men  not  inferior  to  themselves.  Such, 
then,  was  the  conclusion  of  his  acts  in  Asia. 


CHAPTER  II. 


Agesilaus  crosses  the  Hellespont,  and  is  assailed,  after  marching  through 
Thrace  and  Macedonia,  by  the  Thessalians  and  other  allies  of  the  The- 
bans,  but  puts  them  to  flight.  He  defeats  the  Thebans  and  their  sup- 
porters at  Coroneia,  and  returns  to  Sparta.  He  undertakes  another  expedi- 
tion, and  captures  the  harbour  of  Corinth.  He  defeats  the  Acarnanian." 
He  reinstates  those  who  had  been  exiled  from  Phlius.  He  twice  lays 
waste  Boeotia,  and,  after  the  battle  of  Leuctra,  takes  vengeance  on  the 
people  of  Tegea,  and  defends  his  country  against  the  whole  force  of  the 
Boeotians.  At  an  advanced  age  he  acts  as  an  ambassador  for  his  country- 
men. But  even  when  he  is  eighty  years  old,  he  undertakes  an  expedition 
into  Egypt,  to  assist  Tachus,  who  had  invited  him  thither.  Being  de- 
ceived by  Tachus,  he  deserts  him,  supports  Nectanebus  against  his  rival 
Mendesius,  and  places  him  on  the  throne.  He  returns  home  with  in 
creased  reputation  and  wealth. 

l.  Having  crossed  over  the  Hellespont,  he  marched  through 
the    same  nations   through  which   the   Persian   king 2   had 

1  At  the  end  of  the  Peloponnesian  war,  when  the  chief  power  was 
transferred  from  the  Athenians  to  the  Spartans,  the  governments  in  the 
towns  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks  were  changed,  and  the  ruling  power,  which 
had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  was  put  Into  those  of  the  ariatccracy 
Bee  Plutarch,  Ages.  c.  15.     B'titenbach. 

*  XciTxes. 


16  EULOGY   OF    AGESILAUS.  [OH.  2. 

marcL2d  with  his  vast  army  ;  and  the  march  which  the  bar- 
barian took  a  year  to  accomplish,  Agesilaus  performed  in  less 
than  a  month  ;  for  he  was  extremely  anxious  not  to  be  too 
late  to  give  assistance  to  his  country.  2.  But  when,  after 
passing  through  Macedonia,  he  came  to  Thessaly,  the  Laris- 
saeans,  Cranonians,  Scotussseans,  and  Pharsalians,  being  allies 
of  the  Boeotians,  and  all  the  Thessalians,  indeed,  except  such 
as  happened  to  be  then  in  exile,1  pursued  and  harassed  him. 
For  a  time  he  led  his  army  in  an  oblong  form,  with  half  of 
his  cavalry  in  the  van,  and  the  other  half  in  the  rear.  But 
when  the  Thessalians,  by  continually  assailing  the  hindmost, 
retarded  his  march,  he  despatches  to  the  rear  also  the  cavalry 
from   the  front,   except  those   immediately   about   himself.2 

3.  But  when  they  drew  up  face  to  face  with  each  other  in 
battle-array,  the  Thessalians,  thinking  that  they  were  not  on 
fit  ground  for  charging  with  cavalry  against  heavy-armed  in- 
fantry, wheeled  about,  and  slowly  retreated ;  and  the  troops 
of  Agesilaus  followed  them  at  a  very  moderate  pace.3  But 
Agesilaus,  perceiving  the  mistake  which  both  parties  were 
committing,  sends  off  the  cavalry  that  he  had  about  him,  a 
very  efficient  body  of  men,  and  orders  them  to  tell  the  others 
to  pursue,  and  to  pursue  also  themselves  at  their  utmost  speed, 
and  not  to  allow  the  enemy  again  an  opportunity  of  facing 
about.  But  when  the  Thessalians  saw  them  thus  unexpectedly 
advancing,  some  of  them  did  not  even  wheel  round,  and 
others,  as  they  were  endeavouring  to  face  about,  were  taken 
prisoners  in  the  very  act  of  turning   their  horses   round.4 

4.  Polycharmus,  however,  the  commander  of  the  Pharsalian 
horse,  faced  about  and  was  killed  fighting,  together  with  those 

1  This  exile  of  the  Thessalians  occurred  at  the  time  when  Lycophron 
of  Pherae  sought  to  make  himself  master  of  all  Thessaly ;  an  attempt 
mentioned  only  by  Xenophon,  Hellen.  ii.  3.  4,  and  Diod.  Sic.  xiv.  82. 
Heiland. 

a  TiKriv  tCjv  irtpl  avTov.~\  This  is  the  reading  adopted  by  Dindorf  and 
Breitenbach.  The  old  editors  have  /cat  instead  of  7rXr]v.  "  The  cavalry 
meant  are  the  three  hundred  who  always  attended  on  the  king  as  he  rode 
in  front  of  the  army.  See  Thucyd.  v.  72;  Xenophon,  Rep.  Lac  c.  13." 
Breitenbach. 

3  MdXa  (Tw^povwc.]  Compare  c.  6,  sect.  7,  Qawtp  av  TrapQtvog  if 
ffu)ppove<TTa.rrj  7rpo€aivoi.     Breitenbach. 

*  TlXaylovg  exovrtg  tovq  'imrovg.']  Before  ^Ity  had  quite  wheeled 
their  horses  round,  and  fronted  their  assailanta      Breitenhach. 


5  5 — 8.]    PREPARES  FOR  BATTLE  AT  CORONEIA.        17 

about  him.  When  this  happened,  a  disastrous  flight ]  took 
place,  so  that  some  of  the  enemy  were  killed,  and  others  taken 
prisoners;  and  they  accordingly  did  not  halt  till  they  arrived 
at  Mount  Narthacium.  5.  And  then  indeed  Agesilaus  set  up 
a  trophy  between  Pras  and  Narthacium,2  and  halted  there, 
greatly  delighted  at  his  exploit,  in  having  defeated  with  ca- 
valry which  he  himself  had  formed,  a  people  who  prided  them- 
selves on  their  skill  in  horsemanship.  Next  day,  crossing  the 
Achaean  mountains3  of  Phthia,  he  proceeded  during  the  rest  of 
his  march  through  a  friendly  district,  till  he  came  to  the  con- 
fines of  the  Boeotians. 

6.  Here  having  found  the  Thebans,  Athenians,  Argives, 
Corinthians,  JEnianes,4Euboeans,  and  both  the  Locrians,5  drawn 
up  in  array  against  him,  he  did  not  make  any  delay,  but  openly 
drew  up  his  forces  to  oppose  them,  having,  of  the  Lacedaemon- 
ians, indeed,  a  mora6  and  a  half,  but  of  the  allies  from  the 
neighbouring  districts  7  only  the  Phocians  and  Orchomenians, 
and  the  rest  of  the  force  which  he  led  himself,  i.  And  I  am  not 
going  to  say  this,  that  though  he  had  much  less  numerous  and 
inferior  forces,  he  nevertheless  engaged  ;  for,  if  I  should  say 
so,  I  think  that  I  should  prove  Agesilaus  to  be  mad,  and  my- 
self foolish,  by  praising  a  man  who  rashly  incurred  danger  in 
matters  of  the  greatest  moment.  But  I  the  more  admire  this 
action  of  his,  that  he  both  prepared  a  force  which  was  not 
less  numerous  than  that  of  the  enemy,  and  armed  them  in 
such  a  manner  that  they  appeared  wholly  covered  with  brass 
and  purple.  8.  He  made  it  his  care  also  that  the  soldiers 
should  be  able  to  endure  toils.     He  inspired  their  minds,  too, 

1  <J>vyr)  IZaicria.]  'E^aierioc  (e£  and  alcra,  faturri)  signifies  properly  5e- 
yond  what  is  destined  or  fated ;  hence  extraordinary ,  monstrous,  violent, 
calamitous. 

2  Both  these  towns  lie  between  Phthiotis  and  Pelasgiotis,  not  far  from 
Mount  Narthacium,  and  not  very  far  from  Pharsalus.  Comp.  Plutarch, 
Ages.  c.  16.     Breitenbach. 

3  There  was  a  part  of  Thessaly  called  Achaia.  Compare  Xen.  Hellen. 
iv.  3.  9. 

4  Inhabitants  of  iEnias,  a  town  of  Thessaly,  near  Mount  Cyphus. 
Breitenbach. 

5  The  Ozolian  and  Opuntian  Locrians,  as  appears  from  Xen.  Hellen. 
iv.  2.  7. 

8  According  to  the  appointment  of  Lycurgus,  the  infantry  and  cavalry 
of  Sparta  were  divided  into  six  morce.  See  Xen.  Rep.  Lac.  c.  ii.  sect.  4. 
Breitenbach.     A  mora  consisted  of  512  men. 

7  AvToOtv.]  Ex  iUd  regione,  i.  e.  from  Bceotia.     Breitenbach. 

VOL     III.  C 


18  EULOGY    OF    AGESILAUS.  |*0H.    2. 

with  such  courage,  that  they  were  in  a  condition  to  fight 
against  whomsoever  it  might  be  requisite  ; l  and  he  animated 
those  about  him  with  emulation  of  one  another  in  order  that 
each  of  them  might  strive  to  show  himself  the  best.  He  filled 
all  likewise  with  hopes  that  they  would  all  secure  many  ad- 
vantages, if  they  proved  themselves  brave  men  ;  thinking 
that  from  such  motives 2  men  would  fight  most  eagerly 
against  their  enemies  ;  nor  indeed  was  he  deceived. 

y.  But  I  will  give  a  detailed  account  of  the  battle  ;  for  it 
was  such  as  no  other  of  the  battles  in  our  days;  since  there 
came  together  at  the  plain  of  Coroneia,  Agesilaus  and  his  troops 
on  the  side  of  the  Cephisus,  and  the  Thebans  and  their  allies 
on  the  side  of  Mount  Helicon  ;  and  they  saw  that  the  troops 
on  each  side  were  very  equally  matched  ;  and  the  cavalry  also 
of  both  parties  were  nearly  alike  in  number.  Agesilaus  led  the 
right  wing  of  his  own  army,  and  the  Orchomenians  were  posted 
at  the  extremity  of  his  left ;  on  the  other  side,  the  Thebans 
themselves  were  on  the  right  wing,  and  the  Argives  formed 
their  left.  10.  Whilst  they  were  advancing  to  the  charge, 
there  was  for  some  time  deep  silence  on  both  sides  ;  but 
when  they  were  distant  from  one  another  about  a  stadium, 
the  Thebans  raised  the  war-shout  and  advanced  to  the  charge 
at  a  running  pace  ;  and,  when  there  was  but  half  a  stadium  be- 
tween them,  the  mercenary  troops  that  Herippidas  commanded 
rushed  forth  from  the  main  body  of  Agesilaus  to  charge  the 
enemy,  ll.  These  troops  consisted  of  those  who  had  marched 
with  him  from  home,  some  from  the  army  of  Cyrus,  and  the 
rest  Ionians  and  iEolians,  and  the  Hellespon tines  bordering  on 
them.  3  All  these  rushed  in  a  mass  to  the  charge,  and,  at- 
tacking the  enemy  at  the  point  of  the  spear,  routed  all  that 
was  opposed  to  them.  The  Argives,  however,  did  not  wait 
for  the  charge  of  Agesilaus  and  his  troops,  but  fled  towards 
Helicon.  Here  some  of  the  mercenaries  were  proceeding 
to  crown  Agesilaus  as  conqueror,  but  some  one  brought  him 
word  that  the  Thebans,  having  cut  their  way  through  the 

1  Quin  et  animos  eorum  tantd  impleverat  elatione,  ut  ad  pxignandum 
adversus  quoscunque  opus  for  et  idonei  essent.     Dindorf. 

2  'Ek:  ruiv  roiovTuv.]     Toloutojv,  observes  Breitenbach,  is  of  the  neu- 
ter gender,  and  signifies  propter  eas  res. 

*  'Exofievoi.]      Vicini.     The  people  on  the  shores  of  the  Hellespont 
bordering  on  yEolia.     Breitenbach. 


§    12 — 15.]  HIS   VICTORY   AT  COKONEIA.  19 

Orehomenians,  were  among  the  baggage,  when  he  immediately 
drew  out  his  main  body  in  line  and  led  it  against  them  ;  but 
the  Thebans  on  their  side,  when  they  caught  sight  of  their 
allies  who  had  fled  towards  Helicon,  were  desirous  to  make  a 
way  through  the  enemy  to  join  their  friends,  and  began  to 
march  forward  with  great  spirit.  12.  On  this  occasion  we 
may  say,  without  dispute,  that  Agesilaus  proved  himself  a 
brave  man  ;  yet  he  did  not  choose  the  safest  mode  of  proceed- 
ing ;  for  when  he  might  have  let  those  who  were  trying  to 
escape  pass  by  him,  and  then  have  pursued  and  harassed  their 
rear,  he  did  not  adopt  that  course,  but  closed  with  the  The- 
bans full  in  front ;  and  both  parties,  clashing  their  shields  to- 
gether, alternately  gave  way  and  resisted,  slew  and  were  slain. 
There  was  no  outcry,  however,  nor  was  there  altogether 
silence,  but  such  a  sound  as  rage  and  strife  would  produce. 
At  length  part  of  the  Thebans  made  a  way  through  the  enemy 
to  Mount  Helicon,  but  a  great  number  of  them  were  cut  off  in 
their  retreat.  13.  But  when  the  victory  was  fairly  in  the; 
hands  of  Agesilaus,  and  he  himself  was  brought  in  wounded 
to  the  main  body,  some  of  the  cavalry  rode  up  and  told  him 
that  eighty  of  the  enemy  were  in  arms  under  shelter  of  the 
temple/  and  asked  him  how  they  ought  to  act  with  regard  to 
them  ;  but  he,  although  he  had  many  wounds  all  over  his  body, 
and  from  every  kind  of  weapon,  was  nevertheless  not  unmind- 
ful of  the  obligations  of  religion,  but  gave  orders  to  let  them 
depart  whithersoever  they  pleased,  and  forbade  his  men  to  do 
them  any  injury ;  he  also  directed  the  horse-soldiers  that  were 
about  him  to  escort  them  until  they  reached  a  place  of  safety. 
14.  But  when  the  fight  was  over,  a  spectator  might  have 
seen,  where  they  engaged  with  one  another,  the  ground 
crimsoned  with  blood,  the  dead  bodies  of  friends  and  enemies 
lying  close  to  one  another,  sh-ields  broken  to  pieces,  spears 
snapped  asunder,  daggers  without  their  sheaths,  some  on  the 
ground,  others  sticking  in  bodies,  and  others  still  in  the  hands 
of  the  dead.  15.  For  the  present,  then,  as  it  was  now  late, 
they  dragged  together  the  dead  bodies  [of  the  enemies]  within 
the  camp,2  took  their  supper,  and  went  to  rest.     In  the  morn- 

1  The  temple  of  Minerva  Itonia.    Plutarch,  Ages.  c.  19  ;   Pausan  ;t 
34. 

2  "2vv(\KV(ravreg  rovg  [ra>v  iro\efii(iiv]  vtKpovg  htoj  cpakayyog,  k,  t.  A."1 
Thus  stands  the  text  in  Qindorf  s  edition.     Schneider's,  and  the  earlier 

c  2 


20  EULOGY   OF    AGESILAdS.  [CH.  2. 

ing  lie  ordered  Gylos,  the  polemarch,1  to  draw  up  the  army 
and  to  raise  a  trophy  ;  directing,  at  the  same  time,  that  all  the 
men  should  wear  chaplets  in  honour  of  the  god,2  and  that  all 
the  flute-players  should  play  on  their  instruments.  16.  These 
orders  they  executed  ;  and  the  Thebans  sent  a  herald,  desir- 
ing leave,  under  favour  of  a  truce,  to  bury  their  dead.  A 
truce  was  accordingly  made,  and  Agesilaus  commenced  his 
march  homewards,  choosing,  instead  of  being  the  most  power- 
ful man  in  Asia,  to  govern  and  to  be  governed  at  home  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  laws. 

17.  But  after  this,  perceiving  that  the  Argives  were  en- 
joying the  state  of  their  affairs  at  home,  had  attached  Corinth  3 
to  their  territory,  and  were  delighted  at  the  war,  he  under- 
takes an  expedition  against  them  ;  and  having  laid  waste  all 
their  territory,  he  straightway  crosses  over  from  thence  by  the 
narrow  passes 4  to  Corinth,  and  makes  himself  master  of  the 
walls,  which  stretched  as  far  as  Lechaeum.  Having  thus  opened 
the  gates  of  the  Peloponnesus,  he  went  home  to  the  Hyacin- 
th! an  festival,5  and  joined  in  chanting  the  paean  to  the  god6 
in  the  place  where  he  was  stationed  by  the  choragus. 

editions,  have  rutv  TroXtfi'mv  without  brackets,  but  Schneider  thought  t&v 
v  rX^timj/  spurious.  Weiske  proposed  to  read  Ik  twv  TroXtfiiuv,  which 
Breitenbach  has  adopted,  as  it  is  supported  by  what  is  said  in  sect.  14. 
that  the  dead  bodies  of  friends  and  enemies  were  mingled,  and  by  Po- 
lyaenus.  ii.  1.  23;  where  Agesilaus  is  represented  as  desirous  to  separate  the 
dead  bodies  of  the  Spartans  from  those  of  the  enemy,  and  to  cover  them 
with  earth.  That  <pa\ay%  is  here  used  in  the  sense  of  "  camp  "  is 
admitted  by  all  the  commentators,  who  refer  to  Xen.  Rep.  Lac.  c.  12, 
sect.  3,  and  Plutarch,  Ages.  c.  19. 

1  He  seems  to  have  been  commander  of  the  mora  mentioned  in  sect.  6. 
That  the  commanders  of  morce  were  called  polemarchs  at  Sparta  appears 
from  Herodot.  vii.  173  ;  Xen.  Hell.  iv.  4.  7  ;  Rep.  Lac.  c.  11,  sect.  4.  See 
Miiller's  Dorians,  hi.  12.  4. 

2  Apollo,  to  whom  the  song  of  victory  used  to  be  sung :  the  victory  was 
gained  near  the  temple  of  Delphi.     Baumgarten. 

3  Concerning  the  Corinthian  war,  which  took  place  b.  c.  393,  see  Hellen. 
iv.  4  j  Plutarch,  Ages.  c.  21.     Breitenbach. 

*  Kara  rd  CTtva.~\  If  the  reading,  Kara  Tev'tav,  is  correct  in  Hellen. 
iv.  4.  19,  the  pass  which  is  called  by  Pausanias  (ii.  5.  3)  irvXij  TivtariKq 
appears  to  be  here  meant.     Breitenbach. 

5  A  festival  celebrated  yearly  at  Sparta  in  the  month  Heoatorobacon, 
inhonour  of  Apollo  and  Hyacinthus,  who  was  accidentally  killed  by  Apt  iio 
With  a  discus. 

6  Apol'o. 


§     18 — 21.]  HIS    SUCCESS    AGAIXST    CORINTH.  21 

18.  After  this,  having  learned  that  the  Corinthians  were 
keeping  all  their  cattle  in  the  Peiraeum,  [and  that  they  were 
sowing  all  the  Peiraeum  and  reaping  corn  from  it,1]  and 
thinking  it  a  matter  demanding  attention  that  the  Boeotians, 
issuing  from  Creusis  2  by  this  way,  easily  united  themselves 
with  the  Corinthians,  he  leads  his  forces  against  the  Peiraeum. 
But  seeing  that  it  was  defended  by  a  number  of  troops,  ho 
marched  off,  after  dinner,  towards  the  city,  as  if  he  thought 
that  the  city  would  be  surrendered  to  him.3  19.  But  perceiv- 
ing, towards  night,  that  the  people  had  gone  with  their  whole 
force  from  the  Peiraeum  to  the  city  to  succour  it,  he  turned 
back  at  daybreak,  and  finding  the  Peiraeum  left  without  a 
guard,  captured  it,  and  made  himself  master,  not  only  of  the  other 
things  that  were  in  it,  but  also  of  the  walls  which  had  been 
built  there.     Having  achieved  this  exploit,  he  returned  home. 

20.  Soon  afterwards,  the  Achaeans  being  eager  to  join  in  the 
alliance  with  him,  and  entreating  him  to  march  with  them  into 
Acarnania,4  and  the  Acarnanians  having  also  fallen  upon  his 
troops  in  a  defile,  he,  having  taken  possession  with  his  light 
troops  of  the  cliffs  above  their  heads,  joined  battle ;  and  having 
killed  a  great  number  of  them,  raised  a  trophy,  and  did  not 
relax  his  exertions  until  he  made  the  Acarnanians  and  ^Eto- 
lians  and  Argives  friends  to  the  Achaeans,  and  allies  to  himself. 
21.  But  when  the  enemy,  being  desirous  of  peace,  sent  an 
embassy,  Agesilaus  opposed  the  peace,5  until  he  had  compelled 

1  The  original  of  the  words  in  brackets  was  absent  from  most  editions 
before  that  of  Schneider.  They  occur  in  two  manuscripts.  Dindorf  has 
struck  them  out  of  his  text.  Their  soundness  is  very  doubtful.  Peiraeum 
was  a  harbour  of  Corinth;  see  note  on  the  translation  of  Xenophon's 
Hellenica,  iv.  5,  1.  How  there  could  be  land  within  it  for  sowing 
is  not  very  easy  to  be  conjectured.  Perhaps  the  name  has  usurped  the 
place  of  some  other  in  the  text- 

2  A  small  town  on  the  Corinthian  Gulf.     Pausan.  ix.  32. 

3  The  stratagem  of  Agesilaus  consisted  in  marching  with  a  rather  small 
force,  as  it  appears,  against  a  city  so  strongly  fortified ;  exciting  by  that 
means  in  the  minds  of  the  people  a  suspicion  that  they  were  in  danger  of 
being  betrayed  by  a  party  within  the  place,  and  causing  the  garrison  to  te 
withdrawn  from  the  Peiraeum,  in  consequence,  for  the  defence  of  the  city, 
when  the  Peiraeum  became  an  easy  conquest  to  him.      Weiske. 

4  The  Achseans,  who  at  that  time  held  Calydon,  a  city  of  Acarnania, 
were  in  consequence  attacked  by  the  Acarnanians.     Breitenbach. 

5  The  peace  of  Antalcidas,  made  b.  c.  387.  Xen.  Hellen.  t.  1.  3i, 
Breitenbach. 


22  EULOGY    OF   AGESILAUS.  [CH.  2. 

the  cities  to  receive  home  again  such  of  the  Corinthians  and 
Thebans  as  were  in  exile  on  account  of  having  favoured  the 
Lacedaemonians.1  He  afterwards  restored  also  such  of  the 
Phliasians  as  were  in  exile  for  the  sake  of  the  Lacedaemonians, 
taking  the  field  in  person  against  Phlius.2  22.  If  any  one  cen- 
sures him  for  these  proceedings  on  any  other  account,3  it  is  yet 
quite  evident  that  they  sprung  from  motives  of  friendship  ;  for 
when  the  enemy  had  put  to  death  such  of  the  Lacedaemonians 
as  were  in  Thebes,4  he  marched  against  Thebes  to  their  re- 
lief ;  but  finding  every  place  fortified  with  trenches  and  ram- 
parts, he  crossed  over  the  heights  of  Cynoscephaloe,  and  laid 
waste  the  lands  as  far  as  the  city,  giving  the  Thebans  an  op- 
portunity of  fighting  if  they  wished,  both  in  (he  plains  and  on 
the  hills.  In  the  following  year  also  he  marched  a  second 
time  against  Thebes,  and  crossing  the  ramparts  and  trenches 
at  Scolus,5  laid  waste  the  rest  of  Bceotia. 

23.  Down  to  this  time  both  he  himself  and  the  state  were 
fortunate  in  common.  Whatever  failures,  however,  occurred 
afterwards,  no  one  can  say  that  they  happened  under  the 
generalship  of  Agesilaus.6  But  after  that  the  disaster  at 
Leuctra  had  taken  place,  when  the  enemy,  in  conjunction  with 
the  Mantinaeans,  were  putting  to  death  his  friends  and  allies  in 
Tegea,  (the  Boeotians  and  Arcadians  and  Eleans  having  all 
united  themselves  together,)  he  took  the  field  with  the  forces  of 
the  Lacedaemonians  only,7  though  many  thought  that  the  Lace- 

1  Aid  tovq  Aatcedat/xoviovQ-]  Propter  studium  Lacedcemoniorum.  Breit- 
enbach. 

2  Matters  had  been  settled  in  favour  of  the  exiles  from  Phlius  without 
war,  as  is  related  by  Xenophou,  Hellen.  v.  2.  8—10.  But  as  the  Phliasi- 
ans did  not  adhere  to  their  promises,  or  pay  what  they  owed  to  the  exiles, 
Agesilaus  attacked  their  city,  b.  c.  383.     Hellen.  v,  3.  1(J.     Ileiland. 

3  He  alludes  to  the  censure  for  pride  and  presumption  which  the  Lace- 
dsemonians  had  incurred  by  the  reduction  of  so  many  states.  Diod.  Sic. 
xv.  19.     Breitenbach. 

4  Archias,  and  those  who  had  joined  with  him  in  seizing  on  the  Cadmeia. 
Xen.  Hellen.  v.  4.  13. 

5  A  town  of  Boeotia  between  Cithseron  and  Tegyra.  Pausan.  ix.  4. 
Breitenbach. 

6  For  Agesilaus  was  ill  during  the  whole  of  the  following  year.  Xen. 
Hellen.  vi.  5.  4.     Schneider. 

7  2vv  \ibvy  ry  AaKsdaifiuviuJv  dvvdfiei.']  This  is  the  reading  adopted 
from  Victorius  by  Dindorf  and  Breitenbach.  Schneider  and  other  eiitcri 
read  avv  popy,  omitting  Ty  dvvdfitt^ 


§  24 — 26.]       HIS  DEFENCE  OF  SPARTA.  23 

dsemonians  would  not  even  come  out  of  their  own  country  for 
some  time.  Having  ravaged  the  lands  of  those  who  had  put 
to  death  his  friends,  he  then  returned  home  again. 

24.  After  this,  also,  when  the  Arcadians,  and  Argives,  and 
Eleans,  and  Boeotians,  had  all  taken  the  field  against  Lacedae- 
mon,1  and  with  them  the  Phocians  and  both  the  Locrians,2  as 
well  as  the  Thessa-lians,  ^Enianes,  Acarnanians,  and  Euboeans, 
and  when,  in  addition  to  this,  the  slaves  and  many  of  the 
neighbouring  cities  had  revolted,  while  no  less  a  number  of 
the  Spartans  themselves  had  been  killed  in  the  battle  at 
Leuctra  than  had  survived,  he  nevertheless  preserved  the 
city,  even  though  it  was  without  walls,  not  leading  out 
his  troops  to  a  place  where  the  enemy  would  in  every  way 
have  had  the  advantage,  but  drawing  them  up  strongly  where 
his  countrymen  would  be  likely  to  have  the  superiority,  think- 
ing that  if  he  were  to  go  out  to  the  open  plains,  he  would  be 
surrounded  on  all  sides,  but  that,  remaining  in  confined  and 
elevated  spots,  he  would  be  in  every  way  superior.  25.  When, 
again,  the  army  of  the  enemy  withdrew,  how  can  any  one  say 
that  he  conducted  himself  otherwise  than  prudently  ?  For 
when  old  age  prevented  him  from  serving  either  on  foot  or  on 
horseback,  and  he  saw  that  his  country  needed  funds  if  it 
intended  to  have  any  ally,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  task  of 
supplying  it  with  funds ;  whatever  he  could  do  while  remain- 
ing at  home,  he  contrived  to  accomplish  ;  and  he  did  not 
shrink  from  going  from  home  on  whatever  business  the 
exigencies  of  the  time  required,  nor  was  he  ashamed,  when  he 
seemed  likely  to  benefit  his  country,  to  go  out  as  an  ambassa- 
dor instead  of  a  general. 

26.  Yet  even  in  his  embassy  he  performed  the  actions  of  a 
great  general;  for  Autophradates,3  who  was  besieging  Ario- 
barzanes,  an  ally  of  Agesilaus,  in  Assus,4  betook  himself, 
through  fear  of  Agesilaus,  to  flight  ;  and  Cotys,  too,  who  was 

1  This  was  the  first  expedition  of  Epaminondas  into  the  Peloponnesus, 
B.  c.  369.     Breitenbach. 

2  See  note  on  sect.  6. 

3  Satrap  of  Lydia,  whom  the  king  of  Persia  had  commissioned  to  take 
vengeance  on  those  who  had  revolted  from  him.  C.  Nep.  Datam.  c.  2. 
Breitenbach.  To  this  embassy  of  Agesilaus  into  Asia  I  find  no  allusion 
anywhere  else.  Of  his  expedition  into  Egypt  to  support  Tachus  ail 
writers  speak.     Schneider. 

2  A  city  of  Mysia.     Ariobarzanes  was  satrap  of  Phrygia,  Cotys  of 


24  EULOGY    OF    AGESILAUS.  [CH,    2. 

besieging  Sestus,  whijh  was  still  in  the  power  of  Ariobarza- 
nes,  broke  up  the  siege  and  marched  away.  It  was  not  without 
reason,  therefore,  that  a  trophy  over  the  enemy  was  erected 
to  him,  on  account  of  his  conduct  in  the  embassy.  Mausolus, 
too,  when  he  was  besieging  both  these  places  by  sea  with  a 
hundred  vessels,  sailed  off  home,  not  like  the  others,1  through 
fear,  but  from  being  persuaded  by  Agesilaus.  27.  He  here 
indeed  performed  actions  truly  worthy  of  admiration;2  for 
both  those  who  thought  that  they  had  been  benefited  by  him, 
and  those  who  had  fled  before  him,  gave  him  money ;  while 
Tachus  and  Mausolus  (who  had  also  contributed  money  to 
Lacedaemon  on  account  of  his  former  friendship  with  Agesi- 
laus) sent  him  h  )me  with  a  magnificent  escort. 

28.  He  was  now  about  eighty  years  old  ;  but  having  learned 
that  the  king  of  the  Egyptians  3  was  anxious  to  go  to  war  with 
the  king  of  Persia,  and  had  a  vast  army  of  infantry  and  ca- 
valry, and  abundant  resources,  he  heard  with  pleasure  that  he 
had  sent  for  him,  promising  also  to  make  him  general ;  2S.  for 
he  designed  in  the  same  expedition  to  repay  the  Egyptian 
for  the  benefits  which  he  had  conferred  on  Lacedaemon,4 
to  liberate  a  second  time  the  Greeks  in  Asia,  and  to  take 
vengeance  on  the  Persian,  both  for  what  he  had  done  before, 
and  because  that  now,  while  saying  that  he  was  their  ally,  he 
ordered  them  to  relinquish  Messene.5  30.  But  when  the 
king  who  had  sent  for  him  did  not  give  him  the  generalship, 
Agesilaus,  as  having  been  greatly  deceived,  considered  what 

Paphlagonia,  Mausolus  of  Caria.  Breitenbach.  Ariobarzanes  was  an  ally 
of  Agesilaus,  having  revolted  from  the  king  of  Persia.     Schneider. 

1  Olik'sti.]     Nonitem.    Breitenbach. 

2  VLpvravQa  ovv  a£ia  QavpaToc,  duTrpd^aro.']  Such  is  the  reading 
adopted  by  Dindorf.  Schneider  has  only  the  three  last  words.  Breiten- 
bach reads  a  ye  a£ta,  *c.  r.  A. 

3  Tachus,  who  is  mentioned  just  above.     Breitenbach. 

4  Schneider  supposes  that  this  refers  to  the  money  mentioned  in  sect. 
27.  In  what  year  the  money  was  given,  says  Breitenbach,  we  cannot 
decide.  He  observes  that  Xenophon  speaks  but  briefly,  and  to  us  ob- 
scurely, of  the  affair  of  Tachus,  because  it  was  well  known  to  his  readers 
in  that  day,  having  occurred  only  about  two  years  before  he  wrote. 

5  The  peace  of  Antalcidas,  as  it  is  called,  had  put  the  states  of  Asia  un- 
der the  power  of  the  Persians,  but  had  set  free  Messene,  which  had  be- 
fore been  subject  to  Lacedaemon  ;  and  hence  the  hostility  of  the  Spartans 
towards  the  king  of  Persia.  See  Diodor.  Sic.  xv.  90;  Plutarch  in  Ages. 
Schneider. 


?    31.  J  HI6    POLICY     IN    EGYPT.       HIS    PIETY.  25 

he  ought  to  do.  Soon  after,  however,  the  Egyptians,  who 
were  serving  apart, l  revolted  from  the  king,  being  the  first 
to  do  so ;  and  then  all  the  rest  deserted  him ;  and  Tachus 
himself,  in  alarm,  fled  to  Sidon  in  Phoenicia  ;  while  the  Egyp- 
tians, splitting  into  factions,  elected  two  kings.2  31.  Upon 
this  Agesilaus,  knowing  that  if  he  should  join  neither  party, 
neither  would  furnish  pay  for  the  Grecian  soldiers,  nor  would 
either  offer  him  provisions  for  sale,  while  whichsoever  proved 
victorious  would  be  his  enemy,  but  that  if  he  should  join  one 
of  the  two,  that  one  at  least,  receiving  assistance  from  him, 
would,  as  was  probable,  be  his  friend,  and  having  accordingly 
formed  his  opinion  as  to  which  of  the  two  seemed  best  dis- 
posed towards  the  Greeks,  took  the  field  with  him,  and 
defeating  in  battle  the  one  that  was  hostile  to  the  Greeks, 
utterly  reduced  him ;  the  other  he  assisted  in  establishing  on 
the  throne.3  Having  thus  made  the  latter  a  friend  to  Lace- 
daemon,  and  having  received  a  large  sum  of  money  from  him, 
he  set  sail  homewards,  though  it  was  the  middle  of  winter, 
being  anxious  that  his  country  should  not  be  inactive  against 
the  enemy  in  the  following  summer. 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  piety  of  Agesilaus.    His  strict  regard  to  honour  in.  all  his  transactions. 

l.  The  actions  of  Agesilaus  which  have  been  mentioned  were 
such  as  were  done  before  many  witnesses  of  his  conduct.  Such 
acts,  indeed,  do  not  require  proofs  ;  it  is  sufficient  merely  to 
recall  them  to  the  memory,  and  they  are  at  once  credited. 
But  now  I  will  endeavour  to  set  forth  the  virtue  that  was  in 
his  mind,  under  the  influence  of  which  he  did  these  things, 
and  loved  everything  that  was  good,  and  repelled  every- 
thing that  was  dishonourable.     2.  For  he  paid  such  respect 

1  Oi  Sixa  (Trparevofievoi.^  Those  who  were  under  the  command  of 
Nectanebus.     Diod.  Sic.  xv.  92  ;  Plutarch,  Ages.  c.  37. 

2  Nectanebus  and  Mendesius. 

3  He  took  the  side  of  Nectanebus  in  opposiion  to  Mendesius.  Plut. 
Ages.  c.  37  j  Diod.  Sic.  xv.  92. 


26  EULOGt    OF    AGESILAUS.  [CH.    3. 

to  what  was  divine,  that  even  his  enemies  considered  his 
oaths  and  compacts  more  worthy  of  trust  than  the  friendship 
existing  among  themselves ;  [since  in  making  covenants 
among  themselves],1  they  were  afraid  to  meet  one  another,  but 
they  put  themselves  wholly  into  the  hands  of  Agesilaus  ;  and 
that  no  one  may  disbelieve  me.  I  shall  mention  the  most  re- 
markable among  those  who  did  so. 

3.  Spithridates  the  Persian,  knowing  that  Pharnabazus  was 
intriguing  to  marry  the  daughter  of  the  king,  but  wished  to 
take  his  own  daughter  without  marrying  her,  and  considering 
this  an  insult,  placed  himself,  his  wife,  his  children,  and  his 
troops,2  in  the  hands  of  Agesilaus  4.  Cotys,3  too,  the  satrap 
of  the  Paphlagonians,  would  not  comply  with  the  wishes  of 
the  king,  though  he  sent  him  his  pledge  of  the  right  hand, 
fearing  lest  he  should  be  made  prisoner,  and  either  have  to 
pay  a  large  sum  of  money  for  his  ransom,  or  be  put  to  death  ; 
yet  he,  trusting  to  a  treaty  with  Agesilaus,  not  only  came  to 
his  camp,  but,  forming  an  alliance  with  Agesilaus,  preferred  to 
take  the  field  with  him,  with  a  thousand  horse,  and  two  thou- 
sand targeteers.  5.  Pharnabazus4  also  came  to  a  conference 
with  Agesilaus,  and  stated  freely  in  their  conversation  that, 
unless  he  himself  was  appointed  commander  of  the  whole  Per- 
sian army,  he  would  revolt  from  the  king.  "If,  however," 
says  he,  "  I  am  made  commander,  I  will  fight  with  thee,  O 
Agesilaus,  as  vigorously  as  I  may  be  able."  In  saying  this, 
he  felt  convinced  that  he  should  suffer  nothing  contrary  to 
the  terms  of  the  truce.  So  important  and  honourable  a 
quality  is  it  in  all  other  men,  and  especially  in  a  commander, 
to  be  honest  and  trustworthy,  and  to  be  known  to  be  so.  Such 
observations  I  had  to  make  with  respect  to  his  piety. 

1  Oi  <r})VTL9sfiev0i  aWrjXoig.]  These  words  are  inserted  by  Breitenbach 
in  his  text  from  a  conjecture  of  Schneider's.  In  other  texts  there  is  a 
hiatus. 

2  He  is  mentioned  in  the  Hellenica,  iii.  5.  16,  as  having  about  two  hun- 
dred cavalry;  what  is  said  in  iv.  1.  7,  seems  to  indicate  a  larger  force. 
Schneider. 

3  The  same  that  is  mentioned  in  c.  2,  sect.  26.  He  is  called  Otys  by 
Xenophon,  Hellen.  iv.  1,  Ot)oc  by  iElian,  Var.  Hist.  i.  27,  and  Thyus  by 
Corn.  Nep.  Datam.  c.  2. 

4  Xen.  Heilen.  iv.  1.  29—38.     P.utarch,  Ages  c   12. 


§    1.]  HIS    INTEGRITY.  27 


CHAPTER  TV 

Of  the  integrity  shown  by  Agesilaus  as  a  private  individual,  as  a  ltin#,  and 
as  a  general.     Two  examples  of  it. 

1.  Of  his  integrity  in  regard  to  money  aUo,  what  greater 
proofs  can  any  one  have  than  the  following  ?  For  no  one 
ever  complained  1  that  he  was  despoiled  of  anything  by  Age 
silaus ;  but  many  acknowledged  that  they  had  received  many 
acts  of  kindness  from  him.  How  could  a  man,  indeed,  to 
whom  it  is  a  pleasure  to  give  his  own  property  away  for  the 
benefit  of  mankind,  wish  to  deprive  others  of  their  property, 
in  order  merely  to  incur  ill  repute?  If  he  desired  money,  it 
would  be  far  less  troublesome  to  him  to  keep  his  own  than  to 
take  what  did  not  belong  to  him.  2.  Or  how  could  a  man 
who  would  not  even  withhold  favours,  for  which  there  are  no 
actions  at  law  against  him  who  withholds  them,  wish  to  take 
away  from  others  even  what  the  law  forbids  ?  But  Agesilaus 
not  only  considered  that  not  to  return  favours  was  unjust,  but 
even  that  not  to  return  them  in  greater  measure,  if  the  recipi- 
ent were  able,  was  unjust.  3.  Or  how  could  any  one  fairly 
accuse  him  of  embezzling  the  finances  of  the  state,  who  made 
over  to  his  country,  for  its  benefit,  the  presents  intended  for 
himself?  Or  is  it  not  also  a  great  proof  of  self-command  in 
regard  to  money,  that  whenever  he  wished  to  benefit  the  state 
nr  his  friends  by  pecuniary  gifts,  he  was  able  to  assist  them 
by  obtaining  contributions  from  others?2  4.  For  if  he  had 
*)een  in  the  habit  of  selling  his  favours,  or  of  doing  good  for 
';he  sake  of  reward,  no  one  would  have  considered  that  he 
wed  anything  to  him ;  but  those  who  have  received  benefits 
gratuitously,  always  gladly  serve  their  benefactor,  both  be- 
cause they  have  received  favours  and  because  they  have  been 

'EveKaXecrev.']  The  verb  lyKaXelv,  without  a  dative  of  the  person,  i.  e. 
signifying  "  to  complain,"  is  but  rarely  found.  One  other  example  of  it 
is  given  by  Xenophon,  Hellen.  vi.  1.  13,  /j,r)8ev  t xovtclq  eyKaXeiv.  BreiU 
tnbach. 

2  This  was  a  proof  of  the  liberality  of  Agesilaus,  for  he  to  whom  others 
are  at  any  time  ready  to  be  liberal  must  previously  have  been  liberal  to 
them.     Breitenbach 


28  EULOGY   O*    AGESILAUa.  fCH.    5. 

trusted  at  first  as  being  worthy  to  keep  a  deposit  of  gratitude.1 
5.  Or  must  he  not  have  quite  shrunk  from  disgraceful 
gains,  who  preferred  having  a  little  with  honour  to  having 
more  with  injustice  ?  Agesilaus,  then,  being  pronounced  by  the 
state  to  be  entitled  to  all  the  property  of  Agis,  transferred  the 
half  of  it  to  his  relatives  on  the  mother's  side,  because  he  saw 
that  they  were  in  want.  That  this  account  is  true,  the  whole 
community  of  the  Lacedaemonians  is  a  witness.  6.  When 
Tithraustes,2  too,  offered  him  a  vast  number  of  presents,  if  he 
would  retire  from  his  province,  Agesilaus  replied,  "It  is  an 
opinion  among  us,  Tithraustes,  that  it  is  more  honourable  for 
a  commander  to  enrich  his  army  than  himself,  and  to  endeavour 
to  gain  spoils  from  his  enemies  rather  than  presents." 


CHAPTER  V. 


The  moderation  of  Agesilaus  in  eating,  drinking,  and  sleep.   His  endurance 
of  heat,  cold,  and  fatigue.     His  self-command. 

l.  However  many  pleasures  there  are,  too,  that  master  a 
large  portion  of  mankind,  by  which  of  them  has  any  one 
known  Agesilaus  to  be  mastered,  a  man  who  thought  that  he 
should  abstain  from  intoxication  as  from  madness,  and  from 
immoderate  eating  as  from  utter  indolence?3  Accordingly, 
when  he  received  a  double  portion4  at  the  public  meals,  he 
not  only  did  not  consume  both  portions,  but,  distributing  them 
around,  left  neither  for  himself;  considering  that  this  double 
portion  was  given  to  him  as  king,  not  for  the  purpose  of  in- 
dulging his  appetite,  but  that  he  might  be  able  to  honour  with 

1  HapaKaTaQrjtcrjv  x^PlT0Q-]  Favours  are  said  to  be  deposited  with 
him  who  receives  them,  when  the  person  who  gives  them  expects  at  some 
time  to  receive  a  return.     Breitenbach. 

2  See  c.  1,  sect.  35 ;  Hellen.  iii.  4.  25. 

*  'Apyi'ac.]  The  texts  of  Weiske  and  Schneider,  and  many  others, 
have  afiapriag.  Henry  Stephens  proposed  apyiac,  which  Dindorf  and 
Breitenbach  have  very  judiciously  adopted ;  as  indolence  and  inactivity 
are  the  consequences  of  immoderate  eating. 

4  "  Lycurgus  honoured  the  kings  with  a  double  portion  at  the  public 
meals,  not  that  they  might  eat  twice  as  much  as  others,  but  that  they  might 
have  something  to  give  to  any  one  whom  they  desired  to  honour.'*  De 
Rep.  Lac  c.  15. 


§    2 — 5.]     HIS    TEMPERANCE    AND    SELF-COMMAND.  29 

it  whomsoever  he  pleased.  2.  He  had  recourse  to  tleep,  n  >t 
as  to  a  master,  but  as  to  that  which  was  under  the  control  of 
circumstances ;  and  unless  he  had  the  worst  couch  of  all  the 
people  that  were  with  him,  he  'gave  manifest  indications  of 
shame  ,'  for  he  thought  that  it  became  a  prince  to  surpass 
private  persons,  not  in  effeminacy,  but  in  endurance.  3.  He 
was  not,  however,  ashamed  of  having  a  greater  share  of  heat 
in  the  summer  and  of  cold  in  the  winter.  If  it  ever  hap- 
pened, also,  to  his  army  to  endure  hardships,  he  willingly 
toiled  more  than  others ;  thinking  that  all  such  exertions 
were  a  solace  to  his  soldiers.  To  say  all  in  a  word,  Agesilaus 
took  delight  in  toil,  but  allowed  indolence  no  influence  over 
him. 

4.  As  to  his  continence  in  matters  of  love,  is  it  not  right  to 
mention  it,  if  for  no  other  reason,  yet  for  the  wonder  of  it  ? 
To  abstain,  indeed,  from  that  which  one  does  not  desire,  any 
one  would  say  was  agreeable  to  human  nature  ;  but  that  being 
enamoured  of  Megabates,1  the  son  of  Spithridates,  as  a  most 
ardent  temperament  would  be  enamoured  of  a  most  beautiful 
object,  he  should,  when  (as  it  was  a  custom  among  the  Per- 
sians to  kiss  those  whom  they  esteem)  Megabates  attempted 
to  kiss  Agesilaus,  have  striven  with  all  his  might  to  prevent 
himself  from  being  kissed  by  him,  is  not  this  an  instance  of  con- 
tinence even  of  the  most  noble  kind  ?2 

5.  But  when  Megabates  no  longer  attempted  to  kiss  him, 
as  if  thinking  himself  to  be  dishonoured,  Agesilaus  gave  in- 
structions to  one  of  his  companions  to  persuade  Megabates  to 
honour  him  again.  But  as  his  companion  asked  him,  whether, 
if  Megabates  could  be  persuaded,  he  would  kiss  him,  Agesi- 
laus accordingly,  after  keeping  silence  a  long  time,  spoke 
thus :  "  Not  even  if  I  were  immediately  to  become  the  most 
beautiful,  and  strongest,  and  swiftest  of  men  ;3  I  indeed 
sweat  by  ail  the  gods  that  I  would  rather  prefer  to  fight  again 
the  same  battle,  than  that  everything  which  I  see  should  be- 

1  This  is  related  by  Plutarch,  Ages.  c.  11;  De-Aud.  Poet.  10;  Apo- 
phth.  Lac.  p.  101. 

*  A.iav  ytvvuc6v.~\  YtvviKov  is  the  conjecture  of  Schsefer.  Before  his 
time  the  reading  was  fiavucov,  which  critics  tried  to  interpret  without 
much  success. 

3  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  Agesilaus  was  short  of  stature,  lame  of 
one  foot,  and  of  no  very  d'gnified  appearance.  Cc/n.  Nep.  Ages.  c.  8; 
Plutarch,  Ages.  c.  2. 


30  EULOGY    OF    AGESILAUS  [CH.    6. 

come  gold  for  me."1  6.  I  am  not,  however,  ignorant  of  what 
some  people  think  concerning  these  matters  ;2  I  am  kideed 
well  aware  that  far  more  men  can  conquer  their  enemies  than 
can  control  passions  of  such  a  nature ;  and  if  but  few  knew 
these  things,  it  would  be  very  well  for  many  to  disbelieve 
them  ;  but  we  all  know  that  the  most  illustrious  of  men  least 
escape  notice  in  what  they  do.  But  no  man  has  ever  said 
that  he  saw  Agesilaus  indulging  in  anything  of  this  sort,  nor, 
if  he  had  asserted  it  on  conjecture,  would  he  have  been  thought 
to  say  what  was  worthy  of  credit.  7.  For  he  took  up  his  abode 
in  no  house  by  himself,  when  away  from  home,  but  w as  always 
in  some  temple,3  where  it  is  impossible  to  do  things  of  this 
kind,  or  before  the  public,  making  the  eyes  of  all  men  wit- 
nesses of  his  continence.  But  if  I  speak  falsely  as  to  these 
things,  Greece  knowing  the  contrary,  I  abstain  from  all  praise 
of  Agesilaus,  and  take  blame  to  myself. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

The  merits  of  Agesilaus  as  a  leader,  and  his  readiness  to  meet  his  enemies  in 
the  field,  either  in  Greece  or  in  other  countries.  His  judgment  and  pru- 
dence. His  anxiety  to  protect  his  friends  and  defeat  his  enemies,  and  the 
effects  of  it  on  those  who  were  concerned  with  him. 

i.  Of  his  valour  also  he  appears  to  me  to  have  exhibited 
proofs  by  no  means  obscure,  undertaking  always  to  carry  on 
war  with  the  most  powerful  of  the  enemies  both  of  his  country 
and  of  Greece,  and  placing  himself  first  in  the  contests  against 
them.  2.  Wherever  the  enemy  wished  to  engage  with  him  in 
battle,  he  did  not  secure  the  victory  by  making  them  flee  with 
terror,  but  raised  a  trophy  by  defeating  them  in  a  fairly  fought 
field,4  leaving  immortal  monuments  of  his  valour,  and  bearing 

1  In  allusion  to  the  fable  of  Midas. 

s  Kat  on  fitv  St)  Xafx^dvovcri  nvtQ  Tavra.j  Atque  non  ignoro  equidem 
pad  aliqui  de  his  rebus  existiment.  Dindorf.  Xenophon  intimates  that 
sow  people  do  not  think  this  conduct  of  Agesilaus  so  nrict  deserving  of 
praise  as  he  himself  thinks  it. 

3  So  Plutarch,  Ages.  c.  4. 

4  M&xy  avTiTVTr<i).']  The  forces  of  the  Spartans  were  not  in  general 
superior  to  those  of  their  enemies  ;  fxaxr)  avTirvnog  is  therefore  a  battle 
in  which  "?o;h  sides  fought  with  equal  numbers.      Breitenbach.. 


§    3 — 7.]  HIS   PRUDENCE    AND   ACTIVITY".  31 

off  with  him  plain  proofs  l  that  he  had  Ought  with  spirit  ;  so 
that  men  might  form  an  opinion  of  his  courage,  not  from  hearing 
of  it,  but  by  witnessing  it.  3.  It  is  right  therefore  to  consider 
that  the  trophies  of  Agesilaus  were  not  merely  such  as  he  actual  ly 
raised,  but  whatever  campaigns  he  commanded  in  ;  for  he  did 
not  the  less  gain  a  victory  because  his  enemies  were  unwilling 
to  fight  with  him,  but  gained  it  with  less  danger  and  more 
advantage  both  to  the  state  and  to  the  allies ;  and  even  in  the 
public  games  they  crown  those  who  obtain  a  victory  without 
a  contest,  no  less  than  those  who  gain  it  by  fighting. 

4.  As  to  his  wisdom,  again,  what  actions  of  his  do  not  dis- 
play it  ?  when  he  so  conducted  himself  towards  his  country, 
that,  obeying  it  to  the  utmost,2  ....  and  being  zealous  for  the 
interests  of  those  associated  with  him,  he  acquired  friends 
who  never  made  excuses  for  not  serving  him,  and  rendered 
his  soldiers  also  obedient  and  attached  to  him.  How  indeed 
can  a  battalion  become  more  strong  than  by  being  well 
disciplined  through  obeying  orders,  and  by  supporting  their 
general  faithfully  through  attachment  to  his  person  ?  5.  He  had 
enemies,  it  is  true,  who,  though  they  could  not  find  fault  with 
him,  yet  felt  obliged  to  hate  him  ;  for  he  was  always  contriv- 
ing means  that  his  allies  might  have  the  advantage  over  them, 
deceiving  when  there  was  an  opportunity,  anticipating  when 
expedition  was  necessary,  and  concealing  his  movements  from 
them  when  it  was  advantageous  to  do  so,  and  pursuing  towards 
his  enemies  a  quite  contrary  course  of  conduct  to  that  which 
he  adopted  towards  his  friends.  6.  He  used  night  as  day,  and 
day  as  night,  often  rendering  it  uncertain  both  where  he  was, 
and  whither  he  was  going,  and  what  he  intended  to  do ;  so 
that  he  made  even  strong  places  unsafe  for  his  enemies ; 
sometimes  avoiding  them,  sometimes  outstripping  them,  some 
times  surprising  them.  7.  When,  he  was  on  the  march,  how 
ever,  and  knew  that  the  enemy  had  the  liberty  of  fighting  if 
they  wished,  he  led  his  army  drawn  up  in  such  order  that  he 
was  in  the    best  possible  condition  to  defend  himself,   and 

1  Wounds  on  the  frorrt  part  of  his  body.     Breitenbach. 

°  Some  words  are  lost  here.  By  a  reference  to  Plutarch,  Ages.  c.  4, 
Weiske  infers  that  what  is  wanting  is  something  to  this  effect :  far^i* 
irX«7<rrov,  wffre  tcoiiiv  6  BovXolto,  "by  obeying  his  country  to  the  ut- 
most he  obtained  the  greatest  influence  in  it  " 


32  EULOGT   OF    AGESILAUS.  fCH.  7. 

marched  at  as  quiet  a  pace  as  the  most  modest  virgin  would 
walk ; l  thinking  that  in  such  order  there  was  firmness,  and 
the  least  possible  exposure  to  alarm  or  confusion,  as  well  as  the 
greatest  security  against  mistakes  and  ambuscades.  8.  While 
acting  thus,  therefore,  he  was  an  object  of  terror  to  his  enemies, 
but  inspired  courage  and  confidence  into  his  friends ;  so  that 
he  continued  uncontemned  by  his  adversaries,  uncensured  by 
his  fellow  citizens,  approved  by  his  friends,  and  extremely 
beloved  and  commended  by  all  mankind. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Patriotism  of  Agesilaus.  His  obedience  to  the  laws  of  Sparta,  and  paternal 
care  of  his  subjects.  His  concern  for  the  general  interests  of  Greece.  His 
hostility  to  Persia. 

1.  That  he  was  a  lover  of  his  country,  it  would  be  tedious  to 
show  by  every  particular  proof ;  for  I  think,  indeed,  that  there 
was  nothing  of  all  that  was  done  by  him,  that  did  not  tend  to  the 
service  of  it.  But  to  speak  briefly,  we  all  know  that  Agesilaus, 
whenever  he  thought  that  he  should  benefit  his  country,  did  not 
shrink  from  toils,  or  stand  aloof  from  dangers,  or  spare  money, 
or  make  his  person  or  old  age  an  excuse  for  inaction  ;  but  he 
considered  it  the  duty  of  a  good  king  to  do  as  much  good  as 
possible  to  his  subjects.  2.  I  account  this  also  among  his 
greatest  services  to  his  country,  that  while  he  was  the  most 
powerful  man  in  the  state,  he  proved  himself  the  most  obedient 
to  the  laws ;  for  who  would  be  inclined  to  disobey  the  laws, 
when  he  saw  the  king  obeying  them  ?  Or  who,  from  thinking 
himself  in  too  humble  a  condition,  would  attempt  to  raise  a 
revolution,  when  he  saw  the  king  enduring  even  to  be  com- 
manded in  compliance  with  the  laws.  3.  He  even  conducted 
himself  towards  those  who  diifered  from  him  in  political 
affairs,  as  a  father  towards  his  children  ;  for  he  reproved  them 
for  their  faults,  but  honoured  them  if  they  did  anything 
praiseworthy,  and  steed  by  then),  if  any  calamity  happened  to 

1  Compare  c.  2,  sect.  3      Also  De  Rep.  Lac.  c  3,  sect.  5. 


§    4—*    J       HIS    CONCERN    FOR    THE    vX>OD    OF    GREECE.  33 

them  ;  regarding  no  one  of  his  countrymen  as  an  enemy,  but 
wishing  to  commend  all ;  thinking  it  a  gain  that  all  should  be 
preserved,  and  esteeming  it  as  a  loss,  if  anyone,  though  worth 
but  little,  was  cut  off;  but  if  they  observed  a  quiet  adherence 
to  the  laws,  he  evidently  thought  that  his  country  would  always 
be  happy,  and  that  when  the  Greeks  conducted  themselves 
wisely,  it  would  be  strong.  4.  If,  moreover,  it  is  honourable 
that  one  who  is  a  Greek  should  be  a  lover  of  the  Greeks,  what 
other  commander  has  any  one  seen,  either  showing  reluctance  to 
take  a  city,  when  he  thought  he  could  plunder  it,  or  regarding 
a  victory,  in  a  war  with  the  Greeks,  as  a  calamity  ?  5.  But 
Agesilaus,  when  news  was  brought  him  that  in  the  battle  at 
Corinth  1  eight  Lacedaemonians,  and  nearly  ten  thousand  of  the 
enemy,  were  killed,  showed  himself  by  no  means  delighted,  but 
exclaimed,  "  Alas  for  Greece  !  since  those  who  have  now  died 
would  be  able,  if  living,  to  defeat  all  the  barbarians  in  the 
field  of  battle." 2  6.  But  when  the  Corinthian  exiles  said 
that  the  city  would  be  surrendered  to  them,  and  showed  him  the 
machines  with  which  they  all  expected  to  take  the  walls,  he  re- 
fused to  make  an  attack  upon  it,  saying,  that  it  was  proper  to  re- 
duce the  cities  of  Greece,  not  to  slavery,  but  to  their  senses. 
"But  if,"  added  he,"  we  cut  off  all  that  do  wrong  from  among  us, 
we  must  take  care  lest  we  have  none  left  to  conquer  the  barba- 
rians." 3  7.  If,  again,  it  is  honourable  to  be  a  hater  of  the  Per- 
sians, because  their  former  king  led  out  an  army  for  the  purpose 
of  enslaving  Greece,  and  the  present  king  4  forms  alliances  with 
those  by  whose  assistance  he  thinks  that  he  shall  do  it  greater 
injury,  sends  presents  to  those  whom,  he  thinks  likely,  on 
receiving  them,  to  inflict  the  most  harm  on  the  Greeks,  and 
assists  in  making  any  peace  through  which  he  thinks  that  we 
shall  most  be  led  to  war  with  one  another, — all  men,  indeed, 
see  this, — but  what  other  person,  except  Agesilaus,  ever  made 
it  his  care,  either  that  any  nation  should  revolt  from  the 
Persian  king,  or  that  one  which  had  revolted  should  not  be  cut 
off,  or,  in  general,  that  the  king  of  Persia,  though  suffering 
calamities  himself,  should  not  he  able  to  cause  annoyance 
to  the  Greeks?     Agesilaus,  even  when  his  country  was  at  war 

1  Xen.  Hellen.  iv.  2.  9—23.        2  C.  Nep.  Ages,  c  5. 
3  C.  Nep.  Ages.  c.  6.         *  Artaxerxes  II. 

VOL   III,  p 


34  EULOGY   OF  AGESILAUS.  [CH.    8 

with  the  Greeks,  nevertheless  did  not  neglect  the  common 
good  of  Greece,  but  sailed  from  home  with  the  view  of  doing 
whatever  injury  he  could  to  the  barbarians. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


Modesty,  affability,  and  cheerfulness  of  Agesilaus,  which  rendered  his 
society  agreeable  to  those  around  him.  His  kingly  spirit,  and  contempt 
of  the  riches  and  ostentation  of  the  Persians. 

1.  It  is  proper,  also,  not  to  omit  to  notice  his  sweetness  of 
temper ;  since  while  honour  was  conferred  on  him,  and 
power  attended  him,  (and,  in  addition  to  these,  the  dignity  of  a 
throne,  a  throne  which  was  not  assailed  by  conspiracies,  but 
regarded  with  acquiescence,)  no  one  could  ever  see  any  signs  of 
haughtiness  in  him,  but  could  perceive,  even  without  looking 
for  it,  a  disposition  to  love  and  serve  his  friends.  2.  He  took 
a  share,  too,  with  the  greatest  pleasure,  in  sportive  conversa- 
tion,1 but  he  discoursed  seriously  with  his  friends  2  on  what- 
ever subject  it  was  necessary  to  do  so.  As  he  was  full  of 
hope  and  good  spirits,  and  always  cheerful,  he  caused  many  to 
seek  his  society,  not  merely  for  the  sake  of  effecting  some  ob- 
ject by  his  means,  but  also  for  the  sake  of  spending  the  day 
pleasantly.  Though  he  was  by  no  means  of  a  temper  for 
boasting,  he  nevertheless  listened  without  displeasure  to  those 
who  praised  themselves,  thinking  that  they  did  no  harm,  but 
bade  fair  to  become  deserving  men. 

3.  I  must  not  omit  to  observe,  however,  how  aptly,  on  one 

UaidiKwv  \6ywi>.]  The  love  of  youths  at  Sparta  is  "well  known,  and  was 
most  honourable ;  for  those  who  were  enamoured  strove  to  do  the  greatest 
service  and  pleasure  to  the  beloved  object,  as  is  said  by  Plutarch,  Lye.  c. 
20,  who  alsc  relates  that  Agesilaus  was  thue  beloved  by  Lysander,  Ages.  c. 
2.  Uaidiicoi  Xoyoi  would  accordingly  be  such  conversation  as  could  pass 
between  persons  thus  fond  of  one  another,  and  would  doubtless  be  sport- 
ive and  jocular ;  but  I  cannot  agree  with  those  who  think  that  mere 
pleasant  discourse,  such  as  might  occur  between  any  two  friends,  is  meant, 
for  Xenophon's  use  of  the  word  iraiSiKbg  is  adverse  to  such  a  supposition. 
Comp.  Cyrop.  i.  4.  27 ;  Hellen.  v.  3.  20  ;  CEcon,  ii.  7.  Breitenbach, 
3  SvvcairovdaZt.]    Una  cum  araicis  seria  loquebatur.     Breitenbach. 


§    4 — 7. J  HIS    CONDUCT    TOWARDS    PERSIA.  35 

occasion,  he  displayed  his  magnanimity ;  for  when  a  letter 
reached  him  from  the  king  of  Persia,  (which  the  Persian  who 
was  with  Caliias  l  the  Lacedasinonian  brought,)  about  forming 
a  connexion  of  hospitality  and  friendship  with  him,  he  would  not 
receive  it,  but  desired  him  who  brought  it  to  tell  the  king,  that 
it  was  by  no  means  requisite  to  send  letters  to  him  individu- 
ally, but  that  if  he  showed  himself  a  friend  to  Laceda?mon 
and  well  disposed  towards  Greece,  he  would  himself  become 
his  friend  to  the  utmost  of  his  power ;  "  if,  however,"  added 
he,  "  he  is  found  forming  designs  against  it,  let  him  not  think, 
even  if  I  receive  a  great  number  of  letters  from  him,  that  he 
will  have  me  for  a  friend."  4.  I  accordingly  commend  this  con- 
duct of  Agesilaus,  that,  to  gratify  the  Greeks,  he  rejected  the 
friendship  of  the  king.  I  admire  also  this  feeling  in  him, 
that  he  did  not  think  that  that  sovereign  0f  the  two  who  had 
the  greater  riches,  and  ruled  over  the  greater  number  of  men, 
ought  to  think  more  highly  of  himself,  but  whichsoever  was 
personally  more  deserving,  and  ruled  over  subjects  of  a  bet- 
ter character. 

5.  I  commend  likewise  this  proof  of  his  forethought,  that, 
considering  it  good  for  Greece  that  as  many  satraps  as  pos- 
sible should  revolt  from  the  king,  he  was  not  induced  either 
by  the  presents  or  by  the  power  of  the  king  to  feel  any  in- 
clination to  form  an  alliance  with  him,  but  guarded  against 
being  distrusted  by  those  who  were  disposed  to  revolt. 
6.  Who,  moreover,  would  not  admire  such  conduct  as  the  fol- 
lowing in  him  ?  For  the  Persian  king,  thinking  that  if  he 
had  the  superiority  in  resources  he  would  be  able  to  bring 
everything  under  his  power,  endeavoured  for  this  reason  to 
get  into  his  hands  all  the  gold,  all  the  silver,  and  all  the  most 
valuable  things  in  the  world  ;  but  Agesilaus,  on  the  other 
hand,  so  managed  his  household  2  as  to  require  none  of  these 
things.  7.  If  any  one  disbelieves  this,  let  him  see  what  kind 
of  house  contented  him,  and  let  him  contemplate  its  doors  ;  for 
he  would  imagine  that  they  were  still  those  selfsame  doors  which 

1  Perhaps  the  same  Caliias  that  is  mentioned  Hellen.  iv.  ] .  15  ;  nothing 
move  is  known  of  him.     See  Apophth.  Lac.,  and  iElian,  V.  H.  x.  20. 

2  'Avt( <jKeva<raro.]  This  verb,  which  is  nowhere  else  found,  signifies 
that  Agesilaus  furnished  his  own  residence  in  a  way  quite  opposite  to  that 
of  the  king  of  Persia.     Brsitenbach. 

D  2 


36  eul:gy  op  agesilaus  [ch.  9. 

Aristodemus,1  a  descendant  of  Hercules,  took  when  he  re- 
turned from  exile  and  set  up.2  Let  him  also  try  to  get  a  view 
of  the  furniture  within ;  let  him  consider  how  he  feasted  at 
the  public  sacrifices  ;  and  let  him  hear  how  his  daughter 
went  down  to  Amyclae3  upon  a  public  carriage  made  of  reeds.4 
Thus  adapting,  accordingly,  his  expenses  to  his  income,  he  was 
not  compelled  to  do  anything  unjust  for  the  sake  of  gain.  It 
is  thought  honourable  to  have  walls  that  cannot  be  taken  by 
an  enemy ;  but  I  think  it  much  more  honourable  for  a  man 
to  render  his  mind  unassailable  alike  by  wealth,  by  pleasures, 
and  by  terror. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

His  mode  of  life  quite  different  from  that  of  the  king  of  Persia.     He  aims 

at  higher  objects  of  distinction  than  victories  in  chariot-races. 

I.  I  will  also  relate  how  in  his  private  manners  he  formed 
a  contrast  to  the  ostentation  of  the  Persian  king;5  for,  in  the 
first  place,  the  Persian  prided  himself  on  being  seldom  seen  ;  but 
Agesilaus  delighted  in  being  always  visible,  thinking  that  to 
keep  out  of  sight  was  suitable  to  dishonourable  acts,  but  that 
the  light  rather  gave  lustre  to  a  life  in  conformity  with  what 
was  honourable.6  2.  In  the  second  place,  the  one  boasted  of 
being  difficult  of  access,  whilst  the  other  delighted  in  being 

1  The  great-great-grandson  of  Hyllus  the  son  of  Hercules,  and  father 
of  Eurysthenes  and  Procles,  from  whom  the  Spartan  kings  were  descended. 
Breitenbach. 

2  Took  and  set  up,  without  adding  any  ornament  to  what  he  found 
Breitenbach. 

3  To  celebrate  the  Hyacinthia.     See  ii.  17. 

4  E7ri  ttoXitikcv  KavaBpov.~\  KavaQpov  was  a  kind  of  fanciful -shaped 
carriage,  of  which  the  body  was  made  of  reeds  ;  the  derivation  being  from 
Kavva,  a  reed,  as  is  supposed.  See  Plut.  Ages.  c.  19.  Compare  also 
Ovid,  Fast.  vi.  680;  Justin,  xliii.  4.  By  ttoXitikov  icdvaOpov  Breitenbach 
understands  a  carriage  for  the  common  use  of  the  citizens  in  processions  or 
other  public  occasions. 

5  'Qg  teal  top  Tpoirov  vire<TTrj<Taro,  k.  r,  \.~]  Quomodo  mores  suos  Persa 
fast  id  opposuerit.     Comp.  c.  8,  sect.  6.     Breitenbach. 

6  Tw  Se  els  ko.Woq  (Hy.]    Vitce  ad  honestatem  moderate.   Breitenbach. 


§    2.J  OBJECTS    OF    HIS    AMBITION.  31 

accessible  to  all ;  and  the  one  prided  himself  in  bringing  mat- 
ters to  an  end  slowly,  while  the  other  was  most  rejoiced  when 
he  sent  away  people  most  speedily  after  obtaining  from  him 
what  they  sought.  3.  It  is  worth  mentioning,  too,  how  m  cl 
easier  and  readier  enjoyment  Agesilaus  secured ;  for  the  Pe. 
sian  kinor,  people  go  round  the  whole  earth  seeking  what  he 
may  drink  with  pleasure  ;  innumerable  persons  are  constantly 
inventing  what  he  may  eat  with  pleasure  ;  and  that  he  may 
sleep  soundly,  a  person  could  scarcely  enumerate  in  how  many 
contrivances  they  busy  themselves.  But  Agesilaus,  from  be- 
ing fond  of  labour,  drank  with  pleasure  whatever  chanced  to 
be  at  hand,  and  ate  with  pleasure  whatever  came  before  him  ; 
while  for  enabling  him  to  sleep  contentedly,  any  place  was  suit- 
able. 4.  Nor  was  he  only  pleased  with  acting  thus,  but  felt 
delight  in  reflecting  that  he  himself  dwelt  in  the  midst  of 
pleasures;  while  he  saw  that  the  barbarian,  if  he  would  live  free 
from  trouble,  must  collect  together  from  the  ends  of  the  earth 
objects  to  please  him.  5.  It  delighted  him  also,  that  he  knew 
he  was  able  to  submit  without  uneasiness  to  the  dispensations 
of  the  gods,  whilst  he  saw  the  king  avoiding  the  heat,  and 
shrinking  from  the  cold  ;  imitating,  through  weakness  of  mind, 
the  life,  not  of  brave  men,  but  of  the  most  helpless  animals. 

6.  How,  also,  can  it  be  otherwise  than  honourable  to  him, 
and  a  proof  of  nobleness  of  mind,  that  he  himself  adorned  his 
own  house  with  the  actions  and  possessions  of  a  man,  rearing 
numbers  of  dogs  for  hunting  and  horses  for  war,  while  he 
persuaded  his  sister  Cynisca  to  breed  chariot-horses,  and 
thus  showed,  when  she  gained  a  victory,  that  the  breeding  of 
such  animals  was  a  proof,  not  of  manly  desert,  but  of  wealth. 

7.  Did  he  not  also  show  clearly,  in  conformity  with  the  noble- 
ness of  his  disposition,  that  if  he  conquered  private  persons  in  a 
chariot-race,  he  would  not  be  at  all  more  worthy  of  honour  ; 
but  that  if  he  regarded  his  country  as  the  dearest  of  all  objects, 
and  acquired  friends  in  the  greatest  number  and  of  the  high- 
est merit  through  the  whole  earth,  and  surpassed  other  men 
in  conferring  benefits  on  his  country  and  on  his  friends,  and 
in  taking  vengeance  on  his  enemies,  he  would,  in  reality, 
carry  off  the  palm  in  contests  of  the  most  honourable  and 
noble  character,  and  would  become  most  celebrated,  both 
while  living  and  when  dead  ? 


38  EULOGY   OF    AGKSILAUS.  J  CH.    10. 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  glory  of  Agesilaus  vas  due,  not  to  fortune,  but  to  his  own  abilities  and 
exertions.  He  is  an  example  to  all  who  would  wish  to  deserve  fame  and 
honour.     Happiness  of  his  life  and  death. 

1 .  It  is  for  such  merits,  then,  that  I  praise  Agesilaus ;  for 
this  conduct  of  his  is  not  as  if  a  man  should  meet  with  a 
treasure,1  and  should  become  indeed  richer,  but  not  more 
economical ;  or  as  if  a  man  should  conquer  his  enemies  when 
disease  has  fallen  on  them,  and  should  thus  be  more  fortunate, 
but  not  at  all  more  of  a  general ;  but  he  who  was  most  dis- 
tinguished for  perseverance  when  it  was  a  proper  time  for 
labour,  and  for  the  exertion  of  his  bodily  powers  when  there 
was  emulation  in  manly  activity,  and  for  judgment  when 
there  was  need  of  counsel,  appears  to  me,  assuredly,  to  be  justly 
esteemed  a  man  of  truly  eminent  merit.  2.  And  if  the  line 
and  rule  are  an  excellent  invention  for  men,  to  assist  them  in 
producing  meritorious  works,  the  virtue  of  Agesilaus  would 
seem  to  me  to  furnish  a  good  example  for  those  who  wish  to 
pursue  an  honourable  course  of  conduct.  For  who,  while  im- 
itating a  pious  man,  would  become  impious,  or  while  imitating 
a  just  man,  unjust,  or  while  imitating  a  modest  man,  pre- 
sumptuous, or  while  imitating  a  continent  man,  incontinent  ? 
Agesilaus,  indeed,  did  not  feel,  so  much  exalted  in  ruling 
others  as  in  ruling  himself ;  not  so  much  in  leading  his  fellow- 
citizens  against  their  enemies,  as  in  leading  them  to  every 
kind  of  virtue.  3.  Nor,  because  he  is  praised  now  that  he  is 
dead,  let  not  any  one  for  that  reason  consider  this  discourse 
as  a  lamentation,  but  much  rather  as  a  eulogium  ;  for  in  the 
first  place,  that  which  he  heard  while  he  lived  2  is  said  con- 
cerning him  now;  and,  in  the  second  place,  what  has  less  call 
for  lamentation  than  a  life  of  glory  and  a  death  at  mature 
age?     or  what  is  more  deserving  of   eulogy  than  victories 

1  Agesilaus  did  not  become  great  and  famous  by  chance  cr  good  luck, 
as  a  man  becomes  rich  by  accidentally  finding  a  treasure,  or  as  a  general 
gains  a  victory  by  attacking  the  enemy  when  weakened  by  disease,  but 
gained  all  his  distinction  by  virtuous  and  honourable  exertion.  Brtiien* 
bach. 

9  Namely,  praise,  not  lamentation.     Breitenbach 


§  4.]  PARTICULARS   IN    HIS    CHARACTER.  39 

of  the  greatest  splendour  and  actions  of  the  highest  worth  ? 
4.  Justly  may  he  be  esteemed  happy,  who,  feeling  a  desire  of 
becoming  distinguished  even  from  his  very  childhood,  suc- 
ceeded in  his  object  beyond  all  his  contemporaries  ;  who,  being 
naturally  a  lover  of  glory,  continued  unconquered  after  he  be- 
came king ;  and  who,  having  reached  the  utmost  limit  of 
human  life,  died  free  from  blame1  alike  in  the  judgment  oi 
those  whom  he  commanded,  and  in  that  of  those  against  whom 
he  fought. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Various  particulars  respecting  the  character  and  acts  of  Agesilaus. 

i.  I  wish  also  to  go  over  his  merit  again  under  particular 
heads,2  that  the  praises  of  it  may  be  more  easily  remembered. 

Agesilaus  respected  temples,  even  such  as  were  situated  in 
the  territory  of  an  enemy  ;  thinking  that  it  was  proper  to 
make  the  gods  allies,  not  less  in  a  hostile  than  in  a  friendly 
country.  He  offered  no  violence  to  suppliants  at  the  altars 
of  the  gods,  even  though  they  were  his  enemies  ;  thinking  that 
it  was  absurd  to  call  those  who  stole  horn  temples  sacrilegious, 
and  to  regard  those  who  dragged  suppliants  from  the  altars  of 
the  gods  as  pious.  2.  He  never  ceased  declaring  that  he 
thought  the  gods  were  no  less  pleased  with  pious  works  than 
with  pure  sacrifices.  When  he  was  successful  in  any  enter- 
prise, he  did  not  exult  more  than  becomes  human  beings,  but 
testified  his  gratitude  to  the  gods  ;  and  when  he  was  full  of 
confidence,3  he  offered  up  more  sacrifices  than  he  made  vows 
when  he  was  under  apprehension.  He  had  accustomed  him- 
self also  to  appear  cheerful  when  he  was  in  fear,  and,  when  he 
was  fortunate,  to  assume  a  modest  demeanour.  3.  Of  his 
friends  he  welcomed  most  heartily,  not  those  who  were  most 
powerful,  but  those  who  were  warmest  in  affection  towards 

1  'AvafiaprriTOQ.]  Having  done  nothing  to  deserve  censure  ;  free  from 
any  gross  fault  or  error. 

2  Concerning  the  contents  of  this  chapter,  see  the  "  Remarks  "  prefixed. 
*  After  having  met  with  some  success.     Breitenbach 


40  KULOGY   OF   AGESILAUS.  [CH.    11. 

him.  He  hated,  not  the  man  who  defended  himself  when  he 
received  an  injury,  but  him  who,  when  he  received  a  kind- 
ness, showed  himself  ungraterul.  He  delighted  in  seeing  those 
who  were  greedy  of  dishonourable  gains  become  poor,  and  in 
assisting  the  honest  to  become  wealthy  ;  wishing  to  make 
justice  more  profitable  than  injustice.  4.  He  made  it  his  busi- 
ness to  converse  with  all  classes  of  men,  but  to  form  inti- 
macies only  with  the  good.  When  he  heard  men  praise  or 
blame  others,  he  thought  that  he  could  learn  the  character  of 
those  speaking  no  less  than  that  of  those  concerning  whom 
they  spoke.  Those  who  were  deceived  by  friends  he  did  not 
blame,  but  those  who  were  deceived  by  enemies  he  censured 
in  the  utmost  degree  ;  and  he  considered  that  to  deceive  those 
who  distrusted  was  wise,  but  to  deceive  those  who  trusted, 
criminal.  5.  He  rejoiced  at  being  praised  by  those  who  were 
ready  to  blame  what  did  not  please  them  ;  he  disliked  none 
of  those  who  expressed  their  thoughts  openly,  but  guarded 
against  those  who  concealed  their  thoughts,  as  against  snares. 
He  hated  slanderers  more  than  thieves,  considering  it  a 
greater  loss  to  be  deprived  of  friends  than  of  money.  6.  The 
errors  of  private  persons  he  regarded  with  indulgence, 
but  thought  those  of  sovereigns  of  great  consequence  ;  con- 
sidering that  the  former  were  the  cause  of  few  evils,  the  lattei 
of  many.  He  was  of  opinion,  not  that  indolence,  but  that 
virtuous  and  honourable  activity,  was  suitable  to  the  dignity 
of  a  king.  7.  He  forbore  from  having  a  statue  of  himself  erected, 
though  many  wished  to  make  him  a  present  of  one;  but  he 
never  ceased  labouring  to  raise  monuments  of  his  mind  ; 
considering  that  the  one  was  the  business  of  artists,  the  other 
his  own  ;  the  one  that  of  the  wealthy,  the  other  that  of  the 
good. 

8.  He  managed  pecuniary  matters,  not  merely  with  justice, 
but  with  liberality  also,  thinking  that  to  abstain  from  other 
men's  property  was  enough  for  a  just  man,  but  that  a  liberal- 
minded  man  ought  to  assist  others  even  with  his  own  resources. 
He  lived  always  in  awe  of  the  gods,  considering  that  those  who 
live  well  are  not  yet  happy,  but  that  those  who  have  died 
gloriously  are  already  blessed.1  9.  He  thought  it  a  greater 
calamity  to  neglect  what  was  good  knowingly,  than  ignor- 
antly.  He  valued  no  glory,  unless  he  gained  by  labour  that 
1  In  allusion  to  the  saying  of  Solon  to  Croesus,  Herod,  i.  34. 


§    10 — 15.]        PARTICULARS    IN    HIS    CHARACTER.  41 

which  constituted  it ; *  and  he  appeared  to  me  to  regard  virtue, 
in  common  with  few  other  men,  not  as  endurance,  but  as 
pleasure.  He  certainly  rejoiced  in  being  praised  rather  than 
in  acquiring  wealth.  He  exhibited  his  valour  more  in  con- 
junction with,  prudence  than  with  temerity  ;  and  he  cultivated 
wisdom  in  deeds  more  than  in  words.  10.  While  he  was  most 
gentle  to  his  friends,  he  was  most  terrible  to  his  enemies  ; 
while  he  rivalled  all  in  enduring  toils,  he  gladly  yielded  the 
palm  in  exertion  to  his  friends,  loving  handsome  deeds  more 
than  handsome  persons  ;  and  while  he  knew  how  to  be  moder- 
ate in  prosperity,  he  could  maintain  a  bold  spirit  in  adversity. 
11.  He  studied  to  please,  not  with  jests,  but  in  his  general  be- 
haviour ;  and  testified  his  magnanimity,  not  with  haughtiness, 
but  with  judicious  forbearance  ;  while  he  contemned  boasters, 
he  was  more  humble  than  even  the  modest.  He  took  a  pride 
in  the  plainness  of  his  own  dress,  and  in  the  splendid  equip- 
ments of  his  army,  as  well  as  in  wanting  as  little  as  possible 
himself,  and  in  conferring  as  many  benefits  as  possible  on  his 
friends.  12.  He  was  also  most  terrible  as  an  opponent,  but 
most  gentle  when  he  had  conquered  ;  hard  to  be  deceived  by 
enemies,  but  most  easy  to  be  prevailed  upon  by  friends  ;  and 
while  he  put  the  fortunes  of  his  adherents  in  safety,  he  made 
it  his  constant  business  to  weaken  those  of  his  adversaries. 
13.  His  relations  called  him  a  lover  of  his  family  ;  his  familiar 
friends,  a  friend  free  from  evasion  ;  and  they  who  had  done  him 
any  service,  called  him  mindful  ;  those  who  were  wronged, 
a  helper  ;  those  who  were  in  dangers  with  him,  a  preserver 
next  to  the  gods. 

14.  He  seems  to  me  also  to  be  the  only  one  of  mankind  that 
showed  that  vigour  of  body  decays  with  age,  but  that  vigour 
of  mind  in  able  men  is  free  from  decay.  He  himself,  at  least, 
never  failed  to  aim  at  high  and  honourable  distinction,  even 
though  the  body  could  not  support  the  exertion  of  the  mind. 
15.  What  kind  of  youth,  accordingly,  is  there  to  which  his  old 
age  did  not  show  itself  superior  ?  for  who  in  his  maturity  was 
so  formidable  to  his  enemies  as  Agesilaus  was  when  he  had 
reached  the  extreme  boundary  of  life  ?  or  at  whose  removal 
did  his  enemies  rejoice  more  than  at  that  of  Agesilaus, 
although  he  died  an  old  man  ?  or  who  inspired  so  much  courage 

1  7Rc  ovk  i^iirovii  to.  Uia.]  Cvjus  quae  p'-pria  essent  now  labor e  ai 
ittidio  acqnireret.    Breitenbach. 


42  EULOGTf    OF    AGESILAUS.  [CH.  11. 

into  his  allies  as  Agesilaus  did,  although  he  was  now  at  the 
end  of  his  career  ? l  or  what  young  man  did  his  friends  regret 
more  than  Agesilaus,  when  he  died  at  an  extreme  age  ?  16.  But 
he  continued  to  be  of  such  constant  service  to  the  state,  that, 
even  when  dead,  he  was  carried  to  his  eternal  home  2  while 
still  munificently  benefiting  his  country,  3  leaving  memorials 
of  his  merit  in  every  part  of  the  earth,  and  obtaining  the 
funeral  of  a  king  in  his  own  land. 

1  Upbg  riji  arofiaTi  tov  (3'lov.]  "  At  the  mouth  of  life,"  an  expression 
applied  to  the  termination  of  life,  which  is  often  compared  to  the  course  of 
a  river.     Breitenbach. 

8  A  term  borrowed  from  the  Egyptians,  who  called  the  tombs  of  the 
dead  didioi  oIkoi.  Diod.  Sic.  i.  51. 

3  In  reference,  as  Schneider  thinks,  to  the  money  that  was  brought  to 
Sparta  with  the  dead  body  of  Agesilaus.     See  c.  2,  aecu  31. 


REMARKS  ON  THE  HIERO. 


The  visit  of  Simonides  of  Ceos  to  Hiero,  at  an  advanced  age,  is 
related  by  iElian,  Var.  Hist.  ix.  1. 

The  Hiero  here  mentioned  is  not  Hiero  II.,  so  much  celebrated 
as  the  friend  and  ally  of  the  Romans,  but  Hiero  I.,  who  began  to 
reign  b.  c.  478.  He  succeeded  his  brother  Gelon,  whose  govern- 
ment had  been  extremely  mild  and  popular ;  that  of  Hiero  was 
of  a  far  more  severe  and  despotic  character.  From  the  admonitions 
that  Xenophon  puts  into  the  mouth  of  Simonides,  it  may  be  infer- 
red that  there  was  in  Hiero's  conduct  towards  his  subjects,  and  in 
his  ostentatious  magnificence,  much  that  was  generally  regarded  with 
disapprobation.  But  from  the  praises  bestowed  on  him  by  Pindar, 
and  the  attractions  which  his  court  presented,  not  only  to  him,  but 
to  iEschylus,  Bacchylides,  Epicharmus,  Xenophanes,  and  other  men 
of  eminence,  we  may  suppose  that  he  had  some  considerable  merits, 
not  only  as  a  patron,  but  as  a  man. 

The  voyage  of  Simonides  to  Syracuse  is  placed  by  Schneider  in 
the  year  b.  c.  471,  the  seventh  year  of  Hiero's  reign,  when  Simo- 
nides was  more  than  eighty  years  old.  Hiero  died  five  years  after- 
wards. Simonides  continued  with  him  till  his  death,  and  died  in 
Sicily,  about  the  age  of  ninety. 

To  the  discourses  of  Simonides  with  Hiero,  there  are  allusions 
in  Plato's  Epistle  to  Dionysius  (Epist.  ii.) ;  and  in  Aristotle's 
Rhetoric,  ii.  16. 


HIERO: 

A  DIALOGUE  ON  THE  CONDITION  OF  ROYALTY, 

BETWEjiX 

KIERO,  KING  OF  SYRACUSE,  AND  SIMONIDES  THE  POET. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Hiero  observes  that  private  individuals  enjoy  more  gratifications  from  the 
senses  than  sovereigns ;  that  they  are  more  at  liberty  to  seek  objects  of 
curiosity  or  pleasure,  as  well  in  foreign  countries  as  in  their  own ;  that 
their  ears  are  delighted  with  more  sincere  praise  than  those  of  kings ;  that 
their  appetites  are  less  satiated  with  dainties  ;  that  the  odours  with  which 
kings  are  perfumed  please  the  sense  of  others  rather  than  their  own  ;  and 
that  kings  have  the  disadvantage  even  in  affairs  of  love. 

i.  The  poet  Simonides  came  once  on  a  visit  to  the  court  of 
Hiero.  When  they  were  both  at  leisure,  Simonides  said, 
"  Would  you  consent  to  tell  me  some  things  which  it  is  prob- 
able that  you  know  better  than  I  ?  " 

"  And  of  what  nature  are  those  things,"  said  Hiero,  "  which 
I  can  be  expected  to  know  better  than  you,  who  are  so  wise 


a  man 


?  » 


2.  "  I  know,"  said  Simonides,  "that  you  have  been  in  a  pri- 
vate station,  and  that  you  are  now  a  prince.  It  is  natural, 
therefore,  since  you  have  had  experience  of  both  conditions, 
that  you  should  know  better  than  I,  in  what  respects  the  life 
of  a  king  and  that  of  a  private  man  differ,  with  reference  to  the 
pleasures  or  pains  usually  attendant  on  mankind." 

3.  "  Well,  then,"  said  Hiero,  "  why  should  not  you,  as  you  are 
still,  for  the  present  at  least,  in  a  private  station,  recall  to  my 
memory  the  peculiarities  of  private  life  ?  for  by  that  mean3  I 


§    4 9.]  DISADVANTAGES    OF    ROYALTY.  45 

think  that  I  shall  be  best  enabled  to  set  before  you  the  distinct- 
ive qualities  of  each  condition." 

4.  Simonides  accordingly  said,  "  I  think  that  I  have  observed, 
Hiero,  that  men  in  private  life  are  affected  with  pleasure  and 
pain  through  their  eyes,  by  objects  which  they  see  ;  through 
their  ears,  by  sounds  which  they  hear ;  through  the  nose,  by 
odours  ;  through  the  mouth,  by  meats  and  drinks  ;  and 
through  other  bodily  senses,  by  means  which  every  one  knows. 
5.  As  to  cold  and  warm,  hard  and  soft,  light  and  heavy 
objects,  it  seems  to  me  that,  in  distinguishing  them,  we  receive 
agreeable  or  painful  impressions  in  all  parts  of  our  bodies 
alike.  But  by  good  and  evil,  we  appear  to  be  delighted  or 
offended  sometimes  through  the  mind  alone,  and  sometimes 
through  the  mind  and  body  in  conjunction.  6.  That  we  re- 
ceive pleasure  from  sleep,  I  seem  to  myself  to  be  conscious  ; 
but  how,  and  in  what  part  of  us,  and  at  what  time,1  I  feel 
myself  rather  at  a  loss  to  understand  ;  nor  ought  this  perhaps 
to  seem  surprising,  since  what  affects  us  when  we  are  awake 
makes  clearer  impressions  upon  our  senses  than  that  which 
influences  us  during  sleep." 

7.  To  these  observations  Hiero  replied,  "  For  my  part, 
Simonides,  1  should  be  quite  unable  to  tell  how  a  king  can 
have  any  other  perceptions  besides  those  which  you  have 
mentioned.  Accordingly,  as  far  as  these  points  are  concerned 
I  know  not  whether  the  life  of  a  king  differs  in  any  respect 
from  that  of  a  private  person." 

s.  "  Yet  in  these  particulars,"  said  Simonides,  "there  would 
be  a  difference,2  if  the  king  is  pleased  by  each  of  these  means 
as  much  as  the  private  person,  and  has  far  fewer  causes  of 
trouble." 

"  Such,  however,  is  not  the  case,"  said  Hiero;  "as  kings,  be 
well  assured,  experience  much  less  pleasure  than  persons 
living  in  a  middle  rank  of  life,  and  have  also  more  numerous 
and  considerable  sources  of  trouble." 

9.  "  What  you  say,"  rejoined  Simonides,  "is  incredible; 
for,  if  it  were  so,  why  should  many,  even  of  those  who  seem 

1  'O-rriot, — torivi — 07rors.]  In  what  manner,  in  -what  part  of  the  body, 
and  whether  wLen  falling  asleep  or  when  actually  asleep.     Schneider. 

2  I  read  dia<f>ipoi  av  with  Schneider,  Zeune,  and  Stobaeus.  Weiske  and 
Dindorf  have  oicupkpu. 


46  HIERO.  [CH. 1. 

to  be  most  sensible  l  persons,  be  desirous  of  reigning  ?     And 
why  should  everybody  envy'kings  ?  " 

10.  "  Because,  forsooth,"  replied  Hiero,  "  they  form  their 
opinions  upon  the  subject  without  having  had  experience  of 
both  conditions.  On  this  point  I  will  endeavour  to  convince 
you  that  I  speak  the  truth,  beginning  my  remarks  with  the 
sense  of  sight  ;  for  I  seem  to  have  a  recollection  that  it  was 
with  an  allusion  to  that  sense  that  you  commenced  your  obser1* 
ations  on  the  subject,  n.  Looking  in  the  first  place,  then, 
to  objects  that  fall  under  our  vision,  I  am  persuaded  that  kings 
have  the  disadvantage  in  that  respect.  In  different  countries 
there  are  different  objects  worthy  of  being  seen  ;  and  to  every 
one  of  these  private  persons  can  go,  and  also  to  whatever  cities 
they  please,  for  the  purpose  of  viewing  them  ;  as  well  as  to 
the  public  assemblies,  where  whatever  is  thought  most  worthy 
of  contemplation  among  mankind  appears  to  be  collected. 
12.  But  kings  cannot  occupy  themselves  much  with  spectacles; 
for  neither  is  it  safe  for  them  to  go  where  they  will  not  be 
stronger  than  those  around  them,  nor  have  they  their  affairs 
in  so  secure  a  condition  at  home,  that  they  can  intrust  the 
conduct  of  them  to  others,  and  go  abroad  ;  since  they  have  at 
once  to  dread  lest  they  be  deprived  of  their  sovereignty,  and 
lest  they  be  rendered  incapable  of  taking  vengeance  on  those 
who  have  wronged  them. 

13.  " « But  spectacles  of  this  kind,'  you  will  perhaps  tell  me, 
'are  presented  to  kings  even  while  they  remain  at  home.' 
Assuredly,  my  dear  Simonides,  only  few  out  of  many  ;  and 
these,  of  whatever  nature,  are  sold  at  so  high  a  price  to  kings, 
that  those  who  exhibit  before  them  anything  whatsoever,  think 
that  they  ought  to  be  dismissed  with  the  receipt  of  a  far  great- 
er reward  from  a  sovereign  for  a  short  time,  than  they  would 
gain  from  all  other  men  together  for  their  whole  life." 

14.  "  But,"  remarked  Simonides,  "  if  you  have  the  disad- 
vantage as  to  objects  of  sight,  you  have  at  least  the  superiority 
as  to  hearing ;  for  you  are  never  without  the  most  pleasing  of 

1  'iKavbJTaTcjv  6vSp(ov.~\     Sturz,  in  his  Lexicon,  takes  ikclvoq,  in  this 
passage,  in  the  sense  of  bonus,  probus,  peritus.  This  seems  to  be  a  better 
interpretation  than  Weiske's,  who  thinks  that  it  means  opibus  pollenes, 
in  opposition  to  oi  fierpiug  diayovrtg,  who  are  "Mentioned  a  little  abce. 
Schneiiler,  however,  follows  Weiske. 


§    15 — 19.]      KINGS    SATIATED    WITU    LUXURIES.  47 

all  sounds,  that  of  your  own  praise  ;  since  all  who  approach 
you  applaud  alike  whatever  you  say,  and  whatever  you  do; 
while  you  are  exempted  from  hearing  the  most  unpleasant  ot 
sounds,  that  of  censure,  as  no  one  ventures  to  reprove  a  king 
to  his  face." 

15.  "  But  what  pleasure,"  said  Hiero,  "do  you  think  those 
who  do  not  speak  ill  of  a  king  give  him,  when  he  is  well  aware 
that  all  of  them,  though  they  are  silent,  think  everything  that 
is  had  of  him  ?  Or  what  delight  do  you  suppose  his  encomi- 
ast's afford,  when  they  are  suspected  of  offering  their  praises 
for  the  purpose  of  flattering  ?  " 

16.  "  This,"  said  Simonides,  "I  certainly  admit,  that  the 
most  agreeable  of  praises  are  those  which  proceed  from  men 
of  the  most  independent  spirit.1  But  (as  you  see)2  with  regard 
to  the  food  on  which  we  human  beings  are  supported,  you  will 
never  persuade  a  single  individual  in  the  whole  world,  that 
you  do  not  derive  from  it  far  more  pleasure  than  other  men  " 

17.  "I  know  very  well,  Simonides,"  he  replied,  "that  the 
greater  part  of  mankind  consider  that  we  eat  and  drink  with 
more  pleasure  than  private  individuals  ;  and  for  this  reason, 
that  they  think  they  themselves  would  partake  with  greater 
relish  of  the  entertainment  which  is  set  before  us,  than  of  that 
which  is  set  before  them  ;  for  whatever  exceeds  3  that  to  which 
we  are  accustomed  affords  gratification.  18.  On  this  account, 
all  mankind  look  forward  with  pleasure  to  festival  days, 
except  kings ;  for  their  tables,  being  always  supplied  with 
abundance,  admit  of  no  addition  on  festive  occasions  ;  so  that, 
first  of  all,  in  the  pleasure  derived  from  anticipation  they  are 
decidedly  inferior  to  private  individuals.  19.  And  in  the  next 
place,"  continued  he,  "  I  am  sure  that  you  are  very  well  aware 
of  this  fact,  that  the  more  dishes  a  man  has  on  his  table  be- 
yond what  is  sufficient,  the  sooner  satiety  in  eating  comes  upon 
him  ;  so  that,  with  regard  to  the  duration  of  this  pleasure,  he 

1  Agesilaus  used  to  say,  that  he  was  best  pleased  with  the  praises  oi 
those  who  would  have  blamed  him  with  equal  freedom  if  he  had  acted 
improperly.     See  Ages.  c.  11,  sect.  5. 

2  'Oppc.]  Zeune  and  Schneider  suspect  that  this  word  is  a  corruption 
of  aoa  ov. 

3  To  vTckpfiaXkov,']  This  reading  of  Dindorfs  is  infinitely  preferable  tf 
iirtpfidWeiv,  which  Zeune  and  Schneider  have  adopted  from  Athena:u! 


48  HIERO.  [CH.   1. 

who  is  served  with  profusion  is  in  a  worse  condition  than  those 
who  live  in  a  more  moderate  style.'* 

20.  "Yet  assuredly,"  said  Simonides,  "during  the  time  that 
the  appetite  requires  food,  those  who  feed  on  the  more  sumptu- 
ous dishes  must  experience  greater  gratification  than  those 
who  provide  themselves  with  less  expensive  meats." 

21.  "Do  you  not  think  then,  Simonides,"  said  Hiero,  "  that 
he  who  is  most  pleased  with  any  object  attaches  himself  to 
that  object  with  the  most  fondness  ?  " 

"  Certainly,"  replied  Simonides. 

"  Do  you  then  see  princes  come  with  greater  pleasure 
to  the  food  which  is  prepared  for  them  than  private  individuals 
to  theirs  ?  " 

"  Certainly  not,"  replied  Simonides,  "  very  far  from  it ;  on 
the  contrary,  they  sit  down  to  it  with  less  pleasure,  as  many 
seem  to  have  been  of  opinion." 

22.  "  Have  you  not  observed  also,"  asked  Hiero,  "  those 
numerous  artificial  stimulants  to  the  appetite  which  are  set  on 
the  tables  of  princes,  acid,  hot,  pungent  sauces,  and  things 
of  a  similar  nature  ?  " 

"  Certainly,"  replied  Simonides,  "  and  such  things  appear 
to  me  to  be  quite  unnatural  to  man." 

23.  "  Do  you  think,  then,"  said  Hiero,  "  that  such  kinds  of 
food  are  anything  else  but  excitements  to  an  appetite  ren- 
dered languid  and  weak  with  delicacies  ?  For,  for  my  own 
part,  I  know  very  well,  and  you  doubtless  know  also,  that 
those  who  eat  with  a  good  appetite  want  no  such  artificial 
appliances  ?" 

24.  "  As  to  those  expensive  perfumes,  indeed,"  said  Simoni- 
des, "  with  which  you  anoint  yourselves.  I  consider  that  those 
who  approach  you  have  more  enjoyment  from  you  than  you 
yourselves  have ;  as  with  regard  also  to  unpleasant  odours,  it 
is  not  he  that  has  eaten  of  anything  offensive  that  perceives  it, 
but  rather  those  who  come  near  him." 

25.  "  So  too,"  said  Hiero,  "  he  who  has  always  all  sorts  of 
dainties  before  him  partakes  of  none  of  them  with  an  appetite ; 
while  he  who  rarely  meets  with  any  delicacy  eats  of  it  to  the 
full,  whenever  it  comes  before  him,  with  a  keen  relish." 

26.  •'  The  pleasures   of  love,  then,"  continued   Simonides, 
"seem  to  be  the  only  objects  that  can  excite  in  you  the  desire 


§    27 — 33.]  KINGS    SELDOM    TRULY    LOVED.  49 

of  reigning ;  for  in  this  respect  it  is  in  your  power  to  attach 
yourselves  to  whatever  object  you  find  eminently  beautiful." 

27.  "  You  have  now,  be  assured,"  returned  Hiero,  "mention- 
ed that  in  which  we  are  in  a  far  inferior  condition  to  private 
persons;  for,  in  the  first  place,  that  sort  of  marriage  is  regarded 
as  honourable  which  is  contracted  with  our  superiors  in  wealth 
and  influence,  and  is  thought  to  confer  a  certain  distinction,  as 
well  as  pleasure,  on  him  who  forms  the  connexion  :  in  the 
next  place  to  this,  is  a  marriage  of  an  equal  with  an  equal ; 
but  an  alliance  contracted  with  inferiors  is  considered  alto- 
gether dishonourable  and  pernicious.  28.  A  prince,  however, 
unless  he  man*v  a  foreign  woman,  must  necessarily  marry 
from  an  inferior  family ;  so  that  the  object  of  his  love  does 
not  always  fall  to  his  lot.  Again,  the  attentions  paid  to 
princes  by  women  proud  of  their  nobility  gratify  them  most; 
but  as  to  those  that  proceed  from  slaves,  they  are,  if  offered, 
received  with  no  pleasure,  and,  if  at  all  neglected,  the  neglect 
excites  violent  anger  and  ill-feeling.  29.  But  even  in  regard 
to  male  objects  of  affection,  the  king,  as  to  the  pleasure  to  be 
derived  from  them,  labours  under  still  greater  disadvantage 
than  in  connexions  from  which  an  offspring  is  expected;  for  that 
it  is  when  sexual  unions  are  attended  with  love  that  they 
afford  the  highest  pleasure,  we  all  assuredly  know ;  but  love 
is  usually  excited  in  a  king  less  than  in  any  other  person, 
since  love  delights  in  pursuing,  not  that  which  is  always  ready, 
but  that  which  is  still  an  object  of  hope.  30.  As  a  person, 
therefore,  would  have  no  enjoyment  in  drinking,  if  he  had  not 
previously  known  thirst,  so  he  who  is  unacquainted  with  the 
longings  of  love  has  no  experience  of  the  most  ravishing 
pleasures." 

31.  Such  was  the  opinion  that  Hiero  expressed.  But 
S-imonides,  with  a  smile,  replied,  "What  say  you,  Hiero?  Do 
you  intimate  that  no  desire  for  male  objects  of  affection  arises 
in  a  king  ?  How  is  it,  then,  that  you  have  such  love  foi 
Dailochus,  who  is  called  the  most  beautiful  of  youths  ?  " 

32.  "  It  is  not  assuredly,  my  dear  Simonides,"  replied  Hiero, 
"  because  I  am  so  eager  to  obtain  from  him  that  which  appears 
to  be  always  ready  for  me,  but  because  I  long  to  effect  that 
which  is  least  of  all  in  the  power  of  a  king.  33.  For  I  indeed 
desire  to  have  from  Dailochus  what  human  nature  perhaps 
compels  every  one  to  desire  from  beautiful  objects  ;  but  what 

VOL.  III.  B 


50  HIERO.  [CH.    2. 

I  desire  to  have  I  wish  to  obtain  with  mutual  affection  and 
willingness,  and  to  extort  from  him  by  force  I  feel  less  inclin- 
ation than  I  should  feel  to  do  an  injury  to  my  own  person. 
34.  To  take  from  enemies  against  their  will,  I  consider  to  be 
one  of  the  highest  gratifications;  but  favours  from  objects  of 
affection  give  us  most  pleasure  when  they  bestow  them  volun- 
tarily. 35.  From  one  who  returns  our  affection,  glances  of  the 
eye,  for  instance,  are  pleasing,  questions  are  pleasing,  answers 
are  pleasing,  and  little  contentions  and  resentments  are  the  most 
pleasing  and  fascinating  of  all.  36.  But  to  enjoy  objects  of  our 
affection  by  force  appears  to  be  more  like  the  act  of  a  robber 
than  that  of  a  lover.  To  a  robber,  indeed,  the  prospect  of  gain, 
or  the  annoyance  of  an  enemy,  affords  some  gratification  ;  but 
to  snatch  pleasure  from  an  object  of  our  desire,  while  that  object 
is  suffering  pain,  to  incur  hatred  by  the  advances  of  love,  and 
to  lay  hands  on  one  that  resents  the  familiarity,  can  such 
conduct  be  regarded  as  otherwise  than  odious  and  contempt- 
ible ?  37.  To  a  private  individual,  if  the  object  of  his  affec- 
tion offers  him  a  favour,  it  is  at  once  a  proof  that  that  object 
bestows  the  favour  through  love,  since  he  knows  that  the 
favour  is  conferred  without  any  impulse  from  necessity.  38. 
But  as  to  a  king,  it  is  hardly  ever  possible  for  him  to  believe 
that  he  is  loved  ;  for  we  know  that  those  who  submit  to  our 
pleasure  through  fear,  assimilate  their  manner,  as  much  as 
they  can,  to  that  of  those  who  comply  with  our  wishes  from 
love ;  and  indeed  there  are  none  from  whom  conspiracies 
against  kings  proceed  more  frequently  than  from  those  who 
have  affected  to  love  them  with  the  greatest  sincerity." 


CHAPTER  II. 


Simonides  observes  that  the  gratifications  derived  from  the  senses  are  com- 
paratively small,  and  mentions  greater  things  in  which  sovereigns  have 
the  advantage.  Hiero  endeavours  to  prove  that  sovereignty  is  but  splendid 
misery,  being  deprived  of  many  enjoyments,  and  experiencing  many  in- 
conveniences and  troubles.  Kings  are  threatened  by  enemies  at  home 
and  abroad ;  they  suffer  all  the  vexations  of  war  in  common  with  free 
6tates,  but  enjoy  fewer  advantages  from  it. 

l.  To  these  remarks  Simonides  replied,  "  But  the  matters 
which  you  mention  appear  to  me  to  be  but  of  very  small  weight ; 


§    2—9.]  SPLENDOUR    OF    ROYALTY    DELUSIVE.  51 

for  I  observe  that  many  of  those  who  are  esteemed  as  manlv 
characters  are  far  more  moderate  than  other  persons  in  regard 
to  food,  and  drink,  and  sauces,  and  abstain  altogether  from 
the  pleasures  of  love.  2.  But  you  have  certainly  a  great  ad- 
vantage over  private  persons  in  the  following  respects :  that 
you  conceive  great  projects,  and  soon  carry  them  into  ex- 
ecution ;  that  you  have  everything  excellent  in  the  greatest 
abundance,  and  possess  horses  distinguished  for  spirit,  arms 
remarkable  for  beauty,  ornaments  of  the  highest  value  for 
your  wives,  palaces  of  the  greatest  magnificence,  adorned  with 
fu  niture  of  the  highest  cost ;  that  you  have  attendants 
extremely  numerous,  and  of  the  greatest  expertness;  and  that 
you  are  in  the  best  condition  to  do  harm  to  your  enemies,  and 
good  to  your  friends." 

3.  Upon  this  Hiero  observed,  "  That  the  greater  part  of  man- 
kind are  deluded  by  the  splendour  of  royalty,  I  am  not  at  all 
surprised  ;  for  the  multitude  appear  to  me  to  judge  of  people 
as  happy  or  miserable  principally  from  what  they  see.  4.  And 
royalty  exhibits  to  the  world  conspicuously,  and  unfolded  fully 
to  the  view,  those  objects  which  are  esteemed  of  the  highest 
value  ;  while  it  keeps  the  troubles  of  kings  concealed  in  the  in- 
most recesses  of  the  soul,  where  both  the  happiness  and  the  misery 
of  mankind  reside.  5.  That  the  multitude,  therefore,  as  I 
said,  should  be  deceived  as  to  this  point,  I  do  not  at  all  wonder; 
but  that  you,  who  appear  to  form  your  judgment  of  most 
things  rather  from  reflection  than  by  the  eye,  should  labour 
under  the  same  ignorance,  seems  to  me  quite  astonishing. 
6.  For  my  own  part,  I  know  from  experience  extremely  well, 
and  I  assure  you,  Simonides,  that  kings  have  the  smallest 
share  of  the  greatest  enjoyments,  and  the  largest  share  of  the 
greatest  of  evils.  1.  For  example,  if  peace  is  thought  to  be 
a  great  good  to  mankind,  kings  have  the  least  participation  of 
it ;  if  war  is  deemed  a  great  evil,  kings  have  the  greatest 
part  of  it.  s.  Private  individuals,  if  their  country  is  not  en- 
gaged in  a  public  war,  have  full  liberty  to  travel  wherever 
they  please,  without  the  least  fear  that  any  one  will  put  them 
to  death;  but  all  kings  travel  everywhere  as  in  an  enemy's 
country ;  at  least  they  think  it  necessary  to  go  armed  them- 
selves, and  to  surround  their  persons  perpetually  with  armed 
men.  9.  Again,  private  individuals,  if  they  go  to  make  war 
in  an  enemy's  country,  still  find,  as  soon  as  they  return  home 

E  "2 


52  HIERO.  [CH.    2.. 

that  there  is  safety  for  them  there ;  but  kings,  when  they 
come  to  their  own  capitals,  are  conscious  that  they  are  then 
in  the  midst  of  the  greatest  number  of  enemies.  10.  Or,  if 
an  enemy  come  against  a  city  in  superior  numbers,  the 
weaker  party,  as  long  as  they  are  without  the  walls,  will  in 
deed  seem  to  be  in  danger,  but  when  they  have  withdrawn 
into  the  fortifications,  will  consider  that  they  are  all  in  safety; 
but  a  king  is  not  in  security  even  when  lie  has  retired  into  his 
own  palace,  but  finds  that  he  has  then  the  greatest  cause  to 
be  upon  his  guard.  11.  Private  persons,  too,  during  a  truce 
or  a  settled  peace,  enjoy  cessation  from  the  troubles  of  war  ; 
but  kings  are  never  at  peace  with  those  whom  they  hold  in 
subjection  ;  nor  can  a  king  ever  place  full  reliance  on  treaties. 
12.  "Again,  there  are  wars  in  which  free  states  are  engaged 
with  one  another,  and  wars  which  kings  carry  on  against 
people  whom  they  have  forced  into  subjection.  Of  these  wars, 
whatever  inconveniences  those  between  free  states  occasion, 
the  same  inconveniences  also  a  king  experiences  in  his;  13 
for  both  the  one  and  the  other  are  obliged  to  be  constantly  in 
arms,  to  be  upon  guard,  and  to  expose  themselves  to  dangers  ; 
and  both,  if  they  meet  with  any  disaster  from  defeat,  are 
equally  doomed  to  suffer  from  it.  14.  Thus  far,  both  kinds 
of  wars  are  on  an  equality  ;  but  of  the  advantages  with  which 
those  are  attended  that  are  carried  on  by  free  states  against 
i'ree  states,  the  king  has  never  any  share.  15.  For  when  the 
inhabitants  of  a  free  city  have  overcome  the  enemy  in  the 
field,  it  is  not  easy  to  express  the  pleasure  which  they  feel  in 
putting  their  opponents  to  flight,  as  well  as  in  pursuing  and 
making  havoc  of  them;  how  much  they  glory  in  such  an 
exploit;  what  splendid  distinctions  they  claim  for  themselves; 
and  how  they  exult  in  the  thought  that  they  have  augmented 
the  strength  of  their  commonwealth.  16.  Each  vindicates  to 
himself  some  share  in  the  honour  of  the  enterprise,  and  main- 
tains that  he  has  himself  killed  the  greatest  number  of  the 
enemy;  and  it  is  difficult  to  find  an  occasion  on  which  they  do 
not  exaggerate,  and  assume  that  they  have  killed  more  than 
were  really  left  dead ;  so  honourable  does  it  appear  to  them  to 
have  gained  a  complete  victory.  17.  But  as  for  a  king,  when 
he  suspects,  and  becomes  actually  convinced,  that  people  are 
forming  designs  against  him,  and  puts  them  to  death,  he  is» 
aware  that  he  will  not  by  that  means  increase  the  strength  of 


§     18.]  SOVEREIGNS    HAVE    FEW    FRIENDS.  53 

his  kingdom;  he  knows  that  he  shall  rule  over  fewer  subjects, 
and  cannot  feel  pleased,  much  less  elated,  at  what  he  has  done  j 
he  even  extenuates  his  act  as  far  as  he  can,  and  makes  an 
apology  for  his  conduct  by  alleging  that  he  has  done  nothing 
with  undue  severity;  so  far  from  honourable  do  such  proceed- 
ings appear  even  to  himself.  18.  And  when  those  whom  he 
dreaded  are  cut  off,  he  is  not  at  all  the  more  free  from  appre- 
hension,1 but  finds  that  he  must  keep  himself  still  more  on  his 
guard  than  before.  Such  warfare  is  a  king,  as  I  exemplify 
in  my  own  person,  perpetually  waging. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Sovereigns  have  few  real  friends ;  they  live  in  dread  of  their  own  relatives. 

i.  "  Consider,  moreover,  what  sort  of  friendships  kings 
enjoy.  But  let  us  reflect,  in  the  first  place,  how  great  a 
blessing  friendship  is  to  mankind;  2.  for  whoever  is  beloved  by 
others,  those  who  love  him  hail  his  coming  with  pleasure,  and 
take  delight  in  serving  him;  when  he  leaves  them,  they  are 
concerned  at  his  absence,  and  when  lie  returns,  they  welcome 
him  with  transport ;  they  rejoice  at  his  good  fortune,  and  if 
they  see  him  in  any  trouble,  are  ready  to  assist  him.  3.  Nor  is 
it  unknown  to  whole  communities  that  friendship  is  the  greatest 
and  most  valuable  of  blessings  to  mortals;  since  many  states 
allow  the  putting  of  adulterers  to  death,  alone  of  all  offenders, 
with  impunity;  and  evidently  for  this  reason,  that  they  regard 
them  as  destroyers  of  that  friendship  which  women  ought  to 
have  for  their  husbands.  4.  For  when  a  woman  has  been 
forced  into  a  breach  of  chastity  by  some  concurrence  of  cir- 
cumstances, her  husband  may  not  on  that  account  esteem  her 
the  less,  if  her  friendship  for  him  appear  to  continue  inviolate. 
5.  So  great  a  happiness  do  I  esteem  it  to  be  loved,  that  I 
really  fancy  every  blessing,  both  from  gods  and  men,  ready 
to  descend  spontaneously  upon  him  who  is  beloved.     6.   Yet 

1  Ohckv  n  fiaWov  tovtov  QappeT.]   I  consider,  with  Weiske,  that  'iveta 
ought  to  be  iuoerted,  though  Zeune  thinks  that  it  may  be  understood. 


54  hiero.  tcu.  4. 

of  this  so  valuable  a  good  kings  have  of  all  men  the  least 
share  ;  and  if  you  wish  to  be  convinced,  my  dear  Simonides, 
that  I  say  what  is  true,  attend  to  the  following  consideration. 
7.  "  The  finest  friendships  appear  to  be  those  of  parents  for 
children,  of  children  for  parents,  of  brothers  for  brothers,  of 
wives  for  husbands,  and  those  that  subsist  between  daily 
associates.  8.  If  you  reflect  on  the  subject,  then,  you  will  find 
that  it  i3  private  persons  who  are  most  sincerely  beloved  by 
their  connexions;  and  that  many  rulers  have  put  to  death  their 
own  children,  and  that  many  have  been  cut  off  by  the  hands 
of  their  own  offspring ;  that  many  brothers  have  killed  one 
another  in  contending  for  thrones;  and  that  many  sovereigns 
have  been  murdered  by  their  own  wives,  or  by  associates  who 
pretended  to  be  their  greatest  friends.  9.  How  is  it  possible, 
then,  to  imagine  that  those  who  are  thus  hated  by  such  as  are 
most  strongly  prompted  by  nature,  and  obliged  by  the  laws, 
to  love  them,  can  be  objects  of  affection  to  any  one  else  ? 


CHAPTER  IV. 

inability  to  trust  in  those  about  him  a  great  trouble  to  a  sovereign.  He  is 
not  protected  by  his  country  and  by  the  laws  like  a  private  individual, 
He  has  less  pleasure  in  his  wealth  than  those  of  an  inferior  condition  have 
in  theirs.  Kings  are  often  forced  to  rob  others,  or  to  be  in  want  them- 
selves. 

1.  "  Must  not  he  also  who  has  but  little  trust  in  others  feei 
himself  deprived  of  a  very  great  blessing?  For  what  society 
can  be  agreeable  without  mutual  confidence,  or  what  pleasing 
intercourse  can  there  be  without  such  confidence,  even  be- 
tween man  and  wife  ?  What  servant  in  our  family  can  give 
us  satisfaction  who  is  distrusted  ?  2.  But  of  this  reciprocal 
confidence  a  monarch  has  of  all  men  the  least  share,  since  he 
cannot  live  without  perpetual  distrust  of  every  sort  of  food  and 
drink,  however  exquisite,  that  is  set  before  him;  and  he  re- 
quires his  attendant,  even  before  he  makes  an  offering  to  the 
gods,  to  taste  of  it,  because  he  suspects  that  he  may  eat  or 
drink  something  poisonous  in  it. 

3    "To  other  men,  moreover,  their  country  is  of  the  highest 


§    4 — 8.]  KINGS    IttJST    llt\At.   OTHER    KINGS.  55 

value;  for  citizens  act  as  guards  to  one  another,  without 
stipend,  against  their  slaves,  an1  act  as  guards,  too,  to  one 
another  against  bad  characters,  in  order  that  no  one  of  their 
countrymen  may  Fall  by  a  violent  death.  4.  They  have  even 
gone  so  far  in  precaution,  that  many  states  have  made  a  law 
that  no  one  shall  be  accounted  guiltless  who  associates  with 
one  who  is  polluted  with  blood;  so  that  every  member  of  the 
state  lives  in  safety  under  the  protection  afforded  by  his 
Country.  5.  But  with  tyrants  l  the  very  reverse  is  the  case  ; 
for  states,  instead  of  avenging  their  deaths,  bestow  great 
honour  on  him  who  kills  a  tyrant ;  and  instead  of  excluding 
tyrannicides  from  their  temples,  as  they  exclude  the  murderers 
of  private  citizens,  they  even  place  in  their  temples  the 
statues  of  those  who  have  been  guilty  of  tyrannicide. 

6.  "  If,  again,  you  think  that  a  monarch,  because  he  has 
greater  wealth  than  private  individuals,  has  necessarily  greater 
enjoyment  from  it,  such  is  not  the  fact,  my  dear  Simonides; 
but,  as  when  athletes  overcome  such  as  are  ignorant  of  gym- 
nastic exercises,  their  victory  gives  them  no  pleasure,  but  when 
they  are  vanquished  by  accomplished  antagonists,  their  defeat 
causes  them  annoyance;  so  neither  is  a  king  delighted  merely 
when  he  is  seen  to  possess  more  than  private  individuals,  but 
is  vexed  when  he  possesses  less  than  other  kings;  for  these  he 
considers  as  his  proper  rivals  in  regard  to  wealth. 

7.  "  Nor  are  the  objects  of  his  desire  attained  sooner  by  a 
monarch  than  a  private  man;  for  a  private  man  desires  per- 
haps a  house,  a  field,  or  a  slave;  but  a  king  aims  at  acquiring 
cities,  or  extensive  provinces,  or  harbours,  or  fortresses,  which 
are  much  more  difficult  and  hazardous  of  acquisition  than  the 
objects  coveted  by  private  individuals.  8.  You  will  even  see 
but  few  that  are  really  poor  among  private  persons,  in  com- 
parison with  the  many  that  may  be  called  poor  among  sove- 
reigns; for  what  is  much,  or  what  is  sufficient,  is  not  estimated 
by  the  number  of  a  man's  possessions,  but  by  the  exigencies  of 

1  The  word  tyrant  signified  one  who  held  absolute  power  over  a  state, 
whether  he  inherited  that  power  or  obtained  it  for  himself.  He  might 
exercise  his  power  either  mildly  or  despotically,  according  to  his  natural 
disposition.  Those  whom  it  was  thought  lawful  to  kill  were  chiefly  such 
as  acted  as  tyrants  in  the  English  sense  of  the  word  ;  though  many  of  the 
Spartans,  and  severer  republicans,  deemed  it  allowable  to  kill  any  tyrvu, 
whatever  was  his  charact  irr 


5  b  hiero.  [ch.  5. 

his  condition;  so  that  what  exceetw  iiat  which  is  sufficient 
may  be  called  much,  and  what  falls  short  of  sufficiency  little.  9. 
To  a  king,  accordingly,  revenues  that  are  many  times  greater 
than  those  of  any  private  individual  may  be  less  than  sufficient 
for  his  necessary  expenses;  for  private  persons  may  contract 
their  daily  expenses  as  they  please,  but  with  kings  this  is  im- 
possible, since  their  most  necessary  expenditure  is  for  the 
guard  of  their  persons,  and  to  retrench  any  part  of  that  ex- 
penditure l  would  but  threaten  their  destruction. 

io.  "  As  for  those,  again,  who  can  obtain  by  lawful  means 
whatever  they  need,  how  can  we  consider  them  poor?  But 
as  to  those  who  are  obliged  by  want  to  live  in  a  course  of  un- 
just and  dishonourable  contrivances,  how  can  we  fairly  regard 
them  otherwise  than  as  poor  and  wretched?  n.  Kings,  then, 
are  frequently  compelled  to  spoil  alike  temples  and  individuals, 
in  defiance  of  law,  through  want  of  daily  supplies  for  their 
necessary  expenses;  for  they  are  forced  to  maintain  troops  as 
if  they  were  constantly  at  war,  or  become  powerless. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Sovereigns  are  often  forced  to  live  in  fear  even  of  the  most  honourable  and 
worthy  of  their  subjects.  A  sovereign  is  obliged  to  employ  many  -whom  he 
dislikes.  He  is  most  afraid  of  rebellion  among  his  people  when  they  are 
most  prosperous. 

i.  "I  will  mention  to  you,  also,  my  dear  Simonides, 
another  unhappiness  of  kings.  They  distinguish,  not  less 
accurately  than  private  persons,  which  of  their  subjects  are 
orderly,2  and  wise,  and  just;  but,  instead  of  regarding  such 
characters  with  admiration,  they  look  upon  them  with 
dread.     They  fear  men  of  spirit,  lest  they  should  make  some 

1  To  fie  tovtmv  avvrinvu^.']  This  is  the  reading  of  all  the  editions. 
Schneider  admonishes  us  to  understand  ti,  which  is  inserted  m  the  passage 
as  given  in  Stobaeus.  Weiske  says  that  tovtcjv  is  a  genitivus  partis,  for 
Ik  tovtwv  t'l. 

2  Kofffiiovc.]  This  word,  says  Weiske,  is  a  stumbling-block  to  a  careful 
editor.  Stobaeus  has  aXKi/xovq.  which,  as  both  he  and  Schneider  remark, 
ts  am:h  me»©  suitable  to  the  drift  of  the  passage. 


5    2 — 4.j  KINGS    AT    A    LOSS    FOR   MINISTERS.  57 

bold  attempt  in  favour  of  liberty;  men  of  abilities,  lest  they 
should  engage  in  some  conspiracy;  men  of  virtue,  lest  the 
multitude  should  desire  to  be  governed  by  them.  2.  But 
when,  from  apprehension,  they  have  removed  such  characters 
out  of  the  way,  what  others  are  left  them  to  employ  in  their 
service,  except  the  dishonest,  and  licentious,  and  servile  ? 
The  dishonest  are  trusted,  because,  like  monarchs  themselves, 
they  live  in  fear  of  the  people,  lest  they  should  become  free 
and  become  their  masters;  the  licentious,  because  of  their 
attachment  to  present  power;1  and  the  servile,  because  they 
do  not  even  think  themselves  deserving  to  be  free.  This 
accordingly  appears  to  me  to  be  a  great  calamity,  to  esteem 
some  characters  as  good,  and  to  be  obliged  to  employ  those 
of  a  different  sort. 

3.  "  It  is  necessary,  besides,  that  a  monarch  have  a  regard 
for  his  people,  for  without  them  he  cannot  be  either  safe  or 
prosperous  ;  yet  the  necessity  of  supporting  his  authority  com- 
pels him  to  be  severe  upon  them  ;  for  monarchs  do  not  delight 
in  rendering  their  subjects  brave  or  warlike ;  they  rather 
take  pleasure,  on  the  contrary,  in  raising  mercenaries  from 
foreign  parts  to  overawe  their  own  people,  and  using  them  as 
guards  of  their  persons.  4.  Nor  even  when,  from  a  full 
harvest,  there  is  abundance  of  provisions,  does  the  monarch 
rejoice  with  his  people  on  the  occasion  ;  for  the  more  they  are 
in  want,  the  more  submissive  he  expects  to  find  them. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Hiero  compaies  the  pleasures  of  the  life  which  he  enjoyed  as  a  private  per- 
son with  the  anxieties  to  which  he  is  subject  in  his  present  position. 

1.  "I  wish  to  mention  to  you  also,  Simonides,  those  pleasures 
which  I  used  to  enjoy  when  I  was  a  private  individual,  but 
of  which,  since  I  have  become  a  king,  I  feel  myself  deprived. 

1  Tijc  vq  to  Trapbi'  i^ovaiaq  tviKa.)  "  For  the  sake  of  power  for  the 
present."  "  Parce  que  leur  lachet  les  attache  an  pnuvoir  present." 
Gail.  They  are  content  with  any  government  under  which  they  can  ear 
joy  themselves  and  have  a  certain  portion  of  influence. 


5S  HTfiftO.  [CM.    6. 

2.  I  conversed  familiarly  with  my  equals  in  age,  delighted 
with  their  society,  as  they  were  with  mine.  I  spent  my  time 
alone,  whenever  I  desired  to  enjoy  the  tranquillity  of  solitude 
or  I  joined  in  convivial  entertainments  with  my  friends  ; 
oftentimes  till  we  forgot  whatever  is  disagreeable  in  human 
life  ;  oftentimes  till  we  lost  all  thought  in  songs  and  carous- 
ings  and  dancings  ;  and  oftentimes  till  we  gratified  our  most 
extravagant  inclinations,  my  own  as  well  as  those  of  my  asso- 
ciates.1 3.  But  now  I  am  debarred  from  the  companionship 
of  those  who  took  pleasure  in  my  society,  as  I  have  slaves 
only  for  associates  instead  of  friends  ;  I  am  deprived  of  all 
gratification  in  the  society  of  those  companions  that  I  have, 
because  I  see  in  them  no  good  feeling  towards  me  ;  and  1 
guard  against  intoxication  and  sleep,  as  against  conspirators. 
4.  But  to  fear  a  multitude,  and  to  fear  solitude,  to  fear  the 
absence  of  guards,  and  to  fear  the  guards  themselves,  to  be 
unwilling  to  have  unarmed  men  around  me,  and  to  see  armed 
men  without  pleasure,  can  this  be  regarded  as  other  than  a 
wretched  state  of  existence  ?  5.  To  place,  besides,  greater 
confidence  in  foreigners  than  in  one's  own  countrymen,  in 
barbarians  than  in  Greeks,  to  desire  to  treat  free  men  as 
slaves,  and  to  be  forced  to  give  slaves  freedom,2  do  not  all 
these  things  appear  to  you  indications  of  a  mind  disturbed  by 
terrors  ?  6.  But  fear  not  only  causes  uneasiness  in  the  mind 
itself,  but  is  the  constant  destroyer  of  all  our  pleasures.  7.  If 
you  have  any  experience  of  warlike  proceedings,  Simonides, 
and  have  ever  been  stationed  in  close  opposition  to  a  body 
of  the  enemy,  call  to  mind  how  little  food  you  ate,  and  how 
little  sleep  you  took,  at  that  time.  8.  And  uneasy  as  were 
the  sensations  which  you  then  experienced,  such,  and  even 
more  disquieting,  are  those  of  tyrants ;  for  tyrants  fancy  that 
they  see  enemies,  not  merely  in  front  of  them,  but  on  all 
sides." 

9.  Simonides,  on  hearing  these  observations,  said  in  reply, 
"  You  appear  to  me  to  state  some  part  of  your  argument  too 
strongly ;  for  war,  indeed,  is  attended  with  constant  alarms  ; 
but  yet,  Hiero,  when  we  are  in  the  field,  we  enjoy  our  dinner 

1  Msxpi  KOivrjg  l7rt9vjxiag  IfiTjQ  re  icai  tuiv  irapovTiov.']  Schneider  sus- 
pects that  fii9rjg,  or  something  similar,  ought  to  occupy  the  place  of 
iiriQvfiiag.     Weiske  conjectures  tvGvfiiag. 

*  In  order  to  make  friends  and  supporters  of  them. 


§    10 — 15.]  KINGS   LIVE   IN   CONSTANT   FEAR.  59 

and  our  sleep,  after  we  have  posted  our  sentinels,  in  perfect 
security." 

io.  "Very  true,"  said  Hiero,  "for  the  laws  keep  watch 
over  the  guards  themselves,1  so  that  they  fear  for  themselves 
as  well  as  for  you  ;  but  kings  have  guards  that  are  merely 
hired  for  pay,  like  labourers  in  harvest,  u.  It  is  incumbent 
on  guards,  indeed,  to  make  nothing  so  much  their  object  as  to 
be  faithful ;  but  it  is  far  more  difficult  to  find  one  among  our 
guards  faithful,  than  to  find  numbers  of  trustworthy  workmen 
in  any  trade  that  you  may  desire  ;  especially  as  our  guards  at- 
tend us  for  the  sake  of  money,  and  have  it  in  their  power  to 
gain  much  more  money  in  a  short  time,  by  killing  their  so- 
vereign, than  they  would  receive  from  him  for  affording  him 
protection  for  a  long  period. 

12.  "But  as  to  the  privilege  for  which  you  said  that  we 
were  to  be  envied,  that  of  being  able  to  benefit  our  friends, 
and  to  suppress  our  enemies,  beyond  all  other  men,  what  you 
say  is  by  no  means  just.  13.  For  how  can  you  think  of  us  as 
ever  conferring  favours  on  friends,  when  you  are  well  aware 
that  he  who  receives  most  from  us  would  be  most  pager  to 
withdraw  himself  as  soon  as  possible  from  our  sight,  since 
whatever  a  man  receives  from  an  absolute  prince,  he  thinks 
no  part  of  his  own  till  he  is  out  of  that  prince's  power  ? 

14.  "Or  how  can  you  say  thatprinces  have  the  greatest  power 
of  subduing  their  enemies,  when  they  are  sensible  that  all  are 
their  enemies,  who  are  subject  to  their  rule  ?  It  is  not  in 
their  power  to  put  all  to  death,  or  to  confine  them  all  in 
prison  ;  for  over  whom  would  they  then  rule  ?  But  though 
they  know  that  their  subjects  are  their  enemies,  they  must  at 
the  same  time  both  guard  against  them,,  and  employ  their 
services.  15.  Be  assured  of  this  also,  Simonides,  that  such  of 
their  subjects  as  princes  dread,  they  can  neither  see  living 
without  uneasiness,  nor  put  to  death  without  uneasiness. 
As  with  regard  to  a  horse,  if  he  have  good  qualities,  but 
makes  us  fear  that  he  may  cause  some  fatal  accident,  we  should 
feel  the  utmost  reluctance,  on  account  of  his  value,  to  put 
him  to  death,  yet  we  should  also  feel  extremely  unwilling  to 
make  use  of  him,  lest,  amidst  the  danger  which  we  must  in- 
cur, he  should  do  us  some  irreparable  mischief. 

1  Avrvjv — 7rpo<pv\a.TTov(Tiv  oi  vo/oj.j   T   e  guards  do  their  duty  thro  ugh 
fe<ir  of  the  laws.     Portus. 


60  hiero.  Tch.  7. 

16.  "Such  is  the  case  likewise  with  many  other  things  that 
we  possess  ;  they  are  attended  with  trouble,  and  yet  are  use- 
ful ;  and  they  alike  annoy  us  while  we  retain  them,  and  cause 
us  regret  when  we  part  from  them." 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Simomdes  observes  that  honour,  a  great  object  of  human  desire,  is  paid  to 
kings.  Hiero  replies  that  such  honour  is  rather  forced  than  voluntary. 
Simonides  asks  why  then  kings  do  not  resign  their  power?  Hiero  answers 
that,  though  they  cannot  maintain  their  position  without  trouble,  they 
cannot  retire  from  it  without  danger  to  themselves. 

i.  Simonides,  having  listened  to  these  observations  from 
Hiero,  said,  "  Yet,  Hiero,  honour  appears  to  me  to  be  an  ob- 
ject of  great  importance,  since  men  submit  to  every  kind  of 
labour,  and  undergo  every  sort  of  danger,  with  the  desire  of  at- 
taining it.  2.  You  sovereigns,  though  royalty  is  attended  with 
so  many  troubles  as  you  describe,  are  nevertheless  strongly  at- 
tached to  it,  as  it  seems,  in  order  that  you  may  be  honoured,  and 
that  all  around  you  may  readily  execute  whatever  you  com- 
mand; that  everybody  may  fix  their  gaze  upon  you,  may  rise 
from  their  seats  before  you,  and  yield  you  the  way,  and  that  all 
about  you  may  show  respect  for  you  by  their  words  and  ac- 
tions ;  for  such  are  the  honours  which  subjects  pay  to  so- 
vereigns, and  to  any  one  else  to  whom  they  have  occasion  to 
testify  respect.  3.  For  it  is  in  this  desire  of  honour,  Hiero, 
that  man  seems  to  me  to  differ  from  the  other  animals  ;  since 
in  eating,  and  drinking,  and  sleep,  and  sexual  intercourse,  all 
animals  appear  to  find  equal  gratification;  but  the  love  of  hon- 
our is  not  implanted  by  nature  in  the  irrational  animals,  nor,  in- 
deed, ii;  all  men  ;  and  they  in  whom  the  love  of  honour  and 
praise  is  innate,  are  those  who  are  elevated  most  above  the  brutes 
and  who  are  justly  named  men,  and  not  merely  human  beings. 
4.  So  that  you  seem  to  me  to  submit  to  all  the  inconveni- 
ences which  you  experience  in  sustaining  royalty  not  without 
good  reason,  since  you  are  honoured  far  above  other  mortals. 
Indeed,  no  human  pleasure  seems  to  approach  nearer  to  the 


§    5 — 10.]         PRETENDED    IfESPECT    PAID    TO   KINGS.  61 

divine  nature  than  the  delight  which  is  Mfe  from  receiving 
honour." 

5.  "  But  I  assure  you,  my  dear  Simonides,"  said  Hiero,  in 
reply,  "  that  the  honours  offered  to  sovereigns  appear  to  me 
extremely  similar  to  the  pleasures  which  I  have  observed  to 
you  that  they  receive  from  love.  6.  For  the  complaisances 
paid  us  by  such  as  have  no  reciprocal  affection  for  us,  we  al- 
lowed, were  not  to  be  regarded  as  favours,  and  submission  ex- 
torted by  force  was  admitted  to  give  no  real  pleasure  ;  and  in 
like  manner  services  that  proceed  from  such  as  fear  us  cannot 
be  considered  as  honours,  i.  How,  indeed,  can  we  imagine 
that  those  who  rise  from  their  seats  by  compulsion  rise  to  do 
honour  to  persons  that  do  them  harm,1  or  that  those  who  give 
the  way  to  their  superiors,  give  it  from  a  desire  of  showing 
respect  to  those  who  tyrannize  over  them  ?  8.  A  vast  number 
of  mankind  make  presents  to  those  whom  they  hate,  and  offer 
them  when  they  are  most  in  fear  of  suffering  some  harm  from 
them  ;  but  such  acts,  I  consider,  must  justly  be  regarded  as 
acts  of  servility  ;  whereas  real  respect,  as  it  appears  to  me, 
proceeds  from  quite  contrary  motives.  9.  Since,  when  people 
think  that  a  man  is  capable  of  doing  them  service,  and  are  in 
expectation  of  enjoying  benefits  from  him,  and  consequently2 
have  his  name  in  their  mouths  with  praise,  contemplate  him 
each  as  his  own  benefactor,  gladly  make  way  for  him,  and  rise 
from  their  seats  before  him  from  love,  and  not  from  fear,  crown 
him  for  his  public  virtues  and  beneficence,  and  are  ready  to  be- 
stow other  marks  of  esteemupon  him,  they  who  pay  such  respect 
seem  to  me  to  honour  such  a  man  in  sincerity,  and  he  who  is 
thought  worthy  of  such  regard  appears  to  be  truly  honoured. 
10.  A  man  who  is  thus  held  in  consideration,  I  regard  as 
eminently  happy  ;  for  I  observe  that  he  is  not  conspired 
against,  but  becomes  an  object  of  solicitude,  in  order  that 
he  may  suffer  no  harm,  and  that  he  passes  a  life  free  from 
fear,  and  danger,  and  peril,  and  in  the  midst  of  prosperity ; 
while  a  tyrant,  my  dear  Simonides,  passes  day  and  night,  be 

1  Aia  to  ti\jlclv  roi'Q  adiKovvrag.]  By  oi  adiicovvTEQ  are  here  meant 
"  tyrants."      Sturz.  Lex.  Xen. 

*-.  *E7rara.]  Propterea  is  the  sense  required.  At  other  times  this 
particle,  when  used  somewhat  redundantly,  has  rather  the  sense  of  tamen. 
Weiske. 


62  HIERO.  [cn.    8. 

assured,  as  if  he  were  condemned  by  the  whole  human  race  to 
die  for  his  usurpation." 

11.  When  Simonides  had  heard  these  remarks,  "  How  is  it 
then,"  said  he,  "  if  kingly  power  is  attended  with  so  much 
trouble,  and  you  are  sensible  of  its  vexations,  that  you,  Hiero, 
do  not  free  yourself  from  so  great  an  evil,  and  that  no  other 
sovereign  has  ever  voluntarily  laid  down  power,  after  he  had 
once  become  possessed  of  it  ?  " 

12.  "  Because,"  replied  Hiero,  "it  is  on  this  very  account 
that  royalty  is  the  most  wretched  condition  imaginable ;  for 
there  is  no  possibility  of  setting  one's  self  free  from  it,  since 
how  can  any  sovereign  command  sufficient  resources  to  make 
restitution  of  property  to  those  from  whom  he  has  taken  it, 
or  how  can  he  make  atonement  in  bonds  to  those  whom  he 
has  cast  into  prison,  or  how  can  he  offer  a  sufficient  number 
of  lives  to  die  for  those  whom  he  has  put  to  death  F1  13.  If, 
indeed,  my  dear  Simonides,  it  would  be  a  gain  to  any  man  to 
hang  himself,  I  certainly  think  that  it  would  be  of  the  very 
greatest  advantage  to  a  tyrant  to  do  so;  for  he  alone  is  pro- 
fited neither  by  retaining  his  troubles  nor  by  laying  them 
aside." 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


Simonides  observes  that  a  sovereign  has  more  facilities  than  other  men  for 
securing  good-will  and  attachment,  as  small  favours  from  him  are  more 
valued  than  greater  ones  from  private  individuals.  Hiero  replies  that  a 
sovereign  must  also  do  many  things  that  render  him  unpopular. 

i.  Simonides,  in  reply,  said,  "  I  am  not  indeed  surprised, 
Hiero,  that  you  feel  so  despondingly,  at  present,  with  respect 
to  royalty,  since,  having  a  desire  to  be  loved  by  mankind,  you 
regard  your  station  as  an  impediment  to  your  wishes.  I  think 
that  I  can  show  you,  however,  that  kingly  power  is  no  obsta- 

1  tyvxaQ — a.7ro9avovfiivaQj]  I  am  persuaded  that  Xenophon  wrote 
ZTToOavovfievog.  He  who  dies  yields  up  his  life;  but  a  tyrant,  dying  by 
a  violent  death,  cannot  yie/d  up  a  number  of  lives,  to  atone  for  those  that 
he  has  taken  away  from  tha  number  of  lis  subjects  that  he  has  condemned 
to  death.     Schneider. 


§    2 — 6.J  INFLUENCE    OF   A   KING.  63 

cle  to  gaining  love,  but  that  it  ever  gives  an  advantage  to  him 
who  holds  it,  in  reference  to  that  object,  over  private  individu- 
als. 2.  But  in  considering  whether  it  is  so,  let  us  not  examine 
whether  the  monarch,  from  having  greater  power,  can  also 
bestow  greater  favours,  but,  supposing  that  a  private  person 
and  a  king  confer  equal  favours,  contemplate  which. of  the 
two  will,  through  the  influence  of  such  favours,  command ' 
the  greater  feeling  of  acknowledgment  from  those  whom  he 
obliges.  I  will  begin  with  examples  from  matters  of  lighter 
moment.  3.  First,  let  a  king  and  a  private  individual  address 
any  person  in  a  friendly  manner;  whose  salutation  do  you 
think  will  give  the  greater  pleasure  to  the  hearer?  Or,  if 
they  both  praise  the  same  person,  whose  praise  do  you  think 
will  produce  the  greater  gratification  ?  Or,  after  a  sacrifice,'2 
let  each  invite  him  to  his  table,  whose  invitation  do  you  think 
would  be  received  with  the  greater  respect  ?  4.  Or  let  them 
pay  equal  attention  to  a  sick  person,  is  it  not  certain  that  the 
attentions  of  the  more  powerful  will  convey  the  higher  grati- 
fication ?  Or  let  them  make  presents  of  equal  cost ;  is  it  not 
indubitable  that  gifts  of  half  the  price  from  the  more  influ- 
ential would  be  valued  at  a  higher  rate  than  the  whole  of 
what  is  bestowed  by  the  private  individual  ?  5.  To  me  it 
appears  that  there  descends  as  it  were  from  the  gods  a  certain 
dignity  and  grace  to  attend  on  the  person  of  a  king ;  a  dig- 
nity which  not  only  renders  the  man  himself  more  majestic, 
but  makes  us  look  on  the  same  man  with  more  pleasure  when 
he  is  invested  with  royalty  than  when  he  is  in  a  private  sta- 
tion ;  and  we  feel  a  greater  pride  in  conversing  with  those 
who  are  superior  to  us  in  honour,  than  with  those  who  are  on 
a  level  with  us. 

6.  "As  to  love,  too,  in  reference  to  which  you  found  the 
greatest  fault  with  the  condition  of  royalty,  the  objects  of  a 
king's  affection  are  least  offended  at  old  age  in  him,  and  with 
whomsoever  he  is  familiar,  it  is  accounted  no  disgrace  to  him; 
for  the  very  honour  received  from  the  prince  casts  such  a 
\  lustre  on  the  connexion,  as  to  throw  into  the  shade  whatever 

1  Dindorf,  and  most  modern  editors,  read  Krarai :  Schneider  and 
Weiske  ktcloQcu,  understanding  dvraiT  av  from  the  words  preceding. 

8  It  was  usual  among  the  Greeks  to  invite  their  friends  to  an  enter- 
tainment after  a  sacrifice,  when  they  partook  of  what  was  left  of  the 
vicums. 


64  HIERt.  [CIT-    ^ 

is  ignominious  in  it,  and  to  make  what  is  attractive  appear  in 
brighter  colours. 

7.  "  Since,  then,  by  equal  services  you  secure  greater  re- 
gard than  private  persons,  why  ought  you  not  to  be  far  more 
beloved  than  they,  when  you  have  it  in  your  power  to  benefit 
mankind  by  far  more  numerous  services,  and  are  in  a  condi- 
tion to  bestow  far  more  liberal  donations  ?'" 

8.  Hiero  immediately  replied  by  saying,  "  Because,  as- 
suredly, my  dear  Simonides,  necessity  obliges  us  to  do  many 
more  of  those  acts  by  which  men  incur  unpopularity  than 
private  persons  are  called  upon  to  do.  9.  We  must  raise 
money  by  taxes,  if  we  would  have  enough  for  our  necessary 
expenditure;  we  must  compel  men  to  guard  whatever  requires 
to  be  guarded ;  we  must  punish  criminals,  and  repress  such 
as  are  inclined  to  be  insolent ;  and  whenever  there  is  occasion 
for  activity,  to  undertake  an  expedition  by  sea  or  land,  we 
must  not  intrust  an  affair  of  the  kind  to  negligent  com- 
manders.1 to.  A  king  has  also  need  of  mercenary  troops  ; 
no  burden  is  more  oppressive  on  the  people  than  they  are,  for 
they  consider  that  such  troops  are  maintained,  not  for  the 
safety  of  the  state,2  but  as  an  instrument  of  tyranny." 


CHAPTER  IX. 


Simonides  advises  Hiero  to  stimulate  his  subjects  to  honourable  exertion,  by 
offering  rewards  for  such  as  meritoriously  distinguished  themselves. 

i.  In  answer  to  this  Simonides  again  observed,  "  I  do  not 
deny,  Hiero,  that  attention  must  be  given  to  all  these  objects ; 
yet,  though  some  of  these  concerns  appear  to  tend  greatly  to 
unpopularity,  others  seem  to  lead  directly  to  the  attainment 
of  public  favour.     2.  To  teach  things  that  are  most  excellent, 

1  So  that  "we  shall  offend  those  whom  we  do  not  employ. 

2  The  word  iaorifjiovg,  which  appears  in  all  copies,  is,  says  Schneider, 
evidently  corrupt ;  and  he  supposes  that  it  has  usurped  the  place  of  some 
word  not  much  in  use.  Leunclavius  proposes  Tifirjg,  D'Orville  tVort/itaj. 
I  have  followed  Zeune,  who  adopts  cwrnpiac  from  Aretinus's  version. 


J    3— 7. j  EFFECTS    OF    EMULATION.  63 

and  to  commend  and  honour  him  who  does  them  best,  is  an 
office  that  must  secure  regard ;  while  to  rebuke  and  coerce, 
to  fine  and  punish,  him  who  fails  in  his  duty,  must  necessarily 
rather  provoke  dislike.  3.  I  am  therefore  of  opinion  that  a 
ruler  should  commit  the  task  of  punishing  such  as  require 
severity  to  others,  but  that  he  should  execute  the  office  of 
bestowing  rewards  in  his  own  person.  4.  That  such  a  course 
would  be  attended  with  good  effects,  experience  shows  ; 
for  when  we  wish  choruses !  to  contend  for  honours,  the  pre- 
sident2 himself  proposes  the  prizes,  but  to  the  choragi  is 
committed  the  duty  of  assembling  the  members  of  the  chorus, 
to  others  that  of  instructing  them,  and  of  imposing  penalties 
on  such  as  are  deficient  in  their  parts.  Thus  in  such  matters 
the  agreeable  duty  is  done  by  the  president,  and  that  which 
is  of  a  contrary  nature  by  others.  5.  What  obstacle  is  there, 
then,  to  the  management  of  other  affairs  in  the  city  in  a  simi- 
lar manner  ?  All  communities  have  their  several  divisions, 
some  into  tribes,  others  into  morce,  others  into  lochi,3  and  over 
each  of  these  divisions  an  officer  is  appointed.  6.  If,  there- 
fore, we  should  offer  rewards  to  these  divisions,  as  we  offer 
them  to  choruses,  for  having  their  arms  in  good  order,  for 
excellent  discipline,  for  skill  in  riding,  for  bravery  in  the 
field,  for  integrity  in  civil  transactions,  it  is  natural  to  suppose 
that  all  such  duties  would,  from  emulation,  be  sedulously  ob- 
served ;  7.  and,  assuredly,  the  citizens  in  general,  from  de- 
sire of  honour,  would  be  more  ready  to  undertake  an  expedi- 
tion whithersoever  they  might  be  required,  and  contribute 
more  promptly  to  the  support  of  the  state  whenever  circum- 
stances might  demand ;  and  besides  (which  is  of  all  things 
the  most  beneficial,  though  it  has  been  but  little  promoted  by 
the  influence  of  emulation),  agriculture  itself  would  be  greatly 
advanced,  if  we  should  offer  prizes,  in  the  several  farms  and 

1  Bands  of  dancers,  singers,  and  musicians, 

2  'O  apxcov,]  The  magistrate  who  had  the  charge  of  sacred  ceremonies 
and  festivities.     Schneider. 

3  Kara  <pv\ag — Kara  fioipag — Kara  Xd^owc.]  We  ought  probably  to 
read  fiopag  for  fioipag.  The  division  of  the  citizens  into  mores  -was  that 
of  the  Spartans,  as  is  well  known  ;  that  into  phyla  was  Athenian ;  that 
into  lochi  prevailed  among  the  Thebans  and  Argives,  as  appears  from 
"Yen.  Hellen.  vi.  4.  13 ;  vii.  2.  4.  These  divisions  had  respect  not  only 
*>  civil,  but  also  to  military,  duties  ;  for  Xenophon  speaks  of  the  Attic 
vhylee  when  he  describes  the  order  of  the  Athenian  army  in  the  Helle- 
nica,     (See  also  Horn.  II.  ii.  362.)     Schneider.     Dindorf  reads  fiopag. 

VOL.  ill.  r 


66  HIERO.  [CH.  10. 

villages,  for  such  as  cultivated  their  land  in  the  best  manner, 
since  by  this  means  many  advantages  would  be  gained  by 
those  who  should  vigorously  apply  themselves  to  that  occupa- 
tion ;  8.  for  the  public  revenues  would  be  augmented,  and 
temperance  would  be  a  closer  attendant  on  increased  ex- 
ertion ;  and  fewer  crimes,  indeed,  are  committed  among  peo- 
ple who  are  constantly  employed.  9.  If,  moreover,  commerce 
is  of  any  advantage  to  a  commonwealth,  and  if  he  who  en- 
gages in  it  with  the  greatest  diligence  were  to  be  honourably 
distinguished,  he  would  doubtless  collect  merchants  around 
him  in  greater  numbers.  If,  too,  it  were  made  known  that 
he  who  should  discover  any  new  source  of  revenue  for  the 
state,  without  detriment  to  individuals,  would  receive  honour, 
neither  would  this  consideration  be  neglected.  10.  And  to 
say  all  in  one  word,  if  it  were  made  evident,  in  regard  to  all 
departments  of  the  commonwealth,  that  he  who  introduced 
anything  beneficial  would  not  be  unrewarded,  the  knowledge 
of  this  would  incite  numbers  of  people  to  endeavour  to  make 
useful  discoveries  ;  and  when  many  pay  attention  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  public,  a  greater  number  of  means  for  further- 
ing them  must  necessarily  be  discovered  and  carried  into 
effect. 

n.  "But  if  you  are  apprehensive,  Hiero,  that  if  prizes  are 
offered  for  a  great  number  of  departments,  the  expense  may 
be  excessive,  consider  that  no  purchasable  objects  are  obtained 
at  less  cost  than  those  which  men  secure  by  means  of  prizes ; 
for  do  you  not  see  what  small  prizes,  in  the  equestrian  and 
scenic  contests,  call  forth  great  expenditure,  and  much  toil 
and  care,  on  the  part  of  the  public  ?  " 


CHAPTER  X. 

Inconveniences  of  employing  mercenary  troops.   Simonides  shows  how  they 
may  be  employed  to  the  greatest  advantage. 

i.  "These  remarks,  Simonides,"  replied  Hiero,  "you  ap- 
pear to  me  to  make  with  great  justice  ;  but  have  you  any- 
thing to  recommend  respecting  mercenary  troops,  to  prevent 
me   from   being   unpopular   on  their  account  ?   or   are  yen 


§    2 — 7.]  EMPLOniENT    Or    MERCENARIES.  G7 

inclined  to  say  that  a  prince  who  secures  the  affection  of  hie 
subjects  has  no  need  of  guards  ?  " 

2.  "  Nay,"  replied  Simonides,  "  he  will  assuredly  have  need 
of  them  ;  for  it  is  natural  to  men,  as  it  is  to  horses,  to  become 
more  unmanageable  the  more  plentifully  they  arp  supplied 
with  provisions  ; l  and  the  fear  of  guards  will  be  the  more 
necessary  to  keep  men  in  such  a  condition  quiet.  3.  To  th? 
virtuous  and  respectable  part  of  the  public,  also,  it  appears  tf 
me  that  you  can  afford  greater  benefit  by  no  other  means  than 
by  the  maintenance  of  a  body  of  mercenaries.  4.  You  main- 
tain them,  indeed,  as  guards  for  your  own  person  ;  but  many 
masters  have  been  put  to  death  in  past  times  by  their  own 
dependants  ;  and  if,  therefore,  it  should  be  one  of  the  chief 
charges  given  to  your  mercenaries,  that  they  are  the  guards 
of  all  the  citizens,  and  are  to  protect  all,  if  they  perceive  any 
such  danger  threatening  them2 — and  there  are,  as  we  all 
know,  bad  characters  in  every  city — if  therefore,  I  say,  your 
guards  were  ordered  to  keep  a  watchful  eye  on  such  charac- 
ters, the  citizens  in  general  would  feel  themselves  benefited  by 
the  maintenance  of  them.  5.  In  addition  to  this,  your  guards 
might  very  well  afford  security  and  tranquillity,  in  a  great 
measure,  to  the  workmen  and  cattle  in  the  fields,  not  only 
to  your  own,  but  to  those  throughout  the  country  in  general. 
They  would  be  in  a  condition  also,  by  guarding  certain  advan- 
tageous posts,  to  secure  to  the  inhabitants  freedom  from  inter- 
ruption, so  that  they  may  attend  to  their  proper  business.  6- 
Besides,  who  are  better  fitted  to  foresee  and  prevent  secret 
and  sudden  incursions  of  enemies  than  men  who  are  always 
under  arms  and  united  in  one  body  ?  For  taking  the  field, 
too,  what  can  be  more  beneficial  to  the  citizens  than  a  body  of 
mercenaries  ?  for  it  is  natural  that  they  should  be  in  the 
highest  degree  ready  to  brave  toil  and  danger  in  defence 
of  the  country.  7.  Must  it  not  happen,  moreover,  that  neigh- 
bouring powers  will  be  most  desirous  of  peace  with  any 
country,  when  it  has  an  armed  force  constantly  on  foot  ?  for 
such  a  force  is  eminently  able  to  protect  the  possessions 
of  their  friends,  and  to  spread  destruction  among  what  be- 

1  It  is  assumed  that  the  state  has  been  made  rich  by  the  management 
of  the  prince.     Weiske. 

3  Weiske  supposes  that  some  words  have  dropped  out  of  the  text  hei*  x 
but  it  is  possible  to  make  sense  of  the  passage  as  it  stands. 


6b  HIERO.  [CH.   11, 

longs  to  their  enemies.  8.  When,  therefore,  the  people  un- 
derstand that  mercenary  troops  do  no  ill  to  such  as  do  no 
wrong,  but  that  they  check  such  as  desire  to  commit  violence, 
succour  such  as  are  unjustly  treated,  and  are  vigilant  and  ex- 
pose themselves  to  danger  for  the  public  safety,  how  can  they 
do  otherwise  than  contribute  with  pleasure  to  their  support  ? 
Private  individuals,  indeed,  often  keep  guards  for  objects 
of  far  less  moment  than  these." 


CHAPTER  XL 


Simonides  admonishes  Hiero  that  a  sovereign  ought  to  employ  his  own 
private  resources  as  much  as  possible  for  the  public  good,  and  ought 
to  exert  himself  in  every  way  to  promote  the  prosperity  of  his  dominions, 

i.  "It  is  also  incumbent  on  you,  Hiero,  not  to  shrink 
from  expending  a  portion  of  your  own  private  revenue  on  the 
public  service  ;  for  it  seems  to  me  that  what  is  laid  out  by  a 
king  for  public  objects  is  more  advantageously  bestowed  than 
what  is  spent  on  his  own  private  account.  2.  Let  us  consider 
the  point  in  reference  to  various  particulars.  Whether  do  you 
think  that  to  have  a  palace  adorned  at  an  enormous  expense, 
or  to  have  your  whole  metropolis  furnished  with  walls,  &nrl 
temples,  and  porticoes,1  and  market-places,  and  harbours, 
would  do  you  the  greater  honour  ?  3.  Or  whether  would 
you  appear  more  formidable  to  your  enemies,  when  you  are 
yourself  clad  in  the  finest  of  armour,  or  when  your  whole 
country  is  efficiently  armed  ?  4.  In  which  way  do  you  consider 
that  your  revenues  would  be  rendered  greater,  by  taking 
care  to  make  merely  your  own  private  property  productive, 
or  by  contriving  that  the  property  of  the  whole  community 
may  be  productive  ?  5.  And  as  to  that  which  is  thought 
to  be  the  most  honourable  and  noble  of  occupations,  the  breed- 
ing of  horses  for  the  chariot-race,  whether  do  you  think  that 
you  would  do  yourself  the  greater  honour  if  you  yourself2 
should  maintain,  and  send  to  the  public  games,  more  chariots 

1  All   the   copies   have  7rapa<TTacn,  which  means  pillars,  or  perhaps 
colonnades.     Ernesti  and  Schneider  would  read  *raordo-t,  "  porticoes,** 
which  seems  pr«w«M» 
-•  Hiexo's  victories  in  im  gA&tee  are  celebrated  by  Pindar. 


3  O — 11.]  DUTIES    OF    A    SOVEREIGN.  69 

than  any  other  Greek,  or  if  a  greater  number  of  men  from 
your  country  than  from  any  other  should  breed  horses  and 
contend  at  the  games  ?  Whether  do  you  think  it  more  noble 
to  gain  a  victory  by  the  excellence  of  your  own  particular 
chariot,  or  through  the  general  prosperity  of  the  city  over 
which  you  rule  ?  6.  I  myself,  indeed,  think  it  quite  unbecom- 
ing to  a  prince  to  enter  the  lists  with  private  individuals  ;  for 
if  you  are  victorious,  you  will  not  be  admired,  but  incur 
odium,  as  having  extorted  the  money  for  your  expenses  from 
the  substance  of  many  families  ;  and  if  you  are  unsuccessful, 
you  will  meet  with  more  ridicule  than  any  private  individual. 
7.  I  would  impress  upon  you,  Hiero,  that  your  proper  field  of 
competition  is  against  the  rulers  of  other  states,  and  if  you 
exhibit  the  state  that  you  govern  superior  in  prosperity 
to  theirs,  be  assured  that  you  will  have  triumphed  in  the 
most  honourable  and  noble  contest  that  can  arise  among  man- 
kind. 8.  And  you  will  thus,  in  the  first  place,  secure  the  love 
of  your  subjects,  which  you  so  much  desire ;  and  it  will  not 
be  one  herald  only1  that  will  proclaim  your  victory,  but 
all  mankind  will  concur  in  celebrating  your  merit.  9.  Becom- 
ing an  object  of  attention,  you  will  be  loved,  not  merely  by 
a  few  private  individuals,  but  by  numbers  of  whole  commu- 
nities, and  be  admired,  not  only  in  your  own  palace,  but 
through  the  whole  world.  10.  You  will  then  be  able  to 
travel  in  safety  wherever  you  please,  for  the  purpose  of 
gratifying  your  curiosity  ;  or  you  may  receive  such  gratifica- 
tion even  while  you  remain  at  home  ;  for  there  will  always  be 
numbers  of  people  around  you  ready  to  exhibit  whatever  they 
have  discovered  that  is  either  ingenious,  or  beautiful,  or 
useful,  and  of  such  as  will  be  desirous  to  gratify  you.2  ll, 
Every  one  who  is  admitted  to  your  presence  will  be  devoted 
to  you,  and  every  one  at  a  distance  will  long  to  behold  you  ; 
so  that  you  will  not  only  be  regarded  with  favour,  but 
sincerely  beloved  by  mankind  ;  and  you  will  be  under  no 
necessity  of  soliciting  favours  from  the  objects  of  your  affec- 
tion, but  must  submit  to  be  solicited  by  them.  You  will  have 
no  fear  from  others,   but  will  excite  fear  in  them,  lest  you 

1  As  at  the  Olympic  games. 

*  By  constructing  for  you  hereafter  something  agreeable  or  useful ; 
something  which  may  occur  to  them,  or  which  you  yourself  may  suggest 
Weiske. 


70  H1EKO.  [ca.  11. 

should  meet  with  any  harm.  12.  You  will  find  your  subjects 
willing  to  obey  you,  and  see  them  taking  thought  of  their  own 
accord  for  your  interests.  Should  any  danger  chance  to 
threaten  you,  you  will  have  not  only  allies,  but  champions  and 
zealous  defenders.  You  will  be  thought  deserving  of  innu- 
merable presents,  and  you  will  never  want  a  friend  to  whom 
you  may  impart  a  share  of  them.  You  will  find  all  men  de- 
lighted at  your  prosperity,  and  ready  to  contend  for  what 
is  yours  as  earnestly  as  for  what  is  their  own.  13.  You  will 
consider  all  the  wealth  belonging  to  your  friends  as  treasures 
laid  up  for  your  own  use.  Enrich  then  your  friends  without 
fear,  Hiero,  for  by  that  means  you  will  enrich  yourself.  In- 
crease the  power  of  your  people,  for  you  will  thus  clothe 
yourself  with  power  ;  and  secure  for  it  allies,1  *  *  *  * 
14.  Esteem  your  country  as  your  own  family  ;  your  fellow- 
citizens  as  your  friends  ;  your  friends  as  your  children  ;  and 
your  children  as  your  own  life  ;  and  study  to  surpass  them 
all  in  acts  of  kindness.  15.  For  if  you  go  beyond  your  friends 
in  kind  offices,  no  enemies  will  be  able  to  stand  before  you. 
And  if  you  constantly  pursue  such  a  course  of  conduct,  be 
certain  that  you  will  secure  the  most  honourable  and  blissful 
possession  attainable  among  mankind  ;  for  you  will  be  happy, 
and  not  be  envied." 

1  Weiske  rightly  supposes  that  something  is  wanting  here;    to  this 
effect.  "  for  you  will  thus  gain  supporters  to  your  own  power." 


THE   (ECONOMICUS. 


INTEODUCTOEY   EEMAEKS. 


Of  ;ae  philosophy  of  Socrates,  as  transmitted  to  us  by  Xenophon, 
it  is  not  the  object  to  investigate  the  causes,  or  ascertain  the  origins, 
of  divine  and  human  things,  but,  by  teaching  what  is  good  and 
honourable,  to  fit  men,  individually,  for  attaining  happiness  in  life, 
and  to  instruct  communities  how  to  secure  prosperity.  There  are, 
accordingly,  two  principal  parts  of  the  Socratic  philosophy :  the 
ethic,  which  shows  what  course  of  conduct  every  person  must  pursue 
in  order  to  gain  a  character  for  virtue  and  honour ;  and  the  political^ 
which  teaches  by  what  means  individuals  may  advance  a  com- 
munity to  the  highest  state  of  excellence.  But  as  the  master  of  a 
family  and  his  household  constitute,  as  it  were,  a  smaller  com- 
munity  in  the  midst  of  a  greater,  and  as  the  prosperity  of  the 
whole  state  depends  on  the  proper  management  of  each  particular 
family,  a  third  part,  the  (Economic,  is  added. 

The  first  author  that  wrote  of  ethics,  politics,  and  (Economics, 
in  distinct  and  separate  treatises,  was  Aristotle.  As  for  Plato, 
who  says  that  we  cannot  conceive  of  virtue  or  merit  in  a  man 
or  master  of  a  family,  unless  as  subject  to  the  laws  of  his 
community,  he  has  included  all  those  three  parts  of  moral 
philosophy  in  one  book,  which  he  has  entitled  his  "  Republic."  But 
it  was  Xenophon  that  laid  the  foundation  of  this  triple  division  ; 
for  in  his  "  Memorabilia  "  he  makes  it  his  object  to  show  the  whole 
scope  of  the  moral  teaching  of   Socrates  (though  in  that  work 


72  INTRODUCTORY    REMARKS    ON    THE    (ECONOIITCUS. 

there  is  much  that  relates  rather  to  political  or  oeconomical 
science) ;  in  the  "  Cyropaedia "  he  illustrates  a  part  of  political 
science ;  and  in  the  present  treatise  he  discusses  (Economy  or 
domestic  management. 

The  dialogue  in  this  book,  unlike  those  in  the  "  Memorabilia,"  is 
written  in  a  certain  regular  method,  and  consists  of  parts  carefully 
put  together.  We  see  that  the  whole  work  is  purposely  divided 
into  two  parts.  The  first,  which  contains  a  conversation  of  Socra- 
tes with  Critobulus,  is  in  place  of  an  introduction,  and  prepares 
the  reader  for  what  is  to  follow ;  the  other,  which  is  a  dialogue 
between  Ischomachus  and  Socrates,  sets  forth  the  precepts  intend- 
ed to  be  given  concerning  the  management  of  a  family. 

The  simple  and  graceful  facility  in  discussing  a  subject  which 
we  know  to  have  been  peculiar,  not  to  the  Socrates  represented  in 
Plato,  but  to  the  Socrates  that  really  lived,  is  exhibited  as  clearly  in 
the  "  CEconomicus  "  as  in  any  of  Xenophon's  other  writings.  Cicero 
thought  it  worthy  of  being  translated  into  Latin.     JBreitetibach 

A  few  other  remarks  on  the  "  CEconomicus  "  may  be  seen  in  the 
"Biographical  Notice  of  Xenophon,"  prefixed  to  the  preceding 
volume. 


THE   (ECONOMICUS; 

OH, 

A    TEEATISE 

OX  THE 

MANAGEMENT  OF  A  FARM  AND  HOUSEHOLD 


CHAPTER  I. 


Socrates  teaches  Critobulus  that  oeconomy  is  an  art  •which  is  shown  in  the 
management  of  households  and  estates,  whether  our  own  or  those  of 
others ;  that  goods  are  whatever  a  person  may  use  in  such  a  way  as  to 
gain  advantage  from  them  ;  and  that  if  some  meet  with  loss  instead  of 
profit  from  the  use  of  them,  the  fault  lies  in  their  own  misconduct. 

1.  I  once  heard  Socrates1  also  discoursing  on  the  manage- 
ment of  a  household,  after  the  following  manner  :  "  Tell  me," 
said  he,  "  Critobulus,2  is  domestic  management  the  name  of  an 
art,  as  that  of  healing,  or  of  working  in  brass,  or  of  building  ?" 
"It  appears  so  to  me,"  said  Critobulus.  2.  "And  as  we  can 
specify  concerning  these  arts,  what  is  the  business  of  each, 
can  we  also  specify  concerning  domestic  management,  what 
is  its  business  ?  "  "  It  appears,  at  least,"  said  Critobulus, 
"  that  it  is  the  business  of  a  good  householder  to  regulate  his 

1  "YLkovgo.  dk  iron  avTov.  Xenophon  commences  thus  in  allusion  to 
what  he  had  previously  written  concerning  Socrates.  He  begins  all 
his  works  thus  abruptly,  and  without  preface,  except  the  Cyropaedia  and 
the  treatise  de  Re  Equestri. 

a  Critobulus  the  son  of  Crito,  a  very  rich  man,  was  one  of  the  familiar 
associates  of  Socrates,  as  appears  not  only  from  this  book,  especially 
c.  3,  sect.  7,  but  from  Mem.  Soc.  ii.  6  ;  i.  3.  8,  and  from  the  Symposium, 
especially  c  4,  sect.  27       Breite?ibach. 


74  (ECONOMICUS.  [CH.  1. 

house  well."  3.  "And  as  to  another  man's  house,"  said 
Socrates,  "if  the  owner  should  intrust  it  to  him,  might  he 
not  be  able,  if  he  pleased,  to  regulate  it  as  well  as  his  own  ? 
He  who  is  skilled  in  building  can  do  for  another  equally  well 
what  he  can  do  for  himself ;  and  surely  he  who  is  skilled  in 
domestic  management  may  act  similarly."  "  It  appears  so  to 
me,  Socrates."  4.  "Is  it  possible  then,"  said,  Socrates,  "for 
one  who  knows  this  art,  and  happens  to  have  no  property  of 
his  own,  to  earn  money  by  managing  the  house  of  another,  as 
an  architect  earns  money  by  building  a  house  ? "  "  Yes, 
doubtless,"  said  Critobulus,  "  he  might  earn  a  large  sum  of 
money,  if,  taking  a  house  under  his  charge,  he  can  fulfil  the 
duties  which  it  requires  and  augment  the  value  of  it  by 
adding  largely  to  its  resources." 

5.  "  But  what  is  it  that  the  term  house  gives  us  to  under- 
stand ?  Is  it  the  same  as  the  mere  building,  or  is  whatever  a 
man  possesses,  besides  the  mere  building,  included  under  the 
term  house  ? "  "  It  seems  to  me,"  replied  Critobulus, 
"  that  everything  a  person  has,  even  though  it  be  not  in  the 
same  country  with  the  possessor,  is  comprehended  under  the 
term  house,1  or  personal  property."  6.  "Have  not,  then,  some 
persons  enemies  ? "  "  Certainly  ;  some  have  very  many." 
"  Shall  we,  therefore,  say  that  enemies  are  the  property  of 
those  persons  ?  "  "  It  would  be  ridiculous,"  answered  Cri- 
tobulus, "  if  a  person  who  increases  the  enemies  of  another, 
should  receive  pay  for  increasing  them."  "  I  asked  the  ques- 
tion," said  Socrates,  "  because  it  seemed  settled  between  us 
that  a  man's  house,  or  estate,  is  whatever  he  has."  "As- 
suredly," returned  Critobulus,  "whatever  good  a  man  has 
is  his  property,  or  a  portion  of  his  goods  ;  but,  by  Jupiter,  if 
he  has  anything  hurtful,  I  do  not  reckon  it  among  his  goods." 

7.  "  You  seem,  then,"  said  Socrates,  "  to  mean  by  goods 
something  serviceable  to  the  owner."  "  Most  certainly,"  re- 
joined Critobulus;  "for  what  does  him  injury  I  regard  as 
a  nuisance,  rather  than  a  part  of  his  goods."  8.  "If,  then, 
a  man  buy  a  horse,2  and  does  not  know  how  to  manage  him, 
but  falls  off  him,  and  receives  some  injury,  is  the  horse  not  a 
part  of  his  goods  ?  "     "  Not  if  goods  are  something  service- 

1  Ql*oQ,  in  the  sense  of  estate,  or  personal  property. 
3  See  Mem.  Soc.  ii.  3.  7. 


§    9 — 14.]  WHAT    A   MAN'S    GOODS   ARE.  75 

able."  "Neither,  then,  is  land  part  of  a  man's  goods,  if  he 
cultivates  it  in  such  a  manner  as  to  suffer  bj  its  cultivation." 
"  Land  certainly  cannot  be  called  part  of  a  man's  goods,  if, 
instead  of  supporting  him,  it  brings  him  nothing  but  hunger." 

9.  "  So,  then,  with  regard  to  sheep,  if  a  man,  from  not  know- 
ing how  to  manage  sheep,  suffers  loss  by  keeping  them,  the 
sheep  would  not  be  a  portion  of  his  goods."  "  It  seems  to  me 
that  they  would  not."  "  You,  then,  as  it  appears,  consider 
goods  as  what  is  profitable;  but  what  is  hurtful  you  do  not  con- 
sider as  goods."     "Exactly  so." 

io.  "  The  same  things,  then,"  continued  Socrates,  "  are  goods 
to  him  who  knows  how  to  make  use  of  them,  but  not  goods  to 
him  who  does  not  know  ;  thus  flutes  will  be  goods  to  him 
who  knows  how  to  play  properly  upon  them,  but  to  him  who 
does  not  know  they  will  no  more  be  goods  than  worthless 
pebbles  are  goods;  unless  indeed  he  sells  them."  ]  l.  "  So  it 
appears  to  me,"  rejoined  Critobulus,  "  that  flutes  will  be 
goods  to  those  who  are  ignorant  of  their  use,  if  they  sell  them, 
but  not  while  they  merely  possess  them  ;  and  thus  our  reason- 
ing proceeds  consistently,  since  it  was  laid  down  that  goods 
are  what  is  serviceable  ;  for  to  such  persons  as  those  to  whom 
we  alluded,  flutes  are  not  goods  (since  they  are  of  no  service), 
but,  when  sold,  become  goods."  12.  To  this  Socrates  rejoined, 
"  If  indeed  the  owner  knows  how  to  sell  them  ;  but  if  he  sells 
them  to  another  person  who  does  not  know  how  to  use  them, 
they  will  not  be  goods  even  when  they  are  sold,  according  to 
your  reasoning."  "  You  appear  to  intimate,  that  not  even 
money  itself  is  to  be  reckoned  among  a  person's  goods,  unless 
he  knows  how  to  use  it."  13.  "  And  you  appear  to  agree 
with  me,  when  you  say  that  goods  are  things  by  which  a  per- 
son may  be  profited.  If,  for  example,  a  man  should  make  use 
of  his  money  to  get  a  mistress,  and  should,  by  her  means, 
bring  himself  into  a  worse  condition,  bodily,  mentally,  and  in 
his  household  affairs,  how  could  it  be  said  that  his  money  was 
at  all  profitable  to  him  ?  "  "  By  no  means  ;  unless  indeed  we 
say  that  hyoscyamus,  as  it  is  called,  is  a  profitable  article  to 
possess,  a  herb  of  which  those  who  eat  are  driven  mad." 
"  Money,  then,  if  its  possessor  does  not  know  how  to  use  it, 
may  be  thus  excluded,  Critobulus,  from  being  numbered 
among  goods. 

14    "But  as  to  friends,"  continued  Socrates,  "if  a  person 


76  (ECONOMictrs.  [ch.  1. 

knows  how  to  use  them,  so  as  to  receive  profit  from  them,  what 
shall  we  say  that  they  are  ?"  "  Goods,  by  Jupiter,"  said 
Critobulus,  "and  much  more  so  than  oxen,  if  at  least  they  are 
more  serviceable  than  oxen."  is.  "  Enemies  also,  then,  accord- 
ing to  your  argument,  are  goods  to  him  who  is  able  to  extract 
profit  from  enemies."  "  It  appears  so  to  me."  "  It  is  the  part 
of  a  good  manager  of  property,  then,  to  know  how  to  deal  with 
his  enemies  in  such  a  way  as  to  derive  profit  from  them." 
"  Most  certainly."  "  True  ;  for  you  see,  my  dear  Critobulus, 
how  many  families,  as  well  of  private  individuals  as  of  princes, 
have  been  improved  in  condition  oy  war." 

16.  "  This  point  seems  to  me  to  be  very  well  settled, 
Socrates,"  said  Critobulus  ;  "  but  what  can  we  think  when  we 
see  persons  who  have  knowledge  and  resources  by  which  they 
might  with  exertion  improve  their  property,  but  perceive  that 
they  are  unwilling  to  do  so,  and  that  their  qualifications  are 
in  consequence  of  no  profit  to  them  ?  Can  we  say  anything 
else  than  that  their  qualifications  are  not  goods  to  them,  not 
even  possessions  of  the  least  value  ?"  17.  "  Do  you  mean  to 
speak  of  slaves,  my  dear  Critobulus  ?"  said  Socrates.  "  Not  I 
indeed,  by  Jove,"  replied  he  ;  "  but  there  are  some  among  those 
who  are  esteemed  noble,  of  whom  I  see  that  part  are  acquaint- 
ed with  the  arts  of  war,  and  part  with  those  of  peace,  which 
arts,  however,  they  will  not  exercise,  because,  as  I  suppose, 
they  are  without  masters  to  compel  them."  is.  "  How  can 
they  be  without  masters,"  said  Socrates,  "  when,  desiring  to 
prosper,  and  wishing  to  do  something  from  which  they  may 
derive  profit,  they  are  still  hindered  from  doing  so  by  those 
who  rule  them  ?  "  "  And  who  are  they  that  rule  them,"  asked 
Critobulus,  "for  they  are  nowhere  to  be  seen?"  19.  "By 
Jove,"  replied  Socrates,  "  they  are  so  far  from  being  nowhere 
to  be  seen,  that  they  may  be  seen  everywhere ;  and  that  they 
are  most  pernicious  rulers,  is  well  known  to  yourself,  if  you 
believe  idleness,  and  effeminacy  of  mind,  and  carelessness, 
to  be  vices.  20.  There  are  also  certain  deceitful  mistresses 
that  sway  them,  pretending  to  be  goddesses  of  pleasure,  such 
as  gaming  and  frivolous  social  gratifications,  which,  in  process 
of  time,  make  it  evident  even  to  the  victims  of  their  decep- 
tions that  they  are  but  pains  disguised  in  the  garb  of  plea- 
sures ;  and  these,  through  their  influence  over  their  votaries. 
prevent  them  from  applying  to  useful  occupations."  21.  "Yet 


§    22.  23."]  PLEASURE    TO    BE   RESISTED.  77 

others,  Socrates,"  said  Critobulus,  "  are  not  hindered  by  such 
tyrants  from  exerting  themselves,  but  apply  with  the  utmost 
vigour  to  work,  and  to  contrive  means  of  increasing  their  in- 
comes ;  and  nevertheless  they  waste  their  property,  and  become 
involved  in  difficulties."  22.  "  So  it  is,"  said  Socrates,  "  for 
these  also  are  slaves,  and  slaves  of  extremely  troublesome 
mistresses,  some  being  devoted  to  the  luxuries  of  the  table, 
some  to  licentiousness,  some  to  intoxication,  some  to  foolish  and 
expensive  objects  of  ambition,  which  exercise  such  cruel  sway 
over  those  whom  they  get  under  their  power,  that,  as  long  as 
they  see  them  in  vigour  and  able  to  work,  they  compel  them  to 
bring  whatever  they  gain  to  expend  upon  their  desires  ;  but 
when  they  find  them  unable  to  work,  through  old  age,  they  leave 
them  to  spend  their  declining  days  in  misery,  and  endeavour  to 
make  slaves  of  others.  23.  But  we  ought  to  fight  for  our 
liberty  against  such  tyrants,  Critobulus,  not  less  strenuously 
than  against  those  who  endeavour  to  enslave  us  by  arms. 
Enemies  in  war,  who  are  honourable  and  generous,  have 
obliged  many  nations,  after  they  have  subdued  them,  to  im- 
prove in  character  under  the  influence  of  gentle  correction, 
and  have  led  them  to  pass  the  rest  of  their  lives  in  greater 
comfort ;  but"  tyrannical  passions  never  cease  to  harass  the 
bodies  and  minds  and  estates  of  men,  as  long  as '  they  exer- 
cise any  influence  over  them." 


CHAPTER  II. 


Critobulus  requesting  to  be  taugbt  by  what  means  he  may  increase  his  pro- 
perty, which  fortune  had  granted  him  in  sufficient  abundance,  Socrates 
jocosely  replies  that  he  himself  was  rich,  and  Critobulus  very  poor,  an  as- 
sertion which  he  proceeds  to  prove.  Being  again  asked  to  give  some  instruc- 
tion on  the  management  of  an  estate,  he  says  that  he  is  inexperienced  in 
such  matters,  but  offers  to  refer  Critobulus  to  certain  persons  who  are 
skilled  in  them, 

1.  After  these  observations  of  Socrates,  Critobulus  spoke 
to  the  following  effect :  "  On  such  points  I  think  that  what  I 

1  "Ear*  av.~\     It  signifies  not  only  donee,  ttsque  dum,  but  also  quamdiu. 
See  Kiihner  ad  Mem.  Soc.  iii.  5,  6.     See  also  Mem.  Soc.  i.  1.  18;  Anab. 
iii.  1.  19  ;  Cyrop.  v.  4.  8  ;  Rep.  Lac.  c.  5,  sect.  3  ;  de  Re  Equest.  c.  H 
»ec<.  9.     Breitenbach. 


78  (ECONOMICUS.  [CH.  2. 

have  heard  from  you  is  extremely  satisfactory ;  but  when  I 
examine  myself,  I  seem  to  feel  convinced  that  I  am  sufficiently 
master  over  such  inclinations  ;  so  that  if  you  would  advise  me 
by  what  course  of  conduct  I  may  improve  my  domestic  re- 
sources, I  do  not  think  that  I  should  be  impeded  by  the  seduc- 
tions of  those  tyrannical  mistresses,  as  you  call  them.  Impart 
to  me  confidently,  therefore,  whatever  good  admonitions  you 
have  to  give.  Or  do  you  accuse  us,1  my  dear  Socrates,  of 
being  wealthy  enough  ?  and  do  we  appear  to  you  to  have  no 
Deed  of  additional  riches  ?  " 

2.  "  If  you  speak  of  me  as  well  as  yourself,  then,"  said 
Socrates,  "  I  consider  that  I  require  no  addition  to  my  means, 
but  am  rich  enough  already  ;  you,  however,  Critobulus,  ap- 
pear to  me  to  be  extremely  poor,  and,  by  Jupiter,  I  some- 
times feel  very  great  pity  for  you."     3.  "  And  how  much," 
rejoined  Critobulus  with  a  laugh,  "  how  much,  in  the  name  of 
the  gods,  my  dear  Socrates,  do  you  think  that  your  property 
would  fetch  if  it  were  sold,  and  how  much  mine  ?"  "I  think," 
replied  Socrates,  "  that  if  I  found  a  good  purchaser,  my  whole 
property,  with  my  house,  would  very  readily  bring  me  five 
minae  ; 2  yours,  I  am  very  certain,  would  fetch  a  hundred  times 
as  much."     4.  "  Then,  when  you  know  this,  do  you  think  that 
you  have  no  need  of  more  money,  and  pity  me  as  being  poor  ?  " 
"  Yes,"  said  he,  "  for  what  I  have  is  sufficient  to  supply  me 
with  all  that  I  need  ;  but  for  th^*  splendour  with  which  you 
are  surrounded,  and  to  keep  up  your  dignity,  not  even  if  thrice 
as  much  as  what  you  have  were  bestowed  upon  you,  would  you 
appear  to  me  to  have  enough."     "  How  so  ? "  asked  Crito- 
bulus.    5.  "  Because,  in  the  first  place,"  said  Socrates,  in  ex  ■ 
planation,  "  I  see  that  a  necessity  is  imposed  on  you  of  offer- 
ing many  great  sacrifices,  or,  I  suppose,  neither  gods  nor  men 
would  be  satisfied  with  you ;  in  the  next  place,  you  must  en- 
tertain many  strangers,  and  entertain  them  magnificently  ;  and 
in  addition,  you  have  to  give  feasts,  and  make  presents  to  your 
fellow-servants,  or  find  yourself  destitute  of  friends.     6.  I 
observe  also  that  the  state  requires  of  you  to  be  at  great  ex- 

1  "H  Kar'syvioKaQ  fifiu>v.~\  Critobulus  is  speaking  of  himself  only  ;  and 
the  dignity  which  he  seems  to  assume  by  using  the  plural  we  affords  oc- 
casion to  Socrates  to  lay  hold  of  the  question  as  applied  to  himself  also, 
and  to  pursue  the  humorous  discussion  that  follows.     Breitenlach. 

2  About  fifteen  pounds  of  our  money. 


§  7 — 9.]  HOW   TO    ESTIMATE    RICHES.  79 

penses  in  keeping  horses, l  in  exhibiting  theatrical  entertain- 
ments,2 in  presiding  over  the  gymnasia,3  in  discharging  the 
duties  of  a  patron ;  and  if  a  war  should  arise,  I  am  quite  sure 
that  they  will  lay  upon  you,  in  your  office  of  trierarch,4  so 
much  to  pay  for  men  to  serve,  and  other  contributions,  that 
you  will  not  easily  meet  the  requirements  ;  and  should  you  be 
thought  to  discharge  any  of  your  duties  inefficiently,  I  am  quite 
certain  that  the  Athenians  will  punish  you  not  less  severely 
than  if  they  found  you  robbing  their  treasury.  7.  In  addition 
to  this,  I  see  that  you  fancy  yourself  rich,  and  are  but  little 
disposed  to  use  means  for  getting  money  ;  and  that  you  devote 
your  attention  to  matters  of  amusement,5  as  having  a  right  to 
do  so.  For  these  reasons  I  feel  compassion  for  you,  fearing 
that  you  may  fall  into  some  irremediable  misfortunes,  and  be 
reduced  to  great  poverty,  s.  As  for  myself,  even  if  I  were 
in  want,  you  are  aware,  I  am  sure,  that  there  are  persons  who 
would  assist  me  ;  so  far  that,  even  if  each  contributed  but 
very  little,  they  would  drown  my  humble  means  in  a  flood  of 
abundance  ;  but  your  friends,  even  though  they  have  ampler 
means  for  supporting  their  condition  than  you  have  for  sup- 
porting yours,  nevertheless  look  to  you  as  if  to  receive  bene- 
fits from  you." 

9.  "  Against  these  observations,  my  dear  Socrates,"  said 
Critobulus,  "  I  have  nothing  to  say  ;  but  it  is  now  time  for 
you  to  act  the  patron  towards  me,  and  prevent  me  from  be- 
coming pitiable  in  reality."     Socrates,  on  hearing  this,  said, 

1  It  was  customary  at  Athens  for  the  richer  sort  of  citizens  to  keep 
horses  for  chariot-races  or  for  sacred  processions.  See  Xen.  Hipp.  c.  1, 
sect.  11.  The  old  man  in  the  Clouds  of  Aristophanes  laments  that  his 
property  had  been  wasted  in  keeping  horses.     Bochius. 

2  These  were  also  duties  incumbent  on  the  wealthier  Athenians. 

3  IIpooTfmiac.]  The  metoecs,  or  sojourners,  at  Athens,  were  obliged 
to  put  themselves  under  the  protection  of  some  eminent  man  as  a  patron. 
See  Pollux,  viii.  35. 

4  Those  were  called  trierarchs  who  were  obliged  to  furnish  galleys, 
equipped  for  service. 

5  We  must  understand  chiefly  res  amatorice.  Critobulus  is  described  as 
puerorum  amans  (Mem.  Soc.  ii.  6.  29),  and  is  introduced  in  the  Symposium, 
c.  4,  sect.  12,  as  captivated,  though  but  recently  married,  with  the  attrac- 
tions of  Clinias.  As  the  Symposium  of  Callias  took  place  probably  about 
Olymp.  xciii.  3,  we  may  suppose  that  this  dialogue  between  Socrates  and 
Critobulus  was  held  not  very  long  after  that  date,  though  it  may  be  infer- 
red from  c.  3,  sect.  13,  that  he  had  lived  some  years  in  the  matrimonial 
state.     Breitsnbach. 


80  (ECONOM1CUS.  [CH.  2. 

"  Do  you  not  think,  Critobulus,  that  you  are  acting  very 
strangely,  since,  when  I  said  a  little  while  ago  that  I  was  rich, 
you  laughed  at  me,  as  if  I  did  not  know  what  riches  were, 
and  did  not  cease  till  you  had  convinced  me,  and  obliged  me 
to  acknowledge  that  I  have  not  the  hundredth  part  of  what 
you  have  ;  and  now  you  desire  me  to  be  your  patron,  and  take 
care  that  you  may  not  be  reduced  to  utter  and  undeniable 
poverty."  10.  "  It  is  because  I  see  that  you,  Socrates,  know 
one  thing  relating  to  riches,  namely,  how  to  keep  a  surplus ; 
and  I  expect,  accordingly,  that  he  who  has  something  over 
out  of  a  little  will  easily  produce  a  large  superabundance  out 
of  much."  11.  "  Do  you  not  remember,  then,  that  just  now,1 
in  the  course  of  our  conversation,  w^ien  you  would  not  allow 
me  the  liberty  even  of  putting  in  a  syllable,  you  said  that 
horses  were  not  goods  to  him  who  did  not  know  how  to  use 
horses,  nor  land,  nor  cattle,  nor  money,  nor  anything  else, 
that  a  person  did  not  know  how  to  use  ?  Profit,  indeed,  i9 
derived  from  such  possessions  ;  but  how  do  you  think  that  I 
can  know  how  to  use  any  of  those  things  of  which  I  never 
owned  even  a  single  one  ?"  12.  "Yet  it  seemed  to  me  that 
even  if  a  person  had  no  money,  there  might  nevertheless  be 
in  him  some  knowledge  of  household  management ;  and  what 
then  hinders  you  from  having  such  knowledge  ?"  "The  very 
same  thing,  assuredly,  that  would  hinder  a  man  from  knowing 
how  to  play  on  the  flute,  if  he  has  never  been  in  possession  of 
any  flutes  of  his  own,  and  no  other  person  has  allowed  him 
to  learn  by  playing  upon  his.  13.  Such  is  the  case  with  me 
in  respect  to  the  management  of  household  property  ;  for  I 
have  never  been  myself  in  possession  of  any  property  of  my 
own,  as  a  means  of  learning,  nor  has  any  other  person  ever 
offered  me  his  to  manage,  except  that  you  now  express  a 
desire  to  intrust  me  with  yours.  But  consider  that  those  who 
are  learning  to  play  on  the  harp  spoil  their  harps  at  first ; 
and  in  like  manner  I,  if  I  were  to  attempt  to  learn  the  man- 
agement of  property  by  making  experiments  on  yours,  might 
perhaps  bring  all  cjjSour.  possessions  to  nothing." 

u.  To  this  Critobulus  replied,  "  You  are  strenuously  en- 
deavouring to  escape,  Socrates,  from  giving  me  any  assistance 
to  sustain  my  necessary  business  with  greater  ease."  "  No,  by 
Jupiter,"  rejoined  Socrates,  "  not  I ;  for  I  will  most  willingly 

1   C.  1   sect.  8. 


§    15 — 18. J  WHAT    SOCRATES   OBSERVED.  81 

communicate  to  you  whatever  I  can.  15.  But  I  think,  at  the 
same  time,  that  if  you  had  come  to  me  for  fire,  and  if,  having 
none  myself,  1  had  directed  you  to  a  place  where  you  would 
get  it,  you  would  not  have  blamed  me.  Or,  if  you  asked 
water  of  me  when  I  had  none,  and  I  directed  you  whither  to  go 
for  it,  I  know  that  you  would  not  have  found  fault  with  me  for 
doing  so.  Or  if  you  wished  to  learn  music  from  me,  and  I 
mentioned  to  you  persons  who  were  far  more  skilful  in  music 
than  myself,  and  would  be  thankful  to  you  for  taking  lessons 
from  them,  what  objection  would  you  make  to  my  acting  in 
such  a  manner  ?  "  "I  should  be  able  to  make  no  reasonable 
objection,"  my  dear  Socrates.  16.  "  I  shall  therefore  point  out 
to  you,  Critobulus,  other  persons  much  better  skilled  than  my- 
self in  the  matters  which  you  are  solicitous  to  learn  from  me; 
for  I  admit  that  it  has  been  an  object  with  me  to  discover 
which  of  the  people  in  the  city  are  the  most  skilful  in  their 
several  pursuits;  17.  since,  observing  that  of  those  who  were 
engaged  in  the  same  occupations,  some  were  in  the  greatest 
poverty,  and  others  extremely  rich,  I  wondered,  and  thought  it 
an  inquiry  worthy  of  consideration  to  discover  what  the  cause 
was.  18.  Examining  into  matters,  accordingly,  I  found  that 
affairs  took  a  perfectly  natural  course;  for  I  saw  that  those 
who  did  their  business  heedlessly  suffered  for  their  misconduct, 
while  I  learned  that  those  who  applied  to  their  duties  with 
steadiness  and  judgment,1  despatched  them  with  greater 
expedition,  and  ease,  and  profit.  By  learning,  therefore,  if  you 
think  proper,  from  such  persons,  I  consider  that,  if  the  gods 
are  not  unfavourable  to  you,  you  may  become  a  very  able 
man  of  business." 

1  Tvtjfiy  cvvTtTafievy.]    Intento  ammo.     Some   copies  have   (rwre- 
raypivy. 


/$>  §0& 


VOL.   in. 


82  (ECONOMIC us.  [ck.  5. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Ciitobulus  still  urges  Socrates  to  give  him  instruction  how  to  improve  his 
property ;  and  Socrates  recommends  him  to  study  the  conduct  of  those 
who  have  managed  their  business  with  judgment  and  to  advantage.  He 
reminds  him  how  many  have  prospered,  or  come  to  poverty,  by  different 
courses  of  proceeding.  He  oners  to  introduce  him  to  skilful  professors  of 
other  arts  besides  that  of  agriculture. 

i.  Critobulus,  on  hearing  these  observations,  said,  "  Now, 
ny  dear  Socrates,  I  will  never  let  you  go  until  you  have  made 
Known  to  me  what  you  have  promised  me  in  the  presence  of 
our  friends  here."1  "  What  if  I  should  show  you,  then, 
Critobulus,  first  of  all,"  said  Socrates,  "  that  some  people  build 
useless  houses  at  very  great  expense,  and  that  others,  at  much 
less  expense,  construct  houses  having  every  convenience,  shall 
I  not  be  thought  to  have  shown  you  one  of  the  great  concerns 
of  household  management  ?  "  "  Certainly,"  replied  Critobulus. 
2.  "  And  what  if  I  should  show  you,  after  this,  that  which  is 
naturally  consequent  upon  it,  that  some  people  who  possess 
abundance  of  household  necessaries  of  all  kinds  have  it  not  in 
their  power  to  use  them,  nor  even  know  whether  they  are  in 
safety,  and  on  tnis  account  suffer  great  annoyance  themselves, 
and  cause  great  annoyance  to  their  servants,  while  others,  who 
have  not  more  furniture,  but  even  far  less,  have  whatever 
they  want  always  ready  for  use."  3.  "Is  anything  else,  then, 
the  cause  of  this,  Socrates,  than  that  with  the  one  class  of 
persons  everything  is  thrown  down  as  chance  may  direct, 
while  with  the  others  everything  is  kept  arranged  in  its  place?  " 
"  Such  is  the  case  assuredly,"  said  Socrates,  "  and  their  things 
are  arranged,  not  in  a  place  chosen  at  hazard,  but  where  pro- 
priety suggests."  "  You  seem  to  speak  of  this  also,"  said 
Critobulus,  "as  an  element  in  the  knowledge  of  household 
management."  4.  "  What,  again,  if  I  should  show  you,"  con- 
tinued Socrates,  "that  in  some  places  all  the  slaves  are  tied  up, 
so  to  speak,  and  yet  frequently  run  away,  while  in  other  places 

1  Socrates  was  constantly  attended  by  some  of  his  friends,  who  wished 
to  gather  instruction  from  his  discourse ;  and  we  must  not  be  surprised 
that  they  took  no  part  in  many  of  the  dialogues  at  which  they  were  pre- 
sent. Thus  Xenophon,  at  the  beginning  of  this  book,  and  in  several 
passages  of  the  Memorabilia,  signifies  that  he  was  present  at  conversations 
©f  Socrates,  but  records  no  observations  of  his  own.     Weiske. 


§    5 — 9.]  NECESSITY  FOR   CAREFULNESS.  83 

they  are  left  at  liberty,  and  are  willing  alike  to  work  and  to 
stay  with  their  masters,  should  I  not  be  thought,  in  mentioning 
this,  to  bring  to  your  notice  something  worthy  of  regard  in 
household  management  ?  "  "  Yes,  by  Jupiter,"  replied  Crito- 
bulus,  "  something  extremely  worthy  of  regard."  5.  "  An« 
what  if  I  show  you  that  of  those  who  cultivate  similar  land, 
some  complain  that  they  are  utterly  ruined  and  starved  by 
their  farming,  while  others  have  everything  that  they  want  in 
abundance  and  excellence  ? "  "  Such  is  indeed  the  case," 
said  Critobulus;  "for  perhaps  the  first  sort  of  agriculturists 
spend  their  money  not  merely  on  objects  that  are  necessary, 
but  on  such  as  bring  destruction  alike  on  the  master  and  on 
his  estate."  6.  "Perchance  there  are  some  such,"  said  Socrates; 
"  but  I  do  not  now  speak  of  them,  but  of  persons  who,  profess- 
ing to  practise  agriculture,  cannot  command  resources  even 
for  their  necessary  expenditure."  "And  what  is  the  cause  of 
this,  Socrates  ?  "  said  Critobulus.  "  I  will  bring  you  among 
them,"  answered  Socrates,  "  and  you  shall  understand  by  see- 
ing for  yourself."  "  Very  well,"  replied  Critobulus,  "  if,  at 
least,  I  can." 

7.  "  It  is  therefore  very  proper,"  proceeded  Socrates,  "  that 
you  should  examine  yourself,  to  ascertain  whether  you  will 
be  able  to  understand.  I  have  known  you  l  rise  very  early  in 
the  morning,  and  go  a  very  long  way,  to  see  actors  in  comedy, 
and  I  have  heard  you  press  me  very  strongly  to  go  with  you 
to  the  exhibition;  but  you  never  invited  me  to  such  a  sight 
as  that  of  which  I  am  speaking."  "Doubtless  therefore,  my 
dear  Socrates,  I  appear  ridiculous  to  you."  8.  "But  to  yourgelf, 
by  Jupiter,  you  ought  to  appear  far  more  ridiculous.  Sup- 
posing I  show  that  some  men,  by  keeping  horses,  have  been 
reduced  to  the  want  even  of  necessaries,  while  others,  by  the 
same  means,  become  very  wealthy,  and  exult  in  their  gains  ?  " 
"'I  see  such  persons  myself,  and  know  men  of  both  sorts,  yet 
I  am  not  at  all  the  more  in  the  number  of  those  who  get 
gain  ?  "  9.  "  No;  for  you  look  at  them  as  you  look  at  actors 
in  tragedy  and  comedy,  not,  as  I  think,  that  you  may  become 
a  poet,  but  that  you  may  find  pleasure  from  seeing  and  hearing. 
Perhaps  this,  indeed,  is  reasonable  enough  (for  you  have  no 

1  Sot  trvvoiSa.]  The  verb  avvoida  indicates  that  a  person  knows  a  thing  for 
certain,  and  as  an  eye-witness.  See  Wolf  ad  Dem.  Lept.  c.  12. 
Breitenbach 

q  2 


84  (ECONOMICUS.  [ch.  3. 

desire  to  be  a  poet) :  but  since  you  are  obliged  to  use  horses,  do 
you  not  think  that  you  act  foolishly,  if  you  do  not  study  not 
to  be  quite  ignorant  of  that  occupation,  especially  when  horses 
are  both  good  to  use  and  profitable  to  sell?  "  10.  "Do  you 
wish  me  to  become  a  colt-breaker,  my  dear  Socrates  ?  "  "  By 
no  means,  any  more  than  to  bring  up  farm-labourers  by  buy- 
ing them  when  children.  But  there  are  certain  ages,  as  well 
of  horses  as  of  men,  which  are  immediately  profitable,  and 
advance  in  improvement.  I  can  also  show  that  some  men 
have  so  managed  their  wives,  as  to  find  in  them  fellow-helpers 
in  improving  their  fortunes,  whilst  others  have  dealt  with 
them  in  such  a  way  that  they  have  in  a  great  degree  ruined 
them."  11.  "  But  in  these  cases,  my  dear  Socrates,  ought  we  to 
blame  the  husband  or  the  wife  ? ''  "  If  a  sheep,"  replied 
Socrates,  "is  in  ill  condition,  we  generally  blame  the  shepherd; 
if  a  horse  is  mischievous,  we  impute  the  fault  to  the  groom; 
and  as  to  a  wife,  if,  after  being  taught  what  is  right,  she  con- 
ducts herself  badly,  perhaps  she  ought  justly  to  bear  the  blame; 
but  if  her  husband  does  not  teach  her  what  is  right  and 
proper,  but  exacts  service  from  her  while  she  is  ignorant  of 
what  she  ought  to  do,  would  he  not  justly  be  visited  with 
condemnation?  12.  But  by  all  means  tell  us  the  truth,  Critobu- 
lus  (for  we  are  all  friends  who  are  here),  is  there  any  one  tc 
whom  you  intrust  a  greater  number  of  important  affairs  than 
to  your  wife  ? "  "  There  is  no  one,"  replied  Critobulus. 
"  And  is  there  any  one  with  whom  you  hold  fewer  discus- 
sions than  with  your  wife?"  "If  there  is  any  one,  there 
are  certainly  not  many."1  13.  "  Did  you  marry  her  when 
she  was  quite  young,  or,  at  least,  when  she  had  seen  and 
heard  as  little  of  things  as  was  well  possible?"  "Certainly 
I  did."  "  It  would  then  be  much  more  surprising,  if  she  knew 
anything  of  what  she  ought  to  say  or  do,  than  if  she  fell  into 
mistakes."  14.  "  But  as  to  those  who,  you  say,  have  had 
good  wives,  my  dear  Socrates,  did  they  themselves  instruct 
them  ?  "  "  There  is  nothing  like  looking  at  examples? 2  and 
I  will  make  you  friends  with  Aspasia,3  who  will  give  you  in- 

1  Because  his  wife  was  already  instructed  in  what  she  had  to  do  ;  so 
that  there  was  no  need  of  discussing  points  with  her. 

2  'E7rierieo7m<70ai.]    Exempla  considerare.     Socrates  says  this  as  pre- 
paratory to  the  introduction  of  Ischomachus.     Breitenbach. 

3  There  seems  to  be  no  particular  reason  for  mentioning  Aspasia  here, 
u  no  lurther  allusion  is  made  to  her.    Bornemann,  Weiske,  and  Reisig 


§15,   16. J  VARIOUS    SORTS    OF    PURSUITS.  85 

formation  on  this  point  more  knowingly  than  I.  15.  But  I  con- 
sider that  a  wife,  who  i&a  good  partner  in  household  manage- 
ment, has  equal  influence  with  her  husband  for  their  common 
prosperity.  Resources  come  into  the  house  for  the  most  part 
by  the  exertions  of  the  husband,  but  the  larger  portion  of 
them  is  expended  under  the  management  of  the  wife,  and,  if 
affairs  be  well  ordered,  the  estate  is  improved;  but  if  they  are 
conducted  badly,  the  property  is  diminished.  16.  I  think 
that  I  could  also  point  out  to  you,  if  you  think  it  requisite, 
persons  skilled  in  other  arts,  who  practise  each  of  them  with, 
reputation." 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Critobulus  declines  to  learn  more  pursuits  than  one ;  and  Socrates  approves 
of  his  resolution.  Sedentary  and  indoor  occupations  debilitate  the  mind 
and  body.  Military  or  agricultural  pursuits  seem  to  be  the  only  ones 
suited  for  Oitobulus ;  Socrates  supports  them  by  the  example  of  the 
king  of  Persia.   An  anecdote  of  Cyrus  the  Younger  and  Lysander. 

l.  "But  what  occasion  is  there  for  you,  my  dear  Socrates," 
asked  Critobulus,  "  to  call  my  attention  to  all  kinds  of  arts  ? 
for  neither  is  it  easy  to  procure  persons  who  practise  all  sorts 
of  arts  competently,  nor  is  it  possible  for  any  single  individual 
to  become  skilled  in  all ;  but  in  regard  to  those  which  are 
thought  most  honourable,  and  which  would  be  most  becoming 
to  me  if  I  practised  them,  give  me  some  information  concern- 
ing them  and  the  persons  who  are  engaged  in  them;  and  while 
you  instruct  me,  assist  me  yourself,  as  far  as  you  can,  to 
understand."  2.  "  You  say  well,  Critobulus,"  replied  Socrates; 
"  for  those  arts  which  are  called  handicrafts  are  objection 
able,1  and  are  indeed  justly  held  in  little  repute  in  communities; 
for  they  weaken  the  bodies  of  those  who  work  at  them  or 
attend  to  them,  by  compelling  them  to  sit  and  to  live  indoors; 
some  of  them,  too,  to  pass  whole  days  by  the  fire;  and  when 
the  body  becomes  effeminate,   the  mind  loses  its  strength. 

think  that  she  is  mentioned  as  an  instructress  ironically.  See  Weiske's 
note  on  Mem.  Soc.  ii.  6.  36.  2i/ot»7<7u>  ooi  'Aoiratriav,  says  Breitenb&ch, 
is  A$pasiam  tibi  conciliabo. 

1  'EirippijTot.]      Spoken  against ;   objected  to ;    regarded  with  little 
favour. 


86  (ECONOMICUS.  I CH,  4. 

3.  Such  mechanical  occupations  also,  as  they  are  termed,  leave 
those  who  practise  them  no  leisure  to  attend  to  the  interests  of 
their  friends  or  the  commonwealth;  so  that  men  of  that  class 
seem  unsuited  alike  to  be  of  advantage  to  their  connexions, 
and  to  be  defenders  of  their  country.  In  some  states,  indeed, 
and  especially  in  such  as  seem  excellent  in  war,  no  citizen  is 
allowed  to  engage  in  these  handicraft  employments." 

4.  "In  what  sort  of  employments  then,  Socrates,  would  you 
recommend  me  to  engage  ? "  asked  Critobulus.  "  Ought  we 
to  be  ashamed,"  replied  Socrates,  "  to  imitate  the  king  of  the 
Persians  ?  For  they  say  that  he  considers  the  art  of  agricul- 
ture, and  that  of  war,  to  be  among  the  most  honourable  and 
necessary  occupations,  and  pays  the  greatest  attention  to  both 
of  them."  5.  Critobulus,  on  hearing  this,  said,  "  Do  you  then, 
my  dear  Socrates,  believe  that  the  king  of  the  Persians  unites 
the  pursuit  of  husbandry  with  the  other  objects  of  his  care  ?" 
"If  we  consider  the  matter,  Critobulus,  in  the  following 
manner,  we  may  perhaps  satisfy  ourselves  whether  he  gives 
it  any  portion  of  his  attention.  We  are  all  aware  that  he  at- 
tends diligently  to  military  affairs,  because,  from  whatever 
nations  he  receives  tribute,  he  has  appointed  to  the  governors 
of  them  respectively  for  how  many  horsemen,  and  bowmen, 
and  slingers,  and  targeteers  each  must  furnish  maintenance,  a 
number  that  may  be  sufficient  to  keep  the  people  under  his 
command  in  awe,  and  serve  as  defenders  to  the  country  if 
enemies  invade  it.  6.  In  addition  to  these  troops,  the  king 
maintains  garrisons  in  the  several  fortresses;  and  the  govern- 
or, to  whom  the  commission  is  given,  furnishes  pay  for  these 
garrisons ;  while  the  king  holds  a  review  every  year  of  the 
mercenaries  and  other  forces  that  are  required  to  appear  in 
arms,  collecting  them  all  together,  except  the  troops  in  garri- 
son, in  the  place  where  they  are  ordered  to  assemble,  when  he 
himself  inspects  those  that  are  near  his  own  residence,  and  sends 
trustworthy  officers  to  view  such  as  are  at  a  distance.  7.  And 
whatever  commanders  of  garrisons,  captains  of  thousands,  and 
satraps,1  are  found  to  have  the  required  complement  of  troops, 
and  exhibit  them  equipped  with  proper  horses  and  arms,  he 
distinguishes  such  governors  with  honours,  and  enriches  them 

1  The  difference  between  these  three  kind  of  officers  may  be  understood 
by  a  reference  to  Cyrop.  viii.  6.  I  and  3.  Schneider.  The  commandeis 
of  garu8ons  and  captains  of  thousands  were  subject  to  the  satraps 


§    S — 11.]  AGRICULTURE    ENCOURAGED   IN   PERSIA.  87 

with  valuable  presents;  but  such  of  the  governors  as  he  finds 
either  neglecting  the  garrisons,  or  guilty  of  peculation,  he 
punishes  with  great  severity,  degrading  them  from  their  posts, 
and  putting  other  officers  in  their  places.  To  military  affairs, 
therefore,  as  he  pursues  such  a  course  of  conduct,  we  must 
unquestionably  allow  that  he  pays  great  attention.  8.  But, 
besides,  whatever  part  of  his  dominions  he  rides  through  and 
surveys  in  person,  he  observes  the  condition  of  it;  and  what- 
ever part  he  does  not  inspect  in  person,  he  ascertains  the  state 
of  it  by  sending  thither  trustworthy  commissioners  ;  and  to 
such  of  the  satraps  as  he  finds  exhibit  their  provinces  well 
inhabited,  with  the  soil  well  cultivated,  and  stocked  with  trees 
and  fruits  such  as  the  ground  is  fitted  to  produce,  he  gives 
additional  territory,  graces  them  with  presents,  and  distinguish- 
es them  with  seats  of  honour ;  but  such  as  he  finds  to  have 
their  provinces  ill  cultivated,  or  thinly  inhabited,  whether 
through  their  harsh  treatment  of  the  people,  or  through  ty- 
ranny or  neglect,  he  punishes  and  deprives  of  their  commands, 
and  appoints  others  in  their  room.  9.  Acting  thus,  does  he 
seem  to  have  less  care  that  his  land  may  be  well  cultivated 
by  the  inhabitants,  than  that  it  may  be  well  defended  by  his 
garrisons  ?  There  are  indeed  officers  appointed  by  him  for 
both  purposes;  but  not  the  same;  for  some  overlook  the  in- 
habitants and  tillers  of  the  ground,  and  collect  tribute  from 
them,  and  others  have  charge  of  the  armed  forces.  io.  And 
if  the  overseer  of  the  forces  does  not  sufficiently  protect  the 
provinces,  the  overseer  of  the  inhabitants  and  tillers  of  the 
ground  brings  an  accusation  against  him,  representing  that  the 
people  cannot  cultivate  the  land  for  want  of  proper  protection ; 
but  if,  while  the  overseer  of  the  forces  secures  peace  to  the 
cultivators,  the  other  overseer  occasions  the  provinces  to  be 
thin  of  people  and  ill  cultivated,  the  overseer  of  the  forces, 
on  his  part,  lays  an  accusation  against  him.  n.  For  those 
who  cultivate  the  ground  inefficiently  will  neither  maintain 
the  garrisons,  nor  be  able  to  pay  their  tribute.  But  when  a 
satrap  is  appointed,  he  attends  to  both  these  objects."  l 

1  To  the  payment  of  troops  in  the  garrisons  and  the  payment  of  tribute 
to  the  king.  "  We  see,"  says  Breitenbach,  '*  that  the  satrap,  as  described 
here,  differs  somewhat  from  the  satrap  whose  duties  are  specified,  Cyrop. 
viii.  6.  1 ;  and  that  there  was  in  every  province  an  dpxu,v  °r  governor  • 
general,  but  not  \n  every  province  a  satrap," 


88  (ECONOMICUS.  [CH.  4. 

12.  "  If  the  king,  then,"  rejoined  Critobulus,  "  acts  in  this 
manner,  Socrates,  he  appears  to  me  to  pay  no  less  attention  to 
agricultural  than  to  warlike  pursuits."  13.  "  But  in  addition 
to  all  this,"  continued  Socrates,  "in  whatever  provinces  he  re- 
sides, and  wheresoever  he  travels,  he  takes  care  that  there 
may  be  gardens,  such  as  are  called  paradeisoi,1  stocked 
with  everything  good  and  valuable  that  the  soil  will  produce  ; 
and  in  these  gardens  he  himself  spends  the  greatest  part  of 
his  time,  whenever  the  season  of  the  year  does  not  prevent 
him."  14.  "  Assuredly,  then,  Socrates,"  observed  Critobulus, 
"  the  people  must  of  necessity  take  care  that,  where  the  king 
himself  resides,  the  gardens  be  excellently  stored  with  trees 
and  all  other  choice  productions  that  the  earth  affords." 
15.  "Some  relate,  too,  Critobulus,"  added  Socrates,  "that 
when  the  king  distributes  rewards,  he  calls  forward  first  those 
who  have  distinguished  themselves  in  war,  (because  it  would 
be  of  no  use  to  till  a  great  quantity  of  ground,  unless  there 
were  soldiers  to  defend  it,)  and  afterwards  those  who  have 
kept  their  lands  in  the  best  order,  and  rendered  them  most 
productive,  observing  that  even  brave  men  would  not  be  able 
to  live,  unless  there  were  tillers  of  the  ground.  16.  It  is  said 
also  that  Cyrus,2  who  was  a  most  illustrious  prince,  remarked 
on  one  occasion  to  those  who  were  called  to  receive  rewards, 
that  he  himself  might  justly  receive  both  sorts  of  presents; 
for  he  excelled,  he  said,  both  in  regulating  his  province,  and 
in  defending  it  when  it  was  regulated."  17.  "  Cyrus,  therefore, 
Socrates,"  said  Critobulus,  "  if  he  made  this  observation, 
prided  himself  not  less  on  rendering  his  province  fertile,  and  in 
keeping  it  in  order,  than  on  his  ability  in  war."  18.  "It 
seems  likely  indeed,"  said  Socrates,  "  that  if  Cyrus  had  lived, 
he  would  have  proved  a  very  excellent  king  ;  and  of  this  pro- 
bability the  following  indication,  as  well  as  many  others,  has 
been  afforded,  that  when  he  set  out  to  contend  with  his  brother 
for  the  kingdom,  not  a  single  soldier,  as  is  said,  deserted  from 
Cyrus  to  the  king,  while  many  myriads  deserted  from  the 

1  The  young  student  may  be  told  that  irapaSetGog  is  not  a  Greek  word, 
as  Suidas  supposes,  who  derives  it  from  the  verb  devav,  but  is  of  Persian 
origin,  as  is  rightly  intimated  by  Pollux,  ix.  13.  Concerning  the  nature 
of  these  irapadenroi,  or  parks,  the  reader  may  consult  A.  Gell.  ii.  20  ;  Plin. 
H.  N.  viii.  25  ;  Q.  Curt.  viii.  1 — 11.      Reisig. 

2  Cyrus  the  Younger.  He  is  called  (3am\svg  in  the  text,  as  being,  saya 
Weiske,  the  aon  of  a  king,  and  enjoying  royal  honours  in  his  province. 


§    19 — 24.]  LYSANDER  AND    CYRUS.  89 

king  to  Cyrus.  19.  I  regard  it  indeed  as  a  great  proof  of 
merit  in  a  general  when  men  follow  him  willingly,  and  are 
ready  to  stand  by  him  in  danger  ;  and  around  Cyrus,  as  long 
as  he  was  alive,  his  friends  continued  to  fight,  and  were  all 
killed  with  him  when  he  died,  contending  over  his  body,  ex- 
cept Ariaeus,  who  happened  to  be  posted  in  the  left  wing. 
20.  It  is  this  Cyrus  that  is  said  to  have  paid  Lysander,  when 
he  came  with  presents  to  him  from  the  allies,  many  marks  of 
civility  (as  Lysander  himself  once  stated  in  conversation  with 
a  friend  of  his  at  Megara),  and  to  have  shown  him  (as  Lysan- 
der related)  his  park  at  Sardis.  21.  When  Lysander  expressed 
his  admiration  of  it,  observing  how  fine  the  trees  were,  how 
regularly  they  were  planted,  how  straight  the  rows  of  them 
were,  and  how  elegantly  all  the  rows  formed  angles  with  one 
another,  while  many  sweet  odours  attended  on  Lysander  and 
Cyrus  as  they  walked  about ; — admiring  all  this,  lie  said,  'I 
look  with  astonishment  on  all  these  trees  on  account  of  their 
beauty,  but  am  still  more  astonished  at  the  art  of  him  who 
measured  out  the  ground,  and  arranged  them  all  for  you.' 
22.  Cyrus,  on  hearing  this,  was  delighted,  and  said,  'It  was  I,  let 
me  say,  Lysander,  that  measured  the  ground  and  arranged  all 
the  trees  myself;  and  there  are  some  of  them,'  he  added, 
'that  I  planted  with  my  own  hand.'  23.  Lysander,  as  he 
told  us,  looked  at  Cyrus,  and  contemplating  the  beauty  of  the 
robes  which  he  had  on,  and  perceiving  the  perfume  that  issued 
from  them,  and  the  splendour  of  the  necklaces,  bracelets,  and 
other  ornaments  which  he  wore,  said,  '  What  is  it  that  you 
tell  me,  Cyrus  ?  Did  you,  with  your  own  hands,  plant  any  of 
these  trees  ? '  24.  '  Do  you  wonder  at  this,  Lysander  ?  * 
replied  Cyrus  ;  '  I  swear  to  you  by  Mithras,  that,  whenever 
I  am  in  health,  I  never  dine  till  I  have  put  myself  into  a  per- 
spiration by  pursuing  some  military  or  agricultural  occupation, 
or  by  contending  for  superiority  in  some  exercise  of  a  similar 
nature.' '  I,  indeed,  added  Lysander,  when  I  heard  him  say 
this,  took  him  by  the  hand,  and  said,  '  You  appear  to  me, 
Cyrus,  to  be  deservedly  fortunate ;  for  you  have  your  good 
fortune  from  being  a  man  of  merit.' 

1  I  read  rotovrw  yk  rt,  with  Breitecbach.     Dindorf  s  text,  and  most 
others,  have  ael  ovv  y*  re. 


90  <ECONOMICU8.  f  CH*  5. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Socrates  continues  to  discourse  of  agriculture,  and  shows  that  the  wealthiest 
and  noblest  of  men  have  given  their  attention  to  it,  as  it  strengthens  the 
mind  and  body,  improves  the  estate,  and  conduces  to  a  virtuous  course  of 
life.  Critobulus  makes  some  observations  on  the  casualties  to  which 
agricultural  occupations  are  exposed ;  Socrates  recommends,  in  reply,  that 
the  gods  should  be  carefully  worshipped  and  propitiated. 

1.  "  This  anecdote  I  relate  to  you,  Critobulus,"  continued 
Socrates,  "  to  show  that  not  even  men  of  the  most  exalted 
fortune  are  contented  to  abstain  from  agriculture  ;  for  the 
pursuit  of  it  seems  to  be  at  once  a  means  of  enjoyment  and  of 
increasing  their  resources  ;  and  it  is  also  an  exercise  for  the 
body,  such  as  to  strengthen  it  for  discharging  the  duties 
that  become  a  man  of  honourable  birth.  ?..  In  the  first  place, 
ihe  earth  yields  the  food  on  which  men  live  to  those  who  cul- 
tivate it,  and  produces  in  addition  things  from  which  they 
receive  gratification,  3.  Besides  these,  it  supplies  the  flowers 
which  decorate  altars  and  statues,  and  with  which  men  adorn 
themselves,  accompanied  with  the  most  pleasing  odours  and 
appearances;  sauces  and  animal  food,1  too,  it  partly  produces 
and  partly  nourishes,  in  great  abundance  (for  the  art  of 
managing  cattle  is  connected  with  farming)  ;  so  that  men  have" 
enough  to  propitiate  the  gods  by  sacrificing,  and  to  use  them- 
selves. 4.  Yet,  though  it  offers  blessings  in  the  greatest  plenty, 
it  doe3  not  permit  us  to  take  them  in  idleness,  but  requires  us 
to  accustom  ourselves  to  endure  the  colds  of  winter  and  the 
heats  of  summer ;  to  those  whom  it  exercises  in  manual  labour, 
it  gives  an  increase  of  strength;  and  in  such  as  only  oversee 
the  cultivation  of  it,2  it  produces  a  manly  vigour,  by  requiring 
them  to  rise  early  in  the  morning,  and  forcing  them  to  move 
about  with  activity  ;  for  in  the  country,  as  well  as  in  the  city, 
the  most  important  matters  are  always  done  at  a  stated  sea- 

1  "0\f/a.l  Under  this  term  was  included  whatever  was  eaten  with  bread, 
whether  flesh,  fish,  or  herbs. 

a  Tovs  ^«  Ty  tTrintXsiq.  yeu)pyovvTcig.']  By  these  words  we  are  to  un- 
derstand those  who  superintend  their  work  as  done  by  slaves  or  other  labour- 
erf,  in  opposition  to  aurovpyoi,  "  workers  with  their  own  hands."    Weisfo 


§    5—11.]  EXCELLENCES   OF   AGRICULTURE.  91 

son.1  5.  Again,  if  a  man  wishes  to  serve  his  country2  as  a 
horse-soldier,  farming  offers  the  greatest  convenience  for 
keeping  a  horse,  or  if  as  a  foot-soldier,  it  keeps  the  body  ro- 
bust ;  and  it  also  affords  some  incitement  to  exertion  in  hunt- 
ing over  the  land,3  supplying  facilities  for  the  keeping  of  dogs, 
and  supporting  beasts  of  game,.  6.  The  horses  and  dogs,  more- 
over, which  are  kept  by  farming,  benefit  the  farm  in  return  ; 
the  horse,  by  carrying  his  master  early  in  the  morning  to  the 
scene  of  his  labours,  and  furnishing  him  the  means  of  return- 
ing late ;  the  dogs,  by  preventing  the  wild  beasts  from  de- 
stroying the  fruits  of  the  earth  and  the  cattle,  and  by  affording 
security  even  in  the  most  solitary  places. 

7.  "  The  possession  of  land  also  stimulates  agriculturists,  in 
some  degree,  to  defend  their  country  in  arms,  as  the  ground 
produces  its  fruits  exposed  to  all,4  for  the  strongest  to  take 
possession  of  them.  8.  What  occupation,  too,  renders  men 
more  fit  for  running,  and  throwing,  and  leaping,  than  agricul- 
ture ?  What  employment  offers  men  greater  gratification  for 
their  labour  ?  What  art  welcomes  the  student  of  it  with 
greater  pleasure,  offering  him  that  approaches,  indeed,  the 
means  of  gaining  whatever  he  desires  ?  What  occupation  re* 
ceives  strangers  with  richer  hospitality  ?  9.  Where  is  there 
greater  facility  for  passing  the  winter  amid  plenty  of  fires, 
and  warm  baths,  than  on  the  farm  ?  Or  where  can  we  spend 
the  summer  more  agreeably,  by  streams,  amid  breezes,  and 
under  shade,  than  in  the  fields  ?  io.  What  other  occupation 
offers  more  pleasing  first-fruits  to  the  gods,  or  richer  banquets 
on  festival  days  ?  What  pursuit  is  more  comfortable  for  a 
man's  servants,  more  delightful  to  his  wife,  more  attractive  to 
his  children,  or  more  gratifying  to  his  friends  ?    n.  I  should 

1  'EiriKaipuvTarai  7rpa£ei£.]  Weiske  understands  res  maxime  oppor- 
tune or  utiles ;  Schneider,  res  preecipuce.  These  are  to  be  done  iv  iop<}t 
ttato,  certo,  opportunissimo  tempore. 

2  'Apriytiv  r$  7r6Xa.]  As  was  the  duty  of  the  Athenian  citizen, 
whether  he  chose  to  enrol  himself  in  the  cavalry  or  the  infantry. 
Schneider. 

3  Breitenbach  reads,  with  Schneider  and  Weiske,  Sfipaig  r*  lTri$i\oiro~ 
viiaSai  ovveiraipti  ti  t)  yij,  "  the  land  affords  some  incitement  for  exertion 
in  hunting."  Dindorf,  whom  I  follow,  has  <j>i\oTroveioSai — ry  yy,  yftop- 
yia  being  the  nom.  case  to  oweiraipti. 

4  'Ev  fikoi».~\  In  medio,  i.  e.  lying  open  and  exposed  to  invaders.  Com* 
pare  Aristotle,  Pol.  c.  2  :  Mdvwv  yap  tovtwp  to,  KTrmara  t£w  Tiav  tpvua* 
rwv  ivriv.     Breijenbach. 


92  (ECONOMICUS.  [CH.  3. 

be  surprised,  for  my  own  part,  if  any  man  of  liberal  feelings 
has  met  with  any  possession  more  pleasing  than  a  farm,  or 
discovered  any  pursuit  more  attractive,  or  more  conducive  to 
the  means  of  life,  than  agriculture. 

12.  "The  earth  also  kindly  teaches  men  justice,  at  least 
such  as  are  able  to  learn ;  for  it  is  those  who  treat  her  best 
that  she  recompenses  with  the  most  numerous  benefits. 

13.  "  If  on  any  occasion,  moreover,  those  who  are  employed 
in  agriculture  are  forced  to  quit  their  occupations  by  a  multi- 
tude of  invading  enemies,  yet,  as  they  have  been  bred  to 
vigorous  and  manly  exertion,  and  are  well  exercised  in  mind 
and  body,  they  may,  if  the  gods  are  not  unfavourable,  make 
incursions  into  the  lands  of  those  who  impede  their  occupations, 
and  carry  off  booty  on  which  they  may  support  themselves. 
Frequently,  indeed,  in  war,  it  is  safer  to  seek  a  livelihood 
with  hostile  weapons  than  with  instruments  of  agriculture. 

14.  "The  cultivation  of  the  ground,  too,  instructs  men 
to  assist  one  another ;  for  as  we  must  make  attacks  on 
enemies  with  the  aid  of  men,  so  it  is  with  aid  of  men  that 
agriculture  must  be  conducted.  15.  He,  therefore,  that  would  till 
his  ground  properly  must  provide  himself  with  labourers  both 
ready  to  work  and  willing  to  obey  him  ;  and  he  that  leads  an 
army  against  an  enemy  must  take  similar  precautions,  reward- 
ing those  who  act  as  good  soldiers  ought  to  act,  and  punishing 
those  who  are  neglectful  of  discipline.  16.  A  husbandman  must 
encourage  his  workmen  as  frequently  as  a  general  exhorts  his 
soldiers  ;  and  slaves  require  favourable  prospects  to  be  held 
out  to  them  not  less  than  free-men,  and  indeed  even  more, 
that  they  may  be  willing  to  stay  with  their  masters.  17.  He  also 
said  well,  who  pronounced  agriculture  to  be  the  mother  and 
nurse  of  other  arts  ;  for  when  agriculture  flourishes,  all  other 
pursuits  are  in  full  vigour  ;  but  when  the  ground  is  forced  to 
lie  barren,  other  occupations  are  almost  stopped,  as  well  by 
land  as  by  sea." 

18.  When  Critobulus  had  heard  these  remarks  to  an  end, 
he  said,  "  You  seem  to  me,  my  dear  Socrates,  to  say  all  this 
with  great  reason  ;  but  you  have  not  observed  that  there  are 
connected  with  agriculture  many  things  which  it  is  impossible 
for  man  to  foresee  ;  for  sometimes  hail,  frost,  drought,  violent 
rains,  mildew,  and  often  indeed  other  causes,  deprive  us  of 
the  fruit  of  what  has  been  excellently  contrived  and  arranged  ; 


§    19.  20.]  THE    GODS    TO   BE   PROPITIATED.  93 

and  sometimes  disease  comes  to  carry  off,  in  the  most  pitiable 
manner,  cattle  that  have  been  bred  with  the  utmost  care." 
19.  Socrates,  listening  to  this,  said,  "I  thought  that  you  were 
aware,  Critobulus,  that  the  gods  are  disposers  of  affairs  in 
agriculture  not  less  than  of  those  in  war  ;  and  you  see,  I  sup- 
pose, that  those  who  are  engaged  in  the  field  of  battle  pro- 
pitiate the  gods  before  they  come  to  an  engagement,  and  con- 
sult them,  with  the  aid  of  sacrifices  and  auguries,  to  learn 
what  they  ought  or  ought  not  to  do.  20.  And  do  you  think 
that  there  is  less  necessity  to  seek  the  favour  of  the  gods  with 
regard  to  the  proceedings  of  agriculture  ?  For  be  assured," 
added  he,  "  that  wise  men  worship  the  gods  with  a  view  to 
the  preservation  of  their  fruits,  as  well  suceulent  as  dry,1  and 
of  their  oxen,  horses,  sheep,  and  all  their  other  possessions." 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Critobulus  admits  that  the  gods  ought  to  be  propitiated.  Socrates  recapitu- 
lates what  he  had  said  of  the  excellences  of  agriculture.  Critobulus  in- 
quires how  it  is  that  some  persons  are  enriched,  and  others  ruined,  by  agri- 
cultural occupations ;  Socrates  replies,  that  the  best  way  to  satisfy  him  on 
this  point  will  be  to  introduce  him  to  Ischomachus,  an  excellent  husband- 
man, and  a  man  of  strict  integrity  and  honour. 

l.  "  This  also  you  appear  to  say  with  great  reason,  my  dear 
Socrates,"  said  Critobulus,  "desiring  us  to  commence  every 
work  with  the  gods  in  our  favour,  as  the  gods  are  the  direct- 
ors of  affairs  of  peace,  no  less  than  of  those  of  war.  In  such 
a  way,  accordingly,  we  will  make  it  our  care  to  act.  But  do 
you,  returning  to  the  point  at  which  you  ceased  to  speak 
of  the  management  of  a  house,  proceed  to  bring  to  a  conclu- 
sion that  which  follows  upon  what  you  said  ;  as  I  seem  to 
myself,  since  I  heard  your  observations  on  the  subject,  to  see 
somewhat  better  than  before  what  I  must  do  to  increase 
my  means  of  living."  2.  "  What  if  we  should  first  go  back, 
then,"  said  Socrates,  "  to  those  particulars  on  which  we  agreed 
as  we  went  over  them,  that  we  may  proceed  also,  if  we  find 
it  at  all  possible,  to  go  through  the  remaining  points  so  as  to 
agree  upon  them  ?  "  3.  "  Very  well,"  said  Critobulus  ;  "  for 
1  Grapes  and  olives  ;   wheat  and  other  grain. 


94  CECONOMICUS.  '  I  CH.  6 

as  it  is  gratifying  to  persons  who  have  pecuniary  accounts 
between  them  to  reach  the  conc'usion  of  them  without  dis- 
agreement, so  it  will  be  pleasant  for  us,  who  are  pursuing 
a  chain  of  reasoning  between  us,  to  go  through  the  various 
points  on  which  we  speak  with  unanimity." 

4.  "  The  management  of  a  house  or  estate,  then,"  proceeded 
Socrates,  "  was  decided  between  us  to  be  the  name  of  an  art 
or  science..  This  art  or  science  was  defined  to  be  that  by 
which  men  may  increase,  their  houses  or  estates  ;  and  a  man's 
house  or  estate  was  defined  to  be  the  same  as  his  whole 
possessions  or  goods.  A  man's  goods  we  agreed  to  be  what- 
ever is  profitable  for  his  well-being  ;  and  profitable  things 
were  defined  to  be  all  things  that  a  person  knows  how  to  use. 
5.  We  agreed  that  it  was  impossible  to  learn  all  arts,  and 
determined  to  exclude  from  our  favour,  in  common  with  com- 
munities in  general,  those  employments  which  are  termed 
handicrafts,  as  they  appear  to  diminish  bodily  strength,  and 
cramp  the  powers  of  the  mind.  6.  We  considered  that  the 
plainest  proof  of  this  would  be,  if,  when  enemies  invade  a 
country,  we  should  divide  the  husbandmen  and  artisans  into 
two  bodies,  and  ask  each  of  them  separately  whether  they 
would  be  inclined  to  guard  the  open  country,  or  to  retreat 
from  the  fields  to  defend  the  fortresses,  i.  For  under  such 
circumstances  we  thought  that  those  who  were  employed 
about  the  land  would  give  their  voice  for  defending  it,  while 
the  artisans  would  vote  for  not  fighting,  but  for  sitting  still, 
as  they  had  been  brought  up  without  either  working  hard  or 
running  into  danger.  8.  We  were  of  opinion,  too,  that  agri- 
culture, for  an  honourable  and  high-minded  man,  is  the  best  of 
all  the  occupations  and  arts  by  which  men  procure  the  means 
of  living.  9.  For  it  is  a  pursuit  that  appeared  to  us  most 
easy  to  learn,  and  most  pleasant  to  practise  ;  it  seemed  to  us 
to  put  the  bodies  of  men  in  the  fairest  and  most  vigorous  con 
dition,  and  to  be  far  from  giving  such  constant  occupation  to 
their  minds  as  to  prevent  them  from  attending  to  the  interests 
of  tbeir  friends  or  their  country.  10.  Agriculture  also  was 
thought  by  us  to  afford  some  incitement  to  those  who  pursue 
it  to  become  courageous,  as  it  produces  and  sustains  what 
is  necessary  for  human  life  without  the  walls  of  fortresses.1 

1  See  note  on  c.  5,  sec*.  7 


$    11 — 16.]  THE   KALOIKAGATHOI.  95 

For  these  reasons,  moreover,  this  mode  of  life  appeared  to  us 
to  be  the  most  honourable  in  the  estimation  of  governments  in 
general,  as  well  as  because  it  seems  to  render  the  citizens  most 
virtuous  and  best  affected  towards  the  commonwealth." 

li.  "That  it  is  extremely  honourable,  and  becoming,  and 
pleasant,  indeed,  Socrates,"  said  Critobulus,  "  to  derive  the 
means  of  life  from  agriculture,  I  think  that  I  am  quite  suffi- 
ciently convinced  ;  but  as  to  what  you  said  a  while  ago,  that 
you  understood  the  reasons  why  some  men  manage  their  land 
in  such  a  way  as  to  have  abundance  of  whatever  they  need 
from  the  culture  of  it,  and  why  others  labour  on  it  in  so  differ- 
ent a  manner  that  the  cultivation  of  it  is  profitless  to  them,  I 
should  like  to  hear  from  you  the  causes  of  both  results,  that  I 
may  pursue  what  is  beneficial,  and  avoid  what  is  detrimental." 
12.  "What  then  if  I  should  relate  to  you  at  length,1  Crito- 
bulus," said  Socrates,  "  a  conversation  which  I  formerly  held 
with  a  man  who  appeared  to  me  to  be  really  one  of  those 
to  whom  the  epithets  of  fair  and  good2  are  justly  applied  ?  n 
"  I  should  be  extremely  pleased,"  said  Critobulus,  "  to  hear 
that  conversation,  as  I  myself  desire  also  to  become  deserving 
of  those  epithets."  13.  "  I  will  tell  you,  then,"  said  Socrates, 
"  how  I  came  to  visit  the  man  ; 3  for  a  very  short  time  was 
amply  sufficient  for  me  to  go  round  among  good  carpenters, 
good  workers  in  brass,  good  painters  and  statuaries,  and  other 
persons  of  that  kind,  and  to  view  such  works  of  theirs  as  were 
esteemed  beautiful.  14.  But  in  order  to  learn  the  characters 
of  those  who  love  the  honourable  distinction  of  being  fair  and 
good,  and  to  ascertain  by  what  course  of  conduct  they  de- 
served to  be  called  so,  I  felt  an  extraordinary  desire  to  con- 
verse with  one  of  them.  15.  And,  in  the  first  place,  as  the 
epithet  fair  was  added  to  that  of  good,  I  accosted  whomsoever 
I  observed  to  be  of  a  handsome  person,  and  endeavoured  to 
satisfy  myself  whether  I  could  anywhere  find  goodness  added 
to  beauty.  16.  But  such  was  not  always  the  case  ;  for  I  felt 
myself  convinced  that  some  of  those  who  were  beautiful  in 
form  were  altogether  depraved  in  mind.     I  determined  there- 

1  'EZapxng,  from  the  beginning.  2  Ka\6g  rt  KayaQoc. 

•  Etc  rr\v  OKttyiv  avrov.']     Ad  invisendum  hominem  ilium.     Dindorf. 

4  Breitenbach  reads,  ikclvoq  'ncavvQ  7rspu\9eiv  re  ical,  &c.,from  a  happy 
conjecture  of  Rost.  The  old  reading  was  i<cavu>Q  (without  iKavoo),  which 
Schneider  altered  into  Ixavog. 


96  CEC0N031ICUS.  £ch.  ?' 

fore  on  giving  up  all  regard  to  mere  beauty  of  person,  and 
visiting  one  of  those  who  were  called  both  fair  and  good.  17. 
As  I  heard,  accordingly,  that  Ischomachus  was  called  fair  and 
good  by  everybody,  both  men  and  women,  foreigners  and 
natives  of  the  country,  I  resolved  to  make  it  my  business 
to  have  some  conversation  with  him. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Socrates  relates  how  he  first  met  with  Ischomachus ;  how  he  asked  him  why 
4  he  was  called  thej'ai?'  and  good  ;  and  how  he  learned  from  him  the  nature 
of  his  occupations  and  mode  of  life,  and  the  character  of  his  wife.  Dialogue 
of  Ischomachus  with  his  wife,  in  which  all  the  domestic  duties  of  husband 
and  wife  are  specified.  Honours  attendant  on  a  wife  who  discharges  her 
duties  with  efficiency  and  conscientiousness. 

I.  "  Observing  him  therefore  sitting  one  day  in  the  portico 
of  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Eleutherius,  I  went  towards  him,  and 
as  he  seemed  to  me  to  be  at  leisure,  sat  down  near  him, 
and  said,  *  Why  are  you,  Ischomachus,  who  are  not  accustomed 
to  be  idle,  sitting  thus  ?  for  in  general  I  see  you  either  doing 
something,  or  certainly  not  altogether  wasting  your  time,  in 
the  market-place.,  2.  '  Nor  would  you  now  see  me  quite  un- 
occupied, Socrates,'  said  Ischomachus,  '  if  I  had  not  made  an 
appointment  to  wait  here  for  some  strangers.'  '  But  when 
you  have  no  such  engagements,'  said  I,  '  where,  in  the  name 
of  heaven,  do  you  spend  your  time,  and  how  do  you  employ 
yourself  ?  for  I  have  the  strongest  desire  to  learn  from  you 
what  it  is  you  do  that  you  are  called  fair  and  good ;  since  you 
certainly  do  not  pass  your  life  indoors,  nor  does  your  com- 
plexion look  like  that  of  a  man  who  does  so.'  3.  Ischomachus, 
smiling  at  my  inquiry,  what  do  you  do  to  be  called  fair  and 
good,  and  being  pleased  at  it,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  replied, 
'  Whether  people,  when  they  talk  together  about  me,  give  me 
that  appellation,  I  do  not  know  ;  but  certainly  when  they  call 
upon  me  as  to  the  antidosis1  of  the  duties  of  a  trierarch  or 

1  There  was  a  law  at  Athens  that  if  any  person  were  called  on  to  take 
the  duty  of  trierarch,  or  any  other  public  office,  and  could  point  out  any 
person  richer  tb/in  himself,  who  ought  to  have  been  called  upon  instead 


§  4 — 3.  j     how  iscriOMAcnus  instructs  his  wife.         97 

choragus,  no  one  summons  me  by  the  name  of  fair  and  good, 
but  they  designate  me  plainly  as  Ischomachus,  distinguishing 
me  by  the  name  of  my  father  ;  and  as  to  what  you  asked  me 
besides,  Socrates,  I  assuredly  do  not  spend  my  life  indoors  ; 
for,'  added  he,  'my  wife  is  quite  capable  herself  of  managing 
what  is  to  be  done  in  my  house.'  4.  '  But,'  said  I,  '  Ischoma- 
chus, '  I  would  very  gladly  be  permitted  to  ask  you  whether 
you  instructed  your  wife  yourself,  so  that  she  might  be  quali- 
fied as  she  ought  to  be,  or  whether,  when  you  received  her 
from  her  father  and  mother,  she  was  possessed  of  sufficient 
knowledge  to  manage  what  belongs  to  her.'  5.  *  And  how, 
my  dear  Socrates,'  said  he,  'could  she  have  had  sufficient 
knowledge  when  I  took  her,  since  she  came  to  my  house  when 
she  was  not  fifteen  years  old,1  and  had  spent  the  preceding 
part  of  her  life  under  the  strictest  restraint,  in  order  that  she 
might  see  as  little,  hear  as  little,  and  ask  as  few  questions  as 
possible  ?2  6.  Does  it  not  appear  to  you  to  be  quite  sufficient, 
if  she  did  but  know,  when  she  came,  how  to  take  wool  and 
make  a  garment,  and  had  seen  how  to  apportion  the  tasks  of 
spinning  among  the  maid-servants  ?  for  as  to  what  concerns 
the  appetite,3  Socrates,'  added  he,  '  which  seems  to  me  a  most 
important  part  of  instruction  both  for  a  man  and  for  a  woman, 
she  came  to  me  extremely  well  instructed.'  7.  '  But  as  to 
other  things,  Ischomachus,'  said  I,  '  did  you  yourself  instruct 
your  wife,  so  that  she  should  be  qualified  to  attend  to  the 
affairs  belonging  to  her  ? '  '  Not,  indeed,'  replied  Ischomachus, 
'  until  I  had  offered  sacrifice,  and  prayed  that  it  might  be  my 
fortune  to  teach,  and  hers  to  learn,  what  would  be  best  for 
both  of  us.'  8.  'Did  your  wife,  then,'  said  I,  'join  with  you 
in  offering  sacrifice,  and  in  praying  for  these  blessings  ? ' 
'  Certainly,'   answered    Ischomachus,    '  and    she  made   many 

of  him,  he  might  summon  that  citizen  either  to  take  the  office  or  tc 
exchange  properties  with  himself.  This  was  called  avridoffig,  See  De~ 
mosth.  c.  Mid.  c.  17.     Wolff,  Proleg.  ad  Lept.  p.  123. 

1  Such  seems  to  have  been  the  custom  at  Athens,  though  Aristotle 
Polit.  vii.  16,  says  that  girls  could  not  properly  marry  before  they  were 
eighteen.     Schneider.     See  Becker's  Charicles,  vol.  ii.  p.  449. 

2  Concerning  the  way  in  which  the  Athenian  girls  passed  their  time 
before  marriage,  see  Becker's  Charicles,  vol.  ii.  p.  422,  475.  Breitenbach. 
Also  Xen.  Rep.  Lac.  c.  1,  sect.  3. 

3  Td  di^pi  yaorspa.]  These  words  significantly  express  the  chief  vir- 
tue of  a  wife.  Breitenbach.  "  La  sobriete."  Gail.  Temperance  in 
eating  and  drinking.     Com£.  sect.  14.     Weiske. 

VOL.  III.  H 


9^  <EC0N03IICUS.  [cn.  7 

vows  to  the  gods  that  she  would  be  such  as  she  ought  to 
be,  and  shewed  plainly  that  she  was  not  likely  to  disregard 
what  was  taught  her.'  9.  '  In  the  name  of  the  gods,  Ischo- 
machus,  tell  me,'  said  I,  '  what  you  began  to  teach  her  first  ; 
for  I  shall  have  more  pleasure  in  hearing  you  give  this 
account,  than  if  you  were  to  give  me  a  description  of  the 
finest  gymnastic  or  equestrian  games.'  io.  '  Well,  then,  So- 
crates,' returned  Ischomachus,  'when  she  grew  familiarized 
and  domesticated  with  me,  so  that  we  conversed  freely  to- 
gether, I  began  to  question  her  in  some  such  way  as  this  : 
"  Tell  me,  my  dear  wife,  have  you  ever  considered  with  what 
view  I  married  you,  and  with  what  object  your  parents  gave 
you  to  me  ?  n.  For  that  there  was  no  want  of  other  persons 
with  whom  we  might  have  shared  our  respective  beds l  must, 
I  am  sure,  be  evident  to  you  as  well  as  to  me.  But  when  I 
considered  for  myself,  and  your  parents  for  you,  whom  we 
might  select  as  the  best  partner  for  a  house  and  children, 
I  preferred  you,  and  your  parents,  as  it  appears,  preferred  me, 
out  of  those  who  were  possible  objects  of  choice.  12.  If,  then, 
the  go-ds  should  ever  grant  children  to  be  born  to  us,  we  shall 
then  consult  together,  with  regard  to  them,  how  we  may 
bring  them  up  as  well  as  possible  ;  for  it  will  be  a  common 
advantage  to  both  of  us  to  find  them  of  the  utmost  service  as 
supporters  and  maintainers  of  our  old  age.  13.  At  present, 
however,  this  1.1  our  common  household  ;  for  I  deposit  all  that 
I  have  as  in  common  between  us,  and  you  put  everything 
that  you  have  brought  into  our  common  stock.  Nor  is  it  ne- 
cessary to  consider  which  of  the  two  has  contributed  the 
greater  share  ;  but  we  ought  to  feel  assured  that  whichsoever 
of  us  is  the  better  manager  of  our  common  fortune  will  give 
the  more  valuable  service."  14.  To  these  remarks,  Socrates, 
my  wife  replied,  "  In  what  respect  could  I  cooperate  with 
you  ?  What  power  have  I  ?  Everything  lies  with  you.  My 
duty,  my  mother  told  me,  was  to  conduct  myself  discreetly." 
15.  "  Yes,  by  Jupiter,  my  dear  wife,"  replied  I,  "and  my  father 
told  me  the  same.  But  it  is  the  part  of  discreet  people,  aa, 
well  husbands  as  wives,  to  act  in  such  a  manner  that  their 

1  'EfcaG ev dofiev  av.]    We  must  consider  the  verb,  says  Breitenbach,  to 
tefer,  not  to  Ischomachus  merely,  as  speaking  of  himself  in  the  plural, 
fcut  to  both  him  and  his  wife;  and  they  were  brought  together,  Ischoma 
chus  intimates,  for  mutual  aid. 


§  16 — 23.]     DUTIES  OF  MEN  AND  WOMEN.  99 

property  may  be  in  the  best  possible  condition,  and  that  as 
large  additions  as  possible  may  be  made  to  it  by  honourable 
and  just  means."  16.  "And,  what  do  you  see,"  said  my  wife, 
"  that  I  can  do  to  assist  in  increasing  our  property  ?  "  "  En- 
deavour by  all  means,"  answered  I,  "  to  do  in  the  best  possible 
manner  those  duties  which  the  gods  have  qualified  you  to  do, 
and  which  custom1  approves."  17.  "And  what  are  they?" 
asked  she.  "  I  consider,"  replied  I,  "  that  they  are  duties  of  no 
small  importance,  unless  indeed  the  queen  bee  in  a  hive  is  ap- 
pointed for  purposes  of  small  importance.  18.  For  to  me,"' 
continued  he, ' "  the  gods,  my  dear  wife,"  said  I,  "  seem  certainly 
to  have  united  that  pair  of  beings,  which  is  called  male  and 
female,  with  the  greatest  judgment,  that  they  may  be  in  the 
highest  degree  serviceable  to  each  other  in  their  connexion. 
19.  In  the  first  place,  the  pair  are  brought  together  to  produce 
offspring,  that  the  races  of  animals  may  not  become  extinct ; 
and  to  human  beings,  at  least,  it  is  granted  to  have  supporters 
for  their  old  age  from  this  union.  20.  For  human  beings,  also, 
their  mode  of  life  is  not,  like  that  of  cattle,  in  the  open  air  ; 
but  they  have  need,  we  see,  of  houses.  It  is  accordingly  ne- 
cessary for  those  who  would  have  something  to  bring  into 
their  houses  to  have  people  to  perform  the  requisite  employ- 
ments in  the  open  air  ;  for  tilling,  and  sowing,  and  planting, 
and  pasturage  are  all  employments  for  the  open  air  ;  and 
from  these  employments  the  necessaries  of  life  are  procured.  21 
But  when  these  necessaries  have  been  brought  into  the  house, 
there  is  need  of  some  one  to  take  care  of  them,  and  to  do 
whatever  duties  require  to  be  done  under  shelter.  The  rear- 
ing of  young  children  also  demands  shelter,  as  well  as  the 
preparation  of  food  from  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  and  the  mak- 
ing of  clothes  from  wool.  22.  And  as  both  these  sorts  of 
employments,  alike  those  without  doors  and  those  within,  re- 
quire labour  and  care,  the  gods,  as  it  seems  to  me,"  said  I, 
"have  plainly  adapted  the  nature  of  the  woman  for  works 
and  duties  within  doors,  and  that  of  the  man  for  works  and 
duties  without  doors.  23.  For  the  divinity  has  fitted  the  body 
and  mind  of  the  man  to  be  better  able  to  bear  cold,  and  heat, 
and  travelling,  and  military  exercises,  so  that  he  has  imposed 

1  Nojxoc.]  Lex.  Dindorf.  But  Sturz,  in  his  Lexicon,  vol.  iii.  p.  209 
gives  it  the  sense  of  mos,  consuetudo,  which  seems  to  be  more  suitable  to 
the  passage.     See  sect.  30. 

h  2 


iOO  (ECONOM1CUS.  [CH.  7. 

upon  him  the  work  without  doors  ;  and  by  having  formed  the 
body  of  the  woman  to  be  less  able  to  bear  such  exertions,  he 
appears  to  me  to  have  laid  upon  her,"  said  I,  "  the  duties  within 
doors.  24.  But  knowing  that  he  had  given  the  woman  by 
nature,  and  laid  upon  her,  the  office  of  rearing  young  children, 
he  has  also  bestowed  upon  her  a  greater  portion  of  love  for 
her  newly-born  offspring  than  on  the  man.  25.  Since,  too,  the 
divinity  has  laid  upon  the  woman  the  duty  of  guarding  what  is 
brought  into  the  house,  he,  knowing  that  the  mind,  by  being 
timid,  is  not  less  adapted  for  guarding,  has  given  a  larger 
share  of  timidity  to  the  woman  than  to  the  man  ;  and  know- 
ing also  that  if  any  one  injures  him  who  is  engaged  in  the  oc- 
cupations without,  he  must  defend  himself,  he  has  on  that  ac- 
count given  a  greater  portion  of  boldness  to  the  man.1  26.  But 
as  it  is  necessary  for  both  alike  to  give  and  to  receive,  he  has 
bestowed  memory  and  the  power  of  attention  upon  both  impar- 
tially, so  that  you  cannot  distinguish  whether  the  female  or 
the  male  has  the  larger  portion  of  them.  27.  The  power  of 
being  temperate2  also  in  what  is  necessary  he  has  conferred 
in  equal  measure  upon  both,  and  has  allowed  that  whichsoever 
of  the  two  is  superior  in  this  virtue,  whether  the  man  or  the 
woman,  shall  receive  a  greater  portion  of  the  benefit  arising 
from  it.  28.  But  as  the  nature  of  both  is  not  fully  adapted 
for  all  these  requirements,  they  in  consequence  stand  in 
greater  need  of  aid  from  one  another,  and  the  pair  are  of 
greater  service  to  each  other,  when  the  one  is  able  to  do  those 
things  in  which  the  other  is  deficient.  29.  As  we  know,  then, 
my  dear  wife,"  continued  I,  "  what  is  appointed  to  each  of  us 
by  Providence,  it  is  incumbent  on  us  to  discharge  as  well 
as  we  can  that  which  each  of  us  has  to  do. 

30.  ' "  The  law,3  too,"  I  told  her,' he  proceeded, '  "gives  its  ap- 
probation to  these  arrangements,  by  uniting  the  man  and  the 
woman ;  and  as  the  divinity  has  made  them  partners,  as  it 
were,  in  their  offspring,  so  the  law  ordains  them  to  be  sharers 
in  household  affairs.     The  law  also  shows  that  those  things 

1  To  }i\v  yap  icrxvpoTtpov,  to  S'  daOevearepov  i,Ttoir)(siv%  'Lva  to  fiev 
<pv\a.KTiKo>T£oov  y  Sid  tov  (poftov,  k.  t.  A.     Aristot.  CEcon.  c   3. 

2  Temperance  in  eating  and  drinking  I  consider  to  be  cliefly  meant. 
Weiske. 

3  N6/*o£.]  Whether  this  should  De  rendered  "law"  or  f  custom"  ii 
ftot  very  clear.     Gail  renders  it  "loi."     Comp.  sect.  16. 


§    31 — 36.]  DUTIES    OF    THE    WOMAN.  101 

are  more  becoming  to  each  which  the  divinity  has  qualified 
each  to  do  with  greater  facility;  for  it  is  more  becoming  for 
the  woman  to  stay  within  doors  than  to  roam  abroad,  but  to 
the  man  it  is  less  creditable  to  remain  at  home  than  to  attend 
to  things  out  of  doors.  31.  And  if  any  one  acts  contrary  to 
what  the  divinity  has  fitted  him  to  do,  he  will,  while  he 
violates  the  order  of  things,  possibly  not  escape  the  notice  of 
the  gods,  and  will  pay  the  penalty  whether  of  neglecting  his  own 
duties  or  of  interfering  with  those  of  his  wife.  32.  The 
queen  of  the  bees,"  I  added,  "  appears  to  me  to  discharge  such 
duties  as  are  appointed  her  by  the  divinity."  "  And  what 
duties,"  inquired  my  wife,  "has  the  queen  bee  to  perform, 
that  she  should  be  made  an  example  for  the  business  which  I 
have  to  do  ?  "  33.  "  She,  remaining  within  the  hive,"  answered 
I,  "  does  not  allow  the  bees  to  be  idle,  but  sends  out  to  their 
duty  those  who  ought  to  work  abroad;  and  whatever  each  of 
them  brings  in.  she  takes  cognizance  of  it  and  receives  it,  and 
watches  over  the  store  until  there  is  occasion  to  use  it ;  and 
when  the  time  for  using  it  is  come,  .she  dispenses  to  each  bee  its 
just  due.  34.  She  also  presides  over  the  construction  of  the 
cells  within,  that  they  may  be  formed  beautifully  and  expe- 
ditiously. She  attends,  too,  to  the  rising  progeny,  that  they 
may  be  properly  reared ;  and  when  the  young  bees  are  grown 
up,  and  are  fit  for  work,  she  sends  out  a  colony  of  them  under 
some  leader  taken  from  among  the  younger  bees."1  35.  "Will 
it  then  be  necessary  for  me,"  said  my  wife,  "  to  do  such 
things?"  "It  will  certainly  be  necessary  for  you,"  said  I, 
"  to  remain  at  home,  and  to  send  out  such  of  the  labourers  as 
have  to  work  abroad,  to  their  duties ;  and  over  such  as  have 
business  to  do  in  the  house  you  must  exercise  a  watchful 
superintendence.  36.  Whatever  is  brought  into  the  house, 
you  must  take  charge  of  it ;  wTh ate ver  portion  of  it  is  required 
for  use  you  must  give  out;  and  whatever  should  be  laid  by, 
you  must  take  account  of  it  and  keep  it  safe,  so  that  the  pro- 
vision stored  up  for  a  year,  for  example,  may  not  be  expended 
in  a  month.  Whenever  wool  is  brought  home  to  you,  you 
must  take  care  that  garments  be  mads  for  those  who  want 
them.     You  must  also  be  careful  that  the  dried  provisions 

1  "2vv  to)v  iirtyovwv  Tiri  r/y€/*6vi.]  Breitenbach  reads,  with  some  of 
the  old  editions,  rrvv  tujv  tVo/jsvwv,  k.  t.  A.,  i.  e.  he  says,  "  under  some 
leader  chosen  from  among  those  immediately  attendant  ur^on  her." 


102  tECONOMICUS.  [CH.  7. 

may  be  in  a  proper  condition  for  eating.  37.  One  of  your 
duties,  however,"  I  added,  "will  perhaps  appear  somewhat 
disagreeable,  namely,  that  whoever  of  all  the  servants  may 
fall  sick,  you  must  take  charge  of  him,  that  he  may  be  re- 
covered." 38.  "  Nay,  assuredly,"  returned  my  wife,  "  that  will 
be  a  most  agreeable  office,1  if  such  as  receive  good  treatment 
are  likely  to  make  a  grateful  return,  and  to  become  more  attached 
to  me  than  before."  Delighted  with  her  answer/  continued 
Ischomachus,  '  I  said  to  her,  "  Are  not  the  bees,  my  dear  wife, 
in  consequence  of  some  such  care  on  the  part  of  the  queen 
of  the  hive,  so  affected  toward  her,  that,  when  she  quits  the 
hive,  no  one  of  them  thinks  of  deserting  her,  but  all  follow  in 
her  train  ?"  39.  "I  should  wonder,  however,"  answered  my 
wife,  "  if  the  duties  of  leader  do  not  rather  belong  to  you  than 
to  me;  for  my  guardianship  of  what  is  in  the  house,  and 
distribution  of  it,  would  appear  rather  ridiculous,  I  think,  if 
you  did  not  take  care  that  something  might  be  brought  in 
from  out  of  doors."  40.  "And  on  the  other  hand,"  returned  I, 
"  my  bringing  in  would  appear  ridiculous,  unless  there  were 
somebody  to  take  care  of  what  is  brought  in.  Do  you  not 
see,"  said  I,  "  how  those  who  are  said  to  draw  water  in  a 
bucket  full  of  holes  are  pitied,  as  they  evidently  labour  in 
vain  ?"  2  "  Certainly,"  replied  my  wife,  "  for  they  are  indeed 
wretched,  if  they  are  thua  employed." 

41.  "  Some  other  of  your  occupations,  my  dear  wife,"  con- 
tinued I,  "  will  be  pleasing  to  you.  For  instance,  when  you 
take  a  young"  woman  who  does  not  know  how  to  spin,  and 
make  her  skilful  at  it,  and  she  thus  becomes  of  twice  as  much 
value  to  you.  Or  when  you  take  one  who  is  ignorant  of  the 
duties  of  a  housekeeper  or  servant,  and,  having  made  her 
accomplished,  trustworthy,  and  handy,  render  her  of  the  high- 
est value.  Or  when  it  is  in  your  power  to  do  services  to  such 
of  your  attendants  as  are  steady  and  useful,  while,  if  any  one  is 
found  transgressing,  you  can  inflict  punishment.  42.  But  you 
will  experience  the  greatest  of  pleasures,  if  you  show  yourself 
superior  to  me,  and  render  me  your  servant,  and  have  no  cause 
to  fear  that,  as  life  advances,  you  may  become  less  respected 

1  'EmxapiTtoTaTov  fiev  ovv.~]  ~M.iv  ovv,  in  reply  to  a  question  to  which 
a  negative  answer  was  expected,  signifies,  immd  verd,  quin  immd 
Breitenbach. 

8  An  allusion  to  the  fable  of  the  Belides. 


§  42,  43.]      DUTIFULNESS   OF    ISCIIOMACIIUS's   "WIFE.  103 

in  your  household,  but  may  trust  that,  while  you  grow  older, 
the  better  consort  you  prove  to  me,  and  the  more  faithful 
guardian  of  your  house  for  your  children,  so  much  the  more 
will  you  be  esteemed  by  your  family.  43.  For  what  is  good 
and  honourable,"  I  added,  "  gains  increase  of  respect,  not  from 
beauty  of  person,  but  from  merits  directed  to  the  benefit  of 
human  life."  Such  were  the  subjects,  Socrates,  on  which, 
as  far  as  I  remember,  I  first  conversed  seriously  witli  my 
wife.' 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Attentiveness  of  Ischomachus's  wife  to  his  admonitions.  His  instructions 
to  her  as  to  order  in  a  family  and  in  the  arrangement  of  domestic  utensils. 
Examples  of  the  necessity  and  beauty  of  order  in  an  army,  a  galley,  and 
in  companies  of  dancers. 

I.  "'Did  you  then  observe,  Ischomachus,'  said  I,  'that  your 
wife  was  at  all  the  more  incited  to  carefulness  by  your  re- 
marks?' 'Indeed  I  did,'  replied  Ischomachus,  'and  I  saw 
her  on  one  occasion  greatly  concerned  and  put  to  the  blush, 
because,  when  I  asked  for  something  that  had  been  brought 
into  the  house,  she  was  unable  to  give  it  me.  2.  Perceiving 
that  she  was  in  great  trouble,  however,  I  said,  "  Do  not  be 
cast  down,  my  dear  wife,  because  you  cannot  give  me  what 
I  am  asking  you  for.  It  is  indeed  pure  poverty  not  to  have 
a  thing  to  use  when  you  need  it ; l  but  our  present  want — 
not  to  be  able  to  find  a  thing  when  you  seek  it — is  of  a  less 
serious  nature  than  not  to  seek  it  at  all,  knowing  that  it  is  not 
in  your  possession.  However,"  added  I,  "you  are  not  in  fault 
on  the  present  occasion,  but  I,  as  I  did  not  direct  you,  when  I 
gave  you  the  articles,  where  each  of  them  ought  to  be  deposit- 
ed, so  that  you  might  know  how  you  ought  to  arrange  them 
and  whence  to  take  them.  3.  There  is  indeed  nothing,  my  dear 
wife,  more  useful  or  more  creditable  to  people  than  order. 

1  It  is  an  old  proverb,  that  it  is  evident  poverty  not  to  be  able,  when 
you  want  a  thing,  to  use  it,  because  you  do  not  know  where  it  has  been 
thrown  ;  and  hence  negligence  in  household  affairs  is  more  laborious  than 
diligence.     Columella,  xi;  2,  3. 


104  ckconomicus.  Fch.  8. 

A  chorus  of  singers  and  dancers,  for  instance,  consists  of  a 
number  of  persons;  but  when  they  do  whatever  each  of  them 
happens  to  fancy,  all  appears  confusion,  and  disagreeable  to  be- 
hold; but  when  they  act  and  speak  in  concert,  the  same  persons 
prove  themselves  worthy  of  being  seen  and  heard.  4.  An 
army,  too,  my  dear  wife,"  I  continued,  "  is,  when  undisciplined, 
a  mass  of  confusion,  easy  to  be  overcome  by  the  enemy,  un- 
pleasing  to  the  eyes  of  its  friends,  and  of  no  possible  use, 
asses,  heavy-armed  troops,  baggage-carriers,  light-armed 
men,  horse-soldiers,  carriages,  being  mingled  together ;  for 
how  could  the  men  march,  when,  being  in  such  a  condition, 
they  obstruct  one  another,  he  that  is  marching  slow  impeding 
him  that  is  marching  quick,  he  that  is  marching  quick  running 
against  him  that  is  halting,  while  the  carriage  is  in  the  way  of 
the  trooper,  the  ass  in  that  of  the  carriage,  and  the  bag- 
gage-bearer in  that  of  the  foot-soldier  ?  5.  Or  if  they  had  to 
fight,  how  could  they  do  so  in  such  confusion  ?  for  such  of 
them  as  might  have  to  retreat  before  the  enemy's  charge, 
might  possibly,  in  their  retreat,  trample  down  others  standing 
under  arms.  6.  But  an  army  in  good  order  is  a  most  pleas- 
ing sight  to  its  friends,  and  a  most  formidable  object  to  the 
enemy.  For  what  friend  would  not  contemplate  with  pleasure 
a  body  of  infantry  marching  in  order  ?  Or  who  would  not 
admire  cavalry  riding  with  perfect  regularity  ?  Or  what 
enemy  would  not  be  moved  with  fear,  when  he  sees  heavy- 
armed  infantry,  cavalry,  targeteers,  archers,  and  slingers  dis- 
tinctly arranged,  and  following  their  officers  in  good  order  ? 
7.  Even  though  there  be  many  myriads,  yet,  as  long  as  they  pro- 
ceed in  order,  they  all  rncve  at  ease  like  one  man;  for  those  who 
come  up  from  the  rear  fill  up  constantly  whatever  space  is 
left  vacant.  8.  From  what  other  cause  is  a  galley,  too,  which  is 
crowded  with  men,  formidable  to  an  enemy,  or  a  pleasant 
sight  to  its  friends,  than  on  account  of  its  speedy  passage  over 
the  water  ?  But  for  what  other  reason  are  those  who  sail  in 
it  no  obstruction  to  one  another,  than  because  they  sit  in 
order,  lean  forward  over  their  oars  and  draw  back  in  order, 
and  preserve  order  in  embarking  and  disembarking  ?  o.  But 
as  to  disorder,  it  seems  to  me  something  like  as  if  a  husband- 
man should  throw  into  his  granary1  barley  and  wheat  and 
peas  together,  and  then,  when  he  wants  Parley  bread,  or  wheat* 
-  'E/</3a\oi.]    In  horreum  condidt  -it.     Breilenbach. 


§     10— 13. J  IMPORTANCE    OF    ORDER  (05 

en  bread,  or  peas  soup,  should  have  to  abstract  them  grain 
by  grain,  instead  of  having  them  separately  laid  up  for  his 
use.  io.  If  you,  therefore,  my  dear  wife,  do  not  wish  to 
be  involved  in  such  confusion,  but  desire  to  understand  how 
to  arrange  our  property,  to  take  with  ease  any  portion  of  what 
you  have,  and  to  use  it  for  the  purpose  for  which  you  require 
it,  and  also  to  oblige  me  by  handing  me  whatever  I  may  ask 
of  you,  let  us  select  a  place  for  everything  separately,  suitable 
for  keeping  it,  and  having  deposited  it  there,  let  us  give  notice 
to  the  housekeeper  whence  to  take  it,  and  to  put  it  there  again ; 
and  thus  we  shall  know  what  is  in  reserve,  and  what  has  been 
used ;  for  the  place  itself  will  indicate  the  absence  of  what  is 
gone  ;  while  a  glance  will  show  what  needs  attention,  and  the 
knowledge  where  any  particular  thing  is,  will  at  once  put  it 
into  our  hands,  so  that  we  may  be  at  no  loss  when  we  have 
to  use  it." 

n.  "'I  once  saw,  I  think,  the  most  beautiful  and  accurate 
arrangement  of  implements  possible,  Socrates,  when  I  went 
on  board  that  large  Phoenician  vessel l  to  look  over  it ;  for  I 
beheld  a  vast  number  of  articles  severally  arranged  in  an  ex- 
tremely small  space.  12.  For  the  ship,'  continued  he,  'is 
orought  into  harbour  and  taken  out  again  by  means  of  vari- 
ous instruments  of  wood  and  tow  ;  it  pursues  its  voyage  witli 
the  aid  of  much  that  is  called  suspended  tackle ;  it  is  equipped 
with  many  machines  to  oppose  hostile  vessels  ;  it  carries  about 
in  it  many  weapons  for  the  men ;  it  conveys  all  the  utensils, 
such  as  people  use  in  a  house,  for  each  company  that  take 
their  meals  together ;  and,  in  addition  to  all  this,  it  is  freighted 
with  merchandise,  which  the  owner  of  the  ship  transports  in 
it  for  the  purpose  of  profit.  13.  And  all  the  things  of  which 
I  am  speaking,'  continued  he,  *  were  stowed  in  a  space  not 
much  larger  than  is  contained  in  a  room  that  holds  half  a 
score  dinner-couches.2  Yet  I  observed  that  they  were  sever- 
ally arranged  in  such  a  manner  that  they  were  not  in  the  way 
of  one  another,  nor  required  anybody  to  seek  for  them,  nor 
were  unprepared  for  use,  nor  difficult  to  remove  from  their 

1  He  speaks  of  some  well-known  large  Phoenician  vessel,  which,  per- 
haps, brought  corn  or  other  merchandise  to  Athens  every  year.  Schneider. 

2  The  Greeks  were  accustomed  to  designate  the  capacity  of  a  building 
or  apartment  by  the  number  of  couches  which  it  would  contain.  T'hui 
we  have  oIkoq  iirTaicXivoQ,  Symp.  ii.  18.     Breitenbach. 


106  cECOXOMICUS.  [CH.  8, 

places,  so  as  to  cause  any  delay  when  it  was  necessary  to  enoploy 
them  suddenly.  14.  The  pilot's  officer,  too,  who  is  called  the 
man  of  the  prow,  I  found  so  well  acquainted  with  the  location 
of  them  all.  that  he  could  tell,  even  when  out  of  sight  of  them, 
where  each  severally  lay,  and  how  many  there  were,  not  less 
readily  than  a  man  who  knows  his  letters  can  tell  how  many 
there  are  in  the  name  Socrates,  and  where  each  of  them  stands. 
15.  I  saw,'  pursued  Ischomachus,  '  this  very  man  inspecting, 
at  his  leisure,  all  the  implements  that  it  is  necessary  to  use  in 
a  ship,  and,  wondering  at  his  minute  examination,  I  asked 
him  what  he  was  doing.  "  I  am  examining,  stranger,"  said 
he,  "  in  case  anything  should  happen,  in  what  state  everything 
in  the  vessel  is,  and  whether  anything  is  wanting,  or  is  placed 
so  as  to  be  inconvenient  for  use.  16.  For,"  said  he,  "  there  is 
no  time,  when  heaven  sends  a  storm  over  the  sea,  either  to 
seek  for  what  may  be  wanting,  or  to  hand  out  what  may  be 
difficult  to  use  ;  for  the  gods  threaten  and  punish  the  negli- 
gent ;  and  if  they  but  forbear  from  destroying  those  who  do 
nothing  wrong,  we  must  be  very  well  content ;  while,  if  they 
preserve  even  those  that  attend  to  everything  quite  properly, 
much  gratitude  is  due  to  them."  17.  I,  therefore,  having 
observed  the  accuracy  of  this  arrangement,  said  to  my  wife, 
that  it  would  be  extremely  stupid  in  us,  if  people  in  ships, 
which  are  comparatively  small  places,  find  room  for  their 
things,  and,  though  they  are  violently  tossed  about,  neverthe- 
less keep  them  in  order,  and,  even  in  the  greatest  alarm,  still 
find  out  how  to  get  what  they  want;  and  if  we,  who  have 
large  separate  repositories  in  our  house  for  everything,  and 
our  house  firmly  planted  on  the  ground,  should  not  discover 
excellent  and  easily-found  places  for  our  several  articles ; — 
how  could  this,  I  say,  be  anything  but  extreme  stupidity 
in  us  ? 

18.  "'  How  excellent  a  thing  a  regular  arrangement  of  arti- 
cles is,  and  how  easy  it  is  to  find,  in  a  house,  a  place  such  as 
is  suitable  to  put  everything,  I  have  sufficiently  shown. 
19.  But  how  beautiful  an  appearance  it  has,  too,  when  shoes, 
for  instance,  of  whatever  kind  they  are,  are  arranged  in 
order ;  how  beautiful  it  is  to  see  garments,  of  whatever  kind, 
deposited  in  their  several  places ;  how  beautiful  it  is  to  see 
bed-clothes,  and  brazen  vessels,  and  table  furniture,  so  ar- 
ranged ;  and  (what,  most  of  all,  a  person  might  laugh  at,  not 


§  20 — 23.]  BEAUTY   OF   CRDEK.  107 

indeed  a  grave  person,  but  a  jester),  I  Say,1  that  pots  have 
a  graceful  appearance  when  they  are  placed  in  regular  order. 
20.  Other  articles  somehow  appear,  too,  when  regularly  ar- 
ranged, more  beautiful  in  consequence;2  for  the  several  sorts 
of  vessels  seem  like  so  many  choral  bands ;  and  the  space 
that  is  between  them  pleases  the  eye,  when  every  sort  of  ves- 
sel is  set  clear  of  it;  just  as  a  body  of  singers  and  dancers, 
moving  in  a  circle,3  is  not  only  in  itself  a  beautiful  sight,  but 
the  space  in  the  middle  of  it,  being  open  and  clear,  is  agree- 
able to  the  eye.  21.  Whether  what  I  say  is  true,  my  dear  wife," 
said  I,  "  we  may  make  trial,  without  suffering  any  loss,  or 
taking  any  extraordinary  trouble.  Nor  ought  we  at  all  to 
labour  under  the  apprehension  that  it  will  be  difficult  to  find 
a  person  who  will  learn  the  places  for  every  article,  and  re- 
member how  to  keep  each  of  them  separate  ;  22.  for  we  know 
very  well  that  the  whole  city  contains  ten  thousand  times  as 
much  as  our  house,  and  yet,  whichsoever  of  the  servants  you 
order  to  buy  anything  and  bring  it  to  you  from  the  market- 
place, not  one  of  them  will  be  in  perplexity,  but  every  one 
will  show  that  he  knows  whither  he  must  go  to  fetch  any 
article.  For  this,"  added  I,  "  there  is  no  other  reason  than 
that  each  article  is  deposited  in  its  appointed  place.  23.  But 
if  you  should  seek  for  a  person,  and  sometimes  even  for  one 
who  is  on  his  part  seeking  you,  you  would  often  give  up  the 
search  in  despair  before  you  find  him ;  and  for  this  there  is 
no  other  cause,  than  that  it  is  not  appointed  where  the  par- 
ticular person  is  to  await  you."  Such  was  the  conversation 
that  I  had  with  my  wife,  as  far  as  I  remember,  concerning 
the  arrangement  and  distinction 4  of  articles.' 

1  Dindorf  and  Breitenbach  very  properly  read  Qrjui  here ;    the  olC 
editions  have  <pr)<ri. 

2  'Aicb  tovtov.~\     Ed  re,  scilicet  ordine.     Breitenbach. 

3  Ku/cXioc  %opoc.]     Chorus  orbicularis,  such  a  band  as  used  to  sing 
songs  in  a  circle  round  an  altar.     Breitenbach. 

4  Ilepl %wp('(Tfwc.]     I  take  this  reading  from  Tauchnitz's  pocket 

edition.  All  other  editions  that  I  have  seen  have  xpriaeutg.  To  whom 
the  honour  of  so  admirable  a  correction  is  due  I  know  not. 


1 08  O5C0N0MICUS.  |  CH.  9 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Isch.oma.3nus  points  out  the  use  and  object  of  the  various  apartments  in  his 
house.  He  and  his  wife  niake  choice  of  a  housekeeper.  Attention  of 
servants  to  their  work  must  be  secured  by  the  careful  superintendence  of 
the  mistress. 

I .  "  *  And  what  was  the  result,'  said  I,  '  my  dear  Ischo- 
machus  ?  Did  your  wife  appear  to  attend  to  any  of  the  mat- 
ters which  you  took  so  much  pains  to  impress  upon  her?' 
'  What  else  did  she  do  but  promise  that  she  would  attend  to 
what  I  said,  and  manifest  the  greatest  pleasure,  as  if  she  had 
found  relief  from  perplexity  ?  and  she  requested  me  to  ar- 
range the  various  articles,  as  soon  as  I  could,  in  the  manner 
which  I  had  proposed.'  2.  '  And  how,  Ischomachus,'  said 
I,  '  did  you  arrange  them  for  her?'  '  What  else  could  I  do 
but  determine  upon  showing  her,  in  the  first  place,  the  capa- 
city of  the  house  ?  For  it  is  not  adorned  with  decorations, 
but  the  apartments  in  it  are  constructed  with  such  a  view 
that  they  may  be  as  convenient  receptacles  as  possible  for  ihe 
things  that  are  to  be  placed  in  them ;  so  that  they  themselves 
invite  whatever  is  adapted  for  them  respectively.1  3.  Thus 
the  inner  chamber,  being  in  a  secure  part  of  the  house,  calls 
for  the  most  valuable  couch-coverings  and  vessels ;  the  dry 
parts  of  the  building  for  the  corn ;  the  cool  places  for  the 
wine  ;  and  the  well-lighted  portions  for  such  articles  of  work- 
manship, and  vases,  as  require  a  clear  light.  4.  I  pointed  out 
to  her,  too,  that  the  apartments  for  people  to  live  in,2  which 

1  'Va  Trp'sTrovra  eve  £KaoT<£>.]  This  is  Dindorf ' s  reading:,  from  conjec- 
ture. The  old  texts  have  to.  irpsTrovra  dvai  tKaarip,  which  Breitenbach 
retains,  though  he  gives  the  preference  to  Dindorf 's  conjecture.  Schneider 
proposed  to  insert  ev  after  elvai. 

2  The  order  of  the  words  in  the  text  being  somewhat  involved,  Breiten- 
bach observes  that  the  construction  is,  diaiTrjTrjpia  Se  rdig  dvGpdjirocg 
KiKaS\u)iri(ryikva  tirtduKvvov  avry,  k.  t.  X.  "  Nor  must  we  be  surprised," 
says  he,  "  that  the  SiatrrjTrjpia,  i.  e.  conclavia  quotidiano  usui  destinata, 
are  here  called  KeKaWuTTLafjikva,  when  it  is  said  a  little  above  that  the 
house  was  not  adorned  TroiKiX/xam,  for  we  are  simply  to  understand  that 
these  apartments,  in  which  people  lived,  were  provided  with  necessary 
furniture,  and  thus  distinguished  from  the  other  apartments,  which,  being 
mere  repositories  for  different  articles,  were  left  unfurnished  and  undecor- 
ated.     See  Mem.  Soc.  iii.  8.  8." 


§  O — 9.]       ARRANGEMENT   OF    HOUSEHOLD    ARTICLES.  109 

are  well  ornamented,  are  cool  in  the  summer  and  exposed  to 
the  sun  in  winter  ;  and  I  made  her  notice  as  to  the  whole 
house  how  it  lies  open  to  the  south,  so  that  it  is  plain  it  has 
plenty  of  sun  in  winter,  and  plenty  of  shade  in  summer.1  5.  I 
pointed  out  to  her  also  the  situation  of  the  apartment  for  the 
females,  separated  from  that  of  the  men  by  a  door  fastened 
with  a  bolt,2  that  nothing  improper  may  be  taken  out,  and 
that  the  servants  may  not  have  children  without  our  know- 
ledge ;  for  good  slaves,  when  they  have  children,  generally 
become  still  better  disposed ;  but  bad  ones,  when  they  form 
connexions,  increase  their  power  to  do  mischief.  6.  When 
we  had  gone  through  these  places,'  he  continued,  '  we  then 
proceeded  to  classify  our  goods.  We  began  by  collecting, 
first  of  all,  whatever  we  use  for  offering  sacrifices  ;  after  this, 
we  arranged  the  dresses  for  women,  such  as  are  suited  for 
festival  days ;  and  then  the  equipments  for  men,  as  well  for 
festivities  as  for  warfare ;  and  next  the  bed-coverings  in  the 
women's  apartments,  the  bed-coverings  in  the  men's  apart- 
ments, the  shoes  for  the  women  and  the  shoes  for  the  men. 
7.  Of  utensils  there  were  distinct  collections,  one  of  instruments 
for  spinning,  another  of  those  for  preparing  corn,  another  of 
those  for  cooking,  another  of  those  for  the  bath,  another  of 
those  for  kneading  bread,  another  of  those  for  the  table. 
These  in  general  we  divided  into  two  sorts,  such  as  we  have 
to  use  constantly,  and  such  as  are  required  only  at  festal  en- 
tertainments. 8.  We  also  made  one  assortment  of  what  would 
be  used  in  a  month,  and  another  of  what  was  computed  to 
last  for  a  year ;  for  in  this  way  it  is  less  likely  to  escape  our 
knowledge  how  particular  things  are  expended.  When  we 
had  thus  distinguished  all  our  goods  into  classes,  we  conveyed 
them  severally  to  the  places  best  suited  for  them.  9.  Afterwards, 
whatever  utensils  the  servants  require  daily,  such  as  those  for 
preparing  corn,  for  cooking,  for  spinning,  and  any  o'hers  of 
that  sort,  we  pointed  out  to  those  who  use  them  the  places 
where  they  were  to  put  them,  and  then  committed  them  to 

1  Apparently  from  the  effect  of  the  portico.     See  note  on  Mem.  Soc. 
iii.  8.  8.     But  the  meaning  is  uncertain  alike  in  both  passages. 

2  I  read  Ovpa  /3a\ai'wr<^,  with  Breitenbach.     Other  texts  have  3vpav 
flaXavti.y,  from  which  no  satisfactory  sense  could  be  extracted.     The 
fiaXavog  was  a  sort  of  peg  or  bolt  thrust  through  the  bar  of  a  door  aftei 
the  bar  was  pushed  into  a  hole  in  the  door-post.     So  that  the  full  signi 
ficaticn  of  fiaXdvuiTog  is,  fastened  with  a  bar  and  bolt. 


110  (EC0N01IICUS.  [CH.  9. 

their  keeping,  charging  them  to  keep  them  safely;  10.  but 
such  as  we  use  only  for  festival  days,  for  entertaining  guests, 
or  only  occasionally  at  long  intervals,  we  committed,  after 
pointing  out  the  places  for  them,  and  numbering  and  making 
lists  of  them,  to  the  housekeeper,  and  told  her  to  give  out  any 
of  them  to  whatever  servant  needed  them,  to  bear  in  mind  to 
which  of  them  she  gave  any  one,  and,  after  receiving  them 
back,  to  deposit  them  respectively  in  the  places  from  which 
she  took  them. 

11.  "'  Of  the  housekeeper  we  made  choice  after  considering 
which  of  the  female  servants  appeared  to  have  most  self- 
restraint  in  eating,  and  wine,  and  sleep,  and  converse  with 
the  male  sex ;  and,  in  addition  to  this,  which  seemed  to  have 
the  best  memory,  and  which  appeared  to  have  forethought, 
that  she  might  not  incur  punishment  from  us  for  neglect,  and 
to  consider  how,  by  gratifying  us,  she  might  gain  some  mark 
of  approbation  in  return.  12.  We  formed  her  to  entertain 
feelings  of  affection  towards  us,  giving  her  a  share  in  our 
pleasure  when  we  had  an  occasion  of  rejoicing,  and  consulting 
her,  if  anything  troublesome  occurred,  with  reference  to  it. 
We  also  led  her  to  become  desirous  of  increasing  our  pro- 
perty, by  stimulating  her  to  take  accounts  of  it,  and  making 
her  in  some  degree  partaker  of  our  prosperity.  13.  We  also 
excited  in  her  a  love  of  honesty,  by  paying  more  respect  to 
the  well-principled  than  to  the  unprincipled,  and  showing  her 
that  they  lived  in  greater  plenty  and  in  better  style.  We 
then  installed  her  in  her  appointment.1  14.  But  in  addition 
to  all  this,  Socrates,'  said  he,  'I  told  my  wife  that  there 
would  be  no  profit  in  all  these  arrangements,  unless  she  her- 
self took  care  that  the  appointed  order  for  everything  should 
be  preserved.  I  also  instructed  her  that  in  the  best-regulated 
political  communities  it  is  not  thought  sufficient  by  the  citi- 
zens merely  to  make  good  laws,  but  that  they  also  appoint 
guardians  of  the  laws,  who,  overlooking  the  state,  commend 
him  who  acts  in  conformity  with  the  laws,  and,  if  any  one 
transgresses  the  laws,  punish  him.  15.  I  accordingly  desired 
my  wife/  continued  he,  '  to  consider  herself  the  guardian  of 
the  laws  established  in  the  house,  and  to  inspect  the  household 

1  The  common  texts  have  tv  avry  ry  xwoq  :  Breitenbach's,  iv  ravr\ 
rV  X^PV;  which  I  have  followed.  X<opa  occurs  in  a  similar  sense,  he  ub- 
§erves,  Anab.  v.  6.13:  Iv  ai'dpcnroSuiv  \wpa. 


§   16 — 19.1  CAREFULNESS    OF    WOMAN.  Hi 

furniture,  whenever  she  thought  proper,  as  the  commander  of 
a  garrison  inspects  his  sentinels ;  to  signify  her  approbation 
if  everything  was  in  good  condition,  as  the  senate l  signifies 
its  approval  of  the  horses  and  horse-soldiers ;  to  praise  and 
honour  the  deserving  like  a  queen,  according  to  her  means, 
and  to  rebuke  and  disgrace  any  one  that  required  such  treat- 
ment. 16.  But  I  moreover  admonished  her,'  added  he,  '  that 
she  would  have  no  reason  to  be  displeased,  if  I  imposed  on 
her  more  trouble  with  regard  to  our  property  than  I  laid  on 
the  servants ;  remarking  to  her,  that  servants  have  only  so 
far  a  concern  with  their  master's  property  as  to  carry  it,  or 
keep  it  in  order,  or  take  care  of  it;  but  that  no  servant  has 
any  power  of  using  it  unless  his  master  puts  it  into  his  hands, 
while  it  belongs  all  to  the  master  himself,  so  that  he  may  use 
any  portion  of  it  for  whatever  purpose  he  pleases.  17.  To 
him  therefore  that  receives  the  greatest  benefit  from  its  pre- 
servation, and  suffers  the  greatest  loss  by  its  destruction,  I 
showed  her  that  the  greatest  interest  in  its  safety  must 
belong.' 

18.  "  'Well  then,  Ischomachus,'  said  I,  'how  did  your  wife, 
on  hearing  these  instructions,  show  herself  disposed  to  com- 
ply with  your  wishes  ?  '  '  She  assured  me,  Socrates,'  replied 
he,  'that  I  did  not  judge  rightly  of  her,  if  I  thought  that  I 
was  imposing  on  her  what  was  disagreeable,  in  telling  her 
that  she  must  take  care  of  the  property;  for  she  remarked,' 
said  he,  '  that  it  would  have  been  more  disagreeable  to  her  if 
I  had  charged  her  to  neglect  her  property,  than  if  she  were  re- 
quired to  take  care  of  the  household  goods.  19.  For  it  seems  to 
be  a  provision  of  nature,'  concluded  he, '  that  as  it  is  easier  for 
a  well-disposed  woman  to  take  care  of  her  children  than  to 
neglect  them,  so  it  is  more  pleasing  (as  he  thought,  he  said), 
for  a  right-minded  woman  to  attend  to  her  property,  which, 
as  being  her  own,  affords  her  gratification,  than  to  be  neglect- 
ful of  it/ 

1  Comp.  Hipparch.  c.  1, 8,  13. 


H^  (ECONOMICUS.  rCH.   10 


CHAPTER  X. 

Socrates  admires  the  excellent  character  and  willing  submission  of  Ischo* 
machus's  wife.  Ischomachus  relates  how  he  dissuaded  his  wife  from 
ostentation  in  dress,  and  made  her  feel  that  she  would  more  effectually 
secure  his  attachment,  and  that  of  others,  by  a  faithful  discharge  of  her 
duties  than  by  showiness  in  apparel  or  assumed  dignity  of  manner. 

l.  "  On  hearing  that  his  wife  had  made  him  such  a  reply," 
proceeded  Socrates,  "I  said,  'By  Juno,  Ischomachus,  you 
show  us  that  your  wife  is  possessed  of  a  manly  understanding.' 
'  And  accordingly,'  returned  Ischomachus,  '  I  wish  to  give 
you  other  instances  of  her  extreme  nobleness  of  mind,  in 
matters  in  which  she  complied  with  my  wishes  after  hearing 
them  only  once.'  '  Of  what  nature  were  they  ?  '  said  I; 
'  pray  tell  us ;  for  it  is  a  far  greater  pleasure  to  hear  of  the 
merit  of  a  living  woman,  than  if  Zeuxis  were  to  exhibit  to  me 
the  most  beautiful  representation  of  a  woman  in  a  painting.' 
2.  Ischomachus  then  proceeded  to  say,  '  Seeing  her  one  day, 
Socrates,  painted  over  with  a  great  deal  of  white  lead,  that 
she  might  appear  still  fairer  than  she  really  was,  and  with 
a  great  deal  of  vermilion,  that  her  complexion  might  seem 
more  rosy  than  its  natural  hue,  and  having  on  high-heeled 
shoes,  that  she  might  seem  tall  beyond  her  real  stature*  3. 
"  Tell  me,"  said  I,  "  my  dear  wife,  whether  you  would  con- 
sider me,  as  a  sharer  of  my  fortunes  with  you,  more  worthy  of 
your  love,  if  I  should  show  you  what  I  really  possessed,  and 
should  neither  boast  that  I  have  more  than  really  belongs  to 
me,  nor  conceal  any  portion  of  what  I  have;  or  if,  on  the  con- 
trary, I  should  endeavour  to  deceive  you  by  saying  that  I 
have  more  than  is  really  mine,  and  by  showing  you  counter- 
feit money,  and  necklaces  of  gilt  wood,  and  purple  garments 
of  a  fading  colour,  pretending  that  they  are  of  the  true 
quality?"  4.  She  instantly  replying,  said,  "  Hush  !  may  you 
never  act  in  such  a  way ;  for  if  you  were  to  do  so,  I  could 
never  love  you  from  my  heart."  "  Then,"  said  I,  "  my  dear 
wife,  were  we  not  united  that  we  might  have  personal  intimacy 
with  one  another?"  5.  "  People  say  so  at  least,"  replied  she. 
"  Whether,  then,"  said  I,  "should  I  seem,  as  an  intimate  asso- 
ciate, mo'E  worthy  of  your  love,  if,  in  presenting  my  person 


§  6 10.]  ADMONITIONS    AS    TO    DRESS.  113 

to  you,  I  should  take  care,  by  paying  due  attention  to  it,  that 
it  be  healthy  and  strong,  and  should  by  that  means  appear  to 
you,  as  would  really  be  the  case,  of  a  good  complexion,  or  if, 
on  the  contrary,  I  should  paint  myself  with  vermilion,  tinge 
my  eye-lids  with  purple,  and  then  present  myself  before  you, 
and  associate  with  you,  deceiving  you  all  the  time,  and 
offering  you  vermilion  to  see  and  touch  instead  of  my  own 
natural  skin?"  6.  "Certainly,"  replied  she,  "I  should  not 
touch  vermilion  with  greater  pleasure  than  I  should  touch 
yourself,  nor  should  I  look  upon  purple  dye  with  greater 
pleasure  than  on  your  own  colour,  nor  should  I  see  your  eyes 
painted  with  greater  pleasure  than  in  their  natural  condition." 
7.  "  Consider  accordingly  that  I  also,  my  dear  wife," '  Ischoma- 
chus  said  that  he  told  her,  "am  not  better  pleased  with  the  colour 
of  white  lead  and  red  dye  than  with  your  own ;  but  as  the 
gods  have  made  horses  the  most  beautiful  objects  of  contempla- 
tion to  horses,  oxen  to  oxen,  and  sheep  to  sheep,  so  men  think 
that  the  human  body  in  its  natural  state  is  the  most  agree- 
able object  of  contemplation  to  men.  8.  Such  deceits  may 
indeed  impose,  to  a  certain  extent,  on  comparative  strangers, 
without  being  discovered  ;  but  if  those  who  live  together  in 
intimacy  attempt  to  deceive  one  another,  they  must  certainly 
be  found  out ;  for  they  will  either  expose  themselves  when 
they  rise  from  their  beds,  before  they  make  their  toilet,  or  they 
will  be  detected  by  perspiration,  or  will  be  unmasked  by  tears, 
or  will,  assuredly,  be  betrayed  in  bathing." '  9.  '  And  what 
in  the  name  of  the  gods,'  said  I,  '  did  she  answer  to  these 
remarks  ? '  '  Her  only  answer  was,'  said  he,  '  that  she  never 
afterwards  practised  any  such  art,  but  took  care  to  appear  in 
a  natural  and  becoming  manner.  She  even  asked  me  if  I 
could  recommend  her  any  course  by  which  she  might  render 
herself  really  good  looking,  and  not  merely  make  herself  be 
thought  so.  10.  I  then,  my  dear  Socrates,'  continued  he, 
*  advised  her  not  to  sit  continually  like  a  slave,  but  to  take 
upon  herself,  with  the  help  of  the  gods,  to  preside  at  the  loom 
like  a  mistress,  and  to  teach  others  what  she  knew  better  thaa 
they,  and  to  learn  what  she  did  not  know  so  well ;  I  recom- 
mended her  also  to  overlook  the  bread-maker,  to  attend  to  the 
housekeeper  as  she  was  measuring  out  her  articles,  and  to  go 
about  and  examine  whether  everything  was  in  the  place  in 
which  it  ought  to  be ;  for  such  occupations,  it  appeared  to 


114  cecoxomious.  Ten.  1!. 

me,  would  be  at  once  a  discharge  of  her  duties  and  a  means  of 
exercise.  11.  I  told  her,  too,  that  it  would  be  good  exercise 
to  wet  and  knead  the  bread,  and  to  shake  out  and  put  up  the 
clothes  and  bed-coverings.  I  assured  her  that  it'  she  thus 
exercised  herself  she  would  take  her  food  with  a  better 
appetite,  would  enjoy  better  health,  and  would  assume  a  more 
truly  excellent  complexion.  12.  A  wife's  look,  indeed, 
when  it  seems,  compared  with  that  of  a  servant,  more 
pure  and  healthy,  and  when  she  is  dressed  more  be- 
comingly, is  something  attractive  to  a  husband,  especially 
when  a  desire  of  pleasing  him,  instead  of  serving  him  from 
compulsion,  is  manifested.  13.  But  women  who  are  always 
seated  to  keep  up  their  dignity,  cause  themselves  to  be 
numbered  among  such  as  are  decked  out  merely  for  show,  and 
appear  under  false  colours.  And  now,  Socrates,'  added  he, 
'  my  wife  regulates  her  conduct,  be  assured,  as  I  taught  her. 
and  as  I  now  tell  you.' 


CHAPTER  XI. 


Socrates,  having  heard  sufficient  respecting  the  character  of  Ischomachus  \s 
wife,  requests  Ischomachus  to  tell  him  how  he  employed  his  time^ 
Ischomachus  gives  an  account  of  his  various  occupations,  and  the  objects 
of  them. 

l.  "I  then  said,  *  I  think  that  I  have  heard  sufficient,  Ischo- 
machus, for  a  commencement,  respecting  the  conduct  of  your 
wife,  which  is  indeed  extremely  honourable  to  both  of  you. 
But  tell  me  now,'  I  added,  '  something  of  your  own  manage- 
ment, so  that  you  may  have  pleasure  in  speaking  of  that  from 
which  you  have  gained  credit,  and  that  I,  having  heard  a  full 
account  of  the  proceedings  of  an  honourable  and  good  man, 
and  having,  if  possible,  learned  something  from  them,  may 
feel  myself  much  indebted  to  you.'  2.  'I  will  indeed  give 
you  with  great  pleasure,  Socrates,'  said  Ischomachus,  '  an 
account  of  what  I  am  constantly  doing,  in  order  that  you  may 
correct  me,  if  I  seem  to  you  to  do  anything  injudiciously.' 
*.  *  But  how  can  I,'  I  asked, '  with  any  show  of  justice,  correct 


§   £ — 8.]  THE    POOR    MAY    GATN    ESTEEM.  115 

a  man  whose  conduct  is  marked  by  all  that  is  noble  and 
good,  especially  when  I  am  myself  a  person  who  am  thought 
to  indulge  in  idle  talk,  and  to  measure  the  air,1  and,  what 
appears  to  be  the  most  foolish  of  all  calumnies,  am  accused  of 
being  poor.  4.  I  should  indeed  be  in  great  dejection  at  this 
charge,  had  I  not  this  morning,  on  meeting  the  horse  of  Nicias 
the  foreigner,2  seen  numbers  of  spectators  following  him,  and 
heard  persons  holding  much  conversation  about  him  ;  and 
let  me  tell  you,  I  went  up  to  the  groom  and  asked  him  whether ' 
the  horse  was  possessed  of  much  wealth.  5.  But  he,  looking 
at  me  as  if  I  had  proved  myself  out  of  my  senses  by  the 
question,  said,  "How  can  a  horse  be  possessed  of  wealth?" 
So  I  recovered  my  spirits  on  hearing  that  it  is  possible  for 
even  a  poor  horse  to  be  a  good  one,  if  he  has  a  good  disposition 
from  nature.  6.  On  the  supposition,  therefore,  that  it  is 
possible  for  me  also  to  be  a  good  man,  give  me  a  full  account  of 
your  conduct,  that  I  may  begin  to-morrow  to  imitate  you  in 
whatever  good  I  may  learn  while  I  listen;  for  to-morrow  is 
a  good  day,'  said  I,  'to  enter  upon  a  course  of  virtue.'3 
7.  '  You  are  jesting,  Socrates,'  said  Ischomachus,  '  but  I  will 
nevertheless  tell  you  what  I  endeavour  to  pass  my  life,  as  far 
as  I  can,  in  studying ;  8.  for  as  I  think  I  have  learned  that 
the  gods  have  made  it  impossible  for  men  to  prosper  without 
knowing  what  they  ought  to  do,  and  taking  care  that  their 
duties  be  performed,  and  that  of  those  who  are  prudent  and 
diligent  the  gods  grant  prosperity  to  some,  and  not  to  others  ; 
I  therefore  begin  by  offering  adoration  to  the  gods,  and  I 
endeavour  to  act  in  such  a  manner  while  I  pray  to  them,  that 
it  may  be  possible  for  me  to  enjoy  health  and  strength  of  body, 
the  respect  of  my  fellow-citizens,  the  goodwill  of  my  friends, 
honourable  safety  in  time  of  war,  and  wealth  honestly  in- 

1  'Aepo/jerpav.]  That  is,  to  indulge  in  idle  and  empty  speculations, 
fierewpa,  above  human  knowledge  or  comprehension.  Comp.  Aiistcph. 
Nub.  225. 

2  Nikj'ou  tov  Itti]\vtov.']  Gail  supposes  that  Nicias  the  son  of  Nicera- 
tus  is  here  meant,  and  that  he  is  called  £7rr)\vTr)g  as  having  just  returned 
from  an  embassy  to  Lacedaemon.  But  if  Xenophon  had  intended  to  in- 
dicate this,  he  would  have  used  some  other  word  than  sTrr)\vTr]g.  Sturz, 
in  his  Lexicon,  very  properly  states  that  some  other  Nicias  is  signified. 
Camerarius  supposes  that  E7rr}\vTov  should  be  written  with  a  capital,  as 
the  name  ot  Nicias's  father. 

3  A  proverbial  saying,  not  to  be  understood  of  any  particular  day  ;  foj 
eyery  day  is  good  for  commencing  the  pursuit  of  virtue      Weiske. 

i  2 


116  CLCONOMICUS.  [CH.   U. 

creased/  9.  1,  nearing  this,  said,  *  Is  h  then  an  object  with 
you,  Ischomachus,  that  you  may  be  rich,  and  that,  having  a 
large  fortune,  you  may  have  also  the  trouble  of  taking  care  of 
it  ? '  '  Certainly,'  replied  Ischomachus,  '  I  have  a  desire  for  that 
wealth  about  which  you  ask  ;  for  it  appears  a  great  pleasure 
to  me  to  pay  rich  offerings  to  the  gods,  to  assist  my  friends, 
if  they  have  need  of  aid,  and  to  take  care  that  the  city  may 
not  be  unadorned  for  want  of  money,  as  far  as  I  am  concerned.' 
io.  '  Assuredly,  Ischomachus,'  said  I,  'the  objects  which  you 
mention  are  honourable,  and  suitable  to  a  man  in  a  highly 
influential  position  ;  for  how  can  it  be  otherwise  ?  since  there 
are  many  who  cannot  live  without  looking  to  the  assistance 
of  others,  and  many  must  be  content  if  they  can  procure  what 
is  barely  sufficient  to  sustain  them.  But  as  for  those  who 
are  able  not  only  to  manage  their  own  households,  but  to  se% 
cure  a  superfluity,  so  as  to  adorn  the  city,  and  to  relieve  their 
friends,  must  we  not  regard  them  as  men  of  great  substance 
and  influence?  n.  Many  of  us,  indeed,'  continued  I,  'are 
able  to  extol  such  men  ;  but  do  you  tell  me,  my  dear  Ischoma- 
chus, commencing  with  what  you  mentioned  first,  how  you 
take  care  of  your  health ;  how  you  keep  up  your  bodily 
strength ;  how  it  is  possible  for  you  to  preserve  yourself 
honourably  in  time  of  war ;  and,  after  you  have  spoken  on 
these  points,  it  will  be  satisfactory  to  hear  what  you  say 
respecting  the  means  of  increasing  your  fortune.'  12.  '  All 
these  things,  my  good  Socrates,'  rejoined  Ischomachus,  *  are, 
as  it  appears  to  me,  naturally  connected  with  one  another ;  for 
after  a  man  has  taken  sufficient  to  eat,  health  seems  to  be  a 
surer  attendant  on  him  when  he  works  it  off  by  proper  exer- 
cise, and  his  strength  seems  to  increase  as  he  exerts  him- 
self; if  he  practises  military  exercises,  he  is  likely  to  secure 
his  safety  with  greater  honour ;  and,  if  he  pays  due  attention 
to  his  affairs,  and  does  not  relax  into  idleness,  there  will  be  the 
greater  probability  that  his  substance  will  be  increased.' 
13.  '  So  far  I  follow  you,  Ischomachus,'  said  I,  '  when  you 
say  that  a  man  who  is  industrious  and  careful,  and  takes 
exercise,  secures  certain  advantages  ;  but  what  sort  of  labour 
you  adopt  to  keep  up  your  constitution  and  strength,  how  you 
exercise  yourself  for  war,  and  what  methods  you  pursue  to 
secure  a  superabundance  of  income,  so  that  you  may  assist 
your  friends,  and  add  to  the  resources  of  the  commonwealth, 


§   14 — 20.]  EXERCISES   OP    ISCHOai'ACHTJS.  117 

are  points,'  said  I,  '  which  I  would  gladly  learn  from  you.' 
14.  'I  accustom  myself,  then,  Socrates,'  said  Ischomachus, 
*  to  rise  from  my  bed  at  an  hour  when  lam  likely  to  find  any 
one  whom  I  may  want  to  see  still  at  home.  If  I  have  to  do 
any  business  in  the  city,  I  have  the  advantage  of  a  walk  while 
I  am  going  upon  it.  15.  Or  if  I  have  no  business  of  conse- 
quence in  the  city,  my  servant  takes  my  horse  into  the  fields. 
and  I,  by  the  walk  along  the  road  into  the  country,  perhaps 
get  more  benefit  than  I  should  get  if  I  were  to  walk  under  a 
covered  colonnade.1  16.  When  I  reach  the  open  fields,  I 
then,  whether  my  workmen  happen  to  be  planting  trees,  or 
turning  up  the  soil,  or  sowing,  or  gathering  in  the  produce, 
observe  how  everything  is  going  on,  and  suggest  alterations 
if  I  think  of  anything  better  than  what  is  being  done.  n. 
After  this,  I  generally  mount  my  horse,  and  go  through 
equestrian  exerci'ses  as  similar  as  possible  to  those  necessarily 
practised  in  war,  avoiding  neither  cross  roads,2  nor  acclivities, 
nor  ditches,  nor  streams  of  water;  but  I  take  care,  as  far  as  is 
in  my  power,  not  to  lame  my  horse  while  he  is  engaged  in 
these  exercises.  18.  When  this  is  over,  the  servant  lets  the 
horse  roll  himself  about,  and  then  takes  him  home,  carrying 
with  him  whatever  we  want  from  the  fields  into  the  town  ; 
whilst  I  return  home,  sometimes  at  a  walking  pace,  and  some- 
times running,  and  then  clear  off  the  perspiration  with  the 
strigil.3  I  next  take  my  morning  meal,  Socrates,  eating  just 
so  much  as  neither  to  pass  the  day  empty  nor  over  full.'  4 
19.  '  By  Jupiter,  my  dear  Ischomachus,'  said  I,  '  you  do  all 
this  in  such  a  way  as  to  have  my  approbation  at  least ;  for  to 
occupy  yourself,  at  the  same  time,  in  arrangements  for  the 
improvement  of  your  health  and  strength,  in  exercises  suited 
to  war,  and  in  cares  for  the  advancement  of  your  fortune, 
seems  to  me  in  the  highest  degree  admirable.     20.  You  give  us 

1  The  Athenians  were  accustomed  to  walk,  for  health  or  pleasure,  in 
the  porticoes  of  the  gymnasia,  which  were  called  Zvcrroi,  Spo/xot,  ^varoi 
Spofioi,  KaraoTtyoi  Spofioi,  very  seldom  under  the  open  sky,  or  without 
the  city.  Compare  Plato,  Phaedr.  p.  227.  Becker's  Charicles,  vol.  i.  p> 
343  (p.  308,  Eng.  Transl.  Parker,  1854).     Breitenbach. 

2  Ovrt  TrXayiov cnrexofitvog.^  Neque  transversa vitl        Philel* 

phus. 

3  An  instrument  used  for  cleansing  the  skin,  chiefly  in  the  bath ;  buf 
•ometirr.es  used  without  bathing.     See  Schneider's  note. 

*  Pransus  non  avide,  quantum  interpellet  inani 
Ventre  diem  durare.  Hor.  Sat.  i.  6,  127= 


118  OECONOMIOUS.  [Cfl.   11, 

assuredly,  sufficient  proofs  that  you  attend  to  each  of  these 
particulars  eiFectually;  for  we  see  you  in  general,  under 
favour  of  the  gods,  in  the  enjoyment  of  health  and  strength, 
and  we  know  that  you  are  reckoned  among  the  best  qualified 
of  our  horsemen  and  the  richest  of  our  citizens.' 

21.  "  '  While  I  pursue  this  course  of  conduct,  then,  Socrates,' 
continued  he,  'I  am  by  many  persons  very  greatly  calumni- 
ated ; — you  perhaps  thought  that  I  was  going  to  say  that  I  am, 
by  many,  called  an  honourable  and  excellent  man.'  22. 
'  Yes  ;  but  I  was  going  to  ask  you  this,  too,  Ischomachus,' 
said  I,  '  whether  you  make  it  at  all  your  care  that  you  may  be 
able  to  give  an  account  of  your  actions,  and  to  require  from 
others  an  account  of  theirs,  if  it  be  necessary  to  require 
such  account  from  any  one.'  '  Do  I  not  appear  to  you, 
Socrates,'  replied  he,  4  to  be  constantly  meditating  on  this 
very  subject,  to  be  able  to  justify  myself  by  showing  that  I 
injure  no  man,  and  that  I  do  good  to  many,  as  far  as  I  can  ? 
and  do  I  not  appear  to  you  to  make  it  my  study  how  to  accuse 
people,  when  I  see  many  doing  wrong  to  individuals,  and  some 
to  the  state,  and  not  one  doing  good?'  23.  'If  you  also 
meditate  interpreting  what  you  say,  Ischomachus,'  said  I, 
*  tell  me,  in  addition,  what  it  is  you  mean.'  '  I  never  cease, 
then,  Socrates,'  continued  he,  'to  exercise  myself  in  speak- 
ing ;  for  I  either  listen  to  one  of  my  servants  accusing  another, 
or  defending  himself,  and  try  to  refute  what  is  not  true ;  or  I 
complain  of  some  person,  or  commend  him,  to  his  friends ;  or 
I  seek  to  reconcile  some  of  my  acquaintances,  by  endeavour- 
ing to  convince  them  how  much  better  it  is  for  them  to  be 
friends  rather  than  enemies.  24.  Or,  when  we  l  are  in  com- 
pany with  any  commander,  we  bring  a  charge  against  some 
one  of  his  men,  or  offer  a  defence  on  behalf  of  some  one,  if  he 
Mes  under  an  unjust  accusation ;  or  we  bring  charges  against 
one  another,  if  any  of  us  receives  honour  undeservedly. 
Frequently,  too,  we  engage  in  deliberations,  praise  whatever 
we  desire  to  do,  and  find  fault  with  whatever  we  are  unwilling 
to  do.  25.  But  now,  Socrates,'  added  he,  'I  am  often 
brought  to  judgment  myself  individually,2  that  it  may  be 
settled  what  penalty  I  have  to  suffer  or  to  pay.'     '  By  whom,. 

:  By  "we  "  is  meant  "  I  and  any  of  my  friends." 

2  AieiXrjfinsvoQ  is  the  reading  of  Dindorf,  which  is  interpreted  by 
seorsum  in  the  Latin  version.  Weiske  and  Breitenbach  read  ciei\r)Ufii- 
V<im;}  to  which  Breitenbach,  with  Camerarius,  gives  the  sense  of  distinct^. 


§  25.  [  OF   A   FARM   BAILIFF.  119 

Ischornachus?'  asked  I ;  'for  this  was  quite  unknown  to  ine.' 
8  By  my  wife,'  said  he.  '-  And  how,'  said  I,  '  do  you  plead 
your  cause  ?  '  '  Very  fairly,'  replied  he,  *  when  it  is  to  ray 
interest  to  say  what  is  true ;  but  when  it  is  to  my  profit  to 
say  what  is  false,  I  cannot,  by  Jupiter,  my  dear  Socrates, 
succeed  in  making  the  worse  argument  appear  the  better.'1 
'  Without  doubt,  Ischomachus,'  said  I,  '  you  cannot  make 
that  true  which  is  false.' 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Socrates  expresses  his  fear  that  he  was  detaining  Ischomachus  from  his  busi- 
ness ;  Ischomachus  replies  that  he  had  left  his  affairs  under  the  superin- 
tendence of  a  bailiff,  and  proceeds  to  give  an  account  of  the  office  and 
duties  of  a  bailiff  or  overseer,  and  the  qualities  necessary  to  the  formation 
of  a  good  one.  But  the  master's  personal  superintendence  must  never  be 
long  withheld. 

l.  "  '  But,'  said  I,  (  let  me  not  detain  you,  my  dear  Ischo- 
machus, if  you  now  wish  to  go  away.'  '  You  are  not  detaining 
me,  I  assure  you,  Socrates,'  said  he,  *  since  I  should  not  go 
away  until  the  business  of  the  market  is  altogether  at  an  end.' 
2.  *  Undoubtedly,'  replied  I,  *  for  you  are  extremely  cautious 
that  you  may  not  lose  your  title,  that  of  an  upright  and  hon- 
ourable man  ;  and  thus,  though  perhaps  many  things  require 
your  attention,  yet,  as  you  made  an  agreement  with  the 
strangers,  you  still  wait  for  them,  that  you  may  not  disappoint 
them.'2  '  Those  many  things,  however,  to  which  you  allude, 
my  dear  Socrates,  are  not  neglected,'  replied  Ischomachus, 
1  for  I  have  bailiffs  in  my  fields.'  3.  '  And  whether,'  said  I, 
'Ischomachus,  when  you  want  a  bailiff,  do  you,  after  having 
ascertained  if  there  is  anywhere  a  man  fit  for  a  bailiff,  proceed 
to  hire  him  (as,  when  you  want  a  carpenter,  you  recollect  if 
you  have  anywhere  seen  a  man  qualified  as  a  carpenter,  and 
try,  I  know  very  well,  to  secure  his  services),  or  do  you  form 

1  As  Socrates  was  often  accused  of  doing.  See  Aul.  Gell.  v.  3; 
Quintil.  ii.  16  ;  Aristoph.  Nub.  114.  "  His  tongue  could  make  the  wors« 
appear  the  better  reason."     Par.  Lost,  ii.  112 

%  See  c.  7,  sect.  2. 


120  CECONOMICUS.  [CH.   12. 

your  bailiffs  by  instructing  them  yourself  ? '  4.  '  I  myself 
assuredly,  my  dear  Socrates,'  he  replied,  '  endeavour  to  in- 
struct them  ;  for  what  else  ought  he  who  is  to  be  qualified 
to  attend  to  my  business  in  my  stead,  whenever  I  am  absent, 
to  know,  but  what  I  myself  know  ?  and  if  I  myself  am  fit  to 
have  charge  of  the  business,  I  may  certainly  teach  another 
what  I  myself  understand.'  5.  '  Then,  in  the  first  place,' 
said  I,  'it  will  be  proper  for  him  to  entertain  good  feelings 
towards  you  and  yours,  if  he  is  to  supply  your  place  properly 
when  he  attends  to  your  business  instead  of  yourself  ;  for 
without  a  good  disposition,  what  profit  would  there  be  from 
any  knowledge  in  a  bailiff  whatsoever  ? '  '  None,  certainly,' 
replied  Ischomachus  ;  '  but  I  endeavour,  first  of  all,  to  teach 
them  to  feel  well  disposed  towards  me,  and  what  concerns  me.' 
6.  '  And  how,  in  the  name  of  the  gods,'  said  I,  '  do  you  teach 
whomsoever  you  please,  to  feel  well  disposed  to  you  and  what 
concerns  you  ? '  '  By  doing  them  some  good,'  replied  Ischo- 
machus, 'whenever  the  gods  give  me  an  abundant  supply  of 
anything  that  is  good.'  7.  '  You  say  this,  then,'  said  I,  '  that 
those  who  profit  by  your  good  fortune  become  attached  to  you, 
and  wish  to  do  you  some  good.'  'I  see,  indeed,  Socrates, 
that  this  is  the  best  means  of  securing  attachment.'  8.  '  But 
if  a  person  becomes  well  affected  towards  you,  Ischomachus,' 
said  I,  '  will  he  on  that  account  be  suificiently  qualified  to  act 
as  a  bailiff  for  you  ?  Do  you  not  see  that  though  all  men,  so 
to  speak,  are  well  affected  towards  themselves,  there  are  yet 
many  of  them  who  are  not  willing  to  take  the  requisite  care 
that  the  good  things  which  they  desire  may  fall  to  their  lot  ? 
9.  <  But,  I  assure  you,'  said  Ischomachus,  '  when  I  wish  to 
make  such  persons  bailiffs,  I  also  teach  them  to  be  careful.' 
io.  'How,  in  the  name  of  the  gods?'  said  I;  'for  I  thought 
that  to  make  a  man  careful  did  not  fall  under  the  province  of 
teaching.'  '  Nor  is  it  indeed  possible,  Socrates,' said  he, 'to 
teach  all  men,  without  exception,1  to  be  careful.'  U.  '  What 
sort  of  men,  then,'  said  I,  'is  it  possible  to  teach  ?  Point 
them  out  to  me  clearly,  by  all  means.'  '  In  the  first  place, 
Socrates,'  replied  he,  '  you  would  not  be  able  to  make  such 
as  are  intemperate  in  wine  careful,  for  intoxication  induces 
forgetfulness  of  everything  that  is  necessary  for  them  to  do.' 

1  'E<pt%iJG— iravTaQ.~]  "  All  one  after  another,  i.  e.  all  without  any  ex* 
ception.'     Breitenbach. 


§  2—19.]  QUALITIES    OF    A   FARM    BAILIFF.  121 

12.  'Are  then  those  only,'  said  I,  'who  are  intemperate  in 
this  particular,  incapable  of  becoming  careful,  or  are  there  any 
others  besides  ? '  '  Yes,  indeed,'  replied  Ischomachus,  '  those 
who  indulge  immoderately  in-  sleep;  for  he  who  is  sunk  in 
drowsiness  can  neither  do  what  he  ought  himself,  nor  render 
others  able  to  do  it.'  13.  'What,  then,'  said  I  again,  'will 
these  only  be  incapable  of  being  taught  this  carefulness,  or 
will  there  be  others  in  addition  to  these  ? '  '  Those,  too,* 
said  Ischomachus,  '  who  are  immoderately  given  to  sensuality, 
appear  to  be  incapable  of  being  taught  to  care  for  anything 
else  more  than  for  it.  14.  For  neither  is  it  easy  to  find  any 
subject  of  contemplation  or  solicitude  more  agreeable  than  that 
of  love ;  nor,  when  attention  to  business  is  necessary,  is  it  easy 
to  find  a  severer  punishment  for  them  than  detention  from  the 
beloved  object.  Whomsoever,  therefore,  I  observe  to  be  of 
such  a  character,  I  abstain  from  even  attempting  to  render 
careful.'  15.  'And  as  to  those,' said  I,  'who  are  greedy  of 
gain,  are  they  incapable  of  being  instructed  to  pay  attention  to 
business  in  the  fields  ?  '  '  No,  by  Jupiter,'  replied  Ischoma- 
chus, '  by  no  means  ;  for  they  are  very  easy  to  be  brought  to 
give  attention  to  such  matters  ;  since  nothing  else  is  necessary 
for  the  purpose  but  merely  to  show  them  that  the  employment 
is  profitable.'  16.  'And  as  to  others,  moreover,'  said  I,  'if  they 
are  temperate  in  what  you  require,  and  are  but  moderately 
desirous  of  gain,  how  do  you  teach  them  to  be  careful  in  that 
in  which  you  wish  them  to  be  so  ? '  '  By  a  very  simple  method, 
Socrates,'  replied  he  ;  '  for  when  I  see  them  attentive  to  their 
business,  I  commend  them,  and  endeavour  to  bestow  some  dis- 
tinction on  them  ;  but  when  I  observe  them  negligent,  I  study 
to  say  or  do  something  that  may  hurt  their  feelings.'  H. 
'  Well,  then,  Ischomachus,'  added  I, '  to  divert  our  discourse 
a  little  from  those  who  are  taught  to  attend  to  business,  tell 
me,  with  regard  to  the  teaching  itself,  whether  it  is  possible 
that  he  who  is  himself  careless  should  render  others  careful.' 
18.  'No,  certainly,'  replied  Ischomachus,  'no  more  than  it  is 
possible  for  one  who  is  ignorant  of  music  to  render  others 
skilful  in  music  ;  for  it  is  hard,  when  a  teacher  shows  a  thing 
imperfectly,  to  learn  from  him  to  do  it  well;  and  if  a  master 
gives  an  example  of  negligence,  it  is  not  to  be  expected  that 
the  servant  will  be  careful.  19.  To  speak  briefly,  I  do  not 
think  that  I  have  ever  observed  the  servants  of  a  bad  master 


122  (ECONOMTCtTS.  [ch.  13. 

conduct  themselves  well ;  I  have,  however,  seen  the  servants 
of  a  good  master  conduct  themselves  ill,  but  not  without  de- 
triment to  him.  But  whoever  wishes  to  make  his  servants 
capable  of  attending  to  his  work  must  be  careful  to  overlook 
and  inspect  what  they  do,  and  to  be  ready  to  bestow  some  re- 
ward upon  any  one  that  is  the  cause  of  things  being  well  done, 
as  well  as  not  to  shrink  from  inflicting  a  proper  penalty  on 
any  one  that  is  negligent.  20.  The  reply  attributed  to  the 
barbarian,'  added  Ischomachus,  *  appears  to  me  to  be  ex- 
ceedingly to  the  purpose;  for  when  the  king  of  Persia,  having 
met  with  a  fine  horse,  and  wishing  to  have  it  fattened  as  soon 
as  possible,  asked  one  of  those  who  were  considered  knowing 
about  horses,  what  would  fatten  a  horse  soonest,  it  is  said  that 
he  answered,  "  the  master's  eye."1  So,  Socrates,'  concluded  he, 
'the  master's  eye  seems  to  me  to  have  the  most  effect  in  render- 
ing other  things  right  and  prosperous.' 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


Bailiffs  or  overseers  must  be  instructed  how  their  several  duties  are  to  be 
regulated  and  performed.  They  must  also  be  taught  how  to  direct  and 
govern  those  who  are  under  them. 

l.  "  '  But  when  you  have  impressed  upon  any  person,'  said  I, 
'  and  impressed  with  great  earnestness,  that  he  must  attend  to 
that  to  which  you  desire  him  to  attend,  will  he  be  at  once  quali- 
fied to  take  the  office  of  bailiff,  or  is  there  anything  else  that 
he  must  learn,  if  he  means  to  be  an  able  bailiff  ? '  2.  *  Yes, 
indeed,'  replied  Ischomachus,  '  there  is  something  else  ;  for  it 
remains  for  him  to  know  what  he  must  do,  and  when,  and 
how  ;  for  if  he  does  not  learn  this,  what  profit  would  there  be 
from  a  bailiff  without  such  knowledge,  any  more  than  from  a 
physician  who  should  attend  upon  a  sick  person,  visiting  him 
morning  and  evening,  but  should  be  ignorant  what  to  do  for 
the  benefit  of  his  patient.'  3.  '  And  if  he  has  learned  how  his 
various  works  are  to  be  done,  will  there  be  need  of  anything 

1  The  same  anecdote  is  mentioned  by  Aristotle,  CEcon.  c.  6.  So  Cato 
used  to  say,  that  the  face  of  a  master  was  of  much  more  use  thui  his  ba'k. 
Plia.  H.  N.  xviii.  5.     Comp,  iEsch.  Pers.  165. 


§  4 — 10.]    HOW   SERVANTS   MUST   BE    INSTRUCTED.  123 

further,'  said  I,  '  or  will  he  then  be  a  thoroughly  accomplished 
bailiff  for  you? '  '  I  think,'  he  replied, '  that  he  must  at  least  learn 
how  to  direct  the  workmen.'  4.  i  Do  you  then  instruct  your 
bailiffs,'  said  I,  'that  they  may  be  qualified  for  directing 
others  ?  'I  try  to  do  so  at  least,'  said  Ischomachus.  *  And 
how,  in  the  name  of  the  gods,'  I  asked,  '  do  you  teach  them 
to  be  able  to  direct  men  ?  In  a  very  poor  way,  indeed,  Socra- 
tes,' replied  he,  '  so  that  you  may  perhaps  laugh  at  it  when 
you  hear  it.'  5.  <  Such  a  matter,'  returned  I,  'does  not  de- 
serve to  be  laughed  at,  my  dear  Ischomachus  ;  for  whoever  is 
able  to  render  persons  qualified  to  direct  men,  is  evidently  able 
to  teach  them  how  to  govern  men;  and  whoever  can  teach 
them  to  govern,  can  also  qualify  them  to  become  kings  ;  so 
that  he  who  can  do  this  appears  to  me  deserving,  not  of  deri* 
sion,  but  of  great  praise.'  6.  <  Other  animals,  then,  Socrates,' 
Continued  he,  '  learn  to  obey  under  the  influence  of  two 
things  ;  from  being  punished  when  they  attempt  to  be  diso- 
bedient, and  from  being  treated  with  kindness  when  they  obey 
cheerfully.  7.  Colts,  for  instance,  learn  to  obey  those  who 
break  them  in,  by  finding  something  pleasant  happen  to  them 
when  they  are  obedient,  and  when  they  are  disobedient,  by 
experiencing  some  trouble,  until  they  submit  to  the  will  of 
the  breaker.  8.  Puppies,  too,  which  are  far  inferior  to  man 
in  understanding  as  well  as  tongue,  are  nevertheless  taught 
to  run  in  a  circle,  to  dive  in  the  water,1  and  to  do  many  other 
things,  in  the  very  same  maimer  ;  for  when  they  obey,  they 
receive  something  for  which  they  have  a  desire  ;  and  when 
they  are  careless,  they  are  punished.  9.  As  for  men,  it  is 
possible  to  render  them  more  obedient  by  argument,  showing 
them  that  it  is  for  their  advantage  to  obey.  With  respect  to 
slaves,  that  mode  of  instruction  which  is  similar  to  that  of 
brutes  is  of  the  greatest  effect  in  teaching  them  to  be  obedi- 
ent ;  for  if  you  provide  for  their  bellies,  so  as  to  gratify  their 
appetites,  you  may  succeed  in  getting  much  from  them.  But 
ambitious  natures  are  excited  by  praise  ;  for  some  dispositions 
thirst  for  praise  no  less  than  others  for  meat  and  drink.  10. 
While  I  teach,  therefore,  those  whom  I  wish  to  make  bailiffs,  the 
rules  which  I  observe  myself  in  the  expectation  of  finding 
people  more  obedient  to  me,  I  second  their  efforts  also  in  the 

1  KvfitoTav.  J  So  Zeune  interprets  the  word ;  but  it  may  raear,  "  to  turn 
heels  over  head," 


124  (ECONOMICUS.  [ch.  14. 

following  ways :  I  take  care  that  the  clothes  and  the  shoes, 
which  I  have  to  furnish  for  the  workmen,  may  not  be  all 
alike,  but  some  worse  and  some  better,  that  there  may  be  op- 
portunity for  distinguishing  the  better  labourer  with  the  better 
garments,  while  I  give  those  of  inferior  value  to  the  less 
deserving.  n.  For  extreme  despondency,  Socrates,'  con- 
tinued he,  '  appears  to  be  produced  in  the  meritorious,  When 
they  see  that  the  work  is  done  by  themselves,  and  that  they 
obtain  only  a  like  recompense  with  those  who  are  neither 
willing  to  work  nor  to  submit  to  any  risk  when  necessity  calls 
upon  them.  I  myself,  therefore,  never  by  any  means  consider 
the  better  workmen  as  deserving  only  of  equal  recompense 
with  the  worse,  and  I  commend  my  overseers  whenever  I  see 
them  distributing  the  best  articles  among  the  most  praiseworthy 
labourers ;  but  if  I  observe  any  one  distinguished  in  consequence 
of  flatteries  or  any  other  profitless  service,  I  do  not  overlook 
the  abuse,  but  reprimand  the  bailiff,  and  endeavour  to  teach 
him,  Socrates,  that  he  is  not  doing  what  is  for  his  own  interest' 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

How  bailiffs  and  others  should  be  induced  to  observe  honesty. 

1.  "  'But  when  your  overseer,  Ischomachus,'  proceeded  I, 
'has  become  qualified  to  manage  others,  so  as  to  render  them 
tractable,  do  you  consider  that  he  is  then  become  a 
thoroughly  qualified  officer  ;  or  does  he,  who  has  the  ac- 
complishments which  you  have  mentioned,  need  any  additional 
good  qualities  ? '  2.  '  Indeed  he  does,'  replied  Ischomachus  ; 
'  for  instance,  to  abstain  from  taking  liberties  with  his  master's 
property,  and  from  thieving ;  for  if  he  who  has  the  manage- 
ment of  the  crops  should  dare  to  make  away  with  them  clan- 
destinely, so  as  not.  to  leave  as  much  as  will  be  a  recompense 
for  the  labour,  what  profit  would  it  be  to  cultivate  the  land 
under  his  superintendence  ? '  3.  '  Do  you,  then,'  said  I, 
'undertake  to  teach  the  observance  of  honesty?'  'Certainly, 
replied  Ischomachus,  '  but  I  do  not  find  all  listen  promptly  to 
such  teaching.     4.  Taking  some  things,  however,  from  tfcs 


§   5—10.]    HOW   HONESTY   IS    TO    BE    ENCOURAGED.  125 

laws  of  Draco,  and  some  from  tnose  of  Solon,  I  endeavour  to 
bring  my  servants  to  honesty ;  for  these  lawgivers,'  added  he, 
*  appear  to  me  to  have  made  many  of  their  laws  for  the  pur- 
pose of  inculcating  such  integrity,  5.  since  it  is  written  in 
them  that  persons  are  to  be  punished  for  thefts,  and  that  those 
who  attempt  them,  if  they  be  caught  in  the  fact,  are  to  be 
put  in  prison,  or  put  to  death.  It  is  plain,  therefore,  that  they 
wrote  such  laws  with  a  view  to  render  dishonest  gains  profit- 
less to  knaves.  6.  Adopting  some  things,  accordingly,  from 
these  laws,'  continued  he,  'and  borrowing  others  from  the 
laws  of  the  king  of  Persia,1  I  strive  to  render  my  servants 
honest  in  regard  to  what  they  have  under  their  management ; 
7.  for  the  laws  of  Draco  and  Solon  only  prescribe  penalties  for 
those  who  do  wrong,  but  the  laws  of  the  king  of  Persia  not 
only  punish  those  who  do  amiss,  but  reward  those  who  do 
right ;  so  that  many,  even  though  they  are  very  greedy  of 
gain,  yet,  as  they  see  that  the  honest  become  richer  than  the 
dishonest,  adhere  very  carefully  to  abstinence  from  dishonesty, 
s.  But  those  whom  I  observe,'  added  he,  '  attempting,  not- 
withstanding they  are  well  treated,  to  practise  dishonesty,  I 
set  aside  entirely  from  all  trust,2  as  being  incorrigible  knaves. 
9.  Those,  on  the  contrary,  whom  I  perceive  not  only  priding 
themselves  on  having  more  than  others  through  their  honesty, 
but  manifesting  a  desire  to  receive  praise  from  me,  I  treat  at 
once  as  freedmen;  not  only  enriching  them,  but  honouring  them 
as  good  and  upright  persons  ;  10.  for  it  is  in  this,  Socrates,'  he 
concluded,  *  that  a  man  desirous  of  honours  differs  from  a 
man  fond  of  gain,  in  being  willing,  namely,  to  labour,  or  to 
meet  danger,  when  it  is  necessary,  for  the  sake  of  praise  and 
distinction,  and  to  abstain  from  disgraceful  means  of  lucre.' 

1  Twv  BaffiXiKutv  vofMov.]  As  the  king  of  Persia  is  called  King,  rax' 
tZoxvv,  so  anything  belonging  to  him  or  concerning  him  is  called 
Ba<Ti\iKog.     Breitenbach. 

2  'And  Tjjg  xp^ercwc.]  I  abstain  from  making  ur,e  of  them  as  trust* 
worthy  persons.  Schneider's  text  has  xtip'unwQ,  a  conjectuie  of  Cera  jr. 
Beisig  proposes  kti\ouuq. 


126  (KCONOMICUS.  [en.  15. 


CHAPTER  XV, 

Ischomachus  now  proceeds,  at  the  request  of  Socrates,  to  give  instructions 
on  the  various  departments  of  agriculture.  He  shows  that  it  is  easy  to  he 
learned ;  and  that  those  who  are  employed  in  it  are  very  ready  to  com- 
municate their  knowledge  of  it,  differing  greatly  in  this  respect  from 
persons  employed  in  handicraft  trades.  Socrates  expresses  his  pleasure 
at  what  Ischomachus  has  said,  and  desires  to  hear  more. 

l.  "(  Well,  then,'  said  I,  'when  you  have  implanted  in  a 
person  the  desire  that  prosperity  may  attend  you,  when  you 
have  inspired  him  also  with  an  anxiety  that  profit  may  be 
secured  for  you,  when,  in  addition  to  this,  you  have  furnished 
him  with  knowledge  how  every  kind  of  work  may  be  done,  so 
as  to  be  rendered  more  lucrative,  when  you  have  rendered 
him,  moreover*  able  to  direct  others,  and  when,  last  of  all,  you 
have  made  him  produce  the  fruits  of  the  earth  for  you  in  as 
great  abundance  as  you  would  produce  them  for  yourself,  I 
will  no  longer  ask,  concerning  such  a  man,  whether  he  still  re- 
quires any  additional  good  quality  ;  for  an  overseer  who  is 
thus  accomplished  appears  to  me  to  be  of  the  very  highest 
value.     Do  not,  however,  omit  this  point,  Ischomachus,'  said 
I,  '  which  has  been  very  lightly    passed  over  in    our  dis- 
course/    'What  is  it? 'said  Ischomachus.      2.   'You  said,' 
replied  I,  '  that  it  was  a  most  important  matter  to  learn  how 
it  is  necessary  to  do  every  kind  of  work  ;  else,  if  a  person 
did  not  know  what  he  ought  to  do,  and  how  he  ought  to  do 
it,  you  observed  that  there  would  be  no  profit  even  in  diligence. 
3.  The  other  observations  of  yours,  Ischomachus,'  said  I,  '  I 
think  I  understand  well  enough  ;  I  mean  what  you  said  as  to 
the  mode  in  which  it  is   proper  to  instruct  the  overseer;  for 
I  seem  to  comprehend  how,  as  you  said,  you  render  him  well 
disposed  towards  you,  and  careful,  and  fit  to  direct  others,  and 
honest.     4.  But  as  to  that  which  you  said  besides,  that  it 
is  necessary  for  him  who  would  attend  to  agriculture  properly 
to  learn  what  he  must  do,  and  how  he  must  do  it,  and  at  what 
season  he  must  do  each  particular  thing,  we  seem  to  have 
passed  it  over    in  our   conversation   somewhat  too    lightly. 
5.  It  was  as  if  you  should  say  that  he  who  would  be  abl6  to 
write  down  anything  dictated  to  him  must  know  letters,  and 


§  6^-12.]     ATTRACTIONS  OF  AGRICULTURE.  127 

be  able  to  read  anything  written  ;  for,  after  having  heard  this 
from  you,  I  should  have  heard  that  such  a  person  must  know 
letters ;  but  though  I  should  have  learned  this,  I  should  not, 
on  that  account,  I  believe,  know  anything  more  of  letters  myself. 
6.  So  now,  also,  I  am  very  well  convinced,  that  he  who  would 
conduct  agriculture  properly  must  understand  it;  yet,  though  I 
know  this,  I  do  not  know  at  all  the  more  how  I  must  conduct 
agriculture.  7.  If  I  should  proceed  at  once,  therefore,  to 
manage  a  farm,  I  should  think  myself  like  a  quack,  who 
should  go  about  and  visit  patients  without  knowing  what 
would  do  them  good.  That  I  may  not,  then,  act  in  such  a. 
manner,'  added  I,  'pray  instruct  me  in  the  duties  of  agri- 
culture.' 

8.  "Ischomachus  then  said,  'Do  you  wish  me,  Socrates,  to 
teach  you  at  once  the  very  art  of  agriculture  itself?'  'As* 
suredly,'  said  I ;  '  for  it  is  an  art  that  renders  those  who  under- 
stand it  rich,  and  leaves  those  who  do  not  understand  it, 
however  much  they  labour  in  it,  to  live  in  poverty.'  9.  '  You 
shall  now  hear,  then,  Socrates,'  said  he,  'how  friendly  the 
character  of  this  art  is  to  mankind  ;  for,  inasmuch  as  it  is 
most  useful,  most  pleasant  to  pursue,  most  becoming,  and  most 
agreeable  to  gods  and  men,  and  as  it  is  also  most  easy  to  learn, 
how  can  it  be  otherwise  than  of  a  noble  character  ?  For 
among  animals,  I  may  observe,  we  call  such  as  are  beautiful, 
and  large,  and  serviceable,  and  gentle  to  the  hand  of  man, 
noble.  10.  Nor  is  agriculture,  Socrates,'  continued  he,  '  so 
difficult  to  learn  as  other  arts,  the  students  of  which  must 
almost  wear  themselves  out  before  they  can  do  enough  in  them 
to  gain  support ;  but,  partly  by  seeing  others  at  work,  partly 
by  hearing  from  them,  you  may  soon  learn  enough  even  to 
teach  another,  if  you  wish.  I  think,  too,'  he  added,  '  that 
you  understand  a  good  deal  of  it,  without  being  aware;  11.  for 
those  who  practise  other  arts  conceal,  in  some  degree,  the 
most  important  particulars  which  each  knows  in  his  particular 
art ;  but,  among  husbandmen,  he  who  plants  trees  best  will 
be  best  pleased  if  another  person  looks  on  while  he  is 
planting,  and  he  who  sows  best  will  have  the  same  feeling ; 
and  whatever  you  ask  him  about  anything  that  is  well  done, 
he  will  have  no  concealments  from  you  as  to  the  way  in  which 
he  did  it.  12.  So  that  agriculture  is  of  a  nature  to  render 
those  who  are  occuDied  with  it  extremely  generous  as  to  their 


128  accoNOMicus.  [ch.  16. 

dispositions.'  is.  '  The  preface,'  said  I,  eis  excellent,  and 
not  of  a  character  to  deter  him  who  hears  it  from  questioning 
the  speaker  ;  and  do  you,  as  it  is  easy  to  learn  the  art, 
explain  it,  for  that  reason,  the  more  fully  to  me ;  for  it  is  not 
unbecoming  to  you  to  teach  what  is  easy,  but  it  would  be 
highly  unbecoming  in  me  net  to  understand  it,  especially  as 
it  is  of  service.' 


CHAPTER    XVI. 


Ischomachus  makes  remarks  on  the  nature  of  various  soils ;  the  art  of  dis- 
tinguishing them ;  and  the  modes  and  seasons  of  cleansing  and  cultivating 
land. 

l.  "'In  the  first  place,  then,  Socrates,'  said  Ischomachus, 
'  I  wish  to  let  you  know,  that  that  point  in  agriculture  which 
those  who  descant  on  it  very  nicely  in  words,  but  have  no 
practical  experience,  represent  as  a  matter  of  great  skill,  is 
not  at  all  difficult  to  understand  ;  for  they  say  that  he  who 
would  practise  husbandry  successfully  ought  first  to  know 
the  nature  of  the  soil.'  2.  *  Yet,  surely,'  said  I,  '  they  assert 
this  not  without  reason ;  for  he  who  does  not  know  what  the 
soil  can  produce,  would  not  know,  I  suppose,  either  what  he 
ought  to  sow  or  what  to  plant.'  3.  '  However,'  said  Ischoma- 
chus, '  it  is  possible  to  ascertain,  from  looking  at  one's  neigh- 
bour's ground,  what  it  can  bear  and  what  it  cannot,  if  we  only 
observe  the  corn  and  the  trees  upon  it ;  and  when  a  person 
has  learned  this,  there  is  no  further  use  in  fighting  against 
nature,  for  he  would  not  obtain  a  greater  supply  of  provisions 
by  sowing  or  planting  what  he  himself  might  require, 
than  by  sowing  or  planting  what  the  earth  would  of  its  own 
accord  produce  and  nourish.  4.  But  if  the  land  cannot  show 
its  qualities,  through  the  negligence  of  those  who  possess  it, 
it  is  often  possible  to  gain  a  juster  notion  of  it  from  an  ad- 
joining piece  of  ground,  than  to  attempt  to  learn  it  from  a 
neighbour.  5.  Even  if  it  be  uncultivated,  it  will  still  show 
its  nature ;  for  that  which  produces  weeds  of  average  growth 
will,  if  it  is  properly  tilled,  produce  also  plants  of  average 
growth.  Thus  those  who  are  not  particularly  skilled  in  agri- 
culture   may  nevertheless    discover    the   nature  of  ground.' 


§    6 14.]      OF    PREPARING    GROUND    FOR    SOWING.  129 

6.  'In  this  respect,  then,  Ischomachus,'  said  I,  'I  think  that 
I  may  have  sufficient  confidence  in  myself,  so  that  I  need  not 
abstain  from  agriculture  through  fear  of  not  knowing  the 
quality  of  the  soil.  7.  For  I  remember,  indeed,'  added  I, 
'  what  the  fishermen  do,  who,  though  engaged  on  the  sea,  and 
not  stopping  to  view  the  shore,  or  even  slackening  their 
course,  but  running  along  by  the  fields  at  full  sail,  yet,  when 
they  see  crops  on  the  ground,  do  not  hesitate  to  give  an 
opinion  on  it,  and  to  pronounce  which  part  is  good  and  which 
is  bad,  depreciating  one  and  extolling  another ;  accordingly, 
I  see  them  express  themselves  in  general  respecting  the  good- 
ness of  land  in  the  same  manner  as  those  who  are  ex- 
perienced in  agriculture.' 

8.  " '  Where,  then,  would  you  wish  me,  Socrates,'  said  he, 
'to  begin  to  bring  to  your  recollection  matters  concerning 
agriculture  ?  for  I  am  sure  that  I  shall  tell  you  a  vast  number 
of  things^  as  to  the  manner  in  which  we  must  cultivate  land, 
when  you  already  know  them.'  9.  'I  think,  Ischomachus,' 
said  I,  '  that  I  would  gladly  learn  first  of  all  (for  this  is  what 
most  concerns  a  philosopher),  how,  by  cultivating  the  earth, 
if  I  should  wish  to  do  so,  I  may  obtain  the  greatest  quantities 
of  barley  and  wheat.'  10.  'Do  you  know  this,  then,  that  we 
must  prepare  fallow  ground1  for  sowing  ?'  '  I  do  know  it,' 
said  I.  ii.  'Suppose  we  should  begin,  then,'  said  he,  'to 
plough  the  ground  in  the  winter  ? '  'It  would  at  that  time 
be  nothing  else  but  mud,'  said  I.  '  Does  it  seem  proper 
to  you  to  begin  in  summer,  then  ?  '  '  The  soil  will  be  very 
hard  at  that  season,'  answered  I,  'for  the  oxen.'  12.  '  So  it 
appears  that  we  must  begin  that  work  in  the  spring.'  '  It  is 
likely,'  rejoined  I,  '  that  the  soil,  if  moved  at  that  time,  will 
be  most  easily  spread.'  '  And  it  is  then  that  the  weeds, 
Socrates,'  said  he,  '  being  turned  up,  furnish  manure  for  the 
ground,  while  they  have  not  yet  scattered  their  seeds,  so  as  to 
produce  any  fresh  weeds.  13.  For  this  also,  I  think,  it  must 
be  easy  for  you  to  understand,  that,  if  ground  is  to  lie  fallow 
to  good  purpose,  it  ought  to  be  free  from  weeds,  and  warmed 
as  much  as  possible  by  the  sun.'  '  Certainly,'  said  I,  '  I 
think  that  such  must  be  the  case.'     14.    '  And  do  you  think 

1  Neov.]  Land  on  which  nothing  is  sown,  and  which  is  to  he  turned 
up  and  prepared  for  being  sown.  T\tibg  rgiiroKoq,  "  a  thrice- ploughed  fai- 
.ow."  II.  xviii.  541. 

vol.  in.  K 


13,0  CECONOMICUS.  LCH-    ^' 

that  these  effects  can  be  better  produced  by  any  other  means 
than  by  turning  up  the  land  as  often  as  possible  during  the 
summer  ? '  'I,  indeed,  am  fully  aware/  said  I,  '  that  weeds 
cannot  be  by  any  means  more  effectually  kept  from  taking 
root,  or  dried  up  by  the  heat,  and  that  the  soil  cannot  be  more 
effectually  warmed  by  the  sun,  than  by  turning  it  up  with 
oxen  in  the  middle  of  summer  and  in  the  middle  of  the  day.' 
15.  '  Or  if  men  were  to  make  the  ground  fallow  by  turning  it 
up  with  the  spade,'  said  he, '  is  it  not  evident  that  they  ought 
to  keep  the  soil  and  the  weeds  distinct  ? ' l  '  And  to  throw 
the  weeds,'  added  I,  '  upon  the  surface,  that  they  may  be 
withered,  while  they  turn  up  the  soil,  that  the  crude  part  of 
it  may  be  benefited  by  the  warmth.' 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

Of  sowing,  and  the  proper  times  for  it.     Different  soils  require  different 
quantities  of  seed.     Of  hoeing  and  weeding. 

1  "  <  Concerning  the  fallowing  of  the  ground,  therefore,  So- 
crates,' continued  Ischomachus,  '  you  see  that  the  same 
notions  are  entertained  by  both  of  us.'  '  They  are,  certainly,' 
said  I.  '  About  the  time  of  sowing,  however,  my  dear  So- 
crates,' continued  he,  'have  you  any  other  opinion  than  that 
that  is  the  time  for  sowing,  which  men  of  former  days  who 
have  tried  it,  and  men  of  the  present  day  who  are  still  trying 
it,  have  judged  to  be  the  best  ?  2.  For  when  the  autumn  is 
come,  all  men,  in  a  manner,  look  to  the  gods,  to  see  when 
they  will  moisten  the  earth,  and  allow  them  to  sow.'  *  All 
men,  indeed,  Ischomachus,'  said  I,  '  are  determined  upon  not 
sowing,  at  least  willingly,  when  the  ground  is  dry  ;  inasmuch 
as  people  who  had  sowed  before  they  were  directed  by  the 
gods,  have  had  to  struggle  with  many  disadvantages.'  3.  '  On 
these  points,  then,'  said  Ischomachus,  '  all  men  are  agreed.' 
*  Yes,'  said  I ;  'for  as  to  what  the  gods  teach,  it  is  constantly 
the  case  that  men  are  of  one  mind  ;  for  instance,  it  is  thought 

1  Aix«  £«t  Troitlv.']     To  keep  the  weeds  out  of  the  soil }  not  to  let 
them  take  root  in  it  again. 


§    4 — 3.]  OF    SOWING.  131 

by  everybody  alike  that  it  is  better  to  wear  thick  clothing  in 
the  winter,  if  they  can  get  it  ;  and  it  is  thought  by  everybody 
better  to  burn  fire  in  the  winter,  if  they  have  wood.'  4. 
*  With  regard  to  the  time  of  sowing,  however,  my  dear  So- 
crates,' said  Ischomachus,  '  many  are  divided  in  opinion 
as  to  whether  the  earliest,  or  the  middle,  or  the  latest,  is  the 
best.'  '  But  the  gods,'  said  I,  '  do  not  order  the  years  with 
exact  uniformity,  so  that  one  year  may  be  best  for  very  early 
sowing,  another  for  middle,  another  for  very  late.'  5.  'As 
for  yourself,  then,  Socrates,'  said  he,  '  whether  do  you  think 
it  better  for  a  man  to  fix  on  one  of  these  times  and  keep  to  it, 
whether  he  has  much  or  little  seed  to  sow,1  or  to  begin  at  the 
earliest  period  and  prolong  his  sowing  throughout  the  season, 
until  the  very  end  of  it?'  6.  '  To  me,  indeed,  Ischomachus,' 
replied  I,  '  it  appears  best  to  sow  a  portion  at  each  period  ;  2 
for  I  consider  it  far  better  to  have  a  sufficient  crop  of  corn 
every  year,3  than  a  great  deal  one  year,  and  not  enough 
another.'  '  In  this,  therefore,  Socrates,'  said  he,  '  you  agree 
with  me,  the  learner  with  the  teacher,  and  you  even  give 
your  opinion  before  I  have  given  mine.' 

7.  "'But,'  said  I,  ' as  to  spreading  the  seed  over  the  ground, 
is  there  any  artful  way  of  doing  that?'  '  Certainly  there  is, 
Socrates,'  replied  he.  'Let  us  give  some  consideration  to  this 
point.  That  the  seed  must  be  thrown  from  the  hand,  I  suppose 
that  you  are  pretty  well  aware.'  'Yes,  for  I  have  seen 
it  thrown,'  said  I.  '  But  some  men  can  spread  it  evenly/ 
said  he,  '  and  others  cannot.'  '  In  this  respect,  then,'  said 
I,  '  the  hand  requires  exercise,  like  that  of  players  on  the  harp, 
that  it  may  obey  the  mind.'  8.  '  Undoubtedly,'  said  he  ; 
'  but  what  if  some  sorts  of  land  be  lighter,  and  others  hea- 
vier ? '  '  What  is  this  that  you  say  ? '  returned  I ;  'do  you 
call  that  lighter  which  is  poorer,  and  that  heavier  which  is 
richer  ? '     '  That  is  what  I  mean,'  replied  he  ;    '  and  I  ask 

1  For  if  a  farmer  has  much  seed  to  sow,  he  has  the  greater  need  to  take 
care  lest,  by  trusting  to  one  time  for  sowing,  the  favourableness  or  unfa- 
vourableness  of  which  the  future  must  show,  he  should  lose  his  seed  and 
his  labour.     Breitenbach. 

2  TiavToq  hetexuv  tov  (nropov.]  "  Some,  thinking  it  safer,  do  not  sow 
ah  their  seed  early,  but  make  second,  third,  and  even  fotirth  sowings 
in  succession,  to  guard  against  the  uncertainty  of  the  future."  Gtopon. 
U.  J  4.  8.     Zetine. 

'    Ate.]      Unoquoque  anno.     Breitenbach. 

k  2 


132  ceconomicub.  [ch.  17. 

you  whether  you  would  allow  an  equa.  quantity  of  seed  to 
each  sort  of  land,  or,  if  not,  to  which  you  would  allow  the 
greater  quantity?'  9.  'I  think  it  proper,'1  replied  I,  'to 
pour  the  greater  quantity  of  water  into  the  stronger  wine, 
and  if  there  be  any  burdens  to  carry,  to  lay  the  heavier  load 
on  the  stronger  man  ;  and  if  I  had  to  maintain  a  body  of  men 
in  any  country,  I  should  require  such  of  the  inhabitants  as  had 
the  greater  wealth  to  support  the  greater  number.  But 
whether  poor  land  be  rendered  more  productive  by  putting 
more  corn  into  it,  as  an  ox  is,  pray  inform  me/  io.  Isehoina- 
chus  laughed  and  said,  '  You  are  jesting,  Socrates.  Be 
assured  of  this,  however,'  he  proceeded,  '  that  if,  after  you 
have  cast  seed  into  the  ground,  and  after  the  land  has  received 
much  nourishment  from  the  sky,  and  the  green  corn  has 
grown  up  from  the  seed,  you  then  turn  up  the  soil  again,  the 
crop  becomes  food  to  the  ground,  and  vigour  is  produced  in  it 
as  from  the  effect  of  manure  ;  but  if  you  allow  the  land  to  bear 
its  crop  to  maturity,  so  as  to  have  corn  from  it,2  you  will  see 
that  it  is  difficult  for  weak  land  to  bring  much  corn  to  matu- 
rity ;  just  as  it  is  difficult  for  a  weak  sow  to  rear  a  great 
number  of  large  pigs.'  n.  'You  mean,  then,  Ischomachus,' 
said  I,  'that  we  must  throw  the  smaller  quantity  of  seed  on 
the  poorer  land.'  '  Yes,  by  Jupiter,  Socrates,'  replied  he, 
1  and  you  agree  with  me,  as  you  say  that  you  think  it  proper 
to  lav  lighter  burdens  on  whatever  animals  are  weaker.' 

1 2.  '  And  as  to  hoers,'  said  I,  '  Ischomachus,  for  what 
purpose  do  you  send  them  into  the  corn  ?  '  '  You  are  aware, 
doubtless,'  said  he,  ■  that  a  great  deal  of  rain  falls  in  the 
winter.'  '  Certainly,'  said  I.  '  Let  us  suppose,  then,  that 
some  portion  of  the  corn  is  covered  by  the  action  of  the  rain, 
by  mud  being  thrown  up  on  it,  and  that  some  of  the  roots  are 
laid  bare  by  the  streaming  down  of  the  water  ;  and  weeds,  we 
may  imagine,  often  spring  up  under  the  influence  of  the  rain, 
together  with  the  corn,  and  choke  it.'  '  It  is  quite  natural,' 
&aid  I,  '  that  all  such  things  should  happen.'  13.  '  Does  it 
then  appear  to  you.'  said  he,  -  that  the  corn  requires  any  aid 
under  such  circumstances?'  'Undoubtedly/  I  replied.  'By 
what  means,  then,  do  you  think  that  people  can  assist  that 
which  is  covered  with  mud  ?      '  By  relieving  it  of  its  load  of 

No/tijw.]    Fas  dtcco ;  rectum  esse  puto.  Breitenbacli,  Comp  sect.  11 
2  Ei£  »cav07r6f.]     1.  e.  ioait  Kapirbv  yeveaOai.     Breitenbach, 


§    14,   15.J  OF   REAPING   AND    IIIRESHIXO.  133 

earth,'  said  I.  *  And  by  what  means  can  they  assist  that 
which  has  its  roots  exposed  ? '  '  By  throwing  up  the  earth 
on  them  again,'  said  I.  14.  *  And  what  if  weeds  should 
spring  up  with  the  corn  and  choke  it,  and  rob  it  of  its  proper 
nutriment,  as  the  drones,  which  are  useless  beings,  rob  the 
bees  of  that  which  they  have  prepared  and  laid  up  as  food  for 
themselves  ? '  *  It  would  be  proper,'  said  I,  '  by  Jupiter,  to 
root  up  the  weeds,  as  it  is  proper  to  expel  the  drones  from  the 
hives.'  15.  *  May  we  not  be  thought,  then,  with  good  reason, 
to  send  hoers  l  into  the  corn  ? '  '  Undoubtedly,'  I  replied  ; 
'  but  I  am  thinking  how  effective  it  is  to  introduce  similes  in 
our  discourse  ;  for,  by  mentioning  drones,  you  have  excited 
my  anger  against  weeds  far  more  strongly  than  when  you 
spoke  of  weeds  only.' 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

-Of  reaping,  threshing,  and  winnowing.   Socrates  acknowledges  that  agricul- 
ture is  easy  to  be  learned. 

l.  "  *  After  this,  however,'  said  I,  '  the  next  thing  in  course 
is  reaping.  Give  me  some  instruction  therefore,  if  you  can, 
with  reference  to  this.'  '  Unless  you  appear,'  rejoined  he, 
'to  know  as  much  about  it  as  myself.  You  are  aware,  at  least, 
that  we  must  cut  the  corn.'  '  How  can  I  but  be  aware  ?' 
said  I.  '  When  you  cut  it  then,'  said  he,  '  whether  do  you 
stand  on  the  side  from  which  the  wind  blows,  or  opposite  to  the 
wind?'  'Not  opposite,  certainly,'  said  I;  'for  it  would 
be  annoying  both  to  the  eyes  and  to  the  hands  to  reap  in  the 
face  of  the  stalks  and  ears.' 2  2.  '  And  would  you  cut  the  ears 
off  at  the  top,'  said  he,  '  or  cut  close  to  the  ground  ?  '  'If 
the  stalk  of  the  corn  were  short,'  said  I,  '  I  should  cut  low, 
that  the  straw  might  be  more  serviceable  ;  but  if  it  were  tall, 
I  think  I  should  do  right  to  cut  it  in  the  middle,  in  order  that 

1  ^KaXsag.]  This  word  tncaXevg  means  both  the  instrument  and  the 
person  that  uses  it.  Breitenbach  seems  inclined  to  take  it  in  the  sense  of 
persons  in  this  passage  ;  and  this  acceptation  seems  to  suit  better  with 
sect.  13. 

■  That  is,  with  the  stalks  and  ears  blowing  in  your  face. 


134  (ECONOMICUS.  [ch.  18. 

the  threshers  may  not  have  any  superfluous  trouble,  or  the 
winnowers  anything  that  they  do  not  want.  As  to  what  is 
left  on  the  ground,  I  think  that  if  it  is  burned  it  may  improve 
the  soil,  or,  if  it  is  thrown  in  among  the  manure,  will  increase 
the  quantity  of  manure.'  3.  '  You  see  then,  my  dear  So- 
crates,' said  he,  '  how  you  are  caught  in  the  very  fact,  and 
convicted  of  knowing  as  much  about  reaping  as  I  myself 
know.'  *  I  seem  to  do  so,  at  least,'  said  I,  '  and  I  would 
wish  you  to  examine  me  whether  I  also  know  anything  of 
threshing.'  '  You  know,  doubtless,  that  people  thresh  their 
corn  by  means  of  working  beasts.'  4.  'How  can  I  but  know?' 
said  I ;  '  and  I  know  that  oxen,  mules,  and  horses  are  all 
called  working  beasts  alike.'  'Do  you  think,  then,  that 
these  beasts  know  anything  more  than  how  to  tread  the  corn 
when  they  are  driven  round?'  'What  else,'  said  I,  'can 
beasts  know  ?  '  5.  '  But  that  they  may  tread  out  just  what 
is  necessary,  and  that  the  treading  may  be  everywhere  equal, 
to  whom,  Socrates,'  said  he,  'do  you  give  that  in  charge  ?  ' 
'  Unquestionably,'  replied  I,  'to  the  managers  of  the  thresh- 
ing ;  for  they,  by  turning  the  corn  about,  and  bringing  under  the 
feet  of  the  beasts,  from  time  to  time,  that  part  which  is  not 
yet  trodden,  would  thus  most  effectually,  doubtless,  keep  the 
threshing-floor1  level,  and  execute  the  threshing  with  the 
greatest  speed.'  'As  to  these  points,  then,'  said  lie,  'you  are 
not  behind  myself  in  knowledge.' 

6.  "'Then,'  said  I,  '  Ischomachus,  we  will  now  proceed  to 
clean  the  corn  by  winnowing  it.'  '  And  tell  me,  Socrates,' 
said  Ischomachus,  'do  you  know  that  if  you  begin  on  the 
windy  side  of  the  threshing-floor,  your  chaff  will  be  carried 
over  the  whole  floor?'  'Such  must  necessarily  be  the  case,' 
said  I.  7.  'It  is  consequently  probable  that  it  will  fall  upon 
the  corn,'  said  he.  'It  would  indeed  be  hard,'2  returned  I, 
'  for  chaff  to  be  carried  over  the  corn  into  the  vacant  part  of 
the  threshing-floor.'  'But  if,'  said  he,  'a  person  should  be- 
gin to  winnow  at  the  part  opposite  to  the  wind  ? '  'It  is 
plain,'  said  I,  '  that  the  chaff  will  at  once  fall  into  the  recep- 

1  I  read  rbv  frivov,  a  happy  emendation  of  Breitenbach's,  who  says  that 
dlvog  means  a  circular  threshing-floor,  round  which  the  oxen  walked 
as  they  trod  out  the  corn,  referring  to  iElian,  Hist.  An.  ii.  'Ah,  iv.  25  j 
Hesiod,  Op.  et  Di.  595;   Herod,  ii.  14. 

*  Ho\v  yom  1(ttiv.\     Magni  laboris  est.    Sturz.  Lex 


§    8,  9.]  OF    WINNOWING.  135 

tacle  for  it.'1  8.  'But  when  you  have  cleaned  the  corn  as 
far  as  the  middle  of  the  floor,2  whether  will  you  winntw  away 
the  rest  of  the  chaff3  while  the  corn  is  still  spread  out,  or 
after  you  have  collected  the  cleaned  portion  of  the  corn  to  the 
margin  of  the  floor,4  into  as  narrow  a  space  as  possible  ?* 
*  After  having  collected  the  cleaned  corn,  certainly,'  said  I, 
'  so  that  the  chaff  may  be  carried  over  into  the  empty  part  rf 
the  floor,  and  that  I  may  not  have  to  winnow  out  the  same 
chaff  >wice.'  9.  'Why,  then,  Socrates,'  said  he,  'you  might 
even  teach  another  person  how  corn  may  be  soonest  win- 
nowed.' '  These  things,  therefore,'  said  I,  '  I  have  known, 
even  for  a  long  time,  without  being  aware  of  my  knowledge ; 
and  I  am  considering  whether  I  may  not  be  unconsciously 
possessed  of  a  knowledge  of  refining  gold,  of  playing  on  the 
flute,  and  of  painting  ;  for  nobody  ever  taught  me  these,  any 
more  than  agriculture  ;  but  I  see  men  practising  other  arts,  as 
I  also  see  them  practising  that  of  agriculture.'5  'Accordingly 
I  told  you,  some  time  ago,'  said  Ischomachus,  '  that  the  art  of 
agriculture  was  one  of  the  noblest  of  arts,  inasmuch  as  it  is 
extremely  easy  to  learn.'  '  Well,'  said  I,  '  Ischomachus,  I 
find  that  it  is  so  ;  since  I  had  gained  indeed  a  knowledge 
of  managing  grain6  without  being  aware  that  I  was  possessed 
of  that  knowledge.' 

1  This  receptacle  seems  to  have  been  some  part  of  the  threshing-floor 
between  the  corn  to  be  winnowed  and  that  which  had  been  winnowed  ;  a 
part  perhaps  hollowed  out,  or  in  some  way  parted  off.     Breitenbach. 

2  Breitenbach  supposes  that  the  corn  to  be  cleaned  was  extended  in  a 
]ine  across  the  floor,  along  which  line  the  winnower  proceeded. 

3  Id  dxvpa  to.  XotTrd.]  By  &xvpa,  in  this  passage,  Breitenbach  under- 
stands the  unwinnowed  portion  of  the  corn,  or  the  chaff  and  corn  mixed  ; 
for  he  says  that  the  word  has  three  significations,  straw,  corn  and  chaff 
mixed,  and  pure  chaff. 

4  JTpoc  tov  7r6Xov.]  The  commentators  have  not  been  able  to  satisfy 
their  readers  as  to  the  exact  signification  of  ttoKoq  in  this  passage. 
Schneider  thought  that  it  signified  the  circular  part  in  the  middle  of  the 
floor,  round  which  the  oxen  were  driven  ;  Breitenbach  and  Portus  suppose 
that  it  means  the  circumference  or  extreme  edge  of  the  floor.  The  latter 
Interpretation  I  have  followed. 

*  If  I  have  learned  agriculture  by  seeing  it  practised,  why  should  I  not 
have  learned  other  arts  by  seeing  them  practised  ? 

6  27ropov.]  This  word  here  signifies,  not  only  sowing,  but  the  w^ftle 
treatment  and  management  of  seed  or  grain.    Breitenbach. 


136  CEOONOMICLS.  [ch.  19. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

On  the  mode  of  planting  trees,  especially  vines,  figs,  and  olives .  Nature 
Caches  us,  :n  many  things,  how  we  ought  to  act,  if  we  will  but  notice 
what  is  to  be  seen  around  us. 

1.  "  '  Is  planting  of  trees,  too,'  said  I,  '  a  part  of  the  art  of 
agriculture?'  'Assuredly  it  is,'  replied  Ischomachus. 
'  How  is  it  then,'  said  I,  '  that  I  had  a  knowledge  of  what 
relates  to  grain,  and  have  no  knowledge  of  what  concerns 
planting  of  trees?'  2.  '  Have  you  then  no  knowledge  of  it  ?' 
inquired  Ischomachus.  '  How  can  I  have  any,'  rejoined  I, 
'  when  I  neither  know  in  what  sort  of  soil  1  ought  to  plant, 
nor  how  deep  to  dig  for  the  tree,1  nor  how  wide,  nor  how  deep 
to  put  the  tree  in  the  ground,  nor  how  a  tree  should  be  placed 
in  the  earth  so  as  to  grow  best.'  3.  '  Come  then,'  said  Ischo- 
machus, '  and  learn  what  you  do  not  know.  You  have  seen,  I 
presume,'  continued  he,  'that  people  dig  trenches  in  the 
ground  for  trees.'  'I  have  indeed  often  seen  it,'  said  I. 
'  Have  you  ever  seen  any  one  of  them  deeper  than  three  feet  ?' 
'  No,  by  Jupiter,'  replied  I,  '  nor  deeper  than  two  feet  and  a 
half.'  'And  have  you  ever  seen  any  one  more  than  three 
feet  in  breadth?'  'No  indeed,'  said  I,  'nor  more  than 
two  feet.'  4.  '  Well  then,'  said  he,  '  answer  me  this  too  ;  have 
you  ever  seen  one  less  than  a  foot  in  depth  ?'  '  No,  certain- 
ly,' said  I,  '  nor  less  than  a  foot  and  a  half;  for  the  young 
trees  would  be  uprooted  in  digging  about  them,  if  the  roots 
were  put  so  small  a  distance  below  the  surface.'  5.  'You 
know  this  well  enough,  then,  Socrates,'  said  he,  *  that  men 
do  not  dig  for  planting  deeper  than  two  feet  and  a  half, 
nor  less  deep  than  one  foot  and  a  half.'  '  This,  indeed,' 
said  I,  '  must  have  fallen  under  my  eyes,  being  so  manifest.' 

6.  "  '  Well,  then,'  continued  he,  '  do  you  know  the  drier  and 
moister  sorts  of  ground  when  you  see  them  ?'  '  The  ground 
about  Lycabettus,2  and  such  as  is  similar  to  it,  appears  to  me, 
at  least,'  said  I,  '  to  be  dry  ground  ,•  and  that  which  is  in  the 

1  Breitenbach  is  undoubtedly  right  in  reading  r<£  tyvrtft  in  this  passage, 
instead  of  the  common  reading  to  <j>vtov.  The  correction  is  supported 
by  roTc  (pv-oTc  immediately  following,  and  by  sect.  7. 

1  A  hil\  near  Athens. 


§    7 — 11.]  OF    PLANTING    TREES.  137 

Phalerian  marsh  l  and  such  as  resembles  it,  to  be  dry.'  7. 
*  Whether,  then,'  said  he,  '  would  you  dig  a  deep  pit  for  a 
tree  in  a  dry  soil  or  in  a  moist  one?'  'In  a  dry  soil, 
assuredly,'  answered  I;  'for  if  you  dig  deep  in  a  wet  soil,  you 
will  come  to  water,  and  you  will  then  be  unable  to  plant  your 
trees  in  the  water.'  '  You  seem  to  me  to  answer  well,'  said 
he ;  '  but  when  your  pits  are  dug,  have  you  ever  observed 
when-  you  must  plant  the  several  kinds  of  trees?'2  8. 
'  Certainly,'  said  I.3  '  When  you  wish  them  to  grow  up, 
then,  as  quick  as  possible,  whether  do  you  think  that  the 
sprout  from  the  cutting  of  a  vine,  for  instance,  if  you  put  it 
under  well-dug  earth,  would  shoot  up  sooner  through  such 
soft  ground,  or  through  undug  earth  against  hard  ground  ? ' 
'  It  is  evident,'  replied  I,  '  that  it  would  shoot  up  through 
dug  sooner  than  through  undug  ground.'  9.  '  A  layer  of 
earth  should  then  be  put  under  the  plant?'4  'How  can  it 
be  otherwise?'  said  I.  'But  whether  do  you  think  that  if 
you  place  the  cutting  quite  upright,  pointing  towards  the 
heaven,  it  would  thus  take  root  better,  or  if  you  place  it  a 
little  obliquely5  in  the  earth  thrown  in  beneath  the  surface, 
so  that  it  may  lie  like  a  gamma  turned  up?'6  10.  'In  the 
latter  way,  certainly  ;  for  so  there  would  be  more  buds  under 
the  earth ;  and  as  it  is  from  buds  that  I  see  shoots  spring  above 
the  ground,  I  suppose  that  the  buds  which  are  below  the 
ground  produce  also  shoots  in  like  manner?  And  when 
many  shoots  take  root  in  the  ground,  I  conclude  that  the  plant 
will  spring  up  quickly  and  with  great  vigour.'    11.   '  Concern  - 

1  A  marsh  in  the  dij/xog  called  Phaleros  or  Phalereus,  which  was  in  the 
tribe  iEantis. 

3  These  words  appear  to  Breitenbach  to  be  corrupt,  as  it  was  not 
likely  that  Ischomachus,  after  what  he  had  said,  would  ask  Socrates 
when  he  should  plant  different  kinds  of  trees,  but  rather  in  tohat  sort  of 
soil  he  would  plant  them.  He  therefore  proposes  to  read  birortpa  CtJ 
TiQkvai  iv  tKaTipa[yy~\  to.  (pvrd. 

3  All  the  commentators  consider  that  something  is  wanting  here ;  and 
it  is  probable  that  Socrates  added  something  to  the  word  /xdAiora. 
Breitenbach. 

4  Oukovv  v7ro€\nTfa  av  sin  r<p  fyrqi  yrj.]  "  Faut-il  mettre  sous  la 
plunte  une  couche  de  bonne  terre  ?  "   Gail. 

5  A  position  which  is  sanctioned  alike  by  nature  and  by  the  agreement 
of  writers  on  the  subject.     Schneider. 

4  That  is,  standing  on  its  point  at  the  anple,  like  the  upper  part  of  a  Y 
7  Breitenbach   very   justly    reads,  ttoWwv  li    ^voj.ievujvi    instead    ?i 
mokXuv  yap  {pvofitvuv,  which  is  in  all  preceding  texts. 


138  (ECONOMICUS.  [CH.  19 

ing  these  points,  then,'  said  he,  'you  entertain  the  same 
notions  with  myself.'  '  But  would  you  merely  heap  up  the 
earth  around  the  plant,  or  tread  it  down  hard  ? '  'I  would 
tread  it  down,'  said  I,  *  assuredly  ;  for  if  it  were  not  trodden 
down,  I  am  well  aware  that  the  untrodden  earth,  if  wetted  by 
rain,  would  be  turned  into  mud,  and,  if  scorched  by  the  sun, 
would  become  dry  to  the  very  bottom ;  so  that  there  would  be 
danger  lest  the  roots  of  the  plant,  under  a  prevalence  of  wet 
weather,  should  be  rotted  by  damp,  or  should  be  scorched  up 
in  hot  weather,  from  the  roots  being  heated  through  the  dry-; 
ness  or  porousness  of  the  earth.' 

12.  "  'About  the  planting  of  vines,  then,  Socrates,'  continued 
he,  '  you  think  in  every  respect  exactly  as  I  do.'  '  And 
is  it  proper,'  said  I,  ' to  plant  the  fig-tree  in  the  same  way  ? ' 
~*  I  think  so,'  said  Ischomachus,  '  and  all  other  sorts  of  fruit- 
trees  ; 1  for  of  that  which  is  right  with  regard  to  the  planting 
of  vines,  why  should  you  consider  any  part  as  inapplicable  to 
the  planting  of  other  trees?'  13.  'But  with  respect  to  the 
olive,  Ischomachus,'  said  I,  'how  shall  we  plant  it?'  'You 
are  trying  me  as  to  this  matter  also,'  replied  he,  '  when  you 
know  extremely  well ;  for  you  observe,  undoubtedly,  that  a 
deeper  trench  is  dug  for  the  olive,  as  it  is  dug  chiefly  by  the 
way-sides  ;  you  observe  that  there  are  stumps2  to  each  of  the 
plants  ;  and  you  see  that  moist  earth3  is  laid  at  the  tops  of  all 
the  roots,  and  that  that  part  of  the  stem  which  is  at  the  sur- 
face of  the  ground  is  covered.'  14.  'All  this  I  see,'  said  I. 
'  And  as  you  see  it,'  said  he,  '  what  part  of  it  do  you  not  un- 
derstand ?  As  to  the  shell,4  for  instance,  my  dear  Socrates, 
do  you  not  know  how  to  place  it  on  the  moist  earth  ?'  '  In- 
deed,' said  I,  '  Ischomachus,  I  am  ignorant  of  none  of  the 
things  which  you  have  mentioned  ;  but  I  am  thinking  again5 

1  Atcpodpva  iravra.']  Arbores  frugiferas  omnes.  Leunclavius.  The 
word  properly  meant  trees  that  bore  hard-shelled  fruits,  as  nuts,  chest- 
nuts, acorns. 

2  Ttpk/xva  7racn  toi.q  <t>VTivrr}pioiQ.~\  The  (pvrevTrjpiov  was  a  sucker  or 
quickset ;  the  7rps/xvov  was  the  lower  part  of  the  stem. 

3  Columella,  xii.  2.  42,  observes  that  dung  mixed  with  ashes  should  be 
put  round  the  stem,  over  the  roots,  and  covered  with  moss,  to  prevent 
the  sun  from  parching-  it. 

4  To  barpaKov."]  "  It  means  whatever  was  put  over  the  soft  matter  at 
the  root  of  the  plant,  whether  shells  or  any  other  substance."  tSturs.  Lex, 
Xm  5  Alluding  to  c.  19.  sect.  1. 


§    15  —  19.]  AGRICULTURE    EASILY    LEARNED.  139 

how  it  was  that  when  you  asked  me  briefly,  a  little  while 
ago,1  whether  I  understood  the  planting  of  trees,  I  said  I  did 
not  understand  it.  I  did  not  think,  however,  that  I  should 
be  able  to  say  anything  as  to  the  method  of  planting  trees. 
But  when  you  proceed  to  question  me  as  to  each  particular 
point,  I  answer  you.  as  you  say,  agreeably  to  what  you,  who 
are  called  a  skilful  agriculturist,  think.  15.  Is  interrogation, 
then,  Ischomachus,'  added  I,  -  a  mode  of  teaching  ?  for  I  am 
now  learning,'  said  I,  'the  several  particulars  about  which 
you  question  me;  since,  leading  me  through  what  I  know, 
and  pointing  out  something  similar  to  it,  which  I  did  not 
think  that  I  knew,  you  persuade  me,  I  imagine,  that  I  know 
that  also.'  16.  '  Then,'  said  Ischomachus,  '  if  I  were  to  ask 
you  also  about  a  piece  of  money,  whether  it  is  good  or  not, 
might  I  not  persuade  you  that  you  know  how  to  distinguish 
good  from  counterfeit  money  ?  Or  might  I  not  persuade  you, 
by  asking  you  about  flute-players,  that  you  know  how  to  play 
on  the  flute?  Or,  by  asking  you  about  painters,  that  you 
~know  how  to  paint?  and  similarly  with  regard  to  other 
things.'  * '  Perhaps  you  might,'  said  I,  '  since  you  have  per- 
suaded me  that  I  am  skilful  in  agriculture,  although  I  am  well 
aware  that  nobody  has  taught  me  that  art.'  17.  '  The  case  is 
quite  different  from  what  you  suppose,  Socrates,'  said  he,  'but 
it  is  as  I  told  you  some  time  ago ;  agriculture  is  an  art  so 
kind  and  gentle  towards  mankind,  that  she  readily  makes  those 
who  can  see  and  hear  skilful  in  her  pursuits.  18.  She  herself,' 
continued  he,  '  gives  us  many  instructions  how  to  attend  on 
her  with  most  success.  The  vine,  for  example,  running  up 
trees,  wherever  it  has  any  tree  near  it,  teaches  us  how  to  sup- 
port it ;  by  spreading  out  its  leaves,  while  its  bunches  are  yet 
tender,  instructs  us  to  cover  whatever  is  at  that  season  ex- 
posed to  the  sun  ;  19.  by  shedding  its  leaves  when  it  is  time 
for  the  grapes  to  become  sweet  by  the  sun's  influence, 
shows  us  how  to  strip  it,  and  promote  the  ripening  of  the 
fruit;  and  by  exhibiting,  through  its  great  productiveness, 
some  bunches  at  maturity  and  others  still  in  a  crude  state, 
admonishes  us  to  gather  the  fruit  from  it,  as  people  pluck 
figs  from  the  fig-trees,  taking  them  off  in  succession  as  they 
swell  into  full  growth.' 

1  C.  19,  sect.  .    2. 


140  CECON03IICUS.  [ch.  20. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Socrates  expresses  his  surprise  that  agriculture,  which  is  so  easy  to  be 
learned,  is  pursued  with  so  little  success  by  many  of  those  who  engage  in 
it.  Ischomachus  shows  that  the  cause  of  their  failure  is  not  in  general 
want  of  knowledge,  but  want  of  diligence  and  care.  How  the  father  of 
Ischomachus  used  to  act  in  farming  lands. 

i.  "  Upon  this  I  observed,  *  How  is  it,  then,  Ischomachus, 
that  if  matters  concerning  agriculture  are  so  easy  to  be  learn- 
ed, and  all  men  can  alike  understand  what  they  ought  to  do 
in  it,  all  do  not  pursue  it  with  like  success,  but  some  live  in 
abundance  and  have  more  than  they  want,  while  others  can- 
not procure  even  the  necessaries  of  life,  but  run  into  debt?' 
2.  '  I  will  tell  you,'  replied  Ischomachus ;  '  for  it  is  not  know- 
ledger  or  want  of  knowledge,  in  husbandmen,  that  causes 
some  to  be  rich  and  others  to  be  poor ;  3.  nor  will  you  ever 
hear  a  report  spread  that  a  farm  has  been  ruined  because  the 
sower  cast  his  seed  unequally,  or  because  the  planter  did  not 
plant  his  rows  of  trees  straight,  or  because,  being  ignorant  what 
soil  would  rear  vines,  he  planted  them  in  a  soil  unsuitable  for 
them,  or  because  the  farmer  did  not  know  that  it  is  proper  to 
prepare  ground  for  sowing  by  letting  it  lie  fallow,  or  because 
he  did  not  know  that  it  was  good  to  mix  manure  with  the 
soil.  4.  But  it  is  much  more  common  to  hear  it  said,  "  The 
man  gets  no  subsistence  from  his  ground,  for  he  takes  no  care 
that  seed  be  sown  in  it,  or  that  manure  be  put  on  it."  Or, 
"  The  man  has  no  wine,  for  he  takes  no  care  to  plant  vines, 
or  that  those  which  are  planted  may  bear  him  fruit."  Or, 
"  The  man  has  no  olives  or  figs ;  for  he  takes  no  care,  nor 
uses  any  effort,  to  have  them."  5.  Such  are  the  qualities, 
Socrates,'  continued  he,  *  in  which  husbandmen  differ  from 
one  another  and  consequently  experience  different,  ortune, 
much  more  than  they  differ  in  seeming  to  have  found  out 
some  wise  or  unwise  contrivance  for  doing  their  work. 
6.  So  some  commanders  are  more  or  less  successful  than 
others  in  certain  military  operations,  not  from  difference 
in  understanding,  but  evidently  from  difference  in  circum- 
spection ;  f>r  those  things  which  all  commanders,  and 
most  people  who  are  not  commanders,  know,  some  will  take 


§  7 14.]  WHY    SOME    FARMERS  FAIL.  141 

care  to  put  in  practice,  and  others  will  neglect  them.  7.  For 
instance,  all  know  this,  that  it  is  better  for  men  marching 
through  an  enemy's  country  to  jroceed  in  good  order,  so  that 
they  may  come  to  battle,  if  it  should  be  necessary,  with  ad- 
vantage ;  but  though  they  are  all  aware  of  this,  some  pay 
attention  to  it,  and  some  do  not.  8.  All  know  that  it  is  best 
to  set  a  watch  before  the  camp  day  and  night ;  but  some  take 
care  that  this  may  be  done,  and  others  neglect  it.  9.  It  would 
be  hard  to  find  a  commander  who  does  not  know  that,  when 
his  troops  are  to  march  through  narrow  passes,  it  is  better  to 
secure  commanding  positions  beforehand,  than  not  to  do  so; 
but  some  take  the  precaution  to  do  this,  and  others  disregard 
it.  to.  So  all  agriculturists  say  of  manure,  for  example,  that 
it  is  an  excellent  thing  for  improving  the  soil,  and  see  that  it 
produces  itself  spontaneously  ;  yet,  though  they  know  exactly 
how  it  is  got,  and  that  it  is  easy  to  collect  abundance  of  it, 
some  take  care  that  it  may  be  collected,  and  others  take  none. 
ii.  The  gods  above  send  us  rain,  and  all  the  hollow  places  be- 
come pools ;  the  earth  produces  all  manner  of  weeds,  and  he 
that  would  sow  must  clear  his  land  from  them ;  and  if  he 
throws  those  which  he  removes  out  of  his  way  into  the  water, 
time  itself  would  form  them  into  that  material  in  which  the 
ground  delights  ;  for  what  sort  of  weeds,  and  what  sort  of 
earth  indeed,  will  not  become  manure  in  stagnant  water  ? 
12.  And  in  what  respects  ground  requires  improvement,  whe- 
ther it  be  too  moist  for  sowing,  or  too  much  impregnated  with 
salt  for  planting,  everybody  knows,  as  well  as  how  water  is 
drained  off  by  trenches,  and  how  the  saltness  of  soil  is  cor- 
rected by  mixing  with  it  substances  free  from  salt,  whether 
moist  or  dry ;  but  some  attend  to  these  matters,  and  some  do 
not.  13.  Or  even  if  a  person  be  utterly  ignorant  what  the 
ground  can  produce,  and  has  had  no  opportunity  of  seeing 
either  fruits  or  plants  from  it,  or  even  of  hearing  from  any 
one  a  true  description  of  it,  is  it  not  much  more  easy  for  any 
one  to  make  trial  of  the  earth  than  of  a  horse  or  of  a  man  ? 
for  it  exhibits  nothing  for  the  purpose  of  deceit,  but  sets  forth 
plainly  and  truly,  with  the  utmost  simplicity,  what  it  can  do 
and  what  it  cannot.  14.  The  earth  seems  to  me  to  distinguish 
very  effectively  the  idle  and  the  diligent  among  mankind,  by 
rendering  everything  easy  to  be  known  and  learned ;  for  it  is 
not  possible  in  regard  to  agriculture,  as  it  is  in  regard  to  other 


142  (ECONOMICUS.  |"cit.  20. 

Arts,  for  those  who  do  not  practise  it  to  excuse  themselves  by 
saying  that  they  do  not  know  it ;  for  all  know  respecting  the 
e;arth,  that  when  it  is  well  treated  it  makes  a  good  return. 
15.  But  idleness  in  regard  to  agriculture1  is  a  sure  proof  of  a 
base  mind ;  for  no  one  can  persuade  himself  that  a  man  can 
live  without  food,  and  he  that  neither  knows  any  other  lucra- 
tive art,  nor  is  willing  to  cultivate  the  ground,  gives  evident 
proof  that  he  meditates  to  live  by  stealing,  or  plundering,  or 
begging,  or  that  he  is  altogether  out  of  his  senses.'  16.  He 
observed,  too,  that  it  made  a  great  difference  as  to  agriculture 
being  profitable  or  unprofitable,  when,  where  several  work- 
men are  employed,  one  farmer  takes  care  that  his  workmen 
may  be  the  full  time  at  their  work,  and  another  is  neglectful 
of  this  point ;  '  for  one  workman,'  said  he,  '  easily  makes  a 
difference  in  the  labour  of  ten,  by  working  his  full  time,  and 
another  makes  a  difference  in  it  by  leaving  his  work  before 
the  end  of  his  time.  n.  And  to  allow  men  to  loiter  over  their 
work  through  the  whole  day  may  plainly  make  a  difference 
of  half  in  the  whole  complement  of  work.  18.  Just  as  in 
travelling  along  a  road,  two  men  have  sometimes  made  a  dif- 
ference between  them  of  a  hundred  stadia  in  two  hundred, 
through  difference  in  speed,  though  both  were  young  and  in 
good  health,  as  the  one  persevered  in  proceeding  on  the 
object  for  which  he  had  started,  and  the  other  was  irresolute 
in  mind,  and  rested  himself  by  fountains  and  in  the  shade, 
losing  himself  in  contemplation,  and  courting  gentle  breezes. 
19.  So  in  regard  to  work,  those  labourers  who  apply  to  that 
to  which  they  are  appointed,  and  those  who  do  not,  but  who 
find  pretexts  for  not  exerting  themselves,  and  allow  them- 
selves to  trifle  away  their  time,  exhibit  a  great  difference  in 
the  execution  of  it.  20.  To  perform  work  well,  or  to  attend 
to  it  insufficiently,  makes  as  much  difference  as  to  be  wholly 
industrious  or  wholly  idle.  When  men  are  digging  the 
ground,  for  instance,2  in  order  that  vines  may  be  cleared  of 

1  'AW  i)  tv  ytivpyig,  lari,  k.  r.  X.]  Sc.  Tkyyr\.  This  is  the  common 
reading  ;  but  it  has  never  satisfied  the  critics  in  general.  Various  emend- 
ations have  been  proposed.  Breitenbach  omits  the  r\.  Zeune  and  Schaefer 
would  read  'AW  t]  yeojpyia,  to  which  Schneider  does  not  object.  But 
Jacobs  very  happily  conjectures  17  iv  ytwpyig.  dpyia,  which  Kerst  ap- 
proves, and  which  I  have  followed. 

2  "Ojcv  aKairT6vT<DV.~\  Breitenbach  thinks  that  we  should  read  oloy 
«ka*.     2ica7rrovrwv  is  the  genitive  absolute.     Comp.  Cyrop.  i:i.  3.  54. 


§  21—25.]  CHOICE    OF    LAND.  143 

weeds,  and  dig  in  such  a  manner  that  the  weeds  spring  \ip 
in  greater  numbers  and  vigour  than  before,  how  can  you  say 
that  such  work  is  anything  but  idleness?1  21.  Such  are  the 
causes,  then,  that  ruin  households,  much  more  than  extreme 
want  of  knowledge;  for  when  outgoings  proceed  constantly 
from  the  family  resources,  and  work  is  not  done  with  such  profit 
as  to  balance  the  demands,  we  must  no  longer  wonder  if  such 
a  state  of  things  produces  want  instead  of  abundance. 

22.  " '  For  those  who  are  able  to  attend  to  their  affairs, 
however,  and  who  will  apply  themselves  to  agriculture  ear- 
nestly, my  father  both  practised  himself,  and  taught  me,  a 
most  successful  method  of  making  profit  ;2  for  he  would  never 
allow  me  to  buy  ground  already  cultivated,  but  exhorted  me 
to  purchase  such  as,  from  want  of  care  or  want  of  means  in 
those  who  had  possessed  it,  was  left  untilled  and  unplanted  ; 
23.  as  he  used  to  say  that  well-cultivated  land  cost  a  great 
sum  of  money,  and  admitted  of  no  improvement,  and  he  con- 
sidered that  land  which  was  unsusceptible  of  improvement 
did  not  give  the  same  pleasure  to  the  owner  as  other  land ; 
but  he  thought  that  whatever  a  person  had  or  brought  up,  that 
was  continually  growing  better,  afforded  him  the  highest  gra- 
tification. But  nothing  exhibits  greater  improvement  than 
ground,  when  it  is  brought  from  a  state  of  neglect  into  one 
of  complete  fertility.  24.  For  be  assured,  my  dear  Socrates,' 
continued  he, '  that  I  myself  have  already  made  several  pieces 
of  ground  worth  many  times  their  former  value ;  and  while 
this  mode  of  proceeding  is  of  such  importance,  it  is  also 
so  easy  to  learn,  that,  now  you  have  once  heard  it,  you  will 
go  away  as  skilful  in  it  as  myself,  and  will  communicate  it,  if 
you  think  proper,  to  some  other  person.  25.  My  father,  in- 
deed, neither  learned  it  from  anybody  himself,  nor  was  at 
great  pains  in  finding  it  out ;  but  he  used  to  say  that  from 
his  love  of  agriculture,  and  devotion  to  labour,  he  was  fond 
of  having  land  of  that  nature,  in  order  that  he  might  have 
something  to  do,  and  find  pleasure  and  profit  at  the  same 
time ;  for  my  father,  Socrates,'  added  he,  '  was  naturally,  as 
I  consider,  the  most  devoted  to  agriculture  of  all  the  inhabit- 

1  Tlu>g  ovTuQ  ovk  apybv  hv  Qrjaaig  iivai ;]     With  apybv  Weiske  un« 
derstands  tovto  to  tp  d&crOai,  and  observes  that  the  expression  is  an 
oxymoron.     Breitenbach  understands  ovru)  aKa-nrtiv, 
8  'A  vvTi.Kb)Ta.Triv  xpVH-aTl<7lv-1   Qutpstiwi  qui  maximejuvat    3reitenba».jh, 


144  (ECONOMICS S.  [CH.  'JO. 

ants  of  Athens.'  26.  Hearing  him  say  this,  I  then  put  thi9 
question  to  him :  '  Whether  did  your  father,  Ischomachus 
keep  possession  of  all  the  farms  that  he  thus  improved,  or  did 
he  sell  them,  if  he  could  get  a  good  price  for  them  ? '  '  He 
sold  them,  I  must  tell  you,'  replied  Ischomachus;  'but  he  im- 
mediately bought  other  land  instead  of  them,  and  uncultivated 
too,  on  account  of  his  fondness  for  labour.'  27.  '  You  say, 
then,  Ischomachus,'  returned  I,  '  that  your  father  was  by  na- 
ture really  not  less  fond  of  cultivating  the  ground  than  corn- 
merchants  are  of  getting  corn ;  for  these  traders,  from  their 
strong  desire  of  obtaining  grain,  sail  in  quest  of  it  wherever 
they  hear  that  it  is  most  abundant,  crossing  over  the  JEgean, 
Euxine,  and  Sicilian  Seas ;  and  when  they  have  got  as  much 
as  they  can,  they  bring  it  away  over  the  water,  stowing  it  in 
the  vessel  in  which  they  themselves  sail.  28.  And  when  they 
are  in  want  of  money,  they  do  not  dispose  of  their  freight  at 
hazard,  or  wherever  they  may  happen  to  be ;  but  wherever 
they  hear  that  corn  will  fetch  the  highest  price,  and  that  men 
set  the  greatest  store  by  it,  they  carry  it  thither  and  offer  it 
them  for  sale.  In  a  similar  way  your  father  seems  to  have 
been  eminently  fond  of  agriculture.'  To  this  Ischomachus 
replied,  '  You  are  jesting,  Socrates  ;  but  I,  nevertheless,  con- 
sider those  to  be  fond  of  architecture  who  build  houses  and 
sell  them,  and  then  build  others.'  *  I  indeed  swear  to  you 
by  Jupiter,'  replied  I,  '  that  I  believe  you,  and  think 1  that 
all  men  naturally  love  those  things  from  which  they  suppose 
that  they  will  get  profit.' 

1  'II  \ii]V  TTtOTtvtiv  trot  (pvcrsi  vofii&iv,  k.  t.  X.]  Before  ipvaei  we 
must  understand  wore.  In  conformity  with  this  acceptation  of  the  pas- 
sage, Steger  proposes  to  read  vojxiZ,ojv.  Leunclavius  and  some  others 
have  thought  that  at  should  be  supplied  before  vopiZtiv.  But  this  seems 
inconsistent  with  what  precedes.  Socrates  previously  intimated  that  lie 
thought  Ischomachus's  father  was  fond  of  agriculture  as  a  corn-merchant 
is  fond  of  corn,  namely,  because  he  gets  profit  by  it ;  and  he  now  con- 
cludes by  vowing  that  he  thinks  all  men  like  thit  from  which  they  get 
profit. 


§    1 — 4.]  QUALIFICATIONS    FOR    COMMAND.  14.5 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Socrates  expresses  his  satisfaction  at  the  information  whicn  Ischomathus* 
had  given  him.  Ischomachus  observes  that  the  art  of  ruling  and  direct- 
ing others,  which  is  of  the  utmost  importance  in  agriculture,  as  well  as  in 
other  great  undertakings,  is  difficult  of  attainment.  It  cannot  be  wholly 
learned  from  others,  or  attained  thoroughly,  unless  there  be  great  natural 
ability,  power  of  self-control,  and  something  of  divine  magnanimity. 

1.  "  'I  am  thinking,  Ischomachus,'  continued  I,  ■  how  ad- 
mirably you  have  adapted  your  whole  train  of  argument  te 
support  your  proposition  ;  for  you  laid  it  down  as  a  fact  that 
the  art  of  agriculture  was  the  most  easy  to  be  learned  of  all 
arts ;  and  I  am  now  convinced,  i'rom  everything  that  you 
have  said,  that  such  is  indisputably  the  case.'  2.  '  Very 
well,'  said  Ischomachus,  'but  as  to  that  which  is  common  to 
all  pursuits,  whether  agricultural,  or  political,  or  domestic,  or 
military,  namely,  that  he  who  would  excel  in  them  must  be 
capable  of  directing  others,  I  entirely  agree  with  you,  So- 
crates,1 that  some  persons  greatly  excel  others  in  judgment ; 
3.  as  we  see  in  a  galley,'  continued  he,  '  when  the  crew  are 
out  at  sea,  and  have  to  accomplish  a  certain  distance  in  the 
course  of  the  day,  some  of  the  celeustse2  can  act  and  speak  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  excite  the  spirits  of  the  men  to  voluntary 
exertion,  while  others  are  so  dull  that  the  rowers  take  more 
than  double  the  time  in  performing  the  same  course.  The 
one  party,  as  well  the  celeustes  as  those  who  are  directed  by 
him,  go  on  shore  covered  with  perspiration,  and  praising  one 
another,  while  the  other  party  arrive  indeed  unfatigued,  but 
detesting  their  officer,  and  detested  by  him.  4.  So  among  ge- 
nerals,' added  he,  '  one  differs  from  another  in  the  same 
♦vay  ;  for  some  bring  out  troops  that  are  unwilling  to  expose 
themselves  either  to  toil  or  to  danger,  thinking  it  of  no  im- 
portance, and  testifying  no  readiness,  to  obey  their  com- 
mander, except  so  far  as  is  absolutely  necessary,    or   even 

1  See  c.  13,  sect.  4. 

2  We  have  no  English  word  for  the  iceXeverr^f  in  an  ancient  galley.  He 
was  the  man  who,  by  voice  or  signal,  or  both,  gave  time  to  the  rowers. 
Virgil  calls  him  hortator,  JfLn.  hi.  128;  and  he  was  sometimes  termed 
portisculus  and  pausariu*  He  was  somewhat  similar  to  the  modesn 
coxswain 

vol.  in  L 


146  CECONOMICTJS.  [ch.  21. 

faking  a  pride  in  opposing  his  wishes ;  and  such  generals 
produce  soldiers  that,  whatever  disgrace  happens  to  them,  are 
incapable  of  feeling  the  least  shame  at  it.  3.  But  noble,  ex- 
cellent, and  skilful  commanders  will  render  these  very  same 
troops,  and  often  others  which  they  unite  with  them,  ashamed 
to  do  anything  dishonourable,  and  convinced  that  it  is  better 
to  obey  orders  ;  taking  delight  individually  in  showing  obedi- 
ence, and  exerting  themselves  collectively,  without  the  least 
reluctance,  whenever  exertion  is  requisite.  6.  As  there  ap- 
pears in  certain  private  individuals,  indeed,  a  liking  for  la^ 
bour,  so  there  is  produced  in  a  whole  army,  by  the  influence 
of  good  officers,  a  love  of  exertion,  and  an  ambition  of  being 
seen  by  their  commander  while  they  are  executing  any  hon- 
ourable achievement.  7.  And  commanders,  towards  whom 
those  who  follow  them  are  thus  affected,  become  emi- 
nently powerful ;  and  these,  assuredly,  are  not  such  as  keep 
their  own  bodies  in  better  condition  than  those  of  their  men, 
or  hurl  javelins  or  use  the  bow  best,  or  have  the  best  horses, 
or  even  offer  themselves  to  danger  before  others  as  the  best 
horsemen  or  targeteers,  but  such  as  can  inspire  their  troops 
with  the  conviction  that  they  must  follow  them  even  through 
fire  or  any  peril  whatever.  8.  Such  commanders,  whom  num- 
bers follow  with  such  sentiments,  we  may  justly  call  men  of 
powerful  minds ;  the  general  may  be  truly  said  to  march 
with  a  strong  arm,  whose  will  so  many  arms  are  willing  to 
obey ;  and  he  is  in  reality  a  great  man  who  is  able  to  execute 
great  things  rather  by  strength  of  mind  than  by  strength  of 
body.  9.  So  in  private  occupations,  whether  it  be  a  bailiff  or 
a  foreman1  that  gives  directions,  he  that  can  render  those 
under  him  zealous,  energetic,  and  diligent  at  their  work,  is 
the  man  that  directs  their  efforts  to  advantage,  and  produces 
abundance  of  profit.  10.  And  if,  when  the  master,  who  has 
the  power  to  punish  the  idle  and  to  reward  the  industrious 
among  his  workmen  in  the  highest  degree,  shows  himself  in 
the  field,  the  men  exhibit  no  extraordinary  exertion,  I  should 
certainly  feel  little  esteem  for  him  ;  but  one  at  whose  appear- 
ance they  put  themselves  in  motion,  and  by  whom  an  increase 

1  'RiriTpoirog l7rt<rrar»7£.]    'E7nVpo7ro£,  says  Sturz  in  his  Lexicon, 

appears  to  have  been  a  chief  slave  or  freedman,  who  overlooked  agricul- 
tural labourers ;  €7ri<rrar?;c,  a  freebom  citizen,  who  had  the  charge  ol  auy 
work  whatever.     Breitenbach  adopts  this  interpretation. 


§    II,    12.]  ART    OF    RULING.  147 

of  spirit  is  produced  in  each  of  his  servants,  with  an  emula- 
tion of  one  another,  and  an  ambition  which  has  the  best  effect 
on  every  one,  I  should  regard  as  having  something  of  a  kingly 
character.  11.  Such  influence  is  of  the  greatest  importance, 
as  it  seems  to  me,  in  every  pursuit,  when  anything  is  to  be 
effected  by  means  of  a  number  of  men,  and  in  agriculture  as 
well  as  in  any  other  occupation.  Yet  I  do  not  say,  assuredly, 
that  it  is  possible  to  acquire  such  a  talent  by  once  seeing  it 
exercised,  or  by  hearing  of  it  once;  but  I  affirm  that  he  who 
would  be  able  to  do  such  duties  efficiently  has  need  of  in- 
struction, and  should  be  of  a  happy  natural  disposition,1  and, 
what  is  of  the  most  importance,  should  have  something  of  the 
divine  nature.  12.  For  this  art  of  ruling  over  willing  subjects 
appears  to  me  by  no  means  human  merely,  but  to  have  in  it 
a  portion  of  the  divinity  ;  and  it  is  evidently  accorded  only  to 
those  who  are  truly  accomplished  in  the  duties  of  wisdom.  But 
to  tyrannize  over  rebellious  subjects,  the  gods  assign,  as  it 
seems  to  me,  to  those  whom  they  think  deserving  to  live  as 
Tantalus  is  said  to  live  in  Tartarus,  perpetually  in  dread  lest 
he  should  die  a  second  time."2 

1  Ativ <pv<rt(i)£  ayaQriq  V7rap%ai.\    The  genitive,  observes  Breiten- 

bach,  is  governed  by  3elv ,  and  the  infinitive  is  attached  as  in  Eurip.  Med. 
1399  :  XP1?^  GTOfiaTOQ  7raw<ov  7rpo<nrTv%acrQai.  The  exact  sense  there- 
fore is,  "  there  is  need  of  a  good  disposition  to  be,"  to  be  in  the  indi- 
vidual. 

*  By  being  crushed  by  the  fall  of  the  stone  sopended  over  his  head. 


19 


INTRODUCTORY   REMARKS 


THE  BANQUET. 


The  Banquet  described  by  Xenophon  was  held  at  the  house  of 
Callias  at  Athens,  to  celebrate  the  victory  of  the  youth  Autolycus, 
a  favourite  of  Callias,  in  the  pancratium,  in  the  fourth  year  of  the 
eighty-ninth  Olympiad,  b.  c.  424.  Xenophon  himself  was  present 
at  it,  as  he  states  at  the  commencement  of  the  first  chapter. 
The  speakers  in  the  conversation  held  at  the  Banquet  are, 
1.  Callias,  a  wealthy  Athenian,  much  given  to  luxury  and  licen- 
tiousness. At  the  time  of  the  Banquet  he  had  just  come  into  pos- 
session of  great  property  on  the  death  of  his  father  Hipponicus, 
He  commanded  the  heavy-armed  infantry  of  the  Athenians  when 
Iphicrates  defeated  the  Spartans,  B.  c.  392.  About  twenty  years 
afterwards  he  was  one  of  the  commissioners  deputed  by  the  Atheni- 
ans to  negotiate  a  peace  with  the  Lacedsemonians,  as  related  by 
Xenophon,  Hellen.  vi.  3,  on  which  occasion  Xenophon  attributes 
to  him  a  speech  of  much  more  sound  than  sense.  Socrates  is  made 
to  give  him  excellent  advice  in  the  Banquet,  but  it  had  little  effect 
on  him ;  for  he  continued  to  waste  his  substance  in  ostentatious 
luxury,  until  he  was  reduced  to  absolute  want,  as  appears  from 
Athenseus,  xii.  p.  537,  and  Lysias  pro  Aristoph.  Bon.  sect.  50. 
In  the  Protagoras  of  Plato,  the  scene  of  which  is  also  laid  at  his 
house,  he  is  represented  in  much  the  same  light  as  in  the  Banquet 
of  Xenophon. 

2.  Autolycus,  a  handsome  youth,  the  son  of  Lycon.  A  statue 
of  him  by  Leochares  was  placed  in  the  Prytaneum  at  Athens,  as 
mentioned  by  Pliny,  H.  N.  xxxiv.  8,  and  Pausanias,  Att.  c.  18, 
and  Boeot.  c.  32. 

3.  Lycon,  the  father  of  Autolycus.  Nothing  more  is  known  of 
nim. 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS  ON  THE  BANQUET.     149 

4.  Niceratm,  a  friend  of  Callias,  recently  married.  He  speaks 
of  himself  as  being  accounted  somewhat  avaricious,  and  as  having 
learned  by  heart  all  the  poems  of  Homer.  He  is  supposed  to  have 
been  put  to  death  by  the  Thirty  Tyrants. 

5.  Socrates. 

6.  Antisthenes,  a  friend  and  disciple  of  Socrates,  greatly  attached 
to  him.     He  was  the  founder  of  the  sect  of  the  Cynics. 

7.  Hermogenes,  a  nephew  of  Callias,  and  a  man  of  great  honour 
and  virtue.  He  had  been  possessed  of  property  in  land,  but  had 
lost  it  in  the  wars  between  the  Athenians  and  Lacedaemonians, 
and  was  reduced  to  poverty.  He  is  highly  commended  by  Socrates 
in  the  Memorabilia,  ii.  10. 

8.  Critobulus,  the  son  of  Crito.  He  was  newly  married,  but 
licentious  and  extravagant,  as  appears  in  the  second  chapter. 

9.  CJiarmides,  son  of  Glaucon,  and  cousin  to  Critias,  a  young 
man  of  handsome  person  and  great  ability,  but  of  excessive  diffi- 
dence, which  unfitted  him  for  taking  any  efficient  part  in  public 
affairs.  Yet  he  was  one  of  those  who  were  appointed  to  govern 
the  Peiraeeus  under  the  Thirty  Tyrants,  and  was  killed  in  a 
skirmish  with  Thrasybulus,  as  related  by  Xenophon,  Hellen.  ii. 
4.  19. 

10.  Philippus,  a  buffoon,  who  was  not  invited,  but  who  re- 
quested, after  the  feast  was  begun,  to  be  admitted  to  entertain  the 
company. 

11.  A  man  of  Syracuse,  accompanied  by  a  girl  and  boy  who 
played  on  the  flute  and  the  lyre,  and  another  girl  who  danced 
and  performed  tricks. 

Xenophon  does  not  mention  anything  said  by  himself  at  the 
Banquet.  He  appears  to  have  been  about  twenty  at  the  time  that 
a  took,  place.     See  the  "  Biographical  Notice"  of  Xenophon. 


THE  BANQUET. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Occasion  of  the  Banquet.  Socrates  and  his  friends  invited  to  it  by  Calliaa. 
The  company  admire  the  beauty  of  Autolyeus.  Philippus,  a  buffoon,  who 
requests  to  be  allowed  to  entertain  the  company,  is  admitted. 

1.  But1  it  appears  to  me  that  not  only  what  is  done  by 
honourable  and  virtuous  men  in  the  serious  transactions  of 
life  is  worthy  of  record,  but  also  what  they  do  in  their  hours 
of  amusement ;  and  some  occurrences  at  which  I  was  present, 
and  from  which  I  form  this  opinion,  I  design  to  relate. 

2.  At  the  great  festival  of  Minerva2  there  was  a  cele- 
bration of  equestriar  eames ;  and  Callias,  the  son  of  Hippo- 
nicus,  having  a  great  affection  for  Autolyeus,  who  was  still 
quite  a  boy,  took  him,  after  he  had  gained  the  victory  in  the 
pancratium,  to  the  spectacle.  When  the  equestrian  games 
were  over,  he  took  Autolyeus  and  his  father  with  him,  and 
went  away  to  his  house  at  the  Peiraeeus  ;  and  Niceratus  ac- 
companied him.  3.  Happening  to  see,  however,  Socrates, 
Critobulus,  Hermogenes,  Antisthenes,  and  Charmides  dis- 
coursing together,  he  desired  one  of  his  people  to  conduct 
Autolyeus  and  his  friends  to  his  house,  while  he  himself  went 
up  to  Socrates  and  his  party,  and  said,  4.  "  I  have  met  with  you 
at  a  very  fortunate  time ;  for  I  am  going  to  have  Autolyeus 

1  This  piece  commences  very  abruptly,  and  as  if  it  had  been  attached 
to  something  else. 

2  'IIv  fikv  yap  Uava6t]vai(t)v  ru>v  /aeyaXtov  i7T7ro^po/^ia.]  There  were 
two  festivals  to  Minerva,  called  Panatheneea,  the  lesser  celebrated  every 
year,  and  the  greater  every  fifth  year. 


§  0 — 8.]  CALLTAS  TNVITfcS    SOCRATES.  151 

and  his  father  for  my  guests,  and  I  think  that  my  enter- 
tainment will  appear  far  more  splendid,  if  the  dining-room  l  be 
graced  with  men  of  refined  minds,2  such  as  yourselves,  than 
if  it  be  filled  with  generals,  captains  of  horse,  and  candidates 
for  office."3 

5.  Socrates  replied,  "  You  are  always  jesting  upon  us,  and 
making  light  of  us,  because  you  have  given  large  sums  of 
money  to  Protagoras,  and  Gorgias,  and  Prodicus,  and  many 
others,  to  learn  wisdom  from  them ;  while  you  see  that  we 
are  but  workers  for  ourselves  in  the  pursuit  of  wisdom." 

6.  "  Hitherto,  also,"  4  replied  Callias,  "  I  used  to  conceal  from 
you  much  that  I  had  to  say,  which  was  full  of  wisdom ;  but 
now,  if  you  will  come  with  me,  I  will  show  you  that  I  am  a 
person  deserving  of  very  great  consideration." 

7.  Those  who  were  with  Socrates  thanked  him  first  of  all, 
as  was  proper,  for  his  invitation,  but  did  not  make  any  pro- 
mise to  sup  with  him.  As  he  showed,  however,  that  he  should 
be  much  displeased  if  they  did  not  go  with  him,  they  accom- 
panied him ;  and  soon  afterwards  his  other  guests,5  some  of 
whom  had  been  exercising  and  perfuming  themselves,  and 
others  bathing,  began  to  arrive.  8.  Autolycus  seated  himself6 
next  to  his  father,  and  the  others  took  their  places  on  the 
couches  in  suitable  order.7 

1  *0  avdpow.']  The  apartment  in  which  the  men  assembled,  as  distin- 
guished from  those  appointed  for  the  women. 

2  'EKtctKaQapn'svoiQ  tclq  y\jv%ag.~]  Purified  or  polished  as  to  their  minds. 
"  A  metaphor,"  says  Weiske,  "  from  the  polishing  of  metals." 

3  "Sl7rovddpx^l€-]  Not  only  persons  seeking  employment  when  they 
nave  none,  but  persons  seeking  employment  in  addition  to  what  they 
have.     Weiske. 

*  Callias  jestingly  assents  to  what  Socrates  had  said,  and  adds  some- 
thing to  it,  to  render  the  party  more  desirous  to  hear  what  he  had  to  say. 
Weiske 

5  I  have  inserted  the  words  "  other  guests."  What  is  said  plainly  re- 
fers, as  Schneider  observes,  not  to  Socrates  and  those  who  accompanied 
him,  but  to  the  other  guests  of  Callias.  There  were  several  present,  who, 
like  Xenophon,  are  not  mentioned  as  having  taken  any  part  in  the  con- 
versation. 

6  The  word  ticaOLZeoTO  is  applied  to  Autolycus,  and  KareK\iO?j(rav  to 
the  other  guests  ;  because,  as  Weiske  remarks,  the  younger  and  inferior 
3f  the  company  at  entertainments  sat,  but  the  others  reclined.  In  proof 
^f  this  he  refers  to  Plutarch's  Symposium  ;  Sueton.  Claud,  c.  32 ;  Tacit. 
Ann.  xiii.  16  ;  and  to  Potter's  Archaeol.  Gr.  iv.  20. 

7  "QmriQ  eikoi,.]  Ernesti  was  dissatisfied  with  these  words;  observing 
that  they  are  hardly  ;ver  used  in  the  sense  of  uxjirep  trir^cv    tie  sense  ia 


152  THE    BANQUET*  [CH.    1. 

Whoever  then  had  observed  what  immediately  took  place 
would  have  thought  that  beauty  was  naturally  something 
kingly,  especially  if  a  person  possessed  it  in  conjunction  with 
bashfulness  and  modesty,  as  Autolycus  possessed  it  at  that 
time ;  9.  for,  in  the  first  place,  as  a  brilliant  light,  when  it 
appears  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  attracts  the  eyes  of 
every  one  towards  it,  so  the  beauty  of  Autolycus  drew  upon 
him  the  gaze  of  all  on  that  occasion  ;  and  there  was  no  one  of 
those  who  looked  upon  him  that  did  not  feel  some  impression 
produced  on  their  feelings  by  him.  Some  grew  silent,  and 
others  composed  themselves  into  a  settled  kind  of  attitude. 
10.  All,  doubtless,  who  are  inspired  by  any  god  whatever 
appear  objects  worthy  of  attention  ;  but  those  who  are  in- 
spired by  other  divinities  are  so  influenced  as  to  assume  a 
sterner  look,  to  speak  in  a  tone  that  impresses  with  awe,  and 
to  exhibit  gestures  of  greater  vehemence ;  while  such  as  are 
excited  by  the  gentler  influence  of  Love  assume  more  of 
affection  in  their  looks,  sink  their  voice  into  greater  softness, 
and  manifest  in  their  gestures  greater  nobleness  of  soul ; 
and  as  Callias  then  exhibited  such  indications  under  the 
influence  of  love,  he  was  an  object  of  admiration  to  all  who 
were  initiated  in  the  mysteries  of  that  god. 

H.  They  were  proceeding  with  their  supper  in  silence,  as 
if  it  had  been  imposed  upon  them  by  some  superior  power, 
when  Philippus,  a  jester,  knocking  at  the  door,  requested  him 
who  answered  it  to  announce  who  he  was,  and  why  he  wished 
to  be  entertained  there,  saying  that  he  had  come  prepared 
with  everything  necessary  for  supping  at  another  person's 
house ;  and  adding  that  his  servant  was  in  great  trouble,  as 
he  had  brought  nothing,  and  was  without  his  dinner.  12. 
Callias,  on  hearing  this  message,  said,  "  It  would  be  unbe- 
coming, my  friends,  to  grudge  him  the  shelter  of  a  roof;  let 
him  therefore  enter/'  At  the  same  time  he  cast  his  eyes  on 
Autolycus,  to  ascertain,  as  was  evident,  what  he  might  think 
of  jesting.1      13.   But   Philippus,  presenting  himself  in  the 

which  they  must  here  he  taken,  if  they  are  allowed  to  stand.  He  would 
therefore  read  tog  trv^ov,  or  6ik/J,  or  something  similar.  Schneider  trans- 
fers the  words  to  another  place,  after  6jca0t4*-o.  Dindorf  adheres  to  the 
usual  reading. 

1  What  effect  it  was  likely  that  the  buffoonery  of  Philippus  would 
produce  upon  him,  as  he  may  be  supposed,  from  being  so  young,  luvej 
to  have  seen  anything  of  the  kind  before.     Schneider. 


§  13  —  16.]  buffoonery  of  rHiuprus.  153 

room  where  the  entertainment  was  held,  said,  "  That  I  am  a 
jester  you  all  know ;  and  I  come  boldly  before  you,  thinking 
that  it  is  more  of  a  jest  to  come  uninvited  to  a  feast  than  in- 
vited." "  Take  your  place  on  a  couch,  then,"  said  Callias ; 
"  for  those  who  are  present  are  full  of  seriousness,  as  you  see, 
and  may  perhaps  be  in  want  of  amusement." 

14.  As  they  went  on  with  the  entertainment,  Philippus  pro- 
ceeded without  delay  to  give  utterance  to  something  jocular, 
that  he  might  fulfil  the  object  for  which  he  was  invited  to 
feasts  on  all  occasions.  But  as  he  could  not  excite  even  a 
smile,  he  was  evidently  much  troubled  ;  and  a  little  after  he 
made  a  second  attempt  to  say  something  ludicrous.  But  as 
they  did  not  even  then  laugh  at  what  he  said,  he  grew  silent 
in  the  middle  of  the  entertainment,  and  sat  with  his  garment 
thrown  over  his  head.  is.  Callias  immediately  said,  "  What 
is  this,  Philippus?  Has  any  sudden  pain  seized  you?" 
"  Yes,  by  Jupiter,  Callias,"  said  he  with  a  groan  ;  "  and  s 
great  pain  ;  for,  as  laughter  is  banished  from  among  men,  my 
employment  is  at  an  end  ;  since,  heretofore,  I  was  invited  to 
feasts  in  order  that  the  guests  might  be  amused  with  laughter 
through  my  means  ;  but  now  with  what  view  will  any  one 
invite  me  ?  for  I  should  no  more  be  able  to  talk  seriously  than 
to  make  myself  immortal ;  and  certainly  no  one  will  invite 
me  in  the  expectation  of  being  invited  in  return,  since  it  is 
unusual  for  any  entertainment  ever  to  be  brought  into  my 
house."  As  he  said  this,  he  wiped  his  eyes,  and  evidently 
appeared,  by  his  tone  of  voice,  to  be  weeping.  16.  They  all 
then  began  to  console  him,  signifying  that  they  were  likely  to 
laugh  again,  and  bade  him  go  on  with  his  meal ;  while  Crito- 
bulus  laughed  heartily  at  the  commiseration  expressed  for 
him.  Philippus,  when  he  heard  the  laugh,  uncovered  his 
face,  and  exhorting  his  soul  to  take  courage,  as  there  would 
yet  be  engagements1  for  him,  resumed  his  eating. 

1  2v/xj8o\a«'.]  In  exhorting  himself  to  take  courage,  he  plays  on  the 
ambiguity  of  the  word  avfifiokai,  winch  means  either  engagements  in 
%  field  of  battle  or  engagements    :  contribute  to  a  feast 


154  THE  BANQUET.  '  CH.  2. 


CHAPTER  II. 

A  Syracusan,  with,  two  girls  and  a  boy,  exhibits  vai  ous  feats  to  entertain 
the  company.  Callias  proposes  to  introduce  perfumes  ;  Socrates  dissuades 
him,  and  makes  some  remarks  on  the  subject.  While  one  of  the  girls 
astonishes  the  company  by  her  dancing,  Socrates  observes  that  the  female 
mind  is  susceptible  of  eultivation.  He  then  discusses  with  Antisthenes 
the  question  whether  virtue  can  be  taught,  and  enlarges  on  the  advant- 
ages of  learning  to  dance.     Buffoonery  of  Philippus. 

1.  When  the  tables  had  been  removed,  and  the  company 
had  made  their  libations  and  sung  the  paean,1  a  man  of  Syra- 
cuse came  in  to  divert  them,  bringing  with  him  a  girl  that 
played  excellently  on  the  flute,  and  a  dancing-girl,  one  of 
those  that  can  perform  wonderful  feats ;  he  had  also  an  ex- 
tremely handsome  boy,  that  could  play  on  the  lyre  and  dance 
with  the  utmost  grace.  He  was  in  the  practice  of  showing 
these  children  as  wonders,  and  receiving  money  for  the  exhi- 
bition. 2.  When  the  girl  had  played  to  them  on  the  flute,  and 
the  boy  on  his  lyre,  and  both  of  them  appeared  to  please  the 
company  greatly,  Socrates  said,  "  By  Jupiter,  Callias,  you 
entertain  us  excellently ;  for  you  have  not  only  given  us  a 
banquet  of  perfect  faultlessness,  but  you  present  us  with  the 
highest  gratifications  for  our  eyes  and  our  ears."  3.  "  What, 
then,"  said  Callias,  "  if  they  should  bring  us  also  in  some 
perfumes,  that  we  may  be  gratified  with  fragrant  odours  ? " 
"  By  no  means/'  rejoined  Socrates  ;  "  for  as  one  sort  of  dress 
is  becoming  to  a  woman,  and  another  to  a  man,  so  one  kind 
of  odour  is  suitable  to  a  man,  and  another  to  a  woman ;  and 
certainly  no  man  perfumes  himself  for  the  sake  of  another 
man  ;  but  women,  especially  if  they  are  newly  married,2  as  the 

1  As  pcean,  though  it  properly  signified  a  hymn  to  Apollo,  was  used  in 
a  general  sense  for  a  hymn  to  any  deity,  I  should  consider  that  the  paean 
sung  on  the  present  occasion  was  addressed  to  Minerva,  in  honour  of 
whom  the  feast  of  the  Panatheneea  was  celebrated.     Weiske. 

8  As  women  use  perfumes  themselves,  says  Zeune,  they  may  wish  to 
be  regaled  with  a  pleasant  perfume  from  their  husbands.  Women  newly 
married  appear  to  have  been  thought  by  Socrates  to  be  more  nice  in  this 
respect  than  those  who  had  been  married  some  time.  Schneider  reads, 
with  Casaubon  and  Henry  Stephens,  /xvpov  p.kv  ri  koi  wpoadeovTai ;  in- 
terrogatively, which  is  equivalent,  he  observes,  to  fivpov  ov  TrpoaSLosrut, 
But  this  seems  hardly  to  suit  the  drift  of  the  passage-.  Dindorf  read* 
vpoadkoivT  av,  without  interrogation. 


§    1 — 8.]  OF   HONOUR   AND   VIRTUE,  155 

wives  of  Niceratus  and  Critobulus  here,  may  like  something 
of  perfume,  as  they  themselves  cast  a  perfume  around  them  ; 
while  to  men  the  smell  of  oil  from  the  gymnasia  is  more 
pleasing,  if  in  use  with  them,  than  that  of  perfumes  to  women, 
and,  if  disused,  is  more  eagerly  desired.  4.  Every  one  who 
has  anointed  himself  with  perfumes,  whether  a  slave  or  a  free 
man,  casts  a  scent  alike;  but  the  odour  of  honourable  exer- 
cises must  be  the  offspring  of  much  practice  and  time,  if  it  is 
to  be  sweet  and  worthy  of  freeborn  men.,, 

5.  Lycon  then  observed,  "  Such  odours  may  be  for  young 
men  ;  but  what  odour  ought  we,  who  no  longer  frequent  the 
gymnasia,  to  exhale?"  "That  of  honour  and  virtue,  as- 
suredly," said  Socrates.  "  And  whence  can  a  person  get  such 
a  perfume  ?"  "  Not,  certainly,  from  the  sellers  of  perfumes," 
replied  Socrates.  "  From  whence,  then  ? "  •'  Theognis  has 
said, 

'EffOXuiv  fitv  yap  air  scrOXd  fiidd%eai'  rjv  dk  Kaitoiai 
^VfJifiicryyg,  diroXtig  Kal  tov  iovra  voov. 

'  From  the  good  you  will  learn  what  is  good ;  but  if  you 
associate  with  the  bad,  you  will  lose  whatever  understanding 
is  in  you.'"  "Do  you  hear  that,  my  son?"  asked  Lycon. 
"  Yes,  assuredly,"  said  Socrates,  "  and  he  profits  by  such  in- 
struction ;  for  when  he  wished  to  become  victor  in  the  pan- 
cratium, having  consulted  with  you,1  *  *  *  *  again,  who- 
ever shall  seem  to  him  to  be  most  fit  for  giving  instruction  in 
these  pursuits,  he  will  become  his  pupil."  6.  Here  many 
spoke ;  and  one  of  them  said,  "  Where  then  will  he  find  a 
master  for  this  accomplishment?"2  Another  said,  "  That  it 
could  not  even  be  taught;"  and  another,  that  "if  anything 
could  be  learned,  this  could."  7.  Socrates  however  said, 
"  Since  then  this  is  a  matter  for  controversy,  let  us  put  it  off 
to  another  time ;  and  let  us  at  present  conclude  what  is  before 
us ;  for  I  see  that  dancing-girl  standing  waiting,  and  some- 
body bringing  in  hoops  for  her." 

8.  Upon  this,  the  other  girl  began  to  play  on  the  flute  to 
her ;  and  a  person  who  stood  by  the  dancing-girl  handed  her 
hoops  to  the  number  of  twelve ;  and  she,  taking  them,  began 

1  Some  words  are  lost  here. 

2  The  attainment  of  virtue,  to  which  Socrates  seems  to  have  alluded  in 
the  words  that  have  fallen  out  of  the  text. 


1.56  THE    BANQUET*  [CII     2, 

to  dance,  and,  at  the  same  time,  threw  up  the  hoops,  which 
kept  whirling  round,  guessing  how  high  she  must  throw  them, 
so  as  to  catch  them  in  time  with  the  music.  9.  Socrates  ob- 
served, "From  many  other  things,  my  friends,  and  from  what 
this  girl  is  now  doing,  it  is  apparent  that  the  talent  of  women 
is  not  at  all  inferior  to  that  of  men,  though  they  are  wanting 
in  bodily  vigour1  and  strength  ;  so  that  whosoever  of  you  has 
a  wife,  let  him  teach  her  with  confidence  whatever  he  would 
wish  to  have  her  know."  10.  "  How  is  it,  then,  my  dear  So- 
crates," said  Antisthenes,  "  that,  if  you  think  thus,  you  do  not 
also  educate  Xanthippe,  instead  of  having  a  wife  the  most  ill- 
conditioned  of  all  women  that  are  in  existence,  and,  as  I  be- 
lieve, of  all  that  ever  were  and  ever  will  be  ?  "  "  Because," 
replied  Socrates,  "  I  see  that  those  who  wish  to  be  skilled  in 
horsemanship  do  not  choose  the  best-tempered  horses,  but 
those  of  high  mettle ;  for  they  think  that  if  they  can  master 
such  animals,  they  will  easily  manage  any  other  horses.  So 
likewise  I,  wishing  to  converse  and  associate  with  mankind, 
have  chosen  this  wife,  well  knowing  that  if  I  shall  be  able  to 
endure  her,  I  shall  easily  bear  the  society  of  all  other  people." 
This  remark  was  thought  to  have  been  made  by  no  means 
inapplicably.2 

11.  Soon  afterwards  a  hoop  was  brought  in,  stuck  round 
with  swords  standing  upright.  Into  the  midst  of  these  swords 
the  dancing-girl  leaped  head  foremost,  and  sprang  out  head 
foremost  over  them,  so  that  the  spectators  were  struck  with 
terror,  lest  she  should  be  hurt  ;  but  she  continued  to  perform 
these  feats  with  boldness  and  without  injury.  12.  Socrates 
then  called  to  Antisthenes,  and  said,  "  I  do  not  think  that 
those  who  witness  this  exhibition  will  hereafter  be  disposed  to 
deny  that  courage  may  be  taught,  when  this  person,  woman 
as  she  is,  throws  herself  so  courageously  into  the  midst  of 
swords."  13.  "  Would  it  not  then  be  an  excellent  thing  for 
this  Syracusan,"  replied  Antisthenes,  "to  exhibit  his  dancing- 
girl  to  the  whole  city,  and  announce  that  he  will  qualify 

1  All  the  editions,  except  the  small  one  of  Tauchnitz,  have  yvojfirjg  cl 
Kai  iffxvog.  Of  yv(vjxrjg  no  commentator  has  known  what  to  make.  The 
Latin  translators  have  rendered  it  by  consilium.  I  have  adopted  p^urjQ, 
with  Tauchnitz's  editor,  from  a  conjecture  of  Lange. 

2  Ovk  cnrb  toTj  (tkottov.]  "  Not  wide  of  the  mark."  It  was  thought, 
says  Schneider,  an  excellent  reply  to  the  question  of  Antisthenes. 


§   !4 — 18.]  ADVANTAGES    OF    DANCING.  15? 

all  the  Athenians,  if  they  will  give  him  money,  to  march  full 
tilt  against  the  lances  of  the  enemy?"  14.  "By  Jupiter," 
exclaimed  Philippics,  "  I  should  like  to  see  Peisander,1  the 
popular  orator,  learning  how  to  run  full  butt  upon  swords, 
who  now,  from  being  unable  even  to  look  upon  weapons,  de- 
clines to  take  the  field  with  his  fellow-citizens." 

15.  The  boy  then  began  to  dance  ;  and  Socrates  remarked, 
"  See  how  this  boy,  naturally  beautiful  as  he  is,  nevertheless 
appears  still  more  beautiful  when  he  puts  himself  into  grace- 
ful attitudes  than  he  appeared  when  he  was  at  rest."  "  You 
seem  to  me,"  rejoined  Charmides,  "  to  be  inclined  to  praise 
the  master  who  taught  Him  to  dance."  io.  "  Such  is  the  case, 
indeed,"  replied  Socrates,  "  for  I  was  thinking  even  of  some- 
thing more ;  I  mean  that  no  part  of  the  body  is  inactive  in 
dancing,  but  that  the  neck,  and  the  legs,  and  the  hands,  are 
alike  exercised,  so  that  he  who  would  have  his  body  improved 
in  suppleness  should  learn  to  dance  ;  and  I,"  he  continued, 
addressing  himself  to  the  Syracusan,  "  would  gladly  learn  the 
movements  of  the  dance  from  you."  17.  "What  profit,  then, 
will  you  gain  from  them  ?"  asked  the  Syracusan.  "I  shall 
dance,  certainly,"  replied  Socrates.  At  this  reply  all  the 
company  laughed.  But  Socrates,  with  a  very  serious  coun- 
tenance, said,  "  Do  you  laugh  at  me  ?  Is  it  then  for  this 
reason,  that  I  wish,  by  exercise,  to  enjoy  better  health,  or  to 
eat  and  sleep  with  greater  pleasure,  or  because  I  desire  such 
a  kind  of  exercise,  that  it  may  not  be  with  me  as  with  the 
runners  in  the  foot-race,  who  become  stout  in  the  legs  and 
narrow  in  the  shoulders,  or  as  with  boxers,  who  become 
broad  in  the  shoulders  and  thin  in  the  legs,  but  that,  exercis- 
ing my  whole  body,  I  may  render  every  part  equally  strong  ? 
1 8.  Or  do  you  laugh  at  this,  that  I  shall  be  under  no  necessity  of 
seeking  for  a  companion  in  my  exercise,  or  to  unrobe  myself, 
being  an  old  man,  before  a  number  of  people,  but  that  an 
apartment  which  will  hold  seven  couches 2  will  be  large 
enough  for  me  (as  this  apartment  has  now  been  sufficient  for 
this  boy  to  heat  himself  even  to  perspiration),  and  that  I 

1  Philippus  doubtless  means  the  factious  demagogue  who  promoted 
the  establishment  of  the  four  hundred. — See  Thucyd.  viii.  53.     Bach. 

2  07/coc  kirraKkivoq.']  OTkoq  is  here  used  in  the  sense  of  a  room  or 
apartment,  as  oiojjwa  immediately  afterwards.  The  size  of  an  apartment 
was  expressed  by  the  number  of  couches  that  it  would  conveniently  'told* 


158  THE    BANQUET.  [CH.  2. 

shall  exercise  myself  under  a  roof  in  the  winter,  or,  when 
heat  in  the  summer  is  excessive,  in  the  shade  of  the  trees  r 
19.  Or  do  you  laugh  at  this,  that,  having  a  belly  somewhat 
larger  than  is  becoming,  I  wish  to  reduce  it  to  a  more  mode- 
rate size  ?  Do  you  not  know  that  Charmides  here  found  mo 
dancing  one  morning  lately  ?  "  "  Yes,  indeed,"  said  Char- 
mides, "  and  at  first  I  was  astonished,  and  feared  that  you 
were  mad  ;  but  when  I  heard  from  you  something  similar 
to  what  you  are  now  saying,  I  went  home,  and  there — I  did 
not  indeed  dance,  for  I  never  learned  to  dance, — but  I  waved 
my  arms  about,1  for  that  I  knew  how  to  do."  20.  "  Un- 
doubtedly," observed  Philippus,  "  since  you  appear  to  have 
legs  of  equal  weight  with  your  shoulders,  so  that  if  you  should 
present  yourself  to  be  weighed,  the  lower  parts  against  the 
upper,  by  the  stewards  of  the  market,  as  people  bring  loaves 
to  be  weighed,2  you  seem  likely  to  escape  being  fined." 
'■  Call  me  in,  then,  my  dear  Socrates,"  said  Callias,  "  when 
you  are  going  to  learn  to  dance,  that  I  may  stand  opposite  to 
you,  and  learn  with  you." 

21.  "  But  let  the  flute-player,"  said  Philippus,  "  play  for 
me  too,  that  I  may  also  dance."  When  he  stood  up,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  imitate  the  dancing  of  the  boy  and  that  of  the  girl. 
22.  And  whereas  the  company  had  previously  commended  the 
boy,  as  appearing  still  more  graceful  when  he  was  engaged  in 
gesticulation,  Philippus  showed,  on  the  other  hand,  that 
whatever  part  of  his  body  he  moved,  his  whole  body  became 
still  more  ridiculous  than  it  naturally  was  ;  and  whereas  they 
had  admired  the  girl,  because,  by  bending  herself  backward, 
she  imitated  a  wheel,  he  attempted  to  imitate  a  wheel  by 
bending  his  body  forward  in  a  similar  way.  And  at  last,  be- 
cause they  had  praised  the  boy  for  exercising  his  whole  body- 
while  he  danced,  Philippus  ordered  the  flute-player  to  play  a 

1  'ExtipovofiovvJ]  XstpovofxtXv  was  to  exercise  the  arms,  as  the  legs 
are  exercised  th  dancing,  or  as  we  exercise  them  in  sparring  or  with  the 
dumb-bells.  See  Plato  de  Legg.  viii.  2,  where  it  is  used  as  an  equivalent 
to  -Kia.fia.xeXv,  and  where  Ast  has  collected  a  great  number  of  passages 
in  illustration  of  the  word.  Suidas  says  that  x^po^o/^Iv  was  sometimes 
used  in  the  same  signification  as  irvKTtvttv.  See  also  Quintilian,  i.  11, 17. 
Xeipovofiia  was  also  at  times  an  accompaniment  of  dancing;  and  Hesy- 
chius  tells  us  that  the  word  x^povo/xog  was  sometimes  used  for  6pxvffTnf:. 

2  Hence  it  appears  that  the  dyopavoftoi,  or  stewards  of  the  market,  s.ur 
that  loaves  were  not  sold  under  a  certain  weight.     Schneider. 


§   13 — 17.]  OF    MODERATE   DRINKING*.  159; 

more  lively  air,  and  tossed  about  his  legs,  and  hands^  and 
head,  and  every  part  of  him  at  the  same.  time.  13.  When  he 
was  tired,  he  threw  himself  back  on  the  couch,  and  said, 
"  There  is  now  a  proof,  my  friends,  that  my  mode  of  dancing 
affords  excellent  exercise  ;  for  I  am  thirsty  ;  and  let  the 
attendant  therefore  fill  me  the  large  cup."  "  Certainly,"  said 
Callias,  "  and  let  him  fill  it  for  us  too,  since  we  are  thirsty 
with  laughing  at  your  performance."  14.  "I  too,  my  friends, 
said  Socrates,  "  shall  be  very  well  pleased  to  drink ;  for 
really  wine,  by  moistening  the  spirits,1  lulls  cares  to  rest,  as 
mandragora  puts  men  to  sleep,  and  wakes  up  pleasant 
thoughts,  as  oil  excites  a  flame.  15.  It  seems  also  to  me  that 
the  bodies  of  men  are  affected  in  the  same  way  as  things  that 
grow  in  the  ground  ;  for  they,  when  the  gods  make  them 
drink  in  too  great  abundance,  are  unable  to  rise,  or  to  let  the 
breezes  pass  through  among  them  ; 2  but  when  they  imbibe 
just  so  much  moisture  as  to  be  refreshed  by  it,  they  both  grow 
very  upright,  and  flourish,  and  come  to  bear  fruit.  16.  So  if 
we,  likewise,  pour  into  ourselves  drink  in  too  great  quantities, 
our  bodies  and  minds  will  soon  become  powerless,  and  we 
scarcely  shall  be  able  to  breathe,  much  less  to  articulate  any- 
thing ;  but  if  our  servants  refresh  us  from  time  to  time  with 
small  cups,  as  with  gentle  dew  (that  I  also  may  speak  in  the 
phraseology  of  Gorgias),3  then,  not  being  forced  to  grow 
intoxicated  with  wine,  but  being  aptly  persuaded  by  it,  we 
shall  arrive  at  more  agreeable  mirth."  17.  These  remarks 
gave  pleasure  to  all ;  and  Philippus  added  that  it  became 
cup-bearers  to  imitate  able  charioteers,  who  drive  their  cha- 
riots round  the  course  still  quicker  and  quicker.  The  cup- 
bearers accordingly  did  as  he  suggested. 

1  *Ap£wv  rag  ipvxagJ]  Dum  a?iimos  rigat.  Dindorf.  Arrosant  nos 
esprits.     Gail. 

2  Tcug  avpaig  diairviiaQai.']  "  To  be  blown  through  by  the  breezes." 

3  Gorgias  being  mentioned  above  as  one  of  the  instructors  of  Callias. 
To  Xenophon's  irvKva  kiritpeKd^ioaiv  there  is  an  allusion  in  Cicero  de 
Senectute,  c.  14.  Pocula  delectant  me,  sicut  in  Symposio  Xenophontif, 
minuta  atque  rorantia. 


160  THE    BANQUET  "*CB.  3. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Socrates  proposes  that  they  should  engage  in  some  improving  conversation, 
rather  than  spend  all  their  time  in  attending  to  music  and  dancing.  Each 
of  the  speakers  in  the  dialogue  declares  on  what  accomplishment  or  pos- 
session he  most  values  himself. 

1.  Soon  after  this,  the  boy  played  on  his  lyre,  which  was 
put  in  tune  with  the  flute,  and  sang  ;  when  all  the  company 
applauded,  and  Charmides  also  said,  "  It  appears  to  me.  my 
friends,  that  as  Socrates  said  with  regard  to  wine,  so  likewise 
this  union  of  the  beauty  and  voices  of  these  children  lulls 
anxieties  to  sleep,  and  gives  rise  to  feelings  of  love."  2.  So- 
crates then  again  observed,  "  These  children,  my  friends,  ap- 
pear capable  of  entertaining  us  ;  but  I  am  quite  sure  that  we 
consider  ourselves  far  superior  to  them  ;  and  would  it  not 
then  be  unbecoming  to  us,  if,  while  we  associate  together,  we 
should  not  make  even  an  attempt  to  entertain  one  another  ?  " 
Several  then  exclaimed,  "  Do  you  then  instruct  us,  Socrates, 
in  what  kind  of  discourse  we  may  engage,  so  as  best  to  effect 
that  object."  3.  "I,  then,  for  my  own  part,"  replied  Socrates, 
"  would  gladly  claim  from  Callias  the  performance  of  his  pro- 
mise ;  for  he  said,  certainly,  that  if  we  would  dine  with  him, 
he  would  give  us  a  sample  of  his  wisdom."  "And  I  assur- 
edly will  give  you  a  sample,"  rejoined  Callias,  "if  you  will  all 
contribute  to  the  conversation  whatever  valuable  knowledge 
each  of  you  possesses."  "  Assuredly,  then,"  said  Socrates, 
"  no  one  will  make  any  opposition  to  your  terms,  or  offer  any 
reason  why  each  of  us  should  not  communicate  to  the  com- 
pany the  most  estimable  knowledge  that  he  has."  4.  "  I  will 
then  tell  you,"  said  Callias,  "  on  what  account  I  most  value  my- 
self ;  for  it  is  this,  that  I  think  myself  capable  of  making  men 
better."  "  Whether  is  it  by  teaching  them  some  mechanical 
art,"  inquired  Antisthenes,  "  or  by  instructing  them  in  honour 
and  virtue?"  "Is  justice  a  virtue  ?"  asked  Callias.  "Cer- 
tainly," replied  Antisthenes,  "  it  is  most  indisputably  so  ; 
since,  though  valour  and  knowledge  appear  to  be  sometimes 
detrimental  to  the  friends  as  well  as  to  the  country,  of  thus0 
who  possess  them,  justice  has  no  participation,  in  any  resviect, 


§    5— 9.j         ON    WHAT    EACH   VALUES   HIMSELF.  161 

with  what  is  wrong."  5.  "  After  each  of  you,  therefore,"  re- 
joined Callias,  "has  communicated  whatever  valuable  matter 
he  has  to  produce,  I  also  will  without  scruple  tell  you  by  what 
art  I  effect  that  which  I  profess.  Do  you,  then,  Niceratus," 
continued  he,  "tell  us  upon  what  kind  of  knowledge  you  value 
yourself."  "My  father,"  said  Niceratus,  "who  was  anxious 
that  I  should  grow  up  a  good  man,  obliged  me  to  learn  by 
heart  all  the  poems  of  Homer  ;  and  I  could  now  repeat  off- 
hand the  whole  Iliad  and  Odyssey."  6.  "  But  has  it  escaped 
your  knowledge,"  said  Antisthenes,  "  that  all  the  rhapsodists  ! 
likewise  know  these  poems  ?  "  "  How  could  it  escape  my 
knowledge,"  rejoined  Niceratus,  "  when  I  hear  them  almost 
every  day  ?  "  "  Do  you  know  any  class  of  men,"  said  Antis- 
thenes, "more  foolish  than  the  rhapsodists  ?"  "  Indeed,"  re- 
plied Niceratus,  "  it  does  not  appear  to  me  that  there  is  any." 
"  It  is  certainly  very  evident,"  remarked  Socrates,  "  that  they 
do  not  know  the  sense  of  what  they  recite  ;  but  you  have 
given  large  sums  of  money  to  Stesimbrotus  and  Anaximan- 
der,2  and  many  others,  so  that  nothing  of  any  consequence  in 
the  poems  can  have  escaped  you."  7.  "  And  as  to  you,  Critobu- 
lus,"  said  Callias,  "  upon  what  do  you  value  yourself  most  ?  " 
"  On  beauty,"  replied  Critobulus.  "  Will  you  be  able  to  say, 
then,"  asked  Socrates,  "  that  you  are  able  to  make  us  better 
by  means  of  your  beauty  ?  "  "  If  I  am  not,"  answered  Crito- 
bulus, "  it  is  plain  that  I  shall  be  thought  a  person  of  no  esti- 
mation." 8.  "And  you,  Antisthenes,"  said  Callias,  "on  what 
do  you  pride  yourself  ?  "  "  On  my  wealth,"  said  he.  Her- 
mogenes  immediately  asked  him  whether  he  had  much  wealth. 
He  replied,  with  an  oath,  that  he  had  not  even  an  obolus. 
"  You  have  then  much  land  ?  "  said  Hermogenes.  "  Perhaps 
as  much  as  would  be  sufficient,"  replied  Antisthenes,  "for 
Autolycus  here  to  sprinkle  himself  with  dust."  9.  "We  must 
certainly  hear  what  you  have  to  say,  then,"  observed  Callias. 
"  But  as  for  you,  Charmides,  on  what  do  you  value  your- 
self ?  "     "  I,  on  the  contrary,"  replied  Charmides,   "  esteem 

1  Men  who  went  about  reciting  he  poems  of  Homer.  Mere  recitation 
of  the  poems  of  Homer,  says  Antisthenes,  does  not  improve  the  rhapsodists 
in  morality  ;   and  how  was  it  to  be  expected  that  it  should  improve  you  ? 

2  Stesimbrotus  of  Thasos,  an  interpreter  of  Homer,  is  mentioned  by 
Plato,  Ion,  init.  Anaximander  seems  to  have  been  also  an  interpreter  of 
Homer.     The  remark  of  Socrates  is  ironical  with  regard  to  Niceratua 

VOL.    III.  M 


162  THE    BANQUET.  [CH.  3. 

myself  on  account  of  my  poverty."  "  You  then  esteem  your- 
self, certainly/'  observed  Socrates,  "  for  something  very  ami- 
able ;  for  poverty  is  not  at  all  exposed  to  envy,  excites 
not  the  least  contention  about  it,  is  preserved  without  being 
guarded,  and  acquires  strength  under  neglect."  10.  "  But  as 
to  you  yourself,  Socrates,"  said  Callias,  "  on  what  do  you 
value  yourself  ?  "  Socrates,  shaping  his  face  into  a  look  of 
the  utmost  gravity,  replied,  "  On  the  art  of  pandering."  As 
the  company  laughed  at  his  answer,  "  You  laugh,"  said  he, 
"  but  I  well  know  that  I  might  gain  a  great  quantity  of 
money  if  I  chose  to  practise  the  art."  11.  "  You,  however," 
said  Lycon,  pointing  to  Philippus,  "value  yourself  on  your 
power  of  exciting  laughter."  "  And  more  justly,  I  think," 
rejoined  Philippus,  "than  Callippides  the  actor  values  him- 
self on  his  power  ;  a  man  who  plumes  himself  on  being  able 
to  set  numbers  of  his  hearers  weeping."  12.  "  You  also,  then, 
Lycon,"  said  Antisthenes,  will  tell  us  on  what  you  congratu- 
late yourself."  "Do  you  not  all  know,"  replied  Lycon,  "  that 
it  is  on  this  son  of  mine  ?  "  "And  your  son  doubtless  con- 
gratulates himself,"  observed  some  one,  "on  being  victorious 
in  the  games."  Autolycus,  with  a  blush,  replied,  "  I  certainly 
do  not,  I  assure  you."  13.  As  they  were  all  pleased  to  hear  him 
speak,  and  turned  their  eyes  towards  him,  some  one  asked 
him,  "  But  on  what  is  it,  then,  Autolycus,  that  you  congratu- 
late yourself?  "  He  answered,  "  L^pon  having  such  a  father," 
and  at  the  same  time  seated  himself  by  his  father's  side. 
Callias,  observing  this,  said,  "Do  you  not  know,  Lycon,  that 
you  are  the  richest  of  mankind  ?  "  "  By  Jupiter,"  replied 
Lycon,  "  I  certainly  did  not  know  it."  "  Are  you  not  aware 
then,"  said  Callias,  "  that  you  would  not  take  the  wealth 
of  the  king  of  Persia  in  exchange  for  your  son  ?  "  "I  am 
convicted  on  my  own  confession,  then,"  replied  Lycon,  "of 
being,  as  it  seems,  the  richest  of  men."  14.  And  you,  Her- 
mogenes,"  said  Niceratus,  "  on  what  do  you  most  pride  your- 
self ?  "  "  On  the  merit  and  power  of  my  friends,"  replied 
Hermogenes,  "and  on  the  reflection  that,  though  they  are 
men  of  such  worth,  they  have  a  regard  for  me."  Upon  thi3 
they  all  looked  at  him,  and  several  of  them  at  the  same  time 
asked  him,  whether  he  would  point  out  those  friends  to  them, 
He  replied  that  he  should  feel  no  reluctance  to  do  so. 


§    1 — 5."|        ON    WHAT    CALLIAS    PRIDES   HIMSELF.  I6j3 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Each  of  the  company  states  why  he  values  himself  on  the  ground  which  he 
has  mentioned.  Callias  prides  himself  on  his  power  of  rendering  men 
more  honest ;  Niceratus,  on  his  knowledge  of  Homer  ;  Critobulus,  on  his 
beauty  ;  Charmides,  on  his  poverty  ;  Antisthenes,  on  his  riches ;  Hermo- 
genes,  on  the  influence  of  his  friends  ;  Philippus,  on  his  entertaining  qual- 
ities ;  the  Syracusan,  on  his  ability  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  foolish 
Socratos,  on  his  art  of  conciliation. 

.  Soon  afterwards  Socrates  observed,  "  It  will  then  remain 
for  each  of  us  to  show  that  what  he  promised  to  communicate 
to  us  is  of  great  value."  "  You  shall  hear  me,  then,  first," 
exclaimed  Callias  ;  "  for  I,  during  the  time  that  I  hear  you 
discussing  what  justice  is,  am  rendering  other  men,  at  that 
rery  time,  more  just."  "How,  my  excellent  friend?"  in- 
quired   Socrates.      "By   giving    them    money,   to    be    sure." 

2.  Antisthenes  started  up,  as  determined  to  refute  him,  and 
asked  him,  "Whether  do  men  appear  to  you,  Callias,  to  carry 
justice  in  their  minds  or  in  their  purses  ?  "  "  In  their  minds," 
replied  he.  "  And  do  you,  then,  by  putting  money  into  their 
purses,  render  their  minds  more  devoted  to  justice  ?  "  "  Un- 
doubtedly." "  How  ?  "  "  Because,  as  they  know  that  they 
have  wherewith  to  buy  the  necessaries  of  life,  they  will  not 
expose  themselves  to  danger  by  committing  dishonest  actions." 

3.  "  And  do  they  repay  you,"  said  Antisthenes,  "  what  they 
have  received  ?  "  "  No,  by  Jupiter,"  answered  Callias,  "  as- 
suredly not."  "  What  return,  then,  do  they  make  you  for 
your  money  ?  Thanks  ?  "  "  No,  indeed,"  replied  the  other, 
"  not  even  thanks  ;  and  some  are  still  worse  disposed  towards 
me  than  before  they  received  the  money."  "  It  is  wonderful," 
said  Antisthenes,  looking  at  him  at  the  same  time  as  if  he 
was  utterly  confuting  him,  "  that  you  can  render  men  just 
towards  others,  and  not  towards  yourself."  4.  "Why  should 
that  be  wonderful  ?"  returned  Callias.  "Do  you  not  see  many 
carpenters  and  builders  who  make  houses  for  many  other 
men,  but  are  not  able  to  make  them  for  themselves,  but  live 
in  hired  dwellings  ?  Endure,  therefore,  O  sophist,  to  be  re- 
futed."    5.  "Let  him  endure,  indeed,"   added   Socrates,   "ag 

M    '2 


164  THE    BANQUET.  |*CH.  4. 

augurs,  too,  are  said  to  foretell  what  is  to  happen  to  others,  but 
to  be  unable  to  foresee  what  is  coming  upon  themselves." 

6.  This  portion  of  the  conversation  here  came  to  an  end. 
Niceratus  then  said,  "  You  shall  hear  also  from  me  in  what 
respects  you  will  be  improved  if  you  associate  with  me.  You 
know  doubtless  that  Homer,  the  wisest  of  poets,  has  sung  of 
almost  all  human  things.  Whoever  of  you  would  wish,  there- 
fore, to  become  skilled  in  husbandry,  or  eloquent,  or  fit  to  be 
a  general,  or  like  Achilles,  or  Ajax,  or  Nestor,  or  Ulysses,  let 
him  attend  to  me ;  for  I  know  all  these  things."  "  Do  you 
know  also  how  to  be  a  king  ?"  l  inquired  Antisthenes  ;  "  for 
you  will  recollect  that  Homer  praises  Agamemnon  as  being  a 
good  king  and  a  brave  warrior."  "And  I  recollect,  also," 
rejoined  Niceratus,  "  that  he  says  a  charioteer  must  turn  his 
chariot  close  to  the  goal : 

Avtov  de  KkivQrfvai  ev^earov  Itti  di(ppov 

'H/c'  £7r'  dpiartpd  toTiv,  drdp  rbv  de^ibv  "ittttov 

Kkvoai  bjxoK\i](TavT\  il%ai  ts  o'i  rjvia  y^ipd.2 

*  But  incline,  in  your  well-polished  chariot,  a  little  to  the  left 
side  of  the  horses ;  and  urge  on  the  right-hand  horse,  encou- 
raging him  witli  your  voice,  while  you  give  him  the  rein  loose 
in  your  hand.'  7.  I  know  something  too  besides  this ;  and  it 
is  in  your  power  at  once  to  make  trial  of  it ;  for  Homer  some- 
where3 says,  that  '  the  onion  is  a  proper  accompaniment  to 
drink ;'  and  if,  therefore,  any  of  the  attendants  will  bring  us 
an  onion,  you  will  immediately  enjoy  the  benefit  of  it,  as  you 
will  drink  with  greater  pleasure."  8.  Upon  this  Charmides 
observed,  "  Niceratus,  my  friends,  desires  to  go  home  smelling 
of  onions,  that  his  wife  may  believe  that  no  one  has  even 
thought  of  kissing  him."  "  Nay,  by  Jupiter,"  exclaimed  So- 
crates, "  there  is  danger  that  we  may  bring  on  us  another 
ridiculous  surmise  ;  for  onions  appear  to  be  so  much  of  a  sea- 
soning, that  they  give  a  zest  not  only  to  drink  but  to  meat>$ 
and  if  we  eat  onions  after  supper,  we  must  take  care  lest 
people  may  say  that  we  came  to  the  house  of  Callias  to  in- 

1  A  jocose,  or  rather  malicious,  kind  of  question  ;  for  both  Antisthenes 
and  Niceratus  were  living  in  a  free  state,  hostile  to  tyrants  and  kings. 
Hence  Niceratus  makes  no  reply  to  the  question,  but  turns  off  the  atten- 
tion of  the  company  to  something  else.     Schneider. 

»  II.  xxiii.  335,  *  II  xi.  629. 


§  9 —  .5.]     ON  WHAT  CRITOBULUS  VALUES  HIMSELF.  165 

dulge  in  gluttony."  a.  "  We  need  by  no  means  fear  such  a 
charge,  Socrates,"  said  Callias  ;  "  for  to  eat  onions  is  proper 
for  a  person  going  to  battle,  insomuch  that  some  feed  cocks 
with  garlic  before  they  set  them  to  fight ;  but  we  are  rather 
thinking,  perhaps,  of  kissing  somebody  than  of  fighting."  10. 
In  some  such  a  way  this  part  of  the  conversation  came  to 
an  end. 

Critobulus  then  said,  "  I  will  now  tell  you,  in  my  turn, 
for  what  reasons  I  value  myself  on  my  beauty."  "  Tell  us, 
by  all  means,"  said  the  rest.  "  If  I  am  not  beautiful,"  pro- 
ceeded he,  "  as  I  think  I  am,  you  will  deservedly  be  convicted 
of  being  deceivers ;  for  you  are  constantly  swearing,  though 
no  one  requires  an  oath  of  you,  that  I  am  beautiful ;  and  I, 
to  be  sure,  believe  you,  since  I  regard  you  as  honourable  and 
good  men.  11.  If,  however,  I  am  in  reality  beautiful,  and  you 
feel  towards  me  as  I  feel  towards  any  one  who  appears  to 
me  to  be  beautiful,  I  swear  by  all  the  gods  that  I  would 
not  accept  the  dominions  of  the  king  of  Persia  on  condition 
of  resigning  my  beauty;  12.  since  I  now  look  upon  Cleinias  l 
with  greater  pleasure  than  upon  all  the  other  beautiful  objects 
in  the  world  ;  and  I  would  choose  rather  to  be  blind  to  every- 
thing else  than  to  Cleinias  alone.  I  am  angry  with  the  night 
and  with  sleep,  because  I  cannot  see  him  while  they  continue; 
and  I  feel  the  greatest  gratitude  to  the  day  and  the  sun,  be- 
cause they  restore  Cleinias  to  my  sight.  13.  It  is  justifiable 
also  for  us  who  are  beautiful  to  value  ourselves  highly  for  thig 
reason,  that  while  he  who  is  strong  must  gain  the  objects  of  hia 
desire  by  labour,  he  who  is  brave  by  confronting  danger,  he 
who  is  wise  by  speaking,  he  who  is  beautiful  may  effect 
everything  that  he  wishes,  even  without  exerting  himself. 
14.  I,  therefore,  although  conscious  that  wealth  is  very  agree- 
able to  keep  in  one's  possession,  would  more  gladly  give  all 
that  I  have  to  Cleinias  than  receive  as  much  more  from  any 
one  else  ;  and  I  would  more  willingly  be  a  slave,  if  Cleinias 
would  be  my  master,  than  continue  free ;  for  I  would  much 
rather  work  for  him  than  remain  idle,  and  run  into  danger 
for  him  sooner  than  live  free  from  danger.  15.  So  that  if  you, 
Callias,  value  yourself  on  being  able  to  make  men  more  hon- 

1  A  favourite  of  Critobulus.  He  is  generally  supposed  to  be  the 
broth*  of  Alcibiades,  mentioned  by  Plato,  Alcib.  §  14. 


166  THE    BANQUET.  [CH.  4. 

est,  I  have  greater  reason  than  you  to  value  myself  on  leading 
men  to  every  kind  of  virtue  ; l  since  we  beautiful  persons,  as 
we  produce  a  certain  inspiration  in  those  who  are  inclined  to 
love,  render  them  more  generous  with  regard  to  money,  fonder 
of  enduring  toil  and  gaining  honour  in  hazardous  enterprises, 
as  well  as  more  modest  and  self-commanding,  since  they  are 
most  bashful  in  regard  to  what  they  desire  most.  16.  The 
people  who  do  not  choose  handsome  men  for  commanders  of 
their  troops  are  mad.  I,  certainly,  would  march  even  through 
fire  with  Cleinias ;  and  1  feel  that  you  would  do  the  same 
with  me ;  so  that  you  need  no  longer  be  in  doubt,  Socrates, 
whether  my  beauty  be  of  service  to  mankind,  n.  Nor  is 
beauty  to  be  disparaged  even  on  the  ground  that  it  soon 
passes  its  meridian  ;  for,  as  a  boy  is  beautiful,  so  likewise  is  a 
young  man,  and  a  full-grown  man,  and  an  old  man.  Of  this 
we  have  a  proof ;  for  the  people  choose  handsome  old  men  as 
bearers  of  olive-branches  at  the  festival  of  Minerva,  indicating 
that  beauty  is  attendant  on  every  age.  18.  And  if  it  is  pleasant 
to  obtain  what  we  desire  from  such  as  grant  it  willingly,  I 
am  quite  sure  that  I  could  at  this  moment  prevail  on  this  boy 
and  girl  to  kiss  me,  even  though  I  were  not  to  speak  a  word 
to  them,  sooner  than  you,  Socrates,  although  you  were  to  say 
numbers  of  wise  things."  19.  "  How  so  ?"  rejoined  Socrates  ; 
;'  do  you  boast  thus  in  the  notion  that  you  are  more  handsome 
than  I  am  ?"  "Assuredly,"  replied  Critobulus,  "  or  I  should 
be  the  ugliest  of  all  the  Sileni  described  in  the  satyric  plays." i 
Socrates  bore  a  great  resemblance  to  these  Sileni.  20.  "  Take 
care  to  remember,  however,"  said  Socrates,  "  to  have  the 
question  about  beauty  settled,  after  the  proposed  topics  of 
conversation  have-  gone  round  ;  and  let  not  Alexander  the 

1  'Eya,'  irpbg  Ttaaav  aptTrjv  diKctioTtpog  crov  elfil  ayuv  6v9pw7rovg.~\ 
This  is  the  common  reading,  which  Dindorf  retains  ;  but  Schneider  very 
properly  alters  dyeiv  into  dyu>v,  understanding  fisya  (ppovtlv  with  duca*.- 

orepoe  GOV  tifli. 

a  'Ev  rote  oaTvpiKoiQ.~]  Sc.  Spafxam,  as  is  observed  by  Casaubon,  da 
Poesi  Satyrica,  i.  1 ;  Faber  ad  h.  1. ;  and  Hemsterhusius  ad  Lucian,  torn. 
i.  p.  417.  To  the  resemblance  of  Socrates  to  the  Sileni  there  is  an 
allusion  in  Aristoph.  Nuj.  224,  and  in  the  Scholion  on  the  passage. 
Plato  also,  in  his  Symposium,  sect.  32,  makes  Alcibiades  compare  So- 
crates to  the  Sileni.  Schneider.  The  original  of  the  words  "  Socrates 
bore  a  great  resemblance,"  &c.  is  put  in  brackets  by  Dindorf>  as  of 
doubtful  authority      Comp.  c.  5,  sect.  7. 


§  21 — 25.]  of  love.  167 

son  of  Priam  pass  judgment  upon  us,1  but  this  boy  and  girl, 
whom  yoi  think  desirous  to  kiss  you."  "  Would  you  not  com- 
mit the  decision  to  Cleinias,  Socrates?"  said  Critobulus. 
21.  "  Will  you  never  cease  thinking  of  Cleinias  ?"  retorted  So- 
crates. "  If  I  should  forbear  from  naming  him,"  said  Critobu- 
lus, "  do  you  suppose  that  I  shall  think  of  him  at  all  the  less  ? 
Do  you  not  know  that  I  have  his  image  in  my  mind  so 
distinctly,  that,  if  I  were  a  statuary  or  a  painter,  I  could  form 
a  resemblance  of  him  not  less  accurately  from  that  image  than 
if  I  were  looking  upon  his  person?"  22.  Socrates  inquired, 
"  Why  then,  when  you  carry  with  you  so  exact  an  image  of 
him,  do  you  give  me  so  much  trouble,  and  take  me  about  to 
places  where  you  will  see  him  ? "  "  Because,  Socrates," 
returned  Critobulus,  "  the  sight  of  him  may  give  me  real 
pleasure  ;  but  the  contemplation  of  his  image  affords  me 
no  enjoyment,  and  only  excites  desire  in  me."  23.  Hermo- 
genes  observed,  "  I  do  not  think  it  becomes  you,  Socrates, 
to  allow  Critobulus  to  be  thus  overcome  with  love."  "Do 
you  think,  then,"  said  Socrates,  "  that  he  has  become  thus 
affected  since  he  has  associated  with  me  ?  "  "  If  not,  when 
did  the  affection  commence  ?  "  asked  Hermogenes.  "  Do 
you  not  see,"  rejoined  Socrates,  "  that  the  hair  on  the  cheeks 
of  Critobulus  is  already  spread  to  his  ears,  and  that  that 
of  Cleinias  is  now  only  rising  to  the  back  part  ? 2  Crito- 
bulus was  therefore  violently  enamoured  when  he  used  to  go 
to  the  same  schools  with  Cleinias.  24.  His  father,  perceiv- 
ing what  was  the  state  of  things,  committed  him  to  my  care, 
to  see  if  I  could  in  any  way  be  of  service  to  him  ;  and  he  is 
indeed  now  much  better  ;  for  previously,  like  people  who 
look  at  the  Gorgons,  he  would  look  on  Cleinias  as  fixedly  as 
if  he  were  made  of  stone,  and  could  not  stir  away  from  him  ;  3 
but  lately  I  saw  him  even  winking.4      25.  And  by  the  gods, 

1  As  in  the  dispute  of  the  three  goddesses  concerning  their  beauty. 

3  This  passage  has  somewhat  troubled  the  commentators.  The  mean- 
ing however  is  plainly  this,  that  the  beard  of  Critobulus  was  rather  more 
grown  than  that  of  Cleinias,  but  not  much,  as  there  was  no  great 
difference  in  their  ages.  This  attachment,  says  Socrates,  commenced 
when  they  were  yet  going  to  school, 

3  The  word  \i9ivog,  which  encumbers  the  text  in  most  editions,  I 
omit  with  Dindorf  and  Ernesti. 

*  Previously,  he  could  not  bear  to  lose  sight  of  Cleinias  even  during  the 
time  necessary  for  winking.     Compare  Cyrop.  i.  4.  28. 


168  THE    BANQUET. 

my  friends,"  continued  Socrates,  "  Critobulus  appears  to  me 
(a  thing  to  be  mentioned  only  among  ourselves)  to  have  even 
given  kisses  to  Cleinias,  than  which  there  is  no  stronger 
excitement  of  love  ;  for  it  is  insatiable,  and  affords  pleasing 
expectations.  26.  Perhaps,  too,  to  kiss  is  thought  the  more 
excusable,  as  the  act.  of  touching  one  another  with  our  mouths 
is  expressed  by  the  same  term  l  as  the  cherishing  of  mutual 
affection  in  the  mind.  On  which  account  I  say  that  he  who 
would  be  able  to  live  chastely  must  abstain  from  kissing 
handsome  persons."  27.  "But  why  in  the  world,  my  dear  So- 
crates," said  Charmides,  "  do  you  so  frighten  away  us,  your 
friends,  from  beautiful  objects,  when  I  have  seen  you  your- 
self, I  swear  by  Apollo,  at  the  time  that  you  and  Critobulus 
were  seeking  for  some  passage  in  the  same  book  at  the  gram- 
marian's, holding  your  head  close  to  the  head  of  Critobulus, 
and  your  uncovered  shoulder  close  to  his  uncovered  shoulder." 
28.  "Alas  !"  exclaimed  Socrates,  "it  was  from  this  cause2 
that,  as  if  I  had  been  bitten  by  some  venomous  animal,  I  had 
a  pain  in  my  shoulder  for  more  than  five  days,  and  seemed  to 
feel  a  kind  of  irritation  in  my  heart.  And  now  I  give  you 
notice,  Critobulus,"  he  added,  "  in  the  presence  of  all  these 
witnesses,  not  to  touch  me  until  you  have  as  much  hair  upon 
your  chin  as  you  have  upon  your  head."  Thus  they  kept  up 
a  conversation  jocose  and  serious  by  turns. 

29.  Callias  then  said,  "  It  is  now  your  part,  Charmides,  to 
say  why  you  value  yourself  on  your  poverty."  "  It  is  ac- 
knowledged, then,"  returned  Charmides,  "that  to  feel  secure  is 
better  than  to  be  in  fear,  that  to  be  free  is  better  than  to  be 
a  slave,  to  be  courted  better  than  to  court,  to  be  trusted  by 
one's  country  better  than  to  be  distrusted.  30.  But  I,  when 
I  was  a  rich  man  in  this  city,  was  afraid,  in  the  first  place, 
lest  somebody  should  break  into  my  house,  seize  upon  my 
money,  and  do  me  some  personal  harm.  In  the  next  place,  I 
had  t®  court  the  favour  of  the  informers,3  knowing  that  I  was 
more  likely  to  suffer  some  injury  from  them  than  to  do  them 

1  $i\s7v,  <pikti<jdai.     Dindorf  puts  this  sentence  in  brackets. 

2  With  Taur'  dpa,  in  the  text,  we  must  understand  Std,  as  Schneider 
observes. 

3  The  GVKo<pavTcu,  who  would  have  informed  against  him,  if  he  had 
pretended  to  be  poorer,  and  less  able  to  discharge  the  duties  required  of 
him  by  the  state,  than  he  really  was. 


§    £  '  — 35.]  ADVANTAGES   OF    BEING   POOR.  1(59 

any  ,  foi  it  was  perpetually  required  of  me  by  the  govern- 
ment to  expend  money,  and  I  was  not  allowed  to  go  any- 
where away  from  the  city.1  31.  But  now,  since  I  am 
deprived  of  my  property  beyond  the  frontiers,2  and  have  no 
profit  from  my  lands  within  the  country,  while  my  household 
furniture  has  been  sold,  I  lay  myself  down  to  sleep  in  peace, 
I  am  not  suspected  by  the  government,  I  am  no  longer 
threatened  by  informers,  but  can  now  threaten  others,  as  I  am 
at  liberty  to  leave  the  city  or  to  stay  in  it  at  my  pleasure  ; 
and  the  rich  rise  from  their  seats  before  me,  and  give  me  the 
way.3  32.  I  am  now  like  a  tyrant,  but  then  I  was  clearly  a 
slave  ;  then  I  paid  tribute  to  the  state,  now  the  state  pays 
tribute  to  me  by  maintaining  me.4  When  I  was  rich,  too,  peo- 
ple reproached  me  because  I  associated  with  Socrates  ;  but 
now,  since  I  am  grown  poor,  nobody  pays  any  further  atten- 
tion to  the  matter.  And  when  I  had  much,  I  was  always  los- 
ing something,  either  from  the  requirements  of  the  govern- 
ment or  the  malice  of  fortune ;  but  now  I  lose  nothing,  for 
I  have  nothing  to  lose,  but  am  constantly  in  hopes  of  getting 
something."  33.  "Do  you  then  pray,"  inquired  Callias,  "that 
you  may  never  again  become  rich  ;  and,  if  you  have  any 
dream  portending  good,  do  you  sacrifice  to  the  gods  to  avert 
it  ? "  "  By  Jupiter,"  replied  Charmides,  "  I  do  no  such 
thing,  but  wait  very  cheerfully,  if  I  have  hopes  of  getting 
anything  from  any  quarter." 

34.  "  Come,  then,  Antisthenes,"  said  Socrates,  "  do  yon 
tell  us  how  it  is  that,  having  so  little,  you  value  yourself  on 
your  riches."  "Because  I  think,  my  friends,"  said  Antis- 
thenes, "  that  men  must  be  considered  rich  or  poor  in  regard, 
not  to  their  estates,  but  to  their  minds.  35.  For  I  see  many 
private  individuals,  who,  though  they  have  great  abundance, 
yet  think  themselves  so  poor  that  they  will  undergo  any 
labour,  and  encounter  any  danger,  with  a  view  to  acquire 

1  Because  he  was  detained  at  home  by  his  public  duties. 

2  Estates  out  of  Attica,  in  the  islands  or  in  Thrace,  of  which  he  had 
been  deprived  during  the  Peloponnesian  war.     Schneider. 

3  The  rich  avoid  me  as  a  poor  man,  no  longer  worthy  to  be  their 
associate. 

4  For,  as  Zeune  observes,  the  poorer  sort  of  citizens  discharged  the 
duties  of  public  offices  at  Athens,  which  helped  to  maintain  them.  See 
de  Rep.  Lac.  c.  1,  sect.  3  and  13.     Weitke. 


170  THE    BANQUET.  [CH.  4. 

more  ;  I  know  brothers  who  have  inherited  equal  shares 
of  their  father's  property,  and  yet,  while  one  of  them  has 
sufficient  and  more  than  sufficient  for  his  expenses,  the  other 
is  in  want  of  everything.  36.  I  understand  that  there  are  also 
sovereigns,  who  are  so  greedy  of  wealth,  that  they  will  com- 
mit even  more  grievous  crimes  to  obtain  it  than  the  poorer 
sort  of  mankind  ;  for  some  of  these,  we  know,  steal  through 
poverty,  or  break  into  houses,  or  sell  men  for  slaves  ;  but 
there  are  some  kings  who  ruin  whole  families,  kill  multitudes 
of  their  fellow-creatures,  and  even  reduce  entire  communities 
to  slavery,  for  the  sake  of  money.  37.  On  such  persons  I,  for 
my  part,  look  with  great  pity,  as  labouring  under  a  very 
grievous  disease  ;  for  they  seem  to  me  to  be  affected  in  the 
same  way  as  a  person  would  be  who  should  eat  and  drink 
vast  quantities,1  and  yet  should  never  be  satisfied.  But  I 
have  so  many  things,  that  even  I  myself  can  scarcely  find 
them  ; 2  yet  I  have  plenty,  both  to  eat  till  I  am  no  longer 
hungry,  to  drink  till  I  am  no  longer  thirsty,  and  to  clothe 
myself  in  such  a  way  that  I  am  not  at  all  colder  out  of  doors 
than  our  very  rich  friend  Callias  here.  38.  During  the  time 
that  I  stay  in  the  house,  the  walls  are  regarded  by  me  as  very 
warm  coats,  and  the  roof  as  a  very  thick  cloak  ;  and  as  for 
bed-clothes,  I  have  such  a  comfortable  abundance  of  them, 
that  it  is  a  matter  of  some  difficulty  to  awake  me  out  of  my 
sleep.  If  ever  my  passions  require  me  to  seek  their  gratifi- 
cation, whatever  presents  itself  gives  me  so  much  satisfaction, 
that  those  to  whom  I  make  advances  caress  me  with  the 
utmost  fondness,  merely  because  no  one  else  is  ready  to  make 
application  to  them.  39.  All  these  things,  accordingly,  seem 
so  pleasing  to  me,  that  I  should  never  wish  to  have  greater 
gratification  in  pursuing  any  of  them,  but  rather  to  have 
less  ;  so  much  more  attractive  than  is  desirable  do  some  of 
them  appear  to  me  to  be.  40.  But  the  most  estimable  advan- 
tage attendant  on  my  riches  I  consider  to  be  this,  that,  if  any 

1  The  common  texts  have  7ro\Xd  t^wv  /cat  ttoXXo.  IcrOiw.  Lange 
suggested  that  we  should  read  irivuv  instead  of  ^wv,  and  I  have,  with 
the  concurrence  of  Schneider,  adopted  his  suggestion. 

2  He  jestingly  says  "  so  many,"  observes  Weiske,  when  he  means 
so  few ;  he  speaks  as  if  he  conld  hardly  find  what  he  wanted  amid  the 
multitude  of  things  that  he  has,  when  in  reality  he  is  puzzled  how  to 
find  supplies  for  his  wants  in  consequence  of  his  poverty. 


§    41 — 45.]  VALUE    OF    PHILOSOPHY.  171 

one  should  take  from  me  what  I  now  possess,  there  is  no  em- 
ployment that  I  see  so  mean  that  it  would  not  afford  me 
a  sufficient  maintenance.  41.  For  when  I  wish  to  regale  my- 
self, I  do  not  buy  costly  dainties  out  of  the  market-place  (since 
they  are  too  dear),  but  I  draw  from  the  resources  of  my 
mind  ; l  and  much  greater  addition  is  made  to  my  enjoyment, 
when  I  wait  till  I  want  a  thing  and  then  take  it,  than  when 
I  partake  of  any  expensive  gratification  ;  as  when  on  the  pre- 
sent occasion,  for  instance,  I  meet  with  this  wine  of  Thasos,2 
and  drink  it  without  being  thirsty.  42.  It  is  natural,  besides, 
that  those  should  be  far  better  principled  who  look  to  econo- 
my rather  than  expensiveness  ;  for  those  to  whom  what  is 
readiest  gives  most  contentment  will  be  least  likely  to  covet 
what  belongs  to  others.  43.  It  is  worthy  of  consideration, 
too,  that  such  sort  of  riches  renders  men  liberal-minded  ;  for 
our  friend  Socrates  here,  from  whom  I  have  received  thij 
wealth,  did  not  impart  it  to  me  by  number  or  by  weight,  but 
gave  me  as  much  as  ever  I  could  carry  away  ;  and  I,  at 
present,  grudge  no  man  what  I  have,  but  exhibit  my  opulence 
to  all  my  friends,  and  give  a  share  of  the  wealth  in  my  mind 
to  any  one  that  is  willing  to  receive  it.  44.  Leisure  also,  one 
of  the  most  delightful  of  enjoyments,  is,  you  see,  always  at  my 
command,  so  that  I  can  go  to  see  what  is  worthy  to  be  seen, 
can  hear  what  deserves  to  be  heard,  and,  what  I  value  most 
of  all,  can  pass  whole  days  undisturbed  with  Socrates,  who 
does  not  look  with  admiration  on  those  who  can  count  vast 
sums  of  gold,  but  makes  it  the  business  of  his  life  to  converse 
with  those  whose  society  can  give  him  pleasure." 

45.  Thus  spoke  Antisthenes  ;  and  Callias  said  to  him,  "  By 
Juno,  I  envy  you  for  your  wealth,  not  only  on  other  accounts, 
but  because  the  state  does  not  treat  you  as  its  slave,  by 
imposing  duties  upon  you,  and  because  people  have  no  ill 
feeling  against  you  if  you  do  not  lend  them  money."  "Do 
not  envy  him,  in  the  name  of  Jupiter,"  said  Niceratus,  "  for  I 
am  going  to  borrow  of  him  the  privilege  of  wanting  nothing  ; 

1  'Ek  rfjg  i\jvxiiQ  rajuttvojuai.]  I  endeavour,  by  cherishing  temper- 
ance and  contentment  in  my  mind,  to  repress  the  desire  of  delicacies  and 
superfluities  in  eating  and  drinking.  See  Mem.  Soc.  i.  3.  3;  Apol.  Soc, 
sect.  18. 

2  A  sort  of  wine  greatly  in  repute,  as  appears  from  Pliny  and 
Athena;  us. 


172  THE    BANQUET.  [CH.  4. 

since  I,  for  my  part,  having  been  instructed  by  Homer  to 
reckon  thus, 

"E7rr'  airvpovg  Tp'nrodag,  dkica  dk  xyvoolo  rdXavra, 
A'LOiovag  8k  XefirjTag  it'iKoai,  8<i)8eica  8'  'LirirovQ. 

'  seven  three-footed  goblets  that  are  not  put  on  the  fire,  ten 
talents  of  gold,  twenty  bright  vases,  and  twelve  horses,'  never 
cease  desiring  to  have  as  much  wealth  as  possible  by  weight 
and  measure  ;  whence  I  may  perhaps  appear  to  some  peo- 
ple to  be  too  covetous  of  money."  At  this  they  all  laughed, 
thinking  that  he  had  spoken  what  was  true. 

46.  Some  one  then  said,  "  It  is  now  your  business,  Hermo- 
genes,  to  speak  of  your  friends,  and  to  tell  us  who  they  are, 
and  show  that  they  are  persons  of  great  power,  and  have 
a  regard  for  you,  that  you  may  be  thought  justly  to  value 
yourself  upon  them."  47.  "  It  is  then  evident,"  said  Hermo- 
genes,  "  that  both  Greeks  and  barbarians  consider  that  the 
gods  know  all  things,  not  only  present  but  future  ;  at  least 
all  states  and  nations  inquire  of  the  gods  by  divination  what 
they  ought  or  not  to  do.  It  is  also  manifest  that  we  think 
they  are  able  to  do  us  good  or  harm  ;  at  least  all  men  entreat 
the  gods  to  avert  from  them  what  is  evil,  and  to  grant  them 
what  is  good.  48.  But  these  gods,  who  know  everything, 
and  can  do  everything,  are  so  much  my  friends,  that,  from  the 
attention  which  they  pay  me,  it  is  never  unknown  to  them, 
either  by  night  or  by  day,  whither  I  am  going  or  what  I  in- 
tend to  do.  And  as  they  foreknow  what  will  be  the  result  of 
every  individual  action,  they  intimate  to  me,  by  sending,  as 
messengers,  omens,  or  dreams,  or  auguries,  what  course  of 
conduct  I  should  pursue,  or  what  course  I  should  avoid ;  and 
when  I  obey  them,  I  never  have  cause  to  repent,  but  for  dis- 
obedience to  them  I  have  already,  on  more  occasions  than 
one,  suffered  punishment."  49.  "  Nothing  in  all  this  is 
incredible,"  said  Socrates  ;  "  but  I  would  gladly  learn  how  it 
is  that  you  worship  them  to  make  them  so  much  your  friends." 
"  It  is  done  at  very  little  cost,  certainly,"  replied  Hermo- 
genes,  "  for  I  praise  them  without  putting  myself  to  any  ex- 
pense ;  I  am  always  ready  to  give  them,  in  return,  a  portion 
'){  what  they  have    given    me;1     I    speak    reverentially  of 

-  Hermogenes  means  soundness  of  mind,  piety  and  gratitude  towards 


§    60 — 55.]    PHILIPPTJS's    LOVE    OF    BUFFOONERY.  173 

them,  as  far  as  I  can,  on  all  occasions  ;  and  in  whatever 
transactions  I  call  them  to  witness,  I  never  willingly  depart 
from  truth."  "  Assuredly,  then,"  said  Socrates,  "  if  it  is  by 
such  conduct  that  you  make  the  gods  your  friends,  they  take 
delight,  as  is  apparent,  in  honour  and  virtue."  50.  This  part 
of  the  conversation  was  thus  seriously  brought  to  a  close. 

But  when  they  came  to  Philippus,  they  asked  him  what  he 
saw  in  buffoonery  that  he  prided  himself  so  much  upon  it. 
"  Is  it  not  with  good  reason,"  replied  he,  "  when  all  people, 
whenever  they  meet  with  any  good  fortune,  invite  me,  know- 
ing that  I  am  a  buffoon,  to  enjoy  it  with  them  ;  but  when  they 
incur  any  ill  fortune,  run  away  from  me  without  looking 
back,  fearing  that  I  may  make  them  laugh  in  spite  of  them- 
selves?" 51.  "By  Jupiter,"  exclaimed  Niceratus,  "you  do 
indeed  justly  value  yourself  on  your  profession  ;  for  as  for 
me,  on  the  contrary,  such  of  my  friends  as  are  in  prosperity 
flee  from  the  sight  of  me,  but  such  as  fall  into  misfortune 
count  their  degrees  of  relationship  to  me,  and  never  let  me 
alone." 

52.  "  Perhaps  such  may  be  the  case,"  said  Charmides  ; 
"  but  as  for  you,  Syracusan,  on  what  do  you  value  yourself  ? 
Doubtless  it  is  upon  your  boy."  "  No,  by  Jupiter,"  replied 
he,  "  not  at  all,  since  I  am  ever  in  the  greatest  fear  about  him ; 
for  I  see  that  certain  people  are  plotting  how  to  work  his 
ruin."  53.  Socrates,  hearing  this,  said,  "  In  what  respect  dc 
they  think  they  have  been  so  much  injured  by  your  boy  as  to 
wish  to  destroy  him  ?  "  "  They  do  not  indeed  wish  entirely 
to  destroy  him,"  said  the  Syracusan,  "but  to  induce  him 
to  sleep  with  them."  "  You  think,  then,  as  you  seem  to 
indicate,  that  he  would  be  ruined  if  this  should  take  place." 
"  Undoubtedly,  by  Jupiter,"  replied  the  Syracusan.  54.  "Do 
not  you  yourself,  then,"  asked  Socrates,  "  sleep  with  him  ?  " 
"  Certainly,"  replied  he,  "  all  night  and  every  night."  "  By 
Juno,  then,"  exclaimed  Socrates,  "  it  is  a  great  good  f  .rtune 
to  you  to  have  been  born  with  such  a  skin  that  you  alone  do 
not  ruin  those  who  sleep  with  you  ;  so  that  you  may  very  rea 
sonably  value  yourself,  if  upon  nothing  else,  at  least  upon  youi 
skin."     55.  "  Yet  assuredly,"  said  the  Syracusan,  "  I  do  no 

the  gods,  which  he  is  pleased  to  feel  through  their  goodness,  and  of  -which, 
by  his  prayers,  praise,  and  thankfulness,  he  offers  them  as  it  were  a  re 
turn.     Sohneider 


174  THE    BANQUET.  fCH,  4. 

value  myself  upon  it."  "Upon  what,  then?"  asked  Socrates. 
"  Upon  finding  fools,  by  Jupiter,"  returned  he  ;  "  for  it  is 
they  that  by  looking  at  my  puppets  find  me  maintenance." 
"It  was  then  for  this  reason,"  said  Philippus,  "that  I  lately 
heard  you  praying  the  gods  to  give,  wherever  you  might  be, 
abundance  of  food  and  scarcity  of  understanding." 

56.  "  Well,"  said  Callias,  "  but  what  have  you  to  say,  So- 
crates, to  convince  us  that  it  is  justifiable  in  you  to  value 
yourself  on  the  art  of  which  you  just  now  spoke,  and  which 
is  accounted  so  dishonourable  ?  " l  Socrates  replied,  "  Let  us 
first  settle  between  us  what  the  business  of  a  procurer  is  ;  and 
whatever  questions  I  ask,  do  not  refuse  to  answer,  that  we 
may  know  what  it  is  that  we  settle.  Does  this  meet  with  your 
approval  ?  "  "  Assuredly,"  said  they ;  and  when  they  had 
once  said  "Assuredly,"  they  all  continued  afterwards  to 
answer  in  the  same  way.  57.  "  Does  it  then  appear  to  you  to  be 
the  business  of  a  good  procurer/'  said  he,  "to  render  him  or 
her,  whom  he  gets  into  his  hands,  pleasing  to  those  with  whom 
he  or  she  is  to  associate  ?  "  Assuredly,"  said  they.  "  Does 
not  one  means  of  pleasing,  then,  consist  in  having  a  graceful 
arrangement  of  the  hair  and  dress  ?  "  "  Assuredly,"  said  they. 
58.  "  Are  we  not  aware,  too,  that  it  is  possible  for  a  person  to 
look  upon  others  kindly  or  unkindly  with  the  same  eyes  ?  " 
"  Assuredly."  "  Is  it  not  possible  also  to  speak  modestly  or  boldly 
with  the  same  voice  ?  "  "  Assuredly."  "  Are  there  not  likewise 
some  modes  of  address  that  provoke  dislike,  and  others  that 
conciliate  regard  ?  "  "  Assuredly."  59.  "  Of  these,  then,  a 
good  procurer  would  teach  those  which  have  a  tendency  to 
please  ?"  "  Assuredly."  "And  which  of  the  two  would  be 
better  in  his  profession,  he  who  should  render  those  under  his 
care  able  to  please  one  only,  or  he  who  should  make  them 
capable  of  pleasing  many  ?  "  Here,  however,  the  company 
differed  in  their  mode  of  replying,  and  some  said,  "  It  is  plain 
that  he  is  the  better  who  can  teach  how  to  please  most,"  while 
the  rest  answered,  "  Assuredly."  60.  Socrates,  observing 
that  they  were  then  agreed  however  on  this  point,  proceeded  to 
say,  "  And  if  any  one  could  qualify  people  to  please  the  whole 
state,  would  he  not  at  once  be  considered  an  extremely  excel- 
lent conciliator  ?  "  "  Indisputably,"  said  they  all.  "If  any  one 
therefore  can  form  those  whom  he  takes  under  his  care  into 
such  characters,  hf>  may  justly  value  himself  on  his  art,  and 

1  See  c.  3,  sect  10. 


§    til — 64.]  ANTISTHENES    A    CONCILIATOR.  175 

justly  receive  large  sums  for  his  instruction  ?"  61.  As  they  all 
agreed  to  this,  "Then,"  said  Socrates,  "  our  friend  Antisthenes 
here  appears  to  me  to  be  a  conciliator  of  that  kind."  "  What ! " 
exclaimed  Antisthenes,  "  do  you  attribute  this  art  to  me, 
Socrates  ?  "  "  Yes,  undoubtedly,"  replied  Socrates  ;  "  for  I 
see  you  practising  with  great  diligence  the  art  which  is  con- 
stantly attendant  on  it."  "  What  art  is  that  ?"  inquired  An- 
tisthenes. "  The  art  of  seduction,"  replied  Socrates.  62.  An- 
tisthenes was  then  seriously  displeased,  and  said,  "  What  are 
you  aware  that  I  have  committed  of  this  kind,  Socrates  ?" 
"  I  am  aware,"  replied  Socrates,  "  that  you  seduced  our  friend 
Callias  here  to  visit  the  wise  Prodicus,  because  you  saw  that 
the  one  was  in  love  with  philosophy,  and  that  the  other  was 
in  want  of  money ;  I  am  aware  that  you  seduced  him,  too,  to 
go  to  Hippias  of  Elis,  from  whom  he  learned  the  art  of 
memory,  in  consequence .  of  which  he  has  grown  still  more 
amorous  than  before,  because,  whatever  beautiful  object  he 
sees,  he  never  forgets  it.  63.  Lately,  also,  after  recommend- 
ing a  stranger  from  Heracleia1  in  my  hearing,  and  making 
me  desirous  of  seeing  him,  you  presented  him  to  me  ;  and  I 
am  thankful  to  you  for  having  done  so,  for  he  seems  to  me  to 
be  a  man  of  honour  and  virtue.  Did  you  not  likewise,  by 
praising  iEschylus  of  Phlius  to  me,  and  me  to  him,  affect  us 
both  in  such  a  manner,  through  what  you  said,  that  we  ran 
about  like  dogs  seeking  for  one  another  ?  64.  Seeing,  then, 
that  you  are  able  to  do  such  things,  I  consider  you  to  be  an 
excellent  conciliator ;  for  he  who  is  able  to  distinguish  such 
as  are  useful  to  themselves,  and  can  render  them  desirous  of 
the  company  of  one  another,  appears  to  me  capable  of  placing 
whole  communities  on  friendly  terms,  of  promoting  suitable 
marriages,  and  of  becoming  a  person  of  great  consequence  to  be 
gained  both  by  states  and  private  friends  and  allies  ?  Yet 
you  were  angry,  as  if  you  had  been  calumniated,  because  I 
said  that  you  were  a  skilful  conciliator."  "  However,  I  am 
not  so  now,  assuredly,"  replied  Antisthenes  ;  "  for  if  I  can  do 
such  things,  I  shall  have  my  mind  fully  stored  with  riches."  2 
This  part  of  the  conversation  then  came  to  a  termination. 

1  Bach  and  Weiske  suppose  that  Zeuxippus  the  painter  is  meant,  re- 
ferring to  Plato's  Protaguias,  p.  103,  where  he  is  said  to  have  been  then 
at  Athens. 

2  IZeaayiJiivoQ — ttXovtov  ri\v  ^f/v^ijv  ivo/iai.]  "1  shall  be  packed 
close  as  to  my  mind  with  riches  " 


176  THE     BANQUET.  [CH.  5. 


CHAPTER  V. 

A  discussion  between  Critobulus  and  Socrates  on  the  comparative  beauty  ot 
their  persons.  Socrates  enlarges  on  the  attractions  of  his  features,  but, 
being  pronounced  less  handsome  than  Critobulus,  complains  that  the 
judges  had  been  bribed  to  give  sentence  against  him. 

1.  Callias  then  said,  "  But  are  not  you,  Critobulus,  going 
to  enter  the  lists  with  Socrates  on  the  question  of  beauty  ?  " 
"  Possibly  not,"  said  Socrates,  "  for  perhaps  he  sees  that  the 
conciliator l  is  in  some  favour  with  the  judges."  2  2.  "  Never- 
theless," rejoined  Critobulus,  "  I  do  not  shrink  from  the  con- 
test ;  prove,  therefore,  if  you  have  any  efficient  argument, 
that  you  are  more  beautiful  than  I  am  ;  only,"  added  he,  "  let 
the  attendant  bring  the  lamp  close  to  us." 3  "I  challenge 
you,  then,  first,"  said  Socrates,  "  to  an  examination  of  the 
question  ;  and  do  you  reply  to  my  interrogatories."  "  Question 
me,  then,"  said  Critobulus.  3.  "  Whether,  therefore,"  asked 
Socrates,  "  do  you  think  that  beauty  exists  in  man  only,  or  in 
any  other  object  likewise?"  "I  certainly  think,"  replied 
Critobulus,  "  that  it  exists  also  in  horses,  and  oxen,  and  in 
many  inanimate  objects.  I  know  at  least  that  there  are 
beautiful  shields,  and  swords,  and  spears."  4.  "  And  how  is 
it  possible,"  said  Socrates,  "  that  these  objects,  which  are  not 
all  similar  one  to  another,  should  be  all  beautiful  ?  "  "  If 
they  be  well  formed  for  the  purposes  for  which  we  respectively 
employ  them,"  said  Critobulus,  "  or  well  adapted  by  nature 
for  that  for  which  we  want  them,  they  will  also  assuredly  be 
beautiful." 4  5.  "  Do  you  know,  then,"  said  Socrates,  "  for 
what  purpose  we  want  eyes  ?  "  "  Plainly,"  returned  Critobu- 
lus, "  for  the  purpose  of  seeing."  "  Then  in  that  case  my 
?yes  will  be  more  beautiful  than  yours."     "  How,  I  pray  ?  " 

i  Because  yours  see  only  what  is  straight  before  you,  but  mine 
see  also  what  is  on  each  side  of  them,  from  being  prominent  ?" 

J  You  say,  then,"  rejoined  Critobulus,  "  that  the  crab  has  the 

1  Tbv  fia<rrpo7r6v,  literally  the  procurer  or  pander.     See  c.  3,  sect.  10. 

2  Meaning  the  guests,  the  company  in  general.  See  c.  4,  sect.  20, 
Weiske. 

3  In  order  that  our  features  may  be  plainly  seen.     Comp.  sect.  9. 
*  See  Mem.  Soc.  iii.  8.  4 


§    6 10.J  OF    BEAUTY.  177 

best  eyes  of  all  animals  ?"  l  "  Undoubtedly,"  replied  Socrates, 
"  since  it   has   them  also  excellently  adapted  lor  security." 2 

6.  "  Be  it  so,"  said  Critobulus  ;  "  but  which  of  our  noses  is  the 
more  beautiful,  yours  or  mine?"  "I  certainly  think  that 
mine  is  the  more  beautiful,"  replied  Socrates,  "  if  the  gods 
made  noses  for  the  purpose  of  smelling;  for  your  nostrils  look 
to  the  ground,  but  mine  are  expanded  upwards,  so  as  to  catch 
scents  from  all  quarters?"  "But  how  can  a  flat  nose  be 
more  beautiful  than  a  straight  one?"  "Because,"  answered 
Socrates,  "  it  is  no  obstruction  to  the  eyes;  but  allows  them 
to  see  whatever  they  wish;  but  a  high  nose,  as  if  it  designed 
to  do  harm,  parts  the  eyes  by  a  kind  of  obstructing  wall." 

7.  "  As  to  the  mouth,"  continued  Critobulus,  "  I  yield  you  the 
superiority ;  for  if  a  mouth  be  made  for  the  purpose  of  biting, 
you  would  bite  off  much  larger  pieces  from  anything  than  I ; 
and,  as  you  have  thick  lips,  do  you  not  think  that  your  kiss  is 
softer  than  mine?"  "  I  seem,"  returned  Socrates,  "  accord- 
ing to  your  description,  to  have  a  mouth  even  more  ugly  than 
that  of  an  ass.  But  do  you  not  think  this  a  proof  that  I 
am  more  beautiful  than  you,  namely,  that  the  Naiads,  who  are 
goddesses,  are  the  mothers  of  the  Sileni, 3  who  resemble  me 
far  more  than  you?"  8.  To  this  Critobulus  replied,  "1  am 
no  longer  able  to  maintain  the  contest  with  you,  Socrates; 
let  them  therefore  distribute  the  pebbles  for  voting,  that  I 
may  know  at  once  what  penalty  I  must  suffer  or  pay.4 
Only,"  added  he,  "let  them  give  their  votes  secretly,  for  1 
fear  lest  that  wealth  of  yours,  and  that  of  Antisthenes,5  should 
be  too  strong  for  me."  9.  The  girl  and  boy,  accordingly, 
distributed  the  pebbles  secretly.  Socrates,  at  the  same  time, 
desired  the  attendant  to  bring  the  lamp  opposite  Critobulus, 
that  the  judges  might  not  be  deceived,  and  requested  that  the 
distinctions  assigned  by  the  judges  might  not  be  chaplets,  but 
kisses.6-    10.  When  the  pebbles  were  emptied  out,  however, 

■  '  Because  they  are  compound,  capable  of  looking  several  ways  at  ones.. 
2  Ylpbe,  iaxivJ]  Because  the  crab  has  hard  eyes.     Schneider. 
-3   Mothers  of  the  Sileni  by  the  Satyrs,  according  to  Ovid,  Pont,  iv 
16,  35.     Comp.  c.  4,  sect.  19. 

4  Tla9t~iv  r]  cnroTlcrat,.]   A  legal  phrase. 

5  The  wealth  which  Antisthenes  boasted  that  he  had  received  from 
Socrates,  c.  4,  sect.  43.     Schneider. 

•  Who  was  to  kiss  the  victor  is  not  apparent.     See  however  c.  6,  sect.  1. 
Schneider  supposes  that  Socrates,  by  "  the  judges,"  means  the  boy  and 

VOL.    ill.  *- 


178  THE    BANQUET.  [CH.  6. 

and  were  all  in  favour  of  Critobulus,  "Ah!"  exclaimed 
Socrates,  "  your  wealth,  Critobulus,  does  not  seem  to  be  like 
that  of  Callias;  for  his  makes  people  more  honest,  but  yours,  like 
wealth  in  general,  is  capable  of  corrupting  both  umpires  and 
judges/' 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Socrates  engages  in  a  discussion  with  Hermogenes.     The  Syracusan  speak* 
impertinently  to  Socrates,  and  is  repressed  by  him  and  Antisthenes. 

i.  Immediately  afterwards,  some  desired  Critobulus  to 
claim  the  prizes  of  his  victory,  kisses ;  others  bade  him  ob- 
tain the  consent  of  the  master,1  others  jested  in  other  ways. 
Hermogenes,  however,  then  also  continued  silent.2  But 
Socrates,  addressing  him  by  name,  said,  "  Could  you  tell  us, 
Hermogenes,  what  irapoivia  is  ?  "  "  If  you  ask  what  it  is 
absolutely,"  replied  Hermogenes,  "  I  must  say  that  I  do  not 
know ;  but  I  will  tell  you  what  it  appears  to  me  to  be."  2. 
"  That  will  satisfy  me,"  said  Socrates.  "  I  consider  than," 
said  Hermogenes,  "  that  to  cause  annoyance  over  your  wine  to 
those  with  whom  you  associate,  is  irapoivla."  "  Do  you  know, 
then,  that  you  now  cause  us  annoyance  by  continuing  silent?" 
"  Even  while  you  are  speaking  ?"  asked  Hermogenes.  "No," 
replied  Socrates,  "but  when  we  come  to  a  pause  in  speaking." 
'•'  Are  you  not  aware,  then,"  rejoined  Hermogenes,  "  that  a 
person  could  not  insert  even  a  hair,  much  less  a  speech,  be- 
tween the  portions  of  your  conversation?"  3.  Socrates  then 
said,  "  Can  you,  Callias,  give  any  support  to  a  man  who  has 
the  worst  of  the  argument?"3     "I   can,"  returned  Callias, 

girl  who  were  collecting  the  votes;  but  this  supposition  is  surely  inad- 
missible.    See  sect.  1. 

1  Tbv  Kvpiov.]  Schneider,  Weiske,  and  Zeune,  all  suppose  that  the 
Syracusan  is  meant  (the  master  of  the  boy  and  girl  that  collected  the 
votes),  whose  consent  Critobulus  must  obtain  before  he  could  kiss  the 
boy  and  girl. 

2  He  had  been  silent  for  some  time  before. 

3  Socrates  means  himself.  Callias  replies  that  he  can  silence  Socrates'a 
adversary,  since,  when  the  music  began  to  play,  the  company  would  be  all 
alike  silent. 


§  4 — 8. J       SOCRATES  AND  THE  SYRACUSAN.         179 

"  for  when  the  flute  begins  to  play,  we  shall  be  all  silenced 
together."  "  Would  you  consent,  then,"  said  Hermogenes, 
*'  that  as  Nicostratus  the  actor  used  to  recite  tetrameter 
Aarabics  to  the  sound  of  the  flute,  so  I,  likewise,  should  converse 
with  you  to  the  sound  of  the  flute  ?  "  4.  "Do  so,  in  the  name 
of  the  gods,"  said  Socrates ;  "  for  as  a  song  is  sweeter  when 
sung  to  the  flute,  so  I  suppose  that  your  words  will  receive 
something  more  of  sweetness  from  the  musical  notes,  especi- 
ally if  you  unite  gesture  to  your  speech,  as  the  girl  that 
plays  on  the  flute  does."  5.  Callias  then  asked,  "  When  Antis- 
thenes,  therefore,  defeats  any  one  of  the  company  in  argu- 
ment, what  sort  of  music  shall  be  played  ?"  "I  think  that 
the  music  best  adapted  to  the  person  defeated,"  replied  Antis- 
thenes,  "  must  be  of  a  hissing  character."  l 

6.  While  such  conversation  was  going  on,  the  Syracusan, 
observing  that  the  company  paid  no  attention  to  his  exhibition, 
but  were  entertaining  one  another,  felt  displeased  with  So- 
crates, and  said  to  him,  "  Is  it  you,  Socrates,  that  are  called 
the  contemplator?"  2  "  It  is  certainly  better  to  be  called  so,"  re- 
plied Socrates,  "than  to  be  called  incapable  of  contempla- 
tion." "  Yes,  if  you  were  not  thought  to  be  a  contemplator 
of  sublimities  ?"  7.  "Do  you  know  anything,  then,"  asked  So- 
crates, "  more  sublime  than  the  gods  ?  "  "  But,  by  Jupiter," 
returned  the  Syracusan,  "  people  say  that  you  do  not  attend 
to  such  subjects,  but  to  things  utterly  above  our  concern." 
';  Even  so,"  continued  Socrates,  "  I  should  attend  to  the  gods; 
for  they,  being  above  us,  send  us  blessings  from  above,  and 
supply  us  with  light  from  above.3  If  I  make  poor  puns,  you 
are  to  blame  for  troubling  me  with  your  questions."  8. 
"  Say  nothing  more  of  this,  then,"  rejoined  the  Syracusan, 
"  but  tell  me  how  many  skips  of  a  flea  4  you  are  distant  from 

1  2t»piy/x6v.]  Socrates  plays  on  the  ambiguity  of  the  word,  which 
means  both  the  sound  of  a  musical  pipe  and  hissing,  such  as  is  bestowed 
on  a  bad  actor  on  the  stage.     Schneider. 

2  QpovTiorfiQ.]  A  term  of  reproach  applied  to  Socrates.  See  %ristoph. 
Nub.  357. 

3  In  the  text  there  is  a  play  on  the  words  avtotytXiOTaTog  ana  avuiOev, 
of  which  I  have  endeavoured  to  give  some  imitation.  Socrates  speaks  as 
if  the  word  avw0e\?)c  were  compounded  of  dvu)  and  uxpiXkio. 

*  See  Aristoph.  Nub.  144.  I  read  with  Dindorf,  ttooovq  ipvWrjg  wodac 
Ifiov  aTrkxit-Q.  The  common  reading,  ttooovq  tyvWa  ttoSoq  t./zof'  airk%u, 
has  displeased  all  the  commentators. 

*  2 


180  THE  BANQUET.  [CH.  7. 

-me  ;  for  they  say  that  you  measure  such  distances."  Antis* 
thenes  here  interrupted  him  by  saying,  "  You,  Philippus,  are 
acute  at  making  comparisons; ]  does  not  this  man  appear  to  you 
to  be  very  like  a  person  desirous  to  offer  an  insult?"  "  Yes,  by 
Jupiter,"  replied  Philippus,  "  and  he  appears  so  to  many  other 
people."  9.  "  Nevertheless,"  said  Socrates,  "  do  not  compare 
him  to  anything,  lest  you  yourself  should  appear  like  a  person 
offering  an  insult."  "  But  if  I  should  compare  him  to  every- 
thing that  is  good  and  excellent,  any  one  might  then,  surely, 
with  justice  compare  me  to  a  person  bestowing  praise,  rather 
than  offering  an  insult."  "  No  ;  for  even  now  you  resemble 
a  person  offering  an  insult,  if  you  say  that  everything  in  him 
is  excellent."2  "  Would  you  wish  me,  then,  to  compare  him 
to  what  is  of  an  inferior  character  ?  "  "  No  ;  nor  to  anything 
that  is  of  an  inferior  character."  "  To  nothing  at  all,  then  ?" 
"Compare  him  to  nothing  at  all."3  "But,  if  I  am  silent,  I 
do  not  know  how  I  shall  acquit  myself  as  becomes  the  enter- 
tainment." "Very  easily,"  rejoined  Socrates,  "if  you  are 
silent  in  regard  to  what  you  ought  not  to  say."  Thus  termi- 
nated this  affray  over  the  wine. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Socrates  recommends  the  Syracusan  to  exhibit  some  more  rational  enter- 
tainment. 

l.  After  this,  some  of  the  others  encouraged  Philippus  to 
proceed  with  his  comparisons ;  but  some  dissuaded  him.  As 
a  noise  arose,  Socrates  again  began  to  speak,  and  observed, 

1  Aeivbg — tiKa^eiv.j  Philippus,  as  a  buffoon,  ridiculed  people  by 
imitating  their  gestures,  or  by  ludicrous  comparisons.     Schneider. 

2  Ei  irdvT'  aiirov  f3e\.Tiu)  cpyg  dvai.~\  Weiske  supposes  that  ttclvt' 
avrov  is  for  Travra  rd  kv  avri^,  and  that  the  sense  is  si  dicas  omnia  in  eo 
meliora  esse  qudm  vere  sunt.  No  other  critic  has  found  out  any  better 
interpretation.      But  he  would  be  well  content  to  read  /JtXncrra  for 

3  MrjSevi  fii]!)k  tovtov  t"«ca^e  ]  By  altering  tovtiov,  the  old  reading, 
into  rovrov,  Dindorf  has  given  the  proper  sense  to  these  words. 


§    2 — 0.]  OF    AMUSEMENTS.  181 

"  Since  we  are  all  now  eager  to  speak,  might  we  not  all  very 
well  sing  together  ?"  As  he  uttered  these  word?,  he  began 
himself  to  sing.  2.  When  he  nad  ended  his  song,  there 
was  brought  in  a  wheel,  such  as  potters  use,  for  the  dancing 
girl,  on  which  she  was  to  perform  surprising  feats."  Socrates 
then  said,  "  I  shall  now  be  in  danger  of  being  in  reality,  as 
you  say  that  I  am,  a  contemplator ;  for  I  am  considering  how 
this  boy  and  girl  of  yours  may  most  conveniently  perform, 
and  how  we  may  have  most  satisfaction  in  looking  at  them, 
as  I  know  that  you  also  desire.  3.  It  seems  to  me,  then,  that  to 
leap  head  foremost  among  the  swords  is  a  performance  of 
danger  not  at  all  suited  to  an  entertainment  of  this  kind  ;  and 
to  write  and  read  upon  the  hoop  while  it  is  twirling  round  is 
perhaps  a  wonderful  exhibition,  but  I  do  not  know  what  plea- 
sure even  that  can  afford.  Nor  is  it  at  all  more  agreeable 
to  see  beautiful  and  elegant  persons  distorting  their  bodies, 
and  imitating  hoops,  than  remaining  at  rest.  4.  Nor  is  it  at 
all  rare  to  meet  with  surprising  phenomena,  if  a  person  wishes 
to  do  so  ;  for  we  may  well  wonder  at  things  immediately  be-*- 
fore  uSj  as  for  example,  why  that  lamp,  from  having  a  bright 
flame,  affords  us  light,  while  the  brazen  part  of  it,1  though 
extremely  bright,  gives  no  light,  and  yet  at  the  same  time 
reflects  in  it  other  visible  objects  ;  and  how  oil,  which  is  liquid, 
increases  that  flame,  while  water,  merely  because  it  is  a  liquid, 
puts  out  fire.  But  such  questions  have  not  the  same  tendency 
as  wine.2  5.  However,  if  the  boy  and  girl  should  dance  to 
the  flute  in  the  manner  in  which  the  Graces,  and  Hours,  and 
Nymphs  are  painted,  I  think  that  they  would  perform  their 
task  with  much  greater  pleasure,  and  that  our  entertainment 
would  receive  a  great  increase  of  attraction."  "By  Jupiter, 
Socrates,"  exclaimed  the  Syracusan,  "you  say  well,  and  I 
will  introduce  some  representations  with  which  you  will  be 
pleased." 

1  To  8e  xa^Kelo?'.]  Weiske  and  Zeune  thought  that  a  brazen  mirror, 
placed  somewhere  in  the  apartment,  was  meant.  Schneider,  with  better 
reason,  supposed  that  the  brass  of  the  lamp  was  intended 

?  That  is,  a  tendency  to  exhilarate  the  spirits.     Schneider. 


182  THE  BANQUET.  ^CH.  8. 


CHAPTER  VIIL 

Socrates  discourses  on  love,  and  jocosely  complains  of  the  annoyance  which 
he  receives  from  the  constant  attendance  of  Antisthenes.  He  observes  that 
there  are  two  kinds  of  love,  and  exhorts  his  hearers,  and  especially  Callias, 
to  pursue  the  more  honourable  kind. 

l.  The  Syracusan  accordingly  went  out  and  began  to  pre- 
pare himself ; l  while  Socrates  again  entered  on  a  new  subject 
of  conversation.  "  Is  it  right,"  said  he,  "  my  friends,  when  a 
great  deity  is  present  among  us,  one  who  is  equal  in  age  to 
the  gods  that  have  always  existed,  who  is  extremely  youthful 
in  form,  who  embraces  everything  in  the  extent  of  his  power, 
and  yet  lets  himself  down  to  an  equality  with  the  soul  of  man, 
I  mean  Love,  for  us  to  neglect  to  pay  respect  to  him,  especi- 
ally when  we  are  all  votaries  of  that  deity?  2.  For  myself,  I  can- 
not refer  to  any  period  of  my  life,  in  which  I  was  not  in  love 
with  somebody.  As  for  Charmides  here,  I  know  that  he  has 
many  in  love  with  him,  and  that  there  are  some  with  whom 
he  himself  has  been  also  in  love.  Critobulus,  certainly,  is 
both  loved  and  has  love  for  others.  3.  Niceratus,  too,  as  I 
hear,  is  in  love  with  his  wife,  and  is  loved  by  her  in  return. 
As  to  Hermogenes,  which  of  us  does  not  know  that  he  is 
pining  for  love  of  honour,  whatever  honour  is  ?  Do  you  not 
see  how  serious  his  brow  is,  how  settled  his  eye,  how  mild  his 
words,  how  gentle  his  tone,  how  pleasing  his  manner  ?  Yet, 
though  he  enjoys  the  favour  of  the  most  worshipful  of  the 
deities,  he  does  not  neglect  us  men.  4.  And  do  you  alone, 
Antisthenes,  love  no  one?"  "Nay,  by  all  the  gods,"  replied 
Antisthenes,  "  I  love  you  with  all  my  heart."  Socrates,  as  if 
he  were  somewhat  offended,  rejoined  jestingly,  "Give  me  no 
trouble  on  that  subject  at  present,  for,  as  you  see,  I  am  fixing 
my  attention  on  something  else."  5.  "  How  constantly,"  ex- 
claimed Antisthenes,  "  do  you,  master  of  the  affections  of 
others  as  you  are,2  act  undisguisedly  thus  !  for  sometimes  you 

1  'EvveicpoTsiTo.]  Se  componebat,  instituebat,  settled  what  should  be 
acted,  and  in  what  way.  Weiske.  So  crvyKtKporrjfisvai  vavg,  Hellen. 
vi.  2.  12,  signifies  "ships  fully  equipped."     Schneider. 

*  Maorpoirk  gclvtov!]  You  who  are  in  the  habit  of  bringing  others  to 
love  you.  Weiske.  He  did  not  mind  giving  his  friends  a  repulse  at 
times,  for  he  knew  that  he  could  easily  attraci  them  to  him  again. 


§6—13.]  or  love.  183 

avoid  conversing  with  me,  because  you  pretend  to  have  been 
prohibited  by  your  demon,  and  sometimes  because  you  want 
to  attend  to  something  else."  6.  "  In  the  name  of  the  gods. 
Antisthenes,"  rejoined  Socrates,  " forbear  at  least  from  killing 
me  ;l  all  other  trouble  from  you  I  bear,  and  will  continue  to 
bear,  with  friendly  feelings,  but  let  us  conceal  your  love  for  me, 
since  it  is  love,  not  for  my  understanding,  but  for  my  beauty. 
7.  That  you,  Callias,"  he  continued,  "  love  Autolycus,the  whole 
city  knows,  and,  I  suppose,  many  foreigners.  One  cause  of 
this  love  between  you  is,  that  you  are  both  sons  of  celebrated 
fathers,  and  are  yourselves  distinguished.  8.  I  have  always 
admired  your  disposition,  and  I  now  admire  it  much  more,  as 
I  see  that  you  are  in  love,  not  with  one  who  prides  himself 
on  his  delicacy,  and  is  corrupted  with  effeminate  pleasure,  but 
with  one  who  manifests  vigour,  and  endurance,  and  fortitude, 
and  temperance.  9.  Whether,  indeed,  there  be  one  Venus  or 
two,2  a  celestial  and  a  vulgar,  I  do  not  know  (for  Jupiter, 
who  is  thought  to  be  but  one  and  the  same,  has  many  appella- 
tions), but  that  there  are  altars,  and  temples,  and  sacrifices, 
for  each  of  them  separately,  the  more  licentious  for  the  vulgar, 
and  the  more  pure  for  the  celestial,  I  am  very  well  aware.  10. 
You  may  conjecture,  too,  that  the  vulgar  Venus  inspires  man- 
kind with  the  love  of  the  body  only,  but  the  celestial  Venus 
with  the  love  of  the  soul,  of  friendship,  and  of  honourable 
deeds  ;  with  which  love  you,  my  dear  Callias,  appear  tome  to  be 
influenced.  1 1.  I  conceive  this  from  the  honourable  and  virtuous 
character  of  the  object  of  your  love,  and  from  seeing  that  his 
father  admits  you  to  intercourse  with  him ;  for  with  one  who 
entertains  a  pure  and  honourable  affection,  there  is  nothing  in 
such  matters  to  conceal  from  a  father."  12.  "  By  Juno,  Socrates," 
observed  Hermogenes,  "  I  not  only  admire  you  on  other  ac- 
counts, but  because  you  now  at  once  gratify  Callias  by  your 
praises,  and  teach  him  what  he  ought  to  be."  "  I  certainly 
mean  to  do  so,"  rejoined  Socrates,  "  and  that  he  may  be  still 
more  pleased,  I  wish  to  testify  to  him  how  much  better  the  love 
of  the  mind  is  than  that  of  the  body.  13.  For  that  there  is 
no  society,  worthy  of  any  account,  without  friendship,  we  all 
know ;  and  to  love,  in  those  who  admire  the  dispositions  of 

1  Movov  jut)  avyKo^iyg  fia.~j     Ne  nimium  mihi  obtandas,  ne  conficiat 
me,  exanimes.     Weiske. 
8  See  Plato,  Sympos.  c.  8. 


184  THE    BANQUET.  [OH.    8. 

one  another,  is  called  an  intimate  and  spontaneous  connexion  ; 
but  of  those  who  lov3  the  body,  many  censure  and  dislike  the 
character  of  those  that  they  love.1  14.  But  if  they  found 
their  love  on  the  two  united,  the  prime  of  beauty  soon  passes 
off,  and  when  this  fails,  affection  must  decay  at  the  same  time ; 
while  the  mind,  as  long  as  it  continues  to  improve  in  under- 
standing, grows  more  and  more  deserving  of  love.  15.  In  the 
enjoyment  of  beauty,  too,  satiety  arises  ;  and  consequently,  as 
we  are  affected  in  regard  to  food,  from  being  satisfied,  so  we 
must  likewise  be  affected,  from  the  same  cause,  in  regard  to 
objects  of  corporeal  love  ;  but  the  love  of  the  mind,  from  being 
pure,  is  also  less  liable  to  satiety,  and  yet  is  not  on  this  ac- 
count, as  any  one  might  suppose,  the  less  attended  with  plea- 
sure ;  but  the  prayer  in  which  we  entreat  the  goddess  to 
grant  that  what  we  say  and  do  may  be  lovely r,  is  plainly  ac- 
complished. 16.  For  that  a  soul  which  grows  up  in  a  noble 
form,  and  with  modest  and  generous  feelings,  and  which  is  at 
onc.e  commanding  and  benevolent  among  those  of  its  own  age, 
admires  and  loves  the  object  on  which  it  places  its  affection, 
requires  no  proof;  but  that  it  is  probable  that  a  lover  of  such 
a  character  will  also  be  loved  in  return  by  the  object  of  his 
love,  I  will  demonstrate. 

17.  "In  the  first  place,  can  any  person  hate  another  by 
whom  he  is  conscious  that  he  is  thought  fair  and  good  ?  Or 
him  whom  he  sees  2  studying  the  honour  of  the  object  of  his 
affection  more  than  his  own  pleasure  ?  Or  as  long  as  he  be- 
lieves that  even  if  he  should  commit  any  light  offence,  or  grow 
less  beautiful  through  sickness,  the  love  between  them  would 
not  be  lessened  ?  18.  Must  not  those  who  feel  mutual  affec- 
tion look  upon  one  another  with  pleasure,  converse  together 
tenderly,  give  and  receive  confidence,  take  thought  for  the 
interests  of  each  other,  delight  together  in  honourable  actions, 
and  grieve  together  if  any  ill  fortune  happen  to  either? 
Must  they  not  constantly  feel  pleasure  when  they  meet  to^ 
gether  in  health,  and,  if  either  fall  sick,  must  they  not  expe- 
rience still  closer  attachment  ?  Must  they  not  be  still  more 
concerned  for  one  another  when  they  are  separated  than  when 

1  We  musi  read  tCjv  tp<i>n?vu>v,  with  Dindorf,  not  top  tpo'jfitvov,  as  in 
previous  editions. 

8  "EireiTa  Se  6py>?.]  The  construction  is  irregular,  for  the  proper  con- 
nexion with  what  precedes  would  be  ov  <T  op^n.     Schneider 


§   19— 23.  j  of  lovp..  185 

they  are  together?  Are  not  all  such  feelings  full  of  love? 
It  is  through  such  proofs  of  attachment  that  they  continue 
desirous  of  mutual  friendship,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  it,  to 
extreme  old  age.  19.  But  as  for  him  whose  love  depends 
only  on  bodily  attractions,  why  should  the  object  of  his  love 
conceive  any  affection  for  him  in  return  ?  Whether  would  it 
be  because  he  secures  for  himself  what  he  covets,  and  brings 
utter  disgrace  on  the  person  that  he  courts  ?  Or  because  he 
alienates,  in  the  highest  degree,  the  relatives  of  the  object  of 
his  affections,  in  consequence  of  what  he  desires  to  obtain 
from  that  object  ?  20.  Though  he  does  not  use  violence,  but 
persuasion,  he  is  but,  on  that  account,  the  more  deserving  of 
detestation  ;  for  he  who  offers  violence  shows  at  once  the  bad- 
ness of  his  character;  but  he  who  tries  seduction  secretly 
undermines  the  principles  of  the  person  that  he  seduces.  21. 
As  for  the  person,  too,  who  sells  beauty  for  money,  why  should 
such  a  person  love  him  who  buys  it  more  than  a  man  who 
sells  and  disposes  of  goods  in  the  market  loves  his  purchasers  ? 
Assuredly  the  one  will  feel  no  love  for  the  other,  merely  be- 
cause the  one  being  young  associates  with  the  other  who  is  no 
longer  young,1  or  because  the  one  being  beautiful  associates 
with  the  other  who  is  no  longer  beautiful,  or  because  the  one 
being  without  desire  associates  with  the  other  who  is  inflamed 
with  desire.  The  youth  who  consorts  with  the  full-grown 
man  has  not,  like  a  woman,  a  share  in  the  delights  of  love, 
but  is  like  a  sober  person  who  looks  upon  one  who  is  intoxi- 
cated with  pleasure.  22.  Hence  it  is  by  no  means  surprising 
if  contempt  for  him  who  courts  arises  in  him  who  is  courted. 
Whoever  reflects  on  the  subject  will  find  that  from  the  inter- 
course of  those  who  have  loved  one  another  for  their  moral 
qualities  no  unpleasant  consequences  have  arisen,  but  that  by 
impure  connexions  many  direful  evils  have  been  caused. 

23.  "  I  will  now  show  you  that  the  society  of  him  who 
loves  the  body  rather  than  the  mind  is  degrading  ;  for  he  who 
instructs  the  object  of  his  love  to  say  and  do  what  is  right 
would  justly  be  honoured  by  him  as  Chiron  and  Phoenix 
were  honoured  by  Achilles ;  but  he  who  desires  corporeal 
pleasure  may  deservedly  follow  about  the  object  of  his  desire 
like  a  beggar,  for  indeed  he  constantly  attends  on  that  object 

1  Schneider  refers  to  Plato,  Phsedr.  sect.  38. 


186  THE    BANQUET.  £CH.    8. 

asking  and  entreating  for  a  kiss  or  some  other  proof  of  attach- 
ment. 24.  If  I  express  myself  somewhat  more  free3y  than  ordi- 
nary, do  not  be  surprised,  for  the  wine  excites  me,  and  the 
love  that  always  dwells  in  me  stimulates  me  to  speak  boldly 
against  that  other  .kind  of  love  which  is  of  an  opposite  nature. 
25.  He  who  fixes  his  attention  only  on  personal  attractions 
appears  to  me  like  a  man  who  has  hired  a  piece  of  land,  for 
such  a  man  has  no  care  that  the  land  may  be  rendered  more 
valuable,  but  merely  that  he  himself  may  extract  as  much 
produce  from  it  as  possible ;  but  he  who  seeks  for  mutual 
affection  is  more  like  a  person  who  has  land  of  his  own  ; 
for  by  bringing  into  the  mind  of  the  beloved  object  whatever 
he  can  from  all  quarters,1  he  renders  him  constantly  more 
worthy  of  esteem.  26.  Whatever  beloved  object,  too,  is  con- 
scious that  by  displaying  sufficient  charms  he  will  rule  over 
the  lover,  is  likely  to  be  regardless  as  to  other  matters ;  but 
whoever  knows  that,  unless  by  honourable  and  virtuous  con- 
duct, there  will  be  no  possibility  of  securing  affection,  must 
necessarily  pay  greater  attention  to  moral  rectitude.  27.  But 
the  greatest  benefit  gained  by  him  who  desires  to  form  a  good 
friend  out  of  the  object  of  his  affections  is  that  he  himself  is 
obliged  to  pursue  a  virtuous  course  of  conduct ;  or  it  is  im- 
possible that  he  who  indulges  himself  in  what  is  wrong 
should  lead  one  that  associates  with  him  to  do  what  is  right ; 
nor  that  one  who  shows  himself  shameless  and  intemperate 
should  render  the  object  of  his  affections  temperate  and 
modest. 

28.  "I  would  wish  also,  Callias,"  continued  he,  "to  give  you 
some  examples  from  the  fables  of  antiquity,  showing  that  not 
only  men,  but  gods  and  demi-gods,  have  valued  the  affection 
of  the  mind  more  than  any  corporeal  gratification.  29.  With 
whatever  mortals,  for  instance,  Jupiter  fell  in  love  on  account 
of  their  beauty,  he  allowed  them,  after  he  had  enjoyed  their 
society,  to  remain  mortals  ;  but  those  whom  he  admired  for 
the  qualities  of  their  minds  he  rendered  immortal  ;  among 
whom  were  Hercules,  and  Castor  and  Pollux;  and  some 
others  are  mentioned.     30.    I  consider  also  that  Ganymede 

1  As  the  owner  of  a  piece  of  ground  colleens  into  it  trees  and  plants 
from  all  parts  round  about,  so  a  man  of  virtue  infuses  wholesome  pre- 
cepts, and  the  knowledge  of  everything  that  is  good,  into  the  mind  of  any 
one  that  he  loves.      Weiske. 


§  31 — 33. J   LOVE  OF  VIRTUES  OF  THE  MIND.  187 

was  taken  by  Jupiter  into  heaven,  not  for  the  charms  of  his 
person,  but  for  those  of  his  mind.  To  this  supposition  his 
name  gives  support ;  for  it  is  said  somewhere  in  Homer, 

— yavvrai  8s  r   aicov<nv, 

which  means,  *  he  is  delighted  with  hearing  ; '  and  there 
occurs  somewhere  else, 

— irvKiva  <ppe<ri  firjdsa  eidioi,, 

which  signifies,  '  knowing  wise  counsels  in  his  mind.'  From 
these  two  words  he  being  named  Ganymede,1  not  as  'agree- 
able in  person,'  but  as  'agreeable  in  mind,'  is  honoured 
among  the  gods.  31.  Achilles  too,  Niceratus,2  is  represented  by 
Homer  as  taking  a  glorious  revenge  for  the  death  of  Patro- 
clus,  not  as  a  mere  object  of  affection,  but  as  an  intimate 
friend.  Orestes,  also,  and  Pylades,  and  Theseus,  and  Peiri- 
thous,  and  many  other  of  the  chief  demi-gods,  are  celebrated, 
not  because  they  enjoyed  each  other's  love,  but  because,  from 
esteem  for  one  another,  they  achieved  together  the  greatest 
and  most  honourable  exploits.  32.  Shall  we  not  find,  also, 
that  the  glorious  deeds  done  in  modern  times  are  achieved  by 
those  who  are  willing  to  encounter  toils  and  danger  for  the 
sake  of  praise,  rather  than  by  those  who  habituate  themselves 
to  love  pleasure  more  than  glory  ?  though  Pausanias,  indeed, 
the  friend  of  Agathon  the  poet,3  speaking  in  defence  of 
those  who  indulge  in  licentious  gratifications,  has  said  that 
the  strongest  of  armies  might  be  formed  of  the  corrupt  and 
those  who  are  attached  to  them  ;  33.  for  he  declares  himself 
of  opinion  that  such  persons  would  feel  utterly  ashamed  to 
desert  one  another  ;  maintaining  what  is  truly  wonderful,  if 
those  who  are  accustomed  to  disregard  censure,  and  to  cast  off 
shame  before  each  other,  would  shrink  most  of  all  men  from 

'  Socrates  intimates  that  Ganymedes  was  compounded  of  yavvfiai,  "  to 
be  glad  or  delighted  at,"  and  nrjSog,  "  coansel  or  prudence,"  and  that  it 
was  thence  to  be  inferred  that  he  was  possessed  of  excellent  and  amiable 
qualities  of  mind. 

2  He  addresses  himself  to  Niceratus,  as  being  particularly  acquainted 
with  the  poems  of  Homer.     Zeune. 

3  Pausanias  an  Athenian,  a  native  of  the  demos  Cerameis,  is  meant. 
He  is  mentioned  in  Plato's  Protagoras  and  Symposium  and  by  j&lian, 
V.  H.  ii.  21.     Agathon  the  poet  is  well  known. 


188  THE    BAKQCET.  )_CH.    S. 

doing  anything  disgraceful.  34.  He  Iias  however  adduced 
testimonies,  saying  that  the  Thebans  and  Eleians  are  of  this 
opinion  ;  for  he  observes  that  the  objects  of  their  affections, 
though  admitted  into  unrestrained  intercourse  with  them, 
are  nevertheless  ranged  side  by  side  with  them  in  the  field  of 
battle  ;  but  this  example,  on  which  he  dwells,  is  not  generally 
applicable,  for  such  a  practice,  though  common  with  those 
people,  is  accounted  dishonourable  with  us.  To  me,  at  least, 
those  who  are  thus  ranged  together  appear  like  persons  dis- 
trustful lest  the  objects  of  their  affections,  if  separated  from 
them,  should  not  perform  the  duties  of  brave  men,  35.  But 
the  Lacedaemonians,  who  think  that  if  a  person  fixes  his  desire 
on  corporeal  pleasure,  he  will  never  afterwards  pursue  honour 
and  virtue  with  success,  make  the  objects  of  their  affection  so 
perfectly  good  and  brave,  that,  even  among  foreigners,  and 
when  they  are  not  ranged  in  the  same  field  of  action  l  with 
those  attached  to  them,  they  are  nevertheless  ashamed  to 
desert  their  companions  in  arms  ;  for  they  regard,  not  shame- 
lessness,  but  self-respect,  as  their  goddess.  36.  We  are  likely, 
indeed,  to  be  all  of  the  same  opinion  with  regard  to  the 
subject  on  which  I  am  speaking,  if  we  but  consider  to  which 
of  the  two  kinds  of  objects  of  affection  any  one  of  us  would 
with  greater  confidence  intrust  his  money  or  children,  or  do 
a  kindness  with  the  expectation  of  a  return  ;  for  I  think 
that  even  he  who  is  enamoured  with  the  personal  beauty 
of  the  individual  whom  he  loves,  would  more  readily  place 
such  confidence  in  one  who  is  amiable  in  mind. 

37.  "  As  for  you,  Callias,  it  appears  to  me  incumbent  on  you 
to  feel  grateful  to  the  gods  for  having  inspired  you  with  the 
love  of  Autolycus  ;  for  that  he  is  a  lover  of  honour  is  evident, 
inasmuch  as  he  has  submitted  to  many  toils,  and  great  fatigue, 
for  the  sake  of  being  proclaimed  victor  in  the  pancratium. 
38.  But  if  he  thought  that  he  could  not  only  honour  himself 
and  his  father,  but  would  be  able,  througli  virtuous  exertions, 
to  benefit  his  friends,  and  to  extend  the  power  of  his  country 
by  raising  trophies  over  her  enemies,  and  to  become,  by  these 
means,  admired  and  renowned  alike  among  Greeks  and  bar- 
barians, do  you  not  think  that  he  would  pay  the  highest  hon- 

1   I  read  Iv  ry  avry  rd^et,  with  Dindorf,  instead  of  Iv  ry  avrfi  irc'Xw, 

the  common  reading,  oi  which  commentators  could  make  no  satisfactory 
sense.     Lange  had  suggested  x&P1}* 


§    39 — 43.]     ADVICE    OF    SOCRATES    TO    CALLIAS.  189 

ours  to  him  whom  lie  should  regard  as  an  efficient  auxiliary 
for  the  accomplishment  of  such  views  ?  39.  If  therefore  you 
desire  to  secure  his  attachment,  you  must  consider  by  what 
kind  of  knowledge  Themistocles  became  capable  of  rendering 
Greece  free;  you  must  reflect  by  what  sort  of  accomplishments 
Pericles  gained  the  character  of  being  the  most  able  adviser 
of  his  country ;  you  must  think  how  Solon  advanced  himsell' 
in  philosophy,  so  as  to  make  the  best  laws  for  the  state ;  and 
you  must  inquire  how  the  Lacedgemonians  exercise  themselves, 
so  as  to  be  considered  the  first  of  commanders  (and  the  most 
distinguished  of  the  Spartans  lodge  with  you  from  time  to 
time  asproxeni).1  40.  Be  assured,  that  your  country  will  soon 
put  herself  into  your  hands,  if  you  be  but  willing  to  undertake 
the  care  of  her ;  for  you  have  the  highest  qualifications  for 
the  charge ;  you  are  of  an  honourable  family,  a  priest  of  the 
gods  who  are  worshipped  in  the  ceremonies  instituted  by 
Erechtheus,2  and  who  also  marched  with  Bacchus  against  the 
barbarians;3  you  appear  at  the  present  festival  more  deserv- 
ing of  the  priesthood  than  any  one  of  your  forefathers  ;  you 
have  a  person  eminently  graceful  in  the  eyes  of  your  country- 
men, and  a  frame  well  fitted  for  enduring  fatigue.  41.  If  I 
speak  to  you  more  seriously  than  seems  suitable  for  a  ban- 
quet, do  not  be  surprised  that  I  do  so ;  for  I  always  continue, 
as  well  as  my  country,  to  love  those  who  are  of  good  disposi- 
tions, and  who  are  ardently  desirous  of  distinguishing  them- 
selves in  virtuous  pursuits." 

42.  The  rest  of  the  company  then  conversed  on  what 
had  just  been  said;  but  Autolycus  continued  to  gaze  on 
Caliias.  Callias,  glancing  at  him,  said,  "  You  will  then, 
Socrates,  recommend  me  to  the  favour  of  the  state,  that  I 
may  occupy  myself  in  its  affairs,  and  be  always  acceptable  to 
it."     43.  "  Such  will  assuredly  be  the  case,"  rejoined  Socrates, 

1  Entertainers  or  receivers  of  strangers  from  their  own  country ;  some- 
what  similar  to  our  consuls. 

-  'Itptvg  Qtibv  tu>v  air'  'Ep^Qswc.]  The  Oeol  air'  'TLptxQkutQ  are  chiefly 
Ceres  and  Proserpine,  who  were  worshipped  in  the  Eleusinian  sacred  rites, 
as  instituted  by  Erectheus.  Weiske.  The  same  interpretation  is  given 
by  Sturz  in  his  Lexicon. 

3  Against  Xerxes,  for  when  the  Greeks  were  fighting  with  him  at  Sala- 
mis,  it  is  said  by  Herodotus  and  o*ber  authors,  that  the  Eleusinian  deitiea 
and  Bacchus  came  to  their  aid.  Schneider.  Bach  refers  to  Plutarch; 
Tbemist.  c.  15  ;  Aristides,  vol.  ii-  p  2uS,  ed    Jebb. ;  Polyeen.  iii.  li.  2 


190  THE    BANQUET.  [CH.    9. 

"  if  the  people  see  you  attaching  yourself,  not  in  appearance 
merely,  but  in  reality,  to  virtue  ;  for  unfounded  reputation  is 
soon  overthrown  by  being  brought  to  proof ;  but  sincere  and 
honourable  exertion,  if  the  gods  be  not  unfavourable,  con- 
tinually causes  brighter  and  brighter  glory  to  shed  itself  over 
our  conduct." 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Representation  of  the  loves  of  Bacchus  and  Ariadne. 

1 .  Thus  ended  this  portion  of  the  conversation.  Autolycua 
(for  it  was  now  time  for  him)1  arose  to  take  a  walk,  and  Lycon 
his  father,  as  he  went  out  with  him,  turned  towards  Socrates, 
and  said,  "  Assuredly,  Socrates,  you  appear  to  be  me  to  a  man 
of  honour  and  virtue." 

2.  Soon  after  this,  a  sort  of  elevated  couch  was  placed  in 
the  middle  of  the  room,  and  the  Syracusan  came  in  and  said, 
"  My  friends,  Ariadne  will  now  enter  into  the  chamber  occupied 
by  herself  and  Bacchus;  and  Bacchus,  who  has  been  drinking 
a  little  with  the  other  gods,  will  come  in  soon  afterwards,  and 
approach  her ;  and  they  will  then  amuse  themselves  together. 
3.  Ariadne  immediately  made  her  entrance,  dressed  as  a  bride, 
and  seated  herself  on  the  couch.  Bacchus  not  yet  appearing,2 
the  Bacchic  measure  was  played  on  the  flute.  All  the  com- 
pany now  expressed  their  admiration  of  the  dancing-master;3 
for  Ariadne,  as  soon  as  she  heard  the  music,  put  herself  into 
such  attitudes  that  every  one  could  understand  that  she  heard 
it  with  pleasure.  She  did  not  go  to  meet  Bacchus,  nor  did 
she  rise  up,  but  she  plainly  indicated  that  she  could  hardly 
keep  herself  quiet.  4.  When  Bacchus  came  forward  and 
caught  sight  of  her,  he  began  to  dance  like  a  person  delighted, 
sat  down  upon  her  knees,4  embraced  her  and  kissed  her.     She 

1  According  to  the  rules  of  gymnastic  traiAmg,  it  was  now  time  for  him 
to  take  exercise.     Schneider. 

2  Dindorf  happily  reads  ovmo  instead  of  the  old  ovrut. 

3  The  Syracusan. 

4  This  may  appear  rude  and  forward,  says  Weiske,  but  we  must 
remember  that  it  is  the  freedom  of  manners  in  the  early  ages  that  is 
represented,  and  that  Bacchus  was  now  under  the  influence  of  wine. 


§    5 — 7.]        LOVES    OP    BACCHUS    AND  ARIADNE.  191 

acted  like  a  modest  bride,  but  nevertheless  lovingly  returned 
his  embrace.  The  company,  as  they  looked  on,  not  only 
clapped  their  hands,  but  called  out  "Again  !"  l  5.  But  it  was 
when  Bacchus  rose  up,  and  raised  Ariadne  with  him,  that 
they  had  the  greatest  reason  to  admire  their  acting,  as  they 
kissed  and  embraced  one  another.  The  spectators,  seeing  how 
beautiful  Bacchus  was,  and  how  blooming  Ariadne,  and  how 
they  kissed  one  another,  not  in  pretence,  but  in  earnest,  were 
all  delighted  as  they  beheld  them.  6.  They  heard  Bacchus 
asking  her  whether  she  loved  him,  and  Ariadne,  vowing 
so  earnestly  that  *he  did,  that  not  only  Bacchus  but  all 
who  were  present  would  have  sworn  that  the  boy  and  girl 
were  in  love  with  one  another ;  for  they  resembled,  not  actors 
who  had  been  taught  their  parts,  but  lovers  who  had  long 
desired  to  do  what  they  were  now  doing.  7.  At  last,  when 
the  guests  saw  that  they  were  embracing  one  another,  and 
seemed  to  be  going  to  repose,  such  of  them  as  were  unmarried 
vowed  that  they  would  marry,  and  such  of  them  as  were 
married  mounted  their  horses  and  rode  off  to  join  their  wives; 
while  Socrates,  and  the  others  who  stayed  behind,  proceeded, 
with  Callias,  to  accompany  Lycon  and  his  son  in  their  walk. 
Such  was  the  termination  of  the  banquet. 

E/&W  av9tg .]     Cried  out  "  Encore  !"  "  Repeti  jubebant."    Ftem. 


KEMAKK8 


APOLOGY  OF  SOCRATES. 


This  piece  is  believed  by  Yalckenaer  and  Schneider  not  to  be 
Xenophon's,  as  being  trifling  and  unworthy  of  him,  and  contain- 
ing very  little  more  than  is  to  be  found  in  the  Memorabilia. 
Zeune  and  "Weiske  give  their  voices  in  favour  of  its  genuineness, 
observing  that  it  appears  from  Diogenes  Laertius,  Stobaeus,  Athe- 
noeus,  and  other  authors,  that  Xenophon  wrote  an  Apology  of 
Socrates.  But  there  is  no  proof  that  what  we  have  before  us  under 
that  name  is  what  Xenophon  wrote. 

Whoever  indeed  can  readily  believe  that  Xenophon  was  the 
author  of  a  composition  so  fragmentary,  dry,  and  spiritless,  as 
this,  can  have  very  little  power  of  judging  of  Xenophon's  style. 
It  perhaps  proceeded,  as  Valckenaer  remarks,  from  the  same  hand 
that  forged  the  last  chapter  of  the  Cyropaedia. 


APOLOGY  OF  SOCRATES. 


1.  It  seems  proper  for  me  to  relate  also  concerning  Socrates 
dot?  he  determined  to  act  when  he  was  brought  to  judgment, 
with  regard  to  his  defence  and  the  close  of  his  life.  Others 
indeed  have  written  on  this  subject,  and  all  have  expressed  l 
the  boldness  of  his  language ;  whence  it  is  certain  that  such 
language  was  used  by  Socrates ;  but  that  he  thought  death 
more  eligible  for  him  than  life,  they  have  not  shown ;  so  that 
Iiis  haughtiness  of  speech  appears  to  have  been  somewhat  too 
imprudent. 

2.  Hermogenes2  the  son  of  Hipponicus,  however,  was  his 
intimate  friend,  and  has  given  such  an  account  of  him  that  his 
boldness  of  language  seems  suitable  to  his  resolution  ;  for  he 
has  related  that,  when  he  observed  him  discoursing  of  any- 
thing else  rather  than  what  he  should  offer  in  his  defence,  he 
said  to  him,  3.  "  Ought  you  not  also  to  consider,  my  dear 
Socrates,  how  you  may  defend  yourself  ?  "  and  that  Socrates 
at  first  answered,  "Do  I  not  seem  to  you  to  have  passed  my  whole 
life  meditating  how  to  defend  myself  ?  "  but  afterwards  askeo^ 
"  How  so  ?  Since  I  have  constantly  lived  without  doing  any 
wrong ;  and  such  conduct  I  consider  to  be  the  best  prepar- 
ation   for    a    defence."      4.    But  when    Hermogenes  agair 

1  "Etvxcv.~\  "  Have  attained,"  or  "succeeded  in  attaining"  it,  so  as  to 
convey  a  notion  of  it  to  others. 
s  See  Mem.  Soc.  iv.  8.  4. 

VOL.  Ill  A 


194  APOLOGY  OF  SOCRATES.  [§  5 — 7 

remarked,  "  Do  you  not  see,  then,  in  looking  to  the  tribunals 
of  the  Athenians,  how  often  the  judges,  misled  by  words, 
have  put  to  death  persons  altogether  innocent ;  and  how  often 
they  have  acquitted  the  guilty,  either  because  they  themselves 
have  taken  pity  on  them  under  the  influence  of  eloquence,  or 
because  the  accused  have  spoken  in  such  a  way  as  to  gain 
their  favour  ?  "  "  But  I  can  assure  you,"  rejoined  Socrates, 
"  that  though  I  have  twice  attempted  to  meditate  on  my 
defence,  the  divine  admonition  constantly  opposes  me."  5.  As 
Hermogenes  exclaimed,  "You  say  what  is  very  strange," 
Socrates  replied,  "Do  you  think  it  strange,  that  it  should 
now  appear  to  the  divinity  better  for  me  to  die  ?  Do  you  not 
know  that,  to  the  present  day,  I  would  not  concede  to  any 
human  being  that  he  has  lived  better  than  I  ?  for,  what  was 
most  consolatory,  I  was  conscious  that  my  whole  life  was 
passed  religiously  and  uprightly,  so  that,  while  I  had  a  very 
fair  opinion  of  myself,  I  found  that  those  who  associated  with 
me  formed  the  same  judgment  concerning  me.  6.  But  now, 
if  my  age  should  be  still  prolonged,  I  know  that  I  must 
necessarily  suffer  the  evils  of  old  age,  must  find  my  sight  and 
hearing  impaired,  must  become  less  apt  to  learn,  and  more 
forgetful  of  what  I  have  already  learned ;  and,  if  I  should  feel 
myself  declining,  and  grow  discontented  with  myself,  how," 
asked  he,  "  could  I  have  any  pleasure  in  continuing  to  live  ? 
7.  But  perhaps,"  added  he,  "  the  divinity,  from  benevolence, 
provides  for  me  not  only  to  terminate  my  life  at  a  proper 
season,  but  also  in  the  easiest  possible  manner  ;  for  if  sen- 
tence is  now  pronounced  against  me,  it  is  certain  that  I  shall 
be  allowed  to  die  by  that  method  which  has  been  deemed  the 
most  merciful  by  those  who  have  meditated  on  the  subject,1 
a  method  which  causes  least  concern  to  the  friends  of  the 
sufferer,2  and  inspires  them  with  the  utmost  regret  for  him  ; 3 
for  when  the  dying  person  leaves  no  unseemly  or  unpleasant 
impression  on  the  minds  of  those  present,4  but  gradually 

1  Those  who  have  considered  the  condition  of  men  dying  under  tl.e 
effects  of  drinking  hemlock.     Schneider. 

2  As  they  are  not  obliged  to  watch  by  his  bed  during  a  long  illness. 
Gesner. 

3  They  think  of  him  as  having  been  cut  off  somewhat  prematurely.  If 
they  had  seen  him  lingering  under  protracted  sufferings,  they  would 
rather  havfi  consoled  themselves  that  death  had  relieved  him  from  them. 

4  A  long  illness  compels  a  man  to  do  many  things,  in  the  presence 


§  8 — 12.]  ACCUSATIONS   AGAINST    SOCRATES.  195 

passes  away  while  he  has  his  body  still  in  health,  and  his 
mind  able  to  retain  its  cheerfulness,  must  he  not  be  deeply 
mourned  ? 

8.  "  But  the  gods  justly  opposed  my  meditation  on  my 
speech,"  continued  he,  "  when  it  appeared  to  us  that  means  of 
escape  should  in  every  way  be  sought ; Y  for  it  is  evident  that, 
if  I  had  succeeded  in  this,  I  should  have  doomed  myself,  instead 
of  quitting  life  now,  to  end  it  under  suffering  either  from  dis- 
ease or  old  age,  on  which  all  troubles,  all  privations  of  comfort, 
concur  to  fall.  9.  Assuredly,  my  dear  Hermogenes,"  said  he, 
"  I  shall  think  of  no  such  course  ;  but  if  I  shall  offend  the 
judges  by  mentioning  the  honours  which  I  think  that  I  have 
received  from  the  gods  and  from  men,  and  what  opinion  I 
entertain  concerning  myself,  I  shall  choose  rather  to  die,  than, 
by  ignobly  entreating  to  live  longer,  to  secure  a  life  far  more 
dishonourable  than  death." 

io.  When  his  adversaries  brought  their  charge  against  him, 
"that  he  did  not  acknowledge  the  gods  whom  the  state  ac- 
knowledged, but  introduced  other  new  deities,  and  corrupted 
the  youth,"  Hermogenes  stated  that  Socrates,  adhering  to  the 
resolution  which  I  have  just  mentioned,  stood  forward  and 
said  :  1 1.  "In  the  first  place,  my  countrymen,  I  am  astonished 
at  Meletus,  and  at  a  loss  to  know  on  what  he  founds  his  asser- 
tion that  I  do  not  acknowledge  the  gods  whom  the  state 
acknowledges,  since  not  only  others,  who  were  with  me,  have 
seen  me  sacrificing  at  the  common  festivals,  and  on  the  public 
altars,  but  Meletus  himself  might  have  seen  me  if  he  had  de- 
sired to  do  so.  12.  As  to  new  deities,  how  can  I  introduce 
any  by  saying  that  the  voice  of  a  god  appears  to  signify  to  me 
what  I  ought  to  do  ?  for  those  who  consult  the  cries  of  birds, 
and  the  speeches  of  men,2  take  omens,  assuredly,  from  voices  ; 

cf  those  about  him,  which  are  of  an  unseemly  character,  and  unpleasing 
in  their  eyes.     Schneider. 

1  'Ufxiv  ZfjTTjTka  elvai  bk  ttclvtoc,  tqottov  rd  a7ro</>£VKre/ca.]  By  ra 
aVo^euKriKd  is  meant,  as  Weiske  remarks,  escape  from  prison  secretly, 
which  the  friends  of  Socrates  had  recommended  to  him.  For  rjfuv, 
therefore,  which  Dindorf  retains,  it  would  appear  that  we  should  read 
with  Weiske  vfiiv.  "  The  divine  influence  was  adverse  to  my  premedi- 
tation of  a  speech  for  my  defence,  at  the  time  when  it  seemed  to  you 
that  not  only  that  means,  but  every  other  means  of  escape,  ought  to  be 
adopted  by  me." 

*  People  drew  omens  from   the  mode  in  which  those  whom  they 

o  2 


196  APOLOGY   OF    SOCRATES.  [§  13 — 13 

and  who  will  say  that  thunder  is  not  a  voice,  or  that  it  is  not 
a  most  influential  omen  ?  Does  not  the  priestess,  too,  on  the 
tripod  at  Delphi,  declare  with  her  voice  the  signs  which  she 
receives  from  the  gods  ?  13.  That  the  divinity,  indeed,  fore- 
knows what  is  to  happen,  and  foretells  it  to  whomsoever  he 
pleases,  all  men  say  and  think  exactly  as  I  do  ;  but  they  call l 
the  things  or  persons  that  signify  the  future  auguries  or 
omens,  diviners  or  soothsayers,  while  I  call  the  power  of  pre- 
diction a  divine  manifestation,  and  I  think  that  by  designat- 
ing it  thus,  I  speak  with  greater  truth,  and  more  reverentially, 
than  those  who  attribute  the  power  of  the  gods  to  birds  ;  and 
that  I  do  not,  in  this  case,  speak  falsely  with  regard  to  the  di- 
vinity, I  have  manifest  proof,  since,  though  I  have  frequently 
communicated  the  admonitions  of  the  divinity  to  my  friends, 
I  have  never  been  found  to  deceive  them." 

14.  When  the  judges,  on  hearing  this  statement,  gave  loud 
signs  of  disapprobation,  some  disbelieving  what  he  said,  and 
others  being  displeased  at  the  thought  that  he  should  obtain 
greater  favours  from  the  gods  than  themselves,  Socrates  again 
said,  "  Hear,  then,  something  more,  that  those  of  you  who 
are  inclined  to  be  incredulous  may  feel  still  greater  disbelief2 
in  the  assertion  that  I  have  been  honoured  by  the  gods  ;  for 
when  Chaerephon,  on  one  occasion,  put  a  question  to  the 
oracle  at  Delphi,  in  the  presence  of  several  persons,  concern- 
ing me,  Apollo  replied  that  no  one  of  all  mankind  was  either 
more  liberal-minded,  or  more  just,  or  more  prudent,  than  my- 
self." 15.  As  the  judges,  at  hearing  this,  expressed,  as  was  na- 
tural, still  louder  disapprobation,  Socrates  proceeded  to  say, 
"  Yet  the  same  god,  my  fellow-citizens,  uttered  in  an  oracle  a 
higher  eulogy  concerning  Lycurgus,  who  gave  laws  to  the 
Spartans,  than  concerning  me  ;  for  it  is  related 3  that  he 
said  to  him  as  he  was  entering  the  temple,  '  I  am  considering 
whether  I  should  call  you  a  god  or  a  man  ; '  but  as  for  me,  he 
did  not  liken  me  to  a  god,  but  only  expressed  his  judgment 

that  I  far  excelled  other  men.     Yet  do  not  hastily  believe  the 

• 
casually  met  addressed  them.     See  the  note  on  the  translation  of  the 
Memorabilia,  i.  1.  2. 

1  'Ovo/xdZovcnv — elvai.]    Literally   "name  to  be."  Bach  gives  a  simi- 
lar example  of  a  redundant  elvai  from  Plato's  Protagoras. 

2  That  is,  may  wonder  still  more,  and  be  astonished,  as  it  were,  at  to 
thing  so  incredible.,     Schneider. 

2  Herod,  i.  65. 


§  16 19.]        VIRTUES  OF  SOCRATES.  197 

god  on  this  subject,  but  consider  every  point  in  my  character 
severally,  with  reference  to  what  the  god  said.  16.  For  whom 
do  you  know  less  enslaved  than  myself  to  bodily  pleasures  ? 
whom  more  liberal  in  mind  than  I  am,  who  receive  nei- 
ther presents  nor  remuneration  from  any  one  ?  Or  whom 
would  you  reasonably  consider  more  just  than  one  who  con- 
tents himself  with  what  he  has,  so  as  to  need  nothing  belong- 
ing to  others  ?  Or  how  could  any  one  honestly  refuse  to  call 
me  a  wise  man,  who,  since  I  began  to  understand  what  was 
said  to  me,  have  never  ceased  to  seek  and  to  learn  whatever 
good  I  could  ?  17.  That  I  have  not  laboured  in  vain,  does 
not  this  appear  to  you  a  sufficient  proof,  that  many  of  our 
citizens  who  are  desirous  of  improvement  in  virtue,  and 
many  foreigners  also,  prefer  to  associate  with  me  above  all 
other  men  ?  Or  what  shall  we  say  is  the  reason  that,  though 
all  know  that  I  am  quite  unable  to  make  any  return  for  what 
I  receive,  yet  numbers  are  desirous  to  bestow  gifts  upon  me  ? 
Or  that  a  return  for  a  favour  is  never  asked  of  me  by  any  one, 
though  many  acknowledge  that  they  owe  favours  to  me  ?  l 
18.  Or  that,  during  the  siege,2  other  men  lamented  their  lot, 
while  I  felt  no  greater  wants  than  when  the  city  was  in  the 
greatest  prosperity  ?  Or  that  other  men  procure  expensive 
delicacies  from  the  market,  while  I,  without  cost,  produce 
greater  enjoyments  than  they  from  my  own  mind  ?  If,  then, 
in  what  I  have  said  concerning  myself,  no  man  can  convict 
me  of  speaking  falsely,  must  I  not  justly  receive  praise,  at  the 
present  time,  both  from  gods  and  men  ?  19.  Yet  you,  Mele- 
tus,  say  that  I,  by  such  a  course  of  conduct,  corrupt  the 
youth.  We  however  well  know,  doubtless,  what  the  things 
that  corrupt  youth  are  ;  and  tell  me,  I  pray,  whether  you 
know  of  any  one  having  been  drawn,  by  my  influence,  from 
piety  to  impiety,  from  steadiness  of  conduct  to  licentiousness, 
from  economy  to  extravagance,  from  soberness  to  indulgence 
in  wine,  from  laboriousness  to  effeminacy,  or  brought  under 
the  dominion  of  any  vicious  pleasure  ?  " 

1  The  favours  which  people  bestow  upon  me  they  regard  as  my 
right,  as  having  been  merited  by  services  either  to  themselves  or  to  the 
state.  Any  favours  that  they  receive  from  me  they  are  willing  to  requite, 
if  they  can,  whenever  I  am  in  need  of  their  assistance  in  any  way 

*  When  Lysander  was  besieging  Athens,  after  the  unfortunate  engage* 
ment  at  jEgospotami.     Schneider, 


198  APCLOGY  OF  SOCRATES.        [§  20 — 23. 

20.  "No,"  replied  Meletus,  "but  I  certainly  know  some 
whom  you  have  persuaded  to  obey  you  more  than  their 
parents."  "  I  admit  that  such  has  been  the  case,"  replied  So- 
crates, "  in  regard  to  education  ;  for  they  know  that  that 
subject  has  been  my  study  ;  and  so,  in  matters  concerning 
their  health,  men  place  more  reliance  on  physicians  than  on 
their  parents  ;  and,  in  the  assemblies  of  the  people,  all  the 
Athenians,  assuredly,  pay  more  regard  to  those  who  speak 
wisely  than  to  their  own  relatives.  In  the  election  of  gener- 
als, do  you  not  choose,  in  preference  to  your  fathers  and 
brothers,  and  even,  most  certainly,  in  preference  to  your 
own  selves,  those  whom  you  consider  most  skilful  in  military 
affairs  ?  "  "  Doubtless,"  replied  Meletus,  "  for  to  do  so  is  ex- 
pedient as  well  as  customary."  21.  "  Does  it  not  then  appear 
wonderful  to  you,"  said  Socrates,  "  that,  in  other  affairs,  the 
best  men  not  only  obtain  fair  consideration,  but  are  even  pre- 
ferred ;  but  that  I,  because  I  am  thought  eminent  by  some  in 
that  which  is  the  greatest  good  to  men,  I  mean  in  the  educa- 
tion of  youth,  am  for  this  reason  prosecuted  by  you  as  worthy 
of  death  ?  " 

22.  Much  more  than  this,  it  is  well  known,  was  said  both  by 
Socrates  himself,  and  by  his  friends,  who  took  his  part ;  but 
I  have  not  been  anxious  to  relate  all  that  occurred  on  his 
trial ;  it  is  sufficient  for  me  to  show  that  Socrates  made  it  his 
great  object,  neither  to  act  impiously  towards  the  gods,  nor  to 
be  thought  unjust  towards  men.  Escape  from  death  he  did 
not  consider  that  he  ought  to  solicit;  he  even  thought  that 
the  proper  time  was  then  come  for  him  to  die.  23.  That  he  en- 
tertained this  opinion  became  still  more  manifest  after  sen- 
tence was  pronounced  against  him  ;  for,  in  the  first  place,  when 
he  was  urged  by  his  friends  to  solicit  a  lesser  penalty,1  he 
neither  offered  to  pay  any  pecuniary  fine  himself,  nor  allow- 
ed his  friends  to  do  so,  but  said  that  to  pay  a  fine  was  for 
one  who  confessed  himself  guilty ;  and,  in  the  second  place, 

1  'YTTOTifiaaStai.']  This  word  properly  signifies  to  propose  a  less  pen- 
alty for  one's  self  than  that  which  has  been  fixed  by  the  accuser.  The 
penalty  demanded  by  Meletus,  in  the  form  of  accusation  against  Socrates, 
"vas  death.  Socrates  might  have  applied,  when  judgment  was  pronounced 
against  him,  for  a  commutation  of  punishment,  stating  that  he  thought 
himself  not  deserving  of  death,  but  was  ready  to  pay  a  fine.  Instead  of 
doing  so,  he  asserted  that  he  deserved  to  be  maintained  at  the  public  ex- 
pense in  the  Prytaneum.     See  Cicero  de  Orat.  1.  54. 


§  24 — 27.]  SOCRATES   JUSTIFIES    HIMSELF.  199 

when  liis  friends  offered  to  effect  his  escape  secretly,  he  did 
not  consent,  but  seems  to  have  jested  with  them,  by  asking 
whether  they  knew  any  place  out  of  Attica  where  death  could 
not  come. 

24.  As  the  trial  came  to  a  conclusion,  he  said,  "But,  my 
fellow-citizens,  those  who  have  instructed  the  witnesses  to 
bear  false  testimony  against  me  by  perjuring  themselves,  and 
those  who  have  yielded  to  their  persuasions,  must  necessarily 
be  conscious  to  themselves  of  having  committed  great  impiety 
and  injustice.  But  what  cause  is  there  for  me  to  think  less 
of  myself  now  than  before  my  condemnation,  when  I  have 
not  been  convicted  of  having  done  any  one  of  those  things 
which  the  accuser  has  laid  to  my  charge  F1  for  it  has  neither 
been  shown  that  I  have  sacrificed  to  any  new  deities,  instead  of 
Jupiter  and  Juno,  and  the  gods  worshipped  with  them,  nor  that 
I  have  sworn  by  any  other  gods,  or  have  acknowledged  any. 
25.  As  to  the  youth,  how  could  I  corrupt  them  by  accustom- 
ing them  to  patience  and  frugality  ?  In  regard  to  deeds  for 
which  the  penalty  appointed  is  death,  as  sacrilege,  house-break- 
ing, selling  men  for  slaves,  treachery  towards  the  state,  not 
even  my  accusers  themselves  charge  me  with  having  done 
anything  of  that  kind  ;  so  that  it  seems  to  me  marvellous  how 
any  act  worthy  of  death  could  ever  have  appeared  to  you  to 
have  been  committed  by  me.  26.  Nor  ought  T,  assuredly,  to 
think  less  of  myself  because  I  die  unjustly  ;  for  this  is  not  dis- 
honourable to  me,  but  to  those  who  have  condemned  me. 
Palamedes,  too,  who  met  death  in  a  similar  way  with  myself, 
offers  consolation  to  me ;  for  he  affords,  even  to  the  present 
day,  a  finer  subject  for  song  than  Ulysses,  who  unjustly  caused 
his  death.2  I  know  that  testimony  will  be  borne  to  me,  both 
by  time  that  is  coming,  and  by  time  that  is  already  past,  that 
I  have  never  wronged  any  man,  or  made  any  one  worse  than 
I  found  him,  but  that  I  improved  those  who  conversed  with 
me,  by  teaching  them  gratuitously  whatever  good  I  found  in 
my  power." 

27.  Having  uttered  these  words,  he  withdrew  in  a  manner 

1  'Eypa^aro.]  Zeune  and  some  other  editors  reaa  t/pd.yavTo;  but 
Schneider  very  properly  observes  that  Meletus  is  considered  as  the  sole 
accuser  throughout  the  whole  piece. 

*  See  Ovid.  Met.  xiii.  56. 


200  APOLOGY  OF  SOCRATES.        [§  28  —  30. 

suitable  to  what  he  had  spoken,  with  cheerfulness  in  his  looks, 
gesture,  and  gait.  But,  when  he  observed  those  who  attended 
him  weeping,  he  said,  "  How  is  this  ?  Do  you  now  weep  ? 
Do  you  not  know  that  from  the  moment  at  which  I  was  born, 
death  was  decreed  for  me  by  nature  ?  If,  indeed,  I  were  dying 
amidst  blessings  showered  upon  me,  it  is  certain  that  both  I 
and  my  friends  would  have  to  grieve  ;  but  if  I  am  ending  my 
life  when  troubles  are  to  be  expected,  I  think  you  ought  all 
to  rejoice  for  me,  as  being  happy." 

28.  A  person  named  Apollodorus,  who  was  present,  a  great 
admirer  of  Socrates,  but,  otherwise,  of  weak  understanding, 
said,  "  I  grieve  most  on  this  account,  Socrates,  that  I  see  you 
going  to  die  undeservedly;"  when  it  is  said  that  Socrates, 
stroking  the  head  of  Apollodorus,  asked,  "And  would  you, 
my  dearest  Apollodorus,  rather  see  me  die  deservedly  than 
undeservedly?"     Socrates,  as  he  said  this,  smiled  upon  him. 

29.  It  is  related,  also,  that  on  seeing  Anytus  pass  by,  he 
remarked,  "  This  man  is  elated,  as  if  he  had  done  something 
great  and  honourable  in  causing  my  death,  because,  when  I 
saw  him  thought  worthy  of  the  highest  offices  by  the  state,1 
I  said  that  he  ought  not  to  bring  up  his  son  among  ox-hides.2 
How  foolish  is  he,"  added  Socrates,  "  who  does  not  seem  to 
know  that  whichsoever  of  us  has  done  that  which  is  more 
beneficial  and  more  honourable  for  all  time,  is  the  superior ! 
30.  But,"  he  continued,  "Homer  has  attributed  to  some  of  his 
personages3  the  faculty  of  foreseeing  the  future  at  the  end  of 
their  lives ;  and  I  am  desirous  also  of  uttering  something  in 
the  manner  of  a  prophecy.  I  had  the  company,  for  a  short 
time,  of  Anytus's  son  ;  and  he  appeared  to  me  to  be  not  with- 
out vigour  of  mind ;  and  I  therefore  predict  that  he  will  not 
continue  at  the  servile  occupation  which  his  father  has  destined 
for  him,  but  that,  as  he  has  no  efficient  guardian,  he  will 
plunge  himself  into  some  licentious  gratification  and  advance 
far  into  vice."  In  making  this  prediction,  Socrates  was  not 
deceived  ;  for  the  young  man,  conceiving  a  passion  for  wine, 
ceased  neither  night  nor  day  from  drinking,  and  at  last  became 

1  As  is  also  said  in  Plato's  Menon,  sect.  18. 

2  Anytus  appears  to  have  been  a  dealer  in  hides.     Schneider. 

3  As  Patroclus,  II.  xvii.  851 ;  Hector,  II.  xxii.  358.  See  Cicero  do 
Divinatione  I.  30.;  Plato,  Apol.  sect.  30.     Schneider* 


§  31,  32.]  HAPPf  DEATH   OF    SOCRATES.  201 

worthless  alike  to  his  country,  his  friends,  and  himself. 
Anytus,  on  account  of  his  bad  education  of  his  son,  and  his 
own  folly,  is  loaded  with  infamy,  even  now  that  he  is  dead. 

31.  But  Socrates,  incurring  odium  through  magnifying 
himself  before  the  tribunal,  afforded  the  more  inducement  to 
his  judges  to  pronounce  sentence  against  him.  To  me,  how- 
ever, he  appears  to  have  met  with  a  fate  appointed  by  the 
kindness  of  the  gods  ;  for  he  was  freed  from  the  most  trouble- 
some part  of  life,  and  suffered  the  easiest  of  deaths. -  32.  He 
gave  a  proof  of  the  firmness  of  his  mind  ;  for  as  he  felt  that  to 
die  was  better  for  him  than  to  live,  he,  as  he  had  never  been 
averse  to  anything  else  that  was  good,  did  not  show  want  of 
spirit  to  meet  death,  but  welcomed  it  and  submitted  to  it  with 
cheerfulness.  For  myself,  observing  his  wisdom  and  noble- 
ness of  mind,  I  cannot  forbear  to  think  of  him,  or,  while  I 
think  of  him,  to  praise  him.  But  if  any  one,  among  those 
who  are  studious  of  virtue,  has  met  with  a  more  beneficial 
instructor  than  Socrates,  I  consider  him  to  be  of  all  mankind 
the  most  deserving  of  congratulation. 


PKEFATOBY   BEMAUKS 


CONCERNING    THE 


TBEATISES  ON  THE  LACEDAEMONIAN  AND 
ATHENIAN    GOVEENMENTS. 


The  minute  attention  which  I  have  necessarily  given  to  the 
style  of  these  Treatises  in  translating  them  induces  me  to  form  a 
much  more  unfavourable  opinion  with  regard  to  their  genuineness 
than  I  conceived  when  I  read  them  for  the  first  time  some  years  ago. 
In  the  Life  of  Xenophon  prefixed  to  the  previous  volume,  I  said, 
relying  on  my  own  early  impressions  and  the  judgment  of  Weiske, 
that  there  was  nothing  in  the  style  or  manner  of  the  treatises  to 
prove  that  Xenophon  was  not  their  author.  Nor  is  there  so  much 
discrepancy  in  the  style  of  them  from  that  of  Xenophon's  acknow- 
ledged works  as  to  make  it  clear  to  all  readers  that  Xenophon  did 
not  write  them ;  for,  as  Weiske  observes,  mere  dissimilitude  of  dic- 
tion will  not  suffice  to  demonstrate  that  they  are  spurious,  since  a 
writer  may,  for  various  reasons,  adopt  different  forms  of  style  in 
different  compositions.  But  the  numerous  repetitions  of  the  same 
phrases  in  the  treatise  on  the  Lacedaemonian  Government,  and  the 
curtness  and  aridity  of  the  phraseology,  seem  to  convict  the  writer 
of  a  poverty  of  words  never  chargeable  upon  Xenophon  ;  and  I  am 
now,  therefore,  inclined  to  think  with  Heyne,  Heindorf,  and  F.  A. 
Wolf,  that  they  are  the  work  of  some  other  writer  than  the  Attic 
bee.  As  to  the  style  of  the  Treatise  on  the  Athenian  Government,  it 
certainly  approaches  nearer  to  that  of  Xenophon,  in  structure  and 
flow,  than  the  style  of  the  other,  but  is  still  far  beneath  the  excel- 
lence of  the  master's  own  compositions.  With  regard  to  the 
matter,  in  both  treatises,  especially  in  that  on  the  Laeedeemonian 
Government,  much  of  it  is  so  extremely  poor  and  trifling,  that  it 
cannot  be  thought  to  have  proceeded  from  Xenophon. 


PREFATORY   REMARKS.  203 

That  Xenophon  wrote  Treatises  on  the  Lacedaemonian  and 
Athenian  Governments  is  memioned  by  Diogenes  Laertius  and 
other  writers  ;  but  the  genuineness  of  the  books  on  those  subjects 
which  were  in  circulation  under  his  name  in  early  times  was  denied 
by  Demetrius  of  Magnesia,  a  contemporary  of  Cicero.  Longinus 
cites  a  few  words  from  the  treatise  on  the  Government  of  the  Lace- 
daemonians as  Xenophon's,  but  with  some  variation  from  the  pre- 
sent text.  Whether  therefore  the  original  treatises  have  been  lost, 
and  others  substituted  by  an  inferior  hand,  or  whether  they  have 
been  mutilated,  and  the  deficiencies  supplied  by  some  unskilful 
essayist  at  reparation,  must  remain  doubtful.  The  question  is  fully 
discussed  by  Sauppe  in  the  preface  to  his  edition  of  Schneider. 
Sauppe  tries  to  prove  both  pieces  genuine. 

That  the  fourteenth  chapter  of  the  Treatise  on  the  Lacedaemonian 
Government  is,  if  not  spurious,  certainly  out  of  place,  is  admitted 
by  Weiske,  Schneider,  and  Dindorf. 


ON 


THE    GOVERNMENT    OF   LACEDHMON. 


CHAPTER  I. 


The  regulations  of  Lycurgus  respecting  marriage  and  the  treatment  of 

children. 

1.  But1  reflecting  once  how  Sparta,  one  of  the  least  popu- 
lous of  states,2  had  proved  the  most  powerful  and  celebrated 
city3  in  Greece,  I  wondered  by  what  means  this  result  had 
been  produced.  When  I  proceeded,  however,  to  contemplate 
the  institutions  of  the  Spartans,  I  wondered  no  longer. 

2.  Lycurgus,  who  made  laws  for  them,  by  obedience  to 

1  The  commencement  is  abrupt,  as  if  some  preceding  portion  were 
lost. 

2  A  small  population  of  citizens,  not  of  human  beings,  is  signified. 
Yet  the  state  may  well  be  said  to  have  had  but  a  small  population, 
whether  we  look  merely  to  the  Spartans,  or  inhabitants  of  the  city  itself, 
or  include  in  the  computation  all  that  could  properly  be  called  Lacedcemo- 
nians,  or  all  that  had  the  right  of  citizenship.  Weiske.  At  the  time 
when  Sparta  was  most  flourishing,  the  number  of  Spartans  was  eight  thou- 
sand, according  to  Herodotus,  vii.  234,  or,  according  to  Aristotle,  Polit. 
ii.  6,  ten  thousand.  The  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  Laconia  amounted 
to  about  three  hundred  and  eighty  thousand,  according  to  Muller,  Dori- 
ans ii.  47;  and  the  number  of  Spartans  after  their  losses  at  Leuctra  was 
not  more  than  three  thousand.     Sauppe. 

8  Celebrated  as  being  powerful.  Its  power  became  most  remarkable 
in  the  Peloponnesian  war,  and  especially  about  the  93rd  Olympiad, 
when  they  defeated  the  Athenians  at  iEgospotami ;  from  which  period 
they  held  the  sovereignty  in  Greece  until  the  102nd  Olympiad,  when  the 
battle  of  Leuctra  was  fought,  and  when  they  were  so  weakened  by  the 
Thebans  that  they  never  after  recovered  themselves.     Weiske 


§  3 — 7.]         SPARTAN    LAWS   RESPECTING   WOMEN.  205 

which  they  have  flourished,  I  not  only  admire,  but  consider  to 
have  been  in  the  fullest  sense  a  wise  man  ;  for  he  rendered  his 
country  preeminent  in  prosperity,  not  by  imitating  other 
states,  but  by  making  ordinances  contrary  to  those  of  most 
governments. 

3.  With  regard,  for  example,  to  the  procreation  of  children, 
that  I  may  begin  from  the  beginning,  other  people  feed  their 
young  women,  who  are  about  to  produce  offspring,  and  who 
are  of  the  class  regarded  as  well  brought  up,  on  the  most 
moderate  quantity  of  vegetable  food  possible,  and  on  the  least 
possible  quantity  of  meat,  while  they  either  keep  them  from 
»vine  altogether,  or  allow  them  to  use  it  only  when  mixed 
with  water  ;  and  as  the  greater  number  of  the  men  engaged 
in  trades  are  sedentary,  so  the  rest  of  the  Greeks  think  it 
proper  that  their  young  women  should  sit  quiet  and  spin 
wool.  But  how  can  we  expect  that  women  thus  treated 
should  produce  a  vigorous  progeny  ?  4.  Lycurgus,  on  the 
contrary,  thought  that  female  slaves  were  competent  to 
furnish  clothes  ;  and,  considering  that  the  production  of  chil- 
dren was  the  noblest  duty  of  the  free,  he  enacted,  in  the  first 
place,  that  the  female  should  practise  bodily  exercises  no  less 
than  the  male  sex  ;  and  he  then  appointed  for  the  women  con- 
tests with  one  another,  just  as  for  the  men,  expecting  that 
when  both  parents  were  rendered  strong,  a  stronger  offspring 
would  be  born  from  them. 

5.  Observing,  too,  that  the  men  of  other  nations,  when 
women  were  united  to  husbands,  associated  with  their  wives, 
during  the  early  part  of  their  intercourse,  without  restraint, 
he  made  enactments  quite  at  variance  with  this  practice ;  for 
he  ordained  that  a  man  should  think  it  shame  to  be  seen 
going  in  to  his  wife,  or  coming  out  from  her.  When  married 
people  meet  in  this  way,  they  must  feel  stronger  desire  for  the 
company  of  one  another,  and  whatever  offspring  is  produced 
must  thus  be  rendered  far  more  robust  than  if  the  parents 
were  satiated  with  each  other's  society. 

6.  In  addition  to  these  regulations,  he  also  took  from  the 
men  the  liberty  of  marrying  when  each  of  them  pleased,  and 
appointed  that  they  should  contract  marriages  only  when  they 
were  in  full  bodily  vigour,  deeming  this  injunction  also  con- 
ducive to  the  production  of  an  excellent  offspring.  7.  Seeing 
also  that  if  old  men  chanced  to  have  young  wives,  they  watch- 


206  GOVERNMENT    OF    LACED^MON.  [CH.  2. 

ed  their  wives  with  the  utsnost  strictness,  he  made  a  law 
quite  opposed  to  this  feeling  ;  for  he  appointed  that  an  old  man 
should  introduce  to  his  wife  whatever  man  in  the  prime  of 
life  he  admired  for  his  corporeal  and  mental  qualities,  in  order 
that  she  might  have  children  by  him.  8.  If,  again,  a  man 
was  unwilling  to  associate  with  his  wife,  and  yet  was  desirous 
of  having  proper  children,  he  made  a  provision  also  with  re- 
spect to  him,  that  whatever  woman  he  saw  likely  to  have  off- 
spring, and  of  good  disposition,  he  might,  on  obtaining  the 
consent  of  her  husband,  have  children  by  her.  9.  Many  simi- 
lar permission  he  gave ;  for  the  women  are  willing  to  have 
two  families,1  and  the  men  to  receive  brothers  to  their  children, 
who  are  equal  to  them  in  birth  and  standing,  but  have  no 
claim  to  share  in  their  property. 

io.  Let  him  who  wishes,  then,  consider  whether  Lycurgus, 
in  thus  making  enactments  different  from  those  of  other  legis- 
lators, in  regard  to  the  procreation  of  children,  secured  for 
Sparta  a  race  of  men  eminent  for  size  and  strength.2 


CHAPTER  II. 

On  the  training  and  education  of  children. 

i.  Having  given  this  account  of  the  procreation  of  children, 
I  wish  also  to  detail  the  education  of  those  of  both  sexes.3 

1  The  sense  is  made  clear  by  reference  to  a  passage  of  Plutarch  in  his 
Comparison  of  Lycurgus  and  Numa,  c.  4,  and  to  another  in  the  Life  of 
Cato  the  Younger,  c.  25 ;  whence  it  appears  that  a  woman  transferred 
herself  from  the  house  and  family  of  her  first  husband  into  the  house  and 
family  of  a  second,  the  change  being  sanctioned  by  her  father  and  by 
her  first  husband,  to  whose  property  and  protection  she  gave  up  all  claims. 
Schneider. 

2  Yet  there  were  some  who  expressed  admiration,  observes  Morus,  that 
amidst  this  state  of  licence,  which  set  aside  all  distinction  between  hon- 
ourable marriage  and  illicit  love,  between  legitimate  and  illegitimate  off- 
spring, adultery  was  unknown ;  as  if  such  a  condition  of  things  was  not 
a  constant  indulgence  in  adultery,  sanctioned  by  common  practice. 
Schneider. 

3  'E/carepwv.]  Utriusque  sexus  is  the  sense  given  by  all  the  Latin 
translators,  and  apparently  by  all  the  commentators,  to  this  word. 


^'  2 — 5.]  TRAINING   OF    CHILDREN.  207 

Gf  the  other  Greeks,  those  who  say  that  they  bring  up  their 
sons  best  set  slaves  over  them  to  take  charge  of  them,1  as 
soon  as  the  children  can  understand  what  is  said  to  them,  and 
send  them,  at  the  same  time,  to  schoolmasters,  to  learn  letters, 
and  music,  and  the  exercises  of  the  palsestra.  They  also 
render  their  children's  feet  delicate  by  the  use  of  sandals,  and 
weaken  their  bodies  by  changes  of  clothes ;  and  as  to  food, 
they  regard  their  appetite  as  the  measure  of  what  they  are  to 
take.  2.  But  Lycurgus,  instead  of  allowing  each  citizen  to 
set  slaves  as  guardians  over  his  children,  appointed  a  man  to 
have  the  care  of  them  all,  one  of  those  from  whom  the  chief 
magistrates  are  chosen  ;  and  he  is  called  the  Pajdonomus. 
He  invested  this  man  with  full  authority  to  assemble  the  boys, 
and,  if  he  found  that  any  one  was  negligent  of  his  duties,  to 
punish  him  severely.  He  assigned  him  also  some  of  the 
grown-up  boys  as  scourge-bearers,  that  they  might  inflict 
whatever  chastisement  was  necessary ;  so  that  great  dread  of 
disgrace,  and  great  willingness  to  obey,  prevailed  among  them. 

3.  Instead,  also,  of  making  their  feet  soft  with  sandals,  he 
enacted  that  they  should  harden  them  by  going  without  san- 
dals ;  thinking  that,  if  they  exercised  themselves  in  this  state, 
they  would  go  up  steep  places  with  far  greater  ease,  and  de- 
scend declivities  with  greater  safety;  and  that  they  would 
also  leap,  and  skip,  and  run  faster  unshod,  if  they  had  their 
feet  inured  to  doing  so,  than  shod.  4.  Instead  of  being  ren- 
dered effeminate,  too,  by  a  variety  of  dresses,  he  made  it  a 
practice  that  they  should  accustom  themselves  to  one  dress 
throughout  the  year  ;  thinking  that  they  would  thus  be  better 
prepared  to  endure  cold  and  heat. 

5.  As  to  food,  he  ordained  that  they  should  exhort  the  boys2 
to  take  only  such  a  quantity  as  never  to  be  oppressed  with 
repletion,  and  not  to  be  strangers  to  living  somewhat  frugally  ; 
supposing  that,  being  thus  brought  up,  they  would  be  the 
better  able,  if  they  should  be  required,  to  support  toil  under  a 
scarcity  of  supplies,  would  be  the  more  likely  to  persevere  in 

1  Haidayu)yovg.~\  There  is  no  word  in  English  for  the  pcedagogw.  See 
the  Translation  of  Quintilian,  i.  1.  8,  and  note. 

2  2wjn/3ow\£W£iv  rbv  appsva.]  For  rbv  dppeva  Schneider  would  read 
rbv  t'ipeva  (see  sect.  11),  making  the  sense,  "that  the  full-grown  younf? 
man,  or  chief  of  any  company  of  youths,  should  exhort  those"  under  him,'1 
&o.     ?.vjAfiov\Evtiv  is  prcecipere,  hortari 


208  GOVERNMENT   OF   LACED^EMON.  [dl.  2. 

exertion,  should  it  be  imposed  on  them,  on  the  same  quantity 
of  provisions,  and  would  be  less  desirous  of  sauces,  more  easily 
satisfied  with  any  kind  of  food,  and  pass  their  lives  in  greater 
health.  '  He  also  considered  that  the  fare  which  rendered  the 
body  slender  would  be  more  conducive  to  increasing  its  stature 
than  that  which  expanded  it  with  nutriment.  6.  Yet  that 
the  boys  might  not  suffer  too  much  from  hunger,  Lycurgus, 
though  he  did  not  allow  them  to  take  what  they  wanted  with- 
out trouble,  gave  them  liberty  to  steal  certain  things  to  relieve 
the  cravings  of  nature ;  and  he  made  it  honourable  to  steal  as 
many  cheeses  as  possible.1  7.  That  he  did  not  give  them 
leave  to  form  schemes  for  getting  food  because  he  was  at  a 
loss  what  to  allot  them,  I  suppose  no  one  is  ignorant ;  as  it  is 
evident  that  he  who  designs  to  steal  must  be  wakeful  during 
the  night,  and  use  deceit,  and  lay  plots ;  and,  if  he  would  gaii 
anything  of  consequence,  must  employ  spies.  All  these  things, 
therefore,  it  is  plain  that  he  taught  the  children  from  a  desire 
to  render  them  more  dexterous  in  securing  provisions,  and 
better  qualified  for  warfare. 

8.  Some  one  may  say,  "  Why,  then,  if  he  thought  it  hon- 
ourable to  steal,  did  he  inflict  a  great  number  of  stripes  on 
him  who  was  caught  in  the  fact  ? "  I  answer,  that  in  other 
things  which  men  teach,  they  punish  him  who  does  not  follow 
his  instructions  properly ;  and  that  the  Lacedaemonians  ac- « 
cordingly  punished  those  who  were  detected  as  having  at- 
tempted to  steal  in  an  improper  manner.  These  boys  he  gave 
in  charge  to  others  to  scourge  them  at  the  altar  of  Diana 
Orthia  ;2  designing  to  show  by  this  enactment  that  it  is  pos- 
sible for  a  person,  after  enduring  pain  for  a  short  time,  to 
enjoy  pleasure  with  credit  for  a  long  time.3     It  is  also  shown 

1  The  original  of  this  phrase  about  the  cheeses  is  transferred  to  this 
place,  on  the  suggestion  of  Schneider,  from  sect.  9,  where  it  encumbers 
the  sense.  "  The  Lacedaemonians  ate  a  great  deal  of  cheese  ;  five  minae 
of  cheese  was  one  of  the  contributions  to  the  phiditia  ;  and  it  was  perhaps 
some  of  this  cheese  that  the  boys  who  were,  according  to  the  Spartan 
custom,  admitted  to  the  phiditia,  were  accustomed  to  steal."  Such  is  the 
notion  of  Zeune  ;  and  that  food  used  to  be  stolen  by  the  boys  from  the 
phiditia  is  stated  by  Plutarch,  Lycurg.  c.  17. 

2  Diana  was  so  called,  says  Hesychius,  from  a  place  in  Arcadia,  where 
there  was  a  temple  to  her.  The  place  appears  to  have  been  Mount  Or- 
thium,  or  Orthosium. 

*  To  gain  credit  by  end;  :ring  with  patience  the  pain  of  being  whipped 


§    10 — 14.]  TREATMENT    OP    BOYS.  209 

by  this  punishment  that,  where  there  is  need  of  activity,  the 
inert  person  benefits  himself  the  least,  and  occasions  himself 
most  trouble. 

10.  In  order,  too,  that  the  boys,  in  case  of  the  paedonomus 
being  absent,  may  never  be  in  want  of  a  president,  he  ap- 
pointed that  whoever  of  the  citizens  may  happen  at  any  time 
to  be  present  is  to  assume  the  direction  of  them,  and  to  enjoin 
whatever  he  may  think  advantageous  for  them,  and  punish 
them  if  they  do  anything  wrong.  By  doing  this,  Lycurgus 
has  also  succeeded  in  rendering  the  boys  much  more  modest ; 
for  neither  boys  nor  men  respect  any  one  so  much  as  their 
rulers,  li.  And  that  if,  on  any  occasion,  no  full-grown  man 
happen  to  be  present,  the  boys  may  not  even  in  that  case  be 
without  a  leader,  he  ordained  that  the  most  active  of  the 
grown-up  youths  take  the  command  of  each  band ;  so  that 
the  boys  there  are  never  without  a  superintendent. 

12.  It  appears  to  me  that  I  must  say  something  also  of  the 
boys  as  objects  of  affection ;  for  this  has  likewise  some  refer- 
ence to  education.  Among  the  other  Greeks,  a  man  and  boy 
either  form  a  union,  as  among  the  Boeotians,  and  associate 
together,  or,  as  among  the  Eleians,  the  men  gain  the  favour 
of  the  youths  by  means  of  attentions  bestowed  upon  them ; 
but  there  are  some  of  the  Greeks  who  prohibit  the  suitors  for 
the  boys'  favours  from  having  the  least  conversation  with 
them.  13.  But  Lycurgus,  acting  contrary  to  all  these  people 
also,  thought  proper,  if  any  man,  being  himself  such  as  he 
ought  to  be,  admired  the  disposition  of  a  youth,  and  made  it 
his  object  to  render  him  a  faultless  friend,  and  to  enjoy  his 
society,  to  bestow  praise  upon  him,  and  regarded  this  as  the 
most  excellent  kind  of  education  ;  but  if  any  man  showed  that 
his  affections  were  fixed  only  on  the  bodily  attractions  of  a 
youth,  Lycurgus,  considering  this  as  most  unbecoming,  ap- 
pointed that  at  Lacedeemon  suitors  for  the  favours  of  boys 
should  abstain  from  intimate  connexion  with  them,  not  less 
strictly  than  parents  abstain  from  such  intercourse  with  their 
children,  or  children  of  the  same  family  from  that  with  one 
another,  u.  That  such  a  state  of  things  is  disbelieved  by 
some,  I  am  not  surprised ;  for  in  most  states  the  laws  are  not 
at  all  adverse  to  the  love  of  youths ;  but  Lycurgus,  for  his 
part,  took  such  precautions  with  reference  to  it. 

VOL.    III.  P 


210  GOVERNMENT    OF   LACED-&MON.  fCH.    8, 

CHAPTER  III. 

On  the  discipline  of  the  young  men. 

i.  When  boys  pass  from  the  condition  of  children  to  that 
of  young  men,  the  rest  of  the  Greeks  withdraw  them  from  the 
charge  of  the  slaves  who  have  had  the  care  of  them,  and  with- 
draw them  at  the  same  time  from  the  schools,  when  no  one 
any  longer  directs  them,  but  the  authorities  allow  them  to  live 
according  to  their  own  pleasure.  2.  Lycurgus,  however,  made 
enactments  at  variance  with  this  custom ;  for  observing  that 
in  youths  of  such  an  age  there  is  naturally  the  greatest  spirit, 
the  greatest  presumption  apparent  in  their  conduct,  and  the 
keenest  desire  of  pleasure  prevailing  in  their  minds,  he  im- 
posed upon  them,  at  that  period  of  life,  the  most  constant  toil, 
and  contrived  as  much  occupation  for  them  as  possible.  3, 
Enacting  in  addition,  too,  that  if  any  one  should  shrink  from 
these  exercises,  he  should  afterwards  be  eligible  to  no  kind  of 
honours,  he  occasioned  that  not  only  the  public  magistrates,1 
but  those  who  had  the  charge  also  of  individuals,  took  care 
that  they  might  not,  by  indolent  neglect  of  their  duty,  become 
utterly  disreputable  in  the  state. 

4.  Besides,  as  he  wished  to  engender  in  them  the  deepest 
feelings  of  modesty,  he  enjoined  them,  when  they  were  on  the 
public  roads,  to  keep  both  their  hands  under  their  dress,  to 
walk  along  in  silence,  not  to  look  round  in  any  direction,  but 
to  keep  their  eyes  on  what  was  before  their  feet.  5.  Hence  it 
was  made  manifest  that  the  male  sex  is  more  susceptible  of 
acquiring  modesty  than  even  the  female ;  for  you  would  hear 
no  more  sound  of  a  voice  from  them  than  from  stone  statues ; 
you  would  have  as  much  difficulty  in  turning  their  eyes  as  if 
they  were  made  of  brass ;  you  would  esteem  them  more  bash- 
ful than  even  virgins  in  the  bridal  chamber ;  and  when  they 
came  into  the  philition,2  you  must  be  content  to  hear  only 
what  was  asked  of  them. 

1  Tovg  Ik  drifioaiovJ]  By  these  words  Haas  understands  all  magistrates 
or  governors,  who  give  public  moral  instruction  to  youth.     Sauppe. 

2  The  philitia,  or,  as  the  word  was  more  frequently  Avritten,  pheiditia 
(as  supposed  to  be  from  Qtidotiai,  to  be  sparing),  were  the  public  meals 


CH.  4.]  LAWS   CONCERNING   MEN.  211 

6.  The  education  among  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  that 
among  the  other  Greeks,  has  now  been  detailed;  and  by 
which  of  the  two  men  are  formed  to  be  more  obedient  and 
unassuming,  and  more  temperate  in  things  in  which  they 
ought  to  be  temperate,  let  him  who  pleases  consider. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Regulations  respecting  those  of  mature  and  advanced  age. 

1.  On  the  full-grown  men,  however,  be  bestowed  the  most 
anxious  attention  ;  as  he  thought  that  they,  if  they  proved 
such  as  they  ought  to  be,  would  have  the  greatest  influence 
in  promoting  the  welfare  of  the  state.  2.  Observing,  there- 
fore, that  among  whatever  people  emulation  was  excited, 
their  bands  of  singers  were  most  deserving  of  being  heard,  and 
their  gymnastic  contests  most  worthy  of  being  seen,  he  con- 
sidered that  if  he  could  match  the  youth  with  one  another  in 
a  contest  for  meritorious  distinction,  they  would  thus  un- 
doubtedly arrive  at  the  greatest  eminence  in  manly  excellence. 
How  he  stimulated  them,  accordingly,  to  contend  with  one 
another,  I  will  relate. 

3.  From  the  men  in  the  full  vigour  of  life  the  ephori 
choose  three,  who  are  called  Hippagretaa.  Each  of  these 
makes  choice  of  a  hundred  others,  explaining  for  what  reasons 
he  prefers  some  and  rejects  others.  4.  Those  who  do  not 
obtain  this  honour  are  at  strife  as  well  with  those  who  have 
rejected  them,  as  with  those  who  have  been  preferred  to 
them  ;  and  they  also  keep  strict  watch  over  one  another,  lest 
they  should  act  at  all  laxly,  contrary  to  what  is  considered 
honourable. 

5.  Such  strife  is  both  highly  acceptable  to  the  gods,  and 
extremely  beneficial  to  the  community  ;  for  in  it  is  shown  what 
a  good  citizen  ought  to  do;  and  the  people  exercise  themselves 
individually  that  they  may  always  be  in  good  condition,  and 

of  the  Lacedaemonians,  the  same  as  the  syssitia.  Some  suppose  QeidiTia, 
or  QidiTia,  to  be  a  mere  corruption  of  <pi\iTia,  and  that  the  word  is  actu« 
ally  from  $i\og. 

v  2 


212  GOVERNMENT   OF   LACED^SMON.  [CH.  5. 

may  severally  support  the  state,  if  it  be  at  all  necessary,  with 
all  their  might.  6.  They  must  also  attend  to  their  health,  for 
in  consequence  of  this  emulation,  they  engage  in  boxing 
with  one  another,  whenever  they  chance  to  meet  ;  but  any 
person  who  comes  up  on  the  occasion  has  full  power  to  sepa- 
rate the  combatants  ;  and  if  either  disobeys  him  that  would 
separate  them,  the  pasdonomus  takes  him  before  the  ephori, 
who  inflict  a  heavy  penalty  upon  him,  as  they  wish  to  prevent 
anger  from  ever  prevailing  so  far  as  to  be  the  cause  of  dis- 
obedience to  the  laws. 

7.  As  to  those  who  have  passed  the  age  of  puberty,  and 
from  whom  the  chief  officers  of  state  are  chosen,  the  rest  of 
the  Greeks,  though  they  exempt  them  from  the  cultivation  of 
their  strength,  nevertheless  require  them  to  serve  in  the  field ; 
but  Lycurgus  made  it  a  custom  that  it  should  be  honourable 
for  persons  of  that  age  to  engage  in  hunting,  unless  any  pub- 
lic business  hindered  them,  that  they  might  be  able,  no  less 
than  the  younger  men,  to  endure  the  hardships  of  war. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Meals  taken  in  public.     On  temperance. 

1.  The  employments  which  Lycurgus  appointed  for  each 
period  of  life  have  now  been  almost  all  specified.  What 
mode  of  living  he  instituted  for  all  the  citizens,  I  will  next 
endeavour  to  explain. 

2.  Lycurgus,  then,  having  found  the  Spartans,  like  the 
other  Greeks,  taking  their  meals l  at  home,  and  knowing  that 
most  were  guilty  of  excess  at  them,  caused  their  meals  to  be 
taken  in  public,  thinking  that  his  regulations  would  thus  be  less 
likely  to  be  transgressed.  3.  He  appointed  them  such  a  quan- 
tity of  food,  that  they  should  neither  be  overfed  nor  feel 
stinted.       Many  extraordinary  supplies2  are   also  furnished 

1  ^Ktivovvrag."]  Answering  pretty  m 'ich  to  our  word  "  living."     Sturz 
explains  it  by  cibum  capientes,  aicrjvelv  being  equivalent  to  convivari. 

2  Hapakoya.]  Beyond,  or  in  addition  to,  the  settled  quantity.   Weiske. 


§    4 — 8.]  PUBLIC   MEALS.  213 

from  what  is  caught  in  hunting,  and  for  these  the  rich  some- 
times contribute  bread ;  *  so  that  the  table  is  never  without 
provisions,  as  long  as  they  design  the  meal  to  last,  and  yet  is 
never  expensive. 

4.  Having  put  a  stop  likewise  to  all  unnecessary  drinking, 
which  weakens  alike  the  body  and  the  mind,  he  gave  permis- 
sion that  every  one  should  drink  when  he  was  thirsty,  think- 
ing that  the  drink  would  thus  be  most  innoxious  and  most 
pleasant.  When  they  take  their  meals  together  in  this  man- 
ner, how  can  any  one  ruin  either  himself  or  his  family  by 
gluttony  or  drunkenness  ?  5.  In  other  states,  equals  in  age 
generally  associate  together,  and  with  them  modesty  has  but 
very  little  influence  ;  but  Lycurgus,  at  Sparta,  mixed  citizens 
of  different  ages,  so  that  the  younger  are  for  the  most  part 
instructed  by  the  experience  of  the  older.  6.  It  is  a  custom 
at  these  public  meals,  that  whatever  any  one  has  done  to  his 
honour  in  the  community  is  related;  so  that  insolence,  or 
disorder  from  intoxication,  or  any  indecency  in  conduct  or 
language,  has  there  no  opportunity  of  showing  itself.  7  .  The 
practice  of  taking  meals  away  from  home  is  also  attended 
with  these  advantages,  that  the  people  are  obliged  to  walk 
in  taking  their  departure  homewards,  and  to  be  careful  that 
they  may  not  stagger  from  the  effects  of  wine,  knowing  that 
they  will  not  remain  where  they  dined,  and  that  they  must 
conduct  themselves  in  the  night  just  as  in  the  day;  for  it  is  not 
allowable  for  any  one  who  is  still  liable  to  military  duty2  to 
walk  with  a  torch. 

8.  As  Lycurgus  observed,  too,  that  those  who,  after  taking 
food,  exercise  themselves,  become  well-complexioned,  plump, 
and  robust,  while  those  who  are  inactive  are  puffy,  unhealthy- 
looking,  and  feeble,  he  did  not  neglect  to  give  attention  to 
that  point  ;  and  as  he  perceived  that  when  any  one  engages 
in  labour  from  his  own  inclination,  he  proves  himself  to  have 
his   body  in  efficient   condition,  he  ordered  that   the  oldest 

1  Aprov  avrnrapafiaWovoi.']  Neither  of  the  prepositions  in  this  word, 
observes  Weiske,  is  without  its  force ;  for  the  first  signifies  that  the  rich 
give  bread  in  exchange  for  what  is  taken  in  hunting,  which  bread  they 
irapafiaWovoi,  set  before  the  guests. 

2  'Ibv  tri  ififpovpov.]  It  was  only  the  father  of  children  that  was 
a<ppovpog,  or  exempt  from  military  service,  says  Schneider,  referring  to 
Aristot.  Polit.  ii.  7. 


214  GOVERNMENT   OP   LACED^EMON.  [CH.  6. 

in  each  place  of  exercise  should  take  care  that  those  he- 
longing  to  it  should  never  be  overcome  by  taking  too  much 
food.1  9.  With  regard  to  this  matter,  he  appears  to  me  to 
have  been  by  no  means  mistaken ;  for  no  one  would  easily 
find  men  more  healthy,  or  more  able-bodied,  than  the  Spar- 
tans ;  for  they  exercise  themselves  alike  in  their  legs,  in  their 
hands,  and  in  their  shoulders. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Ordinances  regarding  children,  slaves,  and  property. 

l.  In  the  following  particulars,  also,  he  made  enactments 
contrary  to  the  usage  of  most  states ;  for  in  other  communi- 
ties each  individual  has  the  control  over  his  own  children, 
and  servants,  and  property ;  but  Lycurgus,  wishing  to  order 
things  so  that  the  citizens  might  enjoy  some  advantage  from 
one  another,  unattended  with  any  reciprocal  injury,  ordained 
that  each  should  have  authority  not  only  over  his  own  chil- 
dren, but  over  those  of  others.  2.  But  when  a  person  is  con- 
scious that  his  fellow-citizens  are  fathers  of  the  children  over 
whom  he  exercises  authority,  he  must  exercise  it  in  such  a 
way  as  he  would  wish  it  to  be  exercised  over  his  own.  If  a 
boy,  on  any  occasion,  receive  blows  from  another  boy,  and 
complain  of  that  boy  to  his  father,  it  is  considered  dishonour 
able  in  the  father  not  to  inflict  additional  blows  on  his  son. 
Thus  they  trust  to  one  another  to  impose  nothing  disgraceful 
on  the  children. 

3.  He  enacted  also  that  a  person  might  use  his  neighbour's 
servants,  if  he  had  need  of  them.  He  introduced,  too,  a  com- 
munity of  property  in  hunting-dogs  ;  so  that  those  who  re- 
quire them  call  on  their  owner  to  hunt,  who,  if  he  is  not  at 
leisure  to  hunt  himself,  cheerfully  sends  them  out.  They  use 
horses  also  in  like  manner  ;  for  whoever  is  sick,  or  wants  a 
vehicle,  or  desires  to  go  to  some  place  speedily,  takes  posses-^ 

9  So  auj  to  render  themselves  incapable  of  engaging  in  bodily  exer 


CH.   7."  RESTRICTIONS   ON   TRADE.  215 

sion  of  a  horse,  if  he  sees  one  anywhere,  and,  after  making 
proper  use  of  it,  restores  it. 

4.  Nor,  in  regard  to  the  following  point,  did  he  allow  that 
that  which  is  customary  among  other  people  should  be  prac- 
tised among  his  countrymen.  For  when  men,  from  being 
overtaken  by  night  in  hunting,  are  in  want  of  provisions, 
unless  they  have  previously  furnished  themselves  with  them, 
he  directed  that,  in  such  a  case,  those  who  have  partaken  of 
what  they  need,  leave  the  rest  ready  for  use,  and  that  those 
who  require  a  supply,  having  opened  the  seals,1  and  taken  as 
much  as  they  want,  seal  the  remainder  up  again  and  leave  it. 
As  they  share  thus,  then,  with  one  another,  those  who  possess 
but  little  participate,  whenever  they  are  in  need,  in  all  the 
produce  of  the  country. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Restrictions  on  the  employments  of  the  Lacedaemonians. 

i.  The  following  practices,  too,  Lycurgus  established  in 
Sparta,  at  variance  with  those  of  the  rest  of  Greece.  In 
other  communities  all  gain  as  much  by  traffic  as  they  can ;  one 
cultivates  land,  another  trades  by  sea,  another  engages  in 
general  commerce,  another  maintains  himself  by  art.  2.  But 
at  Sparta,  Lycurgus  prohibited  free  men  from  having  any 
connexion  with  traffic,  and  enjoined  them  to  consider  as  their 
only  occupation  whatever  secures  freedom  to  states.2  3.  How, 
indeed,  could  wealth  be  eagerly  sought  in  a  community  where 

1  Weiske  may  well  observe  that  "  too  much  brevity  has  rendered  this 
passage  obscure."  But  it  appears  that  the  Lacedaemonians  had  cellars 
or  storehouses  for  provisions  in  their  grounds  ;  that  the  doors,  or  other 
apertures  in  them,  were  sealed ;  and  that  such  as  were  in  distress  for 
food,  like  the  hunters  in  the  text,  might  break  the  seals,  extract  what 
they  required,  and  then  seal  up  the  openings  again  with  the  iron  seal- 
rings  which  they  wore.  See  Sauppe's  note ;  Muller's  Dorians,  ii.  191 
205;  Plin.  H.  N.  xxxiii.  4;  Plutarch  de  Instit.  Lacedaem.  p.  238. 

8  As  knowledge  of  military  affairs,  strength  of  body  maintained  tj  ex- 
ercise, and  the  practice  of  temperance  and    ther  virtues. 


216  GOVERNMENT   OF   LACED  JEMON  [CH.    8. 

he  had  appointed  that  the  citizens  should  contribute  equally 
to  their  necessary  maintenance,  and  should  take  their  meals 
in  common,  and  had  thus  provided  that  they  should  not  desire 
wealth  with  a  view  to  sensual  gratifications  ?  Nor  had  they, 
moreover,  to  get  money  for  the  sake  of  clothiug ;  for  they 
think  themselves  adorned,  not  by  expensive  raiment,  but  by 
a  healthy  personal  appearance.  4.  Nor  have  they  to  gather 
money  for  the  purpose  of  spending  it  on  those  who  eat  with 
them,  since  he  has  made  it  more  honourable  for  a  person  to 
serve  his  neighbours  by  bodily  exertion,  than  by  putting  him- 
self to  pecuniary  expense  ;  making  it  apparent  that  the  one 
proceeds  from  the  mind,  and  the  other  from  fortune. 

5.  From  acquiring  money  by  unjust  means,  he  prohibited 
them  by  such  methods  as  the  following.  He  instituted,  in  the 
first  place,  such  a  kind  of  money,  that,  even  if  but  ten  minae 
came  into  a  house,  it  could  never  escape  the  notice  either  of 
masters  or  of  servants  ;  for  it  would  require  much  room,  and 
a  carriage  to  convey  it.  6.  In  the  next  place,  gold  and  silver 
are  searched  after,  and,  if  they  are  discovered  anywhere,  the 
possessor  of  them  is  punished.  How,  then,  could  gain  by 
traffic  be  an  object  of  pursuit,  in  a  state  where  the  possession 
of  money  occasions  more  pain  than  the  use  of  it  affords  pleasure  ? 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Obedience  to  the  magistrates  and  laws. 

1.  That  at  Sparta  the  citizens  pay  the  strictest  obedience 
to  the  magistrates  and  laws,  we  all  know.  I  suppose,  how- 
ever, that  Lycurgus  did  not  attempt  to  establish  such  an  ex- 
cellent order  of  things,  until  he  had  brought  the  most  power- 
ful men  in  the  state  to  be  of  the  same  mind  with  regard  to  it. 
2.  I  form  my  opinion  on  this  consideration,  that,  in  other 
states,  the  more  influential  men  are  not  willing  even  to  appear 
to  fear  the  magistrates,  but  think  that  such  fear  is  unbecoming 
free  men  ;  but  in  Sparta,  the  most  powerful  men  not  only  put 
themselves  under  the  magistrates,  but  even  count  it  an  honour 


§    3 — 5.]  POWER   OF    THE   EPHORI.  217 

to  humble  themselves  before  them,  and  to  obey,  when  they 
are  called  upon,  not  walking,  but  running ;  supposing  that  if 
they  themselves  are  the  first  to  pay  exact  obedience,  others 
will  follow  their  example ;  and  such  has  been  the  case.  3.  It  is 
probable,  also,  that  the  chief  men  established  the  magistracy  of 
the  Ephori,  in  conjunction  with  Lycurgus,  as  they  must  have 
been  certain  that  obedience  is  of  the  greatest  benefit,  alike  in 
a  state,  and  in  an  army,  and  in  a  family ;  and  they  doubtless 
considered  that  the  greater  power  magistrates  have,  the  great- 
er effect  will  they  produce  on  the  citizens  in  enforcing  obedi- 
ence.1 4.  The  Ephori,  accordingly,  have  full  power  to  im- 
pose a  fine  on  whomsoever  they  please,  and  to  exact  the  fine 
without  delay ;  they  have  power  also  to  degrade  magistrates 
even  while  they  are  in  office,  and  to  put  them  in  prison,  and 
to  bring  them  to  trial  for  their  life.  Being  possessed  of  such 
authority,  they  do  not,  like  the  magistrates  in  other  states, 
always  permit  those  who  are  elected  to  offices  to  rule  during 
the  whole  year  as  they  choose,  but,  like  despots  and  presid- 
ents in  gymnastic  contests,  punish  on  the  instant  whomsoever 
they  find  acting  at  all  contrary  to  the  laws. 

5.  Though  there  were  many  other  excellent  contrivances 
adopted  by  Lycurgus,  to  induce  the  citizens  to  obey  the  laws, 
the  most  excellent  of  all  appears  to  me  to  be,  that  he  did  not 
deliver  his  laws  to  the  people  until  he  had  gone,  in  company 
with  the  most  eminent  of  his  fellow-citizens,  to  Delphi,  and 
consulted  the  god  whether  it  would  be  more  beneficial  and 
advantageous  for  Sparta  to  obey  the  laws  which  he  had 
made.  As  the  god  replied  that  it  would  be  more  beneficial 
in  every  way,  he  at  once  delivered  them,  deciding  that  it 
would  be  not  only  illegal,  but  impious,  to  disobey  laws  sanc- 
tioned by  the  oracle. 

1  Kara7r\^?£ti/  tovq  7ro\i'rac  tov  viraicoveiv.']  The  construction  is  not 
very  clear.  Moms  understands  'iviKa  before  tov  viraKovuv.  'E7rt  seems 
preferable.  Schneider  thinks  those  two  words  spurious,  and  to  be  ejected. 
Zeune's  interpretation  of  the  phrase  is,  "  con  movere  auctoritate  sua  ad 
parendum." 


218  GOVERNMENT   OF  LACED^MON.  [en.    9. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Infamy  and  penalties  of  cowardice. 

l.  It  is  deserving  of  admiration,  too,  in  Lycurgus,  that  he 
made  it  a  settled  principle  in  the  community,  that  an  honour- 
able death  is  preferable  to  a  dishonourable  life ;  for  whoever 
pays  attention  to  the  subject  will  find  that  fewer  of  those  who 
hold  this  opinion  die,  than  of  those  who  attempt  to  escape 
danger  by  flight.  2.  Hence  we  may  say  with  truth,  that 
safety  attends  for  a  much  longer  period  on  valour  than  on 
cowardice;  for  valour  is  not  only  attended  with  less  anxiety  and 
greater  pleasure,  but  is  also  more  capable  of  assisting  and  sup- 
porting us.  It  is  evident,  too,  that  good  report  accompanies 
valour  ;  for  almost  everybody  is  willing  to  be  in  alliance  with 
the  brave. 

3.  How  he  contrived  that  such  sentiments  should  be  enter- 
tained, it  is  proper  not  to  omit  to  mention.  He  evidently, 
then,  intended  a  happy  life  for  the  brave,  and  a  miserable  one 
for  the  cowardly.  4.  In  other  communities,  when  a  man  acts 
as  a  coward,  he  merely  brings  on  himself  the  name  of  coward, 
but  the  coward  goes  to  the  same  market,  and  sits  or  takes 
exercise,  if  he  pleases,  in  the  same  place  with  the  brave  man  ; 
at  Lacedaemon,  however,  every  one  would  be  ashamed  to  ad- 
mit a  coward  into  the  same  tent  with  him,  or  to  allow  him  to 
be  his  opponent  in  a  match  at  wrestling.  Frequently,  too,  a 
person  of  such  a  character,  when  they  choose  opposite  parties 
to  play  at  ball,  is  left  without  any  place ;  and  in  forming  a 
chorus  he  is  thrust  into  the  least  honourable  position.  On 
the  road  he  must  yield  the  way  to  others,  and  at  public  meet- 
ings he  must  rise  up,  even  before  his  juniors.  His  female 
relatives l  he  must  maintain  at  home,2  and  they  must  pay  the 
penalty  of  his  want  of  spirit  ;3  he  is  also  not  allowed  to  have 

1  Tag  rrpoar)Kovaaq  Kopag.]     Not  only  daughters,  but  other  female  re* 
J  lations,  whom  he  might  happen  to  have  under  his  protection ;  else  the 

writer  would  have  used  the  word  SvyaTspag.     Sauppe. 

2  As  they  will  be  excluded  from  all  the  exercises  on  the  banks  of  the 
Eurotas,  mentioned  in  c.  5.     Schneider. 

*  Tavraig  Trjg  avavdpiag  airiav  ixpacreov.']  Schneider  would  tak* 
JivavSpia  in  the  sense  of  "  want  of  husbands,"  as  dvavdpog  Kopri  in  Euri' 


CH.  10.]  HONOURS   PAID   TO   OLD   AGE.  219 

his  hearth  without  a  wife,  and  must  at  the  same  time  pay  a 
Sne  for  being  in  that  condition.1  He  must  not  walk  abroad 
anointed,2  or  imitate  the  manners  of  persons  of  blameless 
character  ;  else  he  will  have  to  receive  stripes  from  his  betters. 
Since,  then,  such  disgrace  is  inflicted  on  cowards,  I  do  not  at 
all  wonder  that  death  is  preferred  at  Sparta  to  a  life  so  dis- 
honourable and  infamous. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Honours  paid  to  old  age.    Encouragement  of  virtue. 

1.  Lycurgtjs  seems  to  me  to  have  provided  also,  with  great 
judgment,  how  virtue  might  be  practised  even  to  old  age ;  for 
by  adding  to  his  other  enactments  the  choice  of  senators3  at 
an  advanced  stage  of  life,  he  caused  honour  and  virtue  not  to 
be  disregarded  even  in  old  age. 

2.  It  is  worthy  of  admiration  in  him,  too,  that  he  attached 
consideration  to  the  old  age  of  the  well-deserving ;  for  by 
making  the  old  men  arbiters  in  the  contest  for  superiority  in 
mental  qualifications,  he  rendered  their  old  age  more  honour- 
able than  the  vigour  of  those  in  the  meridian  of  life.     3.  This 

pides  means  more  than  once  a  girl  that  finds  no  husband.  But  this,  as 
Sauppe  observes,  is  incompatible  with  airiav  vir'extiv,  which  can  mean 
nothing  else  but  subire  culpam.  Camerarius  and  some  others  read  dvav- 
Speiag. 

1  rvvancbg  8k  Ksvrjv  koriav  ov  TrtpioTrrkov,  Kal  afia  rovrov  Zrjfiiav  airo- 
rioreov.]  I  have  translated  these  words  according  to  the  sense  attributed 
to  them  by  Sauppe.  As  he  is  a  citizen,  he  is  under  obligation  to  marry  ; 
but  being  unable  to  obtain  a  wife  through  infamia  for  cowardice,  he  has 
to  pay  a  penalty  for  living  unmarried.  Zrifiia,  says  Schneider,  seems  to 
mean  a  pecuniary  fine.  Dindorf  omits  the  ov,  making  the  passage  signify 
that  the  coward  must  have  his  hearth  without  a  wife,  as  he  will  be  unable 
te-get  one.  But  the  ov  is  found  in  all  copies,  and  Sauppe's  explanation 
is  very  satisfactory. 

2  He  is  not  allowed  to  walk  about  through  the  city  and  the  fields  anoint- 
ed with  oil.  The  use  of  ointments  was  permitted  in  war,  but  the  coward 
had  fled  from  the  field.  Comp.  Plut.  Ages.  c.  30,  where  it  is  said  that 
any  one  who  pleases  may  strike  a  coward,  and  that  they  go  about  "  squalid 
and  mean."     Weiske. 

3  In  the  room  of  a  deceased  senator,  the  most  meritorious  of  the  citizen* 
above  sixty  years  of  age  was  chosen.    Plutarch  Lycurg.  c.  26. 


220  GOVERNMENT   OF   LACED^EMON.  [CH.   10. 

contest  is  deservedly  held  in  the  greatest  esteem  among  the 
people,  for  gymnastic  contests  are  attended  with  honour,  but 
they  concern  only  bodily  accomplishments  ;  the  contest  for  dis- 
tinction in  old  age  involves  a  decision  respecting  merits  of  the 
mind.  In  proportion,  therefore,  as  the  mind  is  superior  to  the 
body,  so  much  are  contests  for  mental  eminence  more  worthy  of 
regard  than  those  concerning  bodily  superiority. 

4.  Is  it  not  highly  worthy  of  admiration,  also,  in  Lycurgus, 
that  when  he  saw  that  those  who  are  disinclined1  to  practise 
virtue  are  not  qualified  to  increase  the  power  of  their  country, 
he  obliged  all  the  citizens  of  Sparta  to  cultivate  every  kind  of 
virtue  publicly.  As  private  individuals,  accordingly,  who 
practise  virtue,  are  superior  in  it  to  those  who  neglect  it,  so 
Sparta  is  naturally  superior  in  virtue  to  all  other  states,  as  it 
is  the  only  one  that  engages  in  a  public  cultivation  of  honour 
and  virtue.  5.  Is  it  not  also  deserving  of  commendation, 
that,  when  other  states  punish  any  person  that  injures  another, 
Lycurgus  inflicted  no  less  punishment  on  any  one  that  openly 
showed  himself  regardless  of  becoming  as  good  a  man  as  pos- 
sible ?  6.  He  thought,  as  it  appears,  that  by  those  who  make 
others  slaves,  or  rob  them,  or  steal  anything,  the  individual 
sufferers  only  are  injured,  but  that  by  the  unprincipled  and 
cowardly  whole  communities  are  betrayed  ;  so  that  he  appears 
to  me  to  have  justly  imposed  the  heaviest  penalties  on  such 
characters. 

7.  He  also  imposed  on  his  countrymen  an  obligation,  from 
which  there  is  no  exception,  of  practising  every  kind  of  poli- 
tical virtue  ;  for  he  made  the  privileges  of  citizenship  equally 
available  to  all  those  who  observed  what  was  enjoined  by  the 
laws,  without  taking  any  account  either  of  weakness  of  body 
or  scantiness  of  means ;  but  if  any  one  was  too  indolent  to 
perform  what  the  laws  prescribed,  Lycurgus  appointed  that 
he  should  be  no  longer  counted  in  the  number  of  equally  pri- 
vileged citizens. 

8.  That  these  laws  are  extremely  ancient  is  certain ;  for 
Lycurgus  is  said  to  have  lived  in  the  time  of  the  Heracleidse;2 
but,  ancient  as  they  are,  they  are  still  very  new  to  other  com- 

1  I  read  oi  fxrj  fiovXSfxevoi,  with  Leunclavius,  Zeune,  and  Schneider. 
Dindorf  retains  the  old  reading,  otcov  oi  f3ov\6[itvot,  on  which  every  com- 
mentator has  written  something,  but  which  no  one  has  explained. 

2  That  is,  at  the  time  of  the  return  of  the  Heracleidse,  as  Muller  inter* 
prets  it  in  his  Dorians*  I.  133.     isauppe* 


CH.   11.]  OF    THE    LACEDAEMONIAN    ARMY.  221 

munities ;  for,  what  is  the  most  wonderful  of  all  things,  all 
men  extol  sucb  institutions,  but  no  state  thinks  proper  to  imi- 
tate them. 


CHAPTER  XL 

Of  the  Lacedaemonian  army 


1.  The  regulations  which  I  have  mentioned  are  beneficial 
alike  in  peace  and  in  war ;  but  if  any  one  wishes  to  learn 
what  he  contrived  better  than  other  legislators  with  reference 
to  military  proceedings,  he  may  attend  to  the  following  par- 
ticulars. 

2.  In  the  first  place,  then,  the  Ephori  give  the  cavalry  and 
infantry  public  notice  of  the  years  during  which  they  must 
join  the  army,  as  well  as  the  artisans ;  for  the  Lacedasmonians 
provide  themselves  in  the  field  with  an  abundance  of  all  those 
things  which  people  use  in  a  city ;  and  of  whatever  instru- 
ments1 an  army  may  require  in  common,  orders  are  given  to 
bring  some  on  waggons,  and  others  on  beasts  of  burden,  as 
by  this  arrangement  anything  left  behind  is  least  likely  to 
escape  notice. 

3.  For  engagements  in  the  field  he  made  the  following  ar- 
rangements. He  ordered  that  each  soldier  should  have  a 
purple  robe  and  a  brazen  shield ;  for  he  thought  that  such  a 
dress  had  least  resemblance  to  that  of  women,  and  was  excel- 
lently adapted  for  the  field  of  battle,  as  it  is  soonest  made 
splendid,  and  is  longest  in  growing  soiled.  He  permitted  also 
those  above  the  age  of  puberty  to  let  their  hair  grow,  as  he 
thought  that  they  thus  appeared  taller,  more  manly,  and  more 
terrible  in  the  eyes  of  the  enemy. 

4.  When  they  were  thus  equipped,  he  divided  them  into 
aix  morse2  of  cavalry  and  heavy-armed  infantry.     Each  of 

1  As  axes,  hand-mills,  kneading-troughs,  whetstones,  &c.  Comp.  Cyrop. 
vi.  2.  34.      Weiske. 

2  The  mora  consisted  originally  of  four  hundred  men.  But  its  number 
was  afterwards  increased.  Xenophon  speaks  of  it  as  consisting  of  six 
hundred  men,  Hellen.  iv.  5.  11,  12  Ephorus  mentioned  it  as  a  body  of 
five  hundred,  and  Polybius  of  nine  hundred ;  Plutarch,  Pelop.  c.  17.  The 


222  GOVERNMENT   OF    LACEDJEMON.  [CH.   11. 

these  inorae  of  the  citizens1  has  one  polemarch,  four  centurions, 
eight  captains  of  fifty,  and  sixteen  enomotarchs.2  The  men 
of  these  morae  are  sometimes,  according  to  the  command  issued, 
formed  in  enomotiae,  sometimes  by  threes,  sometimes  by  sixes.3 
5.  As  to  what  most  people  imagine,  that  the  arrangement  of 
the  Lacedaemonians  under  arms  is  extremely  complex,  they 
conceive  the  exact  contrary  to  what  is  the  fact ;  for  in  the 
Lacedaemonian  order  the  officers  are  placed  in  the  front  ranks, 
and  each  rank  is  in  a  condition  to  perform  everything  which 
it  is  necessary  for  it  to  perform.4  6.  So  easy  is  it  to  under- 
stand this  arrangement,  that  no  one,  who  can  distinguish  one 
man  from  another,  would  fail  of  learning  it ;  for  it  is  assigned 
to  some  to  lead,  and  enjoined  on  others  to  follow.  Shiftings 
of  place,  by  which  the  companies  are  extended  or  deepened, 
are  ordered  by  the  word  of  the  enomotarch,  as  by  a  herald ; 
and  in  these  there  is  nothing  in  the  least  difficult  to  learn. 
7.  But  how  it  is  possible  for  men  in  this  arrangement,  even  if 
they  are  thrown  into  confusion,  to  fight  with  an  enemy  pre- 
text has  "  morae  of  cavalry  and  infantry,"  but  the  mora  appears  to  have 
been  only  a  battalion  of  foot.  The  writer  of  the  article  "Army"  in 
Smith's  Diet,  of  Gr.  and  Rom.  Antiquities  says  that  to  each  mora  of  in- 
fantry there  was  attached  a  mora  of  cavalry,  consisting  at  most  of  one 
hundred  men.  But  for  this  statement  I  have  not  discovered  his  authority. 
Schneider  thinks  that  iinr&iQ  was  a  political  appellation  for  a  body  of  men 
that  were  not  necessarily  cavalry,  and  that  are  in  this  passage  only  said 
to  have  been  divided  into  morce. 

1  Twj/  7ro\inicwj/  popCbv.]  Stobseus,  citing  the  passage,  has  oitXitikCjv, 
which  Leunclavius,  Morus,  Zeune,  and  Weiske  have  adopted,  and  which 
will  certainly  satisfy  most  readers  better  than  tcoXitik&v. 

*  The  original  complement  of  an  enomotia  appears  to  have  been  twenty- 
five  men,  including  the  captain  or  enomotarch. 

3  Tots  fiev  tie  tvajfj-OTiag,  tots  Se  dg  rpCig,  tots  Se  elg  e%.~\  These 
words  have  perplexed  the  commentators.  There  appears  to  have  been  no 
better  explanation  of  them  offered  than  that  of  Haas  :  that  elg  kvojfioriag 
is  when  the  men  of  the  enomotia  are  ranged  in  single  file,  with  the  eno- 
motarch at  their  head ;  dg  rpelg,  when  they  are  three  abreast  and  eight 
deep ;  dg  ££,  when  they  are  six  abreast  and  four  deep. 

4  'O  arixog  sKaarog  ttolvt'  €%wv,  ocra  Sel  7rap!%£(T0ai.]  Schneider 
fairly  confesses  that  he  does  not  understand  these  words.  Weiske,  with 
Morus,  would  read  xdvra  Trapk-x^v,  omnia  prcestans,  or  faciens,  making 
the  signification  to  be,  that  every  man  in  each  file  imitates  exactly  what 
the  foremost  man  does  ;  but  in  opposition  to  this  change  of  reading,  it  may 
be  asked  why  the  participle  should  be  active,  and  the  infinitive  middle  ? 
Leunclavius 's  version  has,  Et  series  qucelibet  habet  omnia  quibus  reprasen- 
tatis  opus  est.  Gail  translates  thus :  "  Et  chaqice  file  porte  avec  die  ce 
gvi  lui  est  necesaaire." 


§    8 — 10.]  MILITARY   MANOEUVRES.  223 

senting  themselves  on  any  quarter  alike,  it  is  not  so  easy  to 
understand,  except  for  those  who  have  been  brought  up  under 
the  institution  of  Lycurgus.  8.  The  Lacedaemonians  do  with 
the  greatest  ease  what  appears  extremely  difficult  to  other 
men  that  are  even  accustomed  to  arms.  For  when  they  march 
in  column,  one  enomotia  follows  in  the  rear  of  another  ; l  and 
if,  when  they  are  in  this  order,  a  body  of  the  enemy  shows 
itself  in  front,  orders  are  given  to  each  enomotarch  to  bring 
up  his  enomotia  to  the  front  on  the  left ;  and  this  movement 
is  made  throughout  the  whole  army,  until  it  presents  itself 
in  full  array  against  the  enemy.  But  if  again,  while  they  are 
in  this  order,  the  enemy  should  show  themselves  in  the  rear, 
each  rank  performs  an  evolution,2  that  the  strongest 3  may 
always  be  presented  to  the  enemy. 

9.  But  when  the  commander  is  on  the  left,  they  do  not 
in  that  case  consider  themselves  in  a  worse  condition,  but 
sometimes  even  in  a  better ;  for  if  an  enemy  should  attempt 
to  encompass  them,  he  would  come  round,  not  on  the  defence- 
less, but  on  the  armed  side.  If  on  any  occasion,  again,  it 
should  appear  advantageous,  for  any  particular  object,  that 
the  commander  should  occupy  the  right  wing,  they  wheel  the 
troop  towards  the  wing,  and  manoeuvre4  the  main  body,  until 
the  commander  is  on  the  right,  and  the  rear  becomes  the  left. 
10.  But  if,  again,  a  body  of  the  enemy  appear  on  the  right, 
marching  in  column,  they  do  nothing  else  but  turn  each  cen- 
tury round,  like  a  ship,  so  as  to  front  the  enemy  ;  and  thus 
the  century  which  was  in  the  rear  comes  to  the  right.  But 
if  the  enemy  approach  on  the  left,  they  do  not  allow  them  to 
come  near,  but  repulse  them,  or  turn  their  centuries  round  to 
face  the  enemy ;  and  thus  again  the  century  that  was  in  the 
rear  takes  its  place  on  the  left. 

1  Kar'  ovpav  dr/nov  tvu/xoTia  sVerat.]  A  tergo  manipularia  series 
altera  sequitur  alteram.     Latin  version  in  Didot's  edition. 

2  'E&Xirrercri.]  Weiske  interprets  this  word  by  convertitur,  "  turns 
itself,"  and  Schneider  adopts  the  interpretation. 

3  Oi  fcparioroi.]  Weiske  understands  the  dpxovTeg  or  7rpa>ro<rrarai, 
mentioned  in  sect.  5.  Much  of  this  account  of  the  Lacedaemonian  army 
is  very  obscure. 

4  'EZfXirTovaiJ]   £ee  note  on  this  word,  sect.  8. 


224  GOVERNMENT   OF   LACED  JLMON.  [CH.    Ik. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Of  the  Spartan  mode  of  encampment, 

l.  I  will  also  explain  how  Lycurgus  directed  that  a  camp 
should  be  pitched.  As  the  angles  of  a  quadrilateral  figure 
are  useless,  he  formed  the  encampment  in  a  circle,  unless 
there  happened  to  be  a  mountain  to  protect  it,  or  unless  the 
troops  kept  a  wall  or  a  river  behind  them.  2.  He  appointed 
guards  during  the  day,  some  close  by  the  camp,  looking  into 
it ; l  for  these  are  stationed  with  reference,  not  to  the  ene- 
my, but  to  their  own  friends:2  as  for  the  enemy,  cavalry 
watch  their  approach  from  posts  from  which  they  command 
the  farthest  view.  3.  If  any  went  out  of  the  camp3  at  night, 
he  directed  that  they  should  be  watched  by  the  Sciritse ; 4  a 
duty  which  is  now  performed  by  the  mercenary  troops,  [ifj 
any  of  them  [happen]5  to  be  with  the  army.  As  to  their 
custom  of  always  going  about  with  spears,6  we  may  know  for 
certain  that  it  is  observed  for  the  same  reason  for  which  they 
always  prohibit  slaves  from  entering  the  army.     That  those 

'  Tag  fikv  iraga  tcl  oirXa  eicw  fiXtTzovaag.']  Most  copies  have  irpbg 
instead  of  napa.  Sturz,  Schneider,  and  LeunclaVius  agree  that  07rXa 
means  the  camp. 

2  Ov — 7roX(fii(i)v  eveica,  aXXa  <pLXwv.']  I  see  no  meaning  in  these  words. 
All  guards  are  posted  as  well  with  a  view  to  the  enemy  as  to  their  friends ; 
they  are  posted  to  secure  their  friends  from  being  surprised  by  the  enemy. 
Gail  renders  the  words,  "  Ce  n'est  pas  contre  l'ennemi  qu'elles  sont 
postees,  mais  pour  veiller  sur  l'armee,"  which  is  certainly  of  a  piece  with 
the  Greek. 

3  *E£a>  tj)q  <paXayyoQ.~\  That  is,  Vc,u  tu>v  07rXu)v,  "  out  of  the  camp." 
Comp.  Weiske  ad  Ages.  c.  2,  sect.  15.     Schneider. 

4  So  called  from  Scirus,  a  town  of  Arcadia,  which  the  Lacedaemonians 
reduced,  and  put  the  men  of  it  into  their  army  as  cavalry,  using  them 
on  services  of  the  greatest  danger.   Weiske.     See  note  on  Cyrop.  iv.  2.  1. 

5  There  is  a  hiatus  in  the  original.  Weiske  supposes  that  rjv  Tvyx^vuxri 
may  have  fallen  out  of  the  text. 

6  I  know  not  that  any  other  writer  has  spoken  of  this  custom.  The 
Lacedaemonians  were  skilful  in  the  use  of  the  spear,  Memorab.  iii.  9.  2  ; 
and  I  suppose  that  they  were  accustomed  to  carry  their  spears  about  with 
them  in  the  camp,  as  a  defence  against  the  slaves,  who  were  far  superior 
to  them  in  numbers,  and  whom  they  could  thus  more  easily  suppress  in  case 
of  any  disturbance  arising  among  them.  Weiske.  Schneider  refers  tc 
Libanius,  Or.  de  Servitute,  Tom.  ii.  p.  85,  ed.  Reisk. 


§  5 — 8.  J  MILITARY    EXERCISES.  225 

who  retire  on  necessary  occasions  do  not  withdraw  farther 
from  one  another  or  from  the  camp  than  just  to  such  a  distance 
as  will  not  cause  each  other  uneasiness,  must  not  excite  sur- 
prise in  us ;  for  they  observe  such  caution  for  self-preserva- 
tion. 

5.  They  change  the  position  of  their  camp  frequently,  with 
the  view  both  of  doing  damage  to  their  enemies  and  of  serving 
their  friends.  It  is  prescribed  by  law  that  all  the  Lacedae- 
monians are  to  practise  gymnastic  exercises  whenever  they 
are  in  the  field ; l  and  they  thus  acquire  a  finer  appearance 
than  they  had  before,  and  a  more  manly  air  than  other  men. 
But  the  space  for  walking  or  running  must  be  made  not  less, 
[and  not  much  greater,]2  than  the  space  over  which  a  mora 
would  extend,3  in  order  that  no  one  may  go  far  away  from 
his  arms.  6.  When  the  exercises  are  concluded,  the  first 
polemarch  gives  orders  for  them  to  sit  down ;  this  serves  the 
purpose  of  a  review  ;  he  then  orders  them  to  take  their  break- 
fast, and  soon  after  to  relieve  the  advanced  sentinel.4  The 
men  then  amuse  themselves  and  take  rest  previously  to  the 
evening  exercises.  8.  After  these,  orders  are  issued  that  they 
may  take  supper,  and  that,  when  they  have  sung  a  hymn  to 
the  gods,  from  whom  they  have  had  favourable  omens  when 
sacrificing,  they  may  repose  themselves  on  their  arms. 

That  I  specify  many  particulars,  no  one  ought  to  be  sur- 
prised ;  for  an  observer  will  find  very  few  things  that  require 
care  omitted  by  the  Lacedaemonians  in  their  military  regula- 
tions. 

1  Sauppe  refers  to  Herodot.  vii.  208 ;  Plutarch,  Lycurg.  c.  22. 

2  Weiske  supposes  that  something  equivalent  to  the  words  in  brackets 
has  been  lost  out  of  the  text. 

3  If  the  men  in  it  were  placed  all  in  a  line.     Weiske. 

4  Tbv  TrpovKOTTov  vtrokveoBai,']  Weiske  supposes  that  one  of  the  horse- 
men mentioned  in  sect.  2  is  meant,  who  was  posted  in  advance.  He 
would  read  with  Leunclavius,  airoXveaOcu. 


VOL.   III. 


226  GOVERNMENT    OF    LACED^EMON.  {  CH.   13. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Of  the  authority  and  duties  of  the  king  in  the  field.    Of  the  Spartan  war- 
fare in  general. 

i.  I  will  also  relate  what  power  and  honour  Lycurgus  has 
assigned  to  the  king  when  he  is  with  the  army.  In  the  first 
place,  the  state  supports  the  king  on  an  expedition,  and  those 
who  attend  on  him ;  and  the  polemarchs  pitch  their  tents 
close  by  him,  that,  being  always  at  hand,  they  may  be  the  bet- 
ter able  to  take  counsel  with  him,  if  they  require  to  do  so. 
Three  others,  also,  of  the  equally  privileged  citizens  pitch 
their  tents  with  him ;  and  these  attend  to  all  the  provisions 
for  the  rest,1  that  no  business  of  that  kind  may  prevent  them 
from  attending  to  military  affairs. 

2.  But  I  will  go  back  to  describe  how  the  king  sets  forth 
with  the  army.  He  first  sacrifices,  while  still  at  home,  to 
Jupiter  and  the  gods  with  him,2  and  if  the  omens  there  be 
favourable,  the  fire-bearer,3  taking  fire  from  the  altar,  leads 
the  way  to  the  confines  of  the  country,  when  the  king  again 
sacrifices4  to  Jupiter  and  Minerva.  3.  When  favourable 
omens  have  been  obtained  from  both  these  deities,  he  then 
crosses  the  boundaries  of  the  country ;  and  the  fire  from  these 
sacrifices  is  carried  before  him,  never  being  extinguished,  and 
all  kinds  of  victims5  are  taken  with  him.  But  whenever 
sacrifice  is  offered,  he  always  commences  that  duty  before 
daybreak,  wishing  to  be  the  earliest  to  gain  the  good- 
will6 of  the  god.7     4.  There  are  present  at  the  sacrifice,  the 

1  TowroTg.]     Regi  et  suis.     Dativus  est  commodi.     Weiske. 

2  Toie  avv  avT(f.^\     Aliisque  ccelitibus.     Philelphus. 

3  A  herald,  perhaps  the  chief  of  the  heralds,  whose  business  it  was  to 
carry  the  fire  on  the  occasion. 

4  These  are  the  sacrifices  called  dia&aTrjpia,  mentioned  in  Hellen.  iii,  4. 
3  ;  iii.  5.  3  ;  iv.  7,  2.     Satippe. 

5  As  the  goat,  which  was  sacrificed  immediately  before  a  battle;  see 
sect.  8,  and  Plutarch,  Lycurg.  c.  22. ;  the  ox,  which  was  offered  to  Mars 
after  they  had  defeated  the  enemy  by  able  tactics  ;  and  the  cock,  which 
was  offered  to  the  same  deity  when  they  had  come  off  indisputably  vic- 
torious in  the  field:  see  Plutarch  de  Lacedsfim.  Instit.  p.  887.     Zeune. 

8  JlpoXafitavnv  (3ov\6f~evoG.~\     "  Dans  la  vue  d'obtenir  avant  les  au- 
tres  humains  les  bienfaits  de  la  divinite."     Gail. 
7  Apollo. 


§   5—8.]  MILITARY    CEREMONIES.  227 

polemarchs,  the  centurions,  the  captains  of  fifties,  the  officers 
of  the  mercenaries,  the  captains  of  the  baggage-troop,  and  any 
one  of  the  military  commanders  from  the  towns 1  that  chooses. 
5.  There  are  present,  also,  two  of  the  ephori,  who,  however, 
take  no  active  part  in  the  proceedings,  unless  the  king  calls 
upon  them ;  but,  as  they  observe  what  every  one  does,  they 
render  the  whole  company,  as  is  to  be  expected,  more  solemn 
in  their  deportment.  When  the  sacrifice  is  concluded,  the 
king,  calling  all  the  officers  around  him,  gives  directions  as  to 
what  is  to  be  done  ;2  so  that,  if  you  watched  all  these  proceed- 
ings attentively,  you  would  think  that  other  nations  engaged 
in  military  operations  without  premeditation,  and  that  the 
Lacedaemonians  were  the  only  people  really  skilled  in  the  con- 
duct of  war. 

6.  If,  when  the  king  commences  his  march,  no  enemy  ap- 
pears, no  one  goes  before  him  except  the  Sciritae  and  the 
cavalry  ordered  to  reconnoitre  ;  but  if  they  expect  that  a  battle 
will  ensue,  the  king,  taking  the  foremost  troop3  of  the  first 
mora,  and  wheeling  it  round,  leads  it  off  to  the  right,  until  he 
reaches  the  space  between  two  moras  and  two  polemarchs.4 
7.  Those  who  are  to  be  stationed  next  to  these,  the  eldest  of 
the  attendants  on  the  royal  tent5  draws  up  ;  and  these  are 
such  of  the  equally  privileged  citizens  as  pitch  their  tents  to- 
gether, as  well  as  the  augurs,  the  physicians,  the  officers  of 
the  army,6  and  the  volunteers,  if  there  be  any.  Thus  no  pan 
of  what  is  necessary  to  be  done  is  attended  with  any  difficulty; 
for  everything  has  been  previously  considered. 

8.  The  following  particulars,  too,  as  it  appears  to  me, 
Lycurgus  ordered  with  great  advantage  in  regard  to  contests 
in  arms.  When  a  goat  is  sacrificed,7  the  enemy  being  in 
sight,  it  is  the  custom  that  all  the  flute-players  who  are  in 
attendance  play  on  their  flutes,  and  that  every  one  of  the 

1  'A7r6  t5>v  ttoXzwv.']  The  towns  of  the  Spartan  perioeci  seem  to  be 
meant.     See  Hellen.  iii.  3.  6.     Weiske. 

3  Compare  Thucyd.  v.  66. 

1  To  dy/jjita.]     That  is,  to  rjyovfievov.     Haas. 

4  The  two  posted  on  the  right,  we  must  understand. 

5  Hepl  rr\v  dapoffiav.]  Sc.  GKrjvi'iv.  Comp.  sect.  2,  and  c.  15,  sect. 
4  ;  also  Hellen.  vi.  4.  14. ;  iv.  5.  8. 

*  Oi  tov  (Trparov  apxovrsc.]      Manso  (Sparta,  vol.  i.  p.  234)  propose 
to  read  aK/xatovreg.     It  is  not  clear  to  me  who  are  meant.      Weiske. 
1  See  Plutarch,  Lycurg.  c.  22;  Pausanias,  ix.  13 

4  2 


228  GOVERNMENT    OF    LACEDiEMON.  [CH.   14. 

Lacedaemonians  wear  a  chaplet ;  and  notice  is  given  that  the 
arms  be  made  bright.  It  is  expected  of  the  youth  to  engage 
in  battl  3  with  their  hair  combed,1  and  with  a  cheerful  look 
and  fair  appearance.  9.  They  also  call  out  the  orders  to  the 
enomotarch  ;  for  the  voice  cannot  reach  along  the  whole  of 
each  enomotia  from  each  enomotarch  at  the  extremity;  but  to 
see  that  all  is  properly  done  is  the  business  of  the  polemarch. 
10.  As  to  the  time  when  it  may  seem  proper  to  pitch  the  camp, 
the  king  has  the  direction,  as  well  as  the  power  of  pointing 
out  the  place  where  it  must  be  pitched. 

To  the  king  it  also  belongs  to  send  embassies,  either  to 
friends  or  enemies.  Every  one,  indeed,  when  he  wishes  to  do 
anything  of  consequence,  begins  by  consulting  the  king.  11.  If 
any  one  comes  seeking  justice,  the  king  refers  him  to  the 
Hellanodica^;2  if  money,  to  the  paymasters;  if  he  brings  in 
spoil,  to  the  sellers  of  the  spoil.  Things  being  thus  ordered, 
no  other  duty  is  left  for  the  king  in  the  field,  than  to  act  as 
priest  in  what  regards  the  gods,  and  as  general  in  what  con- 
cerns men. 


CHAPTER  XIY. 

Departure  from  the  discipline  of  Lycurgus. 

1.  3[If  any  one  should  ask  me,  whether  the  laws  of  Lycur- 
gus appear  to  me  to  continue  even  at  the  present  time  intact, 
I  could  certainly  no  longer  reply  with  confidence  in  the  af- 
firmative. 2.  For  I  know  that  the  Lacedaemonians  formerly 
preferred  to  associate  together  at  home,  though  with  moderate 
means,  rather  than  to  grow  corrupt  by  governing  foreign 
cities,  and  listening  to  flatterers.  3.  I  know  that  they  were 
formerly  afraid  to  let  it  be  known  that  they  were  possessed  of 

1  Tqivky  KtKrevL<Tfikvq).'\  This  is  Schneider's  emendation.  Dindorf 
retains  the  old  reading  KeKpifAsvy.  Zeune  conjectures  Kucpifievip  icofxtjv. 
"VVsiske,  kou  Kofitjv  di.aKiKpifJ.kvcj}. 

9  Weiske  calls  \h.em  judices  Laceclcemoniorum  castrenses,  men  who  sat 
as  judges  in  the  camp  of  the  Lacedaemonians;  and  compares  them  to  the 
Roman  tribunes. 

3  Weiske,  Schneider,  and  Dindorf  include  this  chapter  in  bracket?,  as 
being  either  spurious  or  out  of  place. 


CH.    15.]         COMPACT    OF    THE    KINGS    AND   PEOPLE.  22^ 

gold ;  but  some  at  present,  I  am  aware  are  ostentatious  of 
possessing  it.  4.  1  know  that  for  this  reason  strangers  were 
formerly  banished  from  Sparta,  and  that  citizens  were  not 
allowed  to  reside  abroad,  lest  they  should  be  initiated  in  licen- 
tiousness by  foreigners ;  but  now  I  know,  that  those  who  are 
thought  the  chief  men  among  them  have  shown  the  utmost 
eagerness  to  be  constantly  engaged  in  governing  some  foreign 
city.  5.  There  was  a  time,  too,  when  they  made  it  their 
study  to  render  themselves  worthy  to  be  governors ;  but  now 
they  use  far  more  exertion  to  obtain  rule,  than  to  prove  them- 
selves deserving  of  it.  6.  Hence  the  Greeks  formerly  used  to 
resort  to  Lacedsemon,  and  request  them  to  be  their  leaders 
against  those  who  were  convicted  of  doing  wrong  ;  but  now 
many  of  the  Greeks  exhort  one  another  to  prevent  them  from 
ever  again  taking  the  lead.  7.  Yet  we  must  not  feel  surprised 
that  such  reproach  is  thrown  upon  them,  since  they  evidently 
show  themselves  neither  obedient  to  the  deity,1  nor  to  the 
laws  of  Lycurgus.] 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Compact  between  the  kings  and  the  people. 

1.  I  wish,  also,  to  state  what  compact  Lycurgus  instituted 
between  the  king  and  the  state;  for  this  is  the  only  govern- 
ment that  continues  just  as  it  was  established  at  the  very  be- 
ginning; other  constitutions  we  may  find  either  changed,  or 
at  present  undergoing  change. 

2.  Lycurgus,  then,  appointed  that  the  king  should  offer  all 
the  public  sacrifices  on  behalf  of  the  state,  as  being  descended 
from  Jupiter,  and  that  he  should  command  the  army  wherever 
the  state  should  think  proper  to  send  it.  3.  He  allowed  the 
king  also  to  receive  an  honorary  portion  of  the  sacrifices  offer- 
ed, and  appointed  him  choice  portions  of  land  in  the  territory 
of  many  of  the  neighbouring  towns,  of  such  an  extent  that  he 
might  neither  be  in  want  of  moderate  means,  nor  be  possessed 
of  extravagant  wealth.     4.   That  the  kings  might  take  their 

1  Apollo,  who  is  often  called  6  Sabq  icar'  £%o)(r}v}  as  in  c.  8,  §  5.   Weiske. 


230  GOVERNMENT    OP    LACED^EMON.  [§  O 9. 

meals1  in  a  tent  away  from  home,  too,  he  assigned  them  a 
public  tent,  and  honoured  them  with  a  double  portion  at  din- 
ner, not  that  they  might  eat  twice  as  much  as  others,  but  that 
they  might  have  it  in  their  power  to  honour  whomsoever  they 
pleased  with  a  part  of  it.  5.  He  permitted  also  each  of 
the  kings  to  choose  for  himself  two  tent-companions,  whom 
they  call  Pythii.2  He  allowed  the  king,  too,  to  take  a  pig 
from  the  brood  of  every  sow,  that  he  might  never  be  in  want 
of  victims,  if  it  should  be  necessary  for  him  to  consult  the 
gods.  6.  Near  the  palace,  a  lake  affords  abundance  of  water ; 
and  that  such  a  supply  is  useful  for  many  purposes,  those  who 
are  without  it  know  extremely  well.  All  rise  up  from  their 
seats  before  the  king,  except  the  ephori  from  their  seats  of 
office.  7.  They  take  an  oath  to  each  other  every  month,  the 
ephori  for  the  state,  and  the  king  for  himself.  The  oath  on 
the  part  of  the  king  is,  that  he  will  govern  according  to  the 
existing  laws  of  the  state  ;  the  oath  on  the  part  of  the  state  is, 
that  if  the  king  adheres  to  his  word,  they  will  preserve  his 
kingdom  unshaken. 

8.  Such  are  the  honours  that  are  granted  to  the  king  in  his 
native  land,  while  living,  honours  not  far  exceeding  those  that 
are  paid  to  private  individuals ;  for  Lycurgus  did  not  wish  to 
excite  a  tyrannical  spirit  in  the  kings,  or  to  inspire  the  citi- 
zens with  envy  of  their  power.  9.  As  to  the  honours  which 
are  paid  to  a  king  when  dead,  the  laws  of  Lycurgus  wish  to 
show  by  them  that  they  have  honoured  the  kings  of  the  La- 
cedaemonians, not  as  men,  but  as  heroes. 

v  l  "E4w  gktivouv.]  Publico  convictu  utantur,  non  domi  cum  familia 
epulentur.  Comp.  c.  5,  sect.  7,  and  c.  5,  sect.  2,  4.  Schneider.  Sxrqvttv, 
convivari,  eommorari  dum  cibum  capiunt.     See  Sturz,  Lex.  Xen. 

2  So  called,  because  their  proper  business  "was  to  go  as  deputies  to  con- 
sult the  oracle  at  Delphi  of  which  he  original  name  was  Pytho.  &«« 
Herod.  vL  57. 


ON  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  ATHENS. 


CHAPTER  I. 


The  Athenians  adopt  judicious  measures  for  maintaining  a  democratic  form 
of  government,  §  1 — 9.  The  condition  of  slaves  and  foreigners  at  Athens, 
10 — 12.  Some  indolence  and  corruption  among  the  Athenians,  13.  Little 
favour  shown  by  them  to  the  higher  order  of  the  people  among  their  allies, 
14,  15.  Why  the  allies  are  obliged  to  bring  their  law-suits  to  be  tried  at 
Athens,  16—18.    Their  nautical  skill,  19,  20. 

i.  As  to  the  government  of  the  Athenians,1  I  do  not  com- 
mend them  for  having  chosen  that  form  of  government,  for 
this  reason,  that,  by  making  such  a  choice,  they  chose  that 
the  lower  class  should  be  in  a  better  condition  than  the  upper  ; 
for  this  reason,  then,  I  say,  I  do  not  commend  them ;  but  I 
will  show  that,  since  this  state  of  things  has  been  adopted  by 
them,  they  support  their  constitution  well,  and  successfully 
transact  other  things  in  which  they  appear  to  the  rest  of  the 
Greeks  to  be  in  error. 

2.  I  shall  observe,  then,  in  the  first  place,  that  in  such  a  con- 
stitution the  poor  and  the  plebeian  have  deservedly  greater  in- 
fluence than  the  well-born  and  the  rich ;  because  it  is  the 
plebeians  that  manage  the  shipping,  and  that  in  consequence 
increase  the  power  of  the  state  ;  for  the  pilots  and  celeustse,2 

1  Sauppe  supposes  that  the  abrupt  beginning  of  this  treatise  indicates 
that  it  has  been  detached  from  some  large  work  on  the  merits  of  the  vari- 
ous forms  of  government  in  Greece. 

2  A  kind  of  naval  fugle-men,  to  whose  voice  and  signals  the  rowers 
kept  time.     See  note  on  CEcon.  c.  21,  sect-  ° 


232  GOVERNMENT    OP   ATHENS.  [CH.   1, 

and  capta.ns  of  fifty  rowers,  and  forecastle-men,1  and  ship- 
builders, are  those  who  add  strength  to  the  community  far 
more  than  the  noble  and  better  class  of  citizens.  Since  such 
is  the  case,  therefore,  it  seems  to  be  but  just  that  all  of  them 
should  have  a  voice  concerning  the  offices  of  state,  whether  the 
election  to  them  be  by  lot  or  by  show  of  hands,  and  that  every 
one  of  the  citizens  who  wishes  should  have  liberty  to  speak. 

3.  In  those  offices,  however,  which,  from  being  efficiently  or 
inefficiently  held,  cause  safety  or  peril  to  the  whole  common- 
wealth, the  people  have  no  desire  to  participate  ;  they  do  not 
expect  to  be  admitted  to  the  office  of  commander-in-chief  or 
of  general  of  the  cavalry ;  for  they  are  sensible  that  they  are 
more  benetited  by  not  taking  upon  themselves  such  offices,  but 
allowing  the  most  influential 2  of  the  citizens  to  hold  them  ; 
but  whatever  posts  are  held  for  pay,3  or  attended  with  benefit 
to  their  families,  these  the  people  try  to  gain. 

4.  In  the  very  fact,  too,  at  which  some  wonder,  that  they 
everywhere  give  more  weight  to  the  less  respectable,  the  poor, 
and  the  plebeians,  than  to  those  of  a  higher  class,  they  will 
but  prove  that  they  uphold  their  democratic  form  of  govern- 
ment ;  for  if  the  humble,  the  men  of  the  people,  and  the  lower 
orders  prosper  and  increase  in  number,  they  add  to  the  po- 
pular power  ;  but  if  the  wealthier  and  higher  classes  are  ad- 
vanced in  prosperity,  the  plebeians  establish  in  authority  a 
party  opposed  to  themselves.  5.  In  every  country,  indeed, 
the  better  class  of  the  people  is  adverse  to  a  democracy  ;  for 
in  the  most  respectable  portion  of  a  community  there  is  the 
least  licentiousness  and  injustice,  and  the  strictest  regard  to 
honesty  ;  but  among  the  plebeians  the  greatest  ignorance,  in- 
subordination, and  vice  ;  for  poverty  leads  them  much  more 
to  dishonourable  practices,  and  to  some  men  want  of  instruc- 
tion and  knowledge,  in  consequence  of  the  want  of  money.  ..4 

1  UptopaTai.]  Men  who  stood  on  the  look-out  at  the  prow,  and  made 
signals  io  the  steersman. 

2  AvvariOTOLTovg.]   Ditissimos.   Weiske. 

3  Mia9o<popiag  eveica  ]  We  may  suppose  that  the  pay  is  meant  which 
was  given  not  only  to  the  common  people  in  the  assemblies,  but  to  the 
senators  and  judges.  See  Demosth.  adv.  Timocrat.  p.  731,  ed.  Reisk. 
That  three  oboli  were  given  to  the  judges  in  the  Heliaea  for  every  cause 
that  they  tried,  we  see  in  Pollux,  viii.  9.  Bribery  of  judges  is  mentioned, 
2.  3,  sect.  3.     Zewiie. 

*  Schneider  and  Morus  suppose  that  sonr  ething  has  dropped  out  of  Lie 


§  6 — 10.]  ATHENIAN    CONSTITUTION.  233 

6.  Some  person  may  perhaps  remark,  that  they  should  not 
have  allowed  all  men  without  distinction  to  speak  in  public, 
and  offer  advice,  but  only  those  of  the  greatest  ability  and  of 
the  highest  character  ;  but  even  in  this  respect  they  act  with 
excellent  judgment,  by  permitting  even  the  mean  to  speak  ;  for 
if  the  highest  class  only  made  speeches  and  offered  their 
opinions,  what  they  say  might  be  of  advantage  to  men  like 
themselves,  but  of  no  advantage  to  the  plebeians  ;  but  now, 
even  the  lowest  individual  of  the  people,  standing  up  to  speak 
if  he  pleases,  can  bring  to  light  something  that  may  be  bene- 
ficial both  to  himself  and  to  his  equals.  7.  Some  one  might 
ask,  "  What  measure  can  such  a  man  devise  that  is  likely  to  be 
beneficial  either  to  himself  or  to  the  people  ?  "  but  the  Atheni- 
ans know  that  his  imperfect  knowledge  and  humble  views,  if 
attended  with  benevolence,  are  more  likely  to  profit  the  com- 
munity than  the  talents  and  wisdom  of  the  higher  character,  if 
accompanied  with  dishonest  intentions. 

8.  Under  such  modes  of  proceeding  the  constitution  may 
not  be  the  very  best,  but  the  democratic  form  of  government 
will  thus  be  excellently  preserved  ;  for  the  people  are  by  no 
means  desirous,  while  the  state  is  well  regulated,  to  be  them- 
selves slaves,  but  to  be  free  and  to  govern.  If  the  govern- 
ment is  bad,  they  care  but  little  ;  for,  from  that  which  you 
think  a  bad  condition  of  government,  the  people  gain  both 
strength  and  freedom.  9.  But  if  you  want  a  really  good 
government,  you  must  first  see  the  wisest  men  make  laws  for 
the  people  ;  and  then  the  good  must  punish  the  bad,  and  con- 
sult for  the  interests  of  the  commonwealth,  and  not  allow  fellows 
like  madmen  *  to  offer  counsel,  and  harangue  and  address  the 
public  assemblies.  In  such  an  excellent  state  of  things,  how- 
ever, the  plebeians  would  soon  fall  into  servitude. 

10.  The  licence  allowed  to  slaves  and  sojourners  at  Athens 
is  very  great  ;  it  is  not  allowable  to  strike  them,  nor  will  the 
slave  yield  you  the  way.     For  what  reason  this  custom  is 

text.  Leunclavius  and  Zeune  would  insert  evtari,  or  something  similar, 
which  Weiske  thinks  may  be  understood.  Sauppe  has  thrust  into  his 
text  ivkuxJiQi  hebetatio,  a  conjecture  of  Hermann's  (signifying  that  want 
of  education  is  a  cause  of  stupidity  in  men),  but  the  word  svsuxng  wants 
authority. 

1  Maivofisvovg.]  "  We  must  understand  fur  iosis  simifes,"  says  Schnei- 
der, "  for  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  actual  madmen  were  allowed  ta 
offer  counsel." 


234  GOVERNMENT    OF   ATHENS.  [CH.  1. 

suffered  to  prevail  in  the  country,  I  will  tell  you.  If 
it  were  usual  for  the  slave,  or  the  sojourner,  or  the  freed 
man  to  be  beaten  by  the  free  citizen,  he  would  often  strike 
an  Athenian  born,  imagining  him  to  be  a  slave  ;  for  th* 
people  of  the  city  wear  no  better  dress  than  slaves  or  so- 
journers, nor  are  they  at  all  superior  in  personal  appear 
ance.  11.  Yet  if  any  one  feels  surprised  that  they  permit 
their  slaves  to  fare  luxuriously,  and  some  of  them  to  live  even 
magnificently,  they  may  be  shown  to  act  even  in  this  respect 
with  judgment ;  for  where  a  naval  power  exists,  it  is  neces- 
sary, from  pecuniary  considerations,  to  humour  the  slaves,1 
that  we  may  receive  the  profit  from  the  work  which  they  per- 
form,2 and  to  indulge  them  in  a  liberal  way  of  living  ; 3 
but  where  the  slaves  are  rich,  it  is  no  longer  expedient  that 
my  slave  should  fear  you ;  (at  Lacedsemon,  indeed,  my  slave 
fears  you  ; )  since,  if  your  slave  fears  me,  he  will  be  likely  to 
sacrifice  what  is  in  his  possession,4  in  order  to  escape  danger 
to  his  person.  12.  On  this  account,  accordingly,  we  have 
granted  to  slaves  a  certain  equality  5  with  the  free,  as  well  as 
to  sojourners  with  the  citizens  ;  for  the  state  has  need  of  so- 
journers, through  the  great  number  of  trades,  and  for  the  ser- 
vice of  the  fleet. 

13.  The  people  have  ceased  to  tolerate  those  who  practise 
gymnastic  exercises  6  and  cultivate  music,  thinking  that  such 
pursuits  do  not  become  them,  and  knowing  that  the  lower  class 
are  not  competent  to  study  such  arts.  In  the  furnishing  of 
choruses,  as  well  as  in  the  government  of  the  gymnasia,  and 

1  ' Kirb  xprjfictTiov  avayien  roig  avSpairodoig  dovktvtiv.~\  Propter  opes 
et  pecuniam  indulgere  mancipiis,  se  accommodare  ad  eorum  arbitrium  et 
lubidinem.     Schneider. 

2  "Iva  XaGavw/xev  u>v  7rpdrrei  rag  aTrofyopag  ]  This  is  Dindorf's  read- 
ing, from  a  conjecture  of  Schneider's.  Of  the  passage  as  it  stands  in 
other  editions  no  sense  is  to  be  made. 

8  '~E\ev9kpovg  cKp'avai.]  Not  "  to  make  the  slaves  free,"  as  Weiske 
imagined,  but  liberius  vivendi  genus  permittere,  as  Zeune  interprets  it, 
"  to  allow  them  considerable  licence  as  to  their  mode  of  life."  Sauppe. 

*  And  thus  will  have  nothing  to  give  to  his  master.     Zeune. 

5  'I<rr]yopLav.~\  Properly,  "  equal  liberty  of  speech  ;  "  but  the  signifi- 
cation of  the  word  was  extended  so  as  to  denote  equality  in  general. 

6  Tovg  yvfXifaZ,ofi'i.vovg — KaraXkXvKtv.']  KaraXkXvKev,  says  Weiske,  is 
abrogravit,  sustulit.  The  passage  has  given  great  trouble  to  the  commen- 
tators. Zeune  thinks  the  writer  means,  that  the  cultivation  of  gymnastics 
and  music  was  forbidden  to  the  slaves  only  ;  but  other  critics  suppose  hira 
to  mean,  that  it  was  discountenanced  among  the  lower  class  generally. 


§  14 — 16. j     TREATMENT  OF  THE  ALLIES.  235 

the  equipment  of  triremes,  they  are  aware  not  only  that  the 
rich  furnish  the  expense  for  the  choruses,  while  the  lower 
class  of  people  enjoy  the  pleasure  of  them,  but  that  the  rich 
also  supply  triremes,  and  preside  over  the  gymnasia,  while  the 
poor  have  the  benefit  of  both  ;  the  plebeians  are  accordingly 
ready  to  take  money  for  singing,  and  running,  and  dancing, 
and  serving  in  the  galleys,  that  they  themselves  may  have 
some  advantage,  and  that  the  rich  may  become  poorer.1 

14.  As  to  proceedings  in  courts  of  law,  they  have  less  re- 
gard to  what  is  just,  than  to  what  is  profitable  to  themselves. 

As  to  their  allies,  those  who  are  sent  from  Athens  over  the 
sea  to  them  calumniate  the  more  respectable  class,  as  it  appears, 
and  manifest  dislike  for  them,  knowing  that  the  governors 
must  necessarily  be  hated  by  the  governed  ;  and  if  ever,  in- 
deed, the  rich  and  influential  secure  power  in  the  states, 
the  government  of  the  people  of  Athens  will  be  but  of  very 
short  duration.  On  these  accounts,  accordingly,  they  degrade 
the  better  sort  of  people,  take  away  their  property,  banish 
them,  and  put  them  to  death,  but  increase  the  influence  of  the 
lower  orders.  The  more  honourable  of  the  Athenians,  how- 
ever, protect  the  respectable  inhabitants  in  the  allied  states, 
being  aware  that  it  is  for  their  advantage  always  to  support 
the  aristocracy  in  those  communities. 

15.  Some  person  might  say,  that  it  is  a  great  support  to  the 
Athenians  that  their  allies  should  be  in  a  condition  to  con- 
tribute money  to  them.  To  the  plebeians,  however,  it  seems 
to  be  of  much  greater  advantage  that  every  individual  of  the 
Athenians  should  get  some  of  the  property  of  the  allies,  and 
that  the  allies  themselves  should  have  only  so  much  as  to  en- 
able them  to  live  and  to  till  the  ground,2  so  that  they  may  not 
be  in  a  condition  to  form  conspiracies. 

16.  The  people  of  Athens  seem  also  to  have  acted  injudi- 
ciously in  this  respect,  that  they  oblige  their  allies  to  make 
voyages  to  Athens  for  the  decision  of  their  lawsuits.  But 
the  Athenians  consider  only,  on  the  other  hand,  what  benefits 
to  the  state  of  Athens  are  attendant  on  this  practice  ;  in  the 
first  place,  they  receive  their  dues  throughout  the  year  from 

1  "lva — oi  Trkovmoi  Trevearepoi  yiyvwvrai.]  "  Afin  d'ameliorer  son 
sort  aux  depens  des  riches."  Gail. 

a  "Ogov  t,r\v  Km  kpya'CecrSaiJ]  Tantum  quantum  Us  safficit  ad  vitam 
twtentandam,  ut  opus  in  agro  facere  possint.     Weiske. 


236  GOVERNMENT   OF    ATHENS.  [CH.   1 

the  prytaneia  ; l  in  the  next  place,  they  manage  the  govern- 
ment of  the  allied  states  while  sitting  at  home,  and  without 
sending  out  ships  ;  they  also  support  suitors  of  the  lower  or- 
ders, and  ruin  those  of  an  opposite  character,  in  their  courts 
of  law  ;  but  if  each  state  had  its  own  courts,  they  would,  as 
being  hostile  to  the  Athenians,  be  the  ruin  of  those  who  were 
most  favourable  to  the  people  of  Athens.  17.  In  addition  to 
these  advantages,  the  Athenian  people  have  the  following  pro- 
fits from  the  courts  of  justice  for  the  allies  being  at  Athens  ; 
first  of  all,  the  duty  of  the  hundredth2  on  what  is  landed  at 
the  Peiraeeus  affords  a  greater  revenue  to  the  city  ;  next,  who- 
ever has  a  lodging-house  makes  more  money  by  it,  as  well 
as  whoever  has  cattle  or  slaves  for  hire ;  and  the  heralds,  too> 
are  benefited  by  the  visits  of  the  allies  to  the  city.  is.  Be- 
sides, if  the  allies  did  not  come  to  Athens  for  law,  they  would 
honour  only  such  of  the  Athenians  as  were  sent  over  the  sea 
to  them,  as  generals,  and  captains  of  vessels,  and  ambassa- 
dors ;  but  now  every  individual  of  the  allies  is  obliged  to  flat- 
ter the  people  of  Athens,  knowing  that  on  going  to  Athens  he 
must  gain  or  lose  his  cause  according  to  the  decision,  not  of 
other  j  udges,  but  of  the  people,3  as  is  the  law  of  Athens ; 
and  he  is  compelled,  too,  to  use  supplication  before  the  court, 
and,  as  any  one  of  the  people  enters,  to  take  him  by  the  hand. 
By  these  means  the  allies  are  in  consequence  rendered  much 
more  the  slaves  of  the  Athenian  people. 

19.  Moreover,  from  the  possessions  which  they  hold,  and 
the  governments  which  they  administer,  beyond  the  borders 
of  their  country,  the  Athenians  themselves  and  their  followers 
learn  almost  imperceptibly  to  row  ;  for  a  man  who  is  often  at 
sea  must  himself,  as  well  as  his  attendants,  take  the  oar  in 
hand  ;  and  he  will  necessarily  learn  also  the  names  of  every- 
thing used  in  the  management  of  vessels.  20.  They  become 
good  pilots,  likewise,  as  well  through  the  experience  gained 
in  their  voyages,  as  through  exercise  ;  for  some  practise  them- 

1  Money  deposited  by  two  parties  going  to  law,  and  sacrificed  by  the 
one  that  lost  the  cause,  being  put  into  the  public  treasury.  What  portion 
of  it  the  judges  received,  is  not  known.     Weiske. 

2  'EicaTo<jTr),  sc.  fispig.  Sauppe  refers  to  Tag  woWag  iKaroardg. 
Aristoph.  Vesp.  658.     It  was  a  duty  of  one  per  cent. 

8  Owe  tv  dWoig  tkt'iv,  aXX  Iv  rqi  drjfx^.l  That  is,  as  Weiske  and 
Snuppe  understand  the  words,  not  before  judges  of  a  ligher  class,  but  be- 
fore judges  chosen  from  the  demos,  or  lower  order  ot  the  people. 


CH.  2.  j  COMMAND    OF    THE    SEA.  237 

selves  in  steering  a  small  vessel,  others  a  transport  ship,  and 
others  pass  from  these  to  the  galleys.  The  bulk  of  the  people, 
indeed,  are  able  to  row  as  soon  as  they  go  on  board,  from 
having  given  their  attention  to  rowing  all  their  lives. 


CHAPTER  II. 


State  of  the  Athenian  land  forces;  advantages  which  they  enjoy  from 
having  the  command  of  the  sea,  §  1 — 8.  Institutions  and  regulations  for 
the  advantage  of  the  people  ;  other  benefits  from  their  naval  power,  9 — 16. 
Ease  with  which  treaties  are  violated  or  set  aside  under  a  democracy,  17. 
The  people  allow  those  who  are  unpopular  to  be  satirized  on  the  stage 
18—20. 

1.  Their  land  forces,1  which  appear  to  be  by  no  means  in 
good  condition  at  Athens,  may  be  thus  characterized.  They 
consider  themselves  to  be  weaker  in  this  department,  and  to 
have  fewer  troops,  than  their  enemies  ;  but  they  are  superior 
by  land  to  their  allies,  who  pay  them  tribute  ;  and  they  think 
that  their  land  force,  if  they  maintain  by  its  aid  a  superiority 
over  their  allies,  is  sufficient. 

2.  From  fortune,  too,  they  have  some  such  advantage  as 
the  following.  It  would  be  possible  for  their  subjects,  if  they 
dwelt  on  the  mainland,  to  collect  themselves  together  from 
small  towns,  and  take  the  field  in  a  large  body ;  but  as  to 
those  who  are  ruled  by  sea,  such  as  islanders,  it  is  impossible 
for  their  towns  to  unite  their  strength ;  for  the  sea  lies,  be- 
tween them,  and  their  rulers  are  masters  of  the  sea ;  and  if  it 
were  practicable  for  the  islanders  to  come  together  secretly 
into  one  island,  they  would  perish  of  famine.  3.  Whatever 
cities,  moreover,  are  subject  to  the  Athenians  on  the  continent, 
the  larger  of  them  are  kept  in  subordination  through  fear, 
and  the  smaller  through  necessity  ;  for  there  is  no  city  that 
does  not  require  to  import  or  export  commodities ;  and  this 
will  be  out  of  its  power,  unless  it  be  obedient  to  those  who 
have  the  mastery  at  sea.     4.  It  is  possible,  also,  for  the  mas- 

1  'Qir\iTiic6v.~\  By  this  word  is  here  meant  land  forces  in  general,  as 
opposed  to  naval  forces.  Of  the  first  section  of  this  chapter  the  text 
is  in  a  very  unsatisfactory  state,  and  is  given  differently  in  different  editions. 
I  adhere  to  Dindorf. 


238  GOVERNMENT    OF   ATHENS,  [CH.  2 

ters  of  the  sea  to  do  what  is  impracticable  to  those  who  are 
masters  of  the  land  only  ;  for  instance,  to  ravage  at  times  the 
lands  even  of  the  more  powerful ;  since  they  can  make  a  de- 
scent on  the  coast,  where  there  are  either  no  enemies  or  but 
few,  and,  if  a  for?e  come  against  them,  can  reembark  and  sail 
away  ;  and  those  who  do  this  find  fewer  difficulties  than  those 
who  make  attacks  with  a  land  army. 

5.  Those  who  have  the  ascendency  at  sea,  moreover,  can 
sail  as  far  from  their  own  country  as  they  please  ;  while  those 
who  rule  on  land  can  march  but  a  very  few  days'  journey 
from  home ;  for  marches  are  slow,  and  it  is  impossible  for 
those  who  go  by  land  to  carry  provisions  sufficient  for  any 
considerable  length  of  time.  He  that  goes  by  land,  too,  must 
either  go  through  a  friendly  country,  or  make  his  way  by 
fighting ;  but  he  who  goes  by  sea  may  disembark  wherever 
he  is  stronger,  and,  when  he  is  weaker,  may  sail  along  the 
coast  of  the  country  until  he  reaches  the  territories  either  of  a 
friendly  or  of  an  inferior  nation.  6.  Those  again  who  are  power- 
ful by  land  cannot  easily  bear  blights  of  the  crops,  which 
proceed  from  Jupiter  ;  but  the  rulers  of  the  sea  can  endure 
them  with  ease ;  for  the  whole  of  a  country  does  not  suffer 
at  the  same  time ;  so  that  provisions  come  to  the  rulers  of  the 
sea  from  that  ground  which  is  in  good  condition. 

7.  If  we  may  allude,  in  addition,  to  some  smaller  advan- 
tages, the  Athenians,  through  their  intercourse  with  other  na- 
tions, in  consequence  of  their  maritime  ascendency,  have  dis- 
covered various  sorts  of  luxuries ;  since  whatever  is  attractive 
in  Sicily,  or  Italy,  or  Cyprus,  or  Egypt,  or  Lydia,  or  Pontus, 
or  the  Peloponnesus,  or  anywhere  else,  may  be  collected  into 
one  spot  through  enjoying  the  command  of  the  sea.  8.  Hear- 
ing all  kinds  of  languages  spoken,  too,  they  have  selected 
different  words  from  each.  The  rest  of  the  G  reeks  have  each 
a  peculiar  language  and  mode  of  living  and  dress,  but  the 
Athenians  have  adopted  a  mixture  of  fashions  from  Greeks 
and  barbarians. 

9.  As  to  sacrifices,  and  temples,  and  festivals,  and  conse- 
crated groves,  the  people,  knowing  that  it  is  impossible  for 
every  poor  man  to  make  offerings  and  feasts,  and  have  temples, 
and  to  live  in  a  beautiful  and  extensive  city,1  have  discovered 

1  That  is,  to  secure  for  himself  a  fine  large  city,  in  which  he  may  dwell 
H3  can  enjoy  such  accommodation  only  with  the  aid  of  the  rich. 


§   1^—14. _,  ADVANTAGES    OF    SITUATION".  239 

by  what  means  these  privileges  may  be  secured  to  them. 
The  state  accordingly  sacrifices  many  victims  at  the  public 
expense,  while  it  is  the  people  that  feast  on  them,  and  distri- 
bute them  among  themselves  by  lot.  10.  Some  of  the  rich, 
indeed,  have  private  places  of  exercise,  and  baths,  and  un- 
dressing-rooms ;  but  the  people  construct  for  their  own  especial 
use  many  wrestling-grounds,  and  dressing-places,  and  baths; 
and  the  vulgar  have  more  enjoyment  from  them  than  the  few 
and  the  wealthy. 

11.  The  Athenians  are  the  only  nation  among  Greeks  and 
barbarians  that  can  secure  wealth  ;  for  if  any  state  is  rich  in 
timber  for  ship-building,  where  shall  they  dispose  of  it,  unless 
they  gain  the  favour  of  the  rulers  of  the  sea  ?  Or  if  any 
state  abounds  in  iron,  or  brass,  or  flax,  where  shall  they  dis- 
pose of  it,  unless  they  obtain  the  consent  of  the  lords  of  the 
sea  ?  It  is,  however,  from  these  very  materials  that  our  ships 
are  constructed  ;  for  from  one  nation  comes  timber,  from  an- 
other iron,  from  another  brass,  from  another  hemp,  from  an- 
other wax.  12.  Besides,  such  as  are  our  rivals  will  not  allow 
people  to  carry  these  things  to  any  other  parts  than  where 
they  themselves  command  the  sea.1  I,  without  labour,  have 
all  these  benefits  from  the  land  by  means  of  the  sea  ;  and  no 
other  state  has  any  two  of  these  materials  ;  for  the  same  state 
has  not  timber  and  flax,  since,  where  there  is  abundance  of 
flax,  the  ground  is  level  and  woodless  ;  nor  do  brass  and  iron 
come  from  the  same  state ;  nor  are  any  two  or  three  other 
commodities  found  in  the  same  state,  but  one  state  abounds  in 
one,  and  another  in  another. 

13.  Besides,  there  is  near  every  part  of  the  mainland  either 
a  projecting  shore,  or  an  island  lying  on  the  coast,  or  an 
isthmus,  so  that  those  who  have  the  command  of  the  sea  may 
make  a  descent  there,  and  do  injury  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
continent. 

14.  But  there  is  one  particular  in  which  they  lie  under  a 
disadvantage ;  for  if  the  Athenians  inhabited  an  island  and 
were  lords  of  the  sea,  they  would  have  it  in  their  power  to  do 
mischief  to  others  if  they  pieased,  and  would  suffer  no  injury 

1  Our  rivals,  if  we  do  not  secure  the  goods,  will  get  possession  of  them ; 
they  will  not  allow  them  to  be  dispersed  about  everywhere,  but  will  seize 
upon  as  large  a  portion  of  them  for  themselves  as  they  can,  since  they  want 
them  as  wdl  as  we ;  but,  as  we  are  the  stronger,  we  get  the  greater  share 


240  GOVEKNMENT    OF    ATHENS.        .  [CH.  2. 

from  others,  as  long  as  they  maintained  their  superiority  at 
sea ;  nor  would  their  land  be  ravaged,  nor  would  they  fear 
the  approach  of  an  enemy.  But  at  present  the  husband- 
men, and  the  richer  citizens  in  Athens,  are  greatly  in  fear 
of  enemies ;  though  the  lower  order,  being  well  aware  that  an 
enemy  will  burn  or  devastate  nothing  belonging  to  them,  live 
in  security,  and  without  any  apprehension  of  an  enemy.  15. 
In  addition  to  this,  they  would  have  been  free  from  another 
cause  of  fear,  if  they  had  inhabited  an  island ;  for  they  would 
never  have  dreaded  that  their  city  might  be  betrayed,  or  their 
gates  set  open,  or  an  enemy  let  in  upon  them  by  a  small 
faction ;  (for  how  could  such  things  have  happened  when  they 
dwelt  in  an  island  ?)  nor,  had  they  been  islanders,  would 
they  have  had  seditions  among  the  people  ;  for  if  the  people 
were  to  raise  a  sedition  at  present,  they  would  raise  it  from  trust- 
ing in  an  enemy,  with  the  expectation  of  bringing  them  into 
the  city  by  land ;  but  if  they  were  all  islanders,  they  would  be 
free  from  apprehension  on  that  point.  16.  Since,  however, 
they  have  not  dwelt  in  an  island  from  the  beginning,  their 
practice  now  is  to  deposit  their  property  in  the  islands,  trust- 
ing to  their  power  by  sea,  and  allow  the  lands  of  Attica  to  be 
ravaged,1  knowing  that,  if  they  concerned  themselves  for 
their  territory,  they  would  lose  other  things  of  greater  im- 
portance. 

17.  It  is  necessary  for  states  governed  by  an  oligarchy  to 
pay  strict  adherence  to  alliances  and  treaties  ;  and  if  they  do 
not  keep  their  engagements,  by  whom  else  can  it  be  sup- 
posed that  faith  is  broken,  but  by  those  who  made  those  en- 
gagements ?2  But  in  regard  to  engagements  which  the  people 
make,  it  is  possible  for  any  one  3  laying  the  blame  on  the  indi- 

1  All  this  is  quite  absurd.  Because  the  Athenians  did  so  once  in  the 
Persian  war,  and  once,  to  a  certain  extent,  in  the  time  of  Pericles,  the 
writer  speaks  as  if  they  were  constantly  in  the  habit  of  doing  so. 

2  *H  ixp'  orov  aSacelv  bvofiara  cnrb  rutv  oXiytov  oi  ovvkQtvro.~\  These 
words  are  quite  unintelligible,  though  Dindorf  has  left  them  standing  in 
his  text.  Schneider  approves  of  the  correction  of  Leunclavius,  vcp'  orov 
aducslcrOai  vofiiaoi  rig,  r\  vtto  rStv  oXiycjv  o'i  avvkOevTO,  which  Sauppe 
would  have  adopted,  with  the  alteration  of  vofiicroi  to  av  vojiiaai,  had  he 
not  been  attracted  by  the  conjecture  of  his  countryman,  Hermann,  v<f>' 
orov  ddiKel  avofieirai  virb  r&v  oXiycov,  of  which  he  gives  this  transla- 
tion :  Ab  eo,  qm  injuriam  facit,  injuste  agitur  sic,  ut  injuria  proj iciscatur 
jpaucis  Hits,  qui  pepigerunt. 

3  This  sentence  is  very  obscure.     Dindorf  s  text  has  'i£ujriv  avrqi  s'yi, 


§    18—20.]  DEMOCRATIC    PROPENSITIES.  241 

vidual  who  proposed  the  measure,  and  put  it  to  the  vote,  to 
declare  to  every  one  else  that  he  was  not  present,  and  that 
what  was  settled  by  no  means  pleased  him  ;  they  examine 
into  the  matter  in  a  full  assembly  of  the  people,  and  if  it  does 
not  please  them  that  the  measure  in  question  should  be  car- 
ried into  effect,  they  find  innumerable  pretexts  for  not  doing 
what  they  do  not  wish.  And  if  any  harm  results  from  what 
the  people  have  decreed,  they  complain  that  a  few  individuals, 
adverse  to  the  popular  interests,  have  mismanaged  the  mat- 
ter ;  if  any  good  is  the  consequence,  they  claim  the  credit  to 
themselves. 

is.  The  authorities  do  not  allow  jesting  on  the  people  in 
comedies,  or  defaming  them,  lest  they  themselves  be  slan- 
dered ;  but  privately,  if  a  writer  wishes  to  satirize  any 
one,  they  stimulate  him  to  the  attempt,  as  they  are  sure  that 
he  who  is  brought  on  the  stage  will  in  general  not  be  one  of 
the  multitude,  but  some  rich,  or  noble,  or  influential  person. 
It  is  but  a  few  of  the  poorer  and  plebeian  class  that  are  ever 
exposed  on  the  stage,  and  these  would  not  be  molested  unless 
for  officiousness,  and  seeking  to  set  themselves  above  the  rest 
of  the  people  ;  so  that  at  the  ridicule  thrown  on  these  they  are 
not  at  all  concerned.  io.  I  say  then,  that  the  people  at  Athens 
know  very  well  which  of  the  citizens  are  good  and  which  are 
bad ;  but,  while  they  know  this,  they  love  those  who  are  of 
use  and  advantage  to  themselves,  even  though  they  be  bad, 
and  rather  entertain  a  dislike  for  the  better  sort,  for  they  do 
not  think  that  the  merit  which  is  in  them  is  for  the  good  of 
the  people  in  general,  but  for  their  harm.  On  the  other 
hand,  some,  who  belong  to  the  people  by  birth,  are  by  no 
means  of  a  democratic  disposition. 

20.  I  forgive  the  people  themselves  their  attachment  to  a 
democracy,  for  it  is  pardonable  in  every  one  to  study  his  own 
benefit ;  but  whoever  is  not  one  of  the  people,  and  prefers  te 
live  under  a  democratic  rather  than  an  oligarchic  form  of 
government,  is  but  meditating  dishonesty,  and  knows  that 
it  is  much  easier  for  a  knave  to  escape  notice  under  a  de- 
mocracy than  under  an  oligarchy. 

&c.     Sauppe  preserves  the  old  reading  av  ry.     The  sense  seems  to  r» 
quire  i^t&Ti  rivt  ry  'ivi  avariQkvTit  &c. 

VOL.   III.  B 


242  GOVERNMENT    OF    ATHENS.  [CH. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Why  the  allies  find  a  difficulty  in  getting  their  suits  decided  at  Athens, 
4  1 — 9.  The  Athenians  always  favour  the  democratic  party  in  other 
states,  10,  11.  No  great  danger  to  he  apprehended  from  the  resentment 
of  those  who  have  been  deprived  of  office  at  Athens,  12,  13. 

I.  The  form  of  the  Athenian  government,  then,  I  do  not 
commend;  but  since  they  have  themselves  given  the  prefer- 
ence to  a  democracy,  they  appear  to  me  to  preserve  the  de- 
mocratic constitution  with  ability,  adhering  to  the  modes  of 
proceeding  which  I  have  described. 

I  see  also  that  some  blame  the  Athenians  for  this  reason, 
that  it  is  sometimes  impossible  for  an  individual,  after  wait- 
ing even  a  whole  year,  to  settle  business  with  either  the 
senate  or  the  people.  This  delay  at  Athens,  however,  arises 
from  no  other  cause  than  that,  from  the  multiplicity  of  their 
affairs,  they  are  unable  to  decide  matters  with  all  parties,  and 
send  them  away;  2.  for  how  could  they  do  so,  when  they  have  to. 
celebrate,  in  the  first  place,  more  festivals  than  any  other  city 
of  Greece,1  (and  during  these  it  is  impossible  for  any  one  to 
settle  any  part  of  the  business  of  the  state,)  and  have  besides 
to  take  cognizance  of  so  many  lawsuits,  and  accusations,  and 
examinations  of  public  accounts,  that  not  even  all  the  men  in 
the  world  could  attend  to  them ;  while  the  senate  has  to 
deliberate  frequently  about  war,  frequently  about  obtaining 
money,  frequently  about  making  laws,  frequently  about  oc- 
currences from  time  to  time  in  the  city,  and  frequently  about 
affairs  among  the  allies  ;  and  they  must  also  receive  payments 
of  tribute,  and  attend  to  the  state  of  the  dockyards  and  the 
temples.  Is  it  then  at  all  wonderful  that,  when  they  have  so 
much  business  to  transact,  they  cannot  readily  dispatch  the 
business  of  every  individual  ? 

3.  Yet  some  say  that  if  a  suitor  applies  to  the  senate  oi  the 
people  with  money  in  his  hand,  he  will  get  his  business  done. 

1  Weiske  refers  to  Aristoph.  Vesp.  661,  where  Bdelycleon  reckons  the 
Attic  year  as  consisting  of  ten  months,  the  other  two  months  being  con- 
sumed in  festivals.  Sauppe  observes,  that  in  Plato's  Alcib.  ii.  c  19,  a 
similar  testimony  is  given  to  the  vast  number  of  the  Athenian,  festivals,  on 
wnich  it  is  said  that  they  have  spent  more  money  than  all  the  other 
Greeks  together 


§    4 — G.J  PRESSURE    OF    PTTRTJO    BUSINESS.  243 

I  am  ready  to  grant,  then,  that  much  is  done  at  Athens  with 
the  aid  of  money,  and  that  still  more  would  be  done  if  a 
greater  number  offered  money ;  yet  I  am  certain  that  the 
state  is  incapable  of  dispatching  all  the  business  of  those  who 
require  attention,  however  much  gold  and  silver  any  one 
might  give  them.  4.  Besides,  they  must  also  give  sentence 
in  cases  when  any  one  fails  l  to  equip  a  vessel,  or  occupies 
any  public  ground  with  building;2  and  in  addition  to  all 
these  affairs,  they  must  decide  between  the  choragi  for  the 
Dionysia,  the  Thargelia,  the  Panathensea,  and  the  Hephaesteia,3 
every  year.  Four  hundred  trierarchs  are  also  appointed 
every  year,  and  the  people  must  every  year  settle  causes  for 
such  of  these  as  require  their  judgment ;  and  they  must  like- 
wise examine  and  decide  about  qualifications  for  offices,  inquire 
into  the  condition  of  orphans,  and  appoint  keepers  of  prisoners, 
all  which  things  must  be  done  every  year.  5.  From  time  to 
time,  too,  they  must  give  sentence  in  cases  respecting  military 
affairs,4  as  well  as  when  any  sudden  offence  is  committed,  or 
when  persons  are  guilty  of  any  extraordinary  outrage,  or  of 
any  impiety.  I  omit  a  great  number  of  other  matters,  but 
the  most  important  have  been  mentioned,  except  the  settle- 
ment of  tribute,  which  is  made  in  general  every  fifth  year. 
Do  you  not  think,  then,  let  me  ask  you,  that  they  must  give 
careful  judgment  in  all  these  particulars? 

6.  Some  one  may  say  that  it  is  not  necessary  to  settle  every- 
thing at  once.  But  if  he  admits  that  they  must  settle  every- 
thing, he  must  surely  allow  that  they  must  settle  it  in  the 
course  of  the  year.     But  in  the  present  state  of  things  5  they 

1  That  is,  any  trierarch  who  has  to  equip  a  trireme  at  his  own  expense. 
Wnske. 

2  "H  KctToticoSontiri  [ro]  drj/xomov.']  Every  editor,  since  Leunclavius, 
has  seen  that  to  must  be  omitted  ;  yet  all,  except  Sauppe,  retain  it.  If  we 
do  not  omit  it,  says  Weiske,  we  must  read  rov  dr)[io<jiov. 

3  Dionysia,  the  feast  of  Bacchus ;  Thargelia,  a  festival  to  Apollo  and, 
Diana,  in  the  month  Thargelion ;  Panathensea,  a  festival  in  honour  of 
Minerva;  Prometheia,  in  honour  of  Prometheus,  to  commemorate  his 
introduction  of  fire  among  mankind  ;  Hephaesteia,  in  honour  of  Vulcan, 
celebrated  with  a  torch-race. 

4  The  reading  ciadiicdarai  dsT  aroaTnaq  is  here  retained  by  Dindorf, 
his  translation  being,  causes  militares  disceptanda  sunt.  Schneider  and 
Zeune  read  doToaTtiaQ,  a  conjecture  of  Brodaeus.  'AarpaTtiag  is  neglect 
o£  military  service,  or  exemption  from  it. 

5  'Qg  ovdk  vvv  hC  Iviavrov,  k.  t.  X.]     It  would  appear  cither  that 

R    2 


24:4:  GOVERNMENT    OE    ATHENS.  |_CII.    3. 

are  unable  to  pass  sentences  during  the  year,  so  as  to  check 
evil-doers,  by  reason  of  the  great  number  of  the  people.  7. 
Suppose,  then,  somebody  were  to  observe  that  they  must  in- 
deed give  judgment,  but  that  the  judges  might  sit  in  smaller 
bodies.  It  will  then  be  necessary,  if  they  make  several  courts 
of  justice,  that  there  be  but  few  judges  in  each  court;  and  it 
will  thus  be  comparatively  easy  to  intrigue  l  with  a  small  num- 
ber of  judges,  and  to  bribe  them  all  to  decide  with  much  less 
regard  to  justice.  8.  In  addition,  we  must  consider  that  the 
Athenians  have  to  celebrate  festivals,  during  which  they  can- 
not try  causes  in  the  courts.  They  keep  twice  as  many  feasts 
as  any  other  people  keep ;  but  I  am  supposing  theirs  equal  to 
those  of  the  people  who  keep  the  fewest  ;2  and  such,  then,  be- 
ing the  case,  I  deny  it  to  be  possible  that  affairs  at  Athens  can 
proceed  otherwise  than  at  present,  except  that  they  may  set 
aside  one  thing,  and  introduce  another,  by  little  and  little ; 
but  to  make  any  great  alteration  is  impossible,  without  tak- 
ing something  from  the  influence  of  the  democracy.  9.  It 
would  be  possible  to  devise  numbers  of  plans  by  which  their 
state  might  be  placed  in  a  better  condition  ;  but  to  discover 
how  their  democratic  form  of  government  is  to  continue,  and 
to  determine  satisfactorily  how  they  may  manage  their  civil 
affairs  better,  except,  as  I  just  now  said,  by  gradually  adding 
or  taking  away,  is  not  easy. 

io.  The  Athenians  are  also  thought  to  show  a  want  of  po- 
licy in  this  respect,  that,  in  states  which  are  divided  into 
parties,  they  favour  that  of  the  lower  orders.  But  it  is,  in 
reality,  with  judgment  that  they  act  thus;  for  if  they  favour- 
ed the  better  class,  they  would  favour  those  who  are  not  of 
the  same  political  sentiments  with  themselves,  since  in  no 
community  are  the  aristocracy  friendly  to  the  power  of  the 

these  words  are  in  some  way  incorrect,  or  that  something  that  preceded 
then:  has  dropped  out  of  the  text. 

1  2nasKivaaaaQai.']  To  strengthen  one's  self  against  the  opposite 
party  by  threats,  entreaties,  bribes,  and  any  other  practicable  means. 
Weislze.     To  contrive  means  to  bribe  the  judges.     Zeune. 

2  'AAV  eyw  /ikv  ri.9r]fii  "ioag  ry  oXiyiffTag  dyovffy  Tr6\ei.~]  Quanquam 
ego  plures  [dies  festos]  nan  ponam  illis  quos  ea  civitas  ceiebrat  qtice  pau- 
cissimosferiatur.  Leunclavius.  The  meaning  of  the  writer  seems  to  be, 
that,  even  if  the  Athenians  celebrated  no  more  festivals  than  those  who 
celebrate  the  fewest,  they  would  still  not  have  time  to  despatch  their 
business 


§    11,   12.]  CONCLUDING   REMARKS.  24:5 

people,  to  which  it  is  only  the  lowest  orders,  in  any  state, 
that  are  friendly,  as  like  is  always  inclined  to  like.  Accord- 
ingly, the  Athenians  hold  to  the  party  that  is  well  disposed 
towards  themselves. 

11.  Whenever,  indeed,  they  have  attempted  to  support  the 
aristocracy,  the  attempt  has  not  been  of  advantage  to  them, 
but  within  a  very  short  time  the  plebeians  have  been  reduced 
to  slavery.  This  happened  in  the  case  of  the  Boeotians  ; 1  and 
also  when  they  took  the  side  of  the  aristocracy  among  the 
Milesians,  who  very  soon  afterwards  revolted  from  the 
Athenians,  and  massacred  the  plebeians;2  and  the  result  was 
similar  when  they  took  the  side  of  the  Lacedaemonians  against 
the  Messenians,3  for  the  Lacedaemonians,  within  a  very  short 
period,  subjugated  the  Messenians  and  made  war  on  the  peo- 
ple of  Athens. 

12.  Some  one  might  perhaps  suppose  that  none  are  un- 
justly degraded  from  office  at  Athens;4  but  I  must  say  that 
there  are  some  who  have  been  degraded  unjustly,  though  cer- 
tainly but  few.  There  would  be  need  of  more  than  a  few, 
however,  to  attack  the  democracy  at  Athens ; 5  besides,  such 
is  human  nature,6  that  men  who  suffer  degradation  justly  en- 

1  'O  fiev  BoiioTotg.]  The  text  is  here  mutilated.  "I  suspect,"  says 
Schneider,  "  that  the  allusion  is  to  the  unsuccessful  expedition  of  Tol- 
midas  against  the  Boeotian  exiles,  mentioned  by  Thucydides,  i.  113, 
Diod.  Sic.  xii.  6,  and  Plutarch,  Life  of  Pericles,  c.  24." 

2  We  may  conjecture  that  reference  is  here  made  to  the  war  which  the 
Athenians  undertook  against  the  Samians  when  accused  by  the  Milesians, 
as  is  related  by  Thucydides,  i.  115,  Plutarch.  Pericl.  c.  24,  Diodorus 
Sicu.us,  lib.  xii.,  and  by  the  Scholiast  on  Aristoph.  Vesp.  283.  But  we 
are  not  aware  that  the  event  of  this  war,  or  of  the  expedition  against  the 
Boeotians,  was  such  as  the  text  appears  to  indicate.     Schneider. 

3  In  the  third  Messenian  war,  as  Weiske  supposes,  when  the  Atheni- 
ans were  solicited  by  the  Lacedaemonians  to  assist  them  in  besieging 
Ithome,  but,  when  they  came  to  the  place,  were  told  that  their  services 
were  not  wanted;  and,  being  incensed  at  the  insult,  took  the  part  of  the 
Messenians  against  the  Lacedaemonians,  as  is  related  by  Thucyd.  i.  108. 

*  Inasmuch  as  many  of  the  magistrates  are  of  the  lower  order  (comp. 
sect.   13),  who  will  protect  them  against  injury. 

f  Something  may  be  dreaded  from  these  few,  especially  from  those 
who  have  been  degraded  unjustly,  but  they  are  not  numerous  enough  to 
make  much  impression  on  the  government. 

6  'Ettci  toi  Kai  ovt(x)q  lx£l5  K-  T'  ^-]  Preeterea  etiam  illud  cogitate  opor- 
tet,  in  universam  ita  naturam  homini  esse  constitutamt  animumque  hu- 
manum  ita  se  habere,  uti,  §c.     Schneider. 


246  GOVERNMENT    OF    ATHENS.  [CH.    3. 

tertain  no  resentful  feelings.1  while  those  who  are  degraded 
unjustly  do  entertain  such  feelings.  13.  How  then  can  any 
one  suppose  that  many  have  been  unjustly  degraded  at  Athens, 
where  it  is  the  plebeian  order  that  hold  offices  ?  It  is  from  act- 
ing dishonestly  in  office,  and  from  saying  or  doing  what  is 
unjust,  that  men  are  degraded  at  Athens.  He  who  takes  this 
into  consideration  must  not  apprehend  that  there  is  any 
danger  to  Athens  from  those  who  have  been  degraded. 

1  'RvOvnuoQai.]     Moveri ad  iram  et  ultionis  consilium.  SoLveuW. 

l&<im  aivquid  mali,  sive  ret  nova*.    Zeune. 


ON  THE  MEANS  OF  IMPROVING  THE  REVENUES 


OF 


THE  STATE  OF  ATHENS, 


BEMAEK. 

This  book  is  supposed  by  Schneider,  from  internal  evidence,  to 
have  been  written  by  Xenophon  in  his  old  age,  after  the  one  hun- 
d  red  and  sixth  Olympiad,  or  B.C.  353,  the  year  in  which  the  Pho- 
cians  under  Onomarchus  were  defeated  by  Philip  of  Macedon. 


CHAPTER  I. 

On  the  soil  of  Attica,  and  the  possibility  of  increasing  its  revenues-. 

l.  I  am  always  of  opinion  that  of  whatever  character 
governors  are,  of  a  similar  character  also  are  the  governments 
which  they  conduct.  But  as  some  of  those  who  rule  at  Athens 
have  been  said  to  know  what  is  just,  no  less  than  other  men,  but 
have  declared  that  they  are  compelled,  through  the  poverty 
of  the  common  people,  to  act  with  somewhat  of  injustice  to- 
wards the  allied  cities,1  I  have  in  consequence  set  myself  to 
consider  whether  the  citizens  may  by  any  means  be  main- 
tained from  the  resources  of  their  own  country,  from  which 
it  is  most  just  that  they  should  be  maintained,  thinking  that, 
if  this  should  be  the  case,  remedy  would  at  once  be  afforded 
for  their  wants,  and  for  the  jealousy  which  they  incur  from 
the  other  Greeks. 

1  Tag  7r6\fic]  That  is,  rag  iro\tig  rag  avfifiax'^ag-  They  were 
called  cities  or  states  in  alliance  with  Athens,  but  were  in  reality  subject 
to  the  Athenian  puwer. 


248  ON  THE  REVENUES  OP  ATHENS.        J  CII.  1. 

2.  As  T  revolved  in  my*  mind  what  I  observed,  it  readily 
appeared  to  me  that  the  country  is  well  qualified  by  nature  to 
afford  very  large  revenues ;  and  in  order  that  it  may  be  un- 
derstood that  I  say  this  with  truth,  I  will  first  of  all  give  an 
account  of  the  natural  resources  of  Attica.  3.  That  the 
seasons  in  it  are  extremely  mild,  the  products  of  the  soil  tes- 
tify ;  for  such  as  will  not  even  grow  in  many  countries  bear 
fruit  in  perfection  in  Attica.  And  as  the  land  is  most  pro- 
ductive, so  likewise  is  the  sea  that  surrounds  the  land  ;  and 
whatever  fruits  the  gods  afford  in  their  several  seasons  begin 
in  this  country  earliest,  and  cease  latest.  4.  Nor  is  the  land 
superior  only  in  things  that  grow  up  and  decay  annually,  but 
has  also  permanent  advantages  ;  for  stone  is  supplied  from  it  in 
abundance,  from  which  the  most  magnificent  temples,  the  most 
beautiful  altars,  and  the  finest  statues  of  the  gods  are  made,  and 
in  which  many  both  Greeks  and  barbarians  desire  to  partici- 
pate. 5.  There  are  indeed  portions  of  the  soil  which,  though 
sown,  will  not  produce  fruit,  but  which,  if  they  are  penetrated 
by  digging,  will  support  many  more  people  than  if  they  pro- 
duced corn,  as,  doubtless  by  divine  dispensation,  they  contain 
silver  beneath  the  surface  ;  and  though  there  are  many  states 
lying  near,  both  by  land  and  by  sea,  not  even  the  smallest 
vein  of  silver  is  found  to  extend  into  any  one  of  them.  6.  A 
person  might  not  unreasonably  suppose  that  the  state  is  situ- 
ate in  the  centre,  not  only  of  Greece,  but  of  the  whole  in- 
habited world  ;  for  the  further  people  are  from  it,  the  more 
severe  cold  or  heat  do  they  experience ;  and  whatever  travel- 
lers would  pass  from  one  end  of  Greece  to  the  other,  must  all 
either  sail  by  Athens,  or  pass  it  by  land,  as  the  centre  of  their 
circle.1  i.  Though  it  is  not  surrounded  by  water,  it  never- 
theless attracts  to  itself  like  an  island,  with  the  aid  of  every 
wind,  whatever  it  requires,  and  sends  away  whatever  it  de- 
sires to  export ;  for  it  has  sea  on  each  side  of  it.  By  land, 
too,  it  receives  many  kinds  of  merchandise,  as  it  is  joined  to 
the  continent.     8.  To  many  states,  moreover,  barbarians  who 

1  "Qo-Ktp  kvk\ov  Topvov.~\  Topvog,  according  to  Hesychius,  means  "  an 
artificer's  tool  for  describing  a  circle ; "  it  appears  to  have  been  a  sort  of 
pencil  at  the  end  of  a  string.  But  Weiske  very  properly  observes  that 
ropvog  must  here  mean  what  is  fixed  in  the  centre,  a  stick  or  thread  being 
moved  round  it  to  describe  the  circumference ;  and  Schneider  agrees  with 
liim. 


§    J — 5. ^  FOREIGNERS    TO    BE    ATTKACTED.  240 

dwall  on  their  borders  cause  annoyance  )  but  states  border  on 
the  Athenians  which  are  themselves  at  a  distance  from  the 
barbarians.1 


CHAPTER  II. 


Of  the  possibility  of  attracting  a  greater  number  of  foreigners  to  sojourn  at 

Athens. 

I.  Of  all  these  advantages,  I  think  that  the  land  is  itself, 
as  I  said,  the  cause ;  and  if  to  the  blessings  bestowed  by  na- 
ture there  be  joined,  in  the  first  place,  an  attention  to  the  in- 
terests of  strangers  sojourning  in  it,  (for  that  source  of 
revenue  appears  to  me  to  be  one  of  the  best,  since  strangers, 
while  they  maintain  themselves,  and  confer  great  benefits  on 
the  states  in  which  they  live,  receive  no  pension  from  the 
public,  but  pay  the  tax  imposed  on  aliens,)2  such  attention 
would  seem  to  me  likely  to  be  of  the  utmost  benefit;  2.  espe- 
cially if  we  relieve  them  at  the  same  time  from  such  imposi- 
tions as,  while  they  are  of  no  benefit  to  the  state,  appear  to 
cast  on  them  a  mark  of  dishonour,  and  if  we  exempt  them 
likewise  from  taking  the  field  as  heavy-armed  infantry  along 
with  the  citizens ;  for  the  danger  which  they  incur  is  great, 
and  it  is  a  great  trouble  to  them  to  be  away  from  their 
trades  and  families.  3.  The  state  would  also  be  much  more 
benefited,  if  the  citizens  stood  by  the  side  of  one  another  in 
the  field,  than  if,  as  is  the  case  at  present,  Lydians,  and  Syri- 
ans, and  Phrygians,  and  other  barbarians  from  every  nation  be 
amalgamated  with  them.  4.  In  addition,  too,  to  the  good  at- 
tendant on  the  exemption  of  strangers  from  joining  the  army, 
it  would  be  an  honour  to  the  country  for  the  Athenians  to  be 
seen  to  trust  to  themselves  in  the  field  of  battle  rather  than  to 
foreigners.    5.  While  we  give  a  share,  moreover,  to  foreigners 

1  States  that  border  on  Attica,  lying  between  it  and  the  barbarians,  are 
at  a  great  distance  from  them ;  and  Attica  itself,  and  its  capital  Athens, 
must  be  at  a  still  greater  distance. 

"•  Mtro'iKiov.]  A  tax  of  twelve  drachmae  annually  on  every  foreypier 
lesiding  at  Athena 


250  ON  THE  REVENUES  OF  ATHEKS.       [CH,  2. 

of  other  privileges  which  it  is  proper  to  share  with  them,  we 
should  be  likely  in  my  opinion,  if  we  gave  them  admission  also 
into  the  cavalry,  *to  render  them  better  disposed  towards  us,  and 
to  increase  the  strength  and  greatness  of  our  country.  6.  Be- 
sides, as  there  are  within  the  walls  many  pieces  of  ground  2 
for  building,  vacant  of  houses,  I  think  that  if  the  state  were  to 
allow  them  to  become  the  property  of  those  who  might  build 
upon  them,  and  who,  on  applying  for  them,  might  seem  to  be 
deserving,  a  greater  number  of  respectable  persons  would  by 
that  means  become  desirous  of  a  settlement  at  Athens.  7.  If 
we  should  institute  an  order  of  guardians  of  foreigners,  also, 
as  we  have  one  of  guardians  of  orphans,  and  some  honour 
should  be  conferred  on  such  of  them  as  should  bring  in  the 
greatest  number  of  foreigners,  such  a  plan  would  make  the 
foreigners  more  contented  under  us,  and,  as  is  likely,  all  who 
have  no  residence  in  any  other  city  3  would  eagerly  seek  a 
settlement  at  Athens,4  and  would  thus  increase  the  public 
revenue. 


CHAPTER  III. 


Of  granting  privileges  to  merchants,  and  the  benefits  to  be  expected  from 

increased  traffic. 

1.  In  proof  that  the  city  is  extremely  pleasant  and  lucrative 
as  a  place  of  trade,  I  will  mention  the  following  particulars. 
In  the  first  place,  it  has  the  finest  and  safest  harbours  for 
vessels,  where  navigators  may  moor  and  rest  in  case  of  a 
storm.     2.  In  the  next  place,  merchants,  in  most  other  cities, 

1  Foreigners  were  excluded  from  the  cavalry.  Comp.  Hipparch.  c.  9 
sect.  6. 

a  OiKoirtda.]  Loci  apti  ad  recipiendas  et  sustinendas  domos,  is  Weiske's 
interpretation.  The  icai  before  it  should  be  struck  out,  as  Dindorf  and 
Sauppe  observe. 

s  People  who  have  been  banished  from  their  own  cities,  or  whose  cities 
have  been  destroyed  or  fallen  into  decay. 

*  'A9rjvT]9ev.~\  Weiske  and  Schneider  would  read  'A9f}vy(Ti,  but 
'A0i)vri9ev,  "  from  Athens,"  may,  as  Sauppe  observes,  be  understood  as 
equivalent  to  "  from  the  Athenians." 


§    3 — 7.]  MERCHANTS    TO    BE    ENCOURAGED.  251 

must  barter  one  commodity  for  another  ;  for  the  inhabitants 
use  money  that  will  not  pass  beyond  the  limits  of  the  country  ; 
but  at  Athens,  while  there  is  abundance  of  goods,  such  as 
people  require,  for  exportation,  still,  if  merchants  do  not  wish 
to  barter,  they  may  carry  off  an  excellent  freight  by  taking 
away  our  silver,  for  wherever  they  dispose  of  it,  they  will 
always  gain  more  than  its  original  value. 

3.  If  we  should  propose  rewards,  however,  for  the  judges  of 
the  tribunal  of  commerce,1  to  be  given  to  such  as  should  decide 
points  of  controversy  with  the  greatest  justice  and  expedition, 
so  that  persons  who  wished  to  sail  might  not  be  detained,  a 
still  larger  number  of  people  would  by  that  means  be  brought 
to  trade  with  us,  and  with  greater  pleasure.  4.  It  would  be 
for  our  advantage  and  credit  also,  that  such  merchants  and 
shipowners  as  are  found  to  benefit  the  state  by  bringing  to  it 
vessels  and  merchandise  of  great  account  should  be  honoured 
with  seats  of  distinction  on  public  occasions,  and  sometimes 
invited  to  entertainments  ;  for,  being  treated  with  such  re- 
spect, they  would  hasten  to  return  to  us,  as  to  friends,  for  the 
sake,  not  merely  of  gain,  but  of  honour.  5.  The  more  people 
settled  among  us  and  visited  us,  the  greater  quantity  of  mer- 
chandise, it  is  evident,  would  be  imported,  exported,2  and  sold, 
and  the  more  gain  would  be  secured,  and  tribute  received. 
6.  To  effect  such  augmentations  of  the  revenue,  it  is  not  neces- 
sary for  us  to  be  at  any  cost  but  that  of  philanthropic  ordi- 
nances and  careful  superintendence. 

For  securing  whatever  other  revenues  seem  likely  to  come 
in  to  us,  I  know  that  there  will  be  need  of  a  fund.  7.  Yet  I 
am  not  without  hope  that  the  citizens  will  readily  contribute 
for  this  purpose,  when  I  reflect  how  much  the  state  con- 
tributed at  the  period  when  it  assisted  the  Arcadians  under 
the  command  of  Lysistratus,3  and  how  much  under  that  of 

1  Ty  tov  ifiTTopiov  agxv-]  The  judges  that  composed  this  court  seem 
to  have  been  the  vavrodiKai,  whose  office  appears  to  have  heen  abolished 
about  the  time  of  Philip  of  Macedon,  their  business  being  transferred  to 
the  tnesmothetae.     See  Boeckh,  Pub.  Econ.  of  Athens,  1,  §  9,  p.  G9. 

2  The  words  icai  i^ayoiro  Dindorf  would  very  properly  expunge,  aa 
they  are  the  same  in  signification  with  Kal  iKirifiiroiTo,  immediately  fol- 
lowing. 

3  1  have  not  found   this  general  named  either  by  Xenophon  in  his 
Hellenics,  or  by  any  other  historian  of  the  affairs  of  that  period  ;  bu 
the  expedition  of  the  Athenians  must  be  placed  before  the  battle  oi 


252  ON    THE    REVFKUES    OF    ATHENS.  fCH     3. 

Heg3silaus,!  8.  I  know  also  that  galleys  have  often  been  sent 
out  at  great  expense,  galleys  which  were  built  when  it  was 
uncertain  whether  the  result  of  the  expedition  would  be  for 
better  or  for  worse,  though  it  was  very  certain  that  the  con- 
tributors would  never  receive  back  what  they  had  paid,  or 
even  recover  any  portion  of  it.  9.  But  at  present  the  citizens 
can  acquire  no  gains  so  creditable  as  those  from  what  they 
may  contribute  for  this  fund  ;  for  to  him  whose  contribution 
shall  be  ten  minae,  about  the  fifth  part  will  return  as  interest 
from  the  fleet,  as  he  will  receive  three  oboli  a  day  ; 2  and  to 
him  whose  contribution  shall  be  five  minae,  there  will  be  a 
return  of  more  than  the  third.3  10.  The  most  of  the  Athen- 
ians, assuredly,  will  receive  annually  more  than  they  have 
contributed  ;  for  those  who  contribute  a  mina  will  have  ah 
income  of  almost  two  minae,4  and  will  have  it  in  the  city,  being 
an  income,  too,  that  appears  the  safest  and  most  durable  of 
human  things.  11.  I  think  too,  for  my  own  part,  that  if  the 
benefactors  to  our  state  were  to  have  their  names  enrolled  for 
transmission  to  posterity,  many  foreigners  would  give  us  their 
contributions,  as  well  as  some  whole  cities,  through  a  desire  for 
such  enrolment.     I  should  expect  also  that  kings  and  other 

Mantinea,  as  indeed  the  order  in  which  Xenophon  names  the  two  generals 
indicates.  Schneider.  We  may  infer  that  the  expe  lition  under  Lysis- 
tratus  was  undertaken  after  the  alliance  made  by  the  Athenians  with  the 
Arcadians,  01.  ciii.  3,  as  related  by  Xenophon,  Hellen.  vii.  4.  2,  and 
Diodorus  Siculus,  xv.  77.    Sauppe. 

1  That  this  expedition  under  Hegesilaus  took  place  Olymp.  civ.  2,  is 
shown  by  Boeckh,  ii.  145.     Sauppe. 

2  A  mina  was  equal  to  six  hundred  oboli,  or  £4  1*.  3d.  of  our 
money,  the  obolus  being  equal  to  three  half-pence  and  half  a  farthing. 
Hussey's  Essay  on  Ancient  Weights  and  Money,  ch.  iii.  As  ten  minae 
were  equal  to  six  thousand  oboli,  if  a  contributor  received  three  oboli  a  day 
for  three  hundred  and  sixty  days,  he  would  receive  in  all  one  thousand 
and  eighty  oboli,  which  would  be  something  less  than  the  fifth  part  of  the 
ten  minae. 

3  If  a  contributor  gave  five  minae,  or  three  thousand  oboli,  and  received 
three  oboli  a  day  for  three  hundred  and  sixty  days,  he  would  receive  in 
all  one  thousand  and  eighty  oboli,  which  would  be  a  little  more  than  the 
third  part  of  the  sum  contributed.  Each  contributor  was  to  give,  it 
would  appear,  according  to  his  means,  and  all  to  receive  the  same  remu- 
neration. 

*  If  they  contribute  a  mina,  or  six  hundred  oboli,  and  receive  one 
thousand  and  eighty  oboli,  they  will  receive  nearly  two  minae,  equal  to 
twelve  hundred  oboli. 


§    1 — 3.]  OF    THE    SILVER   MINES.  253 

sovereign  princes  and  satraps  would  feel  a  desire  to  partici- 
pate in  so  gratifying  an  acknowledgment. 

12.  When  a  fund  is  established,  it  will  be  for  the  honour 
and  interest  of  the  state  to  build  lodging-houses,  in  addition 
to  those  at  present  existing  round  the  harbours,  for  the  ac- 
commodation of  seamen  ;  and  it  would  be  well,  also,  to  build 
others  for  merchants,  in  places  convenient  for  buying  and  sell- 
ing, as  well  as  public  nouses  of  entertainment  for  all  that 
come  to  the  city.  1-3.  If,  moreover,  houses  and  shops  were  to 
be  erected  for  retail  dealers,  at  the  Peiraeeus  and  in  the  city, 
they  would  not  only  be  an  ornament  to  the  city,  but  a  great 
accession  of  income  would  be  derived  from  them.  14.  It 
seems  to  me,  likewise,  proper  to  try  whether  it  be  possible  for 
the  state,  as  it  possesses  public  war-galleys,  to  have  also  public 
vessels  for  conveying  merchandise,  and  to  let  them  out  for 
hire,  upon  persons  giving  security  for  them,  as  is  the  case  with 
other  things  belonging  to  the  public  ;  for  if  this  should  appear 
practicable,  a  large  income  might  be  derived  from  that  source. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Of  the  extent  of  silver  mines  in  Attica,  §  1 — 12.  How  they  may  be  rendered 
profitable  to  the  state,  13 — 33.  Replies  to  objections  that  may  be  made 
to  the  plans  proposed,  34 — 52. 

1.  Should  our  silver  mines,  too,  be  managed  as  they  ought 
to  be,  I  consider  that  great  profits  might  be  drawn  from  them, 
in  addition  to  our  other  revenues.  To  those  who  do  not 
know  their  value,  I  should  wish  to  make  it  known  ;  for,  when 
you  know  this,  you  will  be  the  better  enabled  to  form  plans 
for  arrangements  respecting  them.  2.  That  they  were  wrought 
in  very  ancient  times  is  well  known  to  all  ;  for  assuredly  no 
one  attempts  to  specify  at  what  time  they  began  to  be  formed 
But  though  the  earth  containing  silver  has  been  so  long  dug  and 
cast  up,  consider  how  small  a  portion  the  heaps  which  have  been 
thrown  out  are  of  the  hills  that  remain  still  in  their  natural 
state,  and  that  contain  silver  underneath  them.     3.  Nor  doea 


254  ON  THE  REVENUES  OF  ATHENS.       [(.  H.  4. 

the  space  of  ground  that  is  dug  for  silver  appear  to  be  at  all 
diminished,  but  to  be  perpetually  extended  in  a  wider  circuit ; 
and  during  the  time  that  the  greatest  number  of  men  were  in 
the  mines,  no  one  was  ever  in  want  of  occupation,  but  there 
was  always  more  work  than  enough  for  the  hands  employed. 

4.  At  the  present  time,  too,  no  one  of  those  who  have  slaves 
in  the  mines  is  diminishing  the  number  of  them,  but  is  indeed 
continually  adding  to  it  as  many  as  he  can  ;  for  when  but  few 
are  engaged  in  digging  and  searching,  little  treasure  is  found  ; 
but  when  many  are  employed,  a  far  greater  quantity  of  silver  ore 
is  discovered  ;  so  that  in  this  occupation  alone,  of  all  those  that 
I   know,  no  one  envies  those  that  extend  their  operations.1 

5.  All  persons  that  have  farms  would  be  able  to  say  how 
many  yokes  of  oxen,  and  how  many  workmen,  would  be 
sufficient  for  their  land ;  and  if  they  send  into  their  fields 
more  than  are  necessary,  they  consider  it  a  loss  ;  but  in  the 
mining  operations  for  silver,  they  say  that  all  are  constantly  in 
want  of  workmen.  6.  For  the  consequence  is  not  the  same 
in  this  case  as  it  is  when  there  are  numbers  of  workers  in 
brass,  and  when,  as  articles  made  of  brass  then  necessarily 
become  cheap,2  the  workmen  are  ruined,  nor  is  it  the  same 
as  when  there  are  excessive  numbers  of  blacksmiths  ;  or  as 
when  there  is  abundance  of  corn  and  wine,  and  when,  as  the 
fruits  of  the  earth  are  cheap,  agriculture  becomes  unprofitable, 
so  that  many  farmers,  quitting  their  occupation  of  tilling  the 
ground,  betake  themselves  to  the  employments  of  merchants, 
or  inn- keepers,  or  bankers  ;  but,  in  regard  to  the  silver  mines, 
the  more  silver  ore  is  found,  and  the  more  silver  is  extracted, 
the  greater  is  the  number  that  devote  themselves  to  mining. 
7.  Of  furniture,  when  people  have  got  enough  of  it  for  their 
houses,  they  do  not  much  care  for  buying  additional  supplies  ; 
but  nobody  has  ever  yet  had  so  much  silver  as  not  to  desire 

1  Ovde  <}>0ovei  ovdsig  toXq  £7ri<7/ceua£o^svoic.]  The  commentators  have 
been  much  in  doubt  as  to  the  meaning  of  these  words.  Sturz  seems  to 
give  the  right  interpretation :  novam  laboris  atque  adeo  lucri  materiam 
sibi  parantibus.  "  Un  nouvel  entrepreneur  ne  i'asse  point  d'ombrage  aux 
aneiens."  Gail.  The  field  is  large  enough  for  ail,  and  the  more  are  em- 
ployed in  it,  the  more  money  accrues  to  the  state. 

3  'A£io»v  yevofisvu)v."\  The  word  a£toe  is  here  used  in  a  not  very 
common  signification,  that  of  cheap,  easy  to  be  bought.  Suidas,  under 
the  word  a%ih>Tepov,  says  that  a£iog  was  used  by  the  Attics  for  evutvoc 
tni  the  same  is  said  by  Moeris. 


§    8 — 4.]  PROFIT    DERIVABLE    FROM    THE    MINES.  255 

an  increase  of  it ;  and  if  people  have  a  superabundance, 
they  hoard  it,  and  are  not  less  delighted  with  doing  so  than 
with  putting  it  to  use.  8.  When  communities,  too,  are  in 
the  most  flourishing  condition,  people  have  very  great  use  for 
money ;  for  the  men  are  ready  to  be  at  expense  for  beautiful 
arms,  or  fine  horses,  or  magnificent  houses  or  furniture  ; l  and 
the  women  are  eager  for  expensive  dresses  and  golden  orna- 
ments. 9.  When  communities,  on  the  other  hand,  are  in 
distress,  whether  from  scarcity  of  corn  or  from  the  effects  of 
war,  they  are  still  more  in  want  of  money,  as  the  land  lies 
uncultivated,  both  for  purchasing  provisions  and  for  paying 
auxiliary  troops. 

10.  If  any  one  should  say  that  gold  is  not  less  useful  for 
such  purposes  than  silver,  I  do  not  dispute  the  truth  of  the 
assertion ;  but  I  am  aware  at  the  same  time  that  gold,  if  it 
shows  itself  in  great  quantities,  becomes  much  less  valuable, 
and  renders  silver  of  a  higher  price,  n.  These  remarks  I 
have  made  with  a  view  that  we  should  send  with  confidence 
as  many  workmen  as  possible  into  the  silver  mines,  and  should 
with  confidence  continue  our  operations  in  them,  fully  trust- 
ing that  the  silver  ore  is  not  going  to  fail,  and  that  silver  will 
never  lose  its  value.  12.  The  state,  however,  appears  tome 
to  have  known  this  long  before  I  knew  it ;  for  it  allows  any 
foreigner  that  pleases  to  work  in  the  mines,  on  paying  the  same 
duty  as  the  citizens.2 

13.  But  that  I  may  make  the  subjects  still  more  clear  with 
reference  to  the  maintenance  of  the  citizens,  I  will  state  how 
the  mines  may  be  managed  so  as  to  be  most  beneficial  to  the 
country.  For  what  I  am  going  to  say,  however,  I  do  not 
desire  to  court  admiration,  as  if  I  had  found  out  something 
difficult  to  be  discovered  ;  tor  part  of  what  I  shall  state  we 
all  at  present  see  before  us,  and  the  condition  of  things  in 
times  past,  we  hear,  was  of  an  exactly  similar  character.  14. 
But  we  cannot  but  feel  surprised  that  the  state,  when  it  sees 
many  private  individuals  enriching  themselves  from  its  re- 
sources, does  not  imitate  their  proceedings  ;  for  we  heard  long 

1  Kara<TKsvag.~\  Sturz  very  properly  considers  that  this  word  here 
means  supellex,  cultus  cedium.  Leunclavius  renders  it  by  structtiras,  and 
Gail  by  "  un  grand  train." 

2  Both  paying  the  twenty-fourth  part  of  the  profits  which  they  derived 
from  the  mines.     See  Boeckh,  i.  155,  332 ;  ii.  78.     Sauppe. 


256  ON  THE  REVENUES  UF  ATHENS.       [_CH.  4. 

ago,  indeed,  at  least  such  of  us  as  attended  to  these  matters,  that 
Nicias  the  son  of  Niceratus  kept  a  thousand  men  employed  in 
the  silver  mines,  whom  he  let  on  hire  to  Sosias  of  Thrace,  on 
condition  that  he  should  give  him  for  each  an  obolus  a-day,  free 
of  allcharges  ;  and  this  number  he  always  supplied  undiminish- 
ed. Hipponicus  also  had  six  hundred  slaves  let  out  at  the 
same  rate,  which  brought  him  in  a  clear  mina  a-day ; 1  Phile- 
monides  had  three  hundred,  which  brought  him  half  a  mina ; 
and  others  had  other  complements  of  slaves,  according,  I  sup- 
pose, to  their  respective  resources.  16.  But  why  should  J 
dwell  upon  former  times,  when  there  are  numbers  of  men  in 
the  mines  let  out  in  the  same  manner  at  present  ?  17.  And 
if  what  I  propose  be  carried  into  effect,  the  only  new  point  in 
it  would  be,  that  as  private  individuals,  by  the  possession  of 
slaves,  have  secured  themselves  a  constant  revenue,  so  tht- 
state  should  possess  public  slaves,  to  the  number  of  three  for 
each  Athenian  citizen.2 

is.  Whether  what  I  propose  is  practicable,  let  him  who 
chooses,  after  considering  every  point  of  it,  pronounce  a  judg- 
ment. As  to  the  price  for  slaves,  it  is  evident  that  the  state 
can  procure  it  better  than  private  individuals.  It  is  easy 
for  the  senate  to  issue  a  proclamation  that  he  who  will  may 
bring  his  slaves,  and  then  to  buy  all  that  are  brought.  19. 
When  they  are  bought,  why  should  not  any  person  be  as  will- 
ing to  hire  slaves  from  the  state  as  from  a  private  individual, 
if  he  is  to  have  them  on  the  same  terms  ?  At  least  they  hire 
from  the  state  consecrated  grounds,  and  temples,  and  houses, 
and  farm  the  public  taxes.3  20.  That  the  slaves  purchased 
for  the  public  may  be  kept  safe,  the  state  may  require  sureties 
from  those  who  hire  them,  as  they  require  them  from  those  who 
farm  the  taxes  ;  and  it  is  indeed  much  easier  for  him  who  farms 
a  tax  to  defraud  the  public  than  for  him  who  hires  slaves.  21. 
For  how  can  anyone  identify  the  public  money  that  is  embez- 
zled, when  private  money  is  exactly  like  it ;  but  as  for  slaves, 
when  they  are  marked  with  the  public  mark,  and  when  a  pen- 
alty is  denounced  against  him  who  sells  or  exports  them,  how 

1  The  mina  being  six  hundred  oboli.     See  note  on  c.  3,  sect.  9. 

s  So  that  each  Athenian  citizen,  says  Weiske,  might  hire  three  slaves 
from  the  government,  paying  the  government  for  their  services. 

3  On  this  subject  see  Boeckh,  1.  325—321 ;  Wachsmuth,  ii.  i,  129, 151 
Meier  et  Schoeru.  p.  516;  Arnold,  Thucyd.  iii.  50.     Sauppe. 


§  22 — 25.]  PURCHASE    OF    PUBLIC    SLAVES.  257 

could  any  one  steal  them  ?     So  far,  therefore,  it  will  appear 
to  be  possible  for  the  state  to  acquire  and  to  preserve  slaves. 

22.  But  if  any  one  doubts  whether,  after  a  great  number  of 
workmen  have  been  procured,  a  great  number l  of  persons 
will  also  present  themselves  to  hire  them,  let  him  be  of  good 
courage,  reflecting  that  many  of  those  who  already  possess 
slaves  will  still  hire  those  belonging  to  the  public,  (for  there 
is  plenty  of  work  to  employ  them),  and  that  many  of  those 
engaged  in  the  works  are  growing  old,  while  there  are  many 
others,  both  Athenians  and  foreigners,  who  would  neither  be 
able  nor  willing  to  engage  in  corporeal  labour,  but  who 
would  gladly  gain  a  subsistence  by  applying  their  minds  to 
the  superintendence  of  the  business.  23.  If  at  first,  then, 
a  thousand  two  hundred  slaves  be  collected,  it  is  probable 
that,  with  the  income  from  that  number  a  complement  of  not 
less  than  six  thousand  might  in  five  or  six  years  be  obtained ; 
and  if,  of  this  number,  each  brings  in  a  clear  obolus,  the 
profit  will  be  sixty  talents  a  year.2  24.  If  of  those  sixty 
talents  twenty  be  devoted  to  the  purchase  of  more  slaves,  the 
state  will  be  at  liberty  to  use  the  other  forty  for  whatever 
other  purpose  it  may  think  proper ;  and  when  the  number 
of  ten  thousand  slaves  is  made  up,  the  yearly  revenue  from 
them  will  be  a  hundred  talents. 

25.  That  the  state  will  receive  3  even  a  far  greater  profit 
than  this,  those  will  agree  with  me  in  thinking,  who  remem- 
ber, if  there  are  any  that  still  remember,  how  great  a  height 
the  income  from  the  slaves  reached  before  the  occurrences  at 
Deceleia.4  The  fact,  also,  that,  though  innumerable  work- 
men have  been  perpetually  employed  in  the  mines,  their  pre- 

1  Schneider  thinks  that  ov  should  be  inserted  before  the  second  TroXAoi 
in  the  text;  and  Sauppe  agrees  with  him.  My  translation  is  somewhat 
forced,  to  suit  the  absence  of  the  negative. 

2  Six  thousand  slaves  will  bring  in  six  thousand  oboli  a  day,  and  thus, 
if  we  reckon  three  hundred  and  sixty  days  to  the  year,  the  annual  income 
from  them  will  be  two  million  one  hundred  and  sixteen  thousand  oboli, 
which  sum,  divided  by  thirty-six  thousand,  the  number  of  oboli  in  a 
talent,  will  give  sixty  talents. 

3  Antral.]  The  nominative  case  is  7r6\tg,  as  Sauppe  observes  ;  agi- 
tur  enim  de  civitate  et  ejus  reditibus. 

*  Zeune  supposes  that  the  occupation  of  Deceleia  by  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians is  meant,  in  the  nineteenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war,  when 
twenty  thousand  of  the  Athenian  slaves  deserted  to  the  enemy,  as  is  re« 
.ated  by  Thucydides,  vii.  27 

vol.  in.  a 


258  ON  THE  REVENUES  OF  ATHENS.        ]_CU.   4. 

sent  condition  is  not  at  all  different  from  that  in  which  our 
forefathers  remember  them  to  have  been,  affords  me  additional 
support  for  this  supposition.  26.  Indeed,  all  that  is  now  done 
in  the  mines  testifies  that  there  can  never  be  a  greater  num- 
ber of  slaves  there  than  the  works  require ;  for  those  who  are 
employed  in  digging  find  no  limit  to  the  depth  or  ramifications 
of  their  works.  27.  To  cut  in  a  new  direction  is  assuredly 
not  less  practicable  now  than  it  was  formerly ;  nor  can  any 
one  say,  from  certain  knowledge,  whether  there  is  more  silver 
ore  in  the  parts  which  have  been  opened  than  is  to  be  found 
in  those  which  are  undisturbed.  28.  Why  then,  some  one 
may  ask,  do  not  many  make  new  cuttings  now,  as  of  old  ?  It 
is  because  those  engaged  about  the  mines  are  now  poorer ; 
for  it  was  but  lately  that  they  began  to  be  wrought  again  ; 
and  great  risk  is  incurred  by  a  person  commencing  new 
operations ;  for  he  indeed  that  finds  a  profitable  field  of 
labour  becomes  rich,  but  he  who  does  not  find  one  loses  all 
that  he  has  expended  ;  and  into  such  risk  the  men  of  the  pre- 
sent day  are  by  no  means  willing  to  run. 

30.  I  think,  however,  that  I  am  able  to  give  some  ad- 
vice with  regard  to  this  difficulty  also,  and  to  show  how 
new  operations  may  be  conducted  with  the  greatest  safety. 
There  are  ten  tribes  at  Athens,  and  if  to  each  of  these  the 
state  should  assign  an  equal  number  of  slaves,  and  the  tribes 
should  all  make  new  cuttings,  sharing  their  fortune  in  com- 
mon, then,  if  but  one  tribe  should  make  any  useful  discovery, 
it  would  point  out  something  profitable  to  the  whole;  si.  but 
if  two,  or  three,  or  four,  or  half  the  number  should  make 
some  discovery,  it  is  plain  that  the  works  would  be  more 
profitable  in  proportion ;  and  that  they  should  all  fail  is  con- 
trary to  all  the  experience  of  past  times.  32.  It  is  possible 
also  for  private  individuals  to  unite  and  share  their  fortunes 
together,  and  thus  to  venture  with  greater  safety ;  and  you 
need  entertain  no  apprehensions  either  that  the  public  com- 
pany thus  constituted  will  injure  the  private  adventurers,  or 
that  the  private  adventurers  will  inconvenience  the  public 
company ;  but  as  allies  in  the  field  of  battle,  the  greater  the 
number  in  which  they  meet,  render  one  another  proportion- 
ately stronger,  so  the  greater  the  number  that  are  employed 
in  the  mines,  the  more  gain  will  they  acquire  and  bring  to 
the  state. 


§  33 — 40.    FURTHER  MODES  OF  PROCEEDING.         259 

33.  I  have  now  stated  how  I  think   that  public  matter 
may  be  arranged,  so  that  sufficient  maintenance  may  be  se- 
cured from  our  common  resources  for  the  whole  body  of  the 
Athenian  people. 

34.  If  any  of  us,  considering  that  there  will  be  need  of  vast 
funds  for  all  these  works,  think  that  sufficient  money  will 
never  be  contributed,  let  them  not  be  cast  down  through  that 
apprehension.  35.  For  there  is  no  necessity  that  all  these 
things  should  be  done  at  once,  or  else  no  profit  will  result  from 
them  ;  but  whatever  buildings  are  erected,  or  ships  constructed, 
or  slaves  purchased,  the  proceedings  will  straightway  be  at- 
tended with  profit.  36.  It  is  indeed  more  advantageous  that 
such  things  should  be  done  gradually  than  that  they  should 
all  be  done  at  once ;  for  if  we  were  to  build  all  together,  we 
should  do  our  work  at  greater  cost  and  with  less  efficiency 
than  if  we  were  to  build  by  degrees ;  and  if  we  were  to  get 
a  vast  number  of  slaves  at  once,  we  should  be  compelled  to 
buy  them  in  worse  condition  and  at  a  higher  price.  37.  Pro- 
ceeding however  according  to  our  ability,  we  may  continue 
any  operations  that  have  been  well  planned,  and  if  any  error 
has  been  committed,  we  may  take  care  not  to  repeat  it.  38. 
Besides,  if  everything  were  to  be  done  at  once,  it  would  be 
necessary  for  us  to  procure  means  for  everything  at  the  same 
time ;  but  if  part  be  done  now,  and  part  deferred,  the  incom- 
ing revenue  may  assist  in  obtaining  what  is  necessary  foi 
future  proceedings. 

39.  But  as  to  that  which  appears  to  everybody  most  to  be 
apprehended,  I  mean  that,  if  the  state  purchase  an  extraordi 
nary  number  of  slaves,  the  works  may  be  overstocked,  we 
may  feel  quite  free  from  that  apprehension,  if  we  do  not  send 
into  the  mines  every  year  a  greater  number  than  the  opera 
tions  require.  40.  Thus  it  appears  to  me  that  the  way  in 
which  it  is  easiest  to  pursue  these  plans  is  also  that  in  which 
it  is  best.  But  if,  again,  you  think  that,  on  account  of  the 
contributions  made  during  the  present  war,  you  are  unable  to 
contribute  anything  further,  you  must,  whatever  sum  of 
money  the  taxes  brought  in  before  the  peace,  conduct  the  ad- 
ministration with  that  exact  sum  during  the  next  year,  aud 
whatever  additional  sum  they  may  bring,  through  peace  having 
taken  place,  through  attention  being  paid  to  the  sojourners 
and  merchants,   through  more  commodities  being  imported 

s  2 


260  ON  THE  REVENUES  OF  ATHENS.       [CH.  4. 

and  exported  in  consequence  of  a  greater  number  of  people 
resorting  to  us,  and  through  the  sale  of  goods  being  increased 
at  the  harbour,  you  must  take  that  sum  and  appropriate  it  in 
such  a  way  that  the  revenues  may  be  advanced  to  the  utmost. 
41.  If,  however,  any  feel  apprehensive  that  this  course,  if 
war  occur,  will  prove  ineffectual,  let  them  consider  that,  even 
if  war  should  break  out,  it  will  be  far  more  formidable  to 
those  who  attack  us  than  to  our  state.  42.  For  what  acquisi- 
tion would  be  more  useful  for  war  than  a  great  number  of 
people,  since  they  would  be  able  to  man  many  of  the  public 
vessels,  while  many  of  them  also,  serving  for  the  public  on 
land,  would  offer  a  powerful  resistance  to  the  enemy,  provided 
that  we  do  but  treat  them  well  ? 

43.  I  consider,  too,  that  even  if  war  takes  place,  it  is  possi- 
ble to  prevent  our  mines  from  being  abandoned  ;  for  there  is, 
we  know,  a  fortress  near  the  mines  at  Anaphlystus,  on  the  sea 
towards  the  south,  and  another  at  Thoricus,  on  the  sea  toward? 
the  north  ;l  and  these  two  are  distant  from  each  other  about 
sixty  furlongs.  44.  If,  then,  a  third  fort  should  be  built  be- 
tween these  on  the  summit  of  Besa,  the  workmen  might  then 
retire  into  some  one  of  all  these  fortresses,  and,  if  they 
«hould  see  an  enemy  approaching,  it  would  be  but  a  short 
distance  for  each  to  retreat  to  a  place  of  safety.  45.  Should 
even  an  overpowering  number  of  enemies  come,  they  would, 
doubtless,  if  they  found  corn,  or  wine,  or  cattle,  without  the 
works,  carry  them  off ;  but  if  they  even  occupied  the  mining 
ground,  of  what  more  would  they  possess  themselves  than  a 
heap  of  stones  ?  46.  But  how,  indeed,  could  our  enemies  ever 
make  an  inroad  on  our  mines  ?  for  the  city  of  Megara,  which 
is  nearest  to  them,  is  distant  much  more  than  five  hundred 
stadia ;  and  Thebes,  which  is  the  nearest  city  after  Megara, 
is  distant  much  more  than  six  hundred.  47.  If  they  should 
advance  upon  the  mines,  then,  from  any  part  in  that  direction, 
they  will  be  under  the  necessity  of  passing  by  the  city  of 
Athens ;  and  if  they  come  in  small  numbers,  it  is  probable 
that  they  will  be  cut  off  by  the  cavalry  and  the  guards  of  the 
frontier  ;2  while  it  is  difficult  to  imagine  that  they  will  march 

1  Anaphlystus  and  Thoricus  were  two  aemi  of  Attica,  lying  towards  the 
sea-coast  eastward  from  Athens.     Besa,  or  Beseis,  was  another  demus. 

*  'T7ro  7r£pi7r6\wi'.]  The  irtpnrokoi  were  mostly  young  men  of  Athens, 
between  the   ages  of  eighteen  and  twenty,  who  were  sent  out  to  l&arn  tba 


§  48 — 52.  J  CONSEQUENCES   OF    WAtt.  261 

out  with  a  large  force,  leaving  their  own  country  unguarded;  for 
the  city  of  Athens  would  be  much  nearer  to  their  cities,  than 
they  themselves  would  be  when  they  are  at  the  mines.  48.  But, 
even  if  they  should  come  in  great  force,  how  could  they  stay, 
when  they  would  have  no  provisions?  since,  should  they  go 
out  to  get  provisions  in  small  parties,  there  would  be  danger 
both  to  those  who  went  out  for  provisions,  and  to  those  who 
remained  behind  to  fight;1  and,  if  their  whole  force  went  out 
foraging  on  every  occasion,  they  would  be  besieged  rather 
than  besiegers.2 

49.  Not  only  the  profit  from  the  slaves,  then,  would  increase 
the  resources  of  the  city,  but,  as  a  vast  number  of  people 
would  collect  about  the  mines,  there  would  also  arise  a  great 
income  from  the  market  held  there,3  from  the  rent  of  the 
public  buildings  around  the  mines,  from  the  furnaces,  and  from 
all  other  sources  of  that  kind.  50.  Our  city,  too,  if  it  be  thus 
supported,  will  become  extremely  populous,  and  land  about 
the  mines  will  grow  as  valuable  to  those  who  possess  it  there 
as  to  those  who  have  it  around  Athens.  51.  Should  all  in- 
deed be  done  that  I  have  proposed,  I  maintain  that  the  state 
will  not  only  be  better  supplied  with  money,  but  will  be  more 
quiet  and  orderly,  and  better  prepared  for  war.  52.  For  those 
who  are  appointed  to  exercise  the  youth  would  discharge 
their  duties  in  the  gymnasia  with  greater  care,  as  they  would 
then  receive  more  pay  than  those  now  receive  who  act  as 
gymnasiarchs  for  the  torch-race  ;4  and  those  who  are  sent  to 
be  stationed  in  garrisons,  as  well  as  those  who  are  to  serve  as 

rudiments  of  warfare  as  a  kind  of  military  police  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
country.  Pollux,  viii.  106  ;  Photius,  sub  voce.  They  are  the  same  that 
are  said,  in  sect.  52,  TrepnroXelv  rrjv  x&Pav' 

1  ITtpt  5)v  ayi»vitovTai.~\  An  abbreviation,  says  Sauppe,  for  iripi  red' 
T(ov  oi  ayuviZovTai. 

2  That  is,  they  would  be  like  besieged  troops  lying  inactive,  in  want  of 
provisions,  and  forced  to  be  content  it"  they  escaped  suffering  from  hunger 
Weiske. 

3  'An'  dyopag  rrjg  liceivov  av.~\  The  words  rrjg  kxeivov,  though  mani- 
festly corrupt,  are  yet  retained  by  Dindorf  in  his  text.  I  follow  Leun- 
clavius's  conjecture,  rrjg  £k«  ovcrrjg. 

4  Oi  re  yap  rax9kvreg  yvfiva^taSai — yvuvaoiapyovfitvoi.]  I  consider 
that  Gail  must  be  right  in  his  notion  of  the  sense  of  these  words  :  "  Les 
intendans  des  exercices  gymniques,  jouissant  d'un  sort  plus  honnete  quo 
ceux  qui  president  aux  exercices  de  torches,  se  montreront  plus  assidua 
a  leurs  fonctions."  Leunclavius,  however,  renders  yvfiva&ffBai  "  se  cx« 
ercere,"  and  yvfivamapxovfievoi  "  qui  gymnasiarcha?  parent." 


262  ON  THE  REVENUES  OF  ATHENS.       j^CH.  5. 

peltasts,  and  to  keep  guard  round  the  country,1  would  per- 
form all  their  occupations  more  efficiently,  if  pay  were  given 
them  for  each  of  their  duties. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Necessity  of  peace  for  the  maintenance  and  improvement  of  the  revenue. 

l.  But  if  it  appears  evident,  that,  if  the  full  revenues  from 
the  state  are  to  be  collected,  there  must  be  peace,  is  it  not 
proper  for  us  also  to  appoint  guardians  of  peace?2  for  such  an 
office,  if  established,  would  render  the  city  more  agreeable  for 
all  men  to  visit,  and  more  frequented.  2.  Should  any  persons 
imagine,  however,  that  if  our  state  continues  to  maintain1 
peace,  it  will  be  less  powerful,  and  esteemed,  and  celebrated 
through  Greece,  such  persons,  in  my  opinion,  entertain  an 
unreasonable  apprehension ;  for  those  states,  assuredly,  are 
most  prosperous,  which  have  remained  at  peace  for  the  long- 
est period  ;  and  of  all  states  Athens  is  the  best  adapted  by 
nature  for  flourishing  during  peace.  3.  Who,  indeed,  if  the 
city  were  in  the  enjoyment  of  peace,  would  not  be  eager  to 
resort  to  it,  and  shipowners  and  merchants  most  of  all  ? 
Would  not  those  who  have  plenty  of  corn,  and  ordinary  wine, 
and  wine  of  the  sweetest  kind,  and  olive  oil,  and  cattle,  flock 
to  us,  as  well  as  those  who  can  make  profit  by  their  ingenuity 
and  by  money-lending  ?3  4.  Where  would  artificers,  too, 
and  sophists,  and  philosophers,  and  poets,  and  such  as  study 
their  works,  and  such  as  desire  to  witness  sacrifices,  or  re- 
ligious ceremonies  worthy  of  being  seen  and  heard,  and  such 
as  desire  to  make  a  quick  sale  or  purchase  of  many  com- 
modities, obtain  their  objects  better  than  at  Athens  ?  5.  If  no 

1  IJepnroXe'iv  rr\v  ^wpcu'.]     See  note  on  sect.  47. 

3  TZlprivotyvXaicag.]  A  sort  of  commissioners  who  might  see  that  fo- 
reigners resident  in  the  country  suffered  no  wrong,  and  ascertain  that 
every  means  was  taken  for  maintaining  peace. 

3  'Apyvpiy.]  Acting  as  trapezitce  or  bankers,  or  using  any  means  to 
£et  money  by  the  aid  of  money. 


§  6—9.]  DESIRABLENESS   OV  PEACE.  263 

one  can  answer  in  the  negative  to  these  questions,  and  yet 
some,  who  desire  to  recover  the  supreme  dominion  for  our 
state,  think  that  that  end  would  be  effected  better  by  war 
than  by  peace,  let  them  contemplate,  first  of  all,  the  Persian 
invasion,  and  consider  whether  it  was  by  force  of  arms  or  by 
good  offices  to  the  Greeks  that  we  attained  the  head  of  the 
naval  confederacy,  and  the  management  of  the  treasury  of 
Greece.1  6.  Besides,  when  our  state,  from  being  thought  to 
exercise  its  power  too  tyrannically,  was  deprived  of  its  supre- 
macy, were  we  not  then  also,  after  we  abstained  from  en- 
croachment, again  made  rulers  of  the  fleet  by  the  unanimous 
consent  of  the  islanders  ?  2  7.  Did  not  the  Thebans,  in  con- 
sideration of  the  benefits  which  they  had  received,  allow  the 
Athenians  to  lead  them  ?3  Even  the  Lacedaemonians,  not  from 
being  forced,  but  from  having  been  assisted  by  us,  allowed 
the  Athenians  to  settle  matters  as  they  pleased  respecting  the 
supreme  command.4  8.  And  at  the  present  time,  through  the 
disturbances  prevailing  in  Greece,5  it  seems  to  me  that  an 
opportunity  has  offered  itself  to  our  city  to  attach  the  Greeks 
to  it  again  without  difficulty,  without  danger,  and  without 
expense  ;  for  we  may  endeavour  to  reconcile  the  states  that 
are  at  war  with  one  another,  and  we  may  try  also  to  unite 
such  as  are  divided  into  factions.  9.  If  you  should  make  it 
evident,  too,  not  by  forming  warlike  confederacies,  but  by  send- 
ing embassies  throughout  Greece,  that  you  are  anxious  for  the 
temple  at  Delphi  to  be  free  as  it  was  formerly,  I  think  it  would 
not  be  at  all  surprising  if  you  should  find  all  the  Greeks  ready 
to  agree,  and  to  form  confederacies  and  alliances  with  you, 
against  those6  who  sought  to  gain  the  mastery  over  the  Delphic 

1  The  Athenians  had  the  appointment  of  the  Hellenotamiee,  the  officers 
who  had  charge  of  the  contributions  of  the  Grecian  states  for  the  Persian 
war.     Thucyd.  I.  96 

2  After  the  battle  of  Leuctra,  or,  as  Boeckh  thinks  (II.  144),  somewhat 
sooner,  about  the  third  or  fourth  year  of  the  hundredth  Olympiad. 

3  To  what  period  this  refers,  is  uncertain. 

4  This  doubtless  refers  to  what  took  place  in  the  fourth  year  of  the 
hundred  and  second  Olympiad ;  see  Hellen.  vii.  1.  Schneider.  See  also 
Diod.  Sic.  xv.  67. 

5  Referring  to  the  state  of  things  after  the  battle  of  Mantineia,  Olymp. 
civ.  2.     See  the  conclusion  of  Xenophon's  Hellenics.     Schneider. 

a  Zeune  understands  the  Thebans,  from  Justin,  b.  viii.  The  Phocians 
under  Philomelus  had  taken  possession  of  the  temple  ;  and  the  Thebans 
rose  in  opposition  to  them,  and  were  after  a  time  supported  by  Philip  and 
the  Macedonians.     Schneider. 


2£4  ON   THE    REVENUES   OP   ATHENS.  [cil.  6: 

temple  when  the  Phocians  relinquished  it.  10.  If  you  indicate, 
moreover,  that  you  are  desirous  that  peace  should  prevail  over 
the  whole  land  and  sea,  I  consider  that  all  the  Greeks,  next 
to  the  security  of  their  own  countries,  would  pray  for  the  pre- 
servation of  Athens. 

11.  But  if  any  one  still  thinks  that  war  is  more  conducive 
to  the  wealth  of  our  city  than  peace,  I  know  not  by  what 
means  this  point  can  be  better  decided,  than  by  considering 
what  effect  events  that  occurred  in  former  times  produced  on 
our  city.  12.  For  he  will  find  that  in  days  of  old  vast  sums 
of  money  were  brought  into  the  city  during  peace,  and  that 
the  whole  of  it  was  expended  during  war ;  and  he  will  learn, 
if  he  gives  his  attention  to  the  subject,  that,  in  the  present 
day,  many  branches  of  the  revenue  are  deficient  in  conse- 
quence of  the  war,  and  that  the  money  from  those  which 
have  been  productive  has  been  spent  on  many  urgent  requi- 
sitions of  every  kind  ;  but  that  now,  when  peace  is  established 
at  sea.  the  revenues  are  increasing,  and  that  the  citizens  are 
at  liberty  to  make  whatever  use  of  them  they  please. 

13.  If  any  one  should  ask  me  this  question,  "Do  you  mean 
that,  even  if  any  power  should  unjustly  attack  our  state,  we 
must  maintain  peace  with  that  power?"  I  should  not  say 
that  I  had  any  such  intention  ;  but  I  may  safely  assert,  that 
we  shall  retaliate  on  any  aggressors  with  far  greater  facility, 
if  we  can  show  that  none  of  our  people  does  wrong  to  any 
%ae ; *  for  then  our  enemies  will  not  have  a  single  support©*" 


CHAPTER  VL 


advantages  that  will  arise  from  the  plans  proposed.    Divine  aid  and  pro- 
tection to  be  sought. 

1.  If,  then,  of  all  that  has  been  said,  nothing  appears  im- 
possible or  even  difficult,  and  if,  in  case  that  what  I  propose 
be  effected,  we  shall  sscure  increased  attachment  from  the 

1  Ei  fjLTjdsva  7rapi\;otjU6v  ddiicouvra.]  Si  efficere  conemur,  ut  tieno 
civium  nostrorum  extraneos  vel  socios  injuria  ejficiat.    Sauppe. 


§  2,  3.]         ANTICIPATED  ADVANTAGES.  265 

Greeks  in  general,  dwell  in  greater  security,  and  be  distin- 
guished with  greater  honour, — if  the  common  people  will  have 
plenty  of  provisions,  and  the  rich  be  eased  of  the  expenses 
for  war, — if,  as  abundance  increases,  we  shall  celebrate  our 
festivals  with  greater  magnificence  than  at  present,  shall  re- 
pair our  temples,  rebuild  our  walls  and  docks,  and  restore 
their  civil  rights1  to  the  priests,  the  senate,  the  magistrates, 
and  the  cavalry,  is  it  not  proper  that  we  should  proceed  to  ex- 
ecute these  plans  as  soon  as  possible,  that,  even  in  our  days, 
we  may  see  our  country  flourishing  in  security  ?  2.  Should 
we  resolve  on  pursuing  these  measures,  I  should  recommend 
that  we  should  send  to  Dodona  and  Delphi  to  inquire  of  the 
gods  whether  it  will  be  better  and  more  advantageous  for  the 
state,  for  the  present  time  and  for  posterity,  thus  to  regulate 
itself.  3.  If  the  gods  should  give  their  assent  to  the  pro- 
ceedings, I  should  say  that  we  ought  then  to  ask  which  of 
the  gods  we  should  propitiate  in  order  to  execute  our  designs 
in  the  best  and  most  efficient  manner ;  and  whichever  of  the 
deities  they  name  in  their  reply,  it  will  be  proper  to  seek 
favourable  omens  from  them  by  sacrifices,  and  then  to  com- 
mence our  operations ;  for  if  our  undertakings  are  begun  with 
the  support  of  the  gods,  it  is  likely  that  the  results  from 
them  will  lead  continually  to  that  which  is  still  better  and 
more  advantageous  for  the  state. 

1  Ta  warpta.]    "  Leurs  anciens  droits."    Gail.     Sauppe  supposes  that 
there  had  been  an  intermission  of  pay  from  "vant  of  funds. 


REMARKS 

ON    THE    TREATISE    ON    HOKSEMANSHIP. 


This  treatise,  as  Weiske  observes,  is  the  production  of  a  man 
who  had  had  much  experience  in  horsemanship,  and  who  had 
nicely  observed  the  habits  and  character  of  the  horse.  _  He  speaks 
with  commendation,  at  the  commencement,  of  a  writer  named 
Simo,  who  had  published  a  work  on  horses.  Of  Simo  little  more 
is  known  than  what  Xenophon  tells ;  he  is  called  an  Athenian  by 
Suidas  (v.  TpiXKrj),  and  is  several  times  cited  by  Pollux.  Accord- 
ing to  Pliny,  H.  N.  xxxiv.  8,  he  was  the  first  that  wrote  on  horse- 
manship. 

In  delivering  his  observations  and  precepts,  Xenophon  some- 
times uses  the  first  person  plural,  and  sometimes  the  first  person 
singular,  but  the  reason  for  the  difference  does  not  appear.  The 
treatise  seems  from  the  conclusion  to  have  been  written  after  the 
Hipparchicus,  but  as  it  is  printed  in  all  editions  before  it,  it  is  here 
suffered  to  retain  its  precedence. 


ON  HOKSEMANSHIP. 


CHAPTER  I. 

How  a  person  may  judge  of  a  colt,  so  as  not  to  be  deceived  in  purchasing. 

i.  Since,  as  it  has  been  our  fortune  to  be  long  engaged 
about  horses,  we  consider  that  we  have  acquired  some  know- 
ledge of  horsemanship ;  we  desire  also  to  intimate  to  the  younger 
part  of  our  friends  how  we  think  that  they  may  bestow  their 
attention  on  horses  to  the  best  advantage.  Simo  has  indeed 
written,  too,  on  the  management  of  horses,  who  also  made  an  of- 
fering of  the  brazen  horse  on  the  temple  of  the  Eleusinian  Ceres l 
at  Athens,  and  engraved  his  own  works 2  on  the  pedestal ; 
and  in  whatever  particulars,  assuredly,  we  happen  to  be  of  the 
same  opinion  with  him,  we  shall  not  expunge  s  them  from  our 
pages,  but  shall  lay  them  before  our  friends  with  far  greater 
pleasure,  expecting  to  acquire  additional  credit,  since  he  who 
was  skilled  in  horses  had  the  same  notions  with  us  ;  and  on 
such  points  as  he  has  left  unnoticed  we  shall  endeavour  to 
throw  light. 

1  To  'EXevoiviov.']  Templum  Cereris  Eleusinue  Athenis.  See  Pausan. 
i.  4.   Sturz,  Lex.  Xen. 

2  Td  kavTov  tpya.~\  Weiske  supposes  that  these  words  mean  the  arts 
and  contrivances  which  he  adopted  in  the  management  of  horses,  and 
which  he  indicated  by  the  representation  of  a  horse  and  man  in  certain 
attitudes  on  the  pedestal  of  the  statue.  This  notion  is  supported  by  a 
fragment  of  Hierocles,  given  in  the  collection  of  writings  De  Re  Veteri- 
narid,  published  by  Simon  Grynaeus,  Basil,  1537.  Some  have  supposed 
that  Simo  was  himself  a  statuary,  but  this  is  not  apparent. 

3  'FlaXs^ofiev.']  Xenophon  speaks  as  if  he  had  written  his  own  book 
before  he  saw  Simo's 


268  ON   HORSEMANSHIP.  [CH.  I. 

We  shall  show,  first  jf  all,  how  a  man  may  be  least  deceived 
in  purchasing  a  horse.  In  regard  to  a  colt  not  yet  broken,  it 
is  plain  that  we  must  examine  his  body  ;  for  of  his  temper  a 
horse  that  has  never  been  mounted  can  give  no  certain  indi- 
cations. 

2.  In  respect  to  his  body,  then,  we  assert  that  we  must  first 
examine  the  feet ;  for  as  there  would  be  no  use  in  a  house, 
though  the  upper  parts  were  extremely  beautiful,  if  the  found- 
ations were  not  laid  as  they  ought  to  be,  so  there  would  be  no 
profit  in  a  war-horse,  even  if  he  had  all  his  other  parts  excel- 
lent, but  was  unsound  in  the  feet ;  for  he  would  be  unable  to 
render  any  of  his  other  good  qualities  effective. 

3.  A  person  may  form  his  opinion  of  the  feet  by  first  ex- 
amining the  hoofs  ;  for  thick  hoofs  are  much  more  conducive 
to  firmness  of  tread  than  thin  ones  ;  and  it  must  also  not 
escape  his  notice  whether  the  hoofs  are  high  or  low,  as  well 
before  as  behind  ;  for  high  hoofs  raise  what  is  called  the  frog1 
far  above  the  ground;  and  low  ones  tread  equally  on  the 
strongest  and  softest  part  of  the  foot,  like  in-kneed  men. 
Simo  says  that  horses  which  have  good  feet  may  be  known  by 
the  sound ;  and  he  says  this  with  great  justice,  for  a  hollow 
hoof  rings  against  the  ground  like  a  cymbal.2 

4.  Since  we  have  commenced  with  this  part,  we  shall  as- 
cend from  it  to  the  rest  of  the  body.     The  bones  3  immediately 

1  XeXiSova.)  The  soft  and  hollow  part  of  the  hoof,  called  also  fi&Tpa- 
%og,  and  by  Vegetius  ranula  ;  in  French,  la  fourchette  ;  in  German,  der 
Strahl.  As  it  has  no  similarity  to  a  swallow,  the  derivation  is  perhaps 
from  xkiS&v,  denoting  its  tenderness.  WeisJce.  The  translator  of  this 
treatise  of  Xenophon's,  in  Berenger's  "  History  of  Horsemanship," 
renders  it  "  the  frog,  or  rather  the  sole." 

2  Monsieur  Bourgelat,  in  his  preface  to  the  second  volume  of  "Les 
Elemens  Hippiatriques,"  reprehends  this  remark  as  trifling  and  false ; 
and  if  our  author  is  to  be  understood  literally — and  the  words  seem  to 
admit  no  other  construction — the  criticism  is  certainly  just.  It  may  be 
but  candid,  nevertheless,  to  think  that  Xenophon  could  mean  to  say  no 
more  than  that  the  feet,  if  well  formed  and  in  good  condition,  could  bear 
to  be  struck  against  the  ground  so  forcibly  as  to  make  it  ring  and  sound ; 
and  that  this  noise  was  a  proof  of  their  soundness,  otherwise  the  horse 
could  not  bear  the  shock,  so  as  to  make  his  beats  firm  and  distinct.  Be- 
renger's Hist,  of  Horsemanship,  vol.  i.  p.  221.  Solido  graviter  sonat 
ungula  cornu.  Virg.  Georg.  iii.  88  Horses  are  mentioned  by  laaiali 
as  having  "  hoofs  like  flints." 

3  That  is,  the  bones  of  the  pattern. 


5 — 8.]  PARTS    OF    A    HORSE.  269 

above  the  hoofs,  then,  and  below  the  fetlocks,  must  be  neither 
too  upright,  like  those  of  a  goat  (for  then,  being  too  unyield- 
ing,1 they  shake  the  rider,  and  such  legs  are  more  subject 
to  inflammation),  nor  ought  those  bones  to  be  too  sloping; 
for  the  fetlocks  will  in  that  case  be  denuded  of  hair  and 
galled,  if  the  horse  be  ridden  either  among  clods  or  over 
stones. 

5.  Of  the  legs  the  bones  ought  to  be  thick  ;  for  they  are  the 
supports  of  the  body  ;  but  it  is  not  in  veins  or  flesh  that  their 
thickness  should  consist,2  since,  should  this  be  the  case,  they 
must,  when  the  horse  is  ridden  over  hard  ground,  be  filled 
with  blood,  when  hard  tumours3  will  arise,  and  while  the  whole 
leg  is  swollen,  the  skin  will  widen  ;  and  when  the  skin  is 
loose,  the  small  bone  of  the  leg 4  often  gives  way,  and  renders 
the  horse  lame. 

6.  If  the  colt,  as  he  walks,  bends  his  knees  freely,5  you 
may  conjecture  that  he  will  have  supple  legs  when  he  is 
ridden ;  for  all  colts  in  the  course  of  time  acquire  greater 
freedom  of  motion  in  their  knees  ;  and  supple  joints  are 
justly  commended,  for  they  render  a  horse  less  likely  to 
stumble  and  grow  tired  than  stiff  joints. 

7.  The  thighs  6  under  the  shoulders,  if  they  are  stout,  appear 
stronger  and  more  graceful,  as  is  the  case  with  those  of  men. 
The  chest,  if  somewhat  broad,  is  better  adapted  both  for  beauty 
and  strength,  as  well  as  for  keeping  the  legs,  not  so  as  to 
touch,7  but  wide  apart. 

8.  The  neck,  as  it  proceeds  from  the  chest,  should  not  fall 
forwards,  like  that  of  a  boar,  but  should  grow  upwards  like 
that  of  a  cock,  and  should  have  an  easy  motion 8  at  the  part3 

'    Avrirv7ru)Tepa.~]     Duriora  atque  nimis  resistentia.     Sturz,  Lex.  Xen, 

2  The  author  means  that  the  legs  should  be  lean  and  dry,  and  the  veins 
and  sinews  distinct,  firm,  and  compact.     Berenger. 

3  KpurcrovgJ]     In  Latin,  varices.     See  Celsus,  vii.  31. 

4  *H  7TEp6vr].]     Os  exterius  tibice.     Zeune, 

5  This  is  so  clear  and  evident,  that  the  rule  is  observed  by  the  judicious 
to  this  day ;  as  it  is  certain  that  no  horse  which  has  not  a  suppleness  in 
his  joints,  and  can  bend  his  knees,  can  go  either  with  safety  or  grace, 
Berenger.     Mollia  crura,  Virg.  Georg.  iii.  76. 

•  These  are  now  called  the  arms  ;  they  begin  from  the  shoulder  and 
reach  to  the  knee.     Berenger. 

1  Upbg  to  juj)  sira\\a%.]      Uti  crura  non  implicentur.     Camerarius. 

•  Aayapog.]     Mollis,  non  rigidus.     Sturz,  Lex.  Xen. 


270  ON    HORSEMANSHIP.  [CH    1. 

about  the  arch.  The  head  should  be  bony,1  and  have  a  small 
cheek.  Thus  the  neck  will  be  directly  in  front  of  the  rider,2 
and  the  eye  of  the  animal  will  see  what  is  before  his  feet.3  A 
horse  of  such  a  shape  would  be  less  able  to  do  mischief,  even 
though  he  be  extremely  vicious  ;  for  it  is  not  by  bending,  but 
by  stretching  out  the  neck  and  head,  that  horses  attempt  U 
be  mischievous. 

9.  It  is  necessary  to  observe,  however,  whether  both  the 
jaws  4  be  soft  or  hard,  or  only  one  of  them,  for  horses  which 
have  not  both  the  jaws  alike  are  generally  obstinate.5  To 
have  the  eye  prominent  gives  an  air  of  greater  vigilance  to  a 
horse  than  to  have  it  sunk,  and  a  horse  with  such  an  eye  can 
see  much  further  than  another. 

10.  Wide  nostrils  are  not  only  better  adapted  for  breathing 
than  those  which  are  contracted,  but  make  a  horse  appear 
more  terrible ;  for  when  one  horse  is  angry  at  another,  or  i§ 
excited  in  being  ridden,  he  dilates  his  nostrils. 

1 1.  When  the  top  of  the  head  is  somewhat  large,  and  the  ean 
rather  small,  they  render  a  horse's  head  more  like  what  it 
ought  to  be.  The  point  of  the  shoulder  being  high  renders 
the  seat  of  the  rider  more  secure,  and  makes  the  shoulder  ap- 
pear more  firmly  attached  to  the  body.  A  double  spine 6  is 
both  much  softer  to  sit  upon,  and  more  pleasing  to  the  eye, 
than  a  single  one. 

1  That  is  to  say,  the  head  should  not  be  fleshy,  but  lean  and  dry ;  and 
these  properties,  added  to  small  bones,  will  compose  a  little  head,  which  is 
esteemed  the  most  beautiful.     Berenger. 

2  As  the  rider  will  sit  immediately  behind  the  erect  neck  of  the  horse 
Weiske. 

3  On  account  of  the  smallness  of  the  jaw,  which  will  not  obstruct 
his  sight.      Weiske. 

4  Berenger  translates  it  "both  the  jaws  or  bars,"  and  says  in  a  note, 
"  I  have  added  the  word  bars,  as  explanatory  of  what  Xenophon  calls  the 
jaws,  although  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  good  or  bad  temper  of  a 
horse's  mouth  depends  much  upon  the  formation  of  the  jaws,  and  the 
setting  on  of  the  head." 

5  'T&repoyvaOoi.]  'ErtpoyvaQog  signifies  a  refractory  horse,  which,  from 
the  hardness  of  its  mouth  or  jaw,  will  turn  only  to  one  side.  Sturz,  Lex, 
Xen.  Leunclavius  renders  the  word  by  contumaces.  Suidas  and  Hesychius 
give  it  a  similar  sense.  "  Pour  l'ordinaire,  ceux  qui  out  les  barres  in6- 
gales,  resistent  plus  d'un  c6te  que  de  l'autre."     Gail. 

6  Et  duplex  agitur per  lumbos  spina.  Virg.  Georg.  iii.  "A  horse  in 
good  condition  is  said  to  have  a  double  spine,  because  the  fleshy  parte  on 
each  side  of  the  spine  rise  in  two  ridges."      Weiske. 


§   12 — 15.]  PARTS    OF   A    HORSE.  271 

12.  The  sides  being  somewhat  deep,  and  swelling  towards  the 
belly,  render  a  horse  in  general  more  easy  to  ride,  and  stronger, 
and  make  him  appear  better  profited  by  his  food.1  The 
broader  and  shorter  the  loins  are,  the  more  easily  the  horse 
raises  his  fore  parts,  and  brings  forward  his  hinder  ones ;  and 
in  so  doing,  his  belly  will  appear  smaller,  which,  if  large,  partly 
disfigures  a  horse,  and  renders  him  also  weaker  and  less  able 
to  carry  weight. 

13.  The  haunches  should  be  broad  and  well  covered  with 
flesh,  that  they  may  correspond  to  the  sides  and  the  chest ; 
and  if  these  parts  are  compact,  they  will  be  lighter  for  run- 
ning, and  render  the  horse  much  swifter. 

14.  If  a  horse  has  the  thighs  under  the  tail  broad  and  not 
distorted,2  he  will  then  set  his  hind  legs  well  apart,  and  will 
by  that  means  have  a  quicker3  and  firmer  step,4  a  better  seat 
for  a  rider,  and  will  be  better  in  every  respect.5  We  may  see 
a  proof  of  this  in  men  ;  for  when  they  wish  to  take  up  anything 
from  the  ground,  they  try  to  raise  it  by  setting  their  legs 
apart  rather  than  by  bringing  them  together. 

is.  A  horse  should  not  have  large  testicles;  but  it  is  im- 
possible to  tell  what  will  be  the  size  of  them  in  a  colt.  With 
regard  to  the  pasterns  of  the  hind  legs,  or  shins,  as  well  as  the 
fetlocks  and  hoofs,  we  may  make  the  same  remarks  as  we  made 
concerning  the  fore-legs. 

1  Ei%t\6r€pov.]  Euy/Xoc,  qui  pabulo  facile  nutritur.  Sturz,  Lex. 
Xen.     Pabuli  appetens.     Weiske. 

2  IlXarcTc  re  icai  firj  ^isffTpafiixevovg."]  This  is  the  reading  proposed  by 
Curerius,  and  adopted  by  Dindorf.  The  old  copies  have  irXareiq,  ry 
ypanny  diwpitjfisvovQ,  of  which  no  critic  could  make  anything  satisfac- 
tory. Sauppe  reads,  from  a  conjecture  of  Hermann's,  -irXaTiia  ry 
Tpdfisi  8ih)pL<TfievovQ,  "  separated  by  a  broad  rpa/xtc,"  which  means  the 
line  dividing  the  scrotum,  and  extending  up  to  the  anus. 

3  TopyoTspav.']  "  Quick "  is  the  signification  given  by  Hesychius  to 
yopyoc,  in  reference  to  horses. 

4  Tirofiaaiv.']  I  suppose  this  word  to  mean  status,  "standing,"  which 
will  be  firmer  when  the  legs  are  well  apart.  Weiske.  "  Will  carry  his 
rider  with  more  strength  and  swiftness."  Berenger.  Sauppe  thinks 
that  it  means  subsessio,  the  sinking  down  of  a  horse  when  his  rider  mounts 
him,  referring  to  c.  16,  sect.  6;  but  this  acceptation  does  not  suit  well 
with  either  of  the  preceding  adjectives. 

5  Kai  iiTravra  fitkriiov  iotcli  eavrov.']  So  these  words  stand  in  Din- 
dorf s  text.  In  other  texts  they  vary  greatly.  "Weiske,  not  unreasonably, 
supposes  that  they  are  altogether  corrupt,  and  have  usurped  the  place  of 
something  relating  to  the  fore-legs,  and  suitable  to  what  is  said  afterwards 
respecting  a  man 


272  ON    HORSEMANSHIP.  [CH.  2. 

16.  I  wish  also  to  show  by  what  means  a,  person  will  be 
least  likely  to  be  deceived  in  regard  to  the  probable  size;  for 
any  colt  that  has  very  long  legs  when  it  is  foaled  will  become 
a  very  large  horse,  since  in  all  quadrupeds  the  shank-bones 
do  not  grow  much  as  time  advances,  but  the  rest  of  the  body, 
that  it  may  be  symmetrical,  grows  in  proportion  to  them. 

17.  Those  who  judge  in  this  way  of  the  shape  of  a  colt  seem 
to  us  most  likely  to  get  a  horse  that  has  good  feet,  and 
is  strong,  fleshy,  and  of  a  good  figure  and  size.  Even 
though  some  horses  change  as  they  grow  up,  yet  we  may  still 
have  sufficient  confidence  in  these  observations  to  form  a 
judgment ;  for  far  more  horses,  from  being  ill-shaped,  become 
well  proportioned,  than  grow  deformed  after  having  once  been 
well-shaped. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Of  breaking  and  training  colts. 


1.  How  we  must  break  colts,  it  does  not  appear  to  me  that  I 
need  give  any  account ; l  for  though  it  is  people  that  are  well 
provided  with  means  in  communities,  and  that  have  no  small 
share  in  the  commonwealth,  who  are  required  2  to  serve  in  the 
cavalry,  yet  it  is  much  better  for  a  young  man  to  study  to  im- 
prove his  bodily  strength,  and  to  attain  a  knowledge  of  horse- 
manship, or,  if  he  is  already  a  proficient  in  it,  to  exercise  him- 
self in  riding,  than  to  be  a  breaker  of  colts  ;  and  for  a  man  in 
years  it  is  better  that  he  should  attend  to  his  family  and 
friends,  or  to  civil  and  military  occupations,  than  employ  him- 
self in  training  horses. 

2.  He  assuredly  who  knows  as  much  as  myself  respecting 
the  management  of  colts  will  give  his  colt  out  to  be  broken'.2 

1  Dindorf  follows  Curerius  in  reading  firj  ypairTsov.  Preceding  editions 
are  without  the  negative. 

2  As  will  be  seen  in  the  following  treatise  on  the  duties  of  a  cavalry 
officer. 

3  It  is  to  be  inferred  from  this  expression,  that  in  our  author's  time,  if 
not  long  before,  there  were  certain  persons  who  professed  to  break  colts, 
and  were  public  riding-masters  ;  which  proves  that  the  art  was  much  con- 
sidered and  cultivated  in  Greece,  even  in  those  early  age?.     Betenger. 


§  3- -5. J  of  colts.  273 

But  he  ought  to  write  down,  when  he  gives  him  out,  as  h& 
does  when  he  puts  out  a  youth  to  learn  any  art,  in  what 
points  the  trainer  is  to  send  him  back  instructed;  for  this  will 
be  an  intimation  to  the  trainer  to  what  particulars  he  must  at- 
tend, if  he  wishes  to  receive  his  pay. 

3.  "We  should  however  take  care  that  the  colt  be  delivered  to 
the  breaker  gentle,  tractable,  and  submissive  to  man  ;  for  such 
a  disposition  may  generally  be  produced  in  him  by  the  groom 
at  home,  if  he  knows  how  to  manage  so  that  hunger,  and 
thirst,  and  uneasiness  may  be  felt  by  the  colt  when  alone,  and 
that  food,  and  drink,  and  relief  from  uneasiness  may  come  to 
him  from  man  ;  for,  if  things  are  thus  ordered,  men  must  not 
only  be  liked,  but  longed  for,  by  the  colts. 

4.  We  ought  also  to  handle  such  parts  as  a  horse  most 
likes  to  be  stroked ;  and  these  are  the  parts  which  are  most 
hairy,  and  in  which  the  horse,  if  anything  makes  him  uneasy, 
is  least  able  to  afford  himself  relief. 

5.  Let  orders  be  given  to  the  groom,  too,  to  lead  him 
through  crowds  of  people,  and  to  make  him  approach  all  kinds 
of  objects  and  sounds ;  and  of  whichever  of  these  the  colt  is 
afraid,  we  must  teach  him,  not  with  harshness,  but  with  gen- 
tleness, that  they  are  by  no  means  objects  of  fear.  Such  are 
the  points,  in  respect  to  the  breaking  of  colts,  to  which  it  ap- 
pears to  me  sufficient  to  admonish  a  private  individual !  to 
attend. 


CHAPTER   III. 

How  to  judge  of  a  horse  for  riding. 


1.  When  a  person  would  buy  a  horse  that  has  been  already 
ridden,  we  shall  subjoin  some  admonitions  which  he  ought  tc 
bear  in  mind,  if  he  would  not  be  cheated  in  his  purchase.  In 
the  first  place,  then,  let  it  not  escape  his  notice  what  the  age 
is ;  for  a  horse  that  has  no  longer  the  marks  in  his  teeth 
neither  delights  the  buyer  with  hope,  nor  is  so  easy  to  be  ex- 
changed. 

2.  When  his  youth  is  ascertained,  it  must  also  be  noticed 
1  Ty  idiwry.]     That  is  one  who  is  not  a  professed  colt-breaker. 

VOL.  III.  T 


274  ON   HORSEMANSHIP,  ["en.  3 

how  he  takes  the  bit  into  his  mouth,  and  the  head-piece  over 
his  ears ;  and  this  cannot  fail  to  be  observed,  if  the  bridle  is 
put  on  in  sight  of  the  purchaser,  and  taken  off  in  his  sight. 

3.  It  is  also  necessary  to  see  how  he  takes  the  rider  on  his 
back  ;  for  many  horses  reluctantly  receive  on  them  anything 
which  it  is  plain  to  them  that  they  cannot  receive  without 
oeing  compelled  to  work.  4.  It  must  likewise  be  observed 
whether,  when  he  is  mounted,  he  wishes  to  separate  himself 
from  other  horses,  or  whether,  if  he  is  ridden  near  horses 
standing  by,  he  carries  off  his  rider  towards  them.  There 
are  some  horses  too,  that,  from  bad  training,  run  off  from  the 
places  of  exercise  to  their  stalls l  at  home. 

5.  As  for  horses  whose  jaws  are  not  alike,2  that  sort  of 
riding  which  is  called  the  pede3  exposes  them,  and,  still  more, 
a  change  in  the  direction  in  which  they  are  ridden;4  for 
many  horses  will  not  attempt  to  run  away  with  their  riders, 
unless  a  hard  jaw,  and  their  course  directed  homewards,  con- 
cur  to  stimulate  them.  We  ought  to  ascertain,  also,  whether 
the  horse,  being  put  to  his  speed,  is  readily  pulled  up,  and 
whether  he  submits  to  be  turned  about. 

6.  It  is  good  for  a  purchaser  not  to  be  ignorant,,  moreover, 
whether  a  horse  is  equally  willing  to  obey  when  he  is  roused 
with  a  blow ;  for  a  servant  and  an  army,  if  disobedient,  are 
useless,  but  a  disobedient  horse  is  not  only  useless,  but  often 
plays  the  traitor. 

7.  But  when  we  take  upon  ourselves  to  purchase  a  war- 
horse,  we  must  make  trial  of  him  in  all  things  in  which  war 
will  make  trial  of  him ;  and  these  are,  leaping  across  ditches, 
springing  over  walls,  jumping  on  to  mounds,  and  jumping 
down  from  them ;  and  we  must  try  him  in  riding  up  and  down 

1  'A<f>68ovQ.']  "A(f>o8oc,  says  Sturz,  is  the  same  as  avax^prjcng,  a  re- 
treat, a  place  of  retirement. 

2  Tovg  knQoyvaGovQ.~\     See  note  on  c.  1,  sect.  9. 

3  TLsdij.'}  Pollux,  i.  214,  says  that  iredt]  is  iTriraola  ?/  ki/kXot-^ot/c,  ex- 
ercise or  riding  in  a  circle,  and  that  the  eTrifirjKTjg  7re8ij  is  that  which 
fixes  the  size  of  the  circle,  apparently  a  rope  or  tether.  The  exercise 
meant,  therefore,  says  Schneider,  is  the  same  as  the  Latin  gyrus  or  gyroa<u>. 
Other  critics  have  been  much  perplexed  about  the  meaning  of  the  word  ; 
put  this  seems  to  be  the  true  interpretation.  It  is  approved,  says  Sauppe, 
by  Hermann,  in  his  Opusc.  torn.  i.  p.  63 — 80.  Yet  the  pede  was  no* 
always  of  a  circular  form.     See  c.  7,  sect.  13. 

4  Turning  them  sometimes  to  the  right,  sometimes  to  the  left.  This 
has  no  reference  to  th«  ttev^ 


§    8 — 12.]        DIRECTION    TO   BUYERS   OF   HORSES.  275 

sleep  places,  and  along  them;  for  all  such  efforts  show  his 
spirit,  whether  it  is  bold,  and  whether  his  body  is  sound.  8. 
Yet  we  must  not  at  once  reject  ahorse  that  does  not  accomplish 
all  these  feats  perfectly ;  for  many  fail,  not  from  being  un- 
able, but  from  want  of  training  ;  and  if  they  are  taught,  and 
used,  and  exercised  in  such  performances,  they  will  execute 
them  all  well,  provided  they  are  sound  in  other  respects,  and 
not  wanting  in  spirit. 

9.  We  must  however  be  cautious  of  having  anything  to  do 
with  horses  that  are  naturally  shy ;  for  horses  that  are  exces- 
sively timorous  will  not  only  not  allow  the  rider  on  their  back 
to  harm  the  enemy,  but  will  often  take  him  by  surprise,1  and 
expose  him  to  great  danger.  10.  We  must  also  learn  whether 
the  horse  has  anything  of  vice  either  towards  other  horses,  or 
towards  men,  and  whether  he  is  averse  to  being  handled ;  for 
all  such  defects  are  troublesome  to  his  owner. 

n.  As  to  any  reluctance  to  being  bridled  and  mounted,  and 
other  tricks,2  a  person  will  much  sooner  discover  them,  if, 
when  the  horse  has  been  thoroughly  exercised,  he  attempt  to 
do  to  him3  what  he  did  before  he  began  to  ride  him ;  since 
horses  that,  after  having  been  exercised,  are  ready  to  submit 
to  exercise  again,  give  sufficient  proofs  of  a  mettlesome  spirit. 

12.  To  sum  up  all  in  a  few  words,  whatever  horse  has  good 
feet,  is  mild-tempered,  sufficiently  swift,  is  willing  and  able  t@ 
endure  fatigue,  and  is  in  the  highest  degree  obedient,  will 
probably  give  least  trouble  to  his  rider,  and  contribute  most 
to  his  safety  in  military  occupations.  But  horses  that  from 
sluggishness  require  a  great  deal  of  driving,  or,  from  excess 
of  mettle,  much  coaxing  and  care,  afford  plenty  of  employ- 
ment to  the  rider,  as  well  as  much  apprehension  in  time  of 
danger. 

1  "B<r<prj\av.  j  Sturz,  in  his  Lexicon,  makes  this  equivalent  to  excus- 
serunt ;  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  word  signifies  so  much.  Leun- 
clavius  renders  the  passage,  Scepenumero  etiam  in  gravissima  pericula 
conjecto  sessori  detrimentum  attulerunt.  Gail  gives,  "  Bien  souvent  ii 
eurprend  son  cavalier,  et  lui  cause  des  facheux  accidens." 

a  Aivev para.]  "  Twistings  or  turnings  about."  This  is  the  reading 
adopted  by  Dindorf  and  Sauppe.  The  old  reading  was  dr)  vsvfiara, 
"  turnings  of  the  head,"  instead  of  which  Weiske  proposed  dvavevfiara 
or  kKvevfiara :  Zeune,  Svavevnara,  contrary,  as  Weiske  remarks,  tQ 
analogy,  there  being  no  verb  Svavtveu'. 

9  That  is,  to  bridle  and  mount  him. 

-  2 


276  ON    HORSEMANSHIP.  [CII.  4- 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Attention  necessary  to  be  paid  to  a  horse  by  its  owner. 

l  When  a  man  has  purchased  a  horse  that  he  admires,  and 
taken  him  home,  it  is  proper  that  his  stable  should  be  in  some 
part  of  the  premises  where  the  master  may  see  him  most  fre- 
quently ;  and  it  will  be  right  for  him  to  construct  the  stall  in 
such  a  way  that  it  may  no  more  be  possible  for  the  horse's 
food  to  be  stolen  from  the  manger  than  the  master's  from  his 
cellar.  He  that  is  neglectful  of  such  precaution  appears  to 
me  to  be  neglectful  of  himself  j  for  it  is  evident  that  in  danger 
the  master  trusts  his  personal  safety  to  his  horse. 

2.  A  secure  manger  is  not  only  serviceable  to  prevent  the 
food  from  being  stolen,  but  to  let  it  be  seen  when  the  horse 
scatters  his  food  out  of  the  manger  j1  and  if  a  person  perceives 
that  such  is  the  case,  he  may  be  sure,  either  that  the  horse, 
having  too  much  blood  in  his  body,  requires  veterinary  atten- 
tion, or  that,  from  fatigue  having  affected  him,  he  needs  rest, 
or  that  indigestion 2  or  some  other  malady  is  coming  upon 
him  ;  and  it  is  with  horses  as  with  men,  that  all  diseases  are 
more  easily  cured  at  the  commencement  than  after  they  have 
acquired  strength,  and  mistakes  have  been  made  in  the  treat- 
ment of  them. 

3.  As  attention  must  be  paid  to  a  horse's  food  and  exercise, 
that  his  body  may  be  vigorous,  so  must  care  be  likewise  taken 
of  his  feet.  Damp  and  smooth  stable  floors  injure  even  na- 
turally good  hoofs ;  and  to  prevent  them  from  being  damp, 
they   ought   to   be  sloping;    to   prevent  them   from   being 

1  'EKKOjui£y.]  Sc.  bk  Trjg  <parvriQ.  As  a  horse  will  do  when  he  dislikes 
his  food,  or  is  surfeited.  Zeune.  It  is  an  "  error,"  observes  Berenger, 
"  to  keep  the  rack  perpetually  crammed  with  hay,  which  the  horse  being 
obliged  to  smell  continually,  is  brought  to  nauseate  and  loathe  it.  A  cer* 
tain  portion  should  be  given  at  a  time,  of  which,  if  the  animal  leaves  any  part, 
it  ought  to  be  removed,  that  by  having  wanted  food  for  a  certain  time, 
his  appetite  may  call  for  it ;  he  will  then  relish  what  he  eats,  and  thrive 
better  upon  a  small  quantity  thus  dealt  out,  than  on  a  much  larger  impro- 
perly given.1' 

2  KpiOiacrtc.]      "When   the  barley  passes   through  the  horse  whole 
Schneider.  Barley  was  in  ancient  times  the  usual  food  of  horses.    Weisk* 


§  4»  5.  J       A  HORSE  REQUIRES  ATTENTION.  277 

smooth,  they  should  have  stones  inserted  in  the  ground  close 
to  one  another,  similar  to  a  horse's  hoofs  in  size ;  for  such 
stable  floors  give  firmness  to  the  feet  of  horses  that  stand  on 
them. 

4.  The  groom  must  also  lead  the  horse  out  of  the  stable  to 
the  place  where  he  is  to  comb  him  ;  and  he  should  be  tied 
away  from  the  manger  after  his  morning's  feed,  that  he  may 
come  to  his  evening  meal  with  the  greater  appetite.  The 
ground  outside  the  stable  may  be  put  into  excellent  condition, 
and  serve  to  strengthen  the  horse's  feet,2  if  a  person  throws 
down  in  it  here  and  there  four  or  five  loads  of  round  stones, 
large  enough  to  fill  the  two  hands,  and  about  a  pound  in 
weight,  surrounding  them  with  an  iron  rim,  so  that  they  may 
not  be  scattered ;  for,  as  the  horse  stands  on  these,  he  will  be 
in  much  the  same  condition  as  if  he  were  to  travel  part  of 
every  day  on  a  stony  road.3 

5.  A  horse  must  also  move  his  hoofs  when  he  is  rubbed 
down,  or  when  he  is  annoyed  with  flies,4  as  much  as  when  he 
is  walking ;  and  the  stones  which  are  thus  spread  about 
strengthen  the  frogs  of  the  feet.  And  as  we  must  take  care 
of  the  hoofs,  that  they  may  be  hard,  so  we  must  take  care  of 
the  mouth,  that  it  may  be  soft;  and  the  same  treatment 
softens  the  flesh  of  a  man  and  the  mouth  of  a  horse.5 

1  That  is,  they  should  be  paved  with  stones  about  the  size  of  a  horse's 
hoof. 

2  Our  method  of  keeping  a  large  quantity  of  litter  and  dung  under  the 
horse's  feet  is  wrong  and  injudicious.  The  litter,  mixed  with  dung,  heats 
the  feet  and  legs,  and  makes  the  hoofs  become  dry  and  brittle.  Besides 
this,  the  horse  is  not  so  much  tempted  to  lie  down  at  night,  as  he  would 
be  if  it  were  removed,  and  spread  under  him  again  at  proper  seasons. 
Berenger. 

3  The  ancients  did  not  shoe  their  horses,  or  nail  upon  their  hoofs  any- 
thing similar  to  our  horse-shoes.  At  times,  to  prevent  their  hoofs  from 
sufFering  on  rough  ground,  they  put  over  the  feet  a  kind  of  sandal  or  boot 
made  of  reeds  or  leather.  The  Japanese  use  something  of  the  kind  at  the 
present  day,  made  of  straw,  and  requiring,  of  course,  to  be  often  changed. 
The  earliest  mention  of  a  shoe,  according  to  Berenger,  is  that  of  Childeric, 
who  lived  a.  d.  481 ;  of  which  the  figure  is  preserved  in  Montfaucon's 
Antiquities,  and  which  resembled  the  shoes  in  use  among  us. 

*  MvuTTiZofievov.]  As  /j.v(v\1>  signifies  both  a  spur  and  &fly,  the  com- 
mentators have  been  in  doubt  what  sense  they  should  give  to  this  word  ; 
but  Zeune  and  Schneider  concur  in  taking  it  in  the  sense  in  which  I  have 
translated  it.     They  take  it  also  in  the  same  sense  in  Hipp.  c.  1,  sect.  6. 

*  Schneider  cites  a  passage  from  Pollux,  in  which  washing  with  warm 
water,  and  rubbing  with  oil,  are  recommended  for  softening  the  racuth. 


278  ON   HORSEMANSHIP.  _  CH.  5 

CHAPTER  V 

Qualifications  and  duties  of  a  groom. 

1.  It  seems  to  us  to  be  the  duty  of  a  man  who  keeps  horses 
to  see  that  his  groom  be  instructed1  as  to  what  he  ought  to  do 
about  a  horse.  In  the  first  place,  he  should  know  that  the 
knot  of  the  halter  which  ties  the  horse  to  the  manger  should 
never  be  made  in  the  same  place  where  the  head-piece 2  is  put 
round  ;  for  as  the  horse  often  rubs  his  head  against  the  man- 
ger, the  halter,  if  it  be  not  easy  around  his  ears,  will  frequently 
cause  sore  places ;  and,  in  consequence  of  such  sores,  the  horse 
must  necessarily  prove  less  tractable  under  the  operations  of 
bridling  and  rubbing. 

2.  It  is  right,  also,  that  the  groom  should  be  ordered  to 
carry  out  the  dung  and  straw  from  the  horse  every  day,  to 
some  one  particular  place  ;3  for,  by  so  doing,  he  will  get  rid 
of  it  with  the  greatest  ease,  and  at  the  same  time  do  a  service 
to  the  horse. 

3.  The  groom  must  likewise  know  that. he  should  put  the 
muzzle4  on  the  horse  when  he  takes  him  out,  whether  to  be 
rubbed  down  or  for  exercise  ;  and5  at  all  times,  indeed,  when- 
ever he  takes  him  out  without  a  bit,  he  should  muzzle  him  ;  for 
the  muzzle  does  not  hinder  him  from  breathing,  though  it  pre- 
vents him  from  biting  ;  and,  when  it  is  on,  it  makes  them  feel 
less  inclined  to  play  vicious  tricks.6 

Berenger  supposes  that  nothing  more  is  meant  than  that  we  should  "  do 
nothing  to  injure  or  hurt  the  mouth,  so  as  to  make  it  insensible  or  callous, 
and  then  it  will  naturally  be  soft  and  tender." 

1  Ue7raidev(rBai.~\  Weiske  takes  this  in  a  middle  sense  .  Ut  sibi  insti- 
tuendum  curaret. 

2  'H  Kopvcpaia.}  Pars  habence,  sammum  equi  caput  cingens.  Sturz, 
Lex.  Xen.     Something  similar  to  our  head-stall. 

3  To  some  convenient  place  for  depositing  it  in  a  heap,  that  it  may  not 
be  scattered  about. 

4  This  seems  to  have  been  a  practice  among  the  ancients.  Pollux 
mentions  it,  I.  202,  where  it  is  said  that  the  Krjp.bg  or  muzzle,  while  it  pre- 
vents the  horse  from  biting,  is  no  obstruction  to  his  breathing. 

5  'E7rJ  Kv\i<TTpav.~\  Literally,  to  "  the  rolling-place."  There  arc  fre- 
quent allusions  in  the  ancient  writers  to  taking  out  horses  to  roll  them- 
selves.    See  CEcon.  c.  11,  sect.  18  ;  Aristoph.  Nub.  32. 

•  'E7ritov\evtiv.^     ALUs  equis  insidiari,     Br  dseus.     But  it  Sf^ras  to 


§    4 — ?.]  CtJftES   OF   THE    GROOM.  2?§ 

4.  It  is  proper  to  tie  up  a  horse  with  the  halter  above  his 
head ;  for  whatever  annoys  a  horse  about  the  face,  he  na- 
turally tries  to  get  rid  of  by  throwing  up  his  head  ;  and  when 
he  is  thus  tied,  he  rather,  as  he  throws  up  his  head,  loosens 
his  halter  than  tightens  it.1 

5.  When  the  groom  rubs  down  the  horse,  he  should  begin 
with  the  head  and  the  mane ;  for  if  the  upper  parts  are  not 
clean,  it  is  useless  to  clean  thos^  below  ;  and  then,  with  all 
sorts  of  cleansing  instruments,  he  should  raise  the  hair  over 
the  rest  of  the  body,  and  brush  away  the  dust  in  the  contrary 
direction  to  that  in  which  the  hair  grows ;  but  the  hair  on  the 
back  he  ought  to  touch  with  no  instrument  at  all,  but  to  rub 
and  smooth  it  down  gently  with  the  hand  the  way  that  it  na- 
turally lies,  for  thus  he  will  do  less  injury  to  the  seat  of  the 
horse. 

6.  The  head  he  should  wash  with  water  ;  for,  being  bony. 
if  it  were  cleaned  with  anything  made  of  iron  or  wood,2  it 
would  pain  the  horse.  The  forelock  he  should  also  moisten;3 
for  while  these  hairs,  though  of  a  good  length,  do  not  prevent 
the  horse  from  seeing,  they  brush  away  from  his  eyes  what- 
ever annoys  them;  and  we  may  suppose  that  the  gods  gave-  these 
hairs  to  the  horse  instead  of  the  long  ears  which  they  have 
given  to  asses  and  mules,  to  be  a  protection  to  the  eyes.  7. 
The  tail  and  the  mane  it  is  also  proper  to  wash,  since  we 
should  encourage  the  growth  of  this  hair ;  that  of  the  tail,  in 
order  that  the  horse,  stretching  it  out  as  far  as  possible,  may 
brush  off  whatever  molests  him ; 4  and  that  of  the  neck,  that, 

signify  the  playing  of  any  tricks,  or  doing  any  mischief,  whether  to  other 
horses  or  to  men. 

1  By  such  a  mode  of  tying,  the  horse  will  not  he  irritated,  and  the  halter 
will  not  easily  be  broken.     Weiske. 

2  This  implies  that  the  Greeks  used  instruments  for  the  purpose  of 
cleaning  their  horses,  as  we  do  curry-combs ;  and  perhaps  the  moderns 
are  indebted  to  them  for  these  utensils.     Berenger. 

3  To  make  it  grow.     Comp.  sect.  7. 

•  4  These  observations  are  so  true  and  just,  that  one  would  almost  think 
it  needless  to  dwell  upon  them ;  yet  such  is  the  cruelty  and  absurdity  of 
our  notions  and  customs  in  cropping,  as  it  is  called,  the  ears  of  our  horses, 
and  docking  and  nicking  their  tails,  that  we  every  day  fly  in  the  face  of 
reason,  nature,  and  humanity.  Nor  are  the  present  race  of  men  in  this 
island  alone  to  be  charged  with  this  folly,  almost  unbecoming  the  ignorance 
and  cruelty  of  savages  ;  but  their  forefathers,  several  centuries  ago,  were 
charged  and  reprehended  by  a  public  canon  for  this  absurd  and  barbarous 
practice.     See  Spelman's  Councils  of  England,  vol.  i.  p.  293. 


280  »N    HORSEMANSHIP.  [cH,  6 

being  abundant,  it  may  afford  an  ample  grasp  to  the  person 
mounting. 

8.  The  mane,  fore-lock,  and  tail  have  been  given  by  the  gods 
as  additions  to  the  beauty  of  a  horse  ;  and  a  proof  of  this  is, 
that  mares  kept  for  breeding  do  not  so  readily  admit  asses  to 
cover  them,  as  long  as  their  hair  is  of  its  natural  length ;  and 
in  consequence,  all  those  who  breed  mules  cut  off  the  hair  of 
the  mares  to  prepare  them  for  being  covered.1 

9.  Washing  of  the  legs  we  omit ;  for  it  is  of  no  use,  and 
the  daily  wetting  does  harm  to  the  hoofs.  It  is  proper,  also, 
to  moderate  the  excessive  cleaning  under  the  belly  ;  for  it  is 
the  most  troublesome  of  all  cleaning  to  the  horse  ;  and  the 
cleaner  those  parts  are  made,  the  more  annoyances2  they  at- 
tract under  the  belly.  io.  Besides,  if  a  groom  takes  ever  so 
much  pains  with  those  parts,  the  horse  is  no  sooner  taken  out, 
than  he  is  exactly  in  the  same  condition  as  horses  that  have 
not  been  cleaned.  These  things  it  is  therefore  well  to  let 
alone  ;  and  in  regard  to  the  legs,  too,  such  rubbing  of  them 
as  can  be  performed  with  the  hands  is  sufficient. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

How  a  horse  is  to  be  treated. 


.  We  shall  now  show  how  a  man  may  groom  a  horse  with 
reast  danger  to  himself,  and  most  benefit  to  the  animal.     If, 

God  never  made  his  work  for  man  to  mend. — Dry  den. 

It  is  thought  by  some  that  the  cutting  of  the  tail  diminishes  the  swiftness 
of  the  horse  ;  it  certainly  does  in  greyhounds,  *  *  especially  in  turning. 
Berenger. 

1  This  is  a  strange  assertion  to  come  from  the  pen  of  so  grave  and  ex- 
act a  writer  as  Xenophon.  The  reader  is  left  to  form  what  opinion  he 
pleases  of  it ;  many  other  authors  likewise  mention  this  peculiarity, 
which  tends  only  to  make  the  account  more  strange.  Berenger.  Pollux, 
I.  217,  gives  a  similar  account  from  Simo,  adding  that  the  mares  thus 
shorn,  seeing  their  deformity  in  the  mirror  of  the  water,  feel  themselves 
degraded,  and  no  longer  repel  the  advances  of  the  asses. 

2  Troublesome  insects  appear  to  be  meant.     Saupjpe. 


§  2 — 6.]  TREATMENT   OF   HORSES.  281 

when  he  cleans  him,  he  looks  the  same  way  as  the  horse,1  there 
is  danger  that  he  may  be  struck  in  the  face  with  his  knee  or 
his  hoof.  2.  But  if  he  looks  in  the  opposite  direction  to  the 
aorse  when  he  cleans  him,  keeping  himself2  out  of  the  reach 
of  his  leg,  and  rubs  gradually  down  by  the  shoulder,  he  will 
thus  receive  no  injury,  and  may  clean  the  frog  of  the  horse's 
foot  by  turning  up  the  hoof.  In  like  manner  let  him  clean 
the  hind  legs. 

3.  But  whoever  is  employed  about  a  horse,  ought  to  know 
hat  to  do  these  things,  and  everything  else  that  he  has  to  do, 
'ie  must  come  as  little  as  possible  near  the  face  and  the  tail; 
for  if  a  horse  is  inclined  to  be  vicious,  he  has  in  both  these  parts 
the  advantage  of  the  man.  But  a  person  who  approaches  him 
at  the  side  may  manage  the  horse  with  least  danger  to  him- 
self, and  with  most  power  over  the  beast.3 

4.  When  we  have  to  lead  a  horse,  we  do  not  approve  of 
the  practice  of  leading  from  behind,  for  these  reasons,  that 
the  person  leading  the  horse  is  thus  least  able  to  keep  on  his 
guard  against  him,  and  the  horse  has  most  liberty  to  do  what 
he  pleases.  5.  To  the  mode,  again,  of  conducting  him  with  a 
long  rein,  to  teach  him  to  go  forward  and  take  the  lead,  we 
object  for  the  following  reasons,  that  the  horse  can  do  mis- 
chief on  whichever  side  he  pleases,  and  that,  by  turning  him- 
self round,4  he  can  set  himself  opposite  his  leader.  6.  When 
there  are  a  number  of  horses  together,  too,  how,  if  they  are 
thus  led,  can  they  be  prevented  from  annoying  one  another  ? 
But  a  horse  that  is  accustomed  to  be  led  at  the  side,  will  be 
least  in  a  condition  to  molest  either  other  horses  or  men,  and 
will  be  readiest  at  hand  for  his  rider  whenever  he  may  require 
to  mount  in  haste. 

1  That  is,  while  he  is  cleaning  the  fore-feet.     Schneider. 

2  Ka0i£wv.]  Schneider  suspects  this  word  to  be  corrupt ;  but  KctTtuv, 
which  he  proposes  to  substitute  for  it,  is  not  very  satisfactory.  "If  he 
places  himself  out  of  the  reach  of  his  foot."  Berenger.  "  En  se  tenant 
du  c6te"  de  l'epaule."     Gail. 

3  The  words  of  the  text,  in  this  passage,  have  been  understood  very 
differently  by  Leunclavius  and  Schneider.  Schneider  interprets  thus  : 
To  6'  av  [ayeiv~\  t/jLirpoGSrev  /juxKpqi  aywyei  Trpo'iovra  (agreeing  with  rbv 
'Itttcov)  didaaiceiv  v<pr}yii<j$rat  (in  the  sense  of  prceire)  rbv  "wkov.  Leun- 
clavius referred  Trpo'iov-a  to  the  groom,  and  rendered  vfijyeia^ai  by 
"subsequi,"  a  sense  which  that  verb  will  not  bear  ;  and  I  have  therefore 
followed  Schneider. 

*  Whether  with  his  face  or  tail  towards  his  leader. 


282  ON  HORSEMANSHIP.  1  en   o. 

7.  That  the  groom  may  put  on  the  bridle  properly,  let 
him  first  approach  the  horse  on  the  left  side,  and  then  throw- 
ing the  reins  over  the  horse's  head,  let  him  suffer  them  to 
rest  on  the  point  of  the  shoulder  ;  and  next  let  him  take  the 
head-piece  in  his  right  hand,  and  apply  the  bit  with  his  left. 
8.  If  the  horse  take  the  bit  into  his  mouth,  the  man  has  nothing 
to  do  but  put  on  the  head-piece ;  but  if  the  horse  will  not  open 
his  mouth,  the  man  must  hold  the  bit  to  his  teeth,  and  insert 
the  middle  finger  of  his  left  hand  between  the  horse's  bars  ; 
for  most  horses,  when  this  is  done,  open  their  mouths ;  should 
the  horse,  however,  not  even  then  receive  the  bit,  let  him  press 
the  lip  against  the  dog-tooth  or  tusk,  and  there  are  very  few 
horses  that,  on  feeling  this,  will  not  admit  it. 

9.  Let  the  groom  also  be  instructed  in  the  following  points. 
First,  never  to  lead  the  horse  by  the  bridle,  for  this  practice 
makes  horses  harder  on  one  side  of  the  mouth  than  on  the 
other  j  and,  next,  to  keep  the  bit  from  pressing  on  his  jaws  as 
much  as  possible  ;  for  if  the  bit  rubs  on  them  too  much,  it 
renders  the  mouth  callous,  so  that  it  loses  all  feeling  ;  though^ 
on  the  other  hand,  if  it  is  allowed  to  fall  down  too  much  to- 
wards the  front  of  the  mouth,  it  gives  the  horse  an  oppor- 
tunity of  seizing  the  bit  between  his  teeth,  and  refusing  to 
obey  it.  to.  It  is  proper,  however,  that  a  horse  should  not  be 
irritated  by  these  matters  when  he  has  work  to  do  ;  for  so 
important  is  it  that  a  horse  should  take  the  bit  readily,  that  one 
who  does  not  take  it  is  altogether  useless.  11.  But  if  he  is 
accustomed  to  be  bitted,  not  only  when  he  is  going  to  work, 
but  when  he  is  taken  to  his  food,  and  when  he  is  brought 
home  to  his  stable  after  being  ridden,  it  will  not  be  at  all 
surprising  if  he  seize  the  bit  of  his  own  accord  when  it  is  held 
towards  him. 

12.  It  is  well,  too,  that  the  groom  should  know  how  to  as- 
sist a  rider  to  mount  after  the  Persian  manner,1  that  the  master 

1  Berenger  observes  that  as  stirrups  were  unknown  in  the  days  of 
Xenophon,  the  methods  of  getting  on  horseback  must  have  been  to  vault, 
to  step  on  a  horse-block,  or  to  mount  after  the  Persian  manner,  which 
was  to  set  the  foot  on  the  back  of  a  slave,  who  attended  and  bent  himself 
for  that  purpose.  The  slave  who  was  subjected  to  this  office  was  called 
by  the  Greeks  dvatoXdg,  Appian.  Punic.  106 ;  and  by  the  Latins 
strdtor,  Ammian.  Marcell.  xxix.  3.  It  was  thus  that  Sapor  degraded  the 
conquered  emperor,  Valerian. 


§    13 — I6.J  MANAGEMENT    OF   A   HORSE.  283 

himself,  if  he  should  be  sick  or  advanced  in  years,  may  have 
some  one  that  can  mount  him  easily,  or  may  lend  his  servant 
to  a  friend  to  mount  him,  if  he  wish  to  afford  such  assistance 
to  any  one. 

13.  But  never  to  approach  a  horse  in  a  Jit  of  anger  is  the 
one  great  precept  and  maxim  of  conduct  in  regard  to  the 
treatment  of  a  horse  ;  for  anger  is  destitute  of  forethought, 
and  consequently  often  does  that  of  which  the  agent  must 
necessarily  repent. 

14.  When  a  horse  is  shy  of  any  object,  and  reluctant  to 
approach  it,  the  rider  must  try  to  make  him  feel l  that  there  is 
nothing  terrible  in  it,  especially  to  a  horse  of  spirit ;  but  if  he 
cannot  succeed,  the  rider  must  himself  touch  that  which  ap- 
pears so  alarming,  and  lead  the  horse  up  gently  to  it.  15.  As 
to  those  who  force  horses  forward  with  blows  in  such  a  case, 
they  only  inspire  them  with  greater  terror  ;  for  they  imagine, 
when  they  suffer  any  pain  at  such  a  time,  that  what  they  look 
upon  with  alarm  is  in  some  way  the  cause  of  it. 

16.  When  the  groom  brings  the  horse  to  the  rider,  we  have 
no  objection  that  he  should  know  how  to  make  the  horse 
stoop,2  so  that  it  may  be  easy  to  mount  him  ;  yet  we  think 
every  rider  ought  to  take  care  to  be  able  to  mount,  even  if 
the  horse  does  not  bend  to  him  ;  for  sometimes  a  different 
horse  will  present  himself,  and  the  same  horse  will  not  always 
be  equally  obedient. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Of  the  proper  mode  of  mounting  and  riding  a  horse.     Of  exercising  a 

horse. 

1.  We  shall  now  show  how  a  rider  must  act,  when  he  has 
received   his  horse  for   the   purpose   of  mounting   him,  so 

_  '  By  speaking  cheerfully  to  him,  patting  him,  and  giving  him  other 
signs  of  encouragement.  "  Leniter  videlicet  impellendo  equo,  ut  accedat, 
et  admoto  sensu  suavi."     Weiske. 

'■  ,Y7ro6i€d££<rSrai.]       Se  submittere   cruribus    divaricatis  aut  genibus 
flexis.    "Weiske.      So  Pollux,  L   213.     Hence  Schneider   and   others 


284  ON   HORSEMANSHIP.  fcH.  7 

as  to  be  of  most  service  alike  to  himself  and  to  his  horse  in 
riding. 

In  the  first  place,  then,  he  must  take  the  rein,1  which  is 
fastened  to  the  lower  part  of  the  bit,2  or  to  the  chain  that  goes 
under  the  chin,3  in  his  left  hand,  in  a  convenient  manner, 
and  so  loosely,  that  he  may  not,  either  as  he  raises  himself  by 
grasping  the  mane  near  the  ears,  or  jumps  on  the  horse's  back 
with  the  assistance  of  his  spear,4  pull  the  animal  back.  Then, 
with  his  right  hand,  let  him  take  hold  of  the  bridle  5  at  the 
point  of  the  shoulder,  and  of  the  mane  at  the  same  time,  that 
he  may  not  in  any  way,  as  he  mounts,  twist  the  horse's  mouth 
with  the  bit.  2.  When  he  has  set  himself  at  ease  for  mount- 
ing, let  him  draw  up  his  body  with  his  left  hand,  and,  stretch- 
ing forth  his  right,  let  him  lift  himself  with  that  also  (for, 
mounting  in  this  way,  he  will  not  present  an  ungraceful  ap- 
pearance behind),  and  let  him  do  this  with  his  leg  bent,  and 
not  rest  his  knees  on  the  back  of  the  horse,  but  throw  his  leg 
across  at  once  to  the  right  side ;  and  when  he  has  passed  his 
foot  clean  over,  let  him  then  seat  himself  on  the  horse's  back. 

think  that  viroGaoig,  c.  I,  sect.  14,  means  subsessio,  but  this  inter- 
pretation seems  not  adapted  for  that  passage.  Horses,  it  appears,  were 
sometimes  thus  taught  to  stoop.  Silius  Italicus,  x.  465,  says  of  the  horse 
of  Cleelius, 

Inclinatus  collum,  submissus  efc  armos 

De  more,  implexis  prabebat  scandere  terga 

Cruribus. 

1  Tbv  pvTayioyka. 

2  Trjg  viroxaXividiaQ.]    Inferioris  freni  partis.     Sturz,  Lex.  Xen. 

3  Tov  ipaXiov.]  The  'tpaXiov,  or  yeWiov,  says  Pollux,  i.  248,  was  to 
irtpi  to  ykvuov  di-gprjfievov. 

4  This  manner  of  getting  on  horseback  from  the  lance  or  spear  has, 
till  lately,  puzzled  all  the  antiquaries  and  commentators,  who  have  not 
been  able  to  give  any  satisfactory  account  of  it.  In  the  collection  of  the 
Pates  Antiques,  belonging  to  the  late  celebrated  Baron  Stock,  there  is  one 
which  represents  a  soldier  as  going  to  mount  his  horse  by  the  assistance 
of  his  spear.  The  spear  is  planted  at  the  side  of  the  horse,  and  has  a 
hook  upon  the  shaft,  on  which  the  man  placing  his  foot  easily  bestrides 
the  horse.  This,  at  first  sight,  explains  the  above  passage.  Livy  men- 
tions likewise  this  method  of  getting  on  horseback  as  practised  by  the 
Roman  soldiers.  N.  B.  This  collection  is  now  in  the  British  Museum. 
Berenger. 

*  Tde  rfviag.']  Different  from  the  pvraywyevg  mentioned  just  above, 
which  the  rider  is  to  take  in  his  left  hand  as  he  mounts.  But  we  know 
too  little  of  ancient  horsemanship  to  be  able  to  explain  how  each  was 
managed. 


§   3 — 8.]  OF  MOUNTING.  285 

3.  It  seems  to  us  also  very  proper,  in  case  a  rider  should 
happen  to  be  leading  his  horse  with  his  left  hand,  and  to  be 
holding  his  lance  in  his  right,  to  practise  mounting  on  the 
right  side  ;l  but  for  this  he  has  nothing  more  to  learn,  than 
to  perform  those  movements  with  his  left  hand  and  foot  which 
he  had  previously  performed  with  his  right.  4.  We  com- 
mend such  readiness  in  mounting  for  this  reason,  that  the  rider, 
as  soon  as  he  is  seated  on  the  horse,  is  in  every  way  prepared 
for  action,  if  it  should  be  necessary  to  encounter  an  enemy  on 
a  sudden. 

5.  When  he  has  taken  his  seat,  whether  on  the  horse's  bare 
back  or  on  the  cloth,2  we  do  not  like  that  he  should  sit  as  if  he 
were  on  a  carriage  seat,  but  as  if  he  were  standing  upright 
with  his  legs  somewhat  apart  ;3  for  thus  he  will  cling  more 
firmly  to  the  horse  with  his  thighs,  and,  keeping  himself  erect, 
he  will  be  able  to  throw  a  javelin  or  to  strike  a  blow  on 
horseback,  if  it  be  necessary,  with  greater  force. 

6.  But  it  is  necessary  to  allow  the  leg,  as  well  as  the  foot, 
to  hang  loose  from  the  knee  ;  for  if  a  rider  keep  his  leg  stiff, 
and  strike  it  against  anything,  it  may  be  broken  ;  but  if  the  leg 
hangs  easy,  and  anything  strikes  against  it,  it  will  yield,  and 
yet  not  move  the  thigh  from  its  position. 

7.  A  rider  should  also  accustom  himself  to  keep  the  parts 
of  his  body  above  the  hips  as  flexible  as  possible  ;  for  he  will 
by  this  means  be  better  able  to  exert  himself,  and  if  any  person 
should  drag  or  push  him,  he  will  be  less  likely  to  be  thrown  off. 

8.  Let  it  be  observed,  too,  that  when  he  is  seated  on  the 
horse's  back,  he  must  first  teach  the  horse  to  stand  quiet,  until 
he  has  drawn  up  his  mantle,4  if  necessary,  and  adjusted  the 
reins,  and  taken  hold  of  his  lance  in  such  a  way  as  it  may  most 
conveniently  be  carried.     Then  let  him  keep  his  left  arm 

1  Another  gem,  in  the  same  collection,  gives  us  the  figure  of  a  soldier 
standing  by  a  horse  in  the  attitude  of  a  man  going  to  mount  him  on 
the  right  side;  and  there  are  many  other  ancient  impressions  which 
show  the  same  thing.     Berenger. 

2  'E-ttI  tov  l0i7T7riou.]  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  Greeks,  instead 
of  saddles,  used  cloths  or  housings,  and  the  lower  sort  often  rode  without 
any.     Berenger. 

*  That  is,  not  as  he  would  sit  in  a  chair,  but  upon  his  twist  or  fork. 
Berenger. 
4  'TCTToairaffijrcti.]     Dum  vestem  subduxerit  sive  compomerit.    Weiske, 


286  ON   HORSEMANSHIP.  [CH.  7. 

close  to  his  side  ;  for  in  such  an  attitude  a  rider  appears  most 
graceful,1  and  his  hand  has  the  greatest  power. 

9.  As  to  reins,  we  approve  of  such  as  are  equally 
balanced,  and  not  weak,  or  slippery,  or  too  thick,  so  that  the 
hand  which  holds  them  may  be  able  also  to  hold  the  spear 
when  it  is  necessary. 

10.  When  the  rider  gives  the  signal  to  the  horse  to  start, 
let  him  begin  to  advance  at  a  walking  pace,  as  this  pace  is 
least  likely  to  disturb  the  horse.  Let  him  hold  the  reins,  if 
the  horse  is  inclined  to  hold  down  his  head,  rather  high  ;  but 
if  he  is  more  disposed  to  carry  it  erect,  let  him  keep  them 
lower,  for  thus  he  will  best  set  off  the  horse's  figure,  n. 
After  a  little,  if  he  trots  at  his  natural  pace,2  he  will  find 
his  limbs  become  pliant  without  inconvenience,  and  will  come 
with  the  greatest  readiness  to  obey  the  whip.3     Since,  too,  it 

1  EucTaXloTaroc.]  Hie  enim  gestus  equitem  maxime  decet.  Leuncla- 
vius. 

2  AvTotyvr}.]     Sc.  dpofiov.     WeisJce. 

3  Ee'c  to  kTripafi§o(popiTv  ijSktt*  av  d<piKvoiro.']  'E7ripa/3<5o0OjOt73 
rev  'linrov,  says  Pollux,  i.  220,  is  el  tiq  uq  dpdfiov  daiKavvoi,  "  wheit 
the  rider  animates  the  horse  to  speed  with  his  whip  or  switch."  Kuht 
renders  the  words  virgd  manibus  prcelatd  equo  ad  cursum  signum  dare. 
In  like  manner  Sophocles  has  used  the  verb  kiriodeiv.  Sauppe.  Sturz 
interprets  the  word,  in  his  Lexicon,  virgd  instigare  ad  cursum.  But  it 
must  he  taken  in  a  neuter  sense  in  this  passage.  "  Obeir  aux  avertisse- 
ments  de  la  verge."  Gail.  "  To  be  exerted  and  animated  with  the 
whip."  Berenger.  Donaldson,  in  his  "New  Cratylus,"  p.  224,  says  that 
t7ripaf3do<pop€lv  is  "  to  gallop,"  that  is,  to  strike  the  ground  alternately 
with  the  fore  and  hind  feet,  from  "  the  primary  idea  in  pafidog,"  which 
is  that  of  "beating"  or  "striking."  The  word  may  imply  galloping, 
and  there  is  little  doubt  that  it  does,  but  hardly  for  the  reason  which  Dr 
Donaldson  gives ;  for,  in  that  case  what  would  be  the  use  oityopeTv  in  the 
word  ?  The  primary  and  proper  meaning  of  a  verb,  compounded  of  the 
three  elements  in  eiripa(38o(popuv  would  seem  to  be,  when  used  in  a  neuter 
sense,  "  to  endure  the  switch  so  as  to  hasten  forward."  The  horses  o 
some  of  the  ancient  nations  were  guided  wholly  by  the  rod  or  switch 
without  bit  or  bridle.  Thus  the  Massylians  are  described  in  Lucan,  iv.  682, 

Et  gens,  qure  nudo  residens  Massylia  dorso, 
Ora  levi  flectit,  frsenorum  nescia,  virga. 

Massylia's  nimble  horsemen  ride  ; 

They  nor  the  bit,  nor  curbing  rein  provide, 

But  with  light  rods  the  well-taught  coursers  guide.     R&ioe 

Strabo  speaks  of  their  horsemanship  in  similar  terms,  xvii.  3.     So  Sihu 

Italicvs,  i.  215: 

Nomades,  gens  inscia  frami; 
Queis  inter  geminas  per  ludum  mobilis  aures 
Quadrupcdem  flectit  non  cedens  virga  lupatxs 


§  12—15.]  op  riding.  287 

is  the  most  approved  practice  to  set  off  towards  the  left  side, 
the  horse  will  most  readily  start  on  that  side,1  if,  when  he  lifts, 
as  he  is  trotting,  his  right  foot,2  the  rider  then  give  him  the 
signal  to  gallop.  12.  For,  being  then  about  to  raise  the  left 
foot,  he  will  thus  start  with  that  foot ;  and  just  at  the  mo- 
ment that  the  rider  turns  him  to  the  left,  he  will  make  the 
first  spring  3  in  his  gallop ;  for  a  horse,  when  he  is  turned  to 
the  right,  naturally  leads  off  with  the  right  foot,  and  when 
turned  to  the  left,  with  the  left  foot. 

13.  As  to  the  mode  of  exercising  a  horse,  we  approve  of 
that  which  is  called  the  pede,A  for  it  accustoms  a  horse  to  be 
turned  by  both  sides  of  his  mouth  ;  and  it  is  good  to  change 
the  direction  of  his  course,  that  both  sides  may  receive  equal 
stress  in  the  different  directions.  14.  We  approve,  too,  of  a 
place  of  exercise  of  an  oblong  form,5  in  preference  to  the 
round ;  for  in  the  oblong  the  horse  may  be  turned  with  the 
greater  ease,  when  tired  of  going  straight  forward,  and  he 
will  be  exercised  at  once  in  running  in  a  direct  course  and  in 
turning. 

15.  It  is  proper  also  to  pull  in  the  rein  6  as  the  horse  turns  ; 

"  The  Nomades  or  Numidians,  a  nation  ignorant  of  the  rein,  and  whose 
horses  the  wand  waved  sportively  over  their  ears  directs  with  not  less 
effect  than  the  bit."  We  may  accordingly  suppose  that  by  the  Greeks 
the  signal  to  gallop  was  given  with  the  rod  or  switch. 

1  The  meaning  of  this  seems  to  be,  that  when  the  rider  intends  to 
go  to  the  left,  he  should  first  turn  a  little  to  the  right,  in  order  to  take  a 
compass,  and  turn  the  horse  to  the  left  with  more  freedom  and  grace. 
Berenger. 

2  "Ottots  avafiaivoi  T(p  8e£i(p.]  Cum  dextrum  pedem  anteriorem  equua 
tollit.  'Avafictiveiv  t<$  8e%i({i  is  the  same  as  aipeiv  rbv  dt^iov.  Weiske. 
Sauppe  reads  fpfiaivoi,  a  conjecture  of  Hermann's. 

•  Tr)g  £7rtcrKsXi(7ea>c  av  apxoiroJ]  Xenophon  calls  the  beginning  of 
the  movement  of  the  feet  kiria KsXrjtjig.  Pollux,  i.  214.  Dindorf  and 
others  write  e7rioKe\i<rig.  With  ap%otro,  says  Sauppe,  understand  Itti- 
pafidoQopujv. 

4  See  note  on  c.  3,  sect  5. 

5  Tr)  eTipo/xriKri  7re8r)v.~\  Pedicam  altera  parte  longiorem,  potius  quhm 
rotundam.  Leunclavius.  But  in  what  sense  he  used  the  word  pedicam  is 
not  apparent.  Liddell  and  Scott,  in  their  Lexicon,  say  that  an  oblong 
place  of  exercise  is  meant,  and  this  acceptation  agrees  very  well  with  the 
proper  signification  of  the  word  tTi.po\ir\K-r\g,  and  with  the  sequel  of  the 
passage.  A  tTepofirjicng  number  is  one  that  is  produced  by  the  multipli- 
cation of  vwo  unequal  factors,  and  is  opposed  to  laoTtXevpog.  Plato. 
Theast.  c.  xiv. 

6  "  To  pull  the  horse  in  and  support  him."     Berenger 


288  ON   HORSEMANSHIP.  [CH.  S. 

for  it  is  not  easy  for  a  horse,  nor  safe,  when  going  fast,  to  turn 
in  a  small  space,1  especially  if  the  ground  be  rough  2  or  slip- 
pery. 16.  But  at  the  time  that  the  rider  pulls  him  in,  he 
ought  to  sway  the  horse  as  little  as  possible  with  the  bit,  and 
to  sway  himself  also  as  little  as  possible;  for  if  he  sways 
himself  much,  he  may  be  well  assured  that  a  very  small  im- 
pulse will  be  sufficient  to  stretch  both  him  and  his  horse  on 
the  ground. 

■  17.  When  the  horse,  after  having  turned,  looks  straight  be- 
fore him,  the  rider  should  then  excite  him  to  greater  speed ; 3 
for  it  is  plain  that  turnings  are  made  in  war  either  for  pur- 
suing or  retreating,  and  hence  it  is  good  to  accustom  a  horse, 
after  he  has  turned,  to  increase  his  speed. 

18.  Also,  when  the  horse  appears  to  have  been  sufficiently 
exercised,  it  is  useful,  after  having  let  him  rest  a  while,  to 
excite  him  on  a  sudden  to  his  utmost  speed,  as  well  away  from 
the  other  horses  as  towards  them;  and,  after  he  has  been  put  to 
his  speed,  to  let  him  rest  somewhere  as  near  as  possible,4  and, 
when  he  has  stood  still  awhile,  to  wheel  him  about  and  urge 
him  again  to  a  gallop ;  for  it  is  certain  that  occasions  will 
offer  when  he  will  have  need  to  practise  both. 

19.  But  when  it  is  time  to  dismount,  the  rider  should 
never  alight  either  among  other  horses,  or  amidst  a  concourse 
of  people,  or  beyond  the  exercise  ground;  but  in  the  place 
where  the  horse  is  obliged  to  exert  himself,  there  let  him  also 
begin  to  rest. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

How  a  horse  is  to  be  taught  to  leap.    How  he  is  to  be  prepared  for  military 

service. 

1.  Since  there  will  be  occasions  when  the  horse  •vill  have 
to  run  up  and  down  sloping  and  hilly  grounds,  and  along  the 

1  That  is,  to  turn  short. 

2  'Ait6kqotov.~]    Generally  interpreted  "  rough  "  or  "  rugged."   Weiske 
thinks  that  it  here  means  "  steep,"  "  sloping." 

*  This  mode  of  working  a  horse  is  called  by  the  French  writers  the 
JLnvie  cl'aller,  and  is  most  useful.     Berenger. 

*  That  is,  as  near  as  possible  to  the  other  horses.     Weiske. 


§    2 — 5.]  OP   LEAPING   AND   RIDING.  289 

sides  of  hills,  when  he  will  have  to  leap  over  obstacles,,  and 
to  spring  up  and  down,  the  rider  must  train  and  exercise  both 
himself  and  his  horse  completely  in  all  these  manoeuvres ; 
for  thus  they  will  be  likely  to  contribute  more  to  the  safety 
and  advantage  of  each  other.  2.  If  any  one  thinks  that  we 
are  merely  repeating  ourselves,  because  we  now  make  men- 
tion of  the  same  things  that  we  mentioned  before,1  let  him 
understand  that  this  is  not  a  repetition  ;  for  we  then  exhorted 
a  horseman,  when  he  purchased  a  horse,  to  try  whether  the 
animal  could  perform  such  exercises ;  but  now  we  say  that  he 
must  teach  his  own  horse,  and  are  going  to  prescribe  how  he 
must  teach  him. 

3.  He  that  has  got  a  horse  utterly  inexperienced  in  leaping 
over  ditches  must,  after  slackening  the  leading-rein,  go  over 
the  ditch  first,  and  must  then  pull  him  on  with  the  rein,  that 
he  may  take  the  leap.  4.  If  he  will  not  leap,  another  person 
must  take  a  whip  or  a  switch,  and  apply  it  on  him  smartly, 
when  he  will  not  only  leap  over  the  required  space,  but  much 
further  than  is  necessary ;  and  afterwards  there  will  be  no 
need  to  strike  him,  for  if  he  only  sees  some  one  coming  be- 
hind him,  he  will  leap. 

5.  When  he  has  thus  been  trained  to  leap,  let  the  rider  mount 
him,  and  take  him  first  to  small,  and  then  to  larger  ditches. 
Just  as  he  is  going  to  leap,  let  the  rider  touch  him  with  the 
spur.  Let  him  spur  him,  too,  when  he  is  teaching  him  to  leap 
up  and  down  from  any  height ;  for  if  the  horse  does  all  these 
things  with  an  impulse2  of  his  whole  body,  he  will  do  them 
with  more  safety  to  himself  and  his  rider  than  if  his  hinder 
parts  lag  either  in  leaping  over  an  object  or  in  springing  up 
or  down. 

6.  To  make  him  go  down  steep  places,  we  must  begin  to 
train  him  on  soft  ground ;  and  at  length,  when  he  is  accus- 
tomed to  this,  he  will  run  much  more  readily  down  a  slope 
than  up  it.  As  to  what  some  people  fear,  that  horses  will 
dislocate  their  shoulders  in  being  ridden  down  steep  places, 
let  them  be  under  no  apprehension,  when  they  are  told  that 
the  Persians  and  the  Odrysse  all  ride  as  fast  as  they  can  down 
steep  hills,  and  yet  have  horses  not  less  sound  than  those  of 
the  Greeks. 

1  C.  iii.  sect.  7. 
*  To  which  the  spur  will  incite  him. 

VOL-   III.  V 


290  ON   HORSEMANSHIP.  [CH.  8. 

7.  Nor  will  we  omit  to  mention  how  the  rider  must  accom- 
modate himself  to  each  of  these  particular  circumstances ;  for 
he  ought,  when  his  horse  suddenly  raises  himself  for  a  leap, 
to  lean  forward  (since  by  that  means  the  horse  will  feel  less 
pressure  on  his  hinder  parts,1  and  will  be  less  likely  to  shake 
the  rider),  and,  as  he  pulls  in  the  reins  when  the  horse  alights, 
he  must  throw  himself  back,  for  he  will  thus  be  less  jolted. 

8.  As  the  horse  is  leaping  over  a  ditch,  or  stretching  up  an 
ascent,  it  is  well  for  the  rider  to  take  hold  of  the  mane,2  that 
the  horse  may  not  be  oppressed  by  the  difficulty  of  the  ground 
and  by  the  bit  at  the  same  time  ;  but  in  going  down  a  declivity, 
he  should  hold  himself  back,  and  support  the  horse  with  the 
bridle,  that  himself  and  his  horse  may  not  be  carried  headlong 
down  the  slope. 

9.  It  is  right,  also,  to  exercise  the  horse  sometimes  in  one 
place  and  sometimes  in  another,  sometimes  for  a  longer  an  1 
sometimes  for  a  shorter  period ;  for  this  will  be  less  disagree- 
able to  the  horse  than  to  be  always  exercised  in  the  same 
place  and  for  the  same  length  of  time. 

10.  Since  it  is  necessary,  too,  for  him  who  rides  his  horse 
at  full  speed  over  all  sorts  of  ground  to  be  able  to  sit  firmly 
on  him,  and  to  know  how  to  use  his  arms  on  horseback  dex- 
terously, the  practice  of  horsemanship  in  hunting  is  to  be 
commended,  where  the  country  is  favourable,  and  wild  beasts 
to  be  found;  but  where  these  conveniences  do  not  offer  them- 
selves, it  is  a  good  sort  of  exercise  for  two  horsemen  to  make 
such  an  arrangement  as  this :  that  the  one  is  to  retreat  over 
ground  of  a  varied  character,  and,  as  he  flees,  is  to  turn  about 
from  time  to  time  and  present  his  spear,  while  the  other  is  to 
pursue,  carrying  javelins  blunted  with  balls,  and  a  spear  pre- 
pared in  the  same  manner;  and  whenever  the  pursuer  comes 
within  a  javelin's  throw  of  the  pursued,  he  is  to  discharge  his 
blunted  javelins  at  him,  and,  whenever  he  gets  within  the 
stroke  of  a  spear,  to  strike  him  as  he  is  overtaken. 

1  'Hrrov  civ  v-rrodvoi  6  "nnrog.~\  The  horse  will  sink  down  less  be- 
hind.    'YttoSvsiv  is  clorso  subsidere,  as  Schneider  observes. 

2  Whatever  notions  the  Greeks  might  have  of  this  method,  and  al- 
though it  is  prescribed  by  Xenophon,  it  seems  to  be  flatly  against  truth 
and  the  principles  of  the  art ;  for  the  bridle,  instead  of  being  an  encum- 
brance to  the  horse,  will  be  of  great  assistance,  if  seasonably  and  judi- 
ciously used,  and,  by  guiding  and  supporting,  will  prevent  him  from 
failing.     Berenger. 


§    11  —  14.J  OF   LEAPING  AND   RIDING.  291 

11.  It  is  well  for  a  horseman,  also,  if  he  close  with  an  ene- 
my, to  pull  his  enemy  towards  him,  and  then  suddenly  push 
him  away;  for  this  treatment  is  likely  to  unhorse  him.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  is  well  for  him  who  is  thus  dragged  to  urge 
his  horse  forward ;  for  by  this  means  he  is  more  likely  to 
throw  off  his  antagonist  than  to  fall  off  himself. 

12.  If,  on  any  occasion,  when  two  camps  are  pitched  opposite, 
the  cavalry  ride  out  against  one  another,  and  one  party  pur- 
sue their  adversaries  close  up  to  their  main  body,  and  then 
retreat  to  their  own,  it  is  good  for  a  rider  to  know  that  in 
such  circumstances,  as  long  as  he  is  near  his  friends,  it  is 
right  and  safe  to  wheel  about  among  the  foremost,  and  charge 
the  enemy  at  full  speed 1 ;  but  he  must  take  care,  as  he  comes 
close  upon  them,  to  have  his  horse  under  control ;  for,  by  act- 
ing with  such  caution,  he  will  be  in  the  best  condition,  as  is 
probable,  to  injure  the  enemy  and  to  escape  injury  from 
them. 

13.  The  gods  have  enabled  men  to  teach  other  men  by 
speech  what  they  ought  to  do.  As  for  a  horse,  it  is  certain 
that  you  can  teach  him  nothing  by  speech ;  but  if,  when  he 
does  what  you  wish,  you  gratify  him  in  some  way  in  return, 
and,  when  he  is  disobedient,  make  him  feel  punishment,  he 
will  thus  effectually  learn  to  obey  you  in  what  is  required  of 
him.  14.  This  we  may  express,  indeed,  in  a  few  words, 
but  it  should  influence  us  throughout  all  our  treatment  of 
horses ;  for  a  horse  will  more  readily  take  the  bit,  if,  when 
he  has  taken  it,  something  pleasant  results  to  himself ;  and  he 
will  leap  across  ditches,  and  jump  over  obstacles,  and  comply 
with  our  wishes  in  all  other  respects,  if  he  looks  forward, 
when  he  has  done  what  is  required  of  him,  to  some  in- 
dulgence. 

1  As  they  wheel  round,  it  will  be  proper  for  him  to  be  among  the 
foremost  to  charge  the  enemy.  It  will  be  proper  for  him  to  be  in 
the  rear  when  his  party  is  retreating,  and  to  be  consequently  foremost 
when  they  turn  about  to  make  a  charge. 


292  ON   HORSEMANSHIP.  [CH.  9 

CHAPTER  IX. 

How  fierce  and  high-mettled  horses  are  to  be  managed. 

1.  The  directions  which  I  have  given  show  how  a  person 
may  hest  avoid  being  deceived  in  purchasing  a  colt  or  a  full- 
grown  horse ;  how  he  is  least  likely  to  spoil  him  in  putting 
him  to  use,  more  especially  if  he  would  produce  a  horse  having 
all  the  qualities  that  a  horseman  requires  for  war.  But  per- 
haps it  is  now  proper  to  state  how  a  rider,  if  he  ever  happen 
to  have  a  horse  excessively  fiery,  or  excessively  sluggish,  may 
treat  either  of  them  with  the  most  success. 

2.  In  the  first  place,  then,  he  ought  to  know  that  spirit  in  a 
horse  is  what  anger  is  in  a  man  ;  and  as  a  person  who  should 
neither  say  nor  do  anything  annoying  to  a  man  would  be 
least  likely  to  anger  him,  so  the  rider  that  does  nothing  to  vex 
a  high-spirited  horse  will  be  least  likely  to  provoke  him. 
3.  Accordingly  he  must  be  careful,  even  from  the  very  time 
that  he  mounts  such  a  horse,  not  to  discompose  him  as  he 
takes  his  seat ;  and  when  he  is  fairly  seated,  he  should  allow 
him  to  stand  quiet  for  a  longer  time  than  a  horse  of  ordinary 
spirit,1  and  then  direct  him  to  go  forward  with  the  gentlest 
possible  intimations.  Beginning  to  proceed,  too,  at  the  slow- 
est pace,  he  should  bring  him  into  a  quicker  one,  in  such  a 
manner,  that  the  horse  may  be  as  little  sensible  as  possible 
that  he  is  accelerating  his  course.  4.  But  whatever  a  rider 
requires  a  spirited  horse  to  do  suddenly,  the  unexpected  sights, 
or  sounds,  or  sensations,  consequent  upon  it,  annoy  him,  as  they 
would  annoy  a  passionate  man ;  and  it  is  necessary  to  bear  in 
mind  that  everything  sudden  produces  perplexity  in  a  horse. 
5.  If  therefore  you  wish  to  rein  in  a  spirited  horse  when  he  is 
going  faster  than  is  necessary,  you  must  not  check  him  sud- 
denly, but  pull  him  in  with  the  bridle  gently,  coaxing,  and 
not  forcing  him,  to  slacken  his  pace. 

6.  Long  rides  in  a  direct  course,  too,  soothe  horses  more 
than  frequent  short  turnings  ;  and  long  gentle  rides  also  soft- 
en and  tame,  and  do  not  exasperate,  the  high-mettled  horse. 

1  "H  rbv  tTnrvxovTct.]  Than  an  ordinary  or  eve*y-day  horse,  one 
$f  less  spirit  and  fire.     Weisk* 


§    7 — 12.]      MANAGEMENT    OF    SPIRITED   HORSES.  293 

7.  But  if  any  one  imagines  that  if  he  rides  at  a  hard  pace  for  a 
long  distance,  he  v/ill  render  his  horse  gentle  by  fatiguing  him, 
he  supposes  what  is  quite  contrary  to  experience  ;  for  a  high- 
spirited  horse,  in  such  circumstances,  uses  his  utmost  en- 
deavours to  get  the  better  by  force  and  with  anger,  like  an 
angry  man,  and  often  does  irreparable  mischief  both  to  him- 
self and  to  his  rider. 

8.  It  is  proper  also  to  check  a  high-mettled  horse  from  gal- 
loping at  full  speed,  and  to  abstain  altogether  from  matching 
him  with  other  horses  ;  for  horses  that  grow  fond  of  contending 
against  others  become  also  the  most  refractory. 

9.  Smooth  bits  are  more  eligible  for  such  a  horse  than 
rough.  If  a  rough  bit  be  used,  we  ought  to  assimilate  it  tc 
a  smooth  one  by  keeping  it  slack.1  It  is  well,  too,  for  the 
rider  to  accustom  himself  to  sit  quiet  on  a  fiery-spirited  horse, 
and  to  touch  him  as  little  as  possible  with  anything  else2  be- 
sides those  parts  of  the  body  with  which  we  necessarily  touch 
him  in  order  to  sit  secure. 

io.  A  rider  should  know,  also,  that  it  is  a  rule  to  moderate 
a  horse's  pace  with  a  sort  of  whistle,  and  to  urge  him  forward 
with  a  clucking  sound ;  yet  that  if  a  person  should  from  the 
first  move  him  to  gentle  exertions  with  a  clucking  sound,  and  to 
more  difficult  efforts  with  a  whistle,  he  would  learn  to  quicken 
his  pace  at  the  whistle,  and  to  moderate  it  at  the  cluck. 

n.  Likewise,  when  a  shout  is  raised,  or  a  trumpet  sounded, 
a  person  should  not  appear  to  a  horse  to  be  at  all  disturbed, 
or  approach  him  with  anything  that  may  alarm  him,  but 
should,  under  such  circumstances,  use  his  utmost  efforts  to 
pacify  him,  and,  if  convenient,  should  bring  him  his  morning 
or  evening  feed. 

12.  It  is  a  very  judicious  piece  of  advice,  too,  not  to  pur- 
chase a  very  high-mettled  horse  for  service  in  war.  As  to  a 
sluggish  horse,  it  appears  to  me  sufficient  to  observe,  that  a 
rider  must  treat  him  in  a  manner  quite  contrary  to  that  in 
which  we  recommend  him  to  treat  a  horse  of  high  spirit. 

1  This  observation  is  most  just.     It  is  from  the  manner  of  managing 
them  alone  that  bits  are  easy  or  severe  to  the  mouth  of  the  horse  ;  other 
wise,  as  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  says,  the  bit-makers  would  be  the  best 
horsemen.     Berenger. 

2  We  should  not  touch  him,  for  instance,  with  the  spear  or  javelin. 
Sauppe, 


294  on  H0ftS::-\rANSHii\  [ck.  10 

CHAPTER  X. 

Of  the  proper  management  of  the  hit  and  bridle. 

i.  But  whoever  would  desire  to  have  a  horse  serviceable 
for  war,  and  at  the  same  time  of  a  stately  and  striking  figure 
to  ride,  must  abstain  from  pulling  his  mouth  with  the  bit,  and 
from  spurring  and  whipping  him  ;  practices  which  some 
people  adopt  in  the  notion  that  they  are  setting  their  horses 
off;  but  they  produce  a  quite  contrary  effect  from  that  which 
they  intend.  2.  For  by  drawing  the  mouths  of  their  horses 
up,  they  blind  them  when  they  ought  to  see  clearly  before 
them,  and  they  frighten  them  so  much  by  spurring  and  strik- 
ing them,  that  they  are  confused  and  run  headlong  into 
danger  ;  acts  which  distinguish  such  horses  as  are  most  averse 
to  being  ridden,  and  as  conduct  themselves  improperly  and 
unbecomingly.  3.  But  if  a  rider  teach  his  horse  to  go  with 
the  bridle  loose,  to  carry  his  neck  high,  and  to  arch  it  from 
the  head  onwards,  he  would  thus  lead  him  to  do  everything 
in  which  the  animal  himself  takes  pleasure  and  pride. 

4.  That  he  does  take  pleasure  in  such  actions,  we  see  suf- 
ficient proof ;  for  whenever  he  approaches  other  horses,  and 
especially  when  he  comes  to  mares,  he  rears  his  neck  aloft, 
bends  his  head  gallantly,  throws  out  his  legs  with  nimbleness, 
and  carries  his  tail  erect.  5.  When  a  rider,  therefore,  can 
prompt  him  to  assume  that  figure  which  he  himself  assumes 
when  he  wishes  to  set  off  his  beauty,  he  will  thus  exhibit  his 
steed  as  taking  pride  in  being  ridden,  and  having  a  magnificent, 
noble,  and  distinguished  appearance. 

By  what  means  we  consider  that  such  results  maybe  attained, 
we  will  now  endeavour  to  show.  6.  First  of  all,  then,  it  is 
necessary  for  a  rider  to  have  not  less  than  two  bits  ;  and  of 
these  let  one  be  smooth,  and  have  rings  of  a  moderate  size;1 
and  let  the  other  have  rings  that  are  heavy,  and  hang  lower  down, 
with  sharp  points;2  in  order  that,  when  the  horse  takes  the  latter 
into  his  mouth,  he  may  be  offended  with  its  roughness,  and 
consequently  let  it  go,  but  when  he  finds  it  exchanged  for  the 

1  Julius  Pollux  (I.  184)  mentions  these  orbs  or  rings ;  and  our  olive 
bits  seem  to  resemble  them.     Berenger. 

3  'JL%ivovQ,  points  like  the  prickles  •an  the  back  of  a  hedge-hog. 


§•  7 — 10.]       MANAGEMENT    OE    BIT    AND    BRIDLE.  293 

other,  he  may  be  pleased  with  its  smoothness  ;  and  that  what- 
ever he  has  been  trained  to  do  with  the  rough  bit,  he  may  do 
also  with  the  smooth.  7.  But  if,  from  making  light  of  it  for 
its  smoothness,  he  press  upon  it  frequently  with  his  teeth,1  we 
in  that  case  add  large  rings  to  the  smooth  bit,  that,  being 
compelled  by  them  to  open  his  mouth,  he  may  let  go  the  bit. 
But  it  is  possible  to  vary  the  rough  bit  in  every  way,  by  re- 
laxing or  tightening  it. 

8.  But  whatever  sorts  of  bits  are  used,  let  them  all  be  yield- 
ing ;  for  as  to  a  stiff  bit,  wherever  a  horse  seizes  it,  he  has 
the  whole  of  it  fast  between  his  teeth,  as  a  person,  when  he 
takes  up  a  spit,  wherever  he  lays  hold  of  it,  raises  up  the 
whole.  9.  But  the  other  sort  of  bit  is  similar  to  a  chain  ;  for 
of  whatever  part  of  it  a  person  takes  hold,  that  part  alone  re- 
mains unbent,  but  the  rest  hangs  down.  But  as  the  horse  is 
always  catching  at  the  part  which  escapes  him  in  his  mouth, 
he  drops  the  bit  out  of  his  jaws ;  and  to  remedy  this  incon- 
venience rings2  are  suspended  by  the  middle  from  the  two 
parts  of  the  bit,3  that  while  he  catches  at  these  with  his 
tongue  and  his  teeth,  he  may  omit  to  seize  the  bit  between 
his  jaws.4 

10.  In  case  any  one  should  be  ignorant  what  flexibility,  and 
rigidity,  in  a  bit  are,  we  will  explain  the  terms  ;  for  a  bit  is 
flexible  when  the  two  parts  of  it  have  broad  and  smooth 
joints,  so  as  to  be  easily  bent ;  and  everything  that  is  applied 
about  these  two  parts,  if  it  fit  loosely,  and  not  with  a  close 

1  'kTnpudi]rai  Iv  airy!.]  The  sense  of  the  verb  is  doubtful.  Zeune 
and  Sturz  take  it  in  the  signification  which  I  have  given  it. 

2  We  have  a  small  chain  in  the  upset,  or  hollow  part  of  our  bits,  called 
a  player,  with  which  the  horse  playing  with  his  tongue,  and  rolling  it 
about,  keeps  his  mouth  moist  and  fresh.  And,  as  Xenophon  hints,  it  may 
serve  likewise  to  fix  his  attention,  and  prevent  him  from  writhing  his 
mouth  about,  or,  as  the  French  call  it,  "  faire  ses  forces."     Berenger. 

3  'Eic  tu>v  a%6vh)v.]  Weiske  agrees  with  Scheffer,  de  Re  Militari,  p.  161, 
that  these  d%6veg  were  the  two  portions  of  which  the  bit  was  formed,  being 
the  same  as  (jrojxia,  two  oro/ua  forming  one  %a\io/6c.  He  supposes  that 
they  were  called  a£ovsg  because  the  rings  were  suspended  upon  them. 
The  words  o!  d%ovsg  occur  in  the  next  section,  where  Gail  renders  them, 
"  les  deux  branches." 

4  ' AvaXccfifiaveiv  Trpoc  rag  yvdOovg  rbv  xa^lvov.~]  "■  Prendre  le  mors 
aux  dens."  Gail.  The  words  trgbg  rag  yvdQovg  occur  in  the  preceding 
section.  I  have  given  them  in  both  places  that  sense  which  the  drift  of  the 
passage  seems  to  require 


296  ON    HORSEMANSHIP.  i"CH.   10. 

grasp,  conduces  to  flexibility;  but  if  every  part  of  the  bi* 
opens  and  closes  with  difficulty,  it  is  to  be  called  hard. 

11.  But  whatever  sort  of  bit  is  used,  the  rider  must  do 
everything  with  it  in  the  manner  which  I  have  stated,  if  he 
wishes  to  make  his  horse  such  as  has  been  described.  12.  He 
must  pull  up  the  mouth  of  the  horse  neither  too  severely,  so  as 
to  provoke  him  to  shake  himself  free  from  it,  nor  too  gently, 
so  that  he  may  be  insensible  to  it.  But  when,  on  pulling  him 
up,  he  raises  his  neck,  the  rider  must  immediately  give  him  the 
bridle.  In  other  respects,  too,  as  we  do  not  cease  to  repeat, 
he  must,  whenever  the  horse  has  acquitted  himself  well,  show 
him  some  indulgence.  13.  When  he  perceives  that  the  horse 
is  pleased  with  carrying  his  head  aloft,  and  with  the  looseness 
of  the  rein,  he  should  then  put  him  to  nothing  disagreeable, 
as  if  he  would  force  him  to  exert  himself,  but  should  coax 
him,  as  if  he  wished  him  to  be  at  ease ;  for  thus  he  will  feel 
greatly  encouraged,  and  will  advance  of  his  own  accord  at  a 
swift  pace. 

14.  That  a  horse  delights  in  going  fast,  there  is  sufficient 
proof;  for  no  horse,  on  getting  loose,  goes  off  at  a  slow  pace, 
but  runs.  With  this  speed  he  is  naturally  delighted,  provided 
we  do  not  compel  him  to  run  longer  than  is  reasonable ;  for 
nothing  whatever,  immoderately  protracted,  is  agreeable  to 
either  horse  or  man. 

15.  When  the  horse  was  brought  to  perform  his  exercise 
with  grace,  he  was  trained  by  us,1  we  know,  in  the  early 
part  of  his  practice,  to  advance  at  full  speed  after  sundry  turns. 
But  if  any  rider,  when  his  horse  has  learned  to  do  this, 
should  rein  him  in,  and  give  him  at  the  same  time  a  signal  to 
hasten  forward,  the  horse,  being  at  once  checked  by  the  bridle, 
and  incited  to  speed  by  the  signal,  will  advance  his  chest,  and 
lift  his  legs  higher  in  anger,  but  not  with  ease ;  for  horses, 
when  they  are  annoyed,  will  assuredly  not  use  their  legs  with 
greater  agility  and  grace.  16.  But  if  when  he  is  thus  ani- 
mated, the  rider  gives  him  the  bridle,  he  will  then,  from  de- 
light at  supposing  himself,  on  account  cf  the  looseness  of  the 
bit,  freed  from  its  restraint,  bound  forward  with  exultation, 
in  a  noble  attitude,  and  with  an  easy  motion  of  his  limbs,  and 
expressing  in  every  gesture  the  grace  with  which  he  approaches 

1  In  allusion  to  c.  7,  sect.  17. 


§    1 5]  SHOWY   ATTITUDES    OF   A    HORSE.  297 

other  horses.  17.  Persons  who  view  such  a  horse  pronounce 
him  noble-spirited,  prompt  for  action,  fit  for  military  exercise, 
high-mettled,  superb,  and  at  once  pleasing  and  formidable  to 
contemplate. 

If  any  one  desires  such  qualities  in  a  horse,  let  what  we 
have  so  far  written  serve  as  instructions  for  him. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Of  teaching  a  horse  his  paces.     How  to  make  him  assume  showy  attitudes. 

i.  But  if  a  person  wishes  to  possess  a  horse  that  is  fit  for 
processions,  and  of  lofty  and  magnificent  bearing,  such  qualities 
are  not  to  be  found  in  every  horse,  for  he  must  be  one  that  is 
of  a  noble  spirit  and  strong  frame. 

2.  But  what  some  suppose,  that  a  horse  which  has  supple- 
ness of  leg  will  also  be  able  to  rear  his  body  high,  is  not  the 
case ;  the  truth  rather  is,  that  it  must  be  a  horse  which  has 
flexible,  short,  and  strong  loins  (we  do  not  mean  the  part  by 
the  tail,  but  that  which  is  between  the  ribs  and  the  haunches, 
at  the  belly),  for  such  a  horse  will  be  able  to  extend  his  hind- 
er legs  far  forward  under  him.  3.  If  a  rider,  then,  when  the 
horse  has  his  hind  legs  thus  under  him,  should  pull  him  up 
with  the  bridle,  he  rests  his  hinder  parts  on  his  heels,  and 
rears  up  the  fore  part  of  his  body,  so  that  his  belly  is  seen  by 
those  in  front  of  him.  But  when  he  does  this,  it  is  proper  to 
give  him  the  bridle,  that  he  may  assume  of  his  own  accord  the 
attitudes  most  graceful  in  a  horse,  and  appear  to  the  spectators 
to  do  so. 

4.  There  are  people  who  teach  horses  thus  to  rise,  some  by 
striking  them  on  the  fetlocks  with  a  stick,  some  by  directing  a 
man,  who  runs  at  the  side  for  that  purpose,  to  hit  them  on  the 
upper  part  of  the  legs.1  5.  We  however  consider  it  the  best 
mode  of  instruction,  as  we  are  perpetually  saying,  that  when 
ever  a  horse  acts  agreeably  to  the  wishes  of  his  rider,  it  should 

1  This  method  stands  justified  by  the  practice  of  modern  horsemen 
Berenger. 


298  ON    HORSEMANSHIP.  [CH.  11. 

follow  that  he  receive  some  indulgence  from  him.  6.  For  what 
a  horse  does  under  compulsion,  as  Simo  also  observes,  he  does 
without  understanding,  and  with  no  more  grace  than  a  dancer 
would  display  if  a  person  should  whip  and  spur  him  during 
his  performance ;  since  both  horse  and  man,  when  suffering, 
such  treatment,  would  exhibit  more  ungraceful  than  graceful 
gestures.  But  the  rider  ought  to  teach  a  horse  by  signs  to 
assume  of  his  own  accord  all  his  most  beautiful  and  showy 
attitudes.  7.  If,  then,  when  he  is  exercised,  he  be  ridden  till 
he  is  quite  in  a  perspiration,  and  the  rider,  as  soon  as  he  raises 
himself  gracefully,  dismounts  and  unbridles  him,  he  may  feel 
assured  that  the  horse  will  always  be  ready  to  rear  himself  of 
his  own  accord. 

8.  It  is  upon  horses  of  this  kind  that  gods  and  heroes  are 
painted  riding,  and  men  who  are  able  to  manage  them  skil- 
fully are  regarded  as  deserving  of  admiration.  9.  So  extremely 
beautiful,  and  admirable,  and  noble  a  sight  is  a  horse  that  bears 
himself  superbly,  that  he  fixes  the  gaze  of  all  who  see  him,  both 
young  and  old ;  no  one,  indeed,  leaves  him,  or  is  tired  of  con- 
templating him,  as  long  as  he  continues  to  display  his  magni- 
ficent attitudes.1 

io.  If  it  should  ever  happen  to  the  possessor  of  such  a 
horse  to  be  a  phylarch 2  or  hipparch,2  he  ought  not  to 
make  it  his  study  that  he  alone  may  enjoy  distinction,  but 
rather  that  all  the  cavalry  under  his  command  may  be  de- 
serving of  admiration,  n.  Should  such  a  horse  precede  the 
rest,  [as  people  esteem  such  horses  most,]3  one  that,  as  he 
advances,  rears  himself  very  high  and  very  frequently,  it  is 
plain  that  the  other  horses  would  follow  him  at  a  slow  pace  ; 
but  what  striking  attraction  could  there  be  in  such  a  specta- 
cle ?  12.  If,  however,  while  you  animate  your  steed,  you  lead 
neither  with  too  great  quickness  nor  with  too  great  slowness, 
but  just  as  horses  appear  most  lively  and  formidable,  and  best 
adapted  for  exertion,  if,  I  say,  you  precede  the  other  horses  in 
this  manner,  the  march  of  the  whole  troop  will  be  uniform, 
and  even  the  very  neighing  and  snorting  of  the  horses  will  be 

1  This  attitude  is  known  to  modern  horsemen  by  the  term  pesade. 
Berenger. 

2  Commanders  of  cavalry. 

3  Schneider  supposes  the  words  in  brackets  to  be  a  gloss  that  has  crept 
into  the  text. 


§     1 — 5.]  OF    THE    RIDER'S    ARMOUR.  299 

in  concert,  so  that  not  only  the  commander  himself,  but  the 
whole  troop,  will  present  an  admirable  spectacle. 

13.  If  a  person  be  fortunate  in  purchasing  horses,  and  bring 
them  up  to  be  able  to  endure  fatigue,  and  train  them  properly, 
not  only  in  exercises  for  war,  but  in  manoeuvres  for  parade, 
and  in  service  in  the  field,  what  can  prevent  him,  unless  some 
god  be  adverse  to  his  endeavours,  from  rendering  his  horses  of 
far  greater  value  than  they  were  when  be  took  them  under 
his  care,  or  from  having  not  only  estimable  horses,  but  being 
himself  greatly  admired  for  his  skill  in  the  art  of  horseman- 
ship ? 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Of  a  horseman's  armour  and  arms. 


i.  We  wish  also  to  show  how  he  should  be  armed  who  pr^ 
pares  to  encounter  danger  on  horseback. 

In  the  first  place,  then,  we  say  that  his  coat  of  mail  should 
be  made  to  suit  his  body ;  because  the  whole  of  the  body  sup- 
ports one  that  fits  well,  but  the  shoulders  only  support  one  that 
is  too  loose ;  and  one  that  is  too  tight  is  a  prison,  and  not  a 
coat  of  defence.  2.  Since  the  neck,  too,  is  one  of  the  vital 
parts,  we  think  that  a  covering  should  be  made  for  it  of  the 
same  shape  with  the  neck,  rising  from  the  coat  of  mail ;  for  it 
will  not  only  be  an  ornament,  but,  if  it  be  made  as  it  ought  to 
be,  will  cover  the  face  of  the  rider,  if  he  wishes,  up  to  the 
nose. 

3.  As  for  the  helmet,  we  consider  that  which  is  of  Boeotian 
manufacture  to  be  the  best ;  for  it  protects  most  effectually 
all  the  parts  above  the  corslet,  and  yet  does  not  prevent  the 
wearer  from  seeing. 

The  coat  of  mail,  again,  should  be  made  in  such  a  way  that 
it  may  not  prevent  the  horseman  from  sitting  or  stooping. 
4.  About  the  abdomen,  too,  and  the  parts  below  and  around, 
there  should  be  skirts  of  such  a  description  and  size  as  to  pro- 
tect the  limbs. 

5.  Since,  also,  if  the  left  hand  should  be  hurt,  it  disables 
the  rider,  we  recommend  the  armour  which  has  been  invented 


300  ON    HORSEMANSHIP.  [CH.    12. 

for  it,  and  which  is  called  the  hand;  for  it  protects  the  shoulder, 
the  upper  part  of  the  arm,  the  elbow,  and  the  portion  of  the 
arm  next  to  the  bridle,  and  can  be  either  expanded  or  con- 
tracted ;  and  it  also  covers  the  part  under  the  arm  which  is 
left  unguarded  by  the  coat  of  mail. 

6.  The  right  hand  a  rider  must  raise,  when  he  wishes  either 
to  hurl  a  weapon  or  to  strike  a  blow.  Whatever  portion  of 
the  coat  of  mail,  therefore,  would  obstruct  it,  must  be  removed  ; 
and  if  in  its  place  a  sort  of  flaps  with  joints  be  put,  they  will, 
when  the  arm  is  raised,  unfold  at  the  same  time,  and,  when  it 
is  let  down,  will  close. 

7.  As  to  the  right  arm,  that  sort  of  defence  which  is  put  on 
it  like  greaves  on  the  leg  appears  to  us  to  be  better  adapted 
for  protecting  it  than  that  which  is  attached  to  the  coat  of 
mail ;  and  the  part  of  the  arm  which  is  exposed  when  the 
right  hand  is  lifted  up  must  be  defended  near  the  coat  of 
mail,  with  a  covering  made  of  calf's  skin  or  of  brass ;  other- 
wise it  will  be  left  unguarded  in  a  most  dangerous  place. 

8.  Since,  too,  if  the  horse  is  disabled,  the  rider  will  be  in 
extreme  peril,  it  is  necessary  to  arm  the  horse  also  with  de- 
fences for  his  head,  his  breast,  and  his  shoulders ;  for  these 
assist  likewise  in  guarding  the  rider's  thighs.  But  of  all  parts 
of  the  horse  we  take  most  care  to  protect  his  belly,  for  it  is  at, 
once  a  most  vital  and  a  most  defenceless  part ;  but  it  is  pos- 
sible to  protect  it  by  something  connected  with  the  housings.1 

9.  It  is  necessary,  too,  that  that  which  covers  the  horse's 
back  should  be  put  together  in  such  a  way  that  the  rider  may 
have  a  firmer  seat,'2  and  that  the  back  of  the  horse  may  not  be 
galled.  As  to  other  parts,  also,  both  horse  and  horseman 
should  be  armed  with  the  same  precaution.3 

to.  The  legs  and  feet  will  naturally  hang  down  below  the 
covering  of  the  thighs ;  but  these  parts  may  be  sufficiently 
protected,  if  a  sort  of  boots  be  constructed  for  them  of  the 
leather  of  which  sandals  are  made ;  for  such  boots  may  be  at 
once  armour  for  the  legs  and  shoes  for  the  feet. 

li.  Such  is  the  armour  that  may  prove,  if  the  gods  be  pro- 
pitious, a  defence  against  harm.     But  to  inflict  injury  on  an 

1  Avvarbv  dk  avv  r<£  iQimreiu)  avrbv  <TKtTra.Gai.~\  "  II  est  possible  da 
couvrir  les  flancs,  en  ajoutant  quelque  chose  a  la  selle."     Gail. 

2  Than  if  he  sat  on  the  horse's  bare  back. 

3  So  that  the  armour  may  not  gall 


§    12 — 14. J  OF    THE    RIDER'S   ARMOUR.  301 

enemy,  we  recommend  the  short  curved  sword  rather  than  the 
long  straight  one ;  for  from  a  horseman,  seated  aloft,  a  blow 
from  a  scymitar  will  be  more  effective  than  one  from  a  straight 
sword.  12.  Instead  of  a  reed-like  spear,  as  it  is  weak  and 
inconvenient  to  carry,  we  rather  approve  of  two  javelins  of 
corneil  wood ;  for  a  skilful  thrower  may  hurl  one  of  these, 
and  use  the  other  against  assailants  either  in  front,  or  flank, 
or  rear.1  They  are  at  once  stronger  than  a  spear,  and  more 
easily  carried. 

13.  We  approve  of  the  hurling  of  a  javelin  from  a  great 
distance  ;  for  by  that  means  more  time  is  allowed  for  throw- 
ing it2  and  for  taking  another  weapon.  We  shall  intimate  in 
a  few  words  how  the  javelin  may  be  hurled  with  the  greatest 
effect.  If  the  rider  advance  his  left  side,  at  the  same  time 
drawing  back  his  right,  and  rising  on  his  thighs,  and  launch 
his  weapon  with  its  point  directed  a  little  upwards,  he  will 
thus  send  it  with  the  greatest  force  and  to  the  greatest  dis- 
tance ;  and  he  will  send  it  with  the  truest  aim,  if  the  point,  aa 
it  is  discharged,  is  directed  steadily  to  the  mark. 

14.  Let  these  admonitions,  and  instructions,  and  exercises 
be  considered  sufficient  to  be  prescribed  for  a  private  individual. 
What  it  is  proper  for  a  commander  of  cavalry  to  know  and  to 
do,  is  set  forth  in  another  treatise. 

1  Dindorf  retains  in  his  text  elg  Tov/ixpoaOev,  though  Leunclavius  and 
Zeune  had  shown  the  necessity  of  writing  ToviriaOev. 

9  'Airo<jTpe\f/ai.']  If  this  word  is  genuine,  I  suppose  that  it  means  tor- 
gtcere  or  emittere,  unless  it  is  to  be  referred  to  the  horse,  eguum  averizn 
ab  hnate.     Schneider.     "  Pour  se  detourner."     Gail. 


HIPPARCHICUS 

OH, 

A  TREATISE  ON  THE 

DUTIES  OF  A  COMMANDER  OF  CAVALRY. 


EEMAEKS. 


The  object  of  this  treatise  is  to  show  how  a  commander  of  the 
Athenian  cavalry  may  maintain  them  at  the  proper  number ;  how 
they  may  be  suitably  equipped ;  and  how  he  may  employ  them 
with  the  greatest  efficiency. 

It  is  addressed  to  some  one  person.  Camerarius  supposes  that 
it  was  written  for  the  instruction  of  Xenophon's  son  Gryllus,  who 
afterwards  served  in  the  Athenian  cavalry,  and  whom,  he  thinks, 
his  father  wished  to  qualify  for  a  commander.  Weiske  is  inclined 
to  favour  Camerarius's  opinion. 

There  were  two  hipparchs,  or  chief  commanders  of  the  cavalry 
at  Athens. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Summary  of  the  duties  of  a  commander-in-chief  of  the  cavalry,  §  1 — 9.  Kow 
he  may  keep  his  men  and  horses  in  an  efficient  and  serviceable  condition, 
and  render  the  inferior  officers  well  qualified  for  their  duties,  10 — 26. 

1.  First  of  all,  it  is  incumbent  on  you  to  offer  sacrifice,  and 
to  entreat  the  gods  to  grant  you  to  think,  and  say,  and  do 
those  things  by  which  you  may  exercise  your  command  most 
agreeably  to  them,  and  with  the  greatest  pleasure,  and  honour, 
and  benefit  to  yourself,  your  friends,  and  your  country. 

2.  When  the  gods  are  propitiated,  you  must  prepare  your 
cavalry,1  taking  care  that  the  number2  prescribed  by  law 

1  'AvafliQaareov  p(v  not  iTnrka.Q.']  ' Ava€i/3a^eiv  is  here  used  for  pa- 
rare,  legere,  constituere,  "  to  prepare,  choose,  appoint."      Weiske. 

2  Xenophon  seems  to  mean  a  thousand;  see  c.  9,  sect  3.     This  is  the 


§  3 — 3.J  NECESSITY   OF    EXERCISE.  o03 

may  be  completed,  and  that  the  force  previously  enrolled  may 
not  be  diminished  ;  for,  unless  new  horsemen  are  added, 
the  number  will  constantly  grow  less,  as  some  must  retire 
from  old  age,  and  some  must  fail  from  other  causes. 

3.  After  the  complement  is  made  up,  you  must  take  care 
that  the  horses  may  be  fed  in  such  a  way  as  to  be  able  to  en- 
dure exertion  ;  for  horses  that  are  too  weak  for  their  work 
will  be  unable  either  to  overtake  an  enemy  or  to  retreat. 
You  must  make  it  an  object  of  your  attention,  too,  that  they 
may  be  fit  for  service  ;  for  such  as  are  unmanageable  are 
an  aid  to  the  enemy  rather  than  to  their  friends.  4.  Such  as  kick 
when  they  are  mounted,  also,  must  be  set  aside  ;  for  they  often 
inflict  more  mischief  on  their  own  side  than  the  enemy  inflict. 
You  must  pay  attention  to  their  feet  also,  that  they  may  be  in 
a  condition  to  be  ridden  even  on  rough  ground,  knowing  that 
when  they  suffer  from  being  ridden  they  become  useless. 

5.  When  you  have  your  horses  in  proper  condition,  you 
must  next  exercise  your  men  ;  in  the  first  place,  that  they 
may  be  well  able  to  vault  on  their  horses,  for  by  that  means 
safety  has  been  secured  by  many  ;  and  in  the  second,  that 
they  may  be  qualified  to  ride  over  every  kind  of  ground,  as  the 
enemy  will  be  at  different  times  in  different  places.  6.  When 
they  are  able  to  sit  firm,  you  must  see  that  they  exercise 
themselves,  as  much  as  possible,  in  throwing  javelins  on  horse- 
back, and  that  they  qualify  themselves  to  do  everything  that 
cavalry  ought  to  do. 

After  this,  you  must  arm  both  your  horses  and  their  riders 
in  such  a  manner  that  they  may  be  least  likely  to  be  wounded, 
and  may  be  able  to  do  the  greatest  possible  harm  to  the 
enemy. 

7.  In  the  next  place,  you  must  make  it  your  care  that  your 
men  may  be  obedient ;  for  without  obedience  there  will  be  no 
profit  either  in  good  horses,  or  in  firm-seated  riders,  or  in 
fine  arms. 

In  regard  to  all  these  things,  then,  it  is  right  that  a  com- 
mander of  cavalry  should  give  authoritative  directions,  in  order 
that  they  may  be  properly  done. 

.  8.  But  since  the  state,  thinking  it  difficult  for  the  com- 

number  of  knights,  or  persons  of  sufficient  means  to  maintain  a  horse  for 
the  public  service,  mentioned  by  Aristophanes,  Eq.  225.  See  Boeckh'a 
Pub.  Econ.  of  Athens,  vol.  i.  p.  352. 


304  HIPPARCHICUS.  [CH.  L 

niander  of  the  cavalry  to  accomplish  all  these  objects  with- 
out assistance,  appoints  him  the  phylarchs  1  as  coadjutors,  and 
enjoins  the  senate  to  support  him  by  giving  their  attention  to 
the  cavalry,  it  appears  to  me  of  great  importance  that  you 
should  prepare  the  phylarchs  to  study  what  is  for  the  advan- 
tage of  the  cavalry  as  well  as  yourself,  and  that  you  should 
secure  able  speakers  in  the  senate,  who  may,  by  their  remarks, 
keep  the  cavalry  in  awe  (for  under  the  influence  of  fear  they 
will  attend  to  their  duties  better),  and  who  may  pacify  the 
senate,  should  they  show  any  unreasonable  displeasure. 

9.  These  are  suggestions  as  to  the  duties  to  which  you 
must  attend.  How  each  of  them  may  be  best  discharged  I 
will  now  endeavour  to  show. 

Into  the  cavalry,  then,  it  is  evident  that  you  must  bring, 
according  to  the  law,  such  of  the  citizens  as  are  in  the  best 
condition  as  to  pecuniary  means  and  as  to  bodily  strength, 
either  by  calling  them  before  the  judges  or  by  persuading 
them.  10.  Before  the  judges  I  think  that  you  must  summon 
those,  whom  if  you  were  not  to  summon,  you  would  be  thought 
to  abstain  from  doing  so  from  regard  to  your  interest ;  for 
those  of  inferior  means  would  at  once  have  a  ground  of  excuse, 
if  you  should  forbear  to  coerce  the  most  able  first  of  all. 
n.  As  for  the  young,  you  seem  likely,  in  my  opinion,  to 
animate  them  with  a  desire  for  cavalry  service,  if  you  enlarge 
to  them  on  the  opportunities  for  distinction  in  the  cavalry  ;  and 
you  will  be  likely  to  find  less  opposition  from  those  2  who  have 
authority  over  them,  if  you  represent  to  them  that  they  will 
be  obliged,  if  not  by  you,  at  least  by  some  one  else,3  to  main- 
tain a  horse  on  account  of  their  fortune  ;  12.  but  that,  if  their 
sons  engage  in  the  cavalry  under  you,  you  will  restrain  them 
from  expensive  and  unreasonable  purchasing  of  horses,  and 
will  make  it  your  care  that  they  shall  soon  become  able  horse- 
men ;  and  while  you  say  this,  you  must  study  to  do  it. 

13.  As  for  those  who  are  in  the  cavalry  service  at  present,  it 
appears  to  me  that  the  senate,  if  they  were  to  give  notice  that 
the  equestrian  exercise  will  in  future  be  doubled,  and  that 

1  $v\dpxovg.']  The  phylarchs  were  captains  of  tribes,  of  which,  after 
the  time  of  Cleisthenes,  b.  c.  510,  there  were  ten  at  Athens.  Comp. 
Xen.  Hellen.  iv.  2.  19. 

8  Their  parents  and  guardians,  as  Brodaeus  observes. 

8  By  some  succeeding  hipparch,  or  ty  the  state. 


§    14 — 18.]       TRAINING   OF    HORSES   AND   MEN.  305 

they  will  reject  the  horses  that  cannot  keep  up  with  the  others, 
would  excite  them  to  feed  their  horses  better,  and  to  pay  them 
more  attention,  u.  It  seems  to  me  very  proper,  also,  that 
an  announcement  should  be  made  that  all  unruly  horses  will 
be  rejected  ;  for  a  threat  of  that  kind  would  stimulate  the 
owners  of  such  horses  to  sell  them,  and  purchase  others  with 
greater  judgment.  15.  It  would  be  well,  too,  for  notice  to  be 
given  that  horses  apt  to  kick  during  exercise  will  be  reject- 
ed ;  for  it  is  impossible  to  range  horses  of  that  description  in 
proper  order,  and,  whenever  an  advance  is  to  be  made  upon 
the  enemy,  they  will  of  necessity  follow  in  the  rear ;  so  that 
the  rider  may  be  rendered  useless  by  the  inefficiency  of  his 
horse. 

16.  For  keeping  the  feet  of  the  horses  in  the  best  condition,1 
if  any  one  has  an  easier  and  cheaper  method  than  mine,  let  it 
be  adopted  ;  if  not,  I  recommend,  from  experience,  that  the 
horseman  should  scatter  over  the  ground  stones  gathered  from 
the  road,  of  about  a  pound  weight,  more  or  less,  and  that  he 
should  keep  the  horse  standing  on  such  stones  while  he  grooms 
him,  and  let  him  walk  upon  them  whenever  he  goes  out  of  the 
stable  ;  for  thus  the  horse  will  be  constantly  moving  his  feet 
on  the  stones,  as  well  when  he  is  rubbed  down  as  when  he  is 
annoyed  by  flies.  He  that  makes  trial  of  this  suggestion 
will  give  credit  to  others  which  I  shall  offer,  and  will  see  the 
feet  of  his  horse  become  firm.2 

17.  I  shall  next  show  how,  when  the  horses  are  brought 
into  the  condition  in  which  they  ought  to  be,  the  riders  may 
be  best  trained.  The  younger  of  them  I  should  advise  to  learn 
to  vault  upon  their  horses  ;  and  if  you  assign  them  a  person  to 
teach  them,  you  will  justly  gain  praise  for  doing  so.  The 
older  you  may  accustom  to  be  mounted  with  the  aid  of  others, 
after  the  Persian  manner,3  and  may  thus  be  of  great  service 
to  them.  18.  To  lead  out  the  cavalry  frequently,  however, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  qualified  to  keep  their  seats  on  every 
sort  of  ground,  may  perhaps  appear,  when  there  is  no  war, 
somewhat  troublesome  ;  but  it  will  be  proper  to  call  the  horse 

1  See  the  Treatise  on  Horsemanship,  c.  4,  sect.  5. 

8  '2Tpoyyv\ovg.~\  By  this  word  is  meant  something  similar  to  what  ia 
signified  by  the  Latin  teres,  round,  smooth,  of  a  proper  shape,  indicating 
firmness  and  strength. 

*  See  the  Treatise  on  Horsemanship,  c.  6,  sect.  12. 

VOL.  III.  X 


306  HIPPARCIIICUS.  [CH.    1. 

men  together,  and  to  advise  them  to  exercise  themselves,  and 
then  ride  out  into  the  country,  or  anywhere  else,  to  quit  the 
beaten  road,  and  to  gallop  their  horses  over  ground  of  all 
sorts  ;  for  this  will  be  of  much  the  same  use  as  to  lead  them 
out,  and  will  cause  them  less  annoyance.  19.  It  will  be  useful, 
to  remind  them,  too,  that  the  state  supports  an  expenditure  of 
nearly  forty  talents  a  year  for  the  cavalry,  in  order  that,  if 
war  arise,  they  may  not  have  to  seek  cavalry,  but  may  make 
use  of  that  which  they  have  at  once,  as  being  in  proper  con- 
dition ;  for  it  is  natural  that  the  soldiers,  reflecting  on  this 
expense,  should  apply  to  their  exercise  with  greater  diligence, 
in  order  that,  if  war  should  break  out,  they  may  not  have  to 
contend,  without  due  preparation,  for  their  country,  for  glory, 
an  d  for  life. 

20.  It  will  be  well  for  you  also  to  announce  to  the  men,  that 
you  will  take  them  out  yourself  on  certain  occasions,  and  will 
lead  them  over  ground  of  every  description.  In  exercises,  too, 
for  mock  combats,  it  will  be  proper  to  lead  them  out  to  differ- 
ent places  at  different  times  ;  for  such  charges  will  be  more 
beneficial  both  to  the  riders  and  to  their  horses. 

21.  As  for  javelin-throwing  on  horseback,  the  greatest 
number  seem  to  me  likely  to  be  induced  to  practise  it,  if  you  give 
notice  to  the  phylarchs  that  they  will  be  required  to  lead  out 
the  javelin-throwers  of  their  several  tribes  to  exercise  them- 
selves with  the  javelin  ;  for  they  will  thus  be  induced  by 
ambition,  as  is  probable,  to  produce  respectively  as  many 
javelin-throwers  as  possible  for  the  service  of  the  state. 

22.  The  phylarchs,  too,  appear  to  me  likely  to  contribute 
most  to  the  horsemen  being  well  armed,  if  they  be  persuaded 
that  it  will  be  much  more  honourable,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
state,  that  they  should  be  adorned  by  the  splendour  of  their 
several  tribes  than  merely  by  their  own  equipments.  23.  It  is 
probable  that  they  will  not  be  difficult  of  persuasion  as  to  such 
points,  as  they  sought  the  command  in  their  tribes  from 
desire  of  distinction  and  honour  ;  and  they  will  be  able,  too, 
to  have  their  men  armed  according  to  law,  without  incurring 
any  personal  expense,  by  obliging  them  to  equip  themselves, 
as  the  law  directs,  out  of  their  own  pay. 

24.  To  render  the  men  obedient,  it  is  important  to  represent, 
in  your  addresses  to  them,  how  many  advantages  there  are  in 
submitting  to  orders  j  and  it  is  of  great  effect  to  arrange  things 


CH.  I,  2.]  EMULATION   AND   ORDER.  307 

go  in  practice  that  the  orderly  may  gain  sometning  by  their 
good  conduct,  and  the  disorderly  be  in  every  respect  the  losers. 
25.  But  the  strongest  incitement  to  the  phylarchs  to  be  am- 
bitious to  bring  the  men  of  their  several  tribes  well  equipped 
into  the  field  appears  to  me  to  be,  that  you  should  adorn  your 
staff-officers  l  about  you  with  arms  in  the  highest  degree 
splendid,  and  oblige  them  to  exercise  themselves  in  throwing 
the  javelin  as  frequently  as  possible,  leading  them  yourself  to 
trials  of  skill  at  that  weapon,  having  previously  acquired  suf- 
ficient skill  in  throwing  it  yourself.  26.  If  any  one  could  offer 
prizes,  moreover,  to  the  several  tribes,  for  excellence  in  whatever 
is  commonly  practised  by  cavalry  on  public  occasions,  I  think 
that  such  a  proposal  would  have  the  greatest  effect  in  excit- 
ing the  Athenians  in  general  to  emulation.  It  is  seen  in  the 
case  of  the  choruses  how  much  labour  is  endured,  and  how 
much  money  expended,  to  obtain  very  small  prizes.  You 
should  take  care,  however,  to  secure  judges  by  whom  the  can- 
didates will  be  best  pleased  to  be  pronounced  conquerors. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Of  the  order  to  be  observed  by  the  cavalry  on  different  occasions. 

l.  When  your  cavalry  are  well  exercised  in  all  these  par- 
ticulars, they  ought  next  to  be  taught  a  certain  order,  by 
observing  which  they  may  march  in  processions  at  the  feast 
of  the  gods  with  the  greatest  precision,  may  perform  their 
evolutions  with  the  best  effect,  may  fight,  if  it  be  necessary, 
with  the  greatest  success,  and  may  pursue  their  marches  and 
make  their  way  over  obstacles  with  the  utmost  ease  and  the 
least  possible  confusion.     What  order  they  may  adopt,  so  as 

1  Toiig  a/xQi  ah  irpoSpofiovg.']  Weiske  very  properly  supposes  that 
these  irpodpofioi  were  turma  qucedam  prcetoriana,  a  corps  of  officers  whom 
the  hipparchus  might  despatch  with  orders,  or  send  on  before  him  on 
any  commission ;  or  they  may  have  been  so  called  because  they  rode  be- 
fore the  hipparch.  They  were  distinct  from  the  ttqocqoi  mentioned  in  q. 
4,  sect.  5. 

x  l2 


308  hippahchicus.  [ch.  2. 

to  be  likely  to  accomplish  these  objects  most  effectually,  I 
shall  now  endeavour  to  show. 

2.  Distinct  tribes,  then,  are  appointed  by  the  state.  Among 
these  I  think  that  you  ought  first  of  all  to  appoint,  with  the 
approbation  of  each  of  the  phylarchs,  captains  of  ten,  selected 
from  the  citizens  in  the  vigour  of  youth,  and  such  as  are  most 
ambitious  to  do  something  honourable  and  obtain  praise. 
These  you  ought  to  place  in  the  first  rank  in  each  ten.  3.  In  the 
next  place,  you  ought  to  choose  an  equal  number  of  the  oldest 
and  wisest,  who  may  hold  the  last  rank  in  the  ten ;  for,  if  I 
may  illustrate  my  meaning  by  a  comparison,  iron  penetrates 
into  iron  best  when  the  fore  part  of  the  cutting  instrument  is 
strong,  and  the  hinder  part  urged  with  competent  force.  4.  As 
to  those  who  are  placed  in  the  middle  between  the  first  and 
the  last,  if  the  captains  of  the  tens  choose  those  who  are  to 
stand  next  to  them,  and  the  others  choose  others  in  like  man- 
ner, it  is  likely  that  each  will  have  a  sufficiently  trustworthy 
supporter.  5.  For  the  leader  of  each  tribe,1  you  ought  by  all 
means  to  appoint  an  able  man ;  for,  if  he  is  brave,  he  will, 
whenever  he  is  to  march  against  the  enemy,  inspire  those  in 
front  with  ardour  by  his  exhortations ;  or,  if  circumstances  re- 
quire him  to  retreat,  he  will  be  more  likely,  by  drawing  off  his 
troop  judiciously,  to  preserve  the  men  of  his  tribe.  6.  If  the 
captains  of  ten,  again,  are  of  an  even  number,2  they  will  afford 
facilities  for  dividing  them  into  more  equal  parts  than  if  they 
be  of  an  odd  number. 

This  arrangement  pleases  me  for  these  reasons,  that,  in  the 
first  place,  all  those  in  the  first  rank  are  officers,  and  men 
when  they  are  in  command  think  it  more  incumbent  on  them  to 
do  something  honourable  than  when  they  are  mere  privates  ; 
and,  secondly,  that  when  anything  is  to  be  done,  an  order  has 
far  more  effect  when  it  comes,  not  from  privates,  but  from 
officers. 

7.  When  this  order  is  established,  then,  as  the  place  of  the 
phylarchs,  in  which  each  of  them  is  to  ride,  is  appointed  by 

1  Tbv  a^rjyovfjLivav.']  Weiske  considers  that  the  phylarch  is  meant,  anu 
Schneider  agrees  with  him. 

2  Xenophon  recommends  that  the  number  of  the  captains  of  ten  shoulu 
be  an  even  number,  that  it  may  be  more  easily  divided  into  severa. 
smaller  parts  or  numbers,  to  each  of  which  some  office  or  honour  may  be 
g&signed.     Schneider 


§  8,  9."J         EVOLUTIONS  OF  CAVALRY.  309 

the  commander-in-chief,  so  the  places  for  the  captains  of  tens, 
where  they  are  severally  to  march,  must  be  appointed  by  the 
captains  of  tribes ;'  for,  when  such  appointments  are  made, 
things  will  be  in  far  better  order  than  if  they  run  against 
one  another,  going  wherever  chance  may  lead  them,  like  people 
coming  out  of  a  theatre.  8.  Those  in  the  first  rank,  too,  will 
be  more  disposed  to  fight,  if  any  opposition  appear  in  front  of 
them,  when  they  know  that  the  front  is  their  proper  place  ;  and 
those  in  the  rear,  if  an  enemy  appears  behind  them,  will  be 
more  ready  to  exert  themselves,  as  they  know  that  it  will  be  a 
disgrace  to  them  to  leave  their  post.  9.  But  if  they  are  without 
any  regular  order,  they  throw  one  another  into  confusion  in 
denies  and  passages  of  rivers,  and  no  one  of  his  own  accord 
takes  a  post  in  face  of  the  enemy. 

All  these  particulars  ought  to  be  carefully  studied  by  the 
cavalry  universally,  if  they  would  be  staunch  supporters  to 
their  leader. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Of  the  various  exercises  and  evolutions  of  the  cavalry. 

1.  The  following  matters  must  be  the  business  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief alone.1  First,  that  he  may  obtain  favourable 
omens  from  the  gods,  on  behalf  of  the  cavalry,  by  offering 
sacrifices ;  next,  that  he  may  render  the  processions,  on  festal 
occasions,  worthy  of  being  seen ;  and,  in  addition,  that  he 
may  exhibit  whatever  spectacles  he  has  to  produce  for  the 
public  in  the  best  possible  manner,  whether  in  the  Academia, 
in  the  Lyceum,  the  Phaleron,2  or  the  Hippodrome.  The  latter 
will  form  subjects  for  particular  admonitions.  But  how  each 
of  these  general  divisions  may  be  best  ordered,  I  shall  here 
attempt  to  show. 

2.  As  to  the  processions,  then,  I  think  that  they  may  be 
rendered  most  acceptable,  as  well  to  the  gods  as  to  the  specta- 

1  Awry.]     In  the  sense  of  sol i,  "  alone."      Weiske. 

2  Phaieion,  or  the  Phaleron,  was  both  a  harbour,  or  dockyard,  and  a 
dermis  of  Athens.     It  is  the  harbour,  says  Sturz,  that  is  meant  here. 


310  HIPPARCHICUS,  TCLL    3. 

tors,  if,  whatever  deities  have  temples  and  statues  in  the  forum, 
the  cavalry  should  march  round  to  those  statues  and  temples, 
beginning  with  those  of  Hermes,  and  circumambulating  the 
forum  in  honour  of  those  deities.  At  the  festival  of  Bacchus, 
the  choruses  offer  homage,  by  their  dancing,  to  other  gods 
besides  the  twelve.  When  they  have  ridden  round,  and 
have  come  to  the  statues  of  Hermes  again,  it  seems  to  me 
that  it  will  be  well  for  them  to  ride  their  horses  at  a  quick 
pace  from  thence,  one  tribe  after  another,  to  the  temple  of 
Eleusinian  Ceres. 

3.  Nor  will  I  omit  to  mention  how  their  lances  may  be  car- 
ried so  as  least  to  interfere  one  with  another ;  for  each  man 
should  hold  his  lance  between  the  ears  of  his  horse,  if  the 
weapons  are  to  look  formidable  and  distinct,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  present  the  appearance  of  a  multitude, 

4.  When  they  have  made  an  end  of  riding  at  a  quick  pace, 
it  will  be  proper  for  them  to  ride  steadily  back,  at  the  other 
pace,1  by  the  same  route  as  before,  to  the  temples  again  ;  and 
thus  whatever  manoeuvres  are  performed  on  mounted  horses 
will  have  been  fully  displayed  both  to  gods  and  men. 

5.  That  the  cavalry  are  not  accustomed  to  these  perform- 
ances I  am  well  aware ;  but  I  think  that  they  will  be  be- 
coming and  attractive,  and  afford  pleasure  to  the  spectators. 
I  find  also  that  the  cavalry  have  executed  other  new  evolu- 
tions, when  their  commanders-in-chief  were  able  to  prevail  on 
them  to  do  what  they  wished. 

6.  When  they  ride  in  the  Lyceum,  before  they  engage  in 
throwing  the  javelin,  it  will  be  well  for  the  tribes  to  ride 
five  on  each  side  with  an  extended  front,2  as  if  prepared  for 
battle,  with  the  commander-in-chief  and  the  captains  of  the 
tribes  at  their  head,  in  such  array  as  to  cover  the  whole 
breadth  of  the  course.  i.  But  when  they  have  passed  the  ex- 
tremity3 of  the  theatre  opposite  to  them,4  I  think  it  will  be  a 
fine  sight,  if  you  show  that  the  cavalry  can  ride  at  a  quick 
pace  down  the  steep,  as  many  abreast  as  is  suitable  for  the 
ground.     8.  Nor  am  I  ignorant  that  they  will  perform  this 

1  T>)v  aWrjv.]     Understand  dtsXaaiv.     Schneider. 

2  'E7ri  tov  fitTonrov.']  With  the  front  of  each  troop  much  extended,  the 
depth  being  very  small.     Zeune.     . 

8  To  KE<pa\aiov.~\     "  L'extremite."     Gail. 
*  As  they  come  out  of  the  Lyceum.     Sauppe. 


§    9 — 12.]  PUBLIC    EXHIBITIONS.  311 

duty  with  the  greatest  pleasure,  if  they  but  feel  confident  that 
they  will  be  able  to  ride  fast ;  but  if  they  remain  unexercised 
in  this  respect,  you  will  have  to  take  care  lest  the  enemy  may 
at  some  time  force  them  to  practise  it. 

9.  The  order  has  now  been  stated 1  in  which,  in  the  exercises 
for  approval,2  the  cavalry  may  ride  with  the  best  effect.  But 
Jf  the  leader,  provided  that  he  have  a  strong  horse,  constantly 
rides  round  about3  on  the  outside  rank,  he  will  thus  continu- 
ally ride  at  a  quick  pace  himself,  and  those  who  are  on  the 
outside  with  him  will  ride  at  a  quick  pace  in  their  turn,  so 
that  the  senate4  will  always  have  before  them  the  portion 
which  is  advancing  rapidly,  and  the  horses  will  not  be  wearied, 
as  they  will  rest  in  succession. 

10.  But  when  the  exhibition  is  to  be  made  in  the  hippo- 
drome, it  will  be  well  to  arrange  the  cavalry,  at  first,  in  such  a 
manner  that  they  may  cover  the  hippodrome  with  the  extent 
of  their  line,  and  clear  all  the  people  from  the  midst  of  it. 

11.  It  will  be  proper,  too,  when  the  tribes  in  the  mock  com- 
bats5 pursue  and  flee  from  one  another  at  full  speed,  and 
when  the  officers  are  at  the  head  of  the  five  tribes,3  that  the 
tribes  on  either  side  should  ride  through  the  spaces  between 
the  other  tribes  ;  for  in  such  a  spectacle,  when  they  ride  front 
to  front  against  each  other,  there  is  something  that  produces 
awe,  and  something  imposing  when,  after  having  ridden  over 
the  hippodrome,  they  assume  a  position  facing  one  another ; 
and  it  is  a  noble  sight,  when,  at  the  next  sound  of  the  trum- 
pet, they  ride  towards  one   another  with   increased  speed. 

12.  When  they  have  come  to  a  stand  again,  they  must  rush 
a  third  time,  at  the  sound  of  the  trumpet,  towards  one  another 
at  their  utmost  speed ;  and,  when  they  have  ridden  their  course, 
they  must,  to  bring  the  spectacle  to  a  conclusion,  form  in  one 

1  I  suppose  in  c.  2.     Weiske. 

2  'Ex>  raTg  SoKinaaiaie.']  "  Aux  evolutions  d'epreuve  "  Gail.  There 
was  a  law  at  Athens,  that  if  any  one  put  himself  into  the  cavalry 
adoKificMTTOQ,  "  without  having  been  approved,"  he  incurred  dri/i/a. 
Schneider  gives  this  on  the  authority  of  Lysias,  p.  523. 

3  So  as  to -be  aometimes  on  one  side,  and  sometimes  on  the  other. 
Weiske. 

4  These  exercises  were  performed  in  sight  of  the  senate.     See  sect.  12. 

5  'Bv  raiQ  av9nrTcujiaiQ.~\  I  give  Jne  sense  which  Hesychius  and 
Suidas  assign  to  this  word. 

•  Como.  sect.  6 


312  IIIPPAKCHICUS.  [ch    4, 

body,  and,  as  is  your  custom,  ride  forwards  towards  the  senate, 
13.  Such  evolutions  would  appear  to  me  to  present  something 
more  warlike,  and  something  more  novel,  than  is  usual ;  but 
for  a  commander-in-chief  to  ride  slower  than  the  captains  of 
tribes,  or  to  manoeuvre  exactly  in  the  same  manner  as  they,  is 
unbecoming  his  office. 

14.  When  you  have  to  exhibit  the  cavalry  in  the  Academia, 
however,  on  hard  ground,1  I  would  offer  the  following  hints 
for  your  observation  :  that  the  men,  to  secure  themselves  from 
falling  off  their  horses,  should  lean  back  as  they  ride,  and 
that,  to  prevent  the  horses  from  falling,  they  should  keep  up 
their  heads  with  the  bridle  whenever  they  wheel  round. 
When  they  ride  straight  forward,  however,  they  ought  to 
ride  at  a  quick  pace,  for  thus  the  senate  will  have  before  them 
an  exhibition  free  from  danger  and  of  great  attraction. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Of  the  mode  of  marching  in  time  of  war,  §  1 — 5.     How  to  act  cautiously 
and  efficiently  with  a  small  force,  6 — 20. 

l.  On  marches,  the  commander  of  cavalry  ought  constantly 
to  consider  how  he  may  give  rest  to  the  backs  of  his  horses, 
and  afford  relief  to  the  riders  as  they  proceed,2  whether  by 
riding  at  a  moderate  pace,  or  by  dismounting  and  walking  at 
a  moderate  pace.  In  maintaining  this  moderate  pace  you  will 
not  fail,  if  you  pay  proper  attention  to  the  matter  ;  for  every 
man  can  judge  from  himself,  so  as  not  to  be  unaware  when 
others  are  over-fatigued.  2.  When,  however,  you  are  march- 
ing to  any  particular  place,  and  it  is  uncertain  whether  you 

1  'Ev  ra>  iTiKpoTip,  in  solo  duro,  is  the  reading  adopted  by  Dindorf  and 
Sauppe.  Most  editions  have  awoKoorif),  "  steep."  But  Xenophon  was 
previously  speaking,  sa3's  Sauppe,  of  sandy  ground ;  now  he  speaks  of 
harder  ground. 

9  'kvaravr)  tovq  'nnreag  tov  fiadiZeiv.'}  Properly,  "  relieve  the  riders," 
airb  tov  j3a6iZsiv,  "  from  marching,"  i.  e.  from  too  much  exertion  or 
fatigue  on  the  march.  Badi&iv  here  means  "  proceeding  on  horseback," 
not  "  on  foot,"  as  Sturz  imagines. 


§    3 — 7-3  PRECAUTIONS   AND   STRATAGEMS.  313 

may  fall  in  with  the  enemy,  you  must  let  the  tribes  rest  only 
in  turns,  for  it  would  be  dangerous  if  the  enemy  should  come 
upon  you  when  all  your  men  are  dismounted.  3.  If,  again, 
you  have  to  march  through  narrow  passes,  you  must  lead  on 
your  men,  at  the  word  of  command,  in  single  file  ;  if  you  come 
into  broad  roads,  you  must,  at  the  word  of  command,  extend 
the  front  of  each  tribe  ;  and  when  you  come  forth  into  open 
plains,  you  must  form  all  the  tribes  in  a  solid  body  ;  for  it  is 
veil  to  execute  these  movements  even  for  the  sake  of  exercise, 
ind  it  is  more  agreeable,  as  you  pursue  your  route,  to  vary 
the  modes  of  marching  in  the  different  companies. 

4.  When  you  march  out  of  the  beaten  road,  and  over  diffi- 
cult ground,  it  will  be  very  proper,  not  only  in  a  hostile  but 
in  a  friendly  country,  that  some  of  the  inferior  officers  should 
ride  on  in  advance  of  each  tribe  ;  who,  if  they  meet  with  im- 
passable woods,  may  seek  unobstructed  ways,  and  point  out 
to  the  rest  of  the  cavalry  where  they  must  direct  their  march, 
so  that  whole  companies  may  not  stray  from  one  another.  5. 
If  you  march  in  expectation  of  encountering  dangers,  it  is  the 
part  of  a  prudent  commander  to  see  that  extraordinary  scouts 
go  before  the  ordinary  ones  to  ascertain  the  position  of  the 
enemy.  It  is  proper,  also,  both  with  reference  to  attacking 
and  for  keeping  on  guard,  that  at  the  crossing  of  rivers  the 
soldiers  should  wait  for  one  another,  that  those  who  get  over 
last  may  not  fatigue  their  horses  by  hastening  after  their 
leader.  Almost  all  officers  know  the  propriety  of  this,  but 
there  are  not  many  willing  to  take  the  trouble  of  constantly 
attending  to  it. 

6.  It  is  the  duty  of  a  commander  of  cavalry  in  time  of  peace, 
also,  to  study  to  acquire  an  exact  knowledge,  as  well  of  the 
enemy's  country,  as  of  his  own  ;  and  if  he  cannot  obtain  such 
knowledge  personally,  he  may  keep  about  him  men  that  are 
well  acquainted  with  the  several  parts  of  both  countries  ;  for 
a  leader  who  knows  the  roads  is  a  totally  different  person  from 
one  who  is  ignorant  of  them  ;  and,  in  forming  plans  against 
the  enemy,  he  who  has  a  knowledge  of  the  country  has  a  vast 
advantage  over  him  who  is  a  stranger  to  it.  7.  When  you 
are  procuring  spies,  too,  before  a  war  is  actually  begun,  you 
ought  to  take  care  that  they  may  be  taken  from  towns  friendly 
to  both  parties,  and  from  merchants  ;  for  all  towns  receive  as 
friends  those  who  bring  anything  with  them ;  and  such  persons 


314  HlPPARCHICtJS.  Lcfl.   4, 

are  sometimes  useful  as  pretended  deserters.  8.  You  ought  never 
to  trust  to  your  spies,  however,  so  far  as  to  neglect  to  keep  on 
your  guard,  but  you  should  always  be  as  well  prepared  as  if 
the  enemy  were  reported  to  be  approaching ;  for  however  trust- 
worthy the  spies  may  be,  it  may  be  difficult  for  them  to  bring 
information  in  time,  since  many  obstacles  occur  in  war. 

9.  The  enemy  will  be  least  likely  to  observe  the  march  of 
cavalry  out  of  the  camp,  if  it  be  conducted  by  notice  commu- 
nicated from  man  to  man  rather  than  by  announcement  made  by 
a  herald  or  by  a  written  order.1  Besides  leading  out  the  troops, 
too,  by  notice  from  man  to  man,  it  will  be  proper  to  appoint 
captains  of  ten,  and  captains  of  five  under  the  captains  of  ten, 
that  each  may  have  to  give  orders  to  as  few  as  possible,  and 
also  that  the  captains  of  five  may  extend  the  front  of  the 
troop  by  bringing  forward  their  men,  as  they  may  do  without 
confusion,  whenever  there  is  occasion. 

io.  Whenever  it  is  necessary  to  guard  against  surprise,  I 
always  recommend  watches  to  beset,  and  sentinels  to  be  posted, 
with  secrecy;  for  thus,  while  they  are  a  security  to  their  friends, 
they  are  rendered  as  it  were  an  ambush  for  the  enemy.  1 1 .  The 
w  atch  themselves,  too,  when  they  are  concealed,  are  less  liable 
to  surprise,  and  much  more  to  be  dreaded  by  the  enemy  ;  for 
though  the  enemy  may  know  that  there  are  advanced  guards 
somewhere,  yet,  if  they  know  not  where  they  are,  or  what  is 
their  number,  their  ignorance  deprives  them  of  all  feeling  of 
security,  and  compels  them  to  regard  every  spot  with  suspicion  ; 
while  guards  posted  openly  show  them  at  once  what  they  have 
to  fear,  and  how  far  they  may  be  free  from  apprehension.  12.  He 
also  that  has  parties  on  guard  posted  secretly,  will  be  able,  by 
sending  out  a  small  party  openly  in.  advance  of  those  that  are 
concealed,  to  endeavour  to  draw  the  enemy  into  an  ambush. 
Another  way  of  occasionally  surprising  the  enemy,  also,  is  to 
post  parties  that  are  visible  behind  those  that  are  concealed ; 
and  this  may  be  as  effective  in  deceiving  an  antagonist  as  the 
method  previously  mentioned.  13.  It  is  indeed  the  part  of  a 
prudent  commander  never  to  expose  himself  to  danger,  except 
when  he  has  previously  made  it  clear  that  he  will  have  the  ad- 
vantage over  his  adversaries.  But  for  him  to  offer  favourable 
opportunities  of  which  the  enemy  may  take  advantage,2  may 

1  Which  must  be  read  aloud  to  the  men. 

•  T6  di  v7njpeTflv  ra  i'jdiara  toIq  noXtfiioig.]     This  is  the  case  when  xn 


§  14 — 18.    HOW  TO  IMPROVE  ADVANTAGES.  315 

be  justly  considered  rather  a  betrayal  of  his  party,1  than  a 
display  of  fortitude.  14.  It  is  judicious,  moreover,  to  make 
an  attack  on  the  enemy  in  the  part  where  he  is  weakest,  thongh 
that  part  may  be  at  some  distance;  for  to  endure  the  fatigue 
of  a  long  march  is  less  dangerous  than  to  contend  against  a 
superior  force.  15.  Should  the  enemy  advance  between  two 
fortified  places  that  are  friendly  to  you,  it  will  be  well,  even 
though  they  are  far  superior  to  you  in  number,  to  attack  them 
on  that  wing  on  which  you  may  approach  them  unobserved  ; 
or  it  will  be  well  even  to  attack  them  on  both  wings  at  once  ; 
for,  whenever  one  of  your  parties  has  to  retire,2  the  other, 
riding  up  on  the  opposite  side,  may  throw  the  enemy  into 
confusion  and  assist  in  bringing  off  their  friends. 

16.  That  it  is  proper  to  endeavour  to  learn  the  state  of  the 
enemy's  affairs  by  means  of  scouts,  has  been  long  ago  said  ;3 
but  I  think  it  best  of  all  for  the  general  himself  to  watch  the 
enemy,  if  he  can,  from  some  safe  position,  and  observe  whether 
they  commit  any  error,  n.  Whatever  may  be  taken  from 
them  secretly,  too,  it  is  well  to  send  a  competent  detachment 
to  bring  off;  and  whatever  can  be  snatched  from  them  openly, 
it  is  proper  to  despatch  troops  openly  to  seize. 

If,  again,  when  the  enemy  are  on  the  march,  any  part  of 
their  force,  weaker  than  your  own,  is  detached  from  the  main 
body,  or  strays  from  it  through  too  great  self-confidence,  you 
must  not  fail  to  take  advantage  of  such  an  opportunity  ;  but 
you  must  always  take  care  to  pursue  such  weaker  body  with 
a  force  stronger  than  itself.  18.  You  may  also,  by  giving 
your  attention,  profit  by  the  following  observations  in  regard 
to  animals.  Since  birds  and  beasts  of  prey,  which  are  inferior 
in  intellect  to  man,  as  kites  for  instance,  will  seize  on  what- 
ever is  left  unguarded,  and  retreat  to  a  place  of  safety  before 
they  are  captured,  and  wolves  will  hunt  cattle  that  are  with- 
out protection,  or  steal  such  as  are  in  places  unwatched,  and 

opportunity  of  fighting  is  offered  to  an  enemy,  in  circumstances  in  which 
he  is  desirous  of  it.  Thus  the  rashness  of  Flaminius,  and  the  eagerness 
of  Varro,  were  of  advantage  to  Hannibal.     Zeune. 

1  Ev/x/xaxwv.]  Fellow-soldiers ;  those  fighting  on  the  same  side.  Weiske. 

2  Through  being  repulsed  by  the  enemy  or  from  any  other  cause. 
Zeune. 

3  By  others.    Our  author  has  just  touched  on  the  subject  in  sect.  7 
and  8  of  this  chapter.     Zeune. 


316  H1PPARCHICUS.  [CH.  5. 

if  a  dog  comes  in  pursuit  of  one  of  them,  he  will,  if  the  dog 
is  weaker  than  himself,  attack  him,  or,  if  he  is  stronger,  will 
kill  the  animal  that  he  is  carrying,  and  make  off;  19.  and 
since  wolves,  too,  when  they  think  themselves  stronger3  than 
those  who  are  keeping  guard,  appoint  some  of  their  number 
to  drive  off  the  guard,  and  others  to  carry  away  the  cattle, 
and  thus  secure  subsistence  for  themselves  ;  20.  does  it  not 
become  man,  when  beasts  can  carry  off  their  prey  with  so 
much  cunning,  to  show  himself  wiser  than  beasts,  which  are 
themselves  caught  by  the  art  of  man  ? 


CHAPTER  V. 

Of  contrivances  for  deceiving  the  enemy, 

1.  A  man  who  has  the  charge  of  cavalry  ought  also  to 
know  in  what  distance  a  horse  can  overtake  a  person  on  foot, 
and  at  what  distance  slow  horses  may  escape  from  such  as  are 
swifter.2  It  becomes  a  commander  of  cavalry  to  understand, 
too,  on  what  kinds  of  ground  foot  are  preferable  to  horse,  and 
when  horse  are  preferable  to  foot.  2.  He  should  be  fertile 
also  in  contrivances,  and  know  how  to  make  a  small  body  of 
cavalry  appear  large,  and  a  large  one  appear  but  small ;  how 
to  make  the  enemy  imagine  that  he  is  absent  when  he  is  pre- 
sent, and  present  when  he  is  absent ;  and  how,  not  only  to 
conceal  the  state  of  things  among  the  enemy  from  his  own 
men,  but,  by  concealing  the  movements  of  his  own  men  from 
the  enemy,  to  attack  them  unawares.  It  is  an  excellent  arti- 
fice, also,  to  contrive,  when  you  are  weaker  than  the  enemy, 
to  strike  terror  into  them,  that  they  may  not  attack  you ;  and, 
when  you  are  stronger,  to  create  a  false  confidence  in  them, 
that  they  may  come  to  a  battle ;  for  thus  you  yourself  are 

1  "Orav — (j)v\a>cr]Q  KarcMppovrjaioari.]  When  the  wolves  think  lightly  of 
the  guard,  as  being  careless  or  weak.     Zeune. 

8  'E£  biroaov  j3padelg  av  \rntoi  rax^S  dircxptvyouv.]  Bpadtig  is  the 
nominative.  Camerarius  has  very  clearly  expressed  the  sense  :  De  quant* 
spatio  tardi  equi  ante  veloces  fagd  elabi  possint.     Zeune. 


§    3—3.]  HOW   TO   DECEIVE    THE    ENEMY.  317 

least  likely  to  suffer  loss,  and  are  in  the  best  condition  to  take 
advantage  of  any  error  on  the  part  of  the  enemy. 

3.  That  I  may  not  be  thought  to  prescribe  what  is  impossi- 
ble, I  will  explain  how  that  which  appears  most  difficult  in 
such  proceedings  may  be  accomplished.  4.  Security  from 
failure,  then,  when  attempting  to  pursue  or  retreat,  a  know- 
ledge of  the  strength  of  his  horses  will  give.  But  how  can 
he  obtain  this  knowledge  ?  By  observing,  in  the  mock  fights 
during  peace,  how  the  horses  hold  out  in  pursuit  and  re- 
treat. 5.  When  you  wish  your  cavalry  to  appear  numerous, 
let  it  be  your  first  consideration  whether  there  be  a  fair 
opportunity  for  doing  so,  that  you  may  not  attempt  to  deceive 
the  enemy  when  you  are  close  upon  them ;  for  it  is  safer 
to  try  such  deceit  at  a  distance,  and  it  is  more  likely  to  be 
successful.  You  must  then  bear  in  mind  that  horses  appear 
numerous  when  they  are  in  a  close  body,  on  account  of  the 
size  of  the  animal,  but  that,  when  they  are  scattered  about, 
they  are  easily  counted.  6.  Your  cavalry  may  also  be  made 
to  appear  more  numerous  than  they  are,  if  you  station  the 
grooms !  between  the  horsemen,  holding  spears,  if  possible,  or, 
if  not,  something  resembling  spears,  in  their  hands ;  and  this 
you  may  do  whether  you  exhibit  the  cavalry  standing  still,  or 
whether  you  are  leading  it  along,  for  the  mass  of  a  troop 
must  thus  always  appear  greater  and  denser.  7.  Should  you, 
on  the  other  hand,  wish  a  large  number  to  seem  small,  it  is 
plain  that,  if  there  be  grounds  at  hand  to  admit  of  conceal- 
ment, you  may  keep  some  of  your  men  on  the  open  parts,  and 
place  others  out  of  sight,  and  thus  disguise  their  number  ;  but 
if  the  country  is  entirely  open,  you  must  range  your  men  by 
tens  in  single  file,2  and  lead  them  on  with  an  interval  between 
the  files,  and  you  must  make  the  men  of  each  ten  immediately 
in  front  of  the  enemy  hold  their  lances  erect,  while  the  rest 
keep  them  down  and  out  of  sight.  8.  To  alarm  the  enemy 
you  may  adopt  pretended  ambuscades,  may  feign  to  send  suc- 
cour to  this  or  that  quarter,  or  may  circulate  false  reports. 
The  enemy,  however,  are  always  boldest  when  they  hear  that 
their  adversaries  have  plenty  of  trouble  or  occupation. 

1  Every  horse-soldier  seems  to  have  had  his  ittttokojioq,  or  groom,  with 
him  in  the  field. 

2  AeKaSag  xpv  otoixovvciq  TroiriaavTaA  2roixow<xa£  is  interpreted  bj 
Zeune  in  versus  rectos  porreclas,  "  extended  in  straight  rows  or  files." 


318  HippARcmcus.  [ch.  5. 

9.  Having  laid  down  tkese  precepts,  I  shall  add  that  a 
commander  ought  always  to  be  on  the  alert  to  deceive  the 
enemy,  so  as  to  take  advantage  of  present  circumstances ;  for 
in  reality  nothing  is  more  useful  in  war  than  deceit.  10.  And 
when  even  children,  as  they  play  at  guessing  numbers,1  are 
able  to  deceive  by  making  pretences,  so  that,  when  they  have 
but  few,  they  may  appear  to  have  many,  and,  when  they 
bring  forward  many,  may  appear  to  have  but  few,  how  can  it 
be  impossible  for  men,  when  they  apply  their  minds  to  de- 
ceive, to  be  able  to  contrive  similar  stratagems?  n.  If  a 
person  reflects  upon  the  various  advantages  that  have  been 
obtained  in  wars,  he  will  find  that  the  most  and  greatest  have 
been  obtained  by  stratagems.  For  which  reason  a  man  must 
either  never  attempt  to  be  a  commander,  or  he  must  suppli- 
cate the  gods  that  he  may  be  able  to  unite  this  accomplish- 
ment with  others,  and  he  himself  must  strive  to  excel  in  it. 

12.  For  commanders  who  have  sea  at  hand,  it  is  an  excel- 
lent mode  of  deceiving  the  enemy,  to  seem  to  be  fitting  out 
ships,  and  in  the  mean  time  to  carry  into  execution  some 
enterprise  by  land,  or,  while  they  pretend  to  be  forming  de- 
signs by  land,  to  make  some  attempt  by  sea. 

1 3.  It  is  the  duty  of  a  commander  of  cavalry,  too,  to  impress 
upon  the  state  how  weak  cavalry  is,  when  unsupported  by 
infantry,  against  an  enemy  that  has  cavalry  united  with  his 
infantry.  It  is  the  duty  also  of  a  commander  of  cavalry, 
when  he  has  infantry  given  him,  to  use  them  with  effect.  He 
may  conceal  his  infantry,  too,  not  only  among  his  cavalry,  but 

1  "Orav  7rai£a»a7.  Tro<jLv$a.~\    Quoties  ludunt  in  nwnero  divinando,  is  the 
translation  of  these  words  given  in  the  Latin  version  attached  to  Didot's 
edition  of  Dindorf's  Text,  Paris,  1853.     Jloaivda  is  a  conjecture  of  Din- 
dorf's,  in  place  of  7roert  Se  a,  from  which  no  commentator  could  extract 
any  sense.     But  whether  it  be  what  Xenophon  wrote  is  a  matter  of  un~ 
certainty.     BacnXivda,  the  model  on  which  it  is  formed,  meant  a  con- 
vivial game,  at  which  he  who  became  king  by  lot  obliged  the  rest  of  the 
company  to  do  what  he  pleased.     The  interpretation  of  iroaivda  is  from 
iroaa  £%«,  "  how  many  are  there  ?  "  a  question  asked  at  the  game  of  even 
or  odd,  Aristot.  Rhet.  iii.  5,  4.     'OXiyovg,  and  the  other  masculine  ad- 
jectives which  follow  in  the  text,  must  be  regarded  as  agreeing  with  ma- 
rrovg,  a  word  which  Schneider  had  proposed  to  introduce  into  the  passage, 
by  reading  orav   TraiZ,io<n  Trwaoig.     But  neither  irecraolg  nor  irooivla 
seems  to  suit  well  with  the  military  stratagems  of  which  Xenophon  is 
speaking  ;  the  allusion  seems  rather  to  have  been  to  boys  disguising  their 
numbers  when  they  .play  at  soldiers,  or  some  game  of  that  kind. 


CH.  5,  6.]  DUTIES    OF    A   LEADER.  319 

behind  them;  for  a  horseman  obstructs  the  view  far  more 
than  a  foot  soldier.  14.  But  all  such  stratagems,  and  what- 
ever others  he  may  contrive  in  addition  to  them,  when  he 
wishes  to  get  the  advantage  of  the  enemy  either  by  force  or 
by  art,  I  recommend  him  to  try  only  under  the  favour  of  the 
gods,  so  that,  when  the  gods  are  propitious,  fortune  may  be 
on  his  side. 

15.  It  is  sometimes  an  effectual  mode  of  deceit  to  make  it 
appear  that  ycu  are  extremely  cautious,  and  utterly  averse  to 
risk ;  for  this  often  leads  the  enemy  to  be  less  on  their  guard, 
and  to  commit  more  mistakes.  On  the  other  hand,  if  a  com- 
mander appears  on  some  occasions  to  be  venturesome,  he  may, 
even  while  he  continues  quiet,  yet  feigns  to  be  preparing  for 
some  enterprise,  cause  the  enemy  much  anxiety. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

How  a  leader  may  secure  the  respect  and  affection  of  his  men, 

l.  But  no  workman  can  fashion  anything  as  he  wishes, 
unless  the  materials  from  which  he  has  to  fashion  it  be  pre- 
pared to  his  hand,  so  that  they  may  obey  his  pleasure ;  nor 
Can  a  commander  do  what  he  pleases  with  men,  unless  they 
be  so  disposed,  with  the  help  of  the  gods,  as  to  have  a  friend- 
ly feeling  towards  him,  and  a  conviction  that  he  has  more 
skill  than  themselves  in  ordering  battles  with  an  enemy.  2.  A 
friendly  feeling  it  is  likely  that  the  troops  will  entertain  to- 
wards him,  if  he  shows  that  he  takes  thought  for  them,  that 
they  may  have  provisions,  may  retire  to  a  secure  camp,  and 
rest  under  a  sufficient  guard.  3.  In  the  field l  he  must  let  it 
be  seen  that  he  pays  attention  to  the  fodder  for  the  horses, 
the  tents,  the  water,  the  posting  of  sentinels,  and  all  other 
necessary  matters,  exercising  his  forethought,  and  even  de- 
priving himself  of  sleep,  for  the  good  of  those  under  his  com- 
mand.    When  the  commander  has  abundance  of  anything,  it 

1  'Ei/  TaiQ  (ppovpaig.']  <&povpa  must  here,  apparently,  be  taken  in  the 
sense  in  which  it  was  used  at  Sparta  in  the  phrase  <ppovpav  <pah>nv}  to 
give  notice  of  a  levy,  or  the  assembling  of  a  force  fcr  any  expedition. 


320  HIPPARCHICUS.  [CH.  7. 

will  be  for  his  interest  to  share  it  with  his  men.  4.  Contempt 
for  a  commander  they  will  be  very  unlikely  to  feel,  if,  to  say 
all  in  a  few  words,  he  appears  to  do  whatever  he  orders  them 
to  do  better  than  they.  5.  Beginning,  therefore,  with  the 
mounting  of  their  horses,  he  ought  to  exercise  them  in  every 
sort  of  equestrian  accomplishment,  that  they  may  see  that 
their  leader  is  able  to  cross  ditches  on  horseback  with  safety, 
to  leap  over  walls,  to  jump  down  from  heights,  and  to  throw 
his  javelin  efficiently;  for  all  such  qualifications  contribute  to 
protect  him  from  being  undervalued.  6.  If  they  feel  assured, 
too,  that  he  is  skilful  in  directing  affairs,  and  able  to  secure 
them  advantages  over  the  enemy  ;  if  they  are  impressed  also 
with  the  belief  that  he  will  not  lead  them  against  the  enemy 
rashly,  or  without  the  approbation  of  the  gods,  or  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  auspices;  all  such  feelings  will  render  troops 
more  submissive  to  their  commander. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Of  the  qualifications  necessary  to  a  general  for  commanding  against  the 
Thebans.  He  must  have  great  caution,  and  never  put  himself  into  the 
jnemy's  power,  but  weaken  them  by  frequent  slight  attacks. 

l.  It  belongs,  doubtless,  to  every  commander  to  be  pru- 
dent ;  but  the  commander  of  the  cavalry  of  the  Athenians 
ought  to  be  far  superior  to  others,  both  in  showing  respect  for 
the  gods  and  in  military  qualifications,  as  he  has  enemies1 
bordering  on  his  country  who  have  as  many  cavalry  as  him- 
self, and  a  large  force  of  heavy-armed  infantry.  2.  Should  he 
then  attempt  to  invade  the  enemy's  country  without  the  sup 
port  of  the  other  troops  of  the  state,  he  would  have  to  main 
tain  a  perilous  contest  against  the  enemy's  cavalry  and  in 
fantry  with  his  cavalry  only.  Should  the  enemy,  on  the  othe: 
hand,  invade  the  country  of  the  Athenians,  they  would  not  come, 
in  the  first  place,  without  other  cavalry  united  with  their  own, 
and,  in  the  second  place,  without  such  a  number  of  infantry 
that  they  would  consider  all  the  Athenians  together  unable  to 
1  The  Thebans.     See  seot  3,  fin. 


e 

! 


§   3— 6. J  PRECAUTIONS   AGAINST    AN    ENEMY.  321 

oppose  them  in  the  fi-eld.  3.  If,  however,  the  whole  people  should 
go  forth  against  such  an  enemy,  with  a  resolution  to  defend 
their  territory,  favourable  hopes  might  be  entertained  ;  for  the 
cavalry,  if  their  commander  pays  due  attention  to  them,  will 
be,  with  the  help  of  the  gods,  superior  to  those  of  the  enemy ; 
the  infantry  will  not  be  inferior  to  theirs  in  number,  nor  will 
they  have  the  disadvantage  in  bodily  strength,  while  in  their 
minds  they  will  be  even  more  ambitious  of  distinction,  if,  un- 
der the  favour  of  the  gods,  they  be  properly  exercised.  On 
their  ancestors,  certainly,  the  Athenians  pride  themselves  no 
less  than  the  Boeotians.  4.  But  should  the  people  turn  their 
thoughts  towards  the  sea,  and  think  it  sufficient  to  save  merely 
their  walls,  as  at  the  time  when  the  Lacedaemonians  invaded  the 
country  in  conjunction  with  all  the  other  Greeks,1  and  should 
they  appoint  the  cavalry  to  defend  the  parts  outside  the  walls, 
and  to  hazard  a  contest,  themselves  alone,  against  all  the  in- 
vaders, I  think  that  in  that  case  there  would  be  need,  above 
all,  of  powerful  support  from  the  gods,  and  that  it  will  be 
proper,  in  addition,  for  the  commander  of  the  cavalry  to  be  an 
extremely  accomplished  leader  ;  for  he  will  require  great 
judgment  to  act  against  an  enemy  far  more  numerous  than  his 
own  troops,  and  great  boldness  to  take  advantage  of  an  oppor- 
tunity whenever  one  may  present  itself. 

5.  It  is  necessary  also,  as  it  appears  to  me,  that  he  should 
be  able  to  sustain  personal  fatigue  ;2  for  otherwise,  having  to 
contend  at  his  peril  with  an  army  before  him,  to  which  not 
even  the  whole  state  would  be  willing  to  oppose  itself,  it  is 
evident  that  he  would  have  to  submit  to  whatever  those 
stronger  than  himself  chose  to  impose  upon  him,  and  would  be 
able  to  make  not  even  a  semblance  of  defence.  6.  But  if  he 
should  protect  the  grounds  without  the  walls,  with  such  a 
number  of  men  as  would  suffice  to  watch  the  motions  of  the 
enemy,  and  be  able  to  retreat  into  a  place  of  safety  after 
having  observed  whatever  might  be  requisite,3  (and  a  small 
number  may  be  not  less  able  to  reconnoitre  than  a  larger  one,) 

1  In  the  time  of  Pericles,  at  the  commencement  of  the  Peloponnesian 
War;  see  Thucyd.  ii.  13,  14,  22. 

2  TloveTv.]  Weiske  supposed  this  word  corrupt.  Schneider  takes  it 
in  the  sense  of  Kaprepuv. 

3  Td  dtofieva.)  These  words  have  nothing  to  govern  them.  T)ir\ori 
supposes  that  llovrtq  has  fallen  out  of  the  text 

vol.  in.  y 


322  HIPPARCHICUS.  [ch.  7. 

and  those  who  are  too  timid  to  trust  either  to  themselves  or 
their  horses  may  be  as  well  qualified  for  going  out  to  watch, 
and  returning  to  their  friends,  as  others,  (for  fear  appears  to 
be  a  powerful  incentive  to  keeping  guard),  and  a  commander 
might  perhaps  accordingly  decide  rightly  in  taking  guards 
from  these ;  but  if,  when  he  has  with  him  those  who  are  not 
wanted  for  the  guard,  he  considers  that  he  has  an  army,  it 
will  certainly  appear  to  him  but  a  small  one,  for  it  will  be  alto- 
gether too  weak  to  make  head  against  the  enemy  in  the  field. 
But  if  he  employs  them  as  flying  parties,  he  may  find  their 
force,  as  it  would  appear,  quite  sufficient  for  that  duty.  It 
behoves  him,  however,  as  it  seems  to  me,  to  keep  his  men  l 
always  ready  for  action,  and  to  be  on  the  watch  for  any  secret 
movement  of  the  enemy's  army,  in  case  that  they  should  be 
guilty  of  any  error,  y.  The  more  numerous  an  army  is,  in- 
deed, the  more  faults  the  men  are  accustomed  to  commit ;  for 
they  either  scatter  themselves  about  for  the  purpose  of  getting 
provisions,2  or,  marching  with  too  little  regard  to  order,  some 
go  before,  and  others  fall  behind,  farther  than  is  proper. 
10.  Such  negligences  you  should  not  suffer  to  be  committed 
with  impunity,  (for  if  you  do  so,  the  whole  country  will  be  one 
camp,)3  taking  good  care,  however,  if  you  undertake  any  expe- 
dition, to  make  a  hasty  retreat  before  the  great  body  of  the 
enemy  can  come  to  the  aid  of  their  party. 

11.  An  army  on  the  march  often  comes  into  roads  in  which 
a  large  number  of  men  can  do  no  more  than  a  small  one  ;  and 
at  the  crossings  of  the  rivers  it  is  possible  for  a  commander 
who  is  on  the  alert,  and  who  pursues  with  caution,  to  manage 
in  such  a  manner  that  he  may  attack  as  many  of  his  adver- 
saries at  once  as  he  pleases.  12.  Sometimes  it  is  advantageous, 
too,  to  make  attacks  on  the  enemy  when  they  are  at  their 

1  Tobg  7rape<TKtva<Tn'evovQ.']  Weiske  very  justly  supposes  that  some 
word,  perhaps  eavrov  or  lirirkaQ,  is  lost  out  of  the  text  after  tovq .  A 
little  below,  it  appears  necessary  to  insert  an  article,  and  read  rd  u>; 
KaTcupavr}  ovra.  The  meaning  of  several  words  and  phrases  in  this  part 
is  rather  doubtful,  but  I  have  endeavoured  to  give  everywhere  the  sense 
apparently  most  consistent  with  the  scope  of  the  author. 

2  'E7rt  ra  iTriTrjdei  £7rijti6\eia.]  The  soundness  of  these  words  is 
questioned  by  most  of  the  commentators.  Leunclavius  and  Zeune  pro- 
pose to  read  irtpl  for  £7ri,  with  ry  before  it. 

3  That  is,  the  enemy  will  wander  unrestrained  throughout  the  whole 
country,  carrying  off  booty.     Weiske. 


Oil.  7,  8.J  NFCfcSSlTY    OF    EXERCISE.  323 

morning  or  evening  meal,  or  when  they  are  rising  from  their 
beds ;  for  at  al]  such  times  the  troops  are  unarmed,  the  in- 
fantry for  a  shorter,  and  the  cavalry  for  a  longer  time. 
13.  On  their  sentinels  and  outposts  you  should  never  cease  to 
make  attempts  ;  for  these  are  always  few  in  number,  and  are 
sometimes  stationed  far  away  from  the  main  body.  14.  Should 
the  enemy  guard  such  posts  well,  it  will  not  be  amiss  to  pass 
them  secretly,  and  penetrate  into  the  enemy's  ground,  relying 
on  the  support  of  the  gods,  and  after  having  first  ascertained 
what  force  is  at  each  station,  and  the  exact  spots  where  they 
are  placed  ;  for  no  prize  is  so  honourable  as  the  capture  of  an 
enemy's  advanced  guard.  15.  Guards,  indeed,  are  very  easily 
deceived ;  since  they  are  ready  to  pursue  whatever  small  force 
they  see,  imagining  that  this  is  a  part  of  their  duty.  You 
must  have  a  care,  however,  as  to  the  direction  of  your  retreat, 
that  it  may  not  be  on  that  side  where  the  enemy  will  come  to 
the  succour  of  their  party. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

Further  admonitions  on  the  same  subject. 

.1  Those,  however,  who  would  be  able  to  annoy  a  much 
stronger  army  than  their  own,  ought  to  have  so  much  the  ad- 
vantage over  their  enemies  in  military  skill,  that  they  them- 
selves may  appear  accomplished  in  all  kinds  of  equestrian  ex- 
ercises, and  their  adversaries  utterly  unpractised  in  them. 
2.  The  first  requisite  to  this  is,  that  those  who  are  to  engage 
in  predatory  excursions  should  be  so  inured  to  the  fatigue  of 
riding,  that  they  may  be  prepared  to  endure  every  sort  of 
military  exertion  ;  for  horses  and  men  thai  are  unaccustomed 
to  such  duty  would  appear  like  women  going  to  fight  against 
men.  3.  But  those  who  are  taught  and  accustomed  to  leap 
across  ditches,  to  vault  over  walls,  to  spring  up  on  eminences, 
to  descend  from  them  with  safety,  and  to  ride  at  full  speed 
down  steep  grounds,  will  have  as  much  advantage  over  those 
who  are  unpractised  in  such  exercises  as  winged  animals  have 
over  those  that  can  only  walk.     Those,  again,  whose  feet  are 


324  HippARcnicus.  [ch.  8. 

hardened  with  exercise  will  be  as  superior  on  rough  ground 
to  those  who  are  not  habituated  to  it,  as  persons  who  are 
sound  in  their  limbs  are  to  those  who  are  lame ;  and  those 
who  are  acquainted  with  the  face  of  a  country  will  as  much  sur- 
pass those  who  are  unacquainted  with  it,  in  advancing  and  re- 
treating, as  those  who  have  sight  would  surpass  the  blind.  4.  A 
commander  should  understand,  moreover,  that  horses  in  good 
condition  are  such  as  are  well  fed,  but  at  the  same  time  exer- 
cised so  effectually  that  they  will  not  lose  their  wind  under 
fatigue.  And  as  bits  and  housings  for  horses  can  be  useful 
only  when  they  are  fitted  with  straps,  a  commander  of  cavalry 
should  never  be  without  straps  ;  for  he  may  at  a  small  expense 
put  those  who  are  in  want  of  them  in  an  efficient  con- 
dition. 

5.  Should  any  officer  think  that  he  shall  have  too  much 
trouble  if  he  must  thus  exercise  his  cavalry,  let  him  reflect 
that  those  who  exercise  themselves  in  gymnastic  games  un- 
dergo far  greater  labour  and  trouble  than  those  who  practise 
equestrian  exercises  to  the  utmost  degree ;  for  the  greater 
part  of  gymnastic  exercises  are  performed  with  extreme  ex- 
ertion, but  most  of  those  of  an  equestrian  kind  with  pleasure. 
6.  Should  a  man  pray,  indeed,  to  become  a  winged  animal, 
there  is  no  human  accomplishment  that  would  bring  him  so 
near  to  the  object  of  his  wishes  as  horsemanship.  7.  To  gain 
a  victory  in  the  field  of  battle  is  far  more  glorious  than  to  gain 
one  in  a  pugilistic  contest ;  for  the  state  has  a  share  in  such 
honour,1  and  it  is  through  success  in  war  that  the  gods,  for 
the  most  part,  crown  communities  with  prosperity ;  so  that  I 
know  not  why  it  is  proper  to  practise  any  kind  of  exercises 
more  than  those  of  a  warlike  nature.  8.  We  may  consider, 
also,  that  it  is  only  through  being  inured  to  toil  that  the  pi- 
rates are  enabled  to  live  on  the  property  of  those  who  are  far 
stronger  then  themselves.  On  land,  too,  it  is  not  the  part  of 
those  who  reap  the  fruit  of  their  own  grounds,  but  of  those 
who  are  in  want  of  sustenance,  to  commit  depredations  on 
others ;  for  they  must  either  cultivate  the  ground  themselves, 

1  That  is,  the  honour  of  victory  in  the  field  of  battle.  But  the  state 
had  also  some  credit  from  gymnastic  victories,  as  Schneider  observes ;  and 
he  therefore  thinks  that  something  is  wrong  in  the  text.  The  reader  of 
the  original  will  observe  that  evdatfiovia,  a  little  below,  is  to  be  taken 
with  <jTt<t>avoi)Giv,  as  the  dative  of  the  instrument. 


§  9 — 14.]    CARE  AND  JUDGMENT  REQUISITE.  325 

or  live  on  the  produce  of  the  labour  of  others,  since  by  no  other 
means  is  it  possible  either  to  secure  life  or  enjoy  peace.1 

9.  You  must  likewise  bear  in  mind  that  you  must  never, 
when  you  make  an  attack  with  cavalry  on  a  superior  force, 
leave  any  ground  behind  yea  which  is  difficult  for  the  horses 
to  cross ;  for  to  be  unhorsed  is  far  more  perilous  to  him  who 
is  retreating  than  to  him  who  is  pursuing. 

10.  I  would  wish  to  remind  you,  also,  that  you  ought  to  be 
very  cautious  in  the  following  respects ;  for  there  are  some 
commanders  who,  when  they  are  going  against  an  enemy  td 
whom  they  think  themselves  superior,  set  out  with  a  very 
small  force,  so  that  they  often  suffer  what  they  hoped  to  in- 
flict ;  and,  when  they  proceed  against  an  enemy  to  whom  they 
are  quite  certain  that  they  are  inferior,  they  take  with  them 
all  the  troops  that  they  can  command.  11.  But  I  am  of  opin- 
ion that  you  ought  to  act  in  a  quite  contrary  manner ;  when  a 
commander  leads  out  his  troops  in  the  expectation  that  he 
shall  conquer,  I  think  that  he  should  not  spare  his  force, 
whatever  he  has  ;  for  to  have  obtained  an  overwhelming  vic- 
tory has  never  been  a  cause  of  repentance  to  any  leader.  12.  But 
when  he  makes  an  attempt  upon  an  enemy  far  superior  in 
number,  and  foresees  that,  after  doing  his  utmost,  he  will  still 
be  obliged  to  retreat,  I  assert  that,  in  such  a  case,  it  is  much 
better  for  him  to  lead  a  few  of  his  men,  than  the  whole  of 
them,  to  the  charge,  but  that  he  should  take  the  flower  of  his 
force,  the  best  of  his  men,  and  the  best  of  his  horses ;  for, 
being  of  that  description,  they  will  be  able  to  execute  any 
enterprise,  and  secure  a  retreat,  with  most  safety.  13.  But 
when  he  leads  all  his  force  against  a  superior  enemy,  and 
wishes  to  retreat,  it  must  happen  that  those  who  are  on  the 
slowest  horses  will  be  overtaken,  while  others  will  fall  off  from 
unskilfulness  in  riding,  and  others  will  be  intercepted  through 
the  difficulties  of  the  ground ;  for  it  is  hard  to  find  any  large 
extent  of  ground  exactly  such  as  you  would  wish.  14.  They 
may  also,  from  being  numerous,  run  against  each  other,  impede 
one  another's  progress,  and  do  much  damage.  But  good 
horses  and  men  will  be  able  to  escape  from  the  hands  of  the 

1  The  reader  may  perhaps  think  the  examples  in  this  section  somewhat 
objectionable;  but  they  are  intended  to  show  the  necessity  of  military 
exercises  and  qualifications,  if  we  would  be  in  a  condition  to  defend  our- 
selves against  our  neighbours. 


326  H1PPARCHICUS.  (  CII.  8. 

enemy,1  especially  if  the  commander  contrive  to  threaten  the 
pursuers  with  that  portion  of  his  cavalry  that  has  remained 
behind.  15.  For  this  purpose,  pretended  ambushes  are  ser- 
viceable ;  and  it  will  be  useful  for  him  also  to  discover  at  what 
point  some  of  his  own  party  may  show  themselves  with  safety 
so  as  to  retard  the  course  of  the  pursuers,  is.  It  is  manifest, 
too,  that  where  exertion  and  expedition  are  required,  a  smaller 
number  will  have  the  advantage  over  a  larger,  rather  than  a 
larger  over  a  smaller ;  not  that  I  say  that  the  smaller  number 
will  be  more  efficient  and  expeditious  because  it  is  smaller, 
but  that  it  is  easier  to  find  a  small  number  who  will  take  care 
of  themselves  and  their  horses,  and  who  will  practise  horse- 
manship with  skill,  than  a  large  one. 

17.  If  it  even  happen  that  a  commander  has  to  contend 
with  a  body  of  cavalry  exactly  equal  in  number  to  his  own, 
I  think  that  it  will  not  be  amiss  for  him  to  form  two  troops 
out  of  each  tribe,  of  which  the  phylarch  may  command 
one,  and  the  other  whosoever  appears  best  qualified.  18. 
The  latter  leader  may  follow  with  his  troop,  for  a  time,  at  the 
rear  of  the  troop  under  the  phylarch ;  and  when  the  enemy 
come  close  up,  he  may,  at  the  word  of  command,  ride  forward 
to  attack  them ;  for  by  this  method  I  think  that  they  will 
cause  more  alarm  to  the  enemy,  and  will  be  more  difficult  to 
withstand.  19.  Should  both  the  leaders  also  have  infantry 
with  them,  and  should  these  be  concealed  behind  the  cavalry, 
and,  discovering  themselves  suddenly,  close  with  the  enemy, 
they  seem  likely  to  contribute  much  more  by  that  means  to 
secure  a  victory ;  for  I  see  that  what  is  unexpected,  if  it  be 
good,  gives  people  much  more  pleasure,  and,  if  it  is  something 
formidable,  causes  them  much  more  alarm.  20.  This  any  per- 
son may  very  well  understand,  who  reflects  how  much  those 
are  startled  that  fall  into  an  ambuscade,  even  though  they  be 
much  superior  in  numbers;  and  how  much  greater  terror, 
when  two  armies  are  encamped  opposite  to  one  another,  is 
Telt  during  the  first  days  after  their  meeting.  21.  To  order 
these  matters,  however,  is  not  difficult ;  but  to  secure  men  who 
will  act  against  the  enemy  with  prudence,  fidelity,  zeal,  and 
courage,  requires  great  ability  in  a  commander  ',  22.  for  he 

1  'E£  avT&v.']     Weiske  suspects  Jiat  xcijowv,  or  some  such  word,  hai 
topped  out  of  the  text.  ... 


CH.  8,  9.]  CONCLUSION.  327 

ought  to  be  qualified  to  speak  and  to  act  in  such  a  manner 
that  those  who  are  under  his  command  may  feel  convinced 
that  it  is  advantageous  for  them  to  obey  him,  to  follow  him  as 
their  leader,  and  to  engage  the  enemy  under  his  direction, 
and  that  they  may  feel  a  desire  for  praise,  and  a  resolution 
to  persevere  in  whatever  course  they  adopt. 

23.  If,  on  any  occasion,  when  two  camps  lie  face  to  face, 
or  two  fortresses  belonging  to  the  opposite  parties,  there  occur 
returns  to  the  charge,1  and  pursuits,  and  retreats2  of  the 
cavalry  in  the  space  between  them,  both  parties  are  for  the 
most  part  accustomed,  in  such  cases,  to  advance  slowly  on  re- 
turning to  a  charge,  and  then  to  ride  over  the  intermediate 
space  at  full  speed.  24.  But  if  any  commander,  letting  it  be 
supposed  that  he  will  act  thus,  nevertheless,  on  wheeling 
about,  charges  with  speed  and  retires  with  speed,  he  may 
thus,  as  is  apparent,  do  most  damage  to  the  enemy,  and  con- 
sult best  for  his  own  safety,  riding  forward  quickly  while 
he  is  near  the  strength  of  his  own  side,  and  retreating  quickly 
from  before  the  strength  of  the  enemy.  25.  If  he  could  con- 
trive to  leave  unobserved,3  too,  four  or  five  of  the  best  horses 
and  men  of  each  troop,  they  would  be  of  great  weight  in 
charging  the  enemy  as  they  are  returning  to  the  attack. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Concluding  remarks. 


i.  As  to  reading  these  precepts,  it  will  be  sufficient  for  a 
commander  to  peruse  them  but  a  very  few  times ;  but,  in 
action,  he  ought  to  be  constantly  ready  to  take  advantage  of 
whatever  opportunity  may  occur,  and,  looking  to  that  which 
offers  itself,  to  work  out  that  which  is  expedient.  To  com- 
mit to  writing  everything  that  he  ought  to  do  is  no  more  pos- 

1  'AvavrpoipaL]  A  word  used  of  those  who,  after  fleeing  before  an 
enemy,  turn  upon  their  pursuers,  and  pursue  them  in  return.     Weiske. 

2  ' AvaxupriatiQ."]  Applied  to  those  who  desist  from  a  pursuit,  and 
hasten  to  retreat  to  a  place  of  safety.     Weiske. 

9  That  is,  in  ambuscade. 


328  hipparchicus.  [en.  9 

sible  than  to  know  everything  that  will  happen.  2.  Of  all  ad- 
monitions, however,  the  best  seems  to  me  to  be,  that  whatever 
he  discovers  to  be  advantageous,  he  should  take  care  that  it 
be  carried  into  execution ;  for  neither  in  agriculture,  nor  in 
navigation,  nor  in  military  management,  does  accurate  know- 
ledge produce  any  effect,  unless  the  possessor  of  it  takes  care 
that  it  be  carried  into  practice. 

3.  I  give  it  as  my  opinion,  however,  that  the  whole  body 
of  cavalry  may,  with  the  assistance  of  the  gods,  be  kept  up  to 
the  number  of  a  thousand l  with  greater  expedition,  and  with 
much  more  ease  to  the  citizens,  if  they  should  admit  two 
hundred  foreign  soldiers  as  mercenaries ;  as  these,  if  united 
with  the  rest,  seem  likely  to  render  the  whole  of  the  cavalry 
more  obedient 2  and  more  emulous  of  one  another  in  valour  ; 
for  I  know  that  the  cavalry  of  the  Lacedaemonians  began  to 
be  distinguished  when  they  admitted  foreigners  into  it.  4. 
I  see  that  in  other  states  too,  in  all  countries,  foreign  soldiers 
are  held  in  much  esteem ;  for  necessity  excites  great  zeal.3 

5.  For  purchasing  horses  I  consider  that  the  citizens  may 
secure  funds  from  those  who  are  strongly  averse  to  cavalry 
service,  (for  persons  of  that  character,  on  whom  that  service 
falls,  will  be  willing  to  pay  the  cavalry-tax  that  they  may  be 
exempt  from  it,)  and  from  other  persons  that  are  rich,  but  too 
weak  for  bodily  exertion  ;  and  I  think  that  contributions 
might  be  exacted  from  orphans4  that  have  estates  able  to  pay. 
6.  I  am  of  opinion  also,  that  if  some  of  the  metoecs  were  re- 
ceived into  the  cavalry,  they  would  show  a  desire  for  distinc- 
tion ;  for  I  see  that  in  regard  to  other  honours,  of  which  the 
citizens  allow  them  a  share,  some  of  them  are  ready,  from  a 
love  of  praise,  to  do  whatever  is  required  of  them. 

7.  Infantry,  too,  in  union  with  the  cavalry,  appears  to  me 
likely  to  be  of  great  service,  if  it  be  composed  of  men  de- 
termined to  act  against  the  enemy.5  All  these  advantages 
may  be  secured  with  the  aid  of  the  gods. 

1  See  c.  i.  sect,  2. 

2  More  ready  to  obey  the  orders  of  the  general,  when  they  see  the 
readiness  to  do  so  shown  by  the  mercenaries. 

3  Since  foreign  soldiers,  unless  they  exert  themselves^  will  he  dismissed 
from  the  service  of  their  employers.    Sauppe. 

4  Who  were  exempt  from  such  tax,  as  appears  from  Demosth.  de 
Symmor.  [p.  163,  16,  ed.  Bekk.]     Schneider. 

5  T&v  kvavTiojTCLTiov  Toig  TroXt^iotQ.]  "  Hommes,  decides  3.  v^inqr* 
on  a  mourir."     Gail. 


§  8,  9.]  conclusion.  329 

8.  If  any  reader  is  surprised  at  my  frequent  repetition  that 
we  must  proceed  with  the  aid  of  the  gods,  let  him  be 
assured  that  he  will  feel  less  surprise  at  this  admonition,  if  he 
fall  often  into  danger,  and  if  he  reflect  that  in  time  of  war 
enemies  often  form  designs  on  one  another,  but  seldom  know 
the  state  of  things  among  the  party  against  whom  their  de- 
signs are  formed.  9.  Such  being  the  case,  it  is  impossible  to 
find  to  whom  we  may  apply  for  counsel,  except  to  the  gods, 
who  know  all  things,  and  who  give  intimations  to  whomsoever 
they  please,  by  sacrifices,  auguries,  omens,  and  dreams.  But 
it  is  probable  that  the  gods  will  be  more  willing  to  afford 
counsel  to  those  who  not  only  ask  them  what  they  are  to  do 
when  they  need  advice,  but  pay  them  honour,  as  far  as  they 
can.  in  time  of  success. 


EEMAHKS 


THE  TREATISE  ON  HUNTING. 


At  what  period  of  his  life  Xenophon  wrote  this  piece  is  uncer- 
tain, except  that  we  may  suppose  it  to  have  been  written  some 
time  after  his  return  from  Asia  with  the  Ten  Thousand. 

Valckenaer,  De  Aristobulo,  p.  114,  cited  by  Schneider,  suspects 
that  the  catalogue  of  mythological  and  other  personages  in  the 
first  chapter,  who  are  said  to  have  profited  so  much  by  devotion  to 
hunting,  can  scarcely  be  all  genuine.  To  this  suspicion  Schneider 
was  very  ready  to  listen.  But  there  is  far  more  ground  for 
believing  that  the  thirteenth  chapter,  which  consists  chiefly  of  a 
series  of  weak  and  foolish  assaults  on  the  sophists,  is  spurious. 
Both  the  matter,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  is  expressed,  are  utter] y 
unworthy  of  Xenophon.  The  rest  of  the  work,  though  Schneider 
has  some  suspicion  of  the  twelfth  chapter,  is  probably  genuine. 

The  first  part,  as  far  as  the  end  of  the  eighth  chapter,  treats  mostly 
of  hare-hunting,  and  with  such  a  thorough  acquaintance  with 
the  subject,  that  Blane,  hitherto  the  only  English  translator  of  the 
work,  who,  being  a  sportsman,  deserves  attention,  says,  "  I  have 
been  indeed  astonished;  in  reading  the  Cynegeticos  of  Xenophon, 
to  find  the  accurate  knowledge  that  great  man  had  of  the 
nature  of  the  hare,  and  the  method  of  hunting  her ;  and  to 
observe  one  of  the  finest  writers,  the  bravest  soldiers,  the  ablest 
politicians,  the  wisest  philosophers,  and  the  most  virtuous  citizens 
of  antiquity,  so  intimately  acquainted  with  all  the  niceties  and 
difficulties  of  pursuing  this  little  animal,  and  describing  them  with 
a  precision  that  would  not  disgrace  the  oldest  sportsman  of  Great 
Britain,  who  never  had  any  other  idea  interfere  to  perplex  his 
researches." 

The  rest  of  the  treatise  speaks  of  the  hunting  of  deer,  boars, 
and  other  larger  beasts.  His  description  of  a  snare  for  entangling 
the  feet  of  deer,  in  the  ninth  chapter,  is  to  us  of  modern  days 
very  obscure. 


CYNEGETICUS 


OR 


A  TREATISE  ON  HUNTING. 


Praise  sf  hunting,  as  having  its  origin  from  the  gods,  and  as  having  been  of 
advantage  to  many  eminent  men  who  have  cultivated  it. 

l.  The  invention  of  the  art  is  from  the  gods  ;  for  hunting 
and  dogs  were  the  care  of  Apollo  and  Diana,  who  rewarded 
and  honoured  Chiron  with  a  knowledge  of  them  on  account  of 
his  regard  for  justice.  2.  He,  having  received  the  gift,  was 
delighted  with  it,  and  had  as  disciples,  in  this  and  other 
honourable  pursuits,  Cephalus,  iEsculapius,  Melanion,  Nestor, 
Amphiaraus,  Peleus,  Telamon,  Meleager,  Theseus,  Hippoly- 
tus,  Palamedes,  Ulysses,  Menestheus,  Diomede,  Castor,  Pollux, 
Machaon,  Podalirius,  Antilochus,  JEneas,  Achilles;  each  of 
whom,  in  his  own  day,  received  honour  from  the  gods. 

3.  Nor  let  any  one  wonder  that  most  of  them,  though  they 
pleased  the  deities,  nevertheless  died  ;  (for  this  nature  de- 
mands ;  but  their  great  praises  have  been  perpetuated  ;)  nor 
let  any  one  feel  surprised  that  their  lives  were  not  all  of  the 
snrae  duration,  since  the  life  of  Chiron  was  long  enough  for 
all  of  them.1  4.  Jupiter  and  Chiron  were  brothers,  sons  of 
the  same  father  ;  but  Jupiter  had  Rhea  for  his  mother,  and 
Chiron  a  Naiad  nymph  ;  so  that  he  was  born  before  all  of 
them,  but  did  not  die  till  he  had  brought  up  Achilles. 

5.  From  their  attention  to  dogs  and  hunting,  and  from  their 
other  accomplishments,  they  were  admired  as  greatly  excel- 
ling in  merit.     6.  Cephalus  was  carried  off  by  a  goddess  ; 2 

1  Tlaaiv  tZrjpicei.]  He  lived  so  long  that  he  was  able  to  instruct  them 
all.     Shirz,  Lex.  Xen.  8  Aurora.     Apollodorus,  iii.  14.  3. 


332  ON    HUNTING.  [CH.    1. 

JEsculapius  obtained  higher  distinction,  that  of  raising  the 
dead  and  healing  the  sick  ;  and  for  these  powers  he  receives 
immortal  glory  as  a  god  among  mortals,  i.  Melanion  attained 
such  renown  in  bodily  exercises,  that  he  alone  was  deemed 
worthy  of  the  high  honour  of  a  marriage  with  Atalanta,  for 
which  the  most  eminent  men  of  that  period  were  his  rivals. 
The  merit  of  Nestor  has  already  pervaded  the  ears  of  the 
Greeks  ;  so  that,  if  I  were  to  speak  of  it,  I  should  speak  to 
those  who  are  well  acquainted  with  it.  8.  Amphiaraus,  when 
he  proceeded  against  Thebes,  obtained  the  greatest  praise, 
and  received  from  the  gods  the  honour  of  living  for  ever. 
Peleus  inspired  the  gods  with  the  desire  of  giving  him  Thetis 
in  marriage,  and  of  celebrating  the  marriage  at  the  dwelling  of 
Chiron.  9.  Telamon  became  so  eminent  that  he  married 
Periboea,  the  daughter  of  Alcathous,  a  native  of  the  greatest 
of  cities,1  whom  he  courted  ;  and  when  Hercules,  the  chief  of 
the  Greeks,  distributed  the  prizes  of  valour  after  he  had  taken 
Troy,  he  assigned  to  him  Hesione.  io.  The  honours  which 
Meleager  received  are  well  known  ;  and  that  he  fell  into  mis- 
fortunes in  his  old  age  was  not  through  his  own  fault,  but 
through  his  father's  forgetfulness  of  the  goddess.2  Theseus 
alone  overthrew  the  enemies  of  all  Greece ;  and,  having 
greatly  increased  the  power  of  his  country,  is  held  in  honour 
even  in  the  present  day.  1-1.  Hippolytus  was  honoured  by 
Diana,  and  celebrated  by  general  report,  and  died  in  happy 
estimation  for  his  temperance  and  piety.  Palamedes,  as  long 
as  he  lived,  far  surpassed  the  men  of  his  age  in  wisdom  ;  and, 
after  being  put  to  death  unjustly,  obtained  more  honour  from 
the  gods  than  any  other  among  mortals.  But  he  was  not  put 
to  death  by  those  by  whom  some  suppoie  that  he  was ;  for  it 
could  not  have  been  one3  who  was  almost  the  best  of  men,  and 
another  4  who  was  of  a  character  with  the  good  ;  but  it  was 
assuredly  bad  men  that  did  the  deed. 

12.  Menestheus,  from  his  devotion  to  hunting,  so  far  sur- 
passed other  men  in  endurance  of  toil,  that  the  first  among 
the  Greeks  acknowledged  themselves  inferior  to  him  in  mili- 
tary affairs,  except  Nestor  alone  ;  and  he  indeed  is  not  said  to 
have  excelled,  but  to   have  rivalled  him.     13.  Ulysses  and 

1  Fr.  Portus  supposes  that  Elis  is  meant ;  Brodaeus,  Athens.     Bro 
daeus's  opinion,  says  Weiske,  is  countenanced  by  Pausan.  i.  42,  1. 

2  Diana.  3  Agamemnon.     Weiske.  4  Ulysses.     Weiske, 


§   14 — 18.]  ADVANTAGES   OF    HUNTING.  333 

Diornede  were  distinguished  on  particular  occasions,  and  were 
on  the  whole  the  authors  of  the  reduction  of  Troy.  Castoi 
and  Pollux,  through  the  esteem  which  they  acquired  from 
exhibiting  in  Greece  such  of  the  accomplishments  as  they 
learned  from  Chiron,  are  immortal.  14.  Machaon  and  Poda- 
lirius,  who  were  instructed  in  all  the  same  accomplishments, 
were  excellent  in  arts,  and  eloquence,  and  war.  Antilochus, 
by  dying  for  his  father,1  obtained  such  glory  that  he  alone  is 
called  by  the  Greeks  Philopator.  1 5.  ^Eneas,  by  preserving 
his  paternal  and  maternal  gods,2  and  by  saving  also  the  life  ol 
his  father,  gained  such  renown  for  his  filial  piety,  that  the 
Greeks  granted  to  him  alone,  of  all  that  they  took  prisoners 
in  Troy,  exemption  from  being  spoiled  of  his  property. 
16.  Achilles,  brought  up  in  the  same  course  of  instruction, 
raised  such  illustrious  and  extraordinary  memorials  of  himself, 
that  no  one  is  ever  tired  either  of  speaking  or  hearing  con- 
cerning him. 

17.  All  these  men  became  such  as  they  were  from  the  instruc- 
tion derived  from  Chiron  ;  men  whom  the  good  still  love,  and 
the  bad  envy..  If  misfortunes  happened,  indeed,  to  any  city 
or  ruler  in  Greece,  they  3  became  its  deliverers  ;  or  if  a  quarrel 
or  war  arose  between  the  whole  of  Greece  and  the  barbarians,4 
the  Greeks  secured  the  victory  by  means  of  these  heroes  ; 
so  that  they  rendered  Greece  invincible,  is.  I  therefore  exhort 
the  young  not  to  despise  hunting,  or  any  part  of  liberal  edu- 
cation ;  for  by  such  means  men  become  excellent  in  military 
qualifications,  and  in  other  accomplishments  by  which  they 
are  necessarily  led  to  think,  act,  and  speak  rightly. 

1  Defending  his  father  against  Memnon,  by  whom  Antilochus  himself 
was  killed,  as  appears  from  Pind.  Pyth.  vi.  28. 

2  'Toiig  irarpyovg  ical  [irjrpyovg  QtovgJ]  By  Trarpyovg  Oeovg  Weiske 
understands  the  Dii  Penates  ;  by  firjTptfovg,  the  statue  of  Vesta,  with  the 
sacred  fire  and  the  palladium.  But  there  seems  no  reason  why  paternal 
and  maternal  gods  should  be  regarded  as  meaning  anything  more  than 
dii  domestici. 

8  Referring  to  Hercules  and  Theseus.  4  As  the  Trojan  war 


334  ON   HUNTING.  [CH.  2. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Qualifications  necessary  in  the  hunter  and  his  net- keeper.    Description  oi 

the  nets  to  be  used. 

1.  In  the  first  place,  then,  it  is  proper  for  one  who  has 
just  passed  the  age  of  boyhood  to  devote  himself  to  hunting, 
and,  in  the  next  place,  to  other  accomplishments;  I  mean,  one 
who  has  fortune  ;  but  he  must  have  regard  to  the  extent  of 
it ;  he  who  has  a  competency  should  pursue  such  exercises 
in  proportion  to  the  benefit  which  he  may  expect  from  them  ; 
he  who  has  not,  should  at  least  show  a  desire  for  them,  and 
neglect  no  part  of  them  that  is  within  his  means. 

2.  With  what  preparations,  and  of  what  kind,  he  ought  to 
come  to  the  pursuit  of  hunting,  I  will  mention,  as  well  as 
what  is  necessary  to  be  known  in  each  particular  matter,  in 
order  that  he  may  not  enter  on  the  occupation  without  some 
previous  instruction.  Nor  let  any  one  imagine  that  the  ad- 
monitions which  I  offer  are  trifling ;  for  without  attention  to 
them  nothing  could  be  done. 

3.  It  is  necessary,  then,  that  he1  who  has  the  care  of  the 
nets  should  be  fond  of  his  employment,  should  speak  the 
Greek  language,  be  about  twenty  years  of  age,  active  and 
strong  in  body,  and  possessed  of  sufficient  courage,  in  order 
that,  surmounting  toil  by  means  of  these  qualifications,  he 
may  have  pleasure  in  the  occupation.  4.  The  small  nets, 
those  for  stopping  roads,  and  the  larger  ones,2  should  all  be 
made  of  fine  flax  from  Phasis  or  Carthage.  The  nets  should 
also  be  made  of  cord  of  nine  threads  ;  that  is,  of  three  strands, 
and  each  strand  of  three  threads;  they  should  be  five  spans3 

1  A  slave  who  prepared  the  nets,  and  spread  them. 

2  Three  kinds  of  nets  are  here  mentioned  by  Xenophon,  the  dpicvtc,  or 
small  nets,  the  Siktvu,  or  large  nets,  and  the  IvoSia,  for  stopping  roads, 
paths,  or  frequented  tracks,  which  appear  to  have  been  of  an  intermediate 
size,  and  which  I  shall  henceforth  call  "road-nets." 

3  The  spithame,  or  span,  was  about  9  inches.  Hussey,  Essay  en  An- 
cient Weights,  &c.    A»cend.  sect.  9. 


§    5 — T.j  ON   NET-KEEPERS   AND   NETS.  335 

in  depth,  and  two  palms ]  at  the  running-nooses  ; 2  and  let  the 
cords  that  run  round  them  be  inserted  without  knots,  that 
they  may  slip  with  ease.  5.  The  road-nets  should  be  made 
of  cord  of  twelve  threads,  and  the  large  nets  of  cord  of  six- 
teen ;  as  to  size,  the  road-nets  should  be  two,  or  four,  or  five 
fathoms  in  length ;  the  large  nets  should  be  ten,  or  twenty,  or 
thirty  fathoms  ;  if  they  be  larger,  they  will  be  difficult  to 
manage ;  both  of  them  must  have  thirty  knots,3  and  the  size 
of  the  meshes  must  be  the  same  as  that  of  the  meshes  in  the 
smaller  nets.  Let  the  road-nets  have  round  knots  at  the 
upper  extremities,  and  the  larger  nets  rings;  and  the  ropes4 
that  run  round  them  made  of  twisted  cord.  i.  Let  the  forked 
props  for  the  small  nets  be  ten  palms  in  length,5  some  how- 
ever less;  (let  such  of  them  as  are  of  unequal  length  be  used 
on  sloping  grounds,  that  they  may  keep  the  tops  of  the  nets 
straight,  while  those  of  equal  length  may  be  used  on  level 
ground ;)  they  must  allow  the  nets  to  be  easily  put  off"  and 
on,  and  must  accordingly  be  smooth  at  the  tips.  Let  those 
for  the  road-nets  be  of  twice  that  length,  and  those  for  the 
large  nets  five  spans  in  length,  having  small  forks,  with 
notches  by  no  means  deep  ;6  let  them  all  be  easy  to  fix,  and 

1  The  palm,  four  fingers'  breadths,  was  about  3  inches.  Xenophon 
means  that  the. opening  to  receive  the  hare  should  be  of  that  size,  if  the 
notion  of  the  nets  in  the  following  note  be  correct. 

2  Tovc  /3po%ov£.]  The  Rev.  W.  Dansey,  in  his  Translation  of  Arrian 
on  Coursing  (Bohn,  1831),  supposes  that  these  flpoxot  were  slip-knots,  or 
running-nooses,  at  the  entrance  of  a  purse  in  the  net,  into  which  the  hare, 
supposing  it  to  be  an  opening  by  which  she  might  escape,  sprung,  and  be- 
came entangled.     Notes  on  c.  1  and  2.     See  also  Appendix,  p.  191. 

3  How  these  thirty  knots  were  reckoned,  says  Weiske,  I  cannot  explain. 
The  other  commentators  afford  no  help.  I  suppose  that  thirty  knots 
means  thirty  meshes ;  for,  counting  the  knots  from  edge  to  edge  of  the  net, 
beginning  with  a  knot  at  the  corner  of  a  half-mesh,  the  number  of  the 
knots  will  be  the  same  as  that  of  the  meshes. 

Et  bis  vicenos  spatium  prsetendere  passus 

Rete  velim,  plenisque  decern  consurgere  nodis.  Gratius,  Cyneg.  v.  25. 

4  Macrrovg.]  These  fiaarol  appear  from  Pollux,  v.  4,  to  have  been 
loops  of  cord,  in  \ivo)v  TrXtynara,  attached  to  the  corners  of  the  net.  The 
name  is  rather  an  odd  one,  but  is  of  course  from  the  shape. 

5  About  two  feet  six  inches.  This  seems  to  be  but  a  small  height  for 
the  props,  when  the  nets  were  to  be  three  feet  nine  inches  in  depth.  But 
all  the  copies  agree  in  the  same  reading. 

6  Why  this  caution  is  given  with  regard  to  the  longer  more  than  to  the 
shorter  props,  or  why  it  is  given  at  all,  is  not  apparent.     The  EC-tcl  es, 

ivrfirjpiTa,  are,  as  Weiske  observes,  the  spaces  between  the  prongs. 


336  ON    HUNTING.  [_CH.  3. 

the  thickness  of  them  not  disproportionate  to  the  length.  As 
to  the  number  of  props  for  the  large  nets,  we  may  use  either 
fewer  or  more ;  fewer,  if  they  are  much  stretched  in  their 
position  ;  more,  if  they  are  lax.1  Let  there  also  be  sacks2 
made  of  calves'-skin,  in  which  the  smaller  and  larger  nets 
may  be  put,  a  sack  for  each;  and  bill-hooks  may  also  be  put 
into  them,  that  the  hunter  may  cut  down  a  portion  of  the 
wood,  and  stop  up  any  part  that  may  be  necessary. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Of  the  two  principal  sorts  of  dogs,  and  their  faults. 

1.  Of  dogs  there  are  two  kinds  ;  the  one  called  Castorian,  the 
other  of  the  fox  breed.3  The  Castorian  have  this  appellation, 
because  Castor,  who  delighted  in  the  amusement  of  hunting, 
had  most  regard  for  them ;  those  of  the  fox  breed  were  so 
termed  because  they  are  bred  from  a  dog  and  a  fox,  and 
through  length  of  time  the  natures  of  the  two  animals  are 
completely  amalgamated. 

2.  The  inferior  animals  of  these  two  species,4  which  are 
also  the  more  numerous,  are  of  the  following  sorts :  such  as 
are  small,  or  have  turned -up  noses,  are  blue-eyed,  near-sighted, 
ill-shaped,  stiff,  weak,  have  thin  hair,  are  long-legged,  not  well 
proportioned,  deficient  in  spirit  or  power  of  scent,  or  have  bad 
feet.      3.  The  small,   from  their  diminutiveness,   often   find 

1  For  the  upper  edge  of  the  net,  as  Weiske  remarks,  will,  if  it  be  but 
loosely  stretched,  sink  down  more  than  if  it  be  tight,  and  will  conse- 
quently require  more  props  to  keep  it  in  a  proper  position. 

8  Sacks  or  bags  drawn  together  at  the  mouth  with  strings.  Pollux,  v.  31. 

8  Weiske  has  a  long  Excursus  on  this  passage,  showing  that  there  are  more 
than  two  kinds  of  dogs,  and  questioning  whether  a  dog  and  a  fox  will  breed. 
John  Hunter  denied  the  possibility  of  it,  as  the  dog  and  the  fox  are  quite 
different  species  of  animals ;  Philosoph.  Transact,  vol.  Ixxvii.  p.  24 ; 
but  he  did  not  live  to  make  the  experiment  which  he  intended.  Pennant, 
in  his  "  Quadrupeds,"  and  Daniel,  in  his  "  Field  Sports,"  are  inclined  to 
believe  in  the  possibility,  and  each  mentions  a  case,  but  not  on  his  own 
knowledge.  Xenophon  is  speaking  of  the  two  kinds  of  dogs  adapted  for 
hunting  hares.     Both  were  Spartan  dogs. 

*  Sauppe  very  justly  observes  that  Trkdovq  and  roiaide  in  the  text  rcfe? 
to  both  the  kinds  of  dogs  previously  mentioned. 


§  4— 7.]  or"  dogs.  337 

their  efforts  in  the  chase  fruitless;  those  that  have  furried-up 
noses  are  weak  in  the  mouth,  and  are  unable,  for  this  reason, 
to  hold .  the  hare  ;  the  near-sighted  and  blue-eyed  are  imper- 
fect in  sight,  as  well  as  ill-shaped  and  unpleasing  to  the  eye; 
such  as  are  stiff  in  the  frame  come  off  ill1  in  the  pursuit; 
such  as  are  weak,  and  have  thin  hair,  are  unfit  to  endure 
fatigue  ;  such  as  are  long-legged,  and  ill-proportioned,  have 
incompact  frames,  and  run  heavily  ;  such  as  are  deficient  in 
spirit  quit  their  work,  shrink  away  from  the  heat  of  the  sun 
into  the  shade  and  lie  down  ;  such  as  are  wanting  in  scent 
hardly  ever  find  the  hare  ;  and  such  as  have  bad  feet  are 
unable,  even  if  they  are  ever  so  spirited,  to  endure  the  exer- 
tion, but  faint  away  from  pain  in  the  feet. 

4.  Of  tracking  the  hare  there  are  many  different  modes 
among  the  same  dogs ;  for  some,  when  they  have  found  the 
track,  proceed  onwards  without  giving  any  indication,  so  that 
it  is  not  known  that  they  are  on  the  track  ;  others  merely 
move  their  ears,  and  keep  their  tail  perfectly  still ;  other 
keep  their  ears  unmoved,  but  make  a  motion  with  the  end  of 
their  tail.  5.  Some,  again,  contract  their  ears,  and,  looking 
solemnly  down  on  the  track,  pursue  their  way  along  it  with 
their  tails  lowered  and  drawn  between  their  legs  ;2  many  do 
none  of  these  things,  but  run  madly  about  the  track  when 
they  have  fallen  upon  it,  barking  and  trampling  out  the 
scent  in  the  most  senseless  manner.  6.  Others,  after  making 
many  turnings  and  windings,  and  getting  an  inkling  of  the 
scent  in  advance  of  the  hare,  leave  her  behind  ;  whenever  they 
run  upon  the  track,  they  are  never  certain  ;  and,  when  they 
see  the  hare  before  them,  they  give  signs  of  fear,  and  do  not 
advance  upon  her  until  they  see  her  start.  7.  Whatever  dogs, 
again,  in  tracking  and  pursuing,  run  forward  and  watch  fre- 
quently, at  the  same  time,  for  what  other  dogs  discover,  have 
no  confidence  in  themselves.  Some,  on  the  other  hand,  are 
so  rash  that  they  do  not  allow  the  experienced  dogs  of  the 
pack  to  precede  them,  but  keep  them  back  with  a  disturbing 
noise.  Others  pounce  on  false  scents,  and,  exulting  in  what- 
ever they  find,  take  the  lead  at  once,  though  conscious  that 
they  are  deceiving  the  rest ;  others  do  the  same  without  being 

1  Fatigued  and  unsuccessful.     Weiske. 

2  Sgotpacrat  tt/v  otipav  (cat  0pa£a<r«i.]     Retrahentea  caudam  atgue  into* 
crura  condcntes  et  continentes.     Budaeus 

VOL-    III.  i 


338  ON   HUNTING.  [CH.  3. 

conscious  of  it.  Such  dogs  are  worthless,  too,  as  never  leave 
beaten  tracks,  and  do  not  know  the  tracks  proper  to  be  fol- 
lowed. 8.  Such  dogs  also  as  do  not  know  the  footsteps 
that  lead  to  the  hare's  resting-place,  and  such  as  pass 
hastily  over  those  which  she  makes  in  running,  are  not  of  a 
good  breed. 

Some  start  in  pursuit  of  the  hare  with  great  speed,  but  re- 
lax for  want  of  spirit  ;  some  run  on,1  and  then  miss  the  scent ; 
others  run  senselessly  into  the  public  roads,  and  so  lose  it,  and 
show  the  utmost  reluctance  to  be  recalled.  Many,  abandoning 
the  pursuit,  turn  back  through  dislike  of  the  hare  ;  many,  from 
longing  for  the  society  of  their  master.  Some  try  to  draw 
the  other  dogs  from  the  track  by  yelping,  making  a  false  scent 
appear  to  be  the  true.2  10.  There  are  some  also,  which,  though 
they  do  not  act  thus,  yet  if,  while  they  are  running  on,  they 
hear  a  noise  on  any  side,  quit  their  own  course,  and  start  off 
foolishly  towards  it ;  for  some  run  after  anything  in  uncer- 
tainty, others  fancying  strongly  that  they  are  getting  on  a 
track,  others  imagining  they  have  found  one  ;  some  making  a 
feint,  while  others  maliciously  quit  the  scent,  though  they  are 
continually  straying  about  close  to  it. 

ii.  Dogs  that  have  such  faults,  most  of  them  perhaps  from 
nature,  but  some  from  having  been  unskilfully  trained,  are  of 
little  service.  Such  dogs,  indeed,  may  disgust  people  with 
hunting  who  have  a  strong  turn  for  it.  But  of  what  descrip- 
tion dogs  of  this  species3  ought  to  be,  as  to  their  shapes  and 
other  qualities,  I  will  now  proceed  to  show. 

1  'YiroQeovai.]  "  Run  after  other  dogs."  Leunclavius*  "  Cursu 
sequi."     Sturz,  Lex.  Xen. 

2  'Ek  tu>v  ixvGJv  KucXayyvlat,  i^a-narav  ireipaivrai,  aXriBrj  to.  ipEvdTj 
iroiov/xevai.]  Nonnullce  ex  vestigiis  latrantcs  aoducere  tentaut,  pro  vcris 
fdlsa  simulantes.  Leunclavius.  "  Quelques-uns  essaient  de  tromper  en 
c'abaudant  hors  de  la  passee,  pour  persuader  qu'ils  tiennent  la  veritable." 
(fail.  Xenophon  seems  to  attribute  to  dogs  more  cunning  than  they 
really  possess. 

4  Tov  ai/Tol  y'tvovc  ]     "  Of  this  same  species,"  that  is,  hunting-dog*. 


CHARACTERISTICS    OF    DOG*.  339 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Of  the  qualities  necessary  in  dogs.   Of  the  proper  times  fcr  exercising  them. 

l.  In  the  first  place,  then,  they  ought  to  be  large  ;  and,  in 
the  next,  they  should  have  their  heads  light,  short,  and  sinewy; 
the  lower  jaw  muscular ;  the  eyes  up-raised,1  black,  and 
bright ;  the  face  large  and  broad ;  the  line  dividing  the  eyes 
deep ;  the  ears  small,  thin,  and  without  hair  on  the  back  ;  the 
neck  long,  flexible,  and  round  ;  the  breast  broad  and  not 
without  flesh  ;  the  shoulder-blades  standing  out  a  little  apart 
from  the  shoulders;2  the  fore-legs  small,  straight,  round,  wiry; 
the  knees  straight  ;3  the  sides  should  not  hang  down  very 
deep,  but  run  along  obliquely;4  the  loins  should  be  fleshy 
[their  size  a  medium  between  long  and  short],  and  not  too 
soft  or  too  hard  ;  the  upper  flanks  something  between  large 
and  small ;  the  hips  should  be  round,  fleshy  towards  the  hinder 
part,  not  drawn  together  at  the  upper,5  but  closely  joined 
within  ;6  the  part  below  the  flank,  and  the  lower  flank7  itself, 
should  be  loose ;  the  tail  long,  straight,  sharp-pointed  ;  the 
thighs  firm  ;  the  lower  part  of  the  thighs8  long,  full,  compact; 

1  Sint  celsi  vultus.     Gratius,  Cyneg.  v.  269. 

2  "  Let  dogs  have  shoulders  standing  wide  apart,  not  tied  together,  but 
as  loose  and  free  from  each  other  as  possible,"  says  Arrian,  c.  5. 

3  The  joints  of  the  knee  should  not  be  prominent.     Pollux,  v.  10. 

*  The  sides,  says  Pollux,  v.  10,  should  not  be  fiaQvvontvai  irpbg  rifv 
yrjv,  not  "hang  deep  down  towards  the  ground."  Nor  should  they^  says 
Xenophon,  run  parallel  to  the  ground,  but  oblique  to  it,  or  forming  an 
angle  with  it.  So  Appian,  I.  408,  praises  TrXtvpibv  tTriicdpcrta  rapaa.  JBt 
substricta  gerens  Sicyonius  ilia  Ladon,  Ov.  Met.  hi.  2io.  The  words  in 
brackets  should  probably  be  ejected. 

4  There  should  be  "  a  broad  space  between  the  hips,"  says  Markham, 
Country  Contentments,  B.  I.  p.  48. 

6  "Ej/£o0ev  fit  7rpoaecTTa\[ikva.]  Coxas  interius  contractus.  Leuncla- 
vias.  "  Comme  se  rapprochant  interierement."  Gail.  The  two 
haunches  should  seem  as  it  were  firmly  knit  together. 

7  Td  tcdrwOtv  ra>v  Ktvt&vuiv,  &c]  "The  terms  Xayovec  and  Ktviwvf£ 
are  often  confounded.  Arrian  and  Xenophon  use  the  term  \ayoveg  to 
designate  (speaking  anatomically)  that  part  of  the  lumbar  region  behind 
the  last  >r  short  ribs,  where  the  kidneys  are  situate,  the  upper  and  anteri- 
or part  of  the  flanks  ;  Ktvewvtg,  the  lower  and  posterior  part  of  the  flanksu" 
Rev.  W.  Dansey's  translation  of  Arrian  on  Coursing  (Bohn,  1831),  c.1  5, 
note.     Weiske  understands  the  words  in  a  similar  way. 

•  'XiroKw\ia.~\     Partes  femoribtis  subjectas.     Leunclavius. 

z  2 


S40  ON   HUNTING.  [CH.  4. 

the  hinder  legs  much  longer  than  those  in  front,  and  some- 
what lean  ;  the  feet  round.1 

2.  If  the  dogs  be  shaped  thus,  they  will  be  strong,  agile, 
symmetrical,  swift ;  will  have  pleasing  looks  and  good  mouths. 
3.  They  must,  as  they  seek  for  scent,  be  easily  called  off  from 
beaten  tracks,  sloping  their  heads  down  to  the  ground,  looking 
cheerfully  as  they  come  upon  the  track,  hanging  down  their 
ears,  glancing  quickly  about  with  their  eyes,  and  wagging 
their  tails  ;  and  thus  let  them  proceed,  with  many  windings, 
along  the  track  of  the  hare  to  the  place  where  she  lies.  4. 
When  they  come  near  the  hare,  let  them  make  the  fact  mani- 
fest to  the  huntsman  by  moving  about  more  quickly,  signify- 
ing it  also  by  increased  ardour,  by  the  motion  of  their  heads, 
by  their  glances,  by  the  change  in  their  movements,  by  look- 
ing up,  and  looking  onward  to  the  seat  of  the  hare,  by  jumping 
forward,  and  backward,  and  sideways,  and  by  showing  that  they 
are  really  elated  in  their  hearts,  and  rejoiced  that  they  are  close 
upon  the  hare.  5.  They  should  pursue  vigorously,  and  never 
relax,  with  great  noise  and  barking,  ar.d  turning  in  every 
direction  with  the  hare,2  [and  should  follow  swiftly  and  unmis- 
takeably,  frequently  winding  about,  and  yelping  only  for  good 
reason  ;]3  and  they  should  never  leave  the  track  to  return  to 
the  huntsman. 

6.  With  this  shape,  and  this  action,  they  should  be  spirit- 
ed, sound  in  the  feet,  keen-scented,  and  have  good  hair.  They 
will  be  spirited,  if  they  do  not  shrink  from  the  chase  even 
when  the  heat  prevails;  they  will  be  keen-scented,  if  they 
smelF the  hare  in  bare,  arid,  sunny4  places,  when  the  sun5  is 
hich  up  in  the  sky ;  they  will  be  sound  in  the  feet,  if  their 
ieet  are  not  injured  as  they  run  over  the  mountains  in  the 
same  season  of  the  year  ;  and  they  will  have  good  hair,  if  they 
have  it  fine,  and  thick,  and  soft. 

7.  As  to  the  colour  of  dogs,  it  should  not  be  altogether 

• '  :  '  -"  His  round  cat-foot,  straight  hams,  and  wide-spread  thighs." 

Sornerville's  Ckace,  B.  I 

2  The  words  in  brackets  have  been  suspected  of  being  spurious.  Din- 
dorf  retains  them  without  any  distinctive  mark. 

3  Aticaiwc.]  This  may  be  regarded  as  said  in  opposition  to  the  remark 
about  the  deceitfulness  of  dogs  in  c.  3,  sect.  9      Sauppe. 

4  For  the  heat  of  the  sun  dissipates  the  scent.     Zeune. 

5  Toil  dffTpov  iiii6vTQ£.~\  Brodaeus  supposed  that  by  aaroov  was  meant 
Vtie  dog-star ;  but  Zeune  and  Sturz  very  reasonably  concur  in  thinking 
maa  n  aiguilles  uie  etui. 


§    S— l*.j  TRACKING   AND    SCENTING.  341 

red,  or  black,  or  white  ;  for  such  colours  are  not  the  signs  of 
3t  good  breed,  but  of  a  common  and  wild  sort.  8.  Such  as  are 
red  or  black  should  have  white  hair,  and  such  as  are  white, 
red  hair,  growing  about  the  face.  On  the  upper  part  of  the 
thighs  they  should  have  hair  growing  straight  and  long,  as 
well  as  on  the  loins  and  at  the  extremity  of  the  tail ;  at  the 
upper  part  of  the  tail  they  should  have  but  a  moderate  quan- 
tity of  hair. 

9.  It  will  be  proper  to  take  out  the  dogs  frequently  over 
hilly  grounds,  and  but  seldom  over  cultivated  fields ;  for  on 
the  hills  they  may  track  and  pursue  the  hare  without  obstruc- 
tion ;  but  on  cultivated  lands  they  can  do  neither,  on  account 
of  the  paths.1  10.  It  is  well,  too,  to  take  the  dogs,  even  when 
they  do  not  find  the  hare,  over  rough  ground  ;  for  they  thus 
strengthen  their  feet,  and  are  also  benefited  by  exercising 
their  bodies  over  such  land.  11.  In  summer  they  should  be 
taken  out  till  noon  ;  in  winter,  through  the  whole  day  :  in 
autumn,  after  noon  ;  in  spring,  before  evening;  for  these  are 
the  times  when  the  temperature  is  moderate. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Of  the  tracks,  scent,  and  habits  of  hares. 

I.  The  tracks  of  the  hare  are  long  in  winter,  on  account 
of  the  length  of  the  nights  ; 2  in  summer  they  are  short,  for 
the  contrary  reason.  In  winter,  too,  there  is  no  scent  from 
them  in  the  morning,  whenever  there  is  hoar  frost  or  icej3 
for  the  hoar  frost,  by  its  influence,  draws  the  heat  into  it  and 
retains  it,  while  the  ice  congeals  it.  2.  Those  dogs,  according- 
ly, which  have  dull  noses,  are  unable  to  scent  the  track  when 
there  is  such  weather,  until  the  sun,  or  the  advance  of  the 

1  As  the  beaten  tracks  or  paths  are  apt  to  draw  them  off  ihe  scent  and 
mislead  them.     See  ^Elian,  Hist.  An.  xiii.  24. 

2  As  the  hare  has  then  time  to  go  over  much  ground. 

3  Yla\vr]  q  Trayi.T0Q.~\  Pruina  and  gelu  are  the  significations  given  to 
these  words -by  Zeune ;  and  Schneidei  concurs  with  him.  Some  editors 
have  been  in  doubt  respecting  them. 


342  ON    HUNTING.  [CH.    5. 

day,  relaxes  the  frost  and  ice;  and  then  the  dogs  can  smell, 
and  the  track  itself,  while  it  sends  up  a  vapour,  gives  forth 
also  a  scent.  3.  Much  dew,  too,  dulls  the  scent  by  keeping 
it  down  ; l  and  rains,  which  fall  after  long  intervals,  raise 
odours  from  the  ground,  and  render  the  track  of  the  hare 
difficult  to  scent,  until  they  are  dried  up.2  Southerly  winds 
also  make  the  scent  fainter,  for  they  spread  moisture  through 
the  air;  but  northerly  winds  fix  the  scent,  if  it  has  not 
previously  been  dispelled,3  and  preserve  it.  4.  Rains,  in 
general,  and  dews  drown  it ;  and  the  moon  dulls  it  by  her 
warmth,4  especially  when  it  is  full.  Scent,  indeed,  is  then 
most  scarce ;  for  the  hares,  pleased  with  the  light,  and  jump- 
ing up,  as  they  sport  with  one  another,  place  their  steps  at 
long  intervals.  Scent  is  perplexed,  also,  when  foxes  have 
crossed  the  ground  previously. 

5.  The  spring,  from  the  temperature  of  the  weather, 
renders  the  scent  exceedingly  clear,  unless  perchance  the 
ground,  where  it  is  covered  with  flowers,  may  inconvenience 
the  dogs,  by  mingling  the  odour  of  the  flowers  with  that  of 
the  hare.  In  summer  it  is  weak  and  uncertain  ;  for  the 
ground,  being  warm,  absorbs  the  warmth  which  the  scent  has, 
and  which  is  but  slight ;  while  the  dogs  have  at  that  time 
less  power  of  smelling,  because  their  bodies  are  relaxed. 
In  the  autumn  the  scent  is  clear  ;  for  of  the  productions  which 
the  earth  yields,  those  which  are  cultivated  have  been  then 
gathered  in,  and  the  wild  have  withered  away ;  so  that  the 
odours  of  the  plants  do  not  trouble  the  scent  by  mingling  with 
it.  6.  The  tracks,  also,  in  winter  and  summer,  as  well  as  in 
autumn,  are  mostly  straight;  but  in  spring  they  are  perplexed; 
for  the  animals,  which  are  indeed  perpetually  coupling, 
couple  most  at  this  season,  and  hence,  by  straying  about  with 
one  another  hither  and  hither,  they  necessarily  produce  this 
inconvenience. 

7.  From  the  step3  which  a  hare  takes  in  going   to  her 

1  KarcHpipovaa.]     Deprimendo,  supprimendo.     Zeune. 

2  \pvX^y  J     Exsiccetur.     Leunclavius. 

3  'E&v  y  akvra.~\  The  cold  attendant  on  the  north-wind  fixes  the 
scent,  if  the  violence  with  which  it  blows  has  not  previously  dissipated 
it.     I  follow  Weiske  in  the  interpretation  of  aXvra. 

*  The  ancients  supposed  that  a  portion  of  gentle  heat  proceeded  from 
the  moon,  as  appears  from  Plutarch,  Q.N.  c.  24;  Sympos.  hi.  10 j 
Ariatot.  Gen.  Animal,  iv.  10;  Macrob.  Saturn  vii.  16. 


§    8 — 13.]  TRACKING  AND    SCENTING.  343 

resting-place  there  arises  a  stronger  scent  than  from  those 
which  she  takes  in  running  away  from  it ;  for  those  which 
she  takes  in  going  thither  are  made  at  a  slower  and  irregular 
pace,1  those  which  she  takes  in  running  from  it,  at  a  quicker; 
the  ground  is  accordingly  saturated  with  the  scent  of  the  one, 
but  is  not  even  filled  with  that  of  the  other. 

The  scent  is  stronger,  likewise,  on  woody  than  on  bare 
ground;  for  the  hare,  as  she  runs  about,  and  occasionally 
rests,  touches  many  objects.  8.  Hares  sink  down  on  what- 
ever the  earth  produces  or  has  on  it,  under  all  kinds  of  things, 
or  above  them,  or  among  them,  or  close  by  them,  or  at  some 
distance,  great  or  small,  from  them  or  within  them;2  some- 
times springing,  too,  as  far  as  they  can,  over  the  sea,  or  into 
water,  if  there  be  anything  rising  above  it  or  growing  on  it. 
9;  The  hare,  when  it  wishes  to  settle,  makes  its  nest,  for  the 
most  part,  in  warm  spots,  when  it  is  cold ;  when  it  is  hot,  in 
shady  ones ;  in  spring  and  autumn,  in  places  exposed  to  the 
sun  :  those  that  are  unsettled  may  act  otherwise,  from  being 
scared  by  dogs.  10.  As  it  reclines,  it  draws  the  inner  part 
of  the  thighs3  under  its  flanks,  putting  the  fore-legs  together, 
for  the  most  part,  and  stretching  them  out,  resting  the  chin 
on  the  tips  of  the  feet,  and  spreading  the  ears  over  the 
shoulder-blades  ;  by  which  means  it  covers  the  soft  parts  of 
the  neck  ;  4  and  it  has  also  its  hair  as  a  protection,  being 
thick  and  soft.  11.  When  it  is  awake,  it  winks  with  its 
eyelids ;  but  when  it  is  asleep,  the  eyelids  are  raised  and 
fixed,  and  the  eyes  continue  unmoved  ;  also,  while  asleep,  it 
moves  its  nostrils  frequently,  but  when  not  asleep,  less  often. 

12.  When  the  ground  is  giving  forth  herbage,  the  cultivated 
plains  attract  the  hare  more  than  the  hills.  It  stops,  when  it 
is  tracked,  in  any  place  whatever,  unless  it  be  excessively 
frightened  at  night ;  when  it  is  thus  affected,  it  hastens  off  to 
other  parts.  13.  It  is  so  prolific  an  animal,  that  when  the 
female  has  brought  forth,  she  is  ready  to  bring  forth  again, 

1  'E<pi<TTafievog.']     Interdum  subsistens.     Schneider. 

2  M£Ttt£u  T6vT<ov.~\  Intra  easdem  res,  so  that  the  hare  sits  upon  the 
bare  ground,  but  sheltered  on  all  sides  by  the  objects  with  which  she  is 
surrounded.      Weiske. 

3  'T7ro(cwX<rt.]     Partes  femorum  interiores.     Zeune. 

4  To  vypa.~\  That  is,  the  back  parts  of  the  neck,  which  are  soft  and 
tender.     Brodmus.     "  The  tender  parts."     Blane. 


344  ON    HUNTING.  [CH.  5. 

and  is  at  the  same  time  conceiving  a  third  brood.1  From  the 
young  hares  there  is  more  scent  than  from  the  full-grown ;  for, 
as  their  limbs  are  weak,  they  drag  them  all  along  upon  the 
ground.  1-4.  The  very  young  ones  the  huntsmen  let  go,  from 
respect  to  the  goddess.2  Those  that  are  a  year  old  run  their 
first  heat  with  great  speed ;  the  others  not  so  swiftly,  for, 
though  they  are  nimble,  they  are  not  strong. 

15.  To  find  the  track  of  the  hare,  it  is  necessary  to  take  the 
dogs  by  the  parts  above  the  cultivated  grounds;3  (such  of 
the  hares  as  do  not  come  into  cultivated  lands  betake  them- 
selves to  meadows,  glades,  banks  of  streams,  rocks,  or  woods ;) 
and  if  the  hare  move,  we  must  take  care  not  to  cry  out,  lest 
the  dogs  should  be  startled,4  and  find  a  difficulty  in  following 
the  track.  16.  When  they  are  discovered  by  the  dogs,  and 
pursued,  they  sometimes  cross  over  brooks,  and  double, 
and  slink  away  into  clefts  and  tortuous  hiding-places ;  for 
they  fear  not  only  dogs,  but  also  eagles,  since,  as  they  pass 
over  flat  slopes  and  open  places,  they  are  frequently  carried 
off  by  them,  whilst  they  are  under  a  year  old.  The  older 
ones  the  dogs  pursue  and  carry  off. 

17.  Those  that  frequent  the  hills  are  the  swiftest,  those  in 
the  plains  are  less  so,  and  those  that  are  about  marshy  grounds 
are  the  slowest.  Those  that  wander  over  all  sorts  of  ground 
are  more  difficult  to  pursue,  for  they  know  the  short  cuts ; 
and  they  run  chiefly  up  slopes  or  along  level  spots;  over 
unequal  ground  they  run  irregularly,  and  least  of  all  down- 
hill. 

18.  When  they  are  pursued,  they  are  seen  best  on  land  that 
is  turned  up,  if  they  hi*  ve  a  little  redness  of  colour;5  and  they 
are  also  seen  well  on  stubble,  by  the  light  reflected  on  them  ; fi 

1  Superfoetation  is  attributed  to  hares  by  many  writers  of  antiquity,  as 
Aristot.  Hist.  An.  iv.  5 ;  JSlian,  Hist.  An.  ii.  12  ;  Herodot.  iii.  108  ;  Pliny, 
H.  N.  viii.  55;  and  Sir  Thomas  Brown,  in  his  Vulgar  Errors,  bears 
testimony  to  it  from  his  own  observation. 

2  Diana. 

3  He  means  that  we  are  to  send  the  dogs  down  into  the  fields  from  the 
higher  grounds      Sauppe. 

*  'E/c0povf£.]      Blane   renders   the   word,  "  being  made  too  eager.' 
Leunclavius,  "  attonitae." 

5  Xenophon  speaks  of  some  being  of  a  yellowish  colour,  sect.  22. 

6  'Avravyvav.^  Splendoris  reflexionem.  Leunclavius.  The  light  re- 
flected from  the  stubble  or  straw  on  the  hare.  Suidas  speaks  of  light 
being  thus  reflected  from  snow,  v.  avravytiQ. 


§    19— 26. J  HUNTING    THE    HARK  345 

they  appear  very  plain,  too,  along  paths  and  roads,  at  least 
such  as  are  level  ;  for  the  bright  hue  of  their  hair  strikes  the 
eye ;  but  when  they  run  away  among  stones,  and  hills,  and 
rocky  and  woody  ground,  they  are  not  easily  perceived,  on 
account  of  the  similarity  of  the  colour. 

19.  When  they  are  in  advance  of  the  dogs,  they  will  stop 
and  squat  down,  and  then  raise  themselves  up  to  listen 
whether  any  barking  or  noise  of  dogs  is  near  them  ;  and,  on 
whatever  quarter  they  hear  any,  they  turn  away  from  it. 
20.  Sometimes,  also,  when  they  hear  none,  but  fancy  or  are 
persuaded  in  themselves  that  they  hear  some,  they  run  re- 
peatedly by  and  over  the  same  ground,  varying  their  steps, 
and  making  track  upon  track.  21,  Those  make  the  longest 
runs  which  are  found  on  open  grounds,  from  the  view  being 
unobstructed  ;  those  run  the  shortest  distance  which  are 
started  from  woody  places,  as  the  obscurity  is  a  hindrance  to 
them. 

22.  There  are  two  sorts  of  hares  ;  for  some  are  large  and 
blackish,  and  have  a  great  deal  of  white  in  the  face  ;  while 
others  are  smaller  and  somewhat  yellow,  and  have  but  little 
white.  23.  Some  have  the  tail  varied  with  rings  of  different 
colours  ;  others  have  it  streaked.1  Some  have  the  eyes  grey- 
ish, others  somewhat  blue.  In  some  the  black  at  the  tips  ol 
the  ears  spreads  over  a  large  space  ;  in  others,  over  but  a 
small  one.  24.  The  lesser  sort  most  of  the  islands  contain; 
as  well  the  desert  as  the  inhabited  ;  and  they  are  more  numer- 
ous in  the  islands  than  on  continents,  for  there  are  in  most  oi 
them  neither  foxes,  which  attack  and  destroy  both  them  and 
their  young  ones,  nor  eagles,  which  large  mountains  rather 
than  small  produce,  and  the  mountains  in  islands  are  generally 
of  the  less  elevated  sort.  25.  Hunters,  too,  come  but  seldom 
into  desert  islands  ;  and  on  those  which  are  inhabited  there 
are  but  few  people,  and  comparatively  few  of  them  given,  to 
hunting  ;  while  into  the  sacred  islands  it  is  not  lawful  even  to 
transport  dogs.  Since,  therefore,  the  inhabitants  hunt  but 
few  of  those  which  exist,  and  which  are  constantly  multiplying, 
there  must  be  a  great  number  of  them. 

26.  The  hare  has  not  a  keen  sight,  for  many  reasons  ;  for 

'   Tlapaotipov.]      Albedine    insignem    longiore   spatio.       Lennciavins* 
'  An  den  Suiten  weiss."     Lenz.    "  Auf  den  Seiten  der  Lau^e  uach  ges 
ti  eil't  • ' '     C'hr  it  tian. 


846  ON   HUNTING.  [CH.  5. 

it  has  its  eyes  prominent,  and  the  eye-lids  small,  affording  no 
projection  for  the  eye-balls  ;  and  their  sight  is  on  this  account 
dim  and  dispersed.1  27.  In  addition  to  this,  the  animal,  being 
much  given  to  sleep,  is  by  that  means  not  improved  in  its 
sight.2  The  swiftness  with  which  it  runs,  too,  tends  greatly 
to  trouble  its  vision  ;  for  it  turns  off  its  eyes  from  objects  be- 
fore it  can  perceive  what  they  are.  The  terror  from  the  dogs, 
likewise,  following  upon  it  with  them  when  it  is  chased, 
deprives  it  of  all  power  of  foresight ;  and  hence  it  runs 
against  many  objects,  and  falls  into  nets,  before  it  is  aware. 
29.  If  it  ran,  however,  straight  onwards,  it  would  but  seldom 
meet  with  such  mishaps  ;  but,  as  it  winds  about,  and  feels  an 
attraction  towards  the  place  in  which  it  was  born  and  bred, 
it  is  consequently  captured.  Yet  it  is  not  often  captured  by 
the  dogs  by  speed  of  foot ;  but  such  as  are  caught  are  caught 
in  spite  of  their  natural  conformation,  and  under  the  influence 
of  chance  ;  for  of  all  animals  that  exist,  no  one  of  the  same 
size  is  equal  to  the  hare  in  swiftness  ;  such  is  the  nature  of 
the  parts  of  which  its  body  is  composed. 

30.  It  has  a  head  light,  small,  looking  downwards,  and  nar- 
row in  the  forepart  ;  a  neck  slender,  round,  not  stiff,  and  of  a 
proper  length  ;  shoulder-blades  straight,  and  not  contracted  at 
the  top  ;3  the  legsjoinedtothem,  lightand  well  attached  ;4  the 
breast  not  heavy  with  flesh  ;5  the  sides  light  and  symmetrical ; 
the  loins  agile  ;  the  hams  fleshy  ;  the  flanks  yielding  and 
sufficiently  loose  ;  the  hips  round,  full  everywhere,  and  separ- 
ated above  by  a  proper  interval ;  the  thighs  long,  of  due 
thickness,  tense  on  the  outside,  and  not  turgid  within  ;  the 
hind  legs  long  and  firm  ;  the  fore  feet  extremely  flexible, 
narrow,  and  straight  ;6  the  hind  ones  firm  and  broad  ;  all  the 

1  Because,  according  to  Xenophon's  notion,  the  eyes,  from  being  pro- 
minent, emit  rays  in  all  directions,  dispersing  or  diffusing  them.  Weiske. 
This  was  probably  the  notion  of  the  ancients  in  general  about  th  s  matter. 

8  The  eyes  not  being  sufficiently  exercised. 

3  Comp.  c.  4,  sect.  1. 

4  SrijjGoc  ov  fi~apvTOvov.~\  Weiske  supposes  ov  fiapvTovov  to  be  equi- 
valent to  ov  fiapewg  Kara  rtivov,  "not  drawing  down  heavily,"  or  to  the 
term  which  Pollux  uses  in  speaking  on  the  same  subject,  ov  aapKubdeg. 

s  tYiroKU)\ta.~\  This  word  seems  to  mean  here,  all  the  part  between  the 
hams  and  the  feet.     Comp.  sect.  10. 

*  SuyjcwAa.]    Partibus  bene  junctis.   Leunclavius.     Compacta.     Phi 
lelphus. 


§    31  —34.]  Nl-UBLENESS    OF    THE    HARE.  347 

feet  caring  nothing  for  rough  ground  ;  the  hind  legs  much 
thicker  than  the  fore  ones,  and  bending  a  little  outwards  ;  the 
hair  short  and  light.  31.  Accordingly  it  is  impossible  that 
an  animal  composed  of  such  parts  should  not  be  strong,  agile, 
and  extremely  nimble. 

That  it  is  nimble  we  have"  sufficient  proof;  for  when  it 
goes  along  quietly,  it  proceeds  by  leaps  ;  no  man  has  ever  seen 
it,  or  ever  will  see  it,  walking  ;  but,  putting  the  hind  feet  in 
advance  of  the  fore  feet,  and  on  the  outside  of  them,  it  springs 
forward.  This  is  plainly  seen  by  the  marks  which  it  makes 
on  the  snow.  32.  It  has  a  tail,  however,  not  very  conducive 
to  speed  ;  for  it  cannot  steer  the  body  on  account  of  its  short- 
ness ;  but  the  animal  produces  this  effect  by  the  alternate  ac- 
tion of  the  ears,  continuing  it,  even  when  it  is  on  the  very 
point  of  being  caught  by  the  dogs  ;  for,  lowering  one  ear,  and 
turning  it  obliquely  on  the  side  on  which  it  is  threatened 
with  annoyance,  it  first  sways  itself  in  that  direction,1  and 
then  turns  off  suddenly  in  the  other,  and  leaves  its  pursuers 
behind  in  a  moment. 

33.  It  is  so  pleasing  an  animal,  that  no  one  who  sees  it, 
whether  when  it  is  tracked  and  discovered,  or  when  it  is  pur- 
sued or  caught,  would  not  forget  whatever  other  object  he  ad- 
mired.2 

34.  In  hunting  on  cultivated  grounds,  the  huntsman  must 
abstain  from  injuring  the  fruits  of  the  season,  and  must  leave 
springs  and  streams  3  undisturbed  ;  for  to  interfere  with  these 
is  contrary  to  propriety  and  morality,  and  it  is  to  be  feared  that 
those  who  see  such  proceedings  may  set  the  law  at  defiance.4 

1  'Airtpeidofievog  #i)  tig  tovto  v7rooTps0«rai.]  There  has  been  much 
doubt  about  the  sense,  as  well  as  the  reading,  of  these  words.  1  have 
given  them  that  interpretation  which  seems  to  he  required. 

2  'E7riXa0cur'  av  el  rov  sp^rj.]  "  On  this  point  alone  I  cannot  agree 
with  my  namesake.  I  allow  indeed  that  a  man  may  forget  every  other 
object  of  which  he  is  enamoured,  when  he  sees  a  hare  found  and  pursued 
at  speed ;  hut  to  see  her  taken  is,  I  own,  neither  a  pleasant  nor  striking 
spectacle;  but  disagreeable  rather,  and  not  at  all  likely  to  make  us  for- 
getful of  other  objects  of  attachment.  Yet  we  must  not  blame  Xeno- 
phon,  considering  he  was  ignorant  of  greyhounds,  if  even  the  capture  of  a 
hare  appeared  to  him  a  grand  sight."  Arrian,  c.  17,  Dansey's  Transla- 
tion. 

9  Because  fountains  and  streams  were  regarded  as  sacred,  says  Blane. 
No  commentator  has  found  a  better  reason. 

*  Xenophon  exhorts  hunters  to  do  no  injury  to  the  fruits  of  the  earth, 
and  not  to  violate  the  sanctity  of  springs  and  rivers,  lest  others  should 


548  ON.  HUNTINfJ-      -  [CH.    U 

When  it  is  not  a  time  for  hunting.1  it  will  be  proper  to  re- 
move2 all  the  hunting  implemenls. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Of  the  equipment  for  dogs,  §  1.  Of  the  management  of  the  dogs,  and  time 
for  hunting,  2 — 4.  Ot  ths  net-keeper,  5 — 10.  Of  the  hunter's  dress  and 
modes  of  proceeding,  11 — ^6. 

1.  The  equipments  for  dogs  are  collars,3  leashes,  and  girths.4 
Let  the  collars  be  soft  as  well  as  broad,  that  they  may  not 
wear  off  the  dog's  hair.  Let  the  leashes  have  loops  for  the 
hand  attached  to  them,  but  nothing  else ;  for  those  who  form 
the  collars  out  of  the  leashes5  do  not  manage  well  for  their 
dogs.  Let  the  girths  have  broad  bands,  that  they  may  not 
frail  their  flanks ;  and  let  there  be  iron  points  stitched  into 
them,  that  they  may  protect  the  breeds.0 

2.  But  it  is  improper  to  take  dogs  out  to  hunt,  whenever 
they  do  not  readily  take  the  food  that  is  put  before  them,  as 
this  is  a  sufficient  indication  that  they  are  out  of  health  ;  or 
whenever  the  wind  blows  very  strong,  as  the  wind  scatters 
the  scent,  and  the  dogs  are  unable  to  catch  it,  nor  will  the 
nets,  either  small  or  large,  stand.  8.  When  neither  of  these 
obstacles  presents  itself,  however,  we  should  take  them  out 
every  third  day. 

Foxes  we  should  not  accustom  the  dogs  to  hunt,  for  it  is  a 

be  led  by  their  example  to  pay  less  respect  to  law  and  custom.    So  Weiske 
and  Portus  understand  the  passage. 

'  'Avaypia.]  On  festival  days,  I  suppose,  on  which  it  was  forbidden 
by  law  to  hunt.    Weiske.     Sauppe  agrees  with  him. 

2  'AvaXvuv.']  Refigere.  That  is,  if  Weiske's  notion  of  avaypia  be 
right,  we  must  not  leave  even  the  nets  standing  on  festival  days. 

3  Akpaia."\  Atpaiov  is  ifidg  nXarvg  mpi  rip  rpaxv^W>  "  a  broad 
strap  about  the  neck."  Pollux,  v.  55. 

4  SrtX/ioWai.]  Girths  or  broad  belts  passing  round  from  the  collar  on 
each  side  the  body  to  protect  it,  as  well  as  for  the  purpose  mentioned  at 
the  end  of  the  section.  Pollux,  v.  55.  "  Surcingles  to  guard  the  body." 
Blane. 

5  That  is,  make  the  leash  and  collar  out  of  one  piece  of  leather.  We 
**an  hardly  conceive  how  so  foolish  a  practice  could  have  been  adopted. 

6  'Qg  fit)    oxevoiro    r}    KVit)V, rov    \ir\    »  T-"7r\rj<76'//vai    tZ     iyivvm 

Xoipt*.    i'oliux,  v.  55. 


§4- -6.]  MANAGEMENT    OF    DOGS.  3 19 

great  means  of  spoiling  them,  and  they  lose  their  readiness  tc 
follow  where  you  require.1 

4.  You  should  take  them  to  hunt  on  different  grounds  at 
different  times,  in  order  that  they  may  experience  varieties 
in  the  chase,  and  that  you  yourself  may  become  acquainted 
with  the  country.  You  should  go  out  with  them  in  the 
morning,  that  they  may  not  fail  of  finding  the  track  ;  for 
those  who  go  out  late  deprive  the  dogs  of  all  chance  of  find- 
ing the  hare,  and  themselves  of  all  profit  from  their  efforts ; 
for  the  consistence  of  the  scent,  which  is  very  subtle,  does 
not  remain  the  same  throughout  all  the  hours  of  the  day. 2 

5.  Let  the  attendant  that  has  charge  of  the  nets  go  out  to 
hunt  in  a  dress  that  is  not  at  all  heavy ;  and  let  him  fix  the 
nets  about  passages  3  that  are  rough,  sloping,  open,  or  dark, 
and  about  brooks,  glades,  or  waterfalls  that  are  constantly 
running  down  ravines  (for  it  is  in  such  places  that  the  hare 
mostly  seeks  refuge  ;  to  how  many  others  she  may  flee  it 
would  be  endless  to  specify)  ;  6.  and  let  him  set  them  at  tracks 
that  run  along  by  these  or  across  them,  whether  they  be 
plainly  marked  or  scarcely  perceptible,  placing  them  at 
dawn  and  not  earlier,  lest,  if  the  part  where  they  are  fixed  be: 
near  the  hunting-grounds,  the  animal  may  be  frightened  at 
hearing  the  noise.  Should  the  two  places,  however,  be  at  a 
considerable  distance  from  each  other,  that  circumstance  will 
put  less  restraint  on  those  who  clear  the  place  for  fixing  the 
nets,  that  nothing  may  interfere  with  them.4 

1  'Ev  T(p  dtovTt.~\     When  you  want  them  to  hunt  the  hare,  they  are 
ready  to  be  drawn  away  by  the  scent  of  a  fox,  if  it  cross  their  path. 
1  Seneca,  Hippol.  41  : 

Dum  lux  dubia  est,  dum  signa  pedum 
Roscida  tellus  impressa  tenet. 
Nemesian,  v.  324: 

Venenum,  dum  mane  novum,  dum  mollia  prata 
Nocturnis  calcata  feris  vestigia  servant. 
Gratius,  v.  223  : 

Prhnae  lucis  opus  ;  turn  signa  vapore  ferino 
Intemerata  legens. 
So  Apol.  Rhod.  v.  111.     Sauppe. 

3  Ap6juov£.]  Openings  or  paths  wh  .re  the  hare  runs,  or  is  likely  to 
run. 

4  There  is  some  difference  among  the  editors  as  to  the  collocation  and 
connexion  of  some  words  here ;  I  have  deserted  Dindorf  and  followed 
Sauppe.  _    .   .  . 


350  ON   HUNTING.  "jll.  6 

7.  He  who  has  the  management  of  the  nets  should  fix  the 
props  sloping  forward,1  that  when  they  are  pulled  they  may 
offer  resistance.2  Let  him  put  the  loops  uniformly  on  the 
tops,3  and  fix  the  props  regularly,  putting  the  higher  ones  to- 
wards the  centre  of  the  hollow  part  of  the  net.  8.  To  the  end 
of  the  rope  that  runs  round  the  net  let  him  attach  along  large 
stone,  in  order  that  the  net,  when  it  has  caught  the  hare,  may 
not  be  pulled  in  the  contrary  direction.  Let  him  carry  his 
nets  in  a  long  range,  as  well  as  have  them  high,  that  the  hare 
may  not  leap  over.  In  tracking  the  hare,  he  should  make  no 
delay  ;4  for  it  is  sportsman-like,  as  well  as  a  proof  of  fondness 
for  exertion,  to  use  every  means  to  capture  the  animal 
speedily. 

9.  The  larger  nets  let  him  fix  on  level  spots,  and  road-nets 
at  the  roads,  stretching  them  from  the  roads  in  proper  direc- 
tions,5 attaching  the  rones  that  run  round  the  nets  to  the 
ground,  bringing  the  extremities  together,6  fixing  the  stakes 
between  the  edges,7  putting  the  ropes  running  at  the  top  of 
the  net  on  the  points  of  them,  and  stopping  up  the  inter- 
vals.8 io.  Let  him  then  walk  round  and  keep  watch ;  if  any 
stake  or  net  give  way,  let  him  put  it  up ;  if  the  hare  is  pur- 
sued towards  the  nets,  let  him  allow  her  to  go  straight  for- 
ward, and  then  run  after  and  shout ;  and  when  the  hare  has 
fallen  into  the  nets,  let  him  check  the  impetuosity  of  the  dogs, 
not  by  touching  them,  but  by  calling  to  them ;    and  let  him 

1  Towards  the  have.  Weiske.  That  is,  towards  the  quarter  from 
which  the  hare  is  likely  to  come  towards  the  net. 

2  That  they  may  be  less  likely  to  be  pulled  over  when  the  hare  rur* 
into  the  net  and  struggles  to  extricate  herself. 

3  An  equal  number  of  loops  or  meshes  on  each  prop.     Sshneider. 

4  The  soundness  of  the  text  in  this  passage  is  very  doubtful.  'Yirtp- 
€a\\eo9ai,  or  v-Ktpip&aXktaQai,  most  of  the  interpreters  translate  by 
morari. 

5  'Ejc  tu>v  Tpififiojv  tig  to.  crvfityspovTa.]  Opportitnis  extra  ipsos  trami- 
tes  locis.  Leunclavius.  This  seems  to  be  the  only  true  interpretation  of 
these  words.  Weiske  would  have  them  signify  "at  the  parts  meeting 
from  paths,"  i.  e.  at  places  where  two  or  more  paths  meet,  and  he  is  fol- 
lowed by  the  Latin  translator  in  Didot's  edition  of  Dindorf.  Schneider 
objects  to  Weiske's  notion. 

6  Bringing  the  extremities  of  the  net  at  the  top  towards  one  another,  so 
that  the  net  may  form  part  of  a  circle ;  or,  as  Sauppe  thinks,  connecting 
the  extreme  edges  of  two  nets. 

T  These,  apparently,  must  be  the  edges  of  two  nets  meeting. 

*  'Id  irapahpopa .]     Any  openings  by  which  the  hare  might  run  past 


§  11 — 17.]  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  HUNTSMAN.  3.51 

signify  to  the  huntsman,  by  crying  out,  that  the  hare  is  taken, 
or  that  it  has  gone  by  on  this  or  that  side,  or  that  he  has  not 
seen  it,  or  where  he  saw  it. 

11.  The  huntsman  should  go  out  to  the  chase  in  a  plain  light 
dress,  with  shoes  of  a  similar  description,  and  with  a  thick 
staff  in  his  hand  ;  the  man  who  manages  the  nets  should  fol- 
low him  ;  and  they  should  proceed  to  the  hunting-ground  in 
silence,  lest  the  hare,  if  she  happen  to  be  near,  should  run  off 
on  hearing  their  voices.  12.  Having  tied  the  dogs  to  trees, 
each  separately,  that  they  may  be  easily  unfastened,  let  them 
fix  the  smaller  and  larger  nets,  as  has  been  said ;  and  then  let 
the  net-keeper  continue  on  the  watch,  while  the  huntsman 
takes  the  dogs  and  proceeds  to  bring  the  prey  towards  the 
net.1  13.  Next  vowing  to  Apollo  and  to  Diana  the  Huntress 
to  offer  them  a  share  of  what  is  captured,  let  him  loose  that 
one  of  his  dogs  which  is  most  skilful  in  tracking  ;  and  let  this 
be  done,  if  it  is  winter,  at  sunrise ;  if  summer,  before  day- 
break ;  and  at  other  seasons  between  the  two.  14.  When  the 
dog,  out  of  all  the  tracks  that  intersect  one  another,  has 
found  the  right  one,  let  the  hunter  set  loose  another  dog,  and 
when  this  one  has  gained  the  track,  let  him  loose  the  others 
one  by  one  at  no  long  intervals,  and  follow  them,  not  urging 
them,  but  calling  each  by  name,  yet  not  frequently,  lest  they 
should  be  excited  before  the  proper  time.  15.  The  dogs  will 
hasten  forward  with  joy  and  spirit,  discovering  two  or  three 
tracks,  as  the  case  may  be,  proceeding  along  and  over  them., 
as  they  intersect,  form  circles,  run  straight  or  winding,  are 
strong  or  weak,  recognised  or  unrecognised ;  the  animals 
passing  by  one  another,  waving  their  tails  about  incessantly, 
hanging  down  their  ears,  and  casting  bright  gleams  from 
their  eyes.  16.  When  they  are  near  the  hare,  they  will  make 
it  known  to  the  huntsman  by  shaking  not  only  their  tails  but 
their  whole  bodies,  advancing  as  it  were  with  hostile  ardour, 
hastening  emulously  past  each  other,  running  resolutely  in 
concert,  coming  quickly  together,  separating,  and  again  ad- 
vancing, till  at  last  they  will  hit  upon  the  hare's  hiding-place, 
and  rush  towards  her.  17.  She,  starting  up  suddenly,  will 
raise  behind  her,  as  she  flees,  a  loud  barking  and  clamour 
from  the  dogs ;  and  then  let  the  men  call  after  her,  as  she  is 

1  Eig  viraydjyrjv  tov  Kwriyecriov.]  Ad  lepores  callide  inducendos. 
Weiske. 


352  ON    HUNTING.  [CH.  6, 

pursued,  "  Forward,  dogs,  forward  !  Right,-  dogs  !  Well  don*3, 
dogs  !"  and  then  let  the  huntsman,  wrapping  his  cloak  round 
his  hand,1  and  taking  his  staff,  run  along  the  track  of  the  dogs 
toward  the  hare,  taking  care  not  to  come  in  the  teeth  of  them, 
i'qr  that  would  perplex  them.2  18.  The  hare,  retreating  and 
soon  getting  out  of  sight,  will  in  general  come  round  again  to 
the  place  from  which  she  was  started.  The  huntsman  must 
cry,  "  Upon  her,  boy,  upon  her  !  Now  boy,  now  boy  !"  and 
the  boy  must  intimate  whether  she  is  caught  or  not.  If  she 
is  caught  in  the  first  run,  he  must  call  in  the  dogs,  and  s^ek 
for  another;  if  not,  he  must  still  run  on  with  the  dogs  with 
all  possible  speed,  not  relaxing,  but  hurrying  forward  with 
the  utmost  exertion.  19.  If  the  dogs,  as  they  pursue,  fall  in 
with  her  again,  he  must  shout,  "  Well  done,  well  done,  dogs  ! 
Follow,  dogs!"  and  if  the  dogs  get  far  before  him,  and  he  is 
unable,  pursuing  their  track,  to  come  up  with  them,  but  misses 
the  way  which  they  have  taken,  or  cannot  see  them,  though 
they  are  straying  about  somewhere  near,  or  yelping,  or  keep- 
ing on  the  scent,  he  may,  as  he  runs  on,  call  out  to  any  one 
that  he  meets,  and  ask,  "  Have  you  seen  my  dogs  anywhere  ?" 

20.  When  he  has  discovered  where  they  are,  he  may,  if  they 
are  on  the  track,  go  up  to  them  and  encourage  them,  repeat- 
ing, as  often  as  he  can,  the  name  of  each  dog,  and  varying 
the  tones  of  his  voice,  making  it  sharp  or  grave,  or  gentle  or 
strong.  In  addition  to  other  exhortations,  he  may.  if  the 
pursuit  is  on  a  hill,  call  out  thus,  "  Well  done,  dogs !  Well 
done!"  but  if  they  are  not  on  the  track,  but  have  gone  be- 
yond it,  he  must  call  to  them,  "  Come  back,  come  back,  dogs  !" 

21.  After  they  have  come  upon  the  track,  he  must  lead  them 
round,3  making  many  and  frequent  windings  ;  and  wherever  the 
scent  is  obscure,  he  ought  to  take  a  stake  as  a  mark  for  himself,4 

'  "O  a,uTrk\iTai.'\  "  That  with  which  he  is  clad,"  i.  e.  his  outer  gar- 
itif  at.  For  a  protection  against  the  dogs,  as  it  would  seem.  Pollux,  v.  3, 
shaking  of  hunting  the  larger  beasts,  says  that  the  hunter  "must  wrap 
his  cloak  round  his  hand,  when  he  has  to  pursue  or  contend  with  them." 

2  "Xttoqov  yap.]  Periculosum  enim  est.  Leonicenus.  Difficultatem 
afferat.  Sephanus.  "The  hare  would  in  that  case  be  turned  aside  or 
driven  off."      Weiske. 

3  "  If  the  dogs  are  anywhere  at  fault,"  says  Gratius,  ver.  224,  "  the 
hunter  makes  a  wider  circuit,  and,  when  they  have  found  the  true  scent* 
pursues  it  directly." 

4  Y,rjfifXov  9'fjdai  aroixov  eavr(p.~\    It  is  quite  uncertain  what  is  the  sig- 


8  12-^15.]   HOW  TO  ENCOURAGE  THE  DOGS.  353 

and  draw  the  dogs  round  by  this,  cheering  and  sooth- 
ing them,  until  they  plainly  recognise  the  track.  )?. 
They,  as  soon  as  the  track  is  clear,  will  throw  themselves 
forward,  and  leap  from  side  to  side,  will  seem  to  have  a  com- 
mon feeling,  and  to  be  forming  conjectures,  making  signs  to 
one  another,  and  fixing  as  it  were  recognised  bounds  for 
themselves,1  and  will  start  forward  quickly  in  pursuit ;  but 
while  they  thus  run  hither  and  thither  over  the  track,  you 
must  not  urge  them  or  run  on  with  them,  lest  through  eager- 
ness they  should  go  beyond  it.  13.  But  when  they  are  close 
upon  the  hare,  and  make  it  plain  to  the  huntsman  that  they 
are  so,  he  must  take  care  lest  through  fear  of  the  dogs  she 
dart  off  in  advance.  The  dogs  themselves,  whisking  about 
their  tails,  running  against  and  frequently  leaping  over  one 
another,  yelping,  tossing  up  their  heads,  looking  towards  the 
huntsman,  and  intimating  that  these  are  the  true  tracks  of  the 
hare,  will  rouse  her  of  themselves,2  and  spring  upon  her  with 
loud  cries.  14.  Should  she  run  into  the  nets,  or  flee  past 
them,  whether  on  the  outside  or  the  inside,  let  the  net-keeper, 
who  is  stationed  at  each  of  these  parts,  call  out  that  such  is 
the  case.  Should  the  hare  be  captured,  the  huntsman  may 
proceed  to  seek  another ;  if  not,  he  may  still  continue  to  pur- 
sue her,  using  the  same  incitements  to  the  dogs  as  before. 

15.  When  the  dogs  are  tired  with  running,  and  it  is  late  in 
the  day,  the  hunter  may  still  continue  to  seek3  for  the  hare, 
which  will  also  be  tired,  leaving  nothing  unexamined  of  all 
that  the  earth  produces  or  has  upon  it,  making  frequent  turn- 
ings about,  that  the  animal  may  not  escape  him  (for  it  lies  in 
a  small  space,  and  sometimes  shrinks  from  leaving  it  through 
weariness  and  terror),  leading  forward  the  dogs,  animating 
them,  cheering  such  as  are  docile  with  many  words  of  en- 

mfication  of  GroT^oc  in  this  passage.  Schneider  supposes  Xenophon  to 
mean,  that  the  hunter  should  keep  one  of  the  props  of  the  nets  in  his  eye, 
as  the  point  round  which  he  is  to  bring  the  dogs.  Leunclavius  renders 
ffToix°Q  by  indago,  or  the  whole  range  of  nets.  Blane  has,  "  draw  the 
dogs  along  hy  the  nets." 

1  For  they  return  from  time  to  time  to  the  place  where  the  scent  is 
strong,  and  from  thence  commence  the  pursuit,  as  it  were,  anew.  Weiske. 

2  'Y(p'  avru>v  dva<TTricrov<n  rbv  Xayw.]  Leporem  ultro  excitabunt.  Li 
onicenus  and  Leunclavius.  Per  se  ipsas  leporetn  excitabunt.  Lat.  Ten 
sn  Didot's  edition  of  Dindorf 's  text. 

3  Supposing  he  has  been  unsuccessful. 
vol  in.  2  A 


354  ON    HUNTING.  [CH.  7. 

couragement,  such  as  are  intractable  with  but  few,  and  such 
as  are  of  an  intermediate  character  with  a  moderate  number, 
until  he  either  kill  the  hare  by  tracking  it,  or  drive  it  into 
the  nets.  16.  When  this  is  done,  let  him  take  up  his  nets, 
small  and  large,  and,  after  having  rubbed  down  the  dogs,  quit 
the  hunting-field,  stopping  occasionally,  if  it  be  noontide  in 
summer,  that  the  dogs'  feet  may  not  become  sore  on  the  way. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Of  breeding  and  training  the  dogs. 


1.  In  the  winter  it  is  proper  to  let  the  females  rest  from 
labour,  and  to  attend  to  breeding,  that,  from  enjoying  repose, 
they  may  produce  a  stout  offspring  towards  the  spring ;  for 
that  season  is  particularly  favourable  for  the  growth  of  dogs. 
During  fourteen  days  the  want  of  the  male1  affects  them. 
2.  It  is  proper  to  take  them  to  vigorous  dogs  after  their  ar- 
dour is  somewhat  remitted,2  that  they  may  conceive  the 
sooner,  and,  while  they  are  pregnant,  not  to  take  them  out  to 
hunt  constantly,  but  only  at  intervals,  lest  they  should  mis- 
carry from  too  much  exertion.  They  go  with  young  sixty  days. 

3.  When  the  puppies  are  born,  we  must  leave  them  with 
the  mother,  and  not  put  them  to  another  dog  ;  for  the  nurture 
of  strange  dogs  does  not  sufficiently  contribute  to  growth  ;  but 
the  milk  and  breath  of  their  mothers  is  good  for  them,  and 
their  caresses  pleasing. 

4.  After  the  puppies  are  able  to  run  about,  we  must  give 
them  milk  for  a  year,  with  those  sorts  of  food  on  which  they 
are  to  live  always,  and  nothing  else ;  for  much  over-feeding 
of  puppies  distorts  their  legs,  and  produces  diseases  in  their 

1  *H  dvdyKr}  avTrj.]     Impetus  ad  Venerem.     Weiske. 

2  YLcLTcnravofikvaQ.~\  Weiske  supposed  that  these  words  meant  reqtdes- 
centes  a  coitu,  interposito  justo  temporis  spatio.  But  Schneider,  with 
greater  reason,  understands  rrjg  aWyjojc,  and  makes  the  sense  cum  paul- 
latim  remisit  ardor  libidinis,  an  interpretation  fully  supported  by  Aris- 
totle, H.  A.  vi.  20.  Weiske's  interpretation  is  at  variance,  as  Sauppa 
observes,  with  what  Aristotle  says  in  the  same  passage,  kvigkitcii  St  Kvutv 
Ik  ftiag  oxtiag 


§    5  — 10.]  TRAINING    OF    PUPPIES.  355 

bodies ;  and  their  interior  parts  are   thus  rendered*  unsound. 

5.  We  should  give  them  short  names,  that  it  may  be  easy 
to  call  them.  They  ought  to  be  such  as  these:  Psyche,1 
Thymus,2  Porpax,3  Styrax,4  Lonche,5  Lochos,6  Phrura,7  Phy- 
lax,8  Taxis,9 Xiphon,10Phonax,n  Phlegon,12Alce,13  Teuchon,14 
Hyleus,15  Medas,16  Porthon,17  Sperchon,18  Orge,19  Bremon,20 
Hybris,21  Thalion,22  Rhome,23  Antheus,24  Hebe,25  Getheus,26 
Chara,27  Leusson,28  Augo,29  Polys,30  Bia,31  Stichon,32  Speude,33 
Bryas,34  CEnas,35  Sterrhos,36  Crauge,37  Csenon,38  Tyrbas,39 
Sthenon,40  iEther,41  Actis,42  ^chme,43  Noes,44  Gnome,45 
Stibon,46  Horme.47 

6.  We  must  not  take  the  female  puppies  out  to  hunt  till 
they  are  eight  months  old,  or  the  male  till  they  are  ten.  The 
huntsman  must  not  set  them  loose  on  the  track  to  the  hare's 
form,  but,  keeping  them  tied  with  long  straps,  must  let  them 
follow  the  dogs  that  are  scenting  the  hare,  allowing  them  to 
ran  along  the  track.  7.  When  the  hare  is  found,  if  they  be 
well  qualified  by  nature  for  running,  he  must  not  let  them 
loose  at  once,  but  must  wait  till  the  hare  has  got  in  advance, 
so  that  they  can  no  longer  see  her,  and  then  let  them  go.  s. 
For  if  he  lets  loose  immediately  dogs  that  are  well  qualified  by 
nature,  and  full  of  spirit,  for  running,  they  will,  as  soon  as  they 
see  the  hare,  use  such  exertion  as  to  injure  themselves,  as 
their  frames  are  not  yet  strong  ;  and  against  such  mishaps  the 
huntsman  must  be  on  his  guard.  9.  If,  on  the  contrary,  they 
be  but  poorly  qualified  for  running,  there  is  nothing  to  hinder 
him  from  letting  them  go  at  once  ;  for,  as  they  will  be  hopeless 
at  first  of  overtaking  the  hare,  they  will  do  themselves  no  such 
mischief. 

The  tracks  which  the  hare  leaves  as  she  runs,  he  may  allow 

1  Spirit.  2  Courage.                      3  Shield-hasp. 

4  Spike  (at  the  lower  end  of  a  spear -handle).  5  Lance. 

6  Ambush.  7  Guard.            *  Keeper.             9  Order. 

10  Darter.  »  Barker.             n  Fiery.              13  Strength. 

14  Active.  1S  Search-wood.                  ><>  Plotter. 

17  Ravager.  ,s  Speed.            l9  Passion.            so  Roarer. 

21  Audacious.  22  Cheerful.                   23  Might. 

24  Flowery.  2S  Youth.              26  Joyous.            i7  Gladness. 

28  Looker.  29  Bright-eyes.               30  Stout.              31  Force. 

32  Goer.  »  Swift.                34  Lively.                3i  Reveller. 

36  Stubborn.  *  Yelper.              38  Killer.            39     Bustler. 

40  Vigorous.  41  Sky.                      42  Ray.                45  Spear. 

44  Marker.  45  Prudence.            *  Tracker.           47  Eager. 

2  a  2 


356  ON    HUNTING.  |TCH.  8. 

the  young  dogs  to  follow  until  they  overtake  her ;  and  when 
she  is  caught,  he  may  give  her  to  them  to  tear  to  pieces. 

lo.  When  they  are  no  longer  willing  to  stay  by  the  nets, 
but  scatter  themselves  about,  he  must  call  them  in  until  they 
are  trained  to  find  the  hare  by  running  after  her,  lest,  from 
perpetually  going  in  quest  of  her  without  regard  to  order,  they 
become  at  last  untrainable  ;l  a  result  of  the  worst  kind.  11.  It  is 
proper  accordingly  to  give  them  their  food  at  the  nets,  as  long 
as  they  are  young,  when  the  nets  are  taken  up,  that  if  they 
should  stray  away  in  the  hunting-field  for  want  of  knowing 
what  they  are  about,  they  may  be  recovered  through  return- 
i  ng  to  that  spot.2  They  will  no  longer  require  this  care  when 
they  begin  to  have  a  hostile  feeling  towards  the  beast  that 
they  hunt,  and  are  prompted  to  think  more  of  their  prey  than 
of  their  ordinary  food. 

12.  It  will  be  well  for  the  huntsman,  in  general,  to  give  the 
dogs  their  food  himself;  for  though,  when  they  are  in  want, 
they  do  not  know  who  is  the  cause  of  it,  they  conceive  an 
affection  for  him,  who,  when  they  are  eager  to  receive  it, 
gives  it  them. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Of  hunting  hares  in  winter. 


1.  It  is  proper  that  hares  should  be  tracked,  when  snow 
has  fallen  in  such  a  quantity  that  the  ground  is  hidden ;  for 
if  black  spots  appear  on  the  surface,  the  animal  will  be  diffi- 
cult to  trace.  When  there  has  been  snow,  and  the  north 
wind  blows,  the  tracks  are  visible  for  a  long  time  ;3  but  if  the 

1  "Ekkvvoi.']  A  sportsman's  terra  for  dogs  that  will  not  be  kept  to  one 
scent,  but  are  perpetually  wandering  and  searching  about.  Comp. 
zkkvvovgi,  c.  3,  sect.  10. 

*  Tlpoc  tovto.~\     Ad  istum  locum.     Schneider. 

•  Td  "i\vi\  ?£w  irokvv  xqovov  drj\a.~\  Portus  translated  t£io  by 
i-Zkxovra,  eminentia ;  Weiske  saw  the  absurdity  of  doing  so,  and  ob- 
served that  marks  of  footsteps  do  not  stand  out  from  the  ground,  but  si?ik 
into  it ;  he  then  read  rd  4'£w  ixvrl>  an(l  interpreted  vestigia  posteriorum 
pedum,  as  being  more  deeply  impressed  than  those  of  fhe  fore-feet.  But 
why  rd  c£w  ixvt}  should  signify  marks  of  hind-feei  more  than  of  fore 


§    2 — 5. J  HARE-RONTING    IN   WINTER.  357 

wind  be  southerly,  and  the  sun  also  shines,  they  are  to  be 
seen  but  a  short  time,  as  they  soon  melt  away.  While  snow 
continues  to  fall,  it  is  of  no  use  to  attempt  to  track  the  animal, 
for  the  snow  covers  the  traces ;  nor  is  it  of  any  use  if  the 
wind  be  strong,  for  it  effaces  them  by  throwing  up  the  snow. 

2.  We  must  never  go  out  to  hunt  with  dogs,  therefore,  un- 
der such  circumstances ;  for  the  snow  parches  the  noses  and 
feet  of  the  dogs,  and  carries  off  the  scent  of  the  hare  from  ex- 
cessive cold. 

But  the  hunter  may  take  his  nets  and  go  out  with  a  com- 
rade to  the  hills,  at  a  distance  from  the  cultivated  grounds, 
and,  when  he  has  found  traces  of  the  hare,  may  follow  them. 
3.  If  they  should  be  perplexed,  he  must  go  back  on  the  same 
track,  and  still  keep  along  it,  making  circuits  so  as  to  go 
round  the  whole  of  it  seeking  whither  it  finally  leads  ;  for 
the  hare  frequently  wanders  hither  and  thither,  hesitating 
where  it  shall  settle  itself;  and  it  is  accustomed  also  to  be 
very  artful  in  going  about,  from  being  constantly  pursued  by 
its  footsteps.  4.  When  the  track  shows  itself  plainly,  the 
hunter  may  proceed  straight  forwards ;  and  it  will  lead  him 
either  to  a  shady  or  to  a  steep  place,  because  the  wind  carries 
the  snow  over  such  spots.  The  hare  therefore  leaves  many 
places  in  which  she  might  sit,  and  seeks  for  one  of  this  kind. 
When  the  footsteps  lead  to  such  places,  he  must  not  approach 
too  near,  lest  the  hare  should  start,  but  make  a  circuit  round 
about ;  for  it  is  to  be  expected  that  a  hare  is  there ;  and  it 
will  presently  become  certain,  since  there  will  be  no  track 
from  such  spots  leading  out  in  any  other  direction.  When  it 
is  clear  that  the  hare  is  there,  he  may  let  her  alone  (for  she 
will  not  move),  and  seek  for  another,  before  the  footsteps  are 
obliterated,  having  regard  to  the  time  of  day,  in  order  that,  if 
he  find  others,  there  may  be  time  enough  left  for  putting 
round  the  nets.  5.  If  such  is  the  case,  he  must  stretch  the 
nets  round  each  of  the  hares  in  the  same  way  as  on  the  dark 

ones,  he  does  not  explain.  Schneider  supposes  that  ?£w  means  out  of 
*he  snow,  or  on  the  black  ground ;  but  whom  will  this  satisfy  ?  Leun- 
clavius's  version  gives  nothing  more  than  vestigia  diu  manifesto,  extant. 
On  the  whole,  it  appears  that  it  is  impossible  to  make  anything  plausible 
of  Hut,  and  that  it  wotild  be  well  for  future  editors  to  expunge  it  or  put 
it  in  brackets.  Gail  takes  no  notice  of  it  in  his  version,  and  I  have  fol« 
'owed  his  example  in  mine. 


358  ON    HUNTING.  [CH.  9 

soil,  so  that  he  may  catch  whatever  hare  they  are  near  within 
them ;  and  when  they  are  fixed,  he  must  go  and  rouse  the  hare. 
If  she  escapes  from  the  net,  he  must  run  after  her  on  her 
track ;  and  she  will  betake  herself  to  other  similar  spots,  un- 
less she  chance  to  bury  herself  in  the  snow.  He  must  ac- 
cordingly ascertain  where  she  is,  and  place  the  nets  round 
her.  Should  she  make  no  stay  in  any  place,  he  must  continue 
the  pursuit ;  since  she  will  be  captured  even  without  the  as- 
sistance of  the  nets  ;  for  she  soon  grows  weary  from  the  depth 
of  the  snow,  and  the  great  quantity  of  it  which  attaches  itself 
to  her  feet,  which  are  hairy  underneath. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Of  hunting  deer. 


l.  For  hunting  fawns  and  stags  Indian  dogs1  should  be 
used;  for  they  are  strong,  large,  swift,  and  not  deficient  in 
courage ;  and,  having  these  qualities,  are  able  to  endure 
fatigue.  The  very  young  fawns2  we  should  hunt  in  the 
spring,  for  it  is  in  that  season  that  they  are  born.  2.  The  hunts- 
man should  first  go  into  the  grassy  glades,  where  the  deer  are 
most  numerous,  and  survey  the  ground ;  and,  wherever  they 
are  seen,  he  should  come  to  that  spot  with  his  dogs  and  spears 
before  daybreak,  and  should  tie  the  dogs  to  the  trees  at  some 
distance  off,  lest,  if  they  should  see  the  deer,  they  should  be- 
gin to  bark ;  and  he  himself  should  keep  on  the  watch.  3. 
At  dawn  he  will  see  the  hinds  bringing  each  her  young  one 
to  the  place  where  she  is  going  to  have  its  bed.  Having  lain 
down,  and  given  their  young  ones  suck,  looking  round,  at 
the  same  time,  lest  they  should  be  seen  by  any  one,  they  will 
go  off  severally  to  the  parts  opposite  their  young,  still  keeping 
watch  over  them.     4.  The  huntsman,  on  seeing  them  in  this 

1  For  some  further  description  of  these,  see  Aristotle,  H.  A.  viii.  28 ; 
jElian,  H.  A.  viii.  1  •   Pollux,  v.  37,  43. 

2  Xenophon  recommends  above,  c.  5,  sect.  14,  that  we  should  spare 
the  young  of  the  hare  for  a  year.  Why  did  a  man  of  such  tender  feeling 
not  show  the  same  consideration  for  young  deer  ?    Schneider* 


§  5 — 10.]  uftAK-IltNTUtGt.  359 

condition,  must  go  and  let  loose  his  dogs,  and,  taking  his 
spears  in  his  hand,  must  advance  towards  the  first  of  the 
fawns,  at  least  to  the  part  where  he  has  seen  it  lying,  taking 
careful  note  of  the  ground  ;  for  places  often  assume  a  different 
appearance  as  a  person  draws  near  them  from  that  which  they 
presented  when  he  was  at  a  distance.  5.  When  he  has  caught 
sight  of  the  fawn,  he  must  go  close  to  it ;  for  it  will  remain 
quiet,  crouching l  as  it  were  down  upon  the  ground,  and  will 
let  the  huntsman  take  it  up,  making  at  the  same  time  a  loud 
noise,  unless  it  be  wet  with  rain  ;  since,  if  such  be  the  case,  it 
will  not  lie  still,  as  the  moisture  which  it  has  in  it,  being  con- 
densed by  the  cold,  will  soon  make  it  move  off.2  6.  But  it 
will  be  caught  by  the  dogs,  which  will  pursue  it  with  vigour ;  - 
and  when  the  huntsman  has  got  possession  of  it,  he  must  give 
it  to  the  net-keeper ;  it  will  utter  a  cry,  and  the  hind,  seeing 
and  hearing  what  is  going  on,  will  rush  upon  the  man  that 
holds  it,  and  endeavour  to  take  it  from  him.  7.  At  this  junc- 
tion the  huntsman  must  cheer  on  the  dogs,  and  use  his  spears  ; 
and  when  he  has  captured  this  animal,  he  may  proceed  to 
take  others,  adopting  the  same  means  for  getting  possession  of 
them. 

8.  The  very  young  fawns  may  be  taken  thus ;  but  those 
that  are  well  grown  give  some  trouble ;  for  they  feed  with 
their  dams  and  other  deer,  and  run  off,  when  they  are 
pursued,  in  the  midst  of  the  herd,  or  sometimes  in  advance  of 
it,  but  very  rarely  in  the  rear.  9.  The  hinds,  acting  in  de- 
fence of  them,  trample  down  the  dogs,  so  that  they  are  not 
■asily  taken,  unless  the  hunter  rushes  straight  in  among  the 
ierd,  and  separates  them  from  one  another,  when  one  of  the 
young  may  be  left  behind  by  himself,  l  o.  When  the  herd  is 
thus  violently  scattered,  the  dogs  will  be  left  behind  at  the 
first  run  after  the  fawn ;  for  the  desertion  of  the  other  deer 
will  render  it  excessively  timid,  and  the  swiftness  of  fawns  of 
that  age  is  beyond  all  other  swiftness ;  but  at  the  second  or 
third  run  they  are  soon  taken,  as  their  bodies,  from  being 
still  tender,  are  unable  to  bear  up  under  fatigue. 

1  Ilikaag  wc  iiri  yrjv.]    IIie&iv  is  here  used  for  irrrjaaeiv  or  TCTitiGGtiv 
Schneider.     Compare  lav  \ir\ — irday  eavrov,  c.  8,  sect.  8.     Sauppe. 

*  Xenophoh  supposes  that  the  moisture  in  the  fawn's  body,  being  con- 
densed by  the  coldness  of  the  rain,  will  increase  the  timidity  of  the  fawn  , 
fear  being  attributed  by  Aristotle  and  others  to  coldness  of  biood.  See 
Aristot.  De  Part.  Anim.  i.  4.     Schneider, 


360  "  ON    HUNTING.  [CII.    9. 

:  1 .  Snares  are  also  set  for  deer  on  hills,  or  about  meadows 
and  streams,  as  well  as  in  woods  and  paths  and  in  cultivated 
grounds,  wherever  they  are  in  the  habit  of  going.  12.  These 
snares  should  be  made  of  twigs  of  yew  twisted,  with  the  bark 
not  taken  off,1  lest  they  should  grow  rotten ;  and  should  have 
the  crowns2  circular,  and  the  studs  made  of  iron  and  wood 
alternately,  inserted  in  the  circle,  the  iron  ones  being  the  larger, 
that  the  wooden  ones  may  yield  to  the  feet,  and  the  other3 
press  it.  13.  Such  a  snare  should  have  the  noose  of  the  rope 
which  is  to  be  fixed  on  the  crown  made  of  twisted  hemp,  as 
well  as  the  rope  itself;  for  this  material  is  least  likely  to  be- 
come rotten ;  and  let  the  noose,  as  well  as  the  rope,  be  strong. 
Let  the  piece  of  wood  which  is  suspended  to  it  be  of  common 
or  scarlet  oak,  with  the  bark  on,  three  spans3  in  length,  and 
one  palm3  in  thickness.  14.  The  hunter  must  fix  these  snares 
by  opening  the  ground  to  the  depth  of  five  palms ;  and  this 
opening  must  be  round,  and  even  at  the  edge  with  the  crowns 
of  the  snares,  and  growing  gradually  narrower  below;4  he 
must  also  open  a  portion  of  the  ground  for  the  rope  and  the 
wood,  as  deep  as  it  is  necessary  for  both  to  be  buried.  15. 
When  he  has  done  this,  he  must  put  the  snare  over  the  open- 
ing, sinking  it  to  a  depth  equal  with  the  surface,  and  put  the 
noose  of  the  rope  round  the  crown,  letting  down  the  rope  itself 
and  the  wood  each  into  its  own  place ;  he  must  put  twigs  of 

1  M?)  irepKpXoiovg.']  Hepi(p\oiog  is  generally  interpreted,,  "with  the 
bark  on,"  as  Sturz  interprets  it  in  his  Lexicon,  non  delibratus,  cortice  mn- 
nitus ;  but  here  it  must  surely  mean  "  with  the  bark  off,"  or  the  fir)  before  it 
must  be  expunged.  In  the  next  section  it  is  used  in  the  sense  of  "  with 
the  bark  on,"  as  may  be  seen  by  comparing  sect.  18. 

2  Tdc  GTecpavag  fvicvicXovQ.]  The  GTttyavr)  seems  to  have  been  at  the 
upper  part  of  the  snare  or  trap,  but  nothing  else  is  discoverable  respecting 
it ;  nor  does  it  seem  easy  to  understand  the  use  of  the  studs  or  knots  of 
iron  and  wood  mentioned  in  connexion  with  it.  Indeed  nothing  more 
is  clear  concerning  the  instrument,  than  that  it  was  a  machine  partly 
buried  in  the  ground  to  catch  deer  by  the  feet.  I  shall  translate  the  de- 
scription of  it  as  faithfully  as  I  can,  and  if  my  reader  form  from  it  any 
fair  conception  of  the  contrivance,  he  will  have  gained  that  which  I  have 
not  gained  myself.  Pollux,  v.  32,  gives  a  similar  account  of  the  7roSo<rrpa€ii 
to  that  which  is  given  by  Xenophon,  but  throws  no  more  light  on  it. 

3  See  note  on  c.  2,  sect.  4. 

4  Eic  fit  rb  Karat  djuei€o/i£voi'  <jTtvorr}Ti.']  Inferius  subinde  angitstiorem. 
Leunclavius.  Or,  as  Portus  explains  it,  "corresponding  in  roundness 
below  to  the  part  above,  but  becoming  narrower,"  or  decreasing  in  cir- 
cumference. 


§    16 — 20.  j  SNARES   FOR   DEER.  361 

thorn  over  the  crown,  not  sticking  out  above  the  surface,  and 
upon  the  twigs  some  dry  leaves,  such  as  the  season  may  af- 
ford.  16.  After  this  he  must  strew  upon  the  leaves  a  portion 
of  the  earth  taken  from  the  surface l  of  the  parts  that  have 
been  dug,  and  upon  this  some  solid  earth  brought  from  a  dis- 
tance, in  order  that  the  position  of  the  snare  may  be  concealed 
as  much  as  possible  from  the  deer ;  and  what  remains  of  the 
earth  he  should  carry  off  to  a  distance  from  the  snare,  for  if 
the  animal  finds  by  the  smell  that  it  has  been  recently  dis- 
turbed (and  this  it  soon  does),  it  becomes  suspicious. 

17.  The  huntsman  must  then  keep  watch  with  his  dogs  by 
the  snares  that  are  placed2  on  the  hills,  especially  in  the 
morning ;  and  he  may  do  so  during  the  rest  of  the  clay  ;  on 
cultivated  grounds  he  should  be  on  the  look-out  before  day- 
break ;  for  on  the  hills  the  deer  are  caught  not  only  during 
the  night,  but  also  in  the  day,  because  such  places  are  unfre- 
quented by  man ;  but  in  cultivated  grounds  they  are  caught 
during  the  night,  as  they  are  afraid  of  men  there  during  the 
day.  18.  When  he  finds  the  snare  turned  up,  he  must  let 
loose  his  dogs,  and  pursue,  cheering  them  on,  along  the  track 
of  the  wooden  clog,  observing  carefully  whither  it  leads.  In 
general  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  trace,  for  the  stones  will  be 
up,  and  the  scratches  of  the  clog  will  be  very  plain  on  culti- 
vated ground  ;  if  the  animal  however  runs  through  rough 
places,  the  rocky  parts  will  have  portions  of  the  bark  stripped 
from  the  clog  adhering  to  them,  and  thus  the  pursuit  will  be 
rendered  easier.  19.  Should  the  deer  have  been  caught  by 
the  fore-foot,  it  will  be  very  soon  secured ;  for  the  clog,  as  the 
animal  runs,  will  strike  against  its  whole  body  and  face  ;3  but 
if  it  be  caught  by  the  hind-foot,  the  clog,  as  it  is  dragged  along, 
will  impede  the  motion  of  its  whole  body.  Sometimes  the  clog, 
too,  will  catch  itself  in  forked  branches  of  the  wood,  and  the 
deer,  unless  it  break  the  rope,  will  be  caught  there.  20.  Should 
the  huntsman  capture  it  in  this  way,  or  by  overcoming  it  with 
fatigue,  he  must  not,  if  it  be  a  male,  approach  near  it,  for  it 

1  As  the  earth  on  the  surface  will  differ  very  much  in  smell  and  appear- 
ance from  that  which  has  been  recently  turned  up,     Weiske. 

2  'Ecrrwaac.]  Understand  irodooTpdGag,  not  iXaQovg  with  Leunclavius. 
Schneider. 

3  'Ei'  yap  Tip  fipofiq)  ttclv  rb  au>fia  tvtttsi  ko.1  to  Trp6ait)Trov.~\  Nam 
licnum  inter  enrrendum  corpus  totum  et  ora  percutit.  Leunclavius.  "Le 
bois  lui  blessera  tout  le  corps  et  la  face."     Gail. 


362  ON   HUNTING.  [CH.    10. 

will  strike  out  with  its  horns  and  feet,  but  must  spear  it  from 
a  distance.  They  may  be  caught,  if  pursued  in  summer-time, 
even  without  a  snare ;  for  they  become  so  excessively  exhausted 
that  they  stand  still,  and  may  then  be  killed  with  spears.  If 
they  are  hard  pressed,  and  reduced  to  extremity,  they  will 
throw  themselves  into  the  sea,  or  any  other  water ;  and  some- 
times they  fall  down  through  want  of  breath. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Of  hunting  boars. 

1.  For  the  wild  boar  it  is  necessary  to  have  Indian,  Cretan, 
Locrian,  and  Spartan  dogs  ;  with  nets,  javelins,  spears,  and 
snares.  As  to  the  dogs  of  this  sort,  they  must  not  be  ordinary 
ones,  that  they  may  be  fit  to  contend  with  the  wild  beast. 
2.  The  nets  must  be  of  the  same  cord  as  those  for  hares  ;  but 
let  the  cords  consist  of  forty-five  threads  in  three  strands, 
each  strand  being  made  of  fifteen  threads.  Let  there  be  ten 
meshes1  in  depth  from  the  edge,  and  the  depth  of  the  nooses2 
a  pygon.3  Let  the  ropes  that  run  round  the  net  be  half  as 
thick  again  as  the  cords  of  the  nets  ;  let  the  nets  have  rings  at 
the  extremities  ;  and  let  the  ropes  be  inserted  under  the 
nooses,  and  the  ends  of  them  come  out  through  the  rings. 
Fifteen  nets  will  be  sufficient. 

3.  As  to  the  javelins,  let  them  be  of  all  kinds,  having  the 
points  of  considerable  breadth,  and  sharp  as  a  razor,  and  the 
handles  strong.  The  spears  should  have  heads  of  the  length 
of  five  palms,  and  in  the  middle,  where  the  iron  is  inserted 
into  the  wood,  guards  jutting  out,  formed  of  the  metal,  very 
stout ;  and  let  them  have  handfes  of  corneil  wood,  of  the  thick- 
ness of  an  ordinary  spear.     The  snares  should  be  similar 

1  AsxdfifiaTot.']  ."  Ten  knots,"  i.  e  'ten  meshes."  See  note  on  c.  2, 
eect  5. 

8  Nooses  through  which  the  animai  thrust  its  head,  and  was  caught  by 
the  neck.     Pollux,  v.  28. 

3  The  distance  from  the  elbow  to  the  first  joint  of  the  finger,  or  1  foot 
3"  168  inches,  English  measure.  Hussey,  Ancient  Weights,  &c,  Appendix. 


§    4 — 7.  J  BOAR-HUNTING.  363 

to  those  for  deer.  But  let  the  hunters  go  in  company  ;  for  the 
animal  is  not  to  be  captured  without  difficulty,  and  the  assist- 
ance of  many  hands.  How  it  is  necessary  to  use  each  of  these 
implements  in  hunting,  I  will  show. 

4.  In  the  first  place,  then,  when  the  hunters  have  come  to 
the  place  where  they  suppose  that  there  is  a  boar,  they  must 
bring  up  the  dogs  quietly,  letting  one  of  the  Spartan  dogs 
loose,  and  keeping  the  others  tied,  and  go  round  about  the 
place  with  the  loose  dog.  5.  When  this  dog  has  found  traces 
of  the  boar,  they  must  continue  their  course  along  the  track, 
which  is  to  guide  the  whole  train.1  There  will  also  be  many 
indications  of  the  boar  to  guide  the  huntsmen  ;  marks  of  his 
footsteps  on  soft  ground ;  pieces  of  the  shrubs  broken  off  in 
the  woody  parts  ;  and  where  there  are  large  trees,  scratches  of 
his  tusks  upon  them.  6.  The  dog,  pursuing  the  track,  will 
generally  come  to  some  woody  spot ;  for  the  animal  commonly 
lies  in  such  places,  as  they  are  warm  in  winter,  and  cool  in 
summer,  i.  When  it  comes  to  the  beast's  lair,  it  begins  to 
bark ;  yet  the  boar  will  seldom  rise  on  that  account.  It  will 
be  necessary,  therefore,  to  take  the  dog  and  tie  him  up  with 
the  others  at  some  distance  from  the  lair,  and  stretch  the  nets 
at  the  entrance  to  the  thicket,  hanging  the  meshes  upon 
the  forked  branches  2  of  the  wood  ;  and  it  will  be  proper,  at 
the  same  time,  to  spread  the  net  in  a  circuit  extending  out- 
wards to  some  distance,  placing  branches  of  trees  as  supports 
on  each  side  within,  in  order  that  the  rays  of  light  may  pene- 
trate through  the  meshes  as  much  as  possible  into  that  circuit, 
and  that  the  part  within  it  may  be  as  clear  as  possible  for  the 
animal  when  he  rushes  toward  the  nets.  The  rope  that 
runs  round  the  nets  they  ought  to  attach  to  a  strong  tree, 
and  not  to  bushes ;  for  bushes  give  way  3  on  open  ground. 

1  'Hyov/xivg  aico\ov9iq.]  These  words  have  afforded  much  work  for 
the  commentators,  and  are  perhaps  in  some  way  corrupt.  But,  as  they 
stand,  the  only  method  in  which  they  can  be  explained  is  by  considering 
r)yovfjikvy  as  agreeing  with  i-xytvau,  which  precedes  it,  and  as  governing 
dico\ov6ia,  which  follows  it ;  aKo\ov6ia  being  taken  in  the  sense  of  comita- 
tus,  "  train,  following." 

2  "Op/jiovg.]     Erectos  sylvoe  stipites  bifidos.     Leunclavius. 

3  "Ewexovrai.^  Various  interpretations  of  this  word  have  been  pro- 
posed, as  well  as  various  emendations.  The  only  reasonable  explanation 
of  which  it  seems  susceptibl^is,  "come  together,  give  way,  yield,"  aa 
bushes  will  do  on  "  open  ground,"  that  is,  where  there  are  no  strong 
trees  to  support  them. 


364  ON   HUNTING.  [*CI1.   10. 

About T  each  net  they  must  stop  up  even  the  less  open  pas- 
sages 2  through  the  thicket,  that  the  boar  may  rush  straight 
into  the  nets,  without  turning  aside  from  them. 

8.  When  the  nets  are  fixed,  let  them  return  to  the  dogs  and 
set  them  all  loose,  and,  taking  their  javelins  and  spears,  go 
forward  themselves.  One  of  the  most  experienced  of  the 
hunters  should  cheer  on  the  dogs;  and  the  rest  should  follow 
in  order,  but  at  some  considerable  distance  one  from  another, 
that  a  passage  of  sufficient  breadth  between  them  may  be 
left  for  the  boar ;  for  if,  as  he  makes  his  retreat,  he  should 
rush  in  among  a  number  of  them,  there  is  danger  that  they 
may  be  wounded;  since  against  whomsoever  he  runs,  upon 
him  he  vents  his  rage.  9.  When  the  dogs  come  near  the 
beast's  lair,  they  will  make  a  start  forward ;  the  boar,  being 
disturbed,  will  spring  up,  and  whichever  of  the  dogs  happens 
to  meet  him  face  to  face,  he  will  toss  him  into  the  air,  and, 
running  forwards,  will  fall  into  the  nets ;  or,  if  he  does  not, 
the  hunters  must  pursue  him.  Should  the  ground,  on  which 
the  net  catches  him,  be  sloping, 3  he  will  soon  rise;  should 
it  be  level,  he  will  keep  himself  on  his  feet,  intent  on  saving 
himself.  10.  At  this  juncture  the  dogs  will  press  forward ; 
and  the  hunters,  keeping  on  their  guard  against  him,  must 
throw  their  javelins  at  him,  and  pelt  him  with  stones,  gather- 
ing round  behind  him,  and  at  a  considerable  distance,  until,  by 
pushing  himself  forward,  he  pulls  down  the  rope  that  runs 
round  the  net  to  its  utmost  stretch ;  and  then,  whoever  among 
the  company  is  the  most  skilful  and  the  most  vigorous,  must 
go   up  to  him  and  spear  him  in  the  fore  part  of  the  body. 

11.  But  if,  notwithstanding  he  is  struck  with  javelins  and 
stones,  he  will  not  stretch  the  rope,  but  draws  back,  and  makes 
a  turn  upon  any  one  that  comes  near  him,  one  of  the  hunters 
must  in  that  case  take  his  spear  and  go  up  to  him,  holding  it 
with  the  left  hand  on  the  fore  part,  and  the  right  on  the 
hinder;  for  the  left  directs  it,  and  the  right  impels  it ;  and  let 
his  left  foot  be  in  advance  corresponding  with  the  left  hand, 
while  the  right  is  behind  in  accordance  with  the  other  hand. 

12.  As  he  advances,  he  must  present  the  spear,  with  his  feet 

1  'Y7Tfp.]     "  Circa,  prope,  ad."     Weiske. 
*2  Tcl   dufcpfia.']     Even  passages  through  which  the  boar   does  not 
usually  go  out  and  in  must  be  stopped,  lest  he  make  his  way  out  by  them 
to  avoid  the  nets.     Sauppe. 
3  So  that  the  boar  falls. 


§   13—16.]  HOW   TO    ATTACK   A  BOAK.  365 

not  much  farther  apart  than  in  wrestling,  turning  the  left 
side  forward  towards  the  left  hand,  looking  straight  into  the 
very  eye  of  the  boar,  and  watching  every  movement  of  his  head. 
As  he  holds  out  his  spear,  he  must  take  care  lest  the  boar,  by 
turning  his  head  aside,  wrest  it  out  of  his  hand ;  for  he  will  follow 
up  the  charge  after  it  is  thus  wrested.  13.  Should  he  have  this 
misfortune,  he  must  throw  himself  flat  upon  his  face,  and  cling 
to  whatever  substance  is  below  him  ;  for,  if  the  boar  fall  upon 
him  in  this  position,  he  will  be  unable  to  seize  his  body  on 
account  of  his  tusks  being  turned  up  ; '  but  if  he  attack  him 
standing  erect,  he  must  necessarily  be  wounded.  The  boar 
will  accordingly  endeavour  to  raise  him  up ;  and  if  he  cannot 
do  so,  will  trample  upon  him  with  his  feet.  14.  When  he  is 
in  this  perilous  condition,  there  is  but  one  mode  of  delivering 
him  from  it,  which  is,  for  one  of  his  fellow-hunters  to  come  up 
close  to  the  animal  with  his  spear,  and  irritate  him  by  feigning 
to  throw  it ;  but  he  must  not  throw  it,  lest  he  should  hit  his 
companion  who  is  on  the  ground.  15.  When  the  boar  sees 
him  doing  this,  he  will  leave  the  man  whom  he  has  under  him, 
and  turn  with  rage  and  fury  on  the  one  who  is  provoking  him. 
The  other  must  then  jump  up,  but  take  care  to  do  so  with  his 
spear  in  his  hand;  for  there  is  no  honourable  2  way  of  saving 
himself  but  by  overcoming  the  boar.  16.  He  must  therefore 
present  his  spear  in  the  same  manner  as  before,  and  thrust  it 
forwards  within  the  shoulder-blade,  where  the  throat 3  is,  and 
must  hold  it  firm  and  press  against  it  with  all  his  might. 
The  boar  will  advance  upon  him  courageously,  and,  if  the 
guards  of  the  spear  did  not  prevent  him,  would  push  along  the 
handle  of  it  until  he  reached  the  person  holding  it.  17.  Such 
is  his  vigour  that  there  is  in  him  what  no  one  would  suppose ; 
for  so  hot  are  his  tusks  when  he  is  just  dead,  that  if  a  person 
lays  hairs  upon  them,  the  hairs  shrivel  up ;  and  when  he  is 
alive,  they  are  actually  on  fire  whenever  he  is  irritated ;  for 
otherwise  he  would  not  singe  the  tips  of  dogs'  hair  when  he 
misses  inflicting  a  wound  on  their  bodies.4 

1  T/}v  aifiorriTa  tG>v  6d6vru)v.'\     Dentes  svrsum  tendentes.     Zeune. 

2  For  he  must  not,  with  his  spear  in  his  hand,  desert  his  companion, 
as  Weiske  observes. 

3  20ayi7.]     It  is  the  throat  or  windpipe  that  is  meant,  as  appears  from 
Pollux,  ii.  133. 

*  Pollux,  v.  80,  gives  the  same  account,  both  as  to  the  shrivelling  of 
hair  and  the  singeing  of  the  dogs 


366  ON    HUNTING.  [CK.   10. 

18.  The  boar  is  caught  after  giving  such,  and  often  still 
more,  trouble.  But  if  it  be  a  sow  that  falls  into  the  net,  the 
hunter  must  run  forward  and  strike  it,  taking  care  however 
that  he  be  not  pushed  down  ;  for,  if  he  should  have  this  mis- 
fortune, he  will  necessarily  be  trampled  upon  and  bitten.  He 
must  not  therefore  fall  willingly  ;  but  if  he  should  happen  to 
fall  unwillingly,  his  mode  of  rising  must  be  the  same  as  in  the 
case  of  the  boar. 

19.  They  are  caught  also  in  the  following  manner.  Nets 
are  stretched  for  them  in  passages  through  the  forests,  in  thick- 
ets, winding  valleys,  and  rough  grounds,  where  there  are  out- 
lets to  grassy  spots,  and  marshes,  and  waters.  He  that  is 
appointed  for  this  duty  guards  the  nets  with  a  spear  in  his 
hand.  Others  bring  up  the  dogs,  looking  for  the  most  eligible 
places;  and,  when  the  boar  is  found,  he  is  at  once  pursued. 

20.  Should  he  fall  into  the  net,  the  net-keeper  must  take 
up  his  spear,  and  use  it  in  the  way  which  I  have  described  ; 
if  he  does  not  run  into  the  net,  he  must  hasten  after  him.  He 
may  be  caught  also,  when  it  is  hot  weather,  by  being  pursued 
by  the  dogs ;  for  though  he  is  an  animal  of  vast  strength,  yet 
he  soon  becomes  exhausted  from  shortness  of  breath.  21. 
Many  dogs,  however,  are  killed  in  such  chases,  and  the  hunt- 
ers themselves  are  in  peril.  But  when,  in  the  pursuit,  they 
are  compelled  to  present  their  spears  to  the  boar  as  he  is  in 
the  water,  or  has  retired  to  some  steep  place,  or  is  in  a  thicket 
from  which  he  is  unwilling  to  come  out,  though,  in  such  a 
case,  there  is  neither  net  nor  anything  else  to  prevent  him 
from  rushing  immediately  on  the  person  who  approaches  him, 
they  must  nevertheless  advance  upon  him,  and  show  that  cour- 
age by  which  they  were  induced  to  engage  in  such  toils  for 
the  gratification  of  their  propensity.  22.  They  must  use  their 
spears,  and  such  bodily  efforts  as  have  been  described  ; l  for 
then,  if  any  one  of  them  suffers  any  hurt,  he  will  not  suffer  it 
for  want  of  acting  rightly. 

Snares  are  set  for  them  just  as  for  deer,  in  the  same  places; 
and  the  same  modes  of  watching,  pursuing,  approaching  them, 
and  using  the  spear  are  adopted.  23.  Whenever  their  young 
ones  are  taken,  they  do  not  allow  themselves  to  be  captured 
without  difficulty  ;  f  )r  they  do  not  stray  about  alone,  as  long 

1  Sect.  16. 


CH.   11.]  01    HUNTING   LARGE    BEASTS.  367 

as  they  are  small ;  and  when  the  dogs  find  them,  or  they  fore- 
see any  danger,  they  soon  disappear  among  the  wood.  Both 
the  old  ones  also  generally  follow  them,  which  are  then  very 
fierce,  and  fight  more  resolutely  for  them  than  for  themselves. 


CHAPTER  XL 

Of  hunting  lions,  leopards,  and  other  wild  beasts. 

l.  Lions,  leopards,  lynxes,  panthers,  bears,  and  other  wild 
beasts  of  that  description,  are  caught  in  foreign  parts ;  some 
about  the  mountains  Pangasus  and  Cittus  beyond  Macedonia, 
others  about  Olympus  in  Mysia,  others  on  Mount  Pindus, 
others  on  Nysa  beyond  Syria,  and  upon  other  mountains  which 
are  suited  for  breeding  such  animals.  2.  Some  of  these 
beasts,  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  approaching  their 
abodes,  are  taken  by  means  of  the  drug  called  aconite,  which 
the  hunters  throw  in  their  way  about  the  banks  of  streams, 
and  whatever  other  places  they  frequent,  mixing  it  with  what- 
ever each  of  the  animals  likes  to  eat.1  3.  Some  of  them  also 
are  captured  as  they  come  down  into  the  plains  in  the  night, 
being  intercepted  by  the  aid  of  horses  and  armed  men,  but 
not  without  bringing  those  who  take  them  into  danger.  4. 
For  some  of  them,  again,  they  make  pit-falls,  round,  large, 
and  deep,  leaving  in  the  middle  a  pillar  of  earth,  upon  the  top 
of  which  they  put  a  goat,  tied  fast,  towards  night ;  they  also 
hedge  the  pit-fall  round  with  wood  (leaving  no  passage 
through),  in  order  that  the  animals  may  not  see  over2  into  it. 
Hearing  the  bleating  of  the  goat  during  the  night,  they  run 
round  about  the  hedge,  and,  when  they  find  no  inlet,  leap  over 
it  and  are  caught. 

1  According  to  Pollux,  v.  82,  the  drug  causes  diarrhoea,  which  so  weak- 
ens the  beasts  that  they  are  at  length  captured.  Pliny  alludes  to  the  same 
practice,  H.  N.  viii.  27. 

2  Hepiopav  J]  Weiske  makes  a  difficulty  as  to  the  beasts  seeing  in  the 
night ;  but  it  is  supposed  that  beasts  of  prey  can  see  better  in  the  nighJ 
than  men  can. 


868  ON    TTTTNTINa  [(3H.    12. 


CHAPTER  XII 

Hunting,  an  introduction  to  military  exercises  and  service,  rendering  meu 
abler  defenders  of  their  country.     Its  moral  effects. 

l.  Concerning  the  modes  of  proceeding  in  the  chase  I 
have  now  spoken.  Those  who  are  fond  of  the  pursuit  will 
receive  many  benefits  from  it  ;  for  they  will  secure  health  for 
their  bodies,  greater  keenness  of  sight  and  hearing,1  and  a 
later  old  age.  2.  It  is  also  an  excellent  preparation  for  the 
toils  of  war  ;  for,  in  the  first  place,  when  hunters  march  under 
arms  through  difficult  roads,  they  will  not  faint,  but  will  endure 
the  toil  from  being  accustomed  to  such  exertion  in  capturing 
wild  beasts.  They  will  likewise  be  able  to  sleep  on  hard 
couches,  and  will  be  excellent  guardians  of  what  is  intrusted 
to  them.  3.  In  marches  against  the  enemy  they  will  both  be 
in  a  condition  to  pursue  their  course,  and  to  do  what  they  are 
ordered,  because  they  are  used  to  similar  exertions  in  captur- 
ing beasts  of  prey.  If  they  are  placed  in  the  front  of  the 
army,  they  will  not  leave  their  posts,  as  they  are  well  qualified 
for  persistence.  4.  In  a  rout  of  the  enemy,  they  will  pursue 
them  straight  onwards,  and  with  safety,  over  every  sort  of 
ground,  from  being  familiarized  to  such  exercise.  If  their 
own  army  experience  misfortune,  they  will  be  able,  in  places 
that  are  marshy,  or  precipitous,  or  otherwise  difficult,  to  save 
themselves,  as  well  as  others,  without  dishonour  ;  for  their 
practice  in  such  exertions  will  supply  them  with  greater 
knowledge  than  those  around  them.  5.  Such  men,  even  when 
a  great  number  of  their  allies  have  been  put  to  flight,  have 
renewed  the  contest,  and  by  their  well-exercised  strength  and 
courage  have  repulsed  the  enemy,  who  were  led  into  error  by 
the  difficulties  of  the  ground  ;  for  it  belongs  to  those  who  have 
their  bodies  and  minds  in  good  condition  to  be  always  near  to 
good  fortune.  6.  Our  ancestors  also,  knowing  that  from  such 
causes  they  had  been  successful  against  their  adversaries,  paid 
great  attention  to  the  exercises  of  the  youth  ;  for  though  they 
had  in  early  times  no  abundance  of  the  fruits  of  the  ground, 
yet  they  did  not  think  proper  to  hinder  the  young  men  from 

1  'Opav  Kai  Akovuv  fia\\oi>.]     "lis  auront  la  vue  meilleure,  l'oreilfe 
plus  sensible."     Gail. 


§    7 — 13. J  ADVANTAGES    OF    HUNTING.  369 

hunting  over  anything  that  grows  upon  the  earth.  7.  In  ad- 
dition, they  decreed  that  they  should  not  hunt  in  the  night 
within  a  great  number  of  stadia  from  the  city,  lest  those  who 
were  skilled  in  the  art1  should  take  from  them  their  prey  ; 
for  they  saw  that  this  one  pleasure  of  youth  was  productive 
of  many  advantages  to  them,  as  it  renders  them  prudent  and 
just,  from  being  brought  up  in  real  action  ;2  8.  while,  if  they 
wish  to  pursue  other  honourable  occupations,  it  does  not  draw 
them  away  from  them,  as  other  pleasures,  of  a  vicious  kind, 
do  ;  pleasures  in  which  they  ought  not  to  engage. 

9.  From  men  thus  exercised,  therefore,  are  formed  good 
soldiers  and  good  leaders ;  for  those  from  whose  minds  and 
bodies  toil  has  eradicated  unbecoming  and  licentious  inclina- 
tions, and  infused  into  them  a  desire  of  virtue,  are  the  most 
excellent  of  citizens,  since  they  will  neither  allow  their  me- 
tropolis to  be  wronged,  nor  the  lands  of  their  country  to  be 
laid  waste. 

io.  Yet  some  say  that  people  ought  not  to  cherish  a  love  of 
hunting,  lest  they  should  neglect  their  domestic  affairs  ;  but 
such  persons  do  not  know  that  all  who  benefit  their  country 
and  their  friends  are  most  attentive  to  their  domestic  affairs; 
n.  and  if,  accordingly,  those  who  are  fond  of  hunting  prepare 
themselves  to  be  useful,  in  the  most  important  particulars,  to 
their  country,  they  will  not  be  neglectful  of  that  which  con- 
cerns themselves  ;  for  whatever  belongs  to  each  individual 
citizen  stands  or  falls  with  the  state  ;  so  that  citizens  thus 
qualified  preserve  the  property  of  other  individuals  as  well  as 
their  own.  12.  But  many  of  those  who  make  such  observa- 
tions would  rather,  from  being  rendered  unreasonable  through 
envy,  perish  in  their  own  indolence,  than  be  preserved  by  the 
honourable  exertions  of  others  ;  for  most  pleasures  have  a 
pernicious  influence,  and,  being  overcome  by  them,  they  are 
incited  to  take  the  worse  course,  in  their  words  and  actions, 
'instead  of  the  better.  13.  Hence  they  bring  on  themselves, 
from  foolish  words,  enmities,  and,  from  ill  conduct,  diseases 

1  The  older  and  more  experienced  hunters. 

2  Aid  to  iv  Ty  aXtjOsia  TraiStvt<j$ai.~\  Notm  umbraticA  disciplind,  says 
Sauppe,  where  they  learn  pnly  by  verbal  precepts,  but  in  the  open  field 
of  life  and  action. 

A  few  words  immediately  following,  which  refer  to  war,  but  which  are 
only  a  repetition  of  what  has  been  said  before  on  that  subject,  and  are 
thought  spurious  by  most  editors,  are  not  translated. 

vol.  in,  2  B 


370  ON   HUNTING,  [ch.    12 

and  punishnients.  as  well  as  death  tu  themselves  and  thei* 
children  and  their  friends,  being  insensible  to  the  evil  that 
they  were  incurring,  but  having  a  keener  inclination  for  plea- 
sures than  other  men  ;  and  who  can  make  indulgence  in  plea- 
sure turn  to  the  benefit  of  his  country  ?  14.  From  these  evils, 
however,  every  one  will  be  free,  who  loves  what  I  recommend, 
since  good  training  teaches  men  to  observe  the  laws,  and  to 
speak  as  well  as  to  hear,  with  a  regard  to  what  is  just.  15. 
Those  who  make  it  their  study,  accordingly,  to  be  continually 
labouring  and  learning  something,  choose  toilsome  pursuits 
and  cares  for  themselves,  but  secure  safety  for  their  own  com- 
munities ;  but  those  who  decline  to  be  taught  anything,  because 
it  is  laborious,  and  prefer  to  spend  their  lives  in  impropei 
pleasures,  are  characters  of  the  very  worst  nature. 

16.  They  obey  neither  the  laws  nor  good  admonitions;  for, 
as  they  shrink  from  every  effort  at  improvement,  they  gain 
no  conception  what  a  man  of  virtue  ought  to  be  ;  so  that  they 
can  neither  be  pious  nor  wise,  but,  consigning  themselves  to 
ignorance,  inveigh  greatly  against  those  who  are  learned. 
17.  By  means  of  such  men,  therefore,  nothing  can  be  made  to 
prosper,  as  everything  advantageous  to  mankind  is  found  out 
by  better  men  than  they  ;  and  the  better  are  those  who  are 
willing  to  exert  themselves.  18.  This  has  been  demonstrated 
by  strong  proof  ;  for,  among  the  ancients,  those  who  studied 
under  Chiron,  and  whom  I  mentioned  before,  began  their  ex- 
ercises when  they  were  young,  with  hunting,  and  became 
masters  of  many  noble  qualifications,  whence  great  honour 
was  paid  to  them  for  their  virtue,  for  which  they  are  even  to 
the  present  day  held  in  admiration. 

That  all  men  have  a  love  for  such  virtue  is  evident,  but, 
because  it  is  possible  to  attain  it  only  by  labour,  the  greater 
part  of  mankind  shrink  from  the  pursuit  of  it ;  and  the  at- 
tainment of  it  is  indeed  uncertain,  while  the  exertions  attend- 
ant on  the  pursuit  of  it  are  manifest.  19.  Perhaps,  however, 
if  Virtue  could  be  seen  bodily,  men  would  be  less  neglectful  of 
her ;  knowing  that  they  would  be  seen  by  her  as  she  would 
be  seen  by  them ;  20.  for  every  one,  when  he  is  in  the  sight  of 
the  object  of  his  love,  conducts  himself  better  than  at  other 
times,  and  neither  does  nor  says  anything  unbecoming  or  wrong, 
lest  it  should  be  seen  by  that  object.  21.  But  men,  thinking 
that  they  are  not  seen  by  Virtue,  because  they  do  not  see  her, 


§    1 5.  \  GENERAL    LOVE    OF    VIRTUE.  371 

commit  many  wicked  and  dishonourable  acts  without  disguise ;! 
yet  she  is  in  reality  present  everywhere,  as  she  is  immortal, 
and  honours  those  who  act  rightly  towards  her,  and  casts  dis- 
honour on  those  who  act  wrong.  Could  they  feel  assured, 
then,  that  she  sees  them,  they  would  devote  themselves  to 
those  labours  and  studies  by  which  she  is,  though  with  diffi- 
culty, captivated,  and  would  secure  her  favour. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


A  chapter  on  the  vanity  and  empty  professions  of  the  sophists  ;  not  written, 
in  all  probability,  by  Xenophon. 

1.  But  I  wonder  at  those  men  who  are  called  sophists,  be- 
cause the  most  of  them  say  that  they  lead  mankind  to  virtue, 
while  in  reality  they  lead  them  in  a  contrary  direction  ;  for 
we  have  nowhere  seen  any  man  whom  the  present  race  of 
sophists  have  rendered  virtuous ;  nor  do  they  offer  any  writ- 
ings to  the  world  by  which  people  may  be  made  virtuous. 
2.  But  concerning  frivolous  subjects  many  treatises  have  been 
written  by  them,  from  which  empty  amusement  for  the  young 
may  be  derived,  but  in  which  there  are  no  precepts  of  virtue ; 
treatises  which  cause  useless  consumption  of  time  to  those 
who  vainly  hope  to  learn  something  from  them,  detaining 
them  from  other  more  profitable  occupations,  and  even  teach- 
ing them  what  is  bad.  3.  I  blame  them,  then,  for  their  more 
grave  offences2  more  severely;  but  as  to  what  they  write,  I 
say  that  their  words  are  studied  with  the  utmost  care,  but 
that  moral  principles,  by  which  youth  may  be  formed  to  vir- 
tue, are  nowhere  to  be  found  in  them.  4.  I  indeed  am  no 
extraordinary  person,  but  I  know  that  while  it  is  best  to  be 
taught  what  is  good  by  nature  herself,  it  is  next  in  desirable- 
ness to  be  instructed  by  those  who  really  know  something  of 
goodness  rather  than  by  such  as  understand  merely  the  art  of 
deceiving.  5.  My  words,  perhaps,  I  may  not  use  with  the 
art  of  the  sophists,  for  I  make  it  not  my  object  to  do  so ;  but 
the  instructions  which  those  need  who  are  rightly  trained  to 

i  'Ernvriov,  palam,  "openly." 

2  Vices,  offences  against  morality  in  their  nves,  appear  to  be  meant. 

2  b  2 


372  ox  hunting.  [en.  13. 

virtue  I  try  to  express  with  proper  understanding  of  them  ; 
for  mere  words  cannot  aiford  instruction,1  but  thoughts  may, 
if  they  be  of  a  right  kind. 

6.  Many  others  also  blame  the  sophists  of  the  present  day 
(I  do  not  say  the  philosophers),  for  showing  their  acuteness 
in  words  and  not  in  thoughts.  It  does  not  escape  my  con- 
sideration that  it  would  be  well  for  what  I  write  to  be  ar- 
ranged in  proper  order,  for  it  will  be  easy  for  them  to  find 
fault  with  what  is  written  hastily  as  not  being  written  ele- 
gantly; 7.  it  is  written  however  in  such  a  way  that  it  may 
express  what  is  right,  and  may  make  men,  not  sophistical, 
but  wise  and  good ;  for  I  do  not  wish  it  merely  to  seem,  but 
to  be  good,  that  it  may  remain  irrefutable  for  ever.  8.  The 
sophists,  on  the  contrary,  speak  and  write  only  to  deceive, 
and  for  their  own  gain,  and  profit  nobody  in  any  way  ;  for  no 
one  of  them  has  ever  been,  or  is,  wise ;  but  each  of  them  is 
content  with  being  called  a  sophist,  which  is  but  a  term  of 
reproach  among  the  right-thinking  part  of  mankind.  9.  Against 
the  precepts  of  the  sophists,  therefore,  I  exhort  the  young  to 
be  on  their  guard,  but  not  to  undervalue  the  instructions  of 
the  philosophers  ;  for  the  sophists  hunt  for  the  rich  and  young  ; 
but  the  philosophers  are  the  common  teachers  and  common 
friends  of  all.  The  fortunes  of  men  they  neither  esteem  nor 
contemn. 

10.  I  exhort  the  young,  also,  not  to  emulate  those  who 
hastily  seek  their  own  aggrandisement,  whether  in  private  or 
in  public  affairs,  reflecting  that  while  the  best  of  them  are 
known  to  their  honour,  and  are  industrious,  the  bad  meet  with 
ill  fortune,  and  are  distinguished  to  their  disgrace;  11.  for, 
robbing  individuals  of  their  property,  and  embezzling  the 
money  of  the  public,  they  are  less  profitable  to  the  common 
welfare  than  persons  in  a  private  station,  while  they  have 
their  bodies  in  the  very  worst  and  most  disgraceful  condition 
for  war,  being  utterly  incapable  of  any  exertion.  But  hunt- 
ers, on  the  contrary,  present  alike  their  bodies  and  their  pro- 
perty in  excellent  condition  for  promoting  the  common  good 
of  their  countrymen.  12.  Hunters  attack  beasts  of  prey ;  the 
other  sort  of  people  attack  their  friends.  Those  who  act 
against  their  friends  incur  infamy  among  all  men ;  hunters, 
from  pursuing  wild  beasts,  gain  great  honour ;  for,  if  they 
1  Xenophon  would  surely  not  have  expressed  himself  thus. 


§   13 — 18,]  OF    THE    SOPHISTS.  373 

capture  the  beasts,  they  subdue  enemies  ;  and,  if  they  do  not, 
they  nevertheless  receive  praise,  not  only  because  they  assail 
animals  that  meditate  mischief  to  the  whole  community,  but 
because  they  proceed  against  them  neither  to  the  injury  of 
anv  man  nor  for  their  own  private  gain.  13.  Besides,  by  the 
exercise  itself  they  are  rendered  better  for  many  purposes,  as 
well  as  wiser,  by  the  causes  which  I  shall  specify.  If,  in  the 
first  place,  they  did  not  highly  excel  in  activity,  and  contriv- 
ances, and  vigilance,  in  various  ways,  they  would  gain  no 
booty ;  14.  for  their  adversaries,  fighting  for  their  lives,  and 
in  their  own  retreats,  are  in  full  force ;  so  that  the  toil  of  the 
hunter  would  be  in  vain,  if  he  did  not  subdue  them  with 
greater  perseverance  and  with  much  intelligence,  is.  Those 
who  wish,  then,  to  gain  a  superior  station  in  the  state,  medi- 
tate how  to  overcome  their  friends  ;  the  hunters,  how  to  over- 
throw common  enemies.  The  exercise  of  the  hunters  makes 
them  better  men  for  other  opponents  ;  the  practice  of  the  other 
sort  of  people  much  worse  men  ;  the  prey  of  the  one  is  gained 
in  conjunction  with  wisdom,  that  of  the  other  with  disgrace- 
ful audacity.  16.  The  one  can  despise  mean  practices  and  dis- 
honourable gains,  the  other  cannot ;  the  one  utter  a  voice 
expressive  of  good,  the  other,  of  turpitude ;  the  one  show 
themselves  pious  in  the  highpst  degree,  the  other  feel  nothing 
to  restrain  them  from  acting  impiously  towards  all  the  di- 
vinities. 

17.  Tales  of  old  times  are  in  circulation,  which  say  that  the 
gods  delight  in  the  pursuit  of  hunting,  both  as  actors  and  as 
spectators ;  so  that  the  young,  reflecting  on  this,  may  be  both 
lovers  of  the  gods  and  pious  in  their  conduct,  at  least  those 
who  observe  the  admonitions  which  I  give,  and  think  that 
what  they  do  is  seen  by  some  one  of  the  deities ;  and  they 
will  then  be  a  benefit  to  their  parents,  their  country  in  gener- 
al, and  every  one  of  their  fellow-citizens  and  friends,  is.  Not 
only  indeed  have  men  who  have  been  fond  of  the  chace  ob- 
tained an  honourable  character,  but  also  women  to  whom  the 
goddess  Diana  has  given  excellence  in  the  pursuit,  as  Ata« 
lante,  Procis,  and  some  others. 


FRAGMENTS  OF  LETTEES  OF  XENOPHCN, 

EROM  STOB^US. 


FROM   A   LETTER   TO   iESCHINES.1 

i.  Hermogenes,  happening  to  meet  me,  told  me  some 
other  things,  and,  as  I  asked  him  about  you,  what  system  of 
philosophy  you  followed,  he  replied,  the  same  as  Socrates.  2. 
But  even  when  you  were  living  at  Athens,  I  admired  your 
judgment ;  and  as  I  began  to  admire  you  then,  so  also  now  I 
admire  the  unshaken  firmness  of  your  mind  above  any  of 
those  that  have  embraced  the  pursuit  of  wisdom ;  for  it  is,  as 
I  consider,  the  greatest  proof  of  virtue,  that  you  have  been 
attracted  by  that  man,  if  indeed  people  thought 2  the  life  of 
Socrates  that  of  a  mortal  man. 

3.  That  there  are  divine  beings  over  us  is  manifest  to 
every  one ;  and  it  is  enough  for  us  to  worship  them  for  the 
superiority  of  their  power ;  but  of  what  nature  they  are,  it  is 
neither  easy  to  find,  nor  dutiful  to  inquire ;  for  it  does  not  be- 
long to  slaves  to  understand  the  nature  and  conduct  of  their 
masters,  as  their  sole  business  is  to  serve ;  4.  and,  what  is 
the  most  remarkable,  the  more  admiration  we  must  bestow 
on  those  who  labour  for  the  interests  of  mankind,  the  more 
blame  is  attached3  to  those  who  aim  at  getting  reputation 

1  Stobseus,  Tit.  80.  12.  It  is  also  to  be  found  in  Eusebius,  Praep. 
Evan.  xiv.  12. 

2  'KyovvTo.]  This  word  is  probably  corrupt.  Leunclavius  conjec- 
tured rjyiTrai  rig,  which,  says  Weiske,  is,  if  not  the  happiest  of  conjec- 
tures, better  certainly  than  rjyovvTo. 

3  The  text  is  here  apparently  corrupt  or  defective.  Leunclavius  reads 
rocrov  toSb  for  roaqiSe,  which  furnishes  a  nominative  case  for  <pkpti,  and 
makes  the  sense  "  the  more  blame  this  attaches,"  &c,  a\9og,  as  Weiske 
observes,  having  apparently  the  force  of  -tyoyoQ.  This  section  is  supplied 
from  Eusebius,  being  omitted  by  Stobeeus. 


FRAGMENTS    OF    LETTERS.  375 

from  improper  and  worthless  objects.  5.  For  when,  my  dear 
^Eschines,  did  any  one  ever  hear  Socrates  discoursing  about 
the  heavenly  bodies,1  or  exhorting  men  to  learn  geometry  in 
order  to  improve  their  morals  ?  As  for  music,  we  are  aware 
that  he  knew  nothing  more  of  it  than  the  pleasure  of  hearing 
it.  But  he  was  constantly  discussing  with  his  friends  what 
propriety  was,  or  fortitude,  or  justice,  or  other  virtues.2  6. 
These  he  called  the  important  concerns  of  mankind ;  other 
things  he  said  were  impossible  to  be  comprehended  by  man, 
or  were  akin  to  fables,  trifling  amusements  for  the  mind,  such 
as  those  on  which  the  sophists  so  superciliously  descant. 
Nor  did  he  only  say  this,  without  observing  it  in  his  conduct ; 
but  to  detail  what  he  did  to  you  who  know  it,  though  it 
would  not  be  unpleasing,  would  take  up  time;  and  I  have 
recorded  it  elsewhere.3 

7.  Let  those,  therefore,  whom  Socrates  did  not  satisfy,  be 
convinced  and  keep  silence,  or  adopt  just  notions  respecting 
him ;  a  man  to  whose  wisdom  the  god  at  Delphi  testified, 
while  those  who  put  him  to  death  could  find  no  expiation  by 
repentance.4  8.  But  these  illustrious  philosophers 5  are  in 
love  with  Egypt  and  the  prodigious  knowledge  of  Pythagoras,6 
their  extravagant  pursuit  of  which  convicts  them  of  incon- 
stancy to  Socrates,  as  does  also  their  love  of  tyranny,  and 
their  preference  of  the  immoderate  luxury  of  a  Sicilian 
table  to  a  frugal  diet.7 

1  Comp.  Mem.  Soc.  iv.  7.  6. 
8  Mem.  Soc.  i.  1.  16. 

3  In  the  Memorabilia  of  Socrates. 

4  Though  the  Athenians  afterwards  repented  of  having  condemned 
Socrates,  and  banished  those  who  were  the  cause  of  his  death,  while 
they  paid  Socrates  himself  almost  divine  honours,  yet  they  could  never 
think  that  they  had  made  sufficient  atonement  for  their  fault.     Zeune. 

5  Here  again  the  text  is  unsound.  For  To  Se  koKov  apa,  with  which 
the  sentence  begins,  Gesner  in  his  edition  of  Stobseus  reads  oi  8s  icaXoi 
dvSptg. 

*  This,  according  to  Zeune,  is  directed  against  Plato,  who,  like  Pytha- 
goras, travelled  in  Egypt,  and  in  whose  philosophy,  he  says,  there  are 
traces  of  that  of  Pythagoras. 

7  This  also  refers  to  Plato,  says  Zeune  who  was  a  friend  of  the 
Dtonysii,  the  tyrants  of  Sicily.     Comp,  Cic,  Tusc.  Disp.  v.  35. 


376  FRAGMENTS  OF  LETTERS. 

FROM  A  LETTER  TO  CRITO, 

....  For  be  assured  that  Socrates  often  said  to  us,  that  those 
who  are  anxious  about  their  children  that  they  may  have 
abundance  of  wealth,  but  have  no  care  that  they  may  become 
honourable  and  upright,  act  like  those  who  breed  horses,  but 
train  them  to  no  military  uses,  though  they  supply  them 
with  abundance  of  food  ;  2.  since  they  will  thus  have  their 
horses  fatter,  but  unqualified  for  what  they  ought  to  be  able 
to  do,  as  the  merit  of  a  horse  consists,  not  in  having  abund- 
ance of  flesh,  but  in  being  courageous  and  well-exercised  for 
the  field  of  battle.  The  same  fault,  he  said,  was  committed  by 
those  who  acquire  a  great  quantity  of  land  for  their  children, 
but  are  regardless  of  their  personal  improvement ;  since  what 
they  possess  will  be  thought  of  great  value,  but  themselves  of 
very  little  ;  while,  on  the  contrary,  that  which  possesses  ought 
to  be  more  valuable  than  that  which  is  possessed.  3.  Accord- 
ingly, he  who  renders  his  son  deserving  of  high  estimation 
has,  though  he  bequeaths  him  but  little,  bestowed  upon  him 
much  ;  for  it  is  from  the  condition  of  the  mind 2  that  our 
possessions  appear  greater  or  less,  since  to  a  well-ordered  mind 
they  seem  sufficient,  but  to  an  ill-regulated  and  untaught 
mind  too  little.  4.  You  give  your  children  nothing  more 
than  necessity  requires  :  this,  however,  by  the  well-instructed, 
is  considered  not  only  sufficient  for  their  wants,  but  absolute 
wealth  ;  but  as  for  the  ignorant,  though  it  frees  them  from 
bodily  uneasiness,3  it  does  not  at  all  diminish  their  despondent 
views  of  the  future. 

FROM    A    LETTER    TO    SOTEIRA.4 

To  me,  Soteira,  death  appears  nothing  either  repulsive  or 
attractive,  but  merely  an  end  of  life,  though  not  indeed  the 
same  for  all,  as  inequality  from  birth,  in  regard  to  strength  or 
weakness,  brings  inequality  in  number  of  years  ; 5  and  as 
different  causes,  sometimes  disgraceful,  and  sometimes  honour- 
able and  becoming,  bring  on  death. 

1  Stob.  Tit.  83.  29.  a  Comp.  Banquet,  c.  4,  sect.  34. 

a  As  hunger,  thirst,  cold.     Zeune.  4  Stob.  Tit.  121.  37. 

*  This  passage  is  corrupt.  I  follow  Weiske's  reading  and  interpret ation. 


FRAGMENTS    OF    LETTERS.  377 


FROM    THE    SAME    LETTER.1 

But  neither  ought  you  to  feel  so  much  concern  about  death, 
knowing  that  we  must  regard  birth  as  the  beginning  of  man's 
course,  and  death  as  the  end.  He2  has  died,  as  he  who  was 
even  ever  so  reluctant  would  have  died ;  but  to  die  honourably 
is  the  part  of  one  who  is  willing,  to  die,  and  who  has  been 
taught  what  he  ought  to  know.  Happy  therefore  is  Gryllus, 
and  whoever  chooses,  not  the  greatest  prolongation  of  life, 
but  life  distinguished  by  virtue  ;  though  the  gods  granted 
him,  indeed,  but  a  short  life. 

FROM  A  LETTER  TO  LAMPROCLES,  OR  LAMPROCLEIA.3 

. .  .  For  you  must  first  of  all  approve  the  excellent  precept  of 
Socrates,  that  "we  must  measure  wealth  ;"4  for  Socrates  used 
to  say,  that  vast  property  was  not  wealth,  but  so  much  as  is 
becoming  for  us  to  use  ;  and  he  admonished  us  besides  not 
to  err  in  our  judgment  about  such  matters,  as  those  who 
use  what  they  possess  becomingly  are  justly  to  be  called  rich  ; 
but  others  he  pronounced  poor,  and  declared  that  they  were 
afflicted  with  poverty  of  an  incurable  kind,  as  it  was  want  of 
understanding,  and  not  of  pecuniary  means.  *  *  *  No  evil 
indeed  originates  with  a  man  who  makes  prudence  and 
temperance  the  foundations  of  wisdom. 


There  are  five  Letters  attributed  to  Xenophon  in  the  Socratis  et  Socra- 
ticorum  Epistalae,  published  by  Leo  Allatius,  and  placed  by  Weiske  at 
the  end  of  his  edition  of  Xenophon  ;  but  as  they,  with  the  rest  of  the  let- 
ters in  Leo's  volume,  are  now  universally  regarded  as  forgeries,  it  is  noi 
thought  necessary  to  translate  them. 

y  J.S.  W. 

1  Stob.  Tit.  124.  42. 

2  That  is,  Gryllus,  the  son  of  Xenophon,  who  is  named  just  below,  and 
who  fell  with  honour  in  the  battle  of  Mantineia. 

•  Stob  Tit.  5.  79,  80.  4  Comp.  Hiero,  c.  4,  sect.  8. 


INDEX. 


k.  Agesilaus. — Ap.  Apology  of  Socrates. — Ath.  On  the  Government  of  Athens.— B 
Banquet.— H.  Hiero. — Hi.  Hipparchicus. — Ho.  On  Horsemanship. — Hu.  On  Hunt 
ing.— L.  On  the  Government  of  Lacedsemon. — Let.  Fragments  of  Letters. — O.  Q£co« 
nomicus R.  On  Improving  the  Revenues  of  Athens. 

***    The  Roman  numerals  refer  to  chapters,  the  Arabic  to  sections. 


Acarnania,  A.  ii.  20. 

Achseans,  A.  ii.  20. 

Achilles,  pupil  of  Chiron,  Hu.  i.  2, 

4,  16.     Of  Phoenix,  viii.  23,  31. 
Actis,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

iEchme, ,  ib. 

iEgean  Sea,  O.  xx.  27. 

iEneas,  a  disciple  of  Chiron,  Hu.  i. 

2.  15. 
iEnianes,  enemies  of  the  Spartans, 

A.  ii.  6,  24. 

iEolians  support  Agesilaus,  A.  i. 
14;  ii.  11. 

iEschylus  of  Phlius,  friend  of  So- 
crates, B.  iv.  63. 

iEsculapius,  a  disciple  of  Chiron, 
Hu.  i.  2,  6. 

jEther,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

iEtolians,  A.  ii.  20.  ■ 

Agatho,  poet,  B.  viii.  32. 

Agesilaus,  A .  passim.  See  also  the 
Hellenics,  B.  iii. — vii. 

Agis,  A.  i.  5. 

Agriculture,  excellences  of,  O.  iv. 
4;  xv.  9.  Easily  learned,  xix. 
17,  seqq. 

Alcathus,  the  father  of  Periboea, 
Hu.  i.  9. 

Alee,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Alexander,  or  Paris,  judgment  of, 

B.  iv.  20. 

Amphiaraus,  disciple  of  Chiron,  Hu. 
ii.  8. 


Amyclae,  A.  viii.  7. 

Anaphlystus,  town  of  Attica,  R.  iv 
43. 

Anaximander,  an  expounder  of  Ho- 
mer, B.  iii.  6. 

Antheus,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Antilochus,  son  of  Nestor,  Hu.  i. 
2,  14. 

Antisthenes,  disciple  of  Socrates, 
B.  i.  3 ;  ii.  10.  Seems  to  have 
denied  that  virtue  could  be  taught, 
ii.  12.  His  poverty,  iii.  7  ;  iv. 
34.  Introduces  Callias  to  Prodi- 
cus  and  Hippias,  iv.  63 ;  and 
^Eschylus  of  Phlius  to  Socrates, 
iv.  64. 

Anytus,  the  accuser  of  Socrates, 
Ap.  29,  31 ;  his  son,  ib. 

Apollo,  inventor  of  hunting,  Hu.  i. 
1 ;  worshipped  by  hunters,  vi. 
13 ;  his  oracle  concerning  So- 
crates, Ap.  14. 

Apolloderus,  disciple  of  Socrates, 
Ap.  28. 

Arcadians,  assisted  by  the  Atheni- 
ans, R.  iii.  7. 

Archidamus,  father  of  Agesilaus,  A. 
i.  15. 

Ariadne  and  Bacchus,  B.  ix.  2. 

Ariobarzanes,  friendly  to  Agesilaus, 
A.  ii.  26. 

Anstodemus,  A.  viii.  7. 

Asia,  A.  i.  7,  atque  alibi. 


INDEX. 


37S 


Aspasia,  O.  iii.  14. 

Assus,  town  of  Troas,  A.  viii.  7. 

Atalanta,  married  to  Melanio,  Hu. 
i.  7.     A  huntress,  xiii.  8. 

Athenians,  their  mixed  language 
and  customs,  Ath.  ii.  8.  Their 
numerous  festivals,  iii.  2,  8.  In- 
justice on  trials,  Ap.  4.  Not  all 
equally  courageous,  B.  ii.  13. 
Glory  of  their  ancestors,  Hi.  vii. 
3.  Their  expenses  for  spectacles, 
i.  26.  Divided  into  ten  tribes,  R. 
iv.  30.  Assist  the  Arcadians,  iii. 
7.  How  they  obtained  the  su- 
premacy in  Greece,  ib.  v.  5. 
Their  money,  iii.  2. 

Athens,  its  excellent  situation,  R.  i. 
6.  Liberty  allowed  there  to 
slaves  and  foreigners,  ib.  i.  10. 

Attica,  fertility  of,  Ath.  i.  1.  A- 
bounds  in  marble,  i.  4.  Its  silver 
mines,  R.  iv. 

Augo,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Autolycus,  B.  i.  2,  atque  alibi. 
Proud  of  his  father,  ib.  iii.  13. 

Bacchus  and  Ariadne,  B.  ix.  2. 
Bacchus  aided  the  Athenians 
against  Xerxes,  B.  viii.  40. 

Bailiffs,  duties  of,  O.  xiii. 

Beauty,  B.  v. 

Bia,   a    dog's    name,    Hu.    vii.   5. 

Bits  and  bridles,  Ho.  x. 

Boeotians,  their  love  of  boys,  L.  ii. 
13;  B.  viii.  34.  An  obscure 
passage  respecting  them,  Ath.  iii. 
1 1.  Glory  of  their  ancestors,  Hi. 
vii.  3.  Their  corslets,  Ho.  xii. 
3.  They  and  their  allies  attack 
Agesilaus  as  he  is  coming  from 
Asia,  A.  ii.  2. 

Bremon,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Bryas, ib. 

Caeno,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Calleas,  A.  viii.  3. 

Callias,  Athenian,  banquet  at  his 
house,  B.  passim.  Studied  un- 
der the  sophists,  ib.  i.  5  ;  iv.  62. 
His  love  for  Autolycus,  i.  1.  He 
professes  to  make  men  better,  iii. 
4;  vi.  1.  His  wealth,  iv.  37. 
A  priest,  viii  39. 


Callipides,  an  actor,  his  power   cf 

exciting  tears,  B.  iii   11 
Caria,  A.  i.  14,  29. 
Carthaginian  flax,  Hu.  ii.  4. 
Castor,  disciple  of  Chiron,  Hu.  i.  2, 

13.     A  kind  of  dogs  named  from 

him,  iii.  1. 
Cavalry  officer,  duties  of,  Hi.  pas- 
sim. 
Cephalus,  disciple  of  Chiron,  Hu.  i. 

2,  6. 
Chaerephon,  Ap.  14. 
Chara,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 
Charmides,  disciple  of  Socrates,  B. 

i.  3.    A  saying  of  his,  iii.  1.    His 

poverty,  iii.  9 ;  iv.  29. 
Chiron,  his  virtues  and  pupils,  Hu. 

i.    His  long  life,  i.  3.    Honoured 

by  Achilles,  B.  viii.  23. 
Cittus,  mountain,  Hu.  xi.  1. 
Cleinias,  brother  of  Alcibiades,  loved 

by  Critobulus,  B.  iv.  12. 
Corinth,  battle  near,  A.  ii.  5.     See 

also  ii.  18. 
Coroneia,  battle  of,  A.  ii.  9. 
Cowardice  at  Sparta,  infamy  of,  L. 

ix. 
Cranonians,    in    Thessaly,     annoy 

Agesilaus,  A.  ii.  2. 
Crauge,  name  of  a  dog,  Hu.  vii.  5. 
Cretan  dogs,  Hu.  x.  1. 
Creusis,  A.  ii.  18. 
Critobulus,  a  disciple  of  Socrates. 

B.  i.  3.     Discourse  on  husbandry 

held  with    him,  O.  i. — v.      His 

riches,  ii.  3.     Newly  married,  B. 

ii.  3.     A  handsome  man,  iii.  7  ; 

iv.  10.     His  love  for  Cleinias,  iv. 

12.     Socrates   pretends  to  rival 

him  in  beauty,  v.  1. 
Cynisca,  sister  of  Agesilaus,  A.  ix. 

6. 
Cynoseephalae,  A.  ii.  22. 
Cyprus,  merchandise  brought  from 

it  to  Athens,  Ath.  ii.  7. 
Cyrus  the  Younger,  a  saying  of  his, 

O.    iv.    16.     His  popularity,  ib. 

18.     His  war  with  his  brother, 

ib.     Planted  trees,  ib.  21. 
Dailochus,  a  favourite  of  Hiero,  H. 

1.31. 


3S0 


I^TDEX. 


Deceleia,  slaves   of  the  Athenians 

there,  11.  iv.  25. 
Delphi,  L.  viii.  5  ;  A.  i.  34. 
Diana,  inventress  and  patroness  of 
.  hunting,  Hu.  i.  1 ;  v.  14 ;  xii.  18. 

Vows  made  to  her,  vi.  13.     Her 

respect   for    Hippolytus,    i.    11. 

Worshipped  at  Ephesus,  A.  i.  27. 
Diomede,  a  follower  of  Chiron,  Hu. 

i.  2,  13. 
Dionysia,  feast  of  Bacchus,  Hi.  iii. 

2. 
Dioscuri,  made  immortal  for  their 

virtue,  B.  viii.  29. 
Dodona,  R.  vi.  2. 
Draco,  laws  of,  0.  xiv.  4. 
Economy,  importance  of,  O.  xx. 
Egypt,  merchants  from,  Ath.  ii.  7. 
Egyptians   chose  two  kings,  A.  ii. 

29. 
Eleians,  their  love  of  boys,  L.  ii. 

13  ;  B.  viii.  34.     Allied  with  the 

Mantineians  and  Thebans  against 

the  Lacedaemonians,  A.  ii.  23. 
Eleusinium,    temple    of    Ceres    at 

Athens,  Hu.  i.  1  ;  Hi.  iii.  2. 
Ephesus,  A.  i.  14,  25. 
Ephori  at  Sparta,  power  of,  L.  viii. 
Erectheus,  author  of  the  Eleusinian 

rites,  B.  viii.  40. 
Eubceans  oppose  Agesilaus,  A.  ii. 

6,  24. 
Euxine  Sea,  O.  xx.  27. 
Ganymede,  carried  off  by  Jupiter, 

O.  viii.  30. 
Getheus,  name  of  a  dog,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Gnome, ,  ib. 

Goods,  defined,  O.  i.  7,  seqq. 
Gorgias  the   Leontine,  taught   for 

money,    B.    i.   5.     His  style   of 

speaking,  ii.  26. 
Gorgons  turned  men  into  stone,  B. 

iv.  24. 
Governing,  art  of,  O.  xxi. 
Greeks,  their  mode  of  bringing  up 

girls,  L.  i.  3  ;   boys,  ii.  1. 
Graces,  their  dancing,  B.  vii.  5. 
Ground,  nature  of,  how  discover- 
able, O.  xvi. 
Gryllus,  son  of  Xenophon,  killed  in 

battle  at  an  early  age,  Let.  4. 


Gylis,  polemarch  in  the  lattle  cf 
Coroneia,  A.  ii.  15. 

Hebe,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Hegesilaus,  a  general  of  the  Atheni- 
ans, R.  iii.  7. 

Helicon,  Mount,  A.  ii.  9. 

Hellespont,  people  bordering  on,  A. 
i.  14;  ii.  11.  Crossed  by  Agesi- 
laus, ii.  1. 

Heracleia,  a  stranger  from,  at 
Athens;  perhaps  Zeuxis,  B.  iv.  63. 

Heracleidae,  Lycurgus  lived  in  the 
time  of  the,  L.  x.  8. 

Hercules,  honoured  Telamon  at  the 
taking  of  Troy,  Hu.  i.  9.  Made 
immortal  for  his  virtue,  B.  viii. 
29.  His  posterity  kings  of  Sparta, 

A.  i.  2 ;  viii.  7. 

Herippidas,  a  Spartan  general,  A. 
ii.  10. 

Hermse,  a  place  so  called  from  the 
statues  of  Hermes  or  Mercury, 
Hi.  iii.  2. 

Hermogenes,  friend  of  Socrates, 
Ap.  2  ;  B.  i.  3.  Proud  of  his 
friends,  that  is,  of  the  gods,  iii. 
14  ;  iv.  47.  A  good  man,  iv.  50. 
Explains  the  meaning  of  parcenia, 
vi.  2.  Jested  upon  by  Socrates, 
viii.  3.  Exhorts  Socrates  to  think 
of  his  defence,  Ap.  9.  Praises 
JEschines,  Let.  i.  1. 

Hesione,  given  by  Hercules  tc 
Telamon,  Hu.  i.  9. 

Hiero,  king  of  Syracuse,  his  dis* 
course  with  Simonides,  Hi.  pas- 
sim. 

Hippias,  sophist,  taught  Callias  the 
art  of  memory,  B.  viii.  62. 

Hippolytus,  honoured  by  Diana., 
Hi.  i.  10. 

Hipponicus,  father  of  Callias,  B.  i. 
2.  He,  or  another  of  that  name, 
had  six  hundred  slaves  in  the 
silver  mines,  R.  iv.  15. 

Hoeing  and  weeding,  O.  xvii.  12. 

Homer,  spoke  of  almost  everything, 

B.  iv.  6,  7.  His  poems  learned 
by  Niceratus,  iii.  5.  Attributed 
the  gift  of  prophecy  to  people  at 
the  point  of  death,  Ap.  30. 


I1TDEX. 


381 


Korme,  a  dog's  name,  vii.  5. 

Horse,  how  to  judge  of,  ana  manage, 
Ho.  passim. 

Hours,  dancing,  B.  vii.  5. 

Hunting  hares,  Hu.  i. — viii.  Deer, 
ix.  Boars,  x.  Other  wild  beasts, 
xi. 

Hyacinthia,  festival  at  Sparta,  A. 
ii.  17. 

Hybris,  a  dog's  name,  vii.  5. 

Hyleus, ,  ib. 

Impudence,  or  shamelessness,  spok- 
en of  as  a  goddess,  B.  viii.  35. 

Indian  dogs,  fit  for  hunting  boars 
and  stags,  Hu.  ix.  1  ;  x,  1. 

Ionia,  A.  i.  14. 

Ionians,  in  the  army  of  Agesilaus  at 
Coroneia,  A.  ii.  11. 

Ischomachus,  his  conversation  with 
Socrates  on  husbandry,  O.  vi.  vii. 
seqq. 

Paly,  Ath.  ii.  7. 

Jupiter,  has  many  names,  B.  viii.  9. 
His  loves,  ib.  29.  Brother  of 
Chiron  by  Rhea,  Hu.  i.  4.  Sa- 
crifices offered  to  him  by  the 
Lacedaemonians,  L.  xiii.  2. 

Kings,  advantages  and  disadvant- 
ages of  their  condition,  H.  pas- 
sim.    Their  duties,  xi. 

Lacedaemonian  dogs,  called  also 
Castorian,  fit  for  hunting  boars, 
Hu.  x.  1,4. 

Lacedaemonians,  exercise  their  girls 
as  well  as  their  boys,  L.  i.  4. 
Their  modesty,  ib.  5.  Regula- 
tions about  wives,  ib.  7.  Educa- 
tion of  children,  ii.  2,  3,  seqq. 
They  allow  boys  to  steal,  but 
punish  them  if  discovered,  ib.  6. 
Care  of  their  children  is  in  the 
hands  of  the  state,  ib.  1 1  and  c. 
vi.  Modesty  of  their  young  men 
and  boys,  ii.  13  and  c.  iii.  Their 
youth  exercised  in  hunting,  iv.  7. 
Their  meals  taken  publicly,  v. 
Pursuit  of  wealth  discouraged 
among  them,  vii.  Their  respect 
for  magistrates  and  the  laws,  viii. ; 
and  for  morality,  ix.  Judgment 
passed  on  the  lives  of  their  old 


men,  x.  Their  fondness  for  mili- 
tary pursuits,  xi  The  Lacedae- 
monians, from  a  feeling  of  grati- 
tude, concede  to  the  Athenians 
the  supremacy  of  Greece,  R.  v.  7. 
They  have  mercenary  cavalry, 
Hi.  ix.  4.  Invade  Attica,  vii.  4. 
Their  love  of  youth,  B.  viii.  25. 
See  Spartans. 

Larissa,  people  of,  oppose  Agesilaus, 
A.  ii.  2. 

Lechasum,  harbour  of  Corinth,  A, 
ii.  2. 

Leuctra,  A.  ii.  22,  23. 

Leuso,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Lochos, ,  ib. 

Locri  Ozolse,    )  allies  of  the  The- 

Opuntii,  j  bans,  A.  ii.  6. 

Locrian  dogs,  fit  for  hunting  boars, 
Hu.  x.  1. 

Lonche,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Love,  its  effects,  B.  i.  8.  Different 
kinds  of,  viii. 

Lycabettus,  mountain  of  Attica,  O. 
xix.  6. 

Lyceum,  gymnasium  at  Athens,  iii, 
1,6. 

Lyco,  father  of  Autolycus,  B.  i.  2  ; 
ii.  4.     Proud  of  his  son,  iii.  12. 

Lycurgus,  lived  in  the  time  of  the 
Heracleidae,  L.  x.  8.  "Wisdom  of 
his  institutions  at  Sparta,  L.  pas- 
sim. His  laws  confirmed  by  an 
oracle  of  Apollo,  viii.  5.  An 
oracle  respecting  him,  Ap.  15. 

Lysander,  his  colloquy  with  Cyrus 
the  Younger,  O.  iv.  20. 

Lvsistratus,  Athenian  general,  R. 
"iii.  7. 

Macedonia,  Agesilaus  passes  through 
it,  A.  ii.  2. 

Machaon,  disciple  of  Chiron,  Hu.  i. 
14. 

Maaander,  river,  A.  i.  15,  29. 

Mantineians,  A.  ii.  23. 

Master,  importance  of  his  presence 
among  his  workmen,  O.  xii. 

Mausolus  besieges  Sestus,  A.  ii.  26, 

Medas,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Median  or  Persian  war,  R.  v.  5. 

Megabates,  A.  v.  4. 


382 


INDEX. 


Megara,  situate  midway  between 
Boeotia  and  Attica,  R.  iv.  46. 

Melanion,  husband  of  Atalanta,  Hu. 
i.  2,  7. 

Meleager,  disciple  of  ChiroH;  Hu.  i. 
2,  10. 

Meletus,  accuser  of  Socrat3s,  Ap. 
19. 

Menestheus,  Hu.  i.  2,  12. 

Mercenaries,  how  they  may  be  em- 
ployed, H.  x.  1. 

Messene,  ii.  29. 

Messenians,  conquered  by  the  La- 
cedaemonians, Ath.  iii.  11. 

Milesian  aristocracy  put  to  death 
the  plebeians,  ib. 

Minerva,  the  Lacedaemonians  sacri- 
fice to  her,  L.  xiii.  2.  Old  men 
walk  in  procession  at  her  festi- 
val, B.  iv.  17.  A  temple  of  hers, 
A.  ii.  13. 

Naiad,  a,  mother  of  Chiron,  Hu.  i. 
4. 

Naiads,  mothers  of  the  Sileni,  B.  v. 
7. 

Narthacius,  Mount,  A.  ii.  5. 

Nestor,  disciple  of  Chiron,  Hu.  i.  7. 
His  military  merit,  ib.  12. 

Niceratus,  friend  of  Callias,  B.  i.  2. 
Newly  married,  ii.  3.  Learned 
all  the  poems  of  Homer,  iii.  5. 
A  lover  of  money,  iv.  46. 

,  father  of  Nicias,  R.  iv. 
14. 

Nicias,  his  son,  had  a  thousand  slaves 
in  the  mines,  ib. 

,  doubtful  whether  the  same, 

O.  ii.  4. 

Nicostratus,  actor,  B.  vi.  3. 

Noes,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Nymphs,  their  dances,  B.  vii.  5. 

Nysa,  mountain  in  Syria,  Hu.  ii. 
1. 

Odrysse,  ride  their  horses  at  speed 
downhill,  Ho.  viii.  6. 

CEuas,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Olympus,  B.  viii.  30. 

Olympus  in  Mysia,  Hu.  xi.  1. 

Order,  advantages  of,  O.  viii.  3, 
aegg. 

Orchomenians,  A.  ii.  6. 


Orestes,  friend  of  Pylades,  B.  viii 
31. 

Orge,  name  of  a  dog,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Pactolus,  river  of  Lydia,  A.  i.  30. 

Palamedes,  Ap.  26.  Disciple  of 
Chiron,  Hu.  i.  2.  His  wisdom, 
and  unjust  condemnation,  ib.  11. 

Pallas.    See  Minerva. 

Panathengea,  festival  of,  B.  i.  2. 

Pangseus,  mountain  in  Thrace, 
frequented  by  wild  beasts,  Hu. 
ii.  1. 

Paphlagonians,  A.  iii.  4. 

Patroclus,  friend  of  Achilles,  B.  viii. 
31. 

Pausanias,  an  Athenian,  lover  of 
Agathon,  B.  viii.  32.  A  saying 
of  his,  ib. 

Peirseeus,  harbour  of  Athens,  Ath.  i. 
17  ;  R.  iii.  13.  House  of  Callias 
situate  near,  B.  i.  2. 

Peireeon,  port  of  Corinth,  battle 
near,  A.  ii.  18. 

Peirithous,  friend  of  Theseus,  B. 
viii.  31. 

Peisander,  Athenian  orator,  B.  ii. 
14. 

Peleus,  disciple  of  Chiron,  marries 
Thetis,  Hu.  i.  2,  8. 

Peloponnesus,  gates  of  the,  A.  ii. 
17. 

Pericles  consulted  the  interests  of 
his  country,  B.  viii.  39. 

Persia,  king  of,  undertakes  an  ex- 
pedition against  Greece,  A.  i.  6. 
Orders  the  Lacedaemonians  to 
give  up  Messene,  ii.  29.  His 
regard  for  agriculture  and  war,  O. 
iv.  4. 

Phalerian  marsh  or  lake,  O.  xix.  6. 

Phalerus,  harbour  of  Athens,  Hi. 
iii.  1. 

Pharnabazus,  his  cavalry  annoys 
Agesilaus,  A.  i.  23.  He  offends 
Spithridates,  iii.  3.  His  confer- 
ence with  Agesilaus,  ib.  5. 

Pharsalians  oppose  Agesilaus  re- 
turning from  Asia,  A.  ii.  2. 

Phasis,  flax  from,  Hu.  ii.  4. 

Philemonides,  his  three  hundred 
slaves,  R.  iv.  15. 


INDEX. 


383 


T  nilippus,  a  buffoon,  B-  i.  11;  ii. 

14,  20—23,  27.     His  love  of  his 

occupation,    iii.   11  ;  iv.    51  ;  vi. 

8—10. 
Phlego,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 
Phliasians,  A.  ii.  21. 
Phocians,  A.  ii.  6.    Their  war  with 

the  people  of  Delphi,  R.  v.  9. 
Phoenicia  described,  A.  ii.  30. 
,  large  ship  from,  O.  viii. 

11. 
Phoenix,  honoured  by  Achilles,  B. 

viii.  23. 
Phonax,  name  of  a  dog,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Phrura, ,  ib. 

Phrygia,  A.  i.  16. 

Phrygians  in  the  Athenian  army, 

R.  ii.  3. 
Phthia,  city  of  Thessaiy,  A.  ii.  5. 
Pindus  frequented  by  wild  beasts, 

Hu.  ii.  1. 
Planting  trees,  modes  of,  xix.   1, 

seqq. 
Podalirius,  disciple  of  Chiron,  Hu. 

i.  2,  14. 
Pollux,  disciple  of  Chiron,  Hu.  i.  2, 

13. 
Polycharmus,  a  Pharsalian,  opposed 

to  Agesilaus,  A.  ii.  4. 
Polys,  name  of  a  dog,  Hu.  vii.  5. 
Pontus,  in  Asia  Minor,  Ath.  ii.  7. 
Porpax,  name  of  a  dog,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Portho, ,  ib. 

Poverty,  advantages  of,  B.  iv.  29. 
Praise,  most  agreeable  kind  of,  H .  i. 

16. 
Pras,  a  town  of  Thessaiy,  A.  ii.  5. 
Procris,  an  eminent  huntress,  Hu. 

xiii.  18. 
Prodicus,  sophist,  tutor  of  Callias, 

B.  i.  5 ;  iv.  62. 
Promethea,   festival   in  honour  of 

Prometheus,  Ath.  iii.  4. 
Protagoras,  sophist,  B.i.  5. 
Psyche,  name  of  a  dog,  Hu.  vii.  5. 
Punic  or  Carthaginian  flax,  Hu.  ii. 

4. 
Pylades,  friend  of  Orestes,  B.  vii. 

31 
Pythii,   attendants  on  the  kings  of 
Sparta,  L.  xv.  5. 


Reaping,  O.  xviii.  1,  seqq. 

Rhapsodists,  their  character,  B  iii. 
6. 

Rhome,  name  of  a  dog,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Sardes,  or  Sardis,  Agesilaus  lays 
waste  the  country  about  it,  A.  i. 
29.  Cyrus  the  Younger  had  a 
park  there,  O.  iv.  20. 

Scolus,  a  town  of  Boeotia,  A.  ii.  22. 

Scotusssei,  people  of  Thessaiy,  A.  ii. 
2. 

Sestus,  A.  ii.  26. 

Sicilian  Sea,  O.  xx.  27.  Sicilian 
banquets,  Let.  Fr.  i. 

Sidon,  A.  ii.  30. 

Sileni,  B.  iv.  19  ;  v.  7. 

Simo,  an  Athenian  writer  on  Horse- 
manship, Ho.  i.  1,  3  ;  xi.  6. 

Simonides,  his  conversation  with 
Hiero,  H.  passim. 

Snare  for  deer,  described,  Hu.  ix. 
11,  seqq. 

Socrates,  why  he  chose  to  endure 
Xanthippe,  B.  ii.  10.  Calls  him- 
self a  procurer,  iii.  10 ;  iv.  57. 
Resembled  the  Sileni,  iv.  19. 
Pretends  to  vie  with  Critobulus 
in  beauty,  v.  1.  Called  a  con- 
templator,  vi.  6.  His  estimate 
of  his  property,  O.  ii.  3.  Said 
that  his  life  was  his  best  defence, 
Ap.  4.  His  prophecy  about  the 
son  of  Anytus,  ib.  30.  Thought 
it  better  for  him  to  die  than  to 
live,  ib.  5.  Dissuaded  by  his 
genius  from  studying  a  formal 
defence,  ib.  His  philosophy, 
Let.  Fr.  i. 

Soil,  different  kinds  of,  O.  xvii.  8. 

Solon,  lawgiver,  B.  viii.  39 ;  O. 
xiv.  4. 

Sophists,  vanity  and  inefficiency  of, 
Hu.  xiii. 

Sosias,  a  Thracian,  hires  slaves  from 
Nicias,  R.  iv.  14. 

Soteira,  Letter  to,  Let.  Fr.  iii. 

Sowing,  time  for,  O.  xvii.  1. 

Sparta,  powerful  though  not  popu- 
lous, L.  i.  1. 

Spartans  fond  of  hunting,  L.  iv.  7. 
Go  to  battle  with  crowns  on  tharj 


3S4 


rjrnEX. 


Leads,  xiii.  8.  Distinguished  from 
the  Perioeci,  A.  ii.  24.  See  La- 
cedaemonians. 

Spercho,  name  of  a  dog,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Spithriclates   deserts  Pliarnabazus, 

A.  iii.  3. 

Spude,  name  of  a  dog,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Sterchos, ib. 

Stesimbrotus,  interpreter  of  Homer, 

B.  iii.  6. 

Stheno,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Stibo, ib. 

Sticho, ib. 

Styrax, ib. 

Syracusan,  a,  amuses  the  guests  at 
the  banquet  of  Callias,  B.  ii.  8 ; 
vi.  6  ;  vii.  2,  5  :  viii.  1  ;  ix.  2. 
Has  no  -wish  that  men  should  be 
over-wise,  iv.  56. 

Syrians  in  the  Athenian  army,  R. 
ii.  3. 

Tantalus  fears  lest  he  should  die 
twice,  0.  xxi.  12. 

Taxis,  name  of  a  dog,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Tegea,  city  of  Arcadia,  A.  ii.  23. 

Telamon,  disciple  of  Chiron,  mar- 
ries Periboea,  Hu.  i.  2.  Receives 
Hesione  from  Hercules,  ib.  9. 

Tcucho,  a  dog's  name,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Thalio, ,  ib. 

Thasus,  wine  of,  B.  iv.  41. 

Thebes,  its  distance  from  Athens, 
R.  iv.  46.  "War  of  the  Seven 
Chiefs  against,  Hu.  i.  8. 

Thebans,  their  love  of  boys,  B.  viii. 
34.  Yield  the  supremacy  to  the 
Athenians,  R.  v.  7.  Defeated  by 
Agesilaus,  A.  ii.  6.  Their  lands 
laid  waste,  ib.  22. 

Themistocles  delivered  Greece,  B. 
viii.  39. 

Theognis,  quoted,  B.  viii.  39. 

Theseus,    disciple    of    Chiron,   his 


merits,  Hu.  i.  2,  10  Lovc4 
Peirithous  for  his  virtue,  B.  viii 
31. 

Thessalians  defeated  by  Agesilaus, 
A.  ii.  3. 

Thetis  married  to  Peleus,  Hu.  i.  8. 

Threshing,  O.  xviii.  3,  seqq. 

Thymus,  name  of  a  dog,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Tissaphernes,  his  deceit,  A.  i.  11 
Deceived   by  Agesilaus,  ib.   16, 
29.     Defeated,   ib.    32.    Put    to 
death  by   command  of  the  king 
of  Persia,  ib.  35. 

Tithraustes  commanded  to  put  to 
death  Tissaphernes,  A.  i.  35. 
Promises  Agesilaus  a  large  sum 
of  money  if  he  will  quit  his  pro- 
vince, iv.  6. 

Troy  taken  by  Hercules,  Hu.  i.  9, 
By  Ulysses  and  Diomede,  ib.  13. 

Tyrbas,  name  of  a  dog,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Ulysses,  disciple  of  Chiron,  his 
merits,  Hu.  i.  2,  13.  Said  to 
have  occasioned  the  death  of  Pa- 
lamedes,  Ap.  26.  Defended,  Hu. 
i.  11. 

Venus,  two  characters  of,  B.  viii.  9. 

Wealth,  mental,  advantages  of,  B. 
iv.  34. 

Winnowing,  O.  xviii.  6,  seqq. 

Wives,  duties  of,  O.  vii.  17,  seqq. 
See  also  ex. 

Women,  their  minds  susceptible  oi 
cultivation,  B.  ii.  8. 

Xanthippe,  wife  of  Socrates,  B.  ii. 
10. 

Xenophon,  present  at  the  banquet 
of  Callias,  but  takes  no  part  in 
the  conversation,  B.  i.  1,  &c.  Re- 
marks on  the  Banquet. 

Xiphon,  name  of  a  dog,  Hu.  vii.  5. 

Zeuxippus,  B.  iv-  64,  note. 

Zeuxis,  O.  x.  It 


TIIE   END. 


LON'DOX:    PRINTED   BY   WILLIAM   CLOWES    AND   SOXS,    LIMITED, 
DCEE    STREET,    STAMFORD   STREET.    S.E..    AND   GREAT   WINDMILL   STREET,    W. 


AN 


ALPHABETICAL   LIST 

OF  BOOKS  CONTAINED   IN 

BOHN'S    LIBRARIES. 


Detailed  Catalogue,  arranged  according  to  the  various 
Libraries^  will  be  sent  on  application. 


ADDISON'S  Works.  With  the 
Notes  of  Bishop  Hurd,  Portrait, 
and  8  Plates  of  Medals  and  Coins. 
Edited  by  H.  G.  Bohn.  6  vols. 
3*.  6d.  each. 

J3SCHYLTJS,  The  Dramas  of. 
Translated  into  English  Verse  by 
Anna  Swanwick.  4th  Edition, 
revised.     5*. 

The   Tragedies  of.     Newly 

translated  from  a  revised  text  by 
Walter  Headlam,  Litt.D.,  and 
C.  E.  S.  Headlam,  M.A.    y.6d. 

The  Tragedies  of.  Trans- 
lated into  Prose  by  T.  A.  Buckley, 
B.A.     3 j.  6d. 

ALLEN'S  (Joseph,  R.  N.)  Battles 
of  the  British  Navy.  Revised 
Edition,  with  57  Steel  Engravings. 
2  vols.     $s.  each. 

AMMIANUS  MARCELLINUS. 
History  of  Rome  during  the 
Reigns  of  Constantius,  Tulian, 
Jovianus,  Valentinian,  and  Valens. 
Translated  by  Prof.  CD.  Yonge, 
M.A.     7 j.  6d. 


ANDERSEN'S  Danish  Legends 
and  Fairy  Tales.  Translated 
by  Caroline  Peachey.  With  120 
Wood  Engravings.     $s. 

ANGLO-SAXON  CHRONICLE. 
Edited  by  J.  A.  Giles,  D.C.L. 
With  a  Map.     3s.  6d. 

ANTONINUS  (M.  Aurelius),  The 
Thoughts  of.  Trans,  literally, 
with  Notes  and  Introduction  by 
George  Long,  M.A.     3s.  6d. 

APOLLONIUS  RHODIUS. 
'The  Argonautiea.'  Translated 
by  E.  P.  Coleridge,  B.A.    5s. 

APPIAN'S  Roman  History. 
Translated  by  Horace  White, 
M.A.,  LL.D.  With  Maps  and 
Illustrations.     2  vols.     6s.  each. 

APULSIUS,  The  Works  of 
Comprising  the  Golden  Ass,  God 
of  Socrates,  Florida,  and  Dis- 
course of  Magic.     $s. 

ARGYLL  (Duke  of).  The  Life 
of  Queen  Victoria.  Illustrated. 
3s.  6d. 

ARIOSTO'S  Orlando  Furloso. 
Translated  into  English  Verse  by 
W.  S.  Rose.  With  Portrait,  and  24 
Steel  Engravings.  2  vols.  5*.  each. 


An  Alphabetical  List  of  Books 


ARISTOPHANES'  Comedies. 
Translated  by  W.  J.  Hickie.  2 
vols.     5-r.  each. 

ARISTOTLE'S  Nicomackean 
Ethics.  Translated,  with  Intro- 
duction and  Notes,  by  the  Vener- 
able Archdeacon  Browne,     55. 

Polities      and   Economics. 

Translated  by  E.  Walford,  M.A., 
with  Introduction  by  Dr.  Gillies. 

5*. 

Metaphysics.  Translated  by 

the    Rev.   John  H.    M'Mahon, 
M.A.    $s. 

-  History  of  Animals.  Trans, 
by  Richard  Cresswell,  M.A.    5*. 

— —  Organon;  or,  Logical  Trea- 
tises, and  the  Introduction  of 
Porphyry.  Translated  by  the 
Rev.  O.  F.  Owen,  M.A.  2  vols. 
3s.  6d.  each. 

Rhetoric    and    Poetics. 

Trans,  by  T.  Buckley,  B.A.     $s. 

ARRIAN'S  Anabasis  of  Alex- 
ander, together  with  the  Indica. 
Translated  by  E.  J.  Chinnock, 
M.A.,  LL.D.  With  Maps  and 
Plans.     5-f. 

ATHENE  US.  The  Deipnoso- 
phists;  or,  the  Banquet  of  the 
Learned.  Trans,  by  Prof.  C.  D. 
Yonge,  M.A.    3  vols.     5-r.  each. 

BACON'S  Moral  and  Historical 
Works,  including  the  Essays, 
Apophthegms,  Wisdom  of  the 
Ancients,  New  Atlantis,  Henry 
VII.,  Henry  VIII.,  Elizabeth, 
Henry  Prince  of  Wales,  History 
of  Great  Britain,  Julius  Caesar, 
3.nd  Augustus  Caesar.  Edited  by 
J.  Devey,  M.A.     3*.  6d. 

Novum  Organum  and  Ad- 
vancement of  Learning.  Edited 
by  J.  Devey,  M.A.     5s. 

BASS'S  Lexicon  to  the  Greek 
Testament,    sr. 


BAX'S  Handbook  of  the  History 
of  Philosophy,  for  the  use  of 
Students.   By  E.  Belfort  Bax.    $s. 

BEAUMONT  and  FLETCHER, 
their  finest  Scenes,  Lyrics,  and 
other  Beauties,  selected  from  the 
whole  of  their  works,  and  edited 
by  Leigh  Hunt.    35.  6d. 

BECHSTEIN'S  Cage  and 
Chamber  Birds,  their  Natural 
History,  Habits,  Food,  Diseases, 
and  Modes  of  Capture.  Translated, 
with  considerable  additions  on 
Structure,  Migration,  and  Eco- 
nomy, by  H.  G.  Adams.  Together 
with  Sweet  British  Warblers. 
With  43  coloured  Plates  and 
Woodcut  Illustrations.     5*. 

BEDE'S  (Venerable)  Ecclesias- 
tical History  of  England. 
Revised  Translation.  With  In- 
troduction, Life,  and  Notes  by 
A.  M.  Sellar,  late  Vice- Principal 
Lady  Margaret  College,  Oxford. 

BELL  (Sir  Charles).  The  Ana- 
tomy and  Philosophy  of  Ex- 
pression, as  connected  with 
the  Fine  Arts.  By  Sir  Charles 
Bell,  K.H.     5*. 

BERKELEY  (George),  Bishop 
of  Cloyne,  The  Works  of. 
Edited  by  George  Sampson.  With 
Biographical  Introduction  by  the 
Right  Hon.  A.  J.  Balfour,  M.P. 
3  vols.     $s.  each. 

BION.    See  Theocritus. 

BJORN  SON'S  Arne  and  the 
Fisher  Lassie.  Translated  by 
W.  H.  Low,  M.A.     3*.  6d. 

BLAIR'S  Chronological  Tables 
Revised  and  Enlarged.  Compre- 
hending tbe  Chronology  and  His- 
tory of  the  World,from  the  Earliest 
Times  to  the  Russian  Treaty  of 
Peace,  April  1856.  By  J.  Wil- 
loughby  Rosse.    Double  vol.  ioj. 


Contained  in  Bohris  Libraries. 


B LEEK'S  Introduction  to  the 
Old  Testament.  By  Friedrich 
Bleek.  Edited  by  Johann  Bleek 
and  Adolf  Kamphausen.  Trans- 
lated by  G.  H.  Venables,  under 
the  supervision  of  the  Rev.  Canon 
Venables.     2  vols.     $s.  each. 

BOETHIUS'S  Consolation  of 
Philosophy.  King  Alfred's  Anglo- 
Saxon  Version  of.  With  a  literal 
English  Translation  on  opposite 
pages,  Notes,  Introduction,  and 
Glossary,  by  the  Rev.  S.  Fox, 
M.A.    Ss, 

BOHN'S  Dictionary  of  Poetical 
Quotations.    6s. 

BOHN'S  Handbooks  of  Games. 
New  edition.  In  2  vols.,  with 
numerous  Illustrations  3^.  6d. 
each. 

Vol.  I.— Table  Games  :— Bil- 
liards, Bagatelle,  Chess,  Draughts, 
Backgammon,  Dominoes,  Soli- 
taire, Reversi,  Go-Bang,  Rouge 
et  Noir,  Roulette,  E.G.,  Hazard, 
Faro. 

Vol.  II.  —  Card  Games  :  — 
Whist,  Solo  Whist,  Poker,  Piquet, 
Ecarte,  Euchre,  Bezique,  Crib- 
bage,  Loo,  Vingt-et-un,  Napoleon, 
Newmarket,  Pope  Joan,  Specula- 
tion, &c,  &c. 

BOND'S  A  Handy  Book  of  Rules 
and  Tables  for  verifying  Dates 
with  the  Christian  Era,  &c.  Giving 
an  account  of  the  Chief  Eras  and 
Systems  used  by  various  Nations ; 
with  the  easy  Methods  for  deter- 
mining the  Corresponding  Dates. 
By  J.  J.  Bond.     5*. 

BONO  MI'S  Nineveh  and  its 
Palaces.  7  Plates  and  294  Wood- 
cut Illustrations.     5*. 

BOSWELL'S  Life  of  Johnson, 
with  the  Tour  in  the  Hebrides 
and  Johnsoniana.  Edited  by 
the  Rev.  A.  Napier,  M.A.  With 
Frontispiece  to  each  vol.  6  vols. 
y.  6J.  each. 


BRAND'S  Popular  Antiquities 
of  England,  Scotland,  and  Ire- 
land. Arranged,  revised,  and 
greatly  enlarged,  by  Sir  Henry 
Ellis,  K.H.,  F.R.S.,  &c,  &c.  3 
vols.     $s.  each. 

BREMER'S  (Frederika)  Worki. 
Translated  by  Mary  Howitt.  4 
vols.     3*.  6d.  each. 

BRIDGWATER   TREATISES. 

Bell  (Sir  Gharles)  on  the  Hand, 

With  numerous  Woodcuts.     5-r. 

Kirby  on  the  History,  Habits, 
and  Instincts  of  Animals. 
Edited  by  T.  Rymer  Jones. 
With  upwards  of  100  Woodcuts. 
Vol.  I.,  5j.  Vol.  II.  out  of  print 

Kidd  on  the  Adaptation  of  Ex- 
ternal Nature  to  the  Physical 
Condition  of  Man.    3^  6d. 

Chalmers  on  the  Adaptation 
of  External  Nature  to  the 
Moral  and  Intellectual  Con- 
stitution  of  Man.    5*. 

BRINK  (B.  ten)  Early  English 
Literature.  By  Bernhard  ten 
Brink.  Vol.  I.  To  Wyclif.  Trans- 
lated by  Horace  M.  Kennedy. 
3*.  6d. 

Vol.  II.  Wyclif,  Chaucer,  Ear- 
liest Drama  Renaissance.  Trans- 
lated by  W.  Clarke  Robinson, 
Ph.D.     ss.  6d. 

Vol.  III.  From  the  Fourteenth 
Century  to  the  Death  of  Surrey. 
Edited  by  Dr.  Alois  Brandl. 
Trans,  by  L.  Dora  Schmitz. 
35.  6d. 

Five  Lectures  on  Shake- 
speare. Trans,  by  Julia  Franklin. 
Ss.  6d. 

BROWNE'S  (Sir  Thomas)  Works 
Edited  by  Simon  Wilkin.  3  vols. 
3.T.  6d.  each. 


An  Alphabetical  List  of  Books 


BURKE'S  Works.    8  vols.    3s.  6d. 
each. 

I.— Vindication  of  Natural  So- 
ciety— Essay  on  the  Sub- 
lime and  Beautiful,  and 
various  Political  Miscel- 
lanies. 
II. — Reflections  on  the  French 
Revolution  —  Letters  re- 
lating to  the  Bristol  Elec- 
tion —  Speech  on  Fox's 
East  India  Bill,  &c. 
III. — Appeal  from  the  New  to  the 
Old  Whigs— -On  the  Na- 
bob of  Arcot's  Debts — 
The  Catholic  Claims,  &c. 
IV.- — Report  on  the  Affairs  of 
India,  and  Articles  of 
Charge  against  Warren 
Hastings. 
V. — Conclusion  of  the  Articles  of 
Charge  against  Warren 
Hastings — Political  Let- 
ters on  the  American  War, 
on  a  Regicide  Peace,  to 
the  Empress  of  Russia. 
VI. — Miscellaneous  Speeches  — 
Letters  and  Fragments- 
Abridgments  of  English 
History,  &c.  With  a 
General  Index. 
VII.  &  VIII. — Speeches  on  the  Im- 
peachment of  Warren 
Hastings ;  and  Letters. 
With  Index. 

— -  Life.     By  Sir  J.  Prior.  3*  6d. 

BURNS Y.  The  Early  Diary 
of  Fanny  Burney  (Madams 
D'Arblay),  1763-1778.  With 
a  selection  from  her  Correspond- 
ence and  from  the  Journals  of 
her  sisters,  Susan  and  Charlotte 
Burney.  Edited  by  Annie  Raine 
Ellis.     2  vols.     3 s.  6d.  each. 

Evelina.     By  Frances  Burney 

(Mme.  D'Arblay).  With  an  In- 
troduction and  Notes  by  A.  R. 
Ellis.     3*.  6d. 


BURNEY'S  Cecilia.  With  an  In- 
troduction  and  Notes  by  A.  R. 
Ellis.     2  vols.     3*.  6d.  each. 

BURN  (R )  Ancient  Rome  and 
its  Neighbourhood.  An  Illus- 
trated Handbook  to  the  Ruins  in 
the  City  and  the  Campagna,  for 
the  use  of  Travellers.  By  Robert 
Burn,  M.A.  With  numerous 
Illustrations,  Maps,  and  Plans. 
7*.  6d. 

BURNS  (Robert),  Life  of.  By 
J.  G.  Lockhart,  D.C.L.  A 
new  and  enlarged  Edition.  Re- 
vised by  William  Scott  Douglas. 
3-r.  6d. 

BURTON'S  (Robert)  Anatomy  of 
Melancholy.  Edited  by  the  Rev. 
A.  R.  Shilleto,  M.A.  With  In- 
troduction by  A.  H.  Bullen,  and 
full  Index.     3  vols.    $s.  6d.  each. 

BURTON  (Sir  R.  F.)  Personal 
Narrative  of  a  Pilgrimage  to 
Al-Madinah  and  Meccah,  By 
Captain  Sir  Richard  F.  Burton, 
K.C.M.G.  With  an  Introduction 
by  Stanley  Lane- Poole,  and  all 
the  original  Illustrations.  2  vols. 
2s.  6d.  each. 

%*  This  is  the  copyright  edi- 
tion, containing  the  author's  latest 
notes. 

BUTLER'S  (Bishop)  Analogy  or 
Religion,  Natural  and  Revealed, 
to  the  Constitution  and  Course  of 
Nature ;  together  with  two  Dis- 
sertations on  Personal  Identity  and 
on  the  Nature  of  Virtue,  and 
Fifteen  Sermons.     $s.6d. 

BUTLER'S  (Samuel)  Hudibras. 
With  Variorum  Notes,  a  Bio- 
graphy, Portrait,  and  28  Illus- 
trations.    $s. 

—  or,  further  Illustrated  with  60 
Outline  Portraits.  2  vols.  $s. 
each. 


Contained  in  Bonn's  Libraries. 


5 


C  JDSAR.  Commentaries  on  the 
G-allic  and  Civil  Wars,  Trans- 
lated by  W.  A.  McDevitte,  B.A. 
5*. 

CAMOENS'  Lusiad ;  or,  the  Dis- 
covery  of  India.  An  Epic  Poem. 
Translated  by  W.  J.  Mickle.  5th 
Edition,  revised  by  E.  R.  Hodges, 
M.C.P.    3j.  6d. 

GARLYLE'S  French  Revolution. 
Edited  by  J.  Holland  Rose, 
Litt.D.    Illus.    3  vols.    5*.  each. 

— -  Sartor  Resartus.  With  75 
Illustrations  by  Edmund  J.  Sul- 
livan.   5*. 

CARPENTER'S    (Dr.    W,    B.) 

Zoology.     Revised   Edition,   by 

W,  S.  Dallas,  F.L.S.    With  very 

numerous  Woodcuts,     Vol.  I.  6s. 

[  Vol.  II.  out  of  print. 

CARPENTER'S  Mechanical 
Philosophy,  Astronomy,  and 
Horology.    181  Woodcuts.    &s. 

Vegetable  Physiology    and 

Systematic  Botany.  Revised 
Edition,  by  E.  Lankester,  M.D., 
&c.  With  very  numerous  Wood- 
cuts.   6s. 

Animal  Physiology.   Revised 

Edition.  With  upwards  of  300 
Woodcuts.     6s. 

CASTLE  (E.)  Schools  and 
Masters  of  Fence,  from  the 
Middle  Ages  to  the  End  of  the 
Eighteenth  Century.  By  Egerton 
Castle,  M.A.,  F.S.A.  With  a 
Complete  Bibliography.  Illus- 
trated with  140  Reproductions  of 
Old  Engravings  and  6  Plates  of 
Swords,  showing  114  Examples. 
6s. 

CATTERMOLE'S  Evenings  at 
Haddon  Hall.  With  24  En- 
gravings on  Steel  from  designs  by 
Cattermole,  the  Letterpress  by  the 
Baroness  de  Carabella.    5*. 


CATULLUS,  Tibullus,  and  the 
Vigil  of  Venus.  A  Literal  Prose 
Translation.     5*. 

G  ELL  IN  I  (Benvenuto).  Me- 
moirs of,  written  by  Himself. 
Translated  by  Thomas  Roscoe. 
3s.  6d. 

CERVANTES'  Don  Quixote  de 
la  Mancha  Motteux's  Trans- 
lation revised.  2  vols.  3s,  6d. 
each. 

— —  Galatea.  A  Pastoral  Ro- 
mance. Translated  by  G.  W.  J. 
Gyll.     3s.  6d. 

_  Exemplary  Novels.  Trans- 
lated by  Walter  K.  Kelly.  3*.  6d. 

CHAUCER'S  Poetical  Works. 
Edited  by  Robert  Bell.  Revised 
Edition,  wilh  a  Preliminary  Essay 
by  Prof!  W.  W.  Skeat,  M.A.  4 
vols.     3-y.  6d.  each. 

CHEVREUL  on  Colour.  Trans- 
lated from  the  French  by  Charles 
Martel.  Third  Edition,  with 
Plates,  5.r. ;  or  with  an  additional 
series  of  16  Plates  in  Colours, 
*js.  6d. 

CHINA,  Pictorial,  Descriptive, 
and  Historical.  With  Map  and 
nearly  100  Illustrations.     5*. 

CHRONICLES  OF  THE  CRU- 
SADES. Contemporary  Narra- 
tives of  the  Crusade  of  Richard 
Coeur  de  Lion,  by  Richard  of 
Devizes  and  Geoffrey  de  Vinsauf ; 
and  of  the  Crusade  at  St.  Louis, 
by  Lord  John  de  Joinville.    5*. 

CHRONICLES  OF  THE 
TOMBS.  A  Collection  of  Epi- 
taphs by  T.  J.  Pettigrew,  F.R.S. 

CICERO'S  Orations.  Translated 
by  Prof.  C.  D.  Yonge,  M.A.  4 
vols.    5*.  each. 


6 


An  Alphabetical  List  of  Boohs 


CICERO'S  Letters.  Translated  by 
Evelyn  S.  Shuckburgh.  4  vols. 
5*.  each. 

— -  On  Oratory  and  Orators. 
With  Letters  to  Quintus  and 
Brutus.  Translated  by  the  Rev. 
J.  S.  Watson,  M.A.     $s- 

— —  On  the  Nature  of  the  Gods, 
Divination,  Fate,  Laws,  a  Re- 
public, Consulship.  Translated 
by  Prof.  C.  D.  Yonge,  M.A.,  and 
Francis  Barham.     5.?. 

—  Academics,  De  Finibus,  and 
Tusculan  Questions.  By  Prof. 
C.  D.  Yonge,  M.A.     $s. 

Offices  ;    or,    Moral   Duties. 

Cato  Major,  an  Essay  on  Old 
Age ;  Lselius,  an  Essay  on  Friend- 
ship ;  Scipio's  Dream ;  Paradoxes ; 
Letter  to  Quintus  on  Magistrates. 
Translated  by  C.  R.  Edmonds. 
3*.  6d. 

CLARK'S  (Hugh)  Introduction 
to  Heraldry.  18th  Edition,  Re- 
vised and  Enlarged  by  J.  R. 
Planche,  Rouge  Croix.  With 
nearly  1000  Illustrations.  5.?.  Or 
with  the  Illustrations  Coloured, 
15*. 

CLASSIC  TALES,  containing 
Rasselas,  Vicar  of  Wakefield, 
Gulliver's  Travels,  and  The  Senti- 
mental Journey.     3^.  6d. 

COLERIDGE'S  (S.  T.)  Friend. 
A  Series  of  Essays  on  Morals, 
Politics,  and  Religion.     3s.  6a. 

~  Aids  to  Reflection,  and  the 
Confessions  of  an  Inquiring 
Spirit,  to  which  are  added  the 
Essays  on  Faith  and  the  Book 
of  Common  Prayer.    3^.  6d. 

Lectures     and    Notes    on 

Shakespeare  and  other  English 
Poets.       Edited     by    T.    Ashe.   , 
3?.  6d.  1 


COLERIDGE'S  BiographiaLite- 

raria  ;  together  with  Two  Lay 
Sermons.     3*.  6d. 

Biographia      Epistolarls. 

Edited  by  Arthur  Turnbull.  2  vols. 
3-r.  6d.  each. 

-  Table-Talk  and  Omniana. 
Edited  by  T.  Ashe,  B.A.     3*.  6d. 

Miscellanies,  .^Esthetic  and 

Literary;  to  which  is  added, 
The  Theory  of  Life.  Col- 
lected and  arranged  by  T.  Ashe, 
B.A.     3 j.  6d. 

COMTE'S  Positive  Philosophy. 

Translated  and  condensed  by 
Harriet  Martineau.  With  Intro- 
duction by  Frederic  Harrison. 
3  vols.     $s.  each. 

Philosophy  of  the  Sciences, 

being  an  Exposition  of  the 
Principles  of  the  Cours  de 
Pkibsophie  Positive.  By  G.  H. 
Lewes.    5*" 

CONDES  History  of  the  Do- 
minion of  the  Arabs  in  Spain. 
Translated  by  Mrs.  Foster.  3 
vols.     3^.  6d.  each. 

COOPER'S  Biographical  Dic- 
tionary. Containing  Concise 
Notices  (upwards  of  15,000)  of 
Eminent  Persons  of  all  Ages  and 
Countries.  By  Thompson  Cooper, 
F.S.A.  With  a  Supplement, 
bringing  the  work  down  to  1883. 
2  vols.     5,r.  each. 

CORNELIUS    NEP0S.-~5« 

Justin. 

COXE'S  Memoirs  of  the  Duke  of 
Marlborough.  With  his  original 
Correspondence.  By  W.  Coxe, 
M.A.,  F.R.S.  Revised  edition 
by  John  Wade.  3  vols.  3*.  6d. 
each. 

History   of   the   House   of 

Austria  (1218-1792).  With  a 
Continuation  from  the  Accession 
of  Francis  I.  to  the  Revolution  of 
1848.     4  vols.     35,  6d.  each. 


Contained  in  Bokn's  Libraries. 


CRAIK'S  (G.  L.)  Pursuit  of  Know- 
ledge under  Difficulties.  Illus- 
trated by  Anecdotes  and  Memoirs. 
Revised  edition,  with  numerous 
Woodcut  Portraits  and  Plates.   $s. 

CUNNINGHAM'S  Lives  of  the 
Most  Eminent  British  Painters. 
A  New  Edition,  with  Notes  and 
Sixteen  fresh  Lives.  By  Mrs. 
Heaton.     3  vols.     3*.  6d.  each. 

DANTE.  Divine  Comedy.  Trans- 
lated by  the  Rev.   H.   F.  Cary, 

M.A.  New  Edition,  by  M.  L. 
Egerton-Castle.     $s.  6d. 

Translated  into  English  Verse 

by  I.  C.  Wright,  M.A.  With 
Portrait,  and  34  Illustrations  on 
Steel,  after  Flaxman. 

DANTE.  The  Inferno.  A  Literal 
Prose  Translation,  with  the  Text 
of  the  Original  printed  on  the  same 
page.   By  John  A.  Carlyle,  M.D. 

DE  COMMINES  (Philip),  Me- 
moirs  of.  Containing  the  Histories 
of  Louis  XI.  and  Charles  VIII., 
Kings  of  France,  and  Charles 
the  Bold,  Duke  of  Burgundy. 
Together  with  the  Scandalous 
Chronicle,  or  Secret  History  of 
Louis  XI.,  by  jean  de  Troyes. 
Translated  by  Andrew  R.  Scoble. 
With  Portraits.  2  vols.  3J.  6d. 
each. 

DEFOE'S  Novels  and  Miscel- 
laneous Works.  With  Prefaces 
and  Notes,  including  those  attri- 
buted to  Sir  W.  Scott.  7  vols. 
3j.  6d.  each. 

I. — Captain    Singleton,    and 
Colonel  Jack. 

II. — Memoirs  of  a  Cavalier, 
Captain  Carleton, 
Dickory  Cronke,  &c. 

III. — Moll   Flanders,    and    the 
History  of  the  Devil. 


Defoe's  Novels  and  Miscel- 
laneous Works — continued. 

IV. — Roxana,  and  Life  of  Mrs, 
Christian  Davies. 

V. — History  of  the  Great  Plague 
of  London,  1665  ;  The 
Storm  (1703) ;  and  the 
True-born  Englishman. 

VI. — Duncan  Campbell,  New 
Voyage  round  the 
World,  and  Political 
Tracts. 
VII. — Robinson  Crusoe.  35-.  6d. 
Also  with  86  Illustra- 
tions.   $s. 

DEMMIN'S  History  of  Arms 
and  Armour,  from  the  Earliest 
Period.  By  Auguste  Demmin. 
Translated  by  C.  C.  Black,  M.A. 
With  nearly  2000  Illustrations. 
p.  6d. 

DEMOSTHENES'  Orations. 
Translated  by  C.  Rann  Kennedy. 
5  vols.  Vol.  I.,  p.  6d.;  Vols. 
II. -V.,  5 s.  each. 

DE  STAEL'S  Corinne  or  Italy. 
By  Madame  de  Stael.  Trans- 
lated by  Emily  Baldwin  and 
Paulina  Driver.     3s.  6d. 

DICTIONARY  of  Latin  and 
Greek  Quotations ;  including 
Proverbs,  Maxims,  Mottoes,  Law 
Terms  and  Phrases.  With  all  the 
Quantities  marked,  and  English 
Translations.  With  Index  Ver- 
borum  (622  pages).     5-f. 

DICTIONARY  of  Obsolete  and 
Provincial  English.  Compiled 
by  Thomas  Wright,  M.A.,  F.S  A., 
&c.     2  vols.     5-f.  each. 

DIDRON'S  Christian  Icono- 
graphy :  a  History  of  Christian 
Art  in  the  Middle  Ages.  Trans- 
lated by  E.  J  Miilington  and 
completed  by  Margaret  Stokes. 
With  240  Illustrations.  2  vols. 
$s.  each. 


8 


An  Alphabetical  List  of  Books 


DIOGENES  LAERTIUS.  Lives 
and  Opinions  of  the  Ancient 
Philosophers.  Translated  by 
Prof.  C.  D.  Yonge,  M.A.    5*. 

DOBREE'S  Adversaria.  Edited 
by  the  late  Prof.  Wagner,  2  vols. 
$s.  each. 

D  ODD'S  Epigrammatists,  A 
Selection  from  the  Epigrammatic 
Literature  of  Ancient,  Mediaeval, 
and  Modern  Times.  By  the  Rev. 
Henry  Philip  Dodd,  M.A.  Ox- 
ford.  2nd  Edition,  revised  and 
enlarged.    6s. 

DONALDSON'S  The  Theatre  of 
the  Greeks.  A  Treatise  on  the 
History  and  Exhibition  of  the 
Greek  Drama.  With  numerous 
Illustrations  and  3  Plans.  By  John 
William  Donaldson,  D.D.     5.?. 

DRAPER'S  History  of  the 
Intellectual  Development  of 
Europe.  By  John  William  Draper, 
M.D.,  LL.D.     2  vols.    $s.  each. 

DUNLOP'S  History  of  Fiction. 
A  new  Edition.  Revised  by 
Henry  Wilson.    2  vols.    5*.  each. 

DYER'S  History  of  Modern  Eu- 
rope, from  the  Fall  of  Constan- 
tinople. 3rd  edition,  revised  and 
continued  to  the  end  of  the  Nine- 
teenth Century.  By  Arthur  Has- 
sall,  M.A.    6  vols.    3^.  6d  each, 

DYER'S  (Dr  T.  H.)  Pompeii  :  its 
Buildings  and  Antiquities.  By 
T.  H.  Dyer,  LL.D.  With  nearly 
300  Wood  Engravings,  a  large 
Map,  and  a  Plan  of  the  Forum, 
7s.  6d. 

DYER  (T.  P.  T.)  British  Popular 
Customs,  Present  and  Past. 
An  Account  of  the  various  Games 
and  Customs  associated  with  Dif- 
ferent Days  of  the  Year  in  the 
British  Isles,  arranged  according 
to  the  Calendar.  By  the  Rev. 
T.  F.  Thiselton  Dyer,  M.A.    $s, 


EBERS'  Egyptian  Princess.  An 
Historical  Novel.  By  George 
Ebers.  Translated  by  E.  S. 
Buchheim.     3-y.  6d. 

EDGEWORTH'S  Stories  for 
Children.  With  8  Illustrations 
by  L.  Speed.    3.?.  6d. 

ELZE'S  William  Shakespeare 
— See  Shakespeare. 

EMERSON'S    Works.      5  vols. 
3$.  6d.  each. 

I. — Essays   and   Representative 
Men. 
II. —-English  Traits,  Nature,  and 
Conduct  of  Life. 
III.— Society  and  Solitude — Letters 
and    Social     Aims  —  Ad- 
dresses. 
IV. — Miscellaneous  Pieces. 
V. — Poems. 

EPICTETUS,  The  Discourses  of. 
With  the  Encheiridion  and 
Fragments.  Translated  by  George 
Long,  M.A.    5=r. 

EURIPIDES.  A  New  Literal 
Translation  in  Prose.  By  E  P. 
Coleridge,  M.A.   2  vols.   $s.  each. 

ETJTROPIUS.— See  Justin. 

EUSEBIUS  PAMPHILUS, 
Ecclesiastical  History  of.  Trans- 
lated by  Rev.  C. F.  Cruse,M. A.  5*. 

EVELYN'S    Diary  and   Oorre- 

spondendence.  Edited  from  the 
Original  MSS.  by  W.  Bray, 
F.A.S.  With  45  engravings.  4 
vols.  5*.  each. 

PAIRHOLT'S  Costume  In  Eng- 
land. A  History  of  Dress  to  the 
end  of  the  Eighteenth  Century. 
3rd  Edition,  revised,  by  Viscount 
Dillon,  V.P.S.A.  Illustrated  with 
above  700  Engravings.  2  vols. 
5j-.  each. 


Contained  in  Bohn%$  Libraries. 


FIELDING'S  Adventures  of 
Joseph  Andrews  and  his  Friend 
Mr.  Abraham  Adams.  With 
Cruikshank's  Illustrations.  35.  6d. 

History  of  Tom   Jones,    a 

Foundling.     With  Cruikshank's 
Illustrations.  2  vols.  3.?.  6d.  each. 


—  Amelia. 
Illustrations. 


With 


Cruikshank's 


FLAZMAN'S  Lectures  on  Sculp- 
ture. By  John  Fiaxman,  R.A. 
With  Portrait  and  53  Plates.     6*. 

FOSTER'S  (John)  Essays :  on 
Decision  of  Character  ;  on  a 
Man's  writing  Memoirs  of  Him- 
self ;  on  the  epithet  Romantic  5 
on  the  aversion  of  Men  of  Taste 
to  Evangelical  Religion.     3*.  6d. 

Essays  on  the  Evils  of  Popular 

Ignorance ;  to  which  is  added,  a 
Discourse  on  the  Propagation  of 
Christianity  in  India.     p.  6d. 

Essays  on  the  Improvement 

of  Time.  With  Notes  of  Ser- 
mons and  other  Pieces.     3J.  6d. 

GASPARY'S  History  of  Italian 
Literature  to  the  Death  of 
Dante.  Translated  by  Herman 
Oelsner,  M.A.,  Ph.D.     3*  6d. 

GEOFFREY  OF  MONMOUTH, 
Chronicle  of.— See  Old  English 
Chronicles. 

GESTA  ROMANQRUM,  or  En- 
tertaining Moral  Stories  invented 
by  the  Monks.  Translated  by  the 
Rev.  Charles  Swan.  Revised 
Edition,  by  Wynnard  Hooper, 
B.A.    5*. 

GILD  AS,  Chronicles  of. —See  Old 
English  Chronicles. 

GIBBON'S  Decline  and  Fall  of 
the  Roman  Empire.  Complete 
and  Unabridged,  with  Variorum 
Notes.      Edited    by  an   English 


Churchman.    With  2  Maps  and 
Portrait.     7  vols.     31.  6d.  each. 

GILBART'S  History,  Principles, 
and  Practice  of  Banking.  By 
the  late  J.  W.  Gilbart,  F.R.S. 
New  Edition  (1907),  revised  by 
Ernest  Sykes.     2  vols.     5^.  each. 

GIL  BLAS,  The  Adventures  of. 
Translated  from  the  French  of 
Lesage  by  Smollett.  With  24 
Engravings  on  Steel,  after  Smirke, 
and  10  Etchings  by  George  Cruik- 
shank.    6s. 

GIR  ALDUS  CAMBRENSIS' 
Historical  Works.  Translated 
by  Th.  Forester,  M.A.,  and  Sir 
R.  Colt  Hoare.  Revised  Edition, 
Edited  by  Thomas  Wright,  M.A., 
F.S.A.    5*. 

GOETHE'S  Faust.  Parti.  Ger- 
man Text  with  Hayward's  Prose 
Translation  and  Notes.  Revised 
by  C.  A.  Buchheim,  Ph.D.    5*. 

GOETHE'S  Works.  Translated 
into  English  by  various  hands. 
14  vols.    3s.  6d.  each. 

I.  and  II.— Poetry    and    Truth 
from  My  Own  Life.    New 
and  revised  edition. 
III.— -Faust.     Two    Parts,    com- 
plete.   (Swan  wick.) 
IV.— Novels  and  Tales. 
V.— Wilhelm  Meister's  Appren- 
ticeship. 
VI. — Conversations   with   Ecker- 
mann  and  Soret. 
VIII. — Dramatic  Works. 
IX.— Wilhelm  Meister's  Travels. 
X. — Tour  in  Italy,  and  Second 
Residence  in  Rome. 
XL — Miscellaneous  Travels. 
XII. — Early    and     Miscellaneous 

Letters. 
XIII. — Correspondence  with  Zelter 

(out  of  print). 
XIV.—Reineke  Fox,  West-Eastern 
Divan  and  Achilieid. 


10 


An  Alphabetical  List  of  Books 


GOLDSMITH'S  Works.  A  new 
Edition,  by  J.  W.  M.  Gibbs.  5 
vols.     3-T.  6d.  each. 

GRAMMONT'S  Memoirs  of  the 
Court  of  Charles  II.  Edited  by 
Sir  Walter  Scott.  Together  with 
the  Boscobel  Tracts,  including 
two  not  before  published,  &c. 
New  Edition.     5*. 

GRAY'S  Letters.  Including  the 
Correspondence  of  Gray  and 
Mason.  Edited  by  the  Rev. 
D.  C.  Tovey,  M.A.  Vols.  I. 
and  II.  y.  6d.  each.  (Vol.  III. 
in  the  Press.) 

GREEK  ANTHOLOGY.  Trans- 
lated  by  George    Burges,  M.A. 

GREEK  ROMANCES  of  Helio- 
dorus,  Longus,  and  Achilles 
Tatius — viz.,  The  Adventures  of 
Theagenes  &  Chariclea ;  Amours 
of  Daphnis  and  Chloe ;  and  Loves 
of  Clitopho  and  Leucippe.  Trans- 
lated by  Rev.   R.   Smith,  M.A. 

5*. 
GREENE,    MARLOWE,   and 
BEN    JONSON.     Poems    of. 
Edited  by  Robert  Bell.     3s.  6d. 

GREGOROVIUS,  ROMAN 
JOURNALS,    1852-1874. 

Edited  by  Friedrich  Althaus. 
Translated  from  the  Second 
German  Edition  by  Mrs.  Gustave 
W.  Hamilton.     3<\  6d. 

GREGORY'S  Letters  on  the 
Evidences,  Doctrines,  &  Duties 
of  the  Christian  Religion.  By 
Dr.  OHnthus  Gregory.     3*.  6d. 

GRIMM'S  TALES,  With  the 
Notes  of  the  Original.  Translated 
by  Mrs.  A.  Hunt.  With  Intro- 
duction by  Andrew  Lang,  M.A. 
2  vols.    $s.  6d.  each. 

. Gammer  Grethel;  or,  Ger- 
man Fairy  Tales  and  Popular 
Stories.  Containing  42  Fairy 
Tales.     Trans,  by  Edgar  Taylor. 


With  numerous  Woodcuts  after 
George  Cruikshank  and  Ludwig 
Grimm.     35.  6d. 

GROSSI'S  Marco  Visconti. 
Translated  by  A.  F.  D.  The 
Ballads  rendered  into  English 
Verse  by  C.  M.  P.    3*«  &£ 

GUIEOT'S  History  of  the 
English  Revolution  of  1640. 
From  the  Accession  of  Charles 
I.  to  his  Death.  Translated  by 
William  Hazlitt.     3*.  6d. 

History  of  Civilisation,  from 

the  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  to 
the  French  Revolution.  Trans- 
lated by  William  Hazlitt.  3  vols. 
3^.  6d.  each. 

HALL'S  (Rev.  Robert)  Miscel- 
laneous Works  and  Remains. 
3j.  6d. 

HAMPTON  COURT:  A  Short 
History  of  the  Manor  and 
Palace.  By  Ernest  Law,  B.A. 
With  numerous  Illustrations.    $s. 

HARD  WICK'S  History  of  the 
Articles  of  Religion.  By  the  late 
C.  Hardwick.  Revised  by  the 
Rev.  Francis  Procter,  M.A.    5*. 

HATJFF'S  Tales.  The  Caravan— 
The  Sheik  of  Alexandria — The 
Inn  in  the  Spessart.  Trans,  from 
the  German  by  S.  Mendel.  3j.  6d. 

HAWTHORNE'S  Tales.  4  vols. 
3 s.  6d.  each. 

I. —Twice-told  Tales,   and  the 
Snow  Image. 

II.~Scarlet  Letter.andthe  House 
with  the  Seven  Gables. 

III.— Transformation  [The  Marble 
Faun],  and  Blithedale  Ro- 
mance. 

IV. — Mosses  from  an  Old  Manse. 


Contained  in  Bonn's  Libraries. 


II 


HAZLITT'S  Table-talk.  Essays 
on  Men  and  Manners.  By  W. 
Hazlitt.     3 *.  6d. 

Lectures  on  the  Literature 


of  the  Age  of  Elizabeth  and  on 
Characters  of  Shakespeare's  Plays, 
3-r.  6d. 

Lectures    on    the   English 

Poets,  and  on  the  English  Comic 
Writers.     3s.  6d. 

The  Plain  Speaker.  Opinions 

on  Books,  Men,  and  Things.  $s.6d. 

Round  Table.    3*.  6d. 

Sketches    and  Essays. 

3*.  6d. 

The  Spirit  of  the  Age;   or, 

Contemporary  Portraits.  Edited 
by  W.  Carew  Hazlitt.     3s.  6d. 

View  of  the  English  Stage. 

Edited  by  W.  Spencer  Jackson. 
2s.  6d. 

HEATON'S  Concise  History  of 
Painting.  New  Edition,  revised 
by  Cosmo  Monkhouse.     55. 

HEINE'S  Poems,  Complete 
Translated  by  Edgar  A.  Bowring, 
C.B.    3*.  6d. 

Travel-Pictures,  including  the 

Tour  in  the  Harz,  Norderney,  and 
Book  of  Ideas,  together  with  the 
Romantic  School.  Translated  by 
Francis  Storr.  A  New  Edition, 
revised  throughout.  With  Appen- 
dices and  Maps.     p.  6d. 

HELIODORUS.  Theagenes  and 
Chariclea.  —  See  Greek  Ro- 
mances. 

HELP'S  Life  of  Christopher 
Columbus,  the  Discoverer  of 
America.  Bv  Sir  Arthur  Helps, 
K.C.B.     3 s.  6d. 

Life   of  Hernando   Cortes, 

and  the  Conquest  of  Mexico.  2 
vols.    3*.  6d.  each. 


HELP'S  Life  of  Pizarro.    3s.  6d. 

Life  of  Las  Casas  the  Apostle 

of  the  Indies.     35.  6d. 

HENDERSON  (E.)  Select  His- 
torical Documents  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  including  the  most  famous 
Charters  relating  to  England,  the 
Empire,  the  Church,  &c,  from 
the  6th  to  the  14th  Centuries. 
Translated  from  the  Latin  and 
edited  by  Ernest  F.  Henderson, 
A.B.,  A.M.,  Ph.D.     j$j. 

HENFREY'S  Guide  to  English 
Coins,  from  the  Conquest  to 
1885.  New  and  revised  Edition 
by  C.  F.  Keary,  M.A.,  F.S.A. 
6s. 

HENRY  OF  HUNTINGDON'S 
History  of  the  English.  Trans- 
lated by  T.  Forester,  M.A.      $s. 

HENRY'S  (Matthew)  Exposition 
of  the  Book  of  the  Psalms.    $s. 

HERODOTUS.  Translated  by  the 
Rev.  Henry  Cary,  M.A.     3*.  6d. 

Analysis  and  Summary  of 

By  J.  T.  Wheeler.     5*. 

HESIOD,  CALLIMAOHUS,  and 
THUOGNIS.  Translated  by  the 
Rev.  J.  Banks,  M.A.     5*. 

HOFFMANN'S  (E.  T.  W.)  The 
Serapion  Brethren.  Translated 
from  the  German  by  Lt.- Col.  Alex. 
Ewing.    2  vols.     3s.  6d.  each. 

HOLBEIN'S  Dance  of  Death 
and  Bible  Cuts.  Upwards  of  150 
Subjects,  engraved  in  facsimile, 
with  Introduction  and  Descrip- 
tions by  Francis  Douce  and  Dr. 
Thomas  Frognall  Dibden.     5*. 

HOMER'S  Iliad.  A  new  trans- 
lation by  E.  H.  Blakeney,  M.A. 
Vol.  I.  containing  Books  I.-XII. 
3/.  6d.     (Vol.  II.  in  the  Press.) 

Translated  into  English  Prose 

by  T.  A.  Buckley,  B,A.     5*. 


12 


An  Alphabetical  List  oj  Books 


HOMER'S  Odyssey.  Hymns, 
Epigrams,  and  Battle  of  the  Frogs 
ancfMice.  Translated  into  Eng- 
lish Prose  by  T.  A.  Buckley,  B.A. 
5*- 

See  also  Pope. 

HOOPER'S  (G.)  Waterloo :  The 
Downfall  of  the  First  Napo- 
leon :  a  History  of  the  Campaign 
of  1815.  By  George  Hooper. 
With  Maps  and  Plans,     y.  6d. 

The  Campaign  of  Sedan : 

The  Downfall  of  the  Second  Em- 
pire, August  -  September,  1870. 
With  General  Map  and  Six  Plans 
of  Battle.     3s.  6d. 

HORACE.  A  new  literal  Prose 
translation,  byA.  Hamilton  Bryce, 
LL,D,     p.  6d. 

HUGOS    (Victor)    Dramatic 

Works.  Hernani— Ruy  Bias — 
The  King's  Diversion.  Translated 
by  Mrs.  Newton  Crosland  and 
F.  L.  Slous.     3-r.  6d. 

— —  Poems,  chiefly  Lyrical.  Trans- 
lated by  various  Writers,  now  first 
collected  by  J.  H.  L.  Williams. 
y.6d. 

HUMBOLDT'S  Cosmos.  Trans- 
lated by  E.  C.  Otte,  B.  H.  Paul, 
and  W.  S.  Dallas,  F.L.S.  5  vols. 
3*.  6d.  each,  excepting  Vol.  V.  $s. 

Personal   Narrative   of  his 

Travels  to  the  Equinoctial  Re- 
gions of  America  during  the  years 
1799^1804.  Translated  by  T. 
Ross.    3  vols.     5*°  eacn» 

View3  of  Nature.  Translated 

by  E.  C.  Ott6  and  H.  G.  Bohn. 
5* 

HUMPHREYS'  Coin  Collector's 
Manual.  By  H.  N.  Humphreys, 
with  upwards  of  140  Illustrations 
on  Wood  and  Steel.  2  vols.  5*. 
each. 


HUNGARY :  its  History  and  Re- 
volution, together  with  a  copious 
Memoir  of  Kossuth.     3^.  6d. 

HUNT'S  Poetry  of  Science.  By 
Richard  Hunt.  3rd  Edition,  re- 
vised and  enlarged.     5*. 

HUTCHINSON  (Colonel).  Me- 
moirs of  the  Life  of.  By  his 
Widow,  Lucy  :  together  with  hei 
Autobiography,  and  an  Account 
of  the  Siege  of  Lathom  House. 
3*.  6d. 

INGULPH'S  Chronicles  of  the 
Abbey  of  Croyland,  with  the 
Continuation  by  Peter  of  Blois 
and  other  Writers.  Translated  by 
H.  T,  Riley,  M.A.     5*. 

IRVING'S   (Washington)  Com- 
plete Works.  15  vols.  With  Por- 
traits, &c.     3^.  6d.  each. 
I.—- Salmagundi,     Knicker- 
bocker's History  of  New 
York. 
II.— The  Sketch-Book,  and  the 
Life  of  Oliver  Goldsmith. 
III.— Bracebridge  Hall,   Abbots- 
ford  and  Newstead  Abbey. 
IV;— The  Alhambra,  Tales  of  a 

Traveller. 
V. — Chronicle  of  the  Conquest 
of  Granada,    Legends  of 
the  Conquest  of  Spain. 
VI.  &  VII.— Life    and    Voyages  of 
Columbus,  together  with 
the  Voyages  of  his  Com- 
panions. 
VIII.— Astoria,    A    Tour    oh    the 
Prairies. 
IX. — Life  of  Mahomet,  Lives  of  the 
Successors  of  Mahomet. 
X. — Adventures  of  Captain  Bon- 
neville, U.S.A.,  Wolfert's 
Roost. 
XL— Biographies   and    Miscella- 
neous Papers. 
XII.-XV.— Life  of  George  Wash- 
ington.    4  vols. 


Contained  in  Bohrfs  Libraries. 


13 


IRVING'S  (Washington)  Life 
and  Letters.  By  his  Nephew, 
Pierre  E.  Irving.  2  vols.  y.  6d. 
each. 

ISOCRATES,  The  Orations  of. 
Translated  by  J.  H.  Freese,  M.A. 
Vol.  I.    5s. 

JAMES'S  (G.  P.  R.)  Life  of 
Richard  Cce"ur  de  Lion.  2  vols. 
35.  6d.  each.   (Vol.  I.  out  of  print.) 


JAMESON'S  (Mrs.)  Shake- 
speare's Heroines.  Character- 
istics of  Women:  Moral,  Poetical, 
and  Historical.  By  Mrs,  Jameson. 
3s.  6d. 

JESSE'S  (E.)  Anecdotes  of  Dogs. 
With  40  Woodcuts  and  34  Steel 
Engravings.     5*. 

JESSE'S  (J.  H.)  Memoirs  of  the 
Court  of  England  during  the 
Reign  of  the  Stuarts,  including 
the  Protectorate.  3  vols.  With 
42  Portraits.     5^.  each. 

Memoirs  of  the  Pretenders 

and  their  Adherents.     With  6 
Portraits.     $s. 

JOHNSON'S  Lives  of  the  Poets. 
Edited  by  Mrs.  Alexander  Napier, 
with  Introduction  by  Professor 
Hales.     3  vols.     3s.  6d.  each. 

JOSEPKUS  (Flavius),  The  Works 
of.  Whiston's  Translation,  re- 
vised by  Rev.  A.  R.  Shilleto,  M.A 
With  Topographical  and  Geo. 
graphical  Notes  by  Colonel  Sir 
C.  W.  Wilson,  K.C.B.  5  vols. 
35.  6d.  each. 

JULIAN,  the  Emperor.  Contain- 
ing Gregory  Nazianzen's  Two  In- 
vectives and  Libanus'  Monody, 
with  Julian's  extant  Theosophical 
Works.  Translated  by  C.  W. 
King,  M.A.     5j. 


JUNIUS'S  Letters.  With  all  the 
Notes  of  Woodfall's  Edition,  and 
important  Additions.  2  vols. 
3J.  6d.  each. 

JUSTIN  OOBNELIUS  NEPOS, 
and  EUTROPIUS.  Translated 
by  the  Rev.  J.  S.  Watson,  M.A. 
5*- 

JUVENAL,  PERSIUS.  SUL- 
PICIA  and  LUCILIUS.  Trans- 
lated by  L.  Evans,  M.A.     $s. 

KANT'S  Critique  of  Pure  Reason. 
Translated  by  J.  M.  D.  Meikle- 
john.     $s. 

Prolegomena  and  Meta- 
physical Foundation  s  of  Natural 
Science.  Translated  by  E.  Belfort 
Bax.     5j. 

KEIGHTLEY'S  (Thomas)  My- 
thology of  Ancient  Greece  and 
Italy.  4th  Edition,  revised  by 
Leonard  Schmitz,  Ph.D.,  LL.D. 
With  12  Plates  from  the  Antique. 

KEIGHTLEY'S  Fairy  Mytho- 
logy, illustrative  of  the  Romance 
and  Superstition  of  Various  Coun- 
tries. Revised  Edition,  with 
Frontispiece  by  Cruikshank.     5^. 

LA  FONTAINE'S  Fables.  Trans- 
lated into  English  Verse  by  Elizur 
Wright.  New  Edition,  with  Notes 
by  J.  W.  M.  Gibbs.    3*.  6d. 

LAMARTINE'S  History  of  the 
Girondists.  Translated  by  H.  T. 
Ryde.      3  vols.     3*.  6d.  each. 

History  of  the  Restoration 

of  Monarchy  in  France  (a  Sequel 
to  the  History  of  the  Girondists). 
4  vols.     3^.  6d.  each. 

History  of  the  French  Re- 
volution of  1848.    3jt.  6d. 

LAMB'S  (Charles)  Essays  of  Ella 
and  Eliana.  Complete  Edition. 
3*.  6d. 


H 


An  Alphabetical  List  of  Books 


LAMB'S  (Charles)  Specimens  of 
English  Dramatic  Poets  of  the 
Time  of  Elisabeth.    3s.  6d. 

Memorials   and  Letters   of 

Charles  Lamb.  By  Serjeant 
Talfourd.  New  Edition,  revised, 
by  W.  Carew  Hazlitt.  2  vols. 
3$.  6d.  each. 


Tales    from     Shakespeare. 

With  Illustrations  by.Byam  Shaw. 
3-r.  6d. 

LANE'S  Arabian  Nights'  Enter- 
tainments. Edited  by  Stanley 
Lane-Poole,  M.A.,  Litt.D.  4 
vols.     3 s.  6d.  each* 

LAPPENBERG'S  History  of 
England  under  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Kings.  Translated  by 
B.  Thorpe,  F.S.A.  New  edition, 
revised  by  E.  C.  Otte.  2  vols. 
3*.  6d.  each. 

LEONARDO    DA    VINCI'S 

Treatise  on  Painting.  Trans- 
lated by  J.  F.  Rigaud,  R.A., 
With  a  Life  of  Leonardo  by  John 
William  Brown.  With  numerous 
Plates,     5*. 

LEPSIUS'S  Letters  from  Egypt, 
Ethiopia,  and  the  Peninsula  of 
Sinai.  Translated  by  L.  and 
J.  B.  Horner.    With  Maps.     5*. 

LESSING'S  Dramatic  Works, 
Complete.  Edited  by  Ernest  Bell, 
M.A.  With  Memoir  of  Lessing 
by  Helen  Zimmern.  2  vols. 
2s.  6d.  each. 

— —  Laokoon,  Dramatic  Notes, 
and  the  Representation  of 
Death  by  the  Ancients.  Trans- 
lated by  E.  C.  Beasley  and  Helen 
Zimmern.  Edited  by  Edward 
Bell,  M.A.  With  a  Frontispiece 
of  the  Laokoon  group.     %s.  6d. 

LILLY'S  Introduction  to  Astro- 
logy. With  a  Grammar  of 
Astrology  and  Tables  for  Cal- 
culating Nativities,  by  Zadkiel.  $s. 


LIVY'S  History  of  Rome.  Trans- 
lated by  Dr.  Spillan,  C.  Edmonds, 
and  others.    4  vols.    5*.  each. 

LOCKE'S  Philosophical  Works. 
Edited  by  J.  A.  St.  John.  2  vols. 
3 j.  6d,  each. 

LOCKHART  (J.  G.)— See  BURNS. 

LODGE'S  Portraits'of  Illustrious 
Personages  of  Great  Britain, 
with  Biographical  and  Historical 
Memoirs.  240  Portraits  engraved 
on  Steel,  with  the  respective  Bio- 
graphies unabridged.  8  vols.  5*. 
each. 

[  Vols.  II.  IV.  and  VII.  out  of 

pi'int.  ] 

LOUDON'S  (Mrs.)  Natural 
History.  Revised  edition,  by 
W.  S.  Dallas,  F.L.S.  With 
numerous  Woodcut  Illus.     5*. 

LOWNDES'  Bibliographer's 
Manual  of  English  Literature. 
Enlarged  Edition.  By  H.  G. 
Bohn.  6  vols,  cloth,  $s.  each. 
Or  4  vols*  half  morocco,  2I.  2s. 

LONGTJS.  Daphnis  and  Chloe. 
— See  Greek  Romances. 

LUCAN'S  Pharsalia.  Translated 
by  H.  T.  Riley,  M.A.     5*. 

LUC  IAN' S  Dialogues  of  the 
Gods,  of  the  Sea  Gods,  and 
of  the  Dead.  Translated  by 
Howard  Williams,  M.A.     5*. 

LUCRETIUS.  A  Prose  Trans- 
lation. By  H.  A.  J.  Munro. 
Reprinted  from  the  Final  (4th) 
Edition.  With  an  Introduction 
by  J.  D.  Duff,  M.A.     5*. 

Literally  translated.    By  the 

Rev.  J.  S.Watson,  M.A.     With 
a  Metrical  Version  by  J.  M.  Good. 

5* 


Contained  in  Bonn's  Libraries. 


IS 


LUTHER'S  Table-Talk.  Trans- 
lated and  Edited  by  William 
Hazlitt.    35.  6d. 


—  Autobiography. 

MlCHELET. 


See 


MACHIATELLI'S  History  of 
Florence,  together  with  the 
Prince,  Savonarola,  various  His- 
torical Tracts,  and  a  Memoir  of 
Machiavelli.     $s.  6d. 

MALLET'S  Northern  Antiqui- 
ties, or  an  Historical  Account  of 
the  Manners,  Customs,  Religions 
and  Laws,  Maritime  Expeditions 
and  Discoveries,  Language  and 
Literature,  of  the  Ancient  Scandi- 
navians. Translated  by  Bishop 
Percy.  Revised  and  Enlarged 
Edition,  with  a  Translation  of  the 
Prose  Edda,  by  J.  A.  Black- 
well.    5-r. 

MANZONI.  The  Betrothed: 
being  a  Translation  of  *  I  Pro- 
messi  Sposi.'  By  Alessandro 
Manzoni.  With  numerous  Wood- 
cuts.    5.r. 

MARCO  POLO'S  Travels;  the 
Translation  of  Marsden  revised 
by  T.  Wright,  M.A.,  F.S.A.    5*. 

MARRY  AT 'S  (Capt.  R.N.) 
Masterman  Ready.  With  93 
Woodcuts.     3j.  6d. 

Mission ;  or,  Scenes  in  Africa. 

Illustrated  by  Gilbert  and  Dalziel. 
3s.  6d. 

Pirate  and  Three  Gutters. 

With  8  Steel  Engravings,  from 
Drawings  by  Clarkson  Stanfield, 
R.A.    3*.  6d. 

Prlvateersman.  8  Engrav- 
ings on  Steel.     3*.  6d. 

— -—  Settlers  in  Canada.  10  En- 
gravings by  Gilbert  and  Dalziel. 
35.  6d. 


MARRYAT'S  (Capt.  R.N.) 
Poor  Jack.  With  16  Illus- 
trations after  Clarkson  Stansfield, 
R.A.    3j.  6d. 

Peter  Simple.  With  8  full- 
page  Illustrations.     %s.  6d. 

MARTIAL'S  Epigrams,  complete. 
Translated  into  Prose,  each  ac- 
companied by  one  or  more  Verse 
Translations  selected  from  the 
Works  of  English  Poets,  and 
other  sources,     ys.  6d. 

MARTINEAU'S  (Harriet)  His- 
tory of  England,  from  1800- 
18 1 5.     35-.  6d. 

History  of  the  Thirty  Years' 

Peace,  a.d.    1815-46.      4  vols. 
3*.  6d.  each. 

See  Comte's  Positive  Philosophy* 

MATTHEW  OP  WESTMIN- 
STER'S Flowers  of  History, 
from  the  beginning  of  the  World 
to  a.d.  1307.  Translated  by  C.  D. 
Yonge,  M.A.     2  vols.     5-f.  each. 

MAXWIQLL'S  Victories  of  Wel- 
ington  and  the  British  Armies. 
Frontispiece  and  5  Portraits.     $s. 

MENZEL'S  History  of  Germany, 
from  the  Earliest  Period  to  1842. 
3  vols.     p.  6d.  each. 

MICHAEL  ANGELO  AND 
RAPHAEL,  their  Live3  and 
Works.  By  Duppa  aud  Quatre- 
mere  de  Quincy.  With  Portraits, 
and  Engravings  on  Steel.     $s. 

MICHELET'S  Luther's  Auto- 
biography. Trans,  by  William 
Hazlitt.  With  an  Appendix  (no 
pages)  of  Notes.     3s.  6d. 

History  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution from  its  earliest  indications 
to  the  flight  of  the  King  in  179 1. 
$s.  6d. 


i6 


An  Alphabetical  List  of  Books 


MIGNET'S  History  of  the  French 
"  Revolution,  from  1789  to   1S14. 
3^.  6d.     New  edition,  reset- 

MILL  (J.  S.)  Early  Essays  by 
John  Stuart  Mill.  Collected  from 
various  sources  by  J.  W.  M.  Gibbs. 
3*.  6d. 

MILLER  (Professor).  History 
Philosophically  Hlustrated,from 
the  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  to 
the  French  Revolution.  4  vols. 
3*.  6d.  each, 

MILTON'S  Prose  Works.  Edited 
by  J.  A.  St.  John.  5  vols.  3*.  6d, 
each. 

— —  Poetical  Works,  with  a  Me- 
moir and  Critical  Remarks  by 
James  Montgomery,  an  Index  to 
Paradise  Lost,  Todd's  Verbal  Index 
to  all  the  Poems,  and  a  Selection 
of  Explanatory  Notes  by  Henry 
G.  Bohn.  Illustrated  with  120 
Wood  Engravings  from  Drawings 
by  W.  Harvey.  2  vols.  3*.  6d. 
each. 

MITFORD'S  (Miss)  Our  Village 
Sketches  of  Rural  Character  and 
Scenery.  With  2  Engravings  on 
Steel.    2  vols.     3^.  6d,  each. 

MOLIERE'S    Dramatic  Works. 

A   new  Translation    in  English 

Prose,  by  C.  H.  Wall.  3  vols. 
$s.  6d.  each. 

MONTAGU.  The  Letters  and 
Works  of  Lady  Mary  Wortley 
Montagu.  Edited  by  her  great- 
grandson,  Lord  Whamclifte's  Edi- 
tion, and  revised  by  W.  Moy 
Thomas.  New  Edition,  revised, 
with  5  Portraits.  2  vols.  5?.  each. 

MONTAIGNE'S  Essays.  Cotton's 
Translation,  revised  by  W.  C. 
Hazlitt.  New  Edition.  3  vols. 
31.  6d<  each. 


MONTESQUIEU'S  Spirit  o! 
Laws.  New  Edition,  revised  and 
corrected.  By  J.  V.  Pritchard, 
A.M.     2  vols.     3$.  6d.  each. 

MO  RE'S  Utopia.  Robinson's 
translation,  with  Roper's  -  Life 
of  Sir  Thomas  More,'  and  More's 
Letters  to  Margaret  Roper  and 
others.  Edited,  with  Notes,  by 
George  Sampson.  Introduction 
and  Bibliography  by  A.  Guth- 
kelch.  The  text  of  the  Utopia  is 
given  as  an  appendix.     5^ 

MORPHY'S    Games    of   Chess. 

Being  the  Matches  and  best  Games 
played  by  theAmerican  Champion, 
with  Explanatory  and  Analytical 
Notes  by  J.  Lowenthal.     $s. 

MOTLEY  (J.  L.).  The  Rise  of 
the  Dutch  Republic.  A  History. 
By  John  Lothrop  Motley.  New 
Edition,  with  Biographical  Intro- 
duction by  Moncure  D.  Conway. 
3  vols.     3.?.  6d.  each. 

MUDIE'S  British  Birds ;  or,  His- 
tory of  the  Feathered  Tribes  of  the 
British  Islands.  Revised  by  W. 
C.  L.  Martin.  With  52  Figures 
of  Birds  and  7  Coloured  Plates  of 
Eggs.     2  vols.     5s.  each. 

NEANDER  (Dr.  A.)  Life  of 
Jesus  Christ.  Translated  by  J. 
McClintock  and  C.  Blumenthal. 
3*.  6d. 

History  of  the  Planting  and 

Training  of  the  Christian 
Church  by  the  Apostles. 
Translated  by  J.  E.  Ryland. 
2  vols.     3$.  6d.  each. 

— —  Memorials  of  Christian  Life 
in  the  Early  and  Middle  Ages  ; 
including  Light  in  Dark  Places. 
Trans,  by  J.  E.  Ryland.     3*.  6d. 

NIBELUNGEN  LIED.  The 
Lay  of  the  Nibelungs,  metrically 
translated  from  the  old  German 
text  by  Alice  Horton.  and  edited 


Contained  in  Bohrfs  Libraries. 


17 


by  Edward  Bell,  M.A.  To  which 
is  prefixed  the  Essay  on  the  Nibe- 
lungen  Lied  by  Thomas  Carlyle. 
5*- 

NICOLINI'S  History  of  the 
Jesuits :  their  Origin,  Progress, 
Doctrines,  and  Designs.  With  8 
Portraits.    5-r. 

NORTH  (R.)  Lives  of  the  Right 
Hon.  Francis  North,  Baron  Guild- 
ford, the  Hon.  Sir  Dudley  North, 
and  the  Hon.  and  Rev.  Dr.  John 
North.  By  the  Hon.  Roger 
North.  Together  with  the  Auto- 
biography of  the  Author.  Edited 
by  Augustus  Jessopp,  D.D.  3  vols. 
3^.  6d.  each. 

NUGENT'S  (Lord)  Memorials 
of  Hampden,  his  Party  and 
Times.  With  a  Memoir  of  the 
Author,  an  Autograph  Letter,  and 
Portrait.    51. 

OLD  ENGLISH  CHRON- 
ICLES, including  Ethelwerd's 
Chronicle,  Asser's  Life  of  Alfred, 
Geoffrey  of  Monmouth's  British 
History,  Gildas,  Nennius,  and  the 
spurious  chronicle  of  Richard  of 
Cirencester.  Edited  by  J.  A. 
Giles,  D.C.L.     5*. 

OMAN  (J.  C.)  The  Great  Indian 
Epics :  the  Stories  of  the  Rama- 
yana  and  the  Mahabharata. 
By  John  Campbell  Oman,  Prin- 
cipal of  Khalsa  College,  Amritsar. 
With  Notes,  Appendices,  and 
Illustrations.    35.  6d. 

OVID'S  Works,  complete.  Literally 
translated  into  Prose.  3  vols. 
$s.  each. 

PASCAL'S  Thoughts.  Translated 
from  the  Text  of  M.  Auguste 
Molinier  by  C.  Kegan  Paul.  3rd 
Edition.    ?>s,  6d. 


PALTLI'S  (Dr.  R.)  Life  of  Alfred 
the  Great.  Translated  from  the 
German  To  which  is  appended 
Alfred's  Anglo-Saxon  Version 
of  Orosius.  With  a  literal 
Translation  interpaged,  Notes, 
and  an  Anglo-Saxon  Grammar 
and  Glossary,  by  B.  Thorpe. 
5* 

PAUSAHIAS'  Description  of 
Greece.  Newly  translated  by  A.  R. 
Shilleto,  M.A.    2  vols.    5^.  each. 

PEARSON'S  Exposition  of  the 
Creed.     Edited  by  E.  Walford, 

M.A.     5*. 

PEPYS'  Diary  and  Correspond- 
ence. Deciphered  by  the  Rev. 
J.  Smith,  M.A.,  from  the  original 
Shorthand  MS.  in  the  Pepysian 
Library.  Edited  by  Lord  Br<iy- 
brooke.  4  vols.  With  31  En- 
gravings.    S-r.  each, 

PERCY'S  Reliques  of  Aneient 
English  Poetry.  With  an  Essay 
on  Ancient  Minstrels  and  a  Glos- 
sary. Edited  by  J.  V.  Pritchard, 
A.M.    2  vols.    3j.  6d.  each. 

PERSIUS.— See  Juvenal. 

PETRARCH'S  Sonnets,  Tri- 
umphs, and  other  Poems. 
Translated  into  English  Verse  by 
various  Hands.  With  a  Life  of 
the  Poet  by  Thomas  Campbell. 
With  Portrait  and  15  Steel  En- 
gravings.    5^. 

PICKERING'S  History  of  the 
Races  of  Man,  and  their  Gao- 
graphical  Distribution.  With  An 
Analytical  Synopsis  of  the 
Natural  History  of  Man  by 
Dr.  Hall.  With  a  Map  of  the 
World  and   12   coloured   Plates. 

5*' 


18 


An  Alphabetical  List  of  Boohs 


PINDAR.  Translated  into  Prose 
by  Dawson  W.  Turner.  To  which 
is  added  the  Metrical  Version  by 
Abraham  Moore.     5*. 

PLANOKE.    History  of  British 
Costume,  from  the  Earliest  Time 
to  the  Close  of  the  Eighteenth  j 
Century.       By    J.    R.    Planche,    I 
Somerset  Herald.    With  upwards   ' 
of  400  Illustrations.     55. 

PLATO'S  Works.  Literally  trans- 
lated,  with  Introduction  and 
Notes.    6  vols.    5*.  each. 

I.— The  Apology  of  Socrates, 
Crito,  Phaedo,  Gorgias,  Pro- 
tagoras, Phsedrus,  Theaetetus, 
Euthyphron,  Lysis.  Trans- 
lated by  the  Rev.  H.  Carey. 

1 1. —The  Republic,  Timseus,  and 
Critias.  Translated  by  Henry 
Davis. 

III.— Meno,  Euthydemus,  The 
Sophist,  Statesman,  Cratylus, 
Parmenides,  and  the  Banquet. 
Translated  by  G.  Burges. 

IV. — Philebus,  Charmides,  Laches, 
Menexenus,  Hippias,  Ion, 
The  Two  Alcibiades,  The- 
ages,  Rivals,  Hipparchus, 
Minos,  Clitopho,  Epistles. 
Translated  by  G.  Burges. 

V. — The  Laws.  Translated  by 
G.  Burges. 

VI.— The  Doubtful  Works,  Trans- 
lated  by  G.  Burges. 

Summary  and  Analysis  of 

the  Dialogues.    With  Analytical 
Index.    By  A.  Day,  LL.D.     5*. 

PLATJTUS'S  Comedies.  Trans- 
lated by  H.  T.  Riley,  M.A.  2 
vols.    $s.  each. 

PLINY.  The  Letters  of  Pliny 
the  Younger.  Melmoth's  trans- 
lation, revised  by  the  Rev.  F.  C. 
T.  Bosanquet,  M.A.    $s. 


PLOTTHTT8,  Select  Works  of. 
Translated  by  Thomas  Taylor. 
With  an  Introduction  containing 
the  substance  of  Porphyry's  Plo- 
tinus.  Edited  by  G.  R.  S.  Mead, 
BA„  M.R.A.S.    5j. 

PLUTARCH'S  Lives.  Translated 
by  A.  Stewart,  M.A.,  and  George 
Long,  M.A.    4  vols.   $s.  6d.  each. 

Morals.  Theosophical  Essays. 

Translated  by  C.  W.  King,  M.A. 

Morals.      Ethical    Essays. 

Translated  by  the  Rev.  A.  R. 
Shilleto,  M.A.     5s. 

POETRY  OF  AMERICA.  Se- 
lections from  One  Hundred 
American  Poets,  from  1776  to 
1S76.     By  W.  J.  Linton.     3*.  6d. 

POLITICAL    CYCLOPEDIA. 

A  Dictionary  of  Political,  Con- 
stitutional, Statistical,  and  Fo- 
rensic Knowledge ;  forming  a 
Work  of  Reference  on  subjects  of 
Civil  Administration,  Political 
Economy,  Finance,  Commerce, 
Laws,  and  Social  Relations.  4 
vols.     (1848.)     3 J.  6d.  each. 

[  Vol.  I.  out  of  print. 

POPE'S  Poetical  Works.  Edited, 
with  copious  Notes,  by  Robert 
Carruthers.  With  numerous  Illus- 
trations.    2  vols.     5 j.  each. 

[  Vol.  I.  otit  oj  print. 

— —  Eomer's  Iliad.  Edited  by 
the  Rev.  J.  S.  Watson,  M.A. 
Illustrated  by  the  entire  Series  of 
Flaxman's  Designs.     5*. 

Horner's  Odyssey,  with  the 

Battle  of  Frogs  and  Mice,  Hymns, 
&c. ,  by  other  translators.  Edited 
by  the  Rev.  J.  S.  Watson,  M.A. 
With  the  entire  Series  of  Flax- 
man's  Designs.    5*. 

Life,  including  many  of  his 

Letters.  By  Robert  Carruthers. 
With  numerous  Illustrations.    55, 


Contained  in  Bohrts  Libraries. 


19 


POTJSHKIN'S  Prose  Tales :  The 
Captain's  Daughter — Doubrovsky 
—  The  Queen  of  Spades  —  An 
Amateur  Peasant  Girl — The  Shot 
—The  Snow  Storm— The  Post- 
master —  The  Coffin  Maker  — 
Kirdjali — The  Egyptian  Nights — 
Peter  the  Great's  Negro.  Trans- 
lated by  T.  Keane.     2s-  6d. 

PRESCOTT'S  Conquest  of 
Mexico.  Copyright  edition,  with 
the  notes  by  John  Foster  Kirk, 
and  an  introduction  by  G.  P. 
Winship.     3  vols.     3*.  6d.  each. 

Conquest  of  Peru.  Copyright 

edition,  with  the  notes  of  John 
Foster  Kirk.    2  vols.   ~$s.  6d,  each. 

Reign   of    Ferdinand    and 

Isabella.  Copyright  edition, 
with  the  notes  of  John  Foster 
Kirk.     3  vols.     3-r.  6d.  each. 

PROPERTIUS.  Translated  by 
Rev.  P.  J.  F.  Gantillon,  M.A., 
and  accompanied  by  Poetical 
Versions,  from  various  sources. 
3J.  6d. 

PROVERBS,  Handbook  of.  Con- 
taining an  entire  Republication 
of  Ray's  Collection  of  English 
Proverbs,  with  his  additions  from 
Foreign  Languages  and  a  com- 
plete Alphabetical  Index;  in  which 
are  introduced  large  additions  as 
well  of  Proverbs  as  of  Sayings, 
Sentences,  Maxims,  and  Phrases, 
collected  by  H.  G.  Bohn.     5*. 

POTTERY  AND  PORCELAIN, 

and  other  Objects  of  Vertu.  Com- 
prising an  Illustrated  Catalogue  of 
the  Bernal  Collection  of  Works 
of  Art,  with  the  prices  at  which 
they  were  sold  by  auction,  and 
names  of  the  possessors.  To  which 
are  added,  an  Introductory  Lecture 
on  Pottery  and  Porcelain,  and  an 
Engraved  List  of  all  the  known 
Marks  and  Monograms.  By  Henry 
G.  Bohn.  With  numerous  Wood 
Engravings,  55. ;  or  with  Coloured 
Illustrations,  10s,  6d. 


PROUT'S  (Father)  Reliques.  Col- 
lected and  arranged  by  Rev.  F. 
Mahony.  New  issue,  with  21 
Etchings  by  D.  Maclise,  R.A. 
Nearly  600  pages.     $s. 

QUINTILIAN'S  Institutes  of 
Oratory,  or  Education  of  an 
Orator.  Translated  by  the  Rev. 
J.  S.  Watson,  M.A.  2  vols.  5*. 
each. 

RACINE'S  (Jean)  Dramatic 
Works.  A  metrical  English  ver- 
sion. By  R.  Bruce  Boswell,  M.A. 
Oxon.     2  vols.     3*.  6d.  each. 

RANKE'S  History  of  the  Popes, 

during  the  Last  Four  Centuries. 
Translated  by  E.  Foster.  Mrs. 
Foster's  translation  revised,  with 
considerable  additions,  by  G.  R. 
Dennis,  B.A.  3  vols.  3^.  6d.  each. 

History  of  Servia  and  the 

Servian  Revolution.  With  an 
Account  of  the  Insurrection  in 
Bosnia.  Translated  by  Mrs.  Kerr. 
3j.  6d. 

RECREATIONS  in  SHOOTING. 

By  *  Craven.'  With  62  Engravings 
on  Wood  after  Harvey,  and  9 
Engravings  on  Steel,  chiefly  after 
A.  Cooper,  R.A.     55. 

RENNIE'S  Insect  Architecture. 
Revised  and  enlarged  by  Rev. 
J.  G.  Wood,  M.A.  With  186 
Woodcut  Illustrations.    5$. 

REYNOLDS'  (Sir  J.)  Literary 
Works.  Edited  by  H,  W.  Beechy. 
2  vols.     3*.  6d,  each. 

RICARDO  on  the  Principles  of 
Political  Economy  and  Taxa- 
tion, Edited  by  E.  C.  K.  Gonner, 

M.A.     Ss- 

RICHTER  (Jean  Paul  Friedrioh). 

Levana,  a  Treatise  on  Education: 
together  with  the  Autobiography 
(a  Fragment),  and  a  short  Pre- 
fatory Memoir.     3*.  6d. 


20 


An  Alphabetical  List  of  Books 


RICHTER  (Jean  Paul  Friedrich). 
Flower,  Fruit,  and  Thorn 
Pieces,  or  the  Wedded  Life,  Death, 
and  Marriage  of  Firmian  Stanis- 
laus Siebenkaes,  Parish  Advocate 
in  the  Parish  of  Kuhschnapptel. 
Newly  translated  by  Lt.-Col.Alex. 
Ewing.     3?.  6d. 

ROGER  DE  HOYEDEN'S  An- 
nals  of  English  History,  com- 
prising the  History  of  England 
and  of  other  Countries  of  Europe 
from  a.d.  732  to  A.  D.  1201. 
Translated  by  H,  T.  Riley,  M.A. 
2  vols.    55.  each. 

ROGER  OF  WENDOVER'S 
Flowers  of  History,  comprising 
the  History  of  England  from  the 
Descent  of  the  Saxons  to  a.d. 
1 235,  formerly  ascribed  to  Matthew 
Paris.  Translated  by  J.  A.  Giles, 
D.C.L.     2  vols.     $s.  each. 

[  Vol.  II.  out  of  print. 

ROME  in  the  NINETEENTH 
CENTURY.  Containing  a  com- 
plete Account  of  the  Ruins  of  the 
Ancient  City,  the  Remains  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  and  the  Monuments 
of  Modern  Times.  By  C.  A.  Eaton. 
With  34  Steel  Engravings.  2  vols. 
5 j.  each. 

See  Burn. 

ROSOOE'S  (W.)  Life  and  Ponti- 
ficate of  Leo  X.  Final  edition, 
revised  by  Thomas  Roscoe.  2 
vols.     3-y.  6d.  each. 

Life  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici, 

called  '  the  Magnificent.'  With 
his  poems,  letters,  &c  10th 
Edition,  revised,  with  Memoir  of 
Roscoe  by  his  Son.     35.  6d. 

RUSSIA.  History  of,  from  the 
earliest  Period,  compiled  from 
the  most  authentic  sources  by 
Walter  K.  Kelly.  With  Portraits. 
2  vols.     35.  6d.  each. 

SALLUST,  FLORUS,  and  VEL- 
LEIUS  PATERCULUS. 
Trans,  by  J.  S.Watson,  M.A.  5*. 


SCHILLER'S  Works.  Translated 
by  various  hands,  7  vols.  3$.  6d, 
each : — 

I.— History  of  the  Thirty  Years' 
War. 

II.— History  of  the  Revolt  in  the 
Netherlands,  the  Trials  of 
Counts  Egmont  and  Horn, 
the  Siege  of  Antwerp,  and 
the  Disturbances  in  France 
preceding  the  Reign  of 
Henry  IV. 

III.— Don  Carlos,  Mary  Stuart, 
Maid  of  Orleans,  Bride  of 
Messina,  together  with  the 
Use  of  the  Chorus  in 
Tragedy  (a  short  Essay). 
These  Dramas  are  all 
translated  in  metre. 

IV.— Robbers  { with  Schiller's 
original  Preface),  Fiesco, 
Love  and  Intrigue,  De- 
metrius, Ghost  Seer,  Sport 
of  Divinity. 

The    Dramas    in    this 
volume  are  translated  into 
Prose. 
V. — Poems. 

VI.— Essays,  ^Esthetical  and  Philo- 
sophical. 
VII. — Wallenstein's    Camp,    Pic- 
colomini    and    Death    of 
Wallenstein,  William  Tell. 

SCHILLER  and  GOETHE. 
Correspondence  between,  from 
a.d.  1794- 1805.  Translated  by 
L.  Dora  Schmitz.  2  vols.  3*.  6d. 
each. 

SCHLEGEL'S  (F.)  Lectures  on 
the  Philosophy  of  Life  and  the 
Philosophy  of  Language.  Trans- 
lated by  the  Rev.  A.  J.  W.  Mor- 
rison, M.A.     3-r.  6d. 

Lectures  on  the  History  of 

Literature,  Ancient  and  Modern. 
Translated  from  the  German.  y.dd. 

• — -  Lectures  on  the  Philosophy 
of  History.  Translated  by  J.  B. 
Robertson.     3;.  6d. 


Contained  in  Bohris  Libraries. 


21 


SCHLE  GEL'S  Lectures  on 
Modern  History,  together  with 
the  Lectures  entitled  Csesar  and 
Alexander,  and  The  Beginning  of 
our  History.  Translated  by  L. 
Purcell  and  R.  H.  Whitelock. 
3-f.  6d. 

iEsthetie  and  Miscellaneous 

Works.      Translated   by  E.    J, 
Millington.     3.?.  6d. 

SGHLEG-EL'S  (A.  W.)  Lectures 
on  Dramatic  Art  and  Litera- 
ture. Translated  by  J.  Black. 
Revised  Fdition,  by  the  Rev. 
A.  J.  W.  Morrison,  M.A.  p.  6d, 

SCHOPENHAUER  on  the  Pour- 
fold  Root  of  the  Principle  of 
Sufficient  Reason,  and  On  the 
"Will  in  Nature.  Translated  by 
Madame  Hillebrand.     $s. 

Essays.  Selected  and  Trans- 
lated. With  a  Biographical  Intro- 
duction and  Sketch  of  his  Philo- 
sophy, by  E.  Belfort  Bax.     p. 

SCHOUW'S  Earth,  Plants,  and 
Man.  Translated  by  A.  Henfrey. 
With  coloured  Map  of  the  Geo- 
graphy of  Plants.     $s. 

SCHUMANN  (Robert).  His  Life 
and  Works,  by  August  Reissmann. 
Translated  by  A.  L.  Alger.   3^.  6d. 

Early  Letters.  Originally  pub- 
lished by  his  Wife.  Translated 
by  May  Herbert.  With  a  Preface 
by  Sir  George  Grove,  D.C.L. 
3*.  6d. 

SENECA  on  Benefits.  Newly 
translated  by  A.  Stewart,  M.A. 
3*.  6d. 

Minor  Essays  and  On  Clem- 
ency. Translated  by  A.  Stewart, 
M.A.     $s. 

SHAKESPEARE  DOCU- 
MENTS. Arranged  by  D.  H. 
Lambert,  B.A.     3*.  6d, 


SHAKESPEARE'S  Dramatic 
Art.  The  History  and  Character 
of  Shakespeare's  Plays.  By  Dr. 
Hermann  Uirici.  Translated  by 
L.  Dora  Schmitz,  2  vols.  3 J.  6d. 
each. 

SHAKESPEARE  (William).  A 
Literary  Biography  by  Karl  Else, 
Ph.D.,  LL.D.  Translated  by 
L.  Dora  Schmitz.     51. 

SHARPE    (S.)    The   History  of 

Egypt,  from  the  Earliest  Times 
till  the  Conquest  by  the  Arabs, 
a.d.  640.  By  Samuel  Sharpe. 
2  Maps  and  upwards  of  400  Illus- 
trative Woodcuts.  2  vols.  S^«  each. 

SHERIDAN'S  Dramatic  Works, 
Complete.  With  Life  by  G.  G.  S. 
3*.  6d. 

SISMONDI'S  History  of  the 
Literature  of  the  South  ol 
Europe.  Translated  by  Thomas 
Roscoe.    2  vols.    35,  6d.  each. 

SMITH'S  Synonyms  and  An- 
tonyms, or  Kindred  Words  and 
their  Opposites.  Revised  Edi- 
tion.   5j. 

Synonyms    Discriminated. 

A  Dictionary  of  Synonymous 
Words  in  the  English  Language, 
showing  the  Accurate  signification 
of  words  of  similar  meaning. 
Edited  by  the  Rev.  H.  Percy 
Smith,  M.A.     6s. 

SMITH'S  (Adam)  The  Wealth  of 
Nations.  Edited  by  E.  Belfort 
Bax.    2  vols.     p.  6d.  each. 

Theory  of  Moral  Sentiments. 

With  a  Memoir  of  the  Author  by 
Dugald  Stewart.    3*.  6d. 

SMITH'S  ( Pye )  Geology  and 
Scripture.    2nd  Edition.    5*. 

SMYTH'S  (Professor)  Lectures 
on  Modern  History.  2  vols. 
3 s.  6d.  each. 


22 


An  Alphabetical  List  of  Books 


SMOLLETT'S  Adventures  of 
Roderick  Random.  With  short 
Memoir  and  Bibliography,  and 
Cruikshank's  Illustrations.    3$.  6d, 

Adventures    of    Peregrine 

Pickle.  With  Bibliography  and 
Cruikshank's  Illustrations.  2  vois. 
3j.  6d.  each. 

The  Expedition  of  Hum- 
phry Clinker.  With  Bibliography 
and  Cruikshank's  Illustrations. 
3s.  6d. 

SOCRATES  (surnamed  '  Scholas- 
ticus ').  The  Ecclesiastical  His- 
tory of  (a.  d.  305-445 ).  Translated 
from  the  Greek.     5^. 

SOPHOCLES,  The  Tragedies  of. 
A  New  Prose  Translation,  with 
Memoir,  Notes,  &c,  by  E.  P. 
Coleridge,  M.A.     $s. 

SOUTH  EY'S  Life  of  Nelson. 
With  Portraits,  Plans,  and  up- 
wards of  50  Engravings  on  Steel 
and  Wood.     55. 

Life  of  Wesley,  and  the  Rise 

and  Progress  of  Methodism.     $s. 

— —  Robert  Southey.  The  Story 
of  his  Life  written  in  his  Letters. 
Edited  by  John  Dennis.     3*.  6d. 


SOZOMEN'S  Ecclesiastical  His 
tory.  Translated  from  the  Greek 
Together  with  the  Ecclesiasti 
cal  History  of  Philostor 
gius,  as  epitomised  by  Photius 
Translated  by  Rev.  E.  Walfords 
M.A.     $j. 

SPINOZA'S  Chief  Works.  Trans- 
lated, with  Introduction,by  R.H.M. 
Elwes.    2  vols.    $s.  each. 

STANLEY'S  Classified  Synopsis 
of  the  Principal  Painters  of  the 
Dutch  and  Flemish  Schools. 
By  George  Stanley.     5*. 

STAUNTON'S  Chess  -  Player's 
Handbook.    5_r. 


STAUNTON'S  Chess  Praxis.  A 
Supplement  to  the  Chess-player's 
Handbook.    5*. 

Chess-player's  Companion. 

Comprising  a  Treatise  on  Odds, 
Collection  of  Match  Games,  and 
a  Selection  of  Original  Problems. 

STOCKHARDT'S  Experimental 
Chemistry.  Edited  by  C.  W. 
Heaton,  F,C.S.     5*. 

STOWE  (Mrs.H.B.)  Uncle  Tom's 
Cabin.    Illustrated.     35. 6d. 

STRABO'S  Geography.  Trans- 
lated by  W.  Falconer,  M.A., 
and  H.  C.  Hamilton.  3  vols. 
55.  each. 

STRICKLAND'S  (Agnes)  Lives 
of  the  Queens  of  England,  from 
the  Norman  Conquest.  Revised 
Edition.  With  6  Portraits.  6  vols. 
$s.  each. 


Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots. 

2  vols.    5-y.  each. 

Lives  of  the  Tudor  and  Stuart 

Princesses.    With  Portraits.     5*. 

STUART  and  REVETT'S  Anti- 
quities of  Athens,  and  other 
Monuments  of  Greece.  With  7 1 
Plates  engraved  on  Steel,  and 
numerous  Woodcut  Capitals.    5*. 

SUETONIUS'  Lives  of  the  Twelve 
Caesars  and  Lives  of  the  Gram- 
marians. Thomson's  translation, 
revised  by  T.  Forester.     $s. 

SWIFT'S  Prose  Works.  Edited 
by  Temple  Scott.  With  a  Bio- 
graphical Introduction  by  the  Right 
Hon.  W.  E.  H.  Lecky,  M.P. 
With  Portraits  and  Facsimiles. 
12  vols.     5-y.  each. 

I.— A  Tale  of  a  Tub,  The  Battle 
of  the  Books,  and  other 


Contained  in  Bohris  Libraries. 


23 


Swift's  Prose  "Works  {continued). 
early  works.      Edited  by 
Temple   Scott.      With  a 
Biographical  Introduction 
by  W.  E.  H.  Lecky. 
II.— -The  Journal  to  Stella.  Edited 
by  Frederick  Ryland ,  M.  A. 
With  2  Portraits  and  Fac- 
simile. 
III.&  IV. — Writings  on  Religion  and 
the  Church. 
V. — Historical   and     Political 

Tracts  (English). 
VI.— The  Drapier's   Letters. 
With  facsimiles  of  Wood's 
Coinage,  &c. 
VII.— Historical      and       Political 
Tracts  (Irish). 
VIII.— Gulliver's  Travels.      Edited 
by  G.    R.   Dennis,  B.A. 
With  Portrait  and  Maps. 
IX.  — Contributions  to  Periodical.?. 
X. — Historical  Writings. 
XI. — Literary  Essays. 
XII.— Full     Index     and     Biblio- 
graphy, with   Essays    on 
the  Portraits  of  Swift  by 
Sir    Frederick    Falkiner, 
and  on  the  Relations  be- 
tween  Swift    and    Stella 
by    the     Rt.     Rev.     the 
Bishop  of  Ossory. 

SWIFT'S  Poems.  Edited  by  W. 
Ernst  Browning.  2  vols.  y.  6d. 
each. 

TACITUS.  The  Works  of.  Liter- 
ally translated.     2  vols.    $s.  each. 

TASSO'8  Jerusalem  Delivered. 
Translated  into  English  Spenserian 
Verse  by  J.  H.  Wiffen.  With  8 
Engravings  on  Steel  and  24  Wood- 
cuts by  Thurston.     5*. 

TAYLOR'S  (Bishop  Jeremy) 
Holy  Living  and  Dying.  3*.  6d. 

TEN  BRINK— See  Brink. 

TERENCE  and  PIL23DEUS. 
Literally  translated  byH.  T.  Riley, 
M.  A.  To  which  is  added,  Smart's 
Metrical  Version  of  Phasdrus.    5*. 


THEOCRITUS,  BION,  MOS- 
CHUS,  and  TYRM1US.  Liter- 
ally translated  by  the  Rev.  J. 
Banks,  M.A.  To  which  are  ap- 
pended the  Metrical  Versions  of 
Chapman.     $s, 

THEODORET  and  EVAGRIUS. 
Histories  of  the  Church  from  a.d. 
332  to  A.D.  427 ;  and  from  a.d. 
431  to  a.d.  544.    Translated.     5J. 

THIERRY'S  History  of  the 
Conquest  of  England  by  the 
Normans.  Translated  by  Wil- 
liam Hazlitt.  2  vols.  3s.  6d.  each. 

TKUGYDIDES.  The  Pelopon- 
nesian  War.  Literally  translated 
by  the  Rev.  H.  Dale.  2  vols. 
35.  6d.  each. 

• An  Analysis  and  Summary 

of.    By  J.  T.  Wheeler.     $s. 

THUDICHUM  (J.  L.  W.)  A  Trea- 
tise on  Wines.    Illustrated.     $s. 

URE'S  (Dr.  A.)  Cotton  Manufac- 
ture of  Great  Britain.  Edited 
by  P.  L.  Sirnmonds.  2  vols.  5.1. 
each. 

Philosophy  of  Manufactures. 

Edited  by  P.  L.  Sirnmonds.  Js,  6d. 

YASARI'S  Lives  of  the  most 
Eminent  Painters,  Sculptors, 
and  Architects.  Translated  by 
Mrs.  J.  Foster,  with  a  Commen- 
tary by  J.  P.  Richter,  Ph.D.  6 
vols.     3s.  6d.  each. 

VIRGIL.  A  Literal  Prose  Trans- 
lation by  A,  Hamilton  Bryce, 
LL.D.     With  Portrait.     3*.  6d 

VOLTAIRE'S  Tales.  Translated 
by  R.  B.  Boswell.  Containing 
Bebouc,  Memnon,  Candide,  L'ln- 
genu,  and  other  Tales.     3*.  6d. 

WALTON'S  Complete  Angler. 
Edited  by  Edward  Jesse.  With 
Portrait  and  203  Engravings  on 
Wood  and  26  Engravings  on 
Steel.    5-f. 


24 


An  Alphabetical  List  of  Books. 


WALTON'S  Lives  of  Donne, 
Hooker,  &e.  New  Edition  re- 
vised by  A.  H.  Bulien,  with  a 
Memoir  of  Izaak  Walton  by  Wm. 
Dowling.  With  numerous  Illus- 
trations.    $s. 

WELLINGTON,  Life  of.  By  *  An 
Old  Soldier.'  From  the  materials 
of  Maxwell.  "With  Index  and  18 
Steel  Engravings.      5.J. 

- — -  Victories  of.    See  Maxwell. 

WEBNER'S  Templars  in 
Cyprus.  Translated  by  E. A.M. 
Lewis.    35.  6d. 

WESTROPP  (H.  M.)  A  Hand- 
book of  Archaeology,  Egyptian, 
Greek,  Etruscan,  Roman.  Illus- 
trated.    5*« 

WHEATLEY'S  A  Rational  Illus- 
tration of  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer.     3^.  6d. 

WHITE'S  Natural  History  01 
Selbome.  With  Notes  by  Sir 
William  Jardine.  Edited  by  Ed- 
ward Jesse.  With  40  Portraits 
and  coloured  Plates.     $s. 


WIESELER'S  Chronological 
Synopsis  of  the  Four  Gospels. 
Translated  by  the  Rev.  Canon 
Venables.     3^.  6d. 

WILLIAM  of  MALMESBURY'S 
Chronicle  of  the  Kings  of  Eng- 
land. Translated  by  the  Rev.  J. 
Sharpe.  Edited  by  J.  A.  Giles, 
D.C.L.     5*. 

XENOPHON'S  Works.  Trans- 
lated  by  the  Rev.  J.  S.  Watson, 
M.A.,  and  the  Rev.  H.  Dale.  In 
3  vols.     $s.  each. 

YOUNG  (Arthur).  Travels  in 
France  during  the  years  1787, 
1788,  and  1789.  Edited  by 
M.  Betharn  Edwards.     3^.  6d. 

Tour  in  Ireland,  with 

General  Observations  on  the  state 
of  the  country  during  the  years 
1776  -  79.  Edited  by  A.  W. 
Hutton.  With  Complete  Biblio- 
graphy by  J.  P.  Anderson,  and 
Map.     2  vols.     3-y.  6d.  each. 

YULE-TIDE  STORIES.  A  Col- 
lection  of  Scandinavian  and  North- 
German  Popular  Tales  and  Tra- 
ditions.  Edited  by  B.  Thorpe.  5 s. 


BOHN'S  LIBRARIES. 


A  SPECIAL  OFFER. 

MESSRS.  BELL  have  made  arrangements  to  supply  selections 
of  100  or  50  volumes  from  these  famous  Libraries,  for  £11  us.  or 
£6  6s.  net  respectively.  The  volumes  may  be  selected  without 
any  restriction  from  the  full  List  of  the  Libraries,  now  numbering 
nearly  750  volumes. 

WRITE  FOR  FULL  PARTICULARS. 


THE  YORK    LIBRARY 

A  NEW  SERIES  OF  REPRINTS  ON  THIN  PAPER. 

With  specially  designed  title-pages,  binding,  and  end-papers, 

Fcap.  8vo.  in  cloth,  23.  net ; 
In  leather,  3s.  net. 

*  The  York  Library  is  noticeable  by  reason  of  the  wisdom  and  intelli- 
gence displayed  in  the  choice  of  unhackneyed  classics.  ...  A  moat 
attractive  series  of  reprints.  .  .  .  The  size  and  style  of  the  volumes  are 
exactly  what  they  should  be.' — Bookman. 

The  following  volumes  are  now  ready : 

CHARLOTTE  BRONTE'S  JANE  EYRE. 

BURNEY'S  EVELINA.  Edited,  with  an  Introduction  and 
Notes,  by  Annie  Raine  Ellis. 

BURNEY'S  CECILIA.    Edited  by  Annie  Raine  Ellis.  2  vols. 

BURTON'S  ANATOMY  OF  MELANCHOLY.  Edited  by  the 
Rev.  A.  R.  Shilleto,  M.A.,  with  Introduction  by  A.  H.  Bullen.  3  vols. 

BURTON'S  (SIR  RICHARD)  PILGRIMAGE  TO  AL- 
MADINAH  AND  MECCAH.  With  Introduction  by  Stanley  Lane- 
Poole.    2  vols. 

CALVERLEY.  THE  IDYLLS  OF  THEOCRITUS,  with  the 
Eclogues  of  Virgil.  Translated  into  English  Verse  by  C.  S.  CALVERLEY. 
With  an  Introduction  by  R.  Y.  Tyrrell,  Litt.D. 

CERVANTES'  DON  QUIXOTE.  Motteux's  Translation,  re- 
vised.   With  Lockhart's  Life  and  Notes.    2  vols. 

CLASSIC  TALES  :  Johnson's  Rasselas,  Goldsmith's  Vicar 

of   Wakefield,     Sterne's     Sentimental     Joup.ney,    Walpole's 
Castle  of  Otranto.     With  Introduction  by  C.  S.  Fearenside,  M.A. 

COLERIDGE'S  AIDS  TO  REFLECTION,  and  the  Confessions 
of  an  Inquiring  Spirit. 

COLERIDGE'S  FRIEND.  A  series  of  Essays  on  Morals, 
Politics,  and  Religion. 

COLERIDGE'S  TABLE  TALK  AND  OMNIANA.  Arranged 
and  Edited  by  T.  Ashe,  B.A. 

COLERIDGE'S  LECTURES  AND  NOTES  ON  SHAKE- 
SPEARE,  and  other  English  Poets.     Edited  by  T.  Ashe,  B.A. 

DRAPER'S  HISTORY  OF  THE  INTELLECTUAL  DE- 
VELOPMENT OF  EUROPE.    2  vols 

EBERS'  AN   EGYPTIAN   PRINCESS.     Translated  by  E.  S. 

BUCHHEIM. 

GEORGE  ELIOT'S  ADAM  BEDE. 

EMERSON'S  WORKS.  A  new  edition  in  5  volumes,  with  the 
Text  edited  and  collated  by  George  Sampson. 

FIELDING'S  TOM  JONES  (2  vols.),  AMELIA (1  vol.),  JOSEPH 
ANDREWS  (1  vol.). 


The  York  Library— continued. 

GASKELL'S  SYLVIA'S  LOVERS. 

GESTA  ROMANORUM,  or  Entertaining  Moral  Stones  in- 
vented by  the  Monks.  Translated  from  the  Latin  by  the  Rev.  CHARLES 
Swan.     Revised  edition,  by  Wynnard  Hooper,  M.A. 

GOETHE'S  FAUST.  Translated  by  Anna  Swanwick,  LL.D. 
Revised  edition,  with  an  Introduction  and  Bibliography  by  Karl  Breul, 
Litt.D.,  Ph.D. 

GOETHE'S  POETRY  AND  TRUTH  FROM  MY  OWN  LIFE. 

Translated  by  M.  Steele-Smith,  with  Introduction  and  Bibliography  by 
Karl  Breul,  Litt.D. 

HAWTHORNE'S  TRANSFORMATION  (The  Marble  Faun). 

HOOPER'S  WATERLOO  :  THE  DOWNFALL  OF  THE 
FIRST  NAPOLEON.     With  Maps  and  Plans. 

IRVING'S  SKETCH  BOOK. 

IRVING'S  BRACEBRIDGE  HALL,  OR  THE  HUMOURISTS. 

JAMESON'S    SHAKESPEARE'S    HEROINES. 

LAMB'S  ESSAYS.  Including  the  Essays  of  Elia,  Last  Essays 
of  Elia,  and  Eliana. 

MARCUS  AURELIUS  ANTONINUS,  THE  THOUGHTS 

OF.     Translated  by  George  Long,  M.A.      With  an  Essay  on  Marcus 
Aurelius  by  Matthew  Arnold. 

MARRYAT'S  MR.  MIDSHIPMAN  EASY.  With  8  Illustra- 
trations.     i  vol.     PETER  SIMPLE.     With  8  Illustrations,     i  vol. 

MIGNET'S  HISTORY  OF  THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION, 

from  1789  to  1814. 

MONTAIGNE'S  ESSAYS.  Cotton's  translation.  Revised  by 
W.  C.  Hazlitt.     3  vols. 

MOTLEY'S  RISE  OF  THE   DUTCH    REPUBLIC.      With  a 

Biographical  Introduction  by  Moncure  D.  Conway.    3  vols. 

PASCAL'S    THOUGHTS.      Translated  from   the  Text   of  M. 

Auguste  Molinier  by  C.  Kegan  Paul.     Third  edition. 

PLUTARCH'S  LIVES.  Translated,  with  Notes  and  a  Life  by 
Aubrey  Stewart,  M.A.,  and  George  Long,  M.A.    4  vols. 

RANKE'S  HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES,  during  the  Last  Four 

Centuries.     Mrs.  Foster's  translation,    Revised  by  G.  R.  Dennis.    3  vols. 

SWIFT'S  GULLIVER'S  TRAVELS.    Edited,  with  Introduction 

and  Notes,  by  G.  R.  Dennis,  with  facsimiles  of  the  original  illustrations. 

SWIFT'S  JOURNAL  TO  STELLA.  Edited,  with  Introduction 
and  Notes,  by  F.  Ryland,  M.A. 

TROLLOPE'S  BARSETSHIRE  NOVELS.— THE  WARDEN 
(1  vol.),  BARCHESTER  TOWERS  (1  vol.),  DR.  THORNE  (1  vol.), 
FRAMLEY  PARSONAGE  (1  vol.),  SMALL  HOUSE  AT  ALLING- 
TON  (2  vols.),  LAST  CHRONICLE  OF  BARSET  (2  vols.). 

VOLTAIRE'S  ZADIG  AND  OTHER  TALES.  Translated  by 
R.  Bruce  Boswell. 

ARTHUR   YOUNG'S   TRAVELS    IN    FRANCE,    during  the 

years  1787,  1788,  and  1789.      Edited  with  Introduction  and  Notes,  by  M. 
Betham  Edwards. 


MASTERS 

OF 

LITERATURE 

Crown  &vo.  with  portrait,  3s.  6d.  net  each. 


This  Series  represents  an  attempt  to  include  in  a  portable  form 
the  finest  passages  of  our  prose  masters,  with  some  apparatus 
for  the  intensive  study  of  what  is,  by  the  consent  of  the  specialists, 
the  particular  author's  very  best.  The  selection  of  passages  has 
been  entrusted  to  the  best  contemporary  guides,  who  are  also 
critics  of  the  first  rank,  and  have  the  necessary  power  of  popular 
exposition.  The  editors  have  also  been  asked  to  adjust  their 
introductions  to  the  selection,  and  to  write  the  connecting  links 
which  form  a  special  feature  of  the  series.  These  connections 
bring  the  excerpts  together  in  one  focus,  and  exhibit  at  the  same 
time  the  unity  and  development  of  the  given  writer's  work. 


First  List  of  Volumes  ; 

SCOTT.     By  Professor  A.  J.   Grant. 
THACKERAY.     By  G.  K.  Chesterton. 
FIELDING.     By  Professor  Saintsbury. 
CARLYLE.     By  A.  W.  Evans. 
DEFOE.     By  John  Masefield. 
EMERSON.     By  G.   H.   Perris. 
DE  QUINCEY.     By  Sidney  Low. 
DICKENS.     By  Thomas  Seccombe. 

(In  the  Press.) 

A  detailed  prospectus  will  be  sent  on  application. 


BELL'S   HANDBOOKS 


OF 


THE    GREAT    MASTERS 

IN   PAINTING  AND  SCULPTURE. 

Edited  by  G.  C.  WILLIAMSON,  Litt.D. 

NEW  AND  CHEAPER  REISSUE. 

Post  Svo.  With  40  Illustrations  and  Photogravure  Frontispiece.  %s.  6d.  net  each. 


The  following  Volumes  have  been  issued : 

BOTTICELLI.     By  A.  Streeter.    2nd  Edition. 
BRUNELLESCHI.    By  Leader  Scott. 
CORREGGIO.     By  Selwyn  Brinton,  M.A.    2nd  Edition. 
CARLO    CRIVELLI.    By  G.  McNeil  Rushforth,  M.A.     2nd  Edition. 
DELLA  ROBBIA.    By  the  Marchesa  Burlamaccki.    2nd  Edition. 
ANDREA  DEL  SARTO.    By  H.  Guinness.    2nd  Edition. 
DONATELLO.    By  Hope  Rea.     2nd  Edition. 
FRANCIA.    By  George  C.  Williamson,  Litt.D. 
GAUDENZIO  FERRARI.     By  Ethel  Halsey. 
GERARD  DOU.     By  Dr.  W.  Martin.     Translated  by  Clara  Bell. 
GIORGIONE.    By  Herbebt  Cook,  M.A.    2nd  Edition. 
GIOTTO.    By  F.  Mason  Perkins.     2nd  Edition. 
FRANS  HALS.     By  Gerald  S.  Davies,  M.A. 

LEONARDO  DA  VINCI.     By  Edward  McCurdy,  M.A.     2nd  Edition. 
LUINI.    By  George  C.  Williamson,  Litt.D.  3rd  Edition. 
MANTEGNA.     By  Maud  Cruttwell.    2nd  Edition. 
MEMLINC.    By  W.  H.  James  Weale.     2nd  Edition. 
MICHEL  ANGELO.     By  Lord  Ronald  Sutherland  Gower,   M.A., 
F.S.A.     2nd  Edition. 

PERUGINO.    By  Go  C.  Williamson,  Litt.D.     2nd  Edition. 

PIERO  DELLA  FRANCESCA.     By  W.  G.  Waters,  M.A. 

PINTORICCHIO.    By  Evelyn  March  Phillipps. 

RAPHAEL.    By  H.  Strachey.    2nd  Edition. 

REMBRANDT.     By  Malcolm  Bell.    2nd  Edition. 

RUBENS.     By  Hope  Rea. 

SIGNORELLI.    By  Maud  Cruttwell.    2nd  Edition. 

SODOMA.    By  the  Contessa  Lorenzo  Priuli-Bon. 

TINTORETTO.    By  J.  B.  Stoughton  Holborn,  M.A. 

VAN  DYCK.    By  Lionel  Cust,  M.V.O.,  F.S.A. 

VELASQUEZ.    By  R.  A.  M.  Stevenson.     5th  Edition. 

WATTEAU.     By  Edgcumbe  Staley,  B.A. 

WILKIE.    By  Lord  Ronald  Sutherland  Gower,  M.A.,  F.S.A. 
Write  for  Illustrated  Prospectus. 


(  29  ) 

New  Editions,  feap.  8vo.  Si.  6d.  each  net. 

THE    ALDINE    EDITION 


OF  THE 

BRITISH     POETS. 

This  excellent  edition  of  the  English  classics,  with  their  complete  texts  and 
scholarly  introductions,  are  something  very  different  from  the  cheap  volumes  of 
extracts  which  are  just  now  so  much  too  common.'— St.  James's  Gazette. 

*  An  excellent  series.    Small,  handy,  and  complete.' — Saturday  Review, 


Edited  by  W.  M.  Rossetti. 
Edited  by  G.  A.  Aitken. 

Edited  by  R.  B.  Johnson. 


Blake. 

Burns. 
3  vols. 

Butler. 
2  vols. 

Campbell.  Edited  by  His  Son- 
in-law,  the  Rev.  A.  W.  Hill.  With 
Memoir  by  W.  Allingham. 

Chattertan.    Edited  by  the  Rev. 


W.  w. 


M.A.    2  voh. 


Chaucer.  Edited  by  Dr.  R.  Morrigs 
with  Memoir  by  Sir  H.  Nicolas.  6  vols. 

Churchill.  Edited  by  Jas.  Hannay. 
2  vols. 

Coleridge.     Edited  by   T.  Ashe, 

B.A.    2  vols. 

Collins.       Edited    by    W.    Moy 

Thomas. 

Cowper.    Edited  by  John  Bruee, 

P.S.A.    3  vols. 

Dryden.    Edited  by  the  Rev.  R. 

Hooper,  M.A.    5  vols. 

Goldsmith.     Revised  Edition  by 

Austin  Dobson.    With  Portrait, 

Gray.     Edited  by  J.  Bradshaw, 

LL.D. 

Herbert.    Edited  by  the  Rev..  A.  B. 

G-rosart. 

Herrick.       Edited    by     George 
Saintsbury.    2  vols. 

Keats.    Edited  by  the  late  Lord 
Houghton. 

Klrke   White.      Edited,    with    a 
Memoir,  by  Sir  H.  Nicolas. 


Milton. 

2  vols. 

Parnell. 


Edited  by  Dr.  Bradshaw. 


Edited  by  G.  A.  Aitken. 
Pope.     Edited  by  G.  R.  Dennis. 

With  Memoir  by  John  Dennis.    3  vols. 

Prior.    Edited  by  R.  B.  Johnson. 
2  vols. 

Raleigh  and  Wotton.    With  Se- 

lections  from  the  Writings  of  other 
COURTLY  POSTS  from  1540  to  1650. 
Edited  by  Yen.  Archdeacon  Hannah, 
D.O.L. 

Eogers.    Edited  by  Edward  Bell, 

M.A. 

Scott.     Edited  by  John  Dennis. 
5  vols. 

Shakespeare's  Poems.    Edited  by 
Rev.  A,  Dyce. 

Shelley.     Edited  by  H.  Buxton 

Porman.    5  vols. 

Spenser.    Edited  by  J.  Payne  Col- 
lier.   5  vols. 
Surrey.    Edited  by  J.  Yeowell. 
Swift.     Edited   by   the   Rev.    J. 

Mitford.    3  vols. 

Thomson.    Edited  by  the  Rev.  D. 

C.  Tovey.    2  vols. 

V  a  ugh  an.    Saored  Poems  and 

Pious  Ejaculations.  Edited  by  the 
Rev.  H.  Lyte. 

Wordsworth.      Edited    by  Prof. 

Dowden.    7  vols. 

Wyatt.    Edited  by  J.  Yeowell. 

Young      2  vols.    Edited  by  the 
Rev.  J.  Mitford, 


THE    ALL- ENGLAND    SERIES. 

HANDBOOKS  OP  ATHLETIC   GAMES. 

'  The  best  instruction  on  games  and  sports  by  the  best  authorities,  at  the  lowest 
prices.' — Oxford  Magazine. 

Small  8vo.  cloth,  Illustrated.    Price  Is.  each. 

Cycling.  By  H.  H.  Griffin,  L.A.C., 

N.C.U.,  O.T.O.  With  a  Chapter  for 
Ladies,  by  Miss  Agnes  Wood.  Double 
vol.     2s.  [New  Edition. 

Wrestling.     By  Walter  Arm- 
Broadsword     and     Singlestick. 

By  R.  G.  Allanson-Winn  and  0.  Phil- 

lipps-Wolley.  [Double  vol.  2s. 

Gymnastics.     By  A.  F.  Jenkin. 
Gymnastic  Competition  and  Dis- 

play  Exercises.     Compiled  by 

P.  Graf. 
Indian  Glubs.    By  G.  T.  B.  Cob- 

bett  and  A.  F.  Jenkin. 

Dumb-bells.    By  F.  Graf. 

Football  —  Rugby    Game.      By 

Habey  Vassall.      Revised  Edition 
(1909) 

Football — Association  Game.  By 

C.  W.  Alcook.    Revised  Edition. 
Hockey.     By    F.    S.    Creswell. 

New  Edition. 

Skating.     By    Douglas     Adams. 

With  a  Chapter  for  Ladies,  by  Miss  L. 
Cheethah,  and  a  Chapter  on  Speed 
Skating,  by  a  Fen  Skater.   Dbl.  vol.  2s. 

Baseball.    By  Newton  Crane. 
Rounders,  Fieldball,  Bowls, 
Quoits,  Curling,  Skittles,   &c. 

By  J.  M.  Walker  and  C.  C.  Mott. 

Dancing.      By   Edward   Scott. 

Double  vol.    2s. 


Cricket.    By  Fred  C.  Holland. 
Cricket.    By  the  Eon.  and  Bev. 

E.  LYTTELTON. 

Croquet.  By  Lieut. -Col.  the  Hon. 
H.  C.  Needham. 

Lawn  Tennis.  By  H.  W.  W. 
Wilbereorce.  With  a  Chapter  for 
Ladies,  by  Mrs.  Hillyard. 

Tennis  and  Rackets  and  Fives. 
By  Julian  Marshall,  Major  J.  Sfens, 
and  Rev.  J.  A.  Arnan  Tait. 

Golf.  By  H.  S.  C.  Everard. 
Double  vol.    2s. 

Rowing  and  Sculling.     By  Got 

Rixon. 
Rowing  and  Sculling.    By  W.  B. 

WOODGATE. 

Sailing.  By  E.  F.  Knight,  dbl.vol.  2s. 
Swimming.    By  Martin  and  J. 

Racster  Cobbett. 
Canoeing.    By  Dr.  J.  D.  Eatwabd, 

Double  vol.    2s. 

Mountaineering.     By  Dr.  Claude 

Wilson.    Double  vol.    2s. 
Riding.     By   W.  A.  Kerr,    V.C. 

Double  vol.    2s. 
Ladies' Riding.  ByW.A.KERB,V,0. 
Boxing.   By  R,  G.  Allanson-Winn. 
With  Prefatory  Note  by  Bat  Mtdlins. 

Fencing.   By  H. A.  Colmore  Dunn. 


THE    CLUB    SERIES    OF    CARD   AND    TABLE   GAMES. 

JNo  well-regulated  club  or  country  house  should  be  without  this  useful  series  of 
Small  8vo.  cloth,  Illustrated.     Price  Is.  each. 


books.'— Glob  e.c 


Bridge.    By 'Templar.' 
Six-banded  Bridge.    By  Hubert 

Stuart.    6d. 
Whist.    By  Dr.  Wm.  Pole,  F.R.S. 
Solo   Whist.      By  Bobert  F. 

Green. 
Billiards.     By  Major-Gen.  A.  W. 

Drayson,  F.R.A.S.     With  a  Preface 

by  W.  J.  Peall. 

Hints   on   Billiards.      By  J.  P. 

Buchanan.    Double  vol.    2s. 
Chess.    By  Piobert  F.  Green. 
The  Two-Move  Chess  Problem. 

By  B.  G.  Laws. 
Chess  Openings.  By  I.  Gunsberg. 
Draughts  and  Backgammon. 

By '  Berkeley.' 


Reversi  and  Go  Bang. 

By  «  Berkeley.' 

Dominoes  and  Solitaire. 

By  *  Berkeley,' 
Bezique  and  Cribbage. 
By  *  Berkeley.' 

Ecart6  and  Euchre. 

By '  Berkeley.' 

Piquet  and  Rubicon  Piquet. 

By  '  Berkeley.' 
Skat.     By  Louis  Diehl. 

***  A  Skat  Scoring-book.    1*. 

Round  Games,  including  Poker, 
Napoleon,  Loo,  Vingt-et-un,  Ac  By 
Baxter-  Wray. 

Parlour  and  Playground  Barnes. 

By  Mrs.  Laurence  Goxks. 


BELL'S   CATHEDRAL  SERIES. 

Profusely  Illustrated,  cloth,  crown  Zvo    is.  6d.  net  each. 

ENGLISH  CATHEDRALS.  An  Itinerary  and  Description.  Compiled  by  James  G. 
Gilchrist,  A.M.,  M.D.  Revised  and  edited  with  an  Introduction  on  Cathedral 
Architecture  by  the  Rev.  T.  Perkins,  M.A.,  F.R.A.S.    2nd  Edition,  revised. 

BANGOR.    By  P.  B.  Ironside  Bax. 

BRISTOL.    By  H.  J.  L.  J.  Masse,  M.A.     2nd  Edition. 

CANTERBURY.     By  Hartley  Withers.    6th  Edition. 

CARLISLE.     By  C.  King  Eley. 

CHESTER.     By  Charles  Hiatt.     3rd  Edition. 

CHICHESTER.    By  H.  C.  Corlette,  A.R.I.B.A.    and  Edition. 

DURHAM.     By  J.  E.  Bygate,  A.R.C.A.    4th  Edition. 

ELY.     By  Rev.  W.  D.  Sweeting,  M.A.     3rd  Edition. 

EXETER.     By  Percy  Addleshaw,  B.A.     3rd  Edition,  revised. 

GLOUCESTER.     By  H.  J.  L.  J.  Masse,  M.A.     5th  Edition. 

HEREFORD.    By  A.  Hugh  Fisher,  A.R.E.    2nd  Edition,  revised, 

LICHFIELD.     By  A.  B.  Clifton.    3rd  Edition,  revised. 

LINCOLN.     By  A.  F.  Kendri-ck,  B.A.     4th  Edition. 

LLANDAFF.     By  E.  C.  Morgan  Willmott,  A.R.I.B.A. 

MANCHESTER.     By  Rev.  T.  Perkins,  M.A. 

NORWICH.     By  C.  H.  B.  Quennell.     2nd  Edition,  revised. 

OXFORD.     By  Rev.  Percy  Dearmer,  M.A.     2nd  Edition,  revised. 

PETERBOROUGH.     By  Rev.  W  D.  Sweeting.    3rd  Edition,  revised. 

RIPON.     By  Cecil  Hallett,  B.A.    2nd  Edition. 

ROCHESTER.     By  G.  H.  Palmer,  B.A.     2nd  Edition,  revised. 

ST.  ALBANS,    By  Rev.  T.  Perkins,  M.A. 

ST.  ASAPH.     By  P.  B.  Ironside  Bax. 

ST.  DAVID'S.     By  Philip  Robson,  A.R.I.B.A.     2nd  Edition. 

ST.  PATRICK'S,  DUBLIN.     Hy  Rev.  J.  H.  Bernard,  M.A.,  D.D.    2nd  Edition. 

ST.  PAUL'S      By  Rev.  Arthur  Dimock,  M.A.     4th  Edition,  revised. 

ST.  SAVIOUR'S,  SOUTHWARK.    By  George  Worley. 

SALISBURY.     By  Gleeson  White.     4th  Edition,  revised. 

SOUTHWELL.     By  Rev.  Arthur  Dimock,  M.A.     2nd  Edition,  revised. 

WELLS.     By  Rev.  Percy  Dearmer,  M.A.     4th  Edition. 

WINCHESTER.     By  P.  W.  Sergeant.    4th  Edition,  revised. 

WORCESTER.     By  E.  F.  Strange.     3rd  Edition. 

YORK.     By  A.  Clutton-Brock,  M.A.    5th  Edition. 

Uniform  with  above  Series.    Now  ready,     is.  6d.  net  each. 

BATH  ABBEY,  MALMESBURY  ABBEY,  and  BRADFORD-ON-AVON  CHURCH. 

By  the  Rev.  T.  Perkins,  M.A. 
BEVERLEY  MINSTER.      By  Charles  Hiatt.    2nd  Edition. 

ST.  MARY  REDCLIFFE,  BRISTOL.     By  H.  J.  L.  J.  Masse.  [In  preparation. 

THE  CHURCHES  OF  COVENTRY.    By  Frederick  W.  Woodhouse. 
MALVERN  PRIORY.     By  the  Rev.  Anthony  C.  Deane.     {In  the  Press.) 
AOMSEY  ABBEY.     By  the  Rev.  T.  Perkins,  M.A. 

ST.  BARTHOLOMEW'S,  SMITHFIELD.     By  George  Worley.  [2nd  Edition. 

ST.  MARTIN'S  CHURCH,  CANTERBURY.      By  the  Rev.  Canon  C.  F.  Routledge. 
STRATFORD-ON-  WON  CHURCH.     By  Harold  Baker.     2nd  Edition. 
THE  TEMPLE  CHURCH.     By  George  Worley. 
TEWKESBURY  ABBEY.   By  H.  J.  L.  J.  Masse,  M.A.     4th  Edition. 
WIMBORNE    MINSTER     and    CHRISTCHURCH     PRIORY.      By    the    Rev.   T. 

Perkins,  M.A.    2nd  Edition. 
WESTMINSTER  ABBEY.    By  Charles  Hiatt.     3rd  Edition. 

BELL'S    HANDBOOKS    TO    CONTINENTAL    CHURCHES. 

Profusely  Illustrated.     Crown  8vo,  cloth,  2s.  6d.  net  each. 

AMIENS.    By  the  Rev.  T.  Perkins,  M.A. 

BAYEUX.     By  the  Rev.  R.  S.  Mylne. 

CHARTRES  :  The  Cathedral  and  Other  Churches.    By  H.  J.  L.  J.  Masse,  M.A. 

MONT  ST.  MICHEL.    By  H.  J.  L.  J.  Masse,  M.A. 

PARIS  (NOTRE-DAME).     By  Charles  Hiatt. 

ROUEN  :  The  Cathedral  and  Other  Churches*  By  the  Rev.  T.  Perkins,  M.A. 


New  from  Cover  to  Cover. 

i —  Ti    Osiris'  ~ i-^Jr*az&K±f-&zmumMHam^namaaK&asemm*maBm^mmBmmmKaBai^^nmaimBsama^ms^ama^m 

WEBSTER'S 
NEW  INTERNATIONAL 

DIG  X IONAR  i . 

ESSRS.  BELL  have  pleasure  in  announcing'  an 
entirely  n^w  edition  of  Webster's  International 
Dictionary.  The  fruit  of  ten  years'  work  on 
the  part  of  the  large  staff  of  Editors  and  Con- 
tributors is  represented  in  this  edition,  which  is  in  no 
sense  a  mere  revision  of  *  The  International,'  but  exceeds 
that  book  —  in  convenience,  quantity,  and  quality  —  as 
much  as  it  surpassed  the  'Unabridged.' 

Points  of  the  New  International. 

100,000  WORDS  AND  PHRASES  DEFINED.  Half  this  number 
in  old  International. 

2,700  PAGES,  every  line  of  which  has  been  revised  and  reset.  (400 
pages  in  excess  of  old  International,  and  yet  the  new  book  is  prac- 
tically the  same  size. ) 

6,000  ILLUSTRATIONS,  each  selected  for  the  clear  explication  of 
the  term  treated. 

DIVIDED  PAGE :  important  words  above,  less  important  below. 

ENCYCLOPAEDIC  INFORMATION  on  thousands  of  subjects. 

SYNONYMS  more  skilfully  treated  than  in  any  other  English  work. 

GAZETTEER  and  BIOGRAPHICAL  DICTIONARY  are  up  to  date. 

MORE  INFORMATION  of  MORE  interest  to  MORE  people  than 
any  other  Dictionary. 

GET  THE  BEST  in  Scholarship,  Convenience, 
Authority,  Utility. 

WllITJ^NO  W for  full  prospectus  and  specimen  pages 

LONDON :  G.  BELL  &  SONS,  LTD., 
York  House,  Portugal  St.,  Kingsway,  W.C. 

50,000=    s=  &  s. 


.*■/